Madeleine Akrich

Jean-François Chanlat

Darryl Coulthard

Christophe Elie

Vladislav V Fomin
email: vvfomin@gmail.com

Michael Gallivan

Magda Hercheui

Debra Howcroft

Isabelle Huault

Michel Kalika

Nathalie Mitev

Kalle Lyytinen
email: kalle.lyytinen@case.edu

Fabian Muniesa

Jan Ondrus

Carsten Sorensen

Shirish Srivastava

Emmanuelle Vaast
email: emmanuelle.vaast@mcgill.cade

Mathieu Chauvet

Tanja Aitamurto
email: tanjaa@stanford.edu

Ingrid Erickson

Marc J Ventresca
email: marc.ventresca@sbs.ox.ac.uk

Adrot Anouck
email: anouck.adrot@gmail.com

Altman Yochanan

Aurélie Leclercq-Vandelannoitte

Ieseg Avison
email: avison@essec.fr

B Baskerville
email: baskerville@acm.org

Emmanuel Baudoin

Claudine Bonneau
email: bonneau.claudine@uqam.cabruzzone

C Česonytė

Michèle Charbonneau
email: michele.charbonneau@enap.ca

E Ericksson

Juan Espinosa

F Fabbri

Pablo Fernandez
email: fernandez@em-lyon.com

Forgues Bernard
email: forgues@em-lyon.com

G H Gaskin

Gupta Bhumika

Hussenot Anthony
email: anthony.hussenot@dauphine.fr

Tina Jensen

Blegind

K Karyotis

Kautz Karlheinz

Nina Kivinen
email: nina.kivinen@abo.fi

L Lambrix
email: helene.lambrix@dauphine.fr

Laniray Pierre
email: pierre.laniray@dauphine.fr

Patrick Lê
email: patrick.lam.le@gmail.com

Lâm

Lecocq Xavier
email: xavier.lecocq@iae.univ-lille1.fr

Aron Lindberg
email: aron.lindberg@case.edu

Joanne Locke

Philippe Lorino
email: lorino@essec.fr

Alan Lowe
email: a.d.lowe@aston.ac.uk

Malaurent Julien
email: malaurent@em-lyon.com

Chris Mclean
email: chris.mclean@manchester.ac.uk

Lucía Muñoz

Liste

Navazhylava Kseniya
email: navazhylavak@hec.fr

P O'brien

Orlikowski Wanda

Pezé Stéphan
email: stephanpeze@yahoo.fr

Shaikh Maha

Scott Susan

T Thomas

Thummadi Veeresh
email: veeresh.thummadi@case.edu

V Vaast

Emmanuelle Mc Gill

Yoo Youngjin

Zorina Aljona
email: aljona.zorina@essec.edu

Scientific Committee

In tandem with the rise of participatory culture (Jenkins, 1992), the 'crowd' has become a common part of several types of professional processes, for instance in design and journalism (Aitamurto and Lewis, 2011; Brabham, 2008; Howe, 2008; von Hippel and Katz, 2002). The 'crowd' refers to the people participating in processes (e.g., tasks, responsibilities, inputs) beyond an organization's boundaries that were once considered the internal dominion of the organization. 'Crowdsourcing'-the moniker that generally defines this initiation and acceptance of inputs from the exterior to interior-has become more common in product development to date (Kay, 2011; di

CALL FOR CONTRIBUTION

The first OAP workshop was launched in May of 2011 with the goal of facilitating discussion among scholars from various disciplines (e.g. management, sociology, ergonomics, computer science, psychology…) who collectively share an interest in understanding the dynamics that exist between organizations, artifacts (IT, managerial technologies, buildings, machines, cognitive schemes, symbols…), and practices. The workshop's second session will concentrate on the subjects of materiality (of artifacts, practices and/or organizations) and material spaces as they exist in Management and Organization Studies. According to Orlikowski (2007Orlikowski ( ,p. 1435)), "the [OS] field has traditionally overlooked the ways in which organizing is bound up with the material forms and spaces through which humans act and interact."

Since the late 90s, two main streams of research have developed with the intention of analyzing these issues.

The first stream of research has focused on the ways in which (material) spaces are constituted and transformed through everyday practices (see [START_REF] Clegg | Space, organization and management theory[END_REF]. Consequently, this research suggests that organizational theory must perform a "spatial turn" in order to incorporate the volumetric analysis of objects and everyday spatial practices.

The second stream of research is related to sociomaterial practices (influenced primarily by Latour, 2005, Suchman, 1987, Pickering, 1995[START_REF] Orlikowski | Material works: Exploring the situated entanglement of technological performativity and human agency[END_REF], 2007) and has attempted to overcome the dichotomy between social and material worlds by concentrating on the practices within organizations. These practices are constituted by, but also produce, material and social dynamics.

The second workshop will aim at shedding light on the following topics, among others:

-The entanglements between the material and social dimensions of organizational practices; -The convergences and divergences between literatures relating to spatial practices and sociomaterial practices; -Identity and sociomaterial practices; -Rules/regulations and sociomaterial practices; -Reputation and sociomaterial practices; -Performance and sociomaterial practices; -Sociomaterial perspectives: are these simply reformulations of Actor-Network Theory? -ANT and the material-social divide; -Material space vs. organizational space; -Post-Marxist perspectives on materiality; -Material artifacts and organizational dynamics; -Managerial techniques and their cultural/material underpinnings; -Service vs. industry oriented activities and their material significance; -Social networks and their material implications.

WELCOME

We are delighted to welcome you to the second OAP workshop in Paris in such large numbers. We have been amazed at the interest it has generated despite our rather amateurish public relations efforts….

Although the large numbers have meant, for the Dauphine team particularly, several reorganizations on the practical side, we are extremely pleased to see such a varied audience from France and the UK, Europe and elsewhere. The range of disciplines represented by speakers and attendees has also exceeded our expectations. So we thank you very much for submitting, chairing, speaking, listening and we are sure doing much talking, questioning and arguing, whichever discipline and country you come from. We do hope some useful insights will be gained by all.

Our aim in the first OAP workshop in May 2011 was to facilitate discussion among scholars from various disciplines (e.g. management, sociology, organization studies, computer science, design, psychology, geography, information systems, etc.) that collectively share an interest in understanding the dynamics that exist between organizations, artefacts (IT, managerial technologies, buildings, machines, cognitive schemes, symbols…) and practices. This year's themes of socio-materiality and space have clearly attracted cross-disciplinary attention and we hope this will materialize further in the space Paris Dauphine University has provided for these two days. Your interest has, of course, been greatly stimulated by our excellent keynote speakers, who also come from various backgrounds and countries, but who are all equally original and influential thinkers and scholars. We especially thank them for having accepted to participate so generously, particularly in the context of a new and unknown workshop, with not much of a reputation -only so far, we hope!

Session 1 -Knowledge and sociomateriality

Nathalie Mitev (LSE)

Room E 260

At Nokia, the global mobile Internet company, for example, 'the crowd' is invited to participate innovation challenges that the company hopes will enhance their RandD and contribute to the customer relationship. The call is open for anybody to participate in, and structured via a public submission online form that resembles a discussion forum: separate ideas are distinguished by way of their subject headings, time stamps, and author assignations. Sometimes crowdsourcing is extended beyond the more established practice of merely accepting external inputs to the management of 'cocreation' situations (Piller, Ihl and Vossen, 2010), in which incumbent employees and external participants collaborate online to solve problems and conduct tasks together.

Heterogenous engagement such as this has often been described in the literature as problematic in practice and necessarily mediated by physical artifacts. The employment of a 'boundary object' in such situations has been argued as a way of solving the problem of 'culture' and action; the argument followed that coordinated action among heterogeneous communities of practice does not require a common 'culture' for execution, but works instead via the adoption and deployment of a common 'object' that organizes, disciplines, and facilitates action (Star and Griesemeyer, 1989;Powell and Colyvas, 2008). Coordination via a boundary object allows each community to work from its own assumptions, theories and representations [START_REF] Carlile | A pragmatic view of knowledge and boundaries: Boundary objects in new product development[END_REF] by creating a series of social moments in which diverse communities of experts and knowledge can find pragmatic purchase for action (Strauss, 1988). Notably, however, this literature was incubated in the context of shared workplaces marked by varied expertise and within physical places where these artifacts often signaled occupational jurisdiction (Bechky, 2003). The current model of crowdsourcing upends these foundational conditions by requiring coordinated action across a digital boundary made possible by the Internet.

In this paper, we explore this tension, between the claims and practices of crowdsourcing as a strategy for collective intelligence (Levy, 1997) and the wisdom of the boundary object 'crowd'. We develop our analysis in the context of two cases of 'crowdsourcing' challenges and related, where the internet works generally and diffusely as the boundary object permitting (inter)action. We will examine the following guiding research questions:

-How does crowdsourced knowledge function as a boundary object? -What are the characteristics in the inclusion and exclusion process of the crowdsourced knowledge within and beyond organization?

By examining these questions, we aim to seek understanding about the nature of boundary objects in the context of knowledge, which is shared in online processes.

Crowdsourcing as the 'case': Two empirical examples

Crowdsourcing is made possible because organizations and their customers, clients and supporters can now come together and interact with across a digital boundary made possible by the Internet. Crowdsourcing provides an opportunity to investigate how the boundary between organization and crowd is both constituted and traversed. This paper will attempt to articulate the sociomaterial and translational elements of the boundary where an incumbent process has been turned into an open process. Data for this investigation is drawn from two empirical cases: the first, a documented instance of a co-created design process at Nokia in 2011, in which the company conducted a new product development challenge to design applications to empower women with members of Nokia's standing open innovation community. The second case consists of a process of investigative reporting in 2011, in which an investigative reporter from Finland's leading daily newspaper invited readers to share information about stock short-selling. The investigation and the readers' submissions resulted into a scoop about wrong-doings in the stock-shortselling in Finland. The data that comprise both of these cases consists of several field observations, approximately 50 interviews with stakeholders in these processes, both within the 'crowd' and the 'experts', as well as approximately 400 units of netnographic data points.

Discussion of case findings

Drawing from a vast corpus of empirical data from open online processes, this paper examines crowdsourced knowledge as a boundary object. These open processes are a novel way to coordinate action, to organize work, and give meaning to knowledge and self-governance. As typical to boundary objects (Bechky 2003;[START_REF] Bechky | Expecting the Unexpected? How Swat Officers and Film Crews Handle Surprises[END_REF], the meanings are given from several social worlds, the worlds being here the worlds of the experts, 'the insiders, and the 'crowd', which operates beyond the boundary of the formal organization. These open processes function as a bridge between these worlds, as they translate meaning for 'the local' professionals, as well as for the new, extended body of knowledge, which the 'crowd' represents. This paper will create a syntax of the boundary object systems in these open processes, based on empirical data from two cases studies in which an incumbent process has been turned into an open process. Our focus on crowdsourcing and the de facto reliance on mediated 'boundary objects' prompts renewed attention to how action occurs in these distributed spaces. We reflect on the durability of the boundary object concept in light of this consideration.

Performing Knowledge: The Constitutive Role of Materiality in Rating and Ranking Practices

Susan Scott, London School of Economics Wanda Orlikowski, Massachusetts Institute of Technology Recent years have seen the rise of contemporary social media websites (e.g., Facebook, YouTube, and TripAdvisor), where fast-changing technological innovations are facilitating the interaction of large numbers of people across space and time (Surowiecki, 2004). Social media are characterized by the active engagement and informal knowledge creation of their members who share ideas and opinions with others on the websites. The knowledge thus produced is referred to as usergenerated content, and its forms, norms, and performances defy easy characterization -consider, for example, the distributed, collective, and largely anonymous construction of Wikipedia or the ongoing digital conversations and commentaries on Facebook or Twitter (Munar, 2010). The novelty of these emerging types of engagement makes social media sites particularly interesting to study. They are additionally interesting because they throw into sharp relief the deep dependence on materiality entailed in practices of knowledge creation, revision, and participation. Indeed, the immediacy and visibility of user-generated content are accomplished through the materiality of social media, which accelerates the speed with which knowledge is generated and updated, and expands the reach and range of this knowledge in time and space.

Our research study is situated within the travel sector, one of the largest industries in the world. In 2010, there were nearly a billion tourists worldwide, and searching for travel related information and making travel reservations has become one of the most popular Internet activities across all age groups. Social media websites such as Expedia and TripAdvisor allow users to submit feedback on their travel experiences, and these "candid reviews" are particularly influential in travelers' purchasing behavior (Xiang and Gretzel, 2010). Indeed, industry analysts estimate that online user reviews influence over $10 billion annually in travel purchases (Vermeulen and Seegers, 2009).

Our study compares two different hotel evaluation routines within the travel sector -on the one hand, a long-standing, institutionalized, and expert-based hotel grading scheme, that of the Automobile Association (the AA in the UK), and on the other hand, the emergent, social media-based, and user-generated hotel review system of TripAdvisor. Our specific research question focuses on how the different materialities entailed within the routines of the AA and TripAdvisor configure and reconfigure the practices and possibilities of knowledge production within these two organizations, and with what implications for the activities and outcomes of hoteliers.

Scholars in technology studies have long been calling for perspectives on materiality that see it as deeply entangled in every aspect of human life (Latour, 1992(Latour, , 2005;;Knorr-Cetina, 1997;Pickering, 1995;Suchman 2007). In our analysis, we follow this call by moving beyond the view that materiality shapes organizations by serving as an exogenous force, cultural symbol, or instrumental tool (Orlikowski and Scott, 2008), and instead examine how materiality is constitutively entailed in the production of knowledge in practice. To help us understand this constitutive role of materiality in the context of hotel evaluation, we adopt a performative perspective. Such a perspective has been gaining currency in the social sciences to explore, for example, economics, geography, organizations, and technology (e.g., Callon 1998;D'Adderio, 2008;Feldman and Pentland, 2003;MacKenzie 2006;Thrift 2003). As scholars have argued, a performative perspective offers considerable analytical advantages in enabling a view of reality as enacted, manifesting in phenomena that are multiple, fluid, emergent, and generative (Barad, 2003;Law, 2002). Adopting a performative perspective in our study of knowledge production within the travel sector, allows us focus on the dynamic entanglements of meanings and materials that are enacted in practice, and how these produce certain consequences in the world. As Law and Singleton (2000, p. 774) have noted:

The classic way of thinking of performance is to say that people perform surrounded by material props. The new performative approach tries to understand the role of everything in a performance, people and objects alike. … It suggests that technologies, knowledges, and working may be understood as the effects of materially, socially, and conceptually hybrid performances. In these performances different elements assemble together and act in certain ways to produce specific consequences.

We focus our empirical investigation on examining the material grounds of the hotel evaluation routines enacted by both AA and TripAdvisor, and consider how these perform knowledge production and content regulation over time. The comparative focus of our study allows us to explicate the nature of user-generated knowledge and how it resembles/departs from the established forms and norms of knowledge that have been performed in the travel sector for decades. Our findings will have implications for the production of knowledge in social media more generally, highlighting how the materiality of knowledge practices shapes how knowledge is formed and transformed, and what difference this makes in practice.

Sociomaterial entanglement in virtual spaces: knowledge creation practice in online platforms

LÊ Patrick Lâm, HEC Paris

The rise of online communities in innovation and knowledge creation

The importance of online communities for innovation, knowledge management and new product development is constantly increasing. A number of products developed by open source communities challenge commercial products or even dominate their market segments [START_REF] Lerner | Some Simple Economics of Open Source[END_REF][START_REF] Von Krogh | The Promise of Research on Open Source Software[END_REF]. The development of electronic networks of practice enables practitioners to exchange knowledge across space and physical boundaries [START_REF] Ross | Backstage with the Knowledge Boys and Girls: Goffman and Distributed Agency in an Organic Online Community[END_REF][START_REF] Wasko | Why should I share? Examining social capital and knowledge contribution in electronic networks of practice[END_REF]. The development of Web 2.0 technologies that facilitate the participation of the users has opened multiple doors to collaborative ways to innovate such as user lead innovation, customer co-creation and co-production [START_REF] Prahalad | Co-opting Customer Competence[END_REF][START_REF] Vargo | Evolving to a New Dominant Logic for Marketing[END_REF][START_REF] Von Hippel | Democratizing Innovation[END_REF]. Consumers can directly contribute to the design of new products through online platforms [START_REF] Bolton | Interactive Services: A Framework, Synthesis and Research Directions[END_REF][START_REF] Jeppesen | Why Do Users Contribute to Firm-Hosted User Communities? The Case of Computer-Controlled Music Instruments[END_REF], help their peers [START_REF] Wiertz | Beyond the Call of Duty: Why Customers Contribute to Firmhosted Commercial Online Communities[END_REF], share their knowledge through data repositories [START_REF] Peddibhotla | Contributing to Public Document Repositories: A Critical Mass Theory Perspective[END_REF] or discuss their consumption experiences [START_REF] De Valck | Virtual communities: A marketing perspective[END_REF].

Current approaches do not offer a clear view on the sociomaterial processes of knowledge creation

Current approaches suffer from two main issues. First, while many independent variables have been identified, the process on how knowledge is actually created in online communities remains unclear. Many studies have focused on individual motivations for participation, and have pointed out various factors such as prestige and reputational gains which could translate into material and career gains [START_REF] Lerner | Some Simple Economics of Open Source[END_REF][START_REF] Wasko | Why should I share? Examining social capital and knowledge contribution in electronic networks of practice[END_REF], firm recognition [START_REF] Jeppesen | Why Do Users Contribute to Firm-Hosted User Communities? The Case of Computer-Controlled Music Instruments[END_REF], "private" benefits that only participants can get such as learning, enjoyment of the task or feeling of being part of a community [START_REF] Lakhani | How open source software works: "free" user-to-user assistance[END_REF]von Hippel and von Krogh, 2003). However, results are sometimes contradicting each other. The places of reciprocity, intrinsic and extrinsic motivation vary from one study to another. This could be explained by the fact that very diverse kinds of communities have been subsumed under one roof. Even online communities that focus on the same topic and use the same technology show measurable differences in participation patterns (S. [START_REF] Faraj | Network Exchange Patterns in Online Communities[END_REF]. Thus, we argue that it is necessary to take a closer look to the processes on how knowledge is actually created.

Second, current approaches tend to overemphasize the role of social relations at the expense of materiality. Beside the individual motivation factors, most studies focus on social relationships using various theories: social capital [START_REF] Wasko | Why should I share? Examining social capital and knowledge contribution in electronic networks of practice[END_REF], social exchange [START_REF] Faraj | Knowledge Collaboration in Online Communities[END_REF], identity [START_REF] Bagozzi | Open Source Software User Communities: A Study of Participation in Linux User Groups[END_REF], a combination of them [START_REF] Nambisan | Different Roles, Different Strokes: Organizing Virtual Customer Environments to Promote Two Types of Customer Contributions[END_REF] or common bound theory [START_REF] Ren | Applying Common Identity and Bond Theory to Design of Online Communities[END_REF]. However, in all these accounts, technology is "transparent" and its role totally ignored. Few studies explicitly stress the importance of the design of the communities that are based on functional features [START_REF] Nambisan | Designing virtual customer environments for new product development: Toward a theory[END_REF][START_REF] Ren | Applying Common Identity and Bond Theory to Design of Online Communities[END_REF]. This observation reflects a more general trend: overall, the organization literature has downplayed the role of objects leading to the fact that matter does not matter (Orlikowski 2007). Paradoxically, while becoming pervasive in everyday life, information technology and its effects have remained underexplored [START_REF] Zammuto | Information Technology and the Changing Fabric of Organization[END_REF]. Sociology of science has pushed constructivist views in the foreground that ignore the material aspects of technology itself [START_REF] Hutchby | Technologies, Texts and Affordances[END_REF]Leonardi and Barley, 2010). Therefore, a more balanced view on how sociomaterial conditions influence knowledge creation is bound to bring interesting insights.

Our research question is: how do sociomaterial arrangements of online platforms enable the emergence of knowledge creating practices? For example, some technical features of an online platform may be used to foster a shared cognitive framework (e.g. creation of a wiki that summarizes common knowledge). However, this functionality is only a possibility, whose used depends on various contingencies and can only be observed at a local level (e.g. in this specific community) through the practices performed within this community. The shared cognitive framework resulting from the enactment of these practices can lead to knowledge creation (e.g answering to others by building on common references).

Sociomaterial approaches and theories of praxis

To explore our research question we use two main frameworks that are related to each other: sociomateriality and theory of praxis.

The views on technology in organizational literature have tilted like a pendulum between two extremes: technological determinism, where technology acts as an independent variable on organizational structure, and social constructivism, where inherent properties of technology do not matter at all and are replaced by a focus on discourse and social constructions (Leonardi and Barley, 2010). We focus on a sociomaterial view of technology that does not separate humans and nonhumans. This perspective is not unified: various approaches such as Actor Network Theory (Latour, 2005), socio-technical change or material sociology [START_REF] Beunza | A Price is a Social Thing: Towards a Material Sociology of Arbitrage[END_REF] share the same idea: social and material elements are entangled in everyday organizational life (Orlikowski, 2007). For instance, the resistances raised by material agency can only be understood in the light of goals set by human agency. Conversely, accommodations strategies may lead human agency to change its goals and be the subject of material constraints [START_REF] Pickering | The Mangle of Practice: Agency and Emergence in the Sociology of Science1[END_REF].

We argue that the effects of technology, while socially constructed, also depends on some of its intrinsic properties. Our view of technology is based on the concept of affordance initially introduced by Gibson (Gibson, 1979) in the psychology of perception. It refers to the possibilities that an object offers for action. These possibilities depend both from the object itself, but also from the actors. For instance, affordances vary according to the species: a rock may be a shelter for a lizard, a weapon for a human being, etc. In the context of the sociology of science, affordance means that technology have some inherent properties. However, they do not fully determine humans' actions [START_REF] Hutchby | Technologies, Texts and Affordances[END_REF]. Rather they open up a range of possibilities and constraints that depend on the materiality of the object and its use by the actor. Zammuto et al. [START_REF] Zammuto | Information Technology and the Changing Fabric of Organization[END_REF] use the concept of affordance for the specific case of information technology in organizational contexts. Affordance result from the intersection of an information technology, organizational features and managerial intent. Again, technological features shape, frame, but do not determine the use of technology. The use itself is enacted in a local and particular situation, through practices. This leads us to our second related framework: theories of practice.

Rather than a coherent unified theory, there are theories of practice. Practice refers to "organized human activities", like educational, cooking or management practices [START_REF] Schatzki | Peripheral Vision: The Sites of Organizations[END_REF]. Practice is about what people actually do. But it is not simply doing: it is "doing in a historical and social context that gives structure and meaning" to what is done. In this sense, practice is always social (Wenger, 1998: 47). The interest for management research in practice theory has developed in the broader frame of the "practice turn" in contemporary social theory [START_REF] Schatzki | The practice turn in contemporary theory[END_REF][START_REF] Whittington | Completing the Practice Turn in Strategy Research[END_REF], through the work of theorists like Bourdieu, De Certeau, Foucault and Giddens. These theorists aim to overcome the duality of "individualism" and "societism" [START_REF] Schatzki | Peripheral Vision: The Sites of Organizations[END_REF]: they aim to overcome a methodological individualism where only the individual counts and a holistic structuralism where agency -the ability to act independently-is denied. What is called practice theory is a family of approaches looking for an alternative between homo oeconomicus and homo sociologicus [START_REF] Reckwitz | Toward a Theory of Social Practices A Development in Culturalist Theorizing[END_REF]. It underlines the importance of a localized and situated context: the details of the "everyday life" [START_REF] De Certeau | L'Invention du quotidien[END_REF] or the way people behave [START_REF] Bourdieu | Le sens pratique[END_REF] are essential and can only be captured through attention to actual activities.

Practice theory has developed in various fields of management research, including strategy [START_REF] Jarzabkowski | Strategy as Practice: Recursiveness, Adaptation, and Practices-in-Use[END_REF][START_REF] Whittington | Completing the Practice Turn in Strategy Research[END_REF], general management [START_REF] Reed | Management as a social practice[END_REF], technology studies (D. [START_REF] Dougherty | A practice centered model of organizational renewal through product innovation[END_REF]Orlikowski, 2007), marketing [START_REF] Holt | How Consumers Consume?: A Typology of Consumption Practices[END_REF][START_REF] Warde | Consumption and Theories of Practice[END_REF] and accounting [START_REF] Ahrens | Management accounting as practice[END_REF]. While covering many different areas, all these research streams have a common point: they pay a close attention to the details of actual working practices. In our case, while all practices have a technical and material foundation (actions are always based on functionality of the interface), their content may be totally unrelated to technology (e.g welcoming new members).

Depending on the practice, technology may play a neutral to pivotal role. With regard to knowledge management, our study can point out micro-foundations to existing theories such as social capital, social identities, etc. by showing what are the practices involved in these approaches.

To sum up, our approach uses approaches on sociomateriality to show how material and social realms are entangled and how sociomaterial dynamics are enacted through practices. This fact is particularly salient in an online environment where all interactions are computer mediated: more than ever, we are "cyborgs" in this context [START_REF] Introna | Ethics and the Speaking of Things[END_REF]. The practices we focus on are the one that lead to knowledge creation: using a practice framework enables us to have a closer look to the actual processes. Finally, by using these perspectives of sociomateriality and practice theories we can conduct an inductive inquiry while maintaining a consistent global frame of analysis.

Our contribution aims to develop research on knowledge management, science and technology studies and literature on online communities (computer mediated communication and information system literature).

Sociomateriality: new vocabulary or reformulation of existing theories?

Karlheinz Kautz, Copenhagen Business School Tina Blegind Jensen, Copenhagen Business School

The notion of sociomateriality has recently gained in popularity among Organization Studies and Information Systems scholars in their search for providing new ways of theorizing about the dynamics between artefacts, practices, and organizations. Influenced by previous literature (in particular Latour, 2005;Pickering, 1995;Suchman, 1987) a number of influential ideas on sociomateriality has been published (see e.g., Leonardi and Barley, 2008;2010;[START_REF] Leonardi | Digital Materiality? How Artifacts Without Matter[END_REF]Leonardi, 2011;[START_REF] Orlikowski | Material Knowing: The Scaffolding of Human Knowledgeability[END_REF]2007;2009;Orlikowski and Scott, 2008;Scott and Orlikowski, 2009). These writings have inspired scholars to offer a sociomaterial view on various topics such as enterprise system implementation [START_REF] Wagner | Understanding Project Survival in an ES Environment: A Sociomaterial Practice Perspective[END_REF], mobile IT usage [START_REF] Leclerq | A Sociomaterial View of the Scaffolding of Work Practices with Information Technology[END_REF], work collaboration in Second Life [START_REF] Orlikowski | The Sociomateriality of Organisational Life: Considering Technology in Management Research[END_REF], digital innovation [START_REF] Svahn | A Threesome Dance of Agency; Mangling the Sociomateriality of Technological Regimes in Digital Innovation[END_REF], computer simulation technology for automotive design (Leonardi, 2011), the impacts of social media (Scott and Orlikowski, 2009), software usability [START_REF] Riemer | It's Not a Property! Exploring the Sociomateriality of Software Usability[END_REF], digital entrepreneurship [START_REF] Davidson | Digital Entrepreneurship and its Sociomaterial Enactment[END_REF] and plagiarism detection systems [START_REF] Introna | On Sociomaterial Imbrications: What Plagiarism Detection Systems Reveal and Why it Matters[END_REF].

While some scholars argue that sociomateriality leads to potential contributions for progressing the theorizing of 'man-machine' reconfigurations, other scholars argue that such analyses expose a cursory treatment and partial appreciation of the idea. Taking the outset in this debate, our contribution to the workshop is to evoke new insights into the notion of sociomateriality and discuss whether this perspective offers a new vocabulary or whether it can merely be considered a reformulation of existing theories. To do so we focus on the writings of Orlikowski, as they have renewed the interest of both Organization Studies and Information Systems scholars to tackle the problem at the heart of the two disciplines; which she frames as 'the recursive intertwining of humans and technology in practice' (2007). Orlikowski provides key concepts such as 'constitutive entanglement,' 'relationality,' 'performativity,' and 'sociomaterial assemblages.' We compare these concepts with those of Leonardi, who supplements with the metaphor of 'imbrications' (2011) and the concept of 'digital materiality' (2010), talking about the 'entwining of the material and the social' (Leonardi and Barley, 2008).

When comparing the approach by Orlikowski with that of Leonardi, we are able to identify two schools on sociomateriality: that of 'constitutive entanglement,' which subscribes to the ontology of inseparateness, and that of 'imbrication,' which subscribes to the ontology of separateness. This is worthwhile a discussion as a sharp tongue might argue that the ontology of inseparateness and a relational ontology which presumes the existence of separate things are incommensurate, and that the argument of sociomateriality thus is inconsistent. Sociomateriality claims that the separateness is analytical only, which would presume that the mode of inquiry is different from the ontology in which the inquiry takes place. Is this possible? The argument that our language is limited and that we are used to a vocabulary that entails separateness could be taken as an excuse to cover over the inconsistencies. But if this is the case, then should sociomateriality not provide us with a language that allows for overcoming these problems? And if sociomateriality presumes the ontology of inseparability, and imbrication the ontology of separability, the confusion about what 'sociomaterial imbrication' is, as introduced by [START_REF] Introna | On Sociomaterial Imbrications: What Plagiarism Detection Systems Reveal and Why it Matters[END_REF], becomes even greater.

When analyzing the writings of Orlikowski the concept of materiality remains obscure. This is clearer in Leonardi's writings, as he introduces the term of 'imbrication' and the concept of 'digital materiality,' and talks about human and material agency. As such, the imbrication metaphor and digital materiality are particularly useful in the sense that they provide a language that is both clear and recognizable, that is, human and material agencies are distinct phenomena, yet fundamentally interdependent. But the terms that Leonardi uses and the studies he conducts might not be sociomaterial after all. The lack of a concise and clear language might also be a reason that the examples presented in the sociomaterial writings are very general, and why it is difficult to identify in them what sociomateriality means, as well as what consequences they might have not only for the use, but also the development and design of 'sociomaterial assemblages.' Development and design are topics that deserve more attention in the future from such a perspective. A (holistic) ontology which acknowledges relations and thus transcends (Cartesian) dualism, while recognising that "things" exist as identifiable parts of a whole (holon), might provide a solution for the problem of 'the recursive intertwining of humans and technology in practice' and 'the entwining of the material and the social.' But then some might argue that such approaches already exist. Approaches such as systems thinking [START_REF] Checkland | Systems Thinking, Systems Practice[END_REF][START_REF] Checkland | Soft Systems Methodology in Action Soft Systems Methodology in Action[END_REF] and the concept of sociotechnical systems [START_REF] Mumford | Sociotechnical Systems Design: Evolving Theory and Practice[END_REF], as discussed by [START_REF] Bijker | Of Bicycles, Bakelites, and Bulbs: Toward a Theory of Sociotechnical Change[END_REF], in the field of general studies on science and technology -when used appropriately and not misunderstood as a representative of dualist ontology -already provide a solution towards 'the recursive intertwining of humans and technology in practice' and 'the entwining of the material and the social.' The answer might already be present in the writings by organizational and management researchers of the 'software tool and material' approach [START_REF] Budde | Software Tools in a Programming Workshop[END_REF][START_REF] Ehn | Work-Oriented Design of Computer Artifacts[END_REF], which is based on Heidegger's phenomenological analysis of tools and materials (1927; 2006). Then there is of course actor-network theory (see e.g., [START_REF] Callon | Some Elements of a Sociology of Translation: Domestication of the Scallops and the Fisherman of St. Brieuc Bay[END_REF][START_REF] Latour | Technology is Society Made Durable[END_REF]2004;2005;[START_REF] Law | Engineering and Sociology in a Military Aircraft Project: A Network Analysis of Technological Change[END_REF] If the new vocabulary, which is provided through the sociomaterial perspective, does not lead to clearer analysis of the dynamics between artefacts, practices, and organizations, is it then really necessary and useful? Does it advance our knowledge beyond the insights gained through the application of system thinking, sociotechnical, phenomenological, and actor-network thinking -or are they in fact satisfactory? This remains a topic we leave open for discussion at the workshop. For [START_REF] Sutton | Sociomateriality: More Academic Jargon Monoxide, Expert Blog[END_REF], at least, who states "[sociomateriality] appears to be on an important subject, but I hope the authors can find a simple word or two to explain what they mean by it to normal human beings" it is no more than jargon monoxide.

Session 2 -Identity, culture and material space

Jean-François Chanlat (DRM Dauphine)

Room E252

Crystal Image: Rethinking Difference, Repetition and Materiality

Chris McLean, Manchester Business School

During our everyday lives whether we are at work, in the home or as we perform other daily activities, different forms of visuals and imagery enter the scene (e.g. management information systems, credit card systems, engine management systems, speed cameras, budgets, maps, signs, and many more). This raises questions of how we understand the process of repetition and difference which underlies the complex role that certain technologies and material practices play in our everyday lives. How can we become sensitive to the intricate processes of assemblage in which different practices, scripts, technologies and relations coalesce through specific events, and spaces of action? Within this paper this process of assembling will focus on specific ways of 'seeing', 'knowing' and 'performing' associated with particular events and material practices of imagining, in order to explore how we can account for ideas of process and performativity with respect to difference and repetition and the production of various spaces, times and forms of action [START_REF] Jones | Spacing and Timing[END_REF].

By drawing upon examples from an ethnographic study of printing press technology within a newspaper printing factory, this paper seeks to examine the increasing shift towards computerisation and standardisation both at the level of the printing press and management practice. Through an indepth study of the technologies and practices within the factory, we can explore the ways in which the image of repetition relies on much work, mediation and alteration. For instance, this provides an excellent arena to examine the complex differences, materiality and relations played out within this setting (e.g. TQM practices, presses, redundancies, union relations, standard practices, management information systems, environmental waste management, ideas of accountability, efficiency and productivity, etc.). Many questions are raised concerning how we engage as researchers in the vitality and coalescing of certain actions, intensities, practices and relations while capturing the relationally materiality and performativity which underlie these processes? Furthermore, in what ways can we become sensitise to the construction of many further spaces, times and actions, as well as alternative possibilities in terms of openings and closings, and organizational 'truth-making' activities? For example, the production director of the newspaper printing factory describes how the 'boards do the talking' (e.g. production boards containing tables and charts on performance, quality, health and safety, etc.). These boards assemble data and information from various actions relating to various aspects of production and provide the setting for different meetings and events (e.g. daily production meetings, Key Performance Indicator meetings, etc). He suggests that when someone enters the factory and sees the boards: "Nobody needs to speak because as soon as someone walks onto the factory floor they should know exactly how well the factory is performing" (Production Director, 2007). What does the image of the 'talking boards' portray and how can we study specific organizing events, such as the daily production meeting, in which various managers, figures, performances and material practices assemble around these boards?

For Latour (2005) a journey into plasma and a shift from matters of fact to matters of concern provides the scene to delve into the many different mediations and connections which underlie the making of actor networks, spaces of actions and assemblages. In a similar vein, Deleuze presents the actual/virtual as a way of reconsidering our thoughts on repetition and difference with regard to intensities, relations, ideas and images of space and time. Concepts such as the crystal image [START_REF] Deleuze | Cinema 2: The Time Image[END_REF] provide a way of rethinking problematic notions of linear time and successive images situated in time to provide new spaces for those aspects which may not be on the 'surface' visible or perceptible. Within the imagery of the crystal, 'present' time is split into heterogeneous directions launching to the future and the past. Rather than time being interior, it becomes the interiority in which we move, live and change [START_REF] Ansell-Pearson | Germinal Life: The Difference and Repetition of Deleuze[END_REF]. In this way we can begin to view signs, through the intensities and forces within the virtual, in generating flights of time, specific events and becomings. For instance, [START_REF] Deleuze | Proust and Signs[END_REF] in his review of Proust discusses this further in relation to sensuous signs (e.g. the connections between the Madeleine and the event of Combray). Such a shift in thinking creates spaces in which to reconsider ideas of repetition, memory, and forgetting, as virtual objects becoming fragments of themselves. Furthermore, rather than seeing loss or forgetting as something to be overcome, the virtual provides the energy, forces and intensities which enable continuous forms of assembling, relating and becoming. Such a focus on the crystal image thus provides a way of rethinking representation and shifts us away from the idea of one present, existing in relation to another in a real series which refers back to original terms or fixed points. In contrast, it is the process of perpetual disguise and displacement which is inseparable from the heterogeneity and multiplicity of the virtual. So in the same way that for Latour (2005), actors do not appear without networks, for Deleuze, neither the actual nor the virtual may stand alone, as both rely on the differences which underlie this process as emanating from the complex folding of ideas, intensities, relations and assemblages. Furthermore, this raises alternative ways of thinking materiality. Rather than a focus on representation and identity (where objects may be viewed as existing either in discrete and independent forms out-there or in the minds of the subject) we can begin to grasp ideas of materiality and memory differently with regards to the multiplicity and becoming of spaces, times and forms of action.

Can these alternative ways of engaging with process and the performative role of inscriptions and technologies provide different insights into the complex array of shifting associations, mediations and material relations? Can they provide different ways of thinking about time, space and action in relation to these specific events and sets of relations underlying visual and textual imagery? For example, while these inscriptions, techniques and tools (e.g. production reports, downtime and waste figures) may appear to produce a sense of linearity and geometric space, how can we produce accounts which do not rely on linear and successive ideas of time and space with objects existing in some realist form out-there?If time is viewed as co-existing (past, present, future) through events such as the production meeting, we can begin to explore the performative role of information systems (e.g. production boards, figures and charts) as signs always in a state of becoming. This then opens up spaces to explore how further flights of times, spaces and actions are generated, and how repetition replies on these many different performances and assemblages which surround such events [START_REF] Latour | Trains of thought Piaget, formalism and the fifth dimension[END_REF]. This allows for the opportunity to think in terms of possibilities rather than potentialities and on repetition through difference rather than images of inertia and stability.

Sociomateriality and professional identity: an underexplored relationship?

Pierre Laniray, DRM-Dauphine

The introduction of new technological artifacts in the workplace is a major challenge for organizations: whereas important returns on investment are generally expected, unexpected reactions and disappointment from targeted users raise misunderstanding from top-management championed project teams and often lead to project delay, or failure [START_REF] Lapointe | A multilevel model of resistance to information technology implementation[END_REF][START_REF] Meissonier | Avoiding management of resistances during IT preimplementation phase: A longitudinal research in a high tech corporation[END_REF]. It also a key driver of organizational change, now investigated by a vast amount of literature (see [START_REF] Desanctis | Capturing the complexity in advanced technology use: Adaptive structuration theory[END_REF][START_REF] Orlikowski | Using technology and constituting structures: A practice lens for studying technology in organizations[END_REF].

Furthermore, as technological artifacts become more and more mobile (laptops, mobile phones, PDAs, smartphones), these objects now become a part of individual's lives, even outside the organization. They modify practices, and often create a link between people and their organization beyond usual office hours. Much recent research has studied this issue, focusing on specific aspects such as employee stress, self-efficacy in remote work [START_REF] Staples | A Self-Efficacy Theory Explanation for the Management of Remote Workers in Virtual Organizations[END_REF], or boundary management [START_REF] Golden | Work-life boundary management and the personal digital assistant[END_REF]. Others have argued that IT artifacts, by challenging work-life boundaries are putting at risk "family balance, intimate relations and personal identity" [START_REF] Wajcman | Families without Borders: Mobile Phones, Connectedness and Work-Home Divisions[END_REF]. This issue of identity (in particular internal organizational stakeholders' identity) and the way IT and more generally mobile artifacts related-practices reproduce or transform identity, appears so far relatively under-explored. In the area of financial markets, Barrett and Waltham (1999) have already investigated the issue from the perspective of work practice and by means of Giddens' writings (see also Waltham (1998) on this issue). In their continuation, very few studies have explored the relationship. The same applies to the broader and recent literature about sociomaterial practices (Leonardi and Barley, 2008;[START_REF] Orlikowski | Material works: Exploring the situated entanglement of technological performativity and human agency[END_REF]2007;Scott and Orlikowski, 2009). If IT-related practices are present, and their relationship with social organizational structures is also at stake, the question of organizational identity [START_REF] Schein | Organizational culture[END_REF]van Maanen and Schein, 1979) (i), individuals' identity within the organization [START_REF] Ibarra | Provisional selves: Experimenting with image and identity in professional adaptation[END_REF][START_REF] Ibarra | Identity as narrative: Prevalence, effectiveness, and consequences of narrative identity work in macro work role transitions[END_REF][START_REF] Pratt | Constructing professional identity: The role of work and identity learning cycles in the customization of identity among medical residents[END_REF] (ii), or professional identities within organizations (van Maanen and [START_REF] Van Maanen | Occupational communities: Culture and control in organizations[END_REF][START_REF] Walsham | {IT} and changing professional identity: Micro-studies and macro-theory[END_REF] (iii) are relatively neglected. This is precisely the issue we want to explore here: what are the relationships between identity (in particular the third one related to professional identity) and sociomaterial practices (IT or non-IT artifacts related)? How do everyday practices between organizational stakeholders produce or reproduce their identity at work? Theoretical framework -Sociomateriality Indeed, recent calls in organization theory to take materiality into account when studying organizational practices have led researchers to study the socio-material entanglement in organizations [START_REF] Orlikowski | Material works: Exploring the situated entanglement of technological performativity and human agency[END_REF]2007): materiality mediates all human action, in particular interactions within organizations. For example, [START_REF] Fayard | Photocopiers and water-coolers: the affordances of informal interaction[END_REF] have focused on the role of photocopy rooms in informal interactions between members of an organization. Their research studied the technological aspects of photocopiers, in order to identify possible "social affordances" triggered by their technical characteristics. [START_REF] Nyberg | Computers, Customer Service Operatives and Cyborgs: Intra-actions in Call Centres[END_REF] has described the mediation generated by material artifacts such as computer and information systems on those computers, during interactions between employees and the organization's customers.

As indicated by Orlikowski (2007), "Everyday organizing is inextricably bound up with materiality." To better understand organizing thus requires focusing on the sociomaterial entanglement at play within organizations.

-Professional identity Our objective is to try and understand how this entanglement affects or structures professional identity. This concept of professional identity is defined by Waltham (1998) as "the way in which groups, and individuals within those groups, see and describe themselves in relation to their work and the work of others". We will focus more on the professional aspect of practices in organizations (point (iii) in our introduction.

The classical author on this topic, [START_REF] Sainsaulieu | L'identité au travail[END_REF], defines professional identity as the "way that various groups at work identify to peers, chiefs and other groups; identity at work is based on distinct collective representations." [START_REF] Ion | Le travail social à l'épreuve du territoire[END_REF] defines it as "what enables members of a same profession to recognize themselves as such and to diffuse this specificity outside. It thus implies a double operation: on the one hand, internal unification; on the other hand, external recognition." Four elements forming this common basis are enumerated: similar careers prior to the job, similar training programs, shared job culture and existing defensive organizations and collective representations [START_REF] Ion | Le travail social à l'épreuve du territoire[END_REF].

Theoretical proposition and future research

Our main proposition is that professional identity, i.e. shared values, beliefs, experiences and practices within a group of co-workers, may be altered by changes brought in by new artifacts such as new technology. Hence, what is commonly seen as "resistance to Information technology implementation" [START_REF] Lapointe | A multilevel model of resistance to information technology implementation[END_REF] should be explored through this lens.

A first case study was initiated among the specific occupational group (van Maanen and [START_REF] Van Maanen | Occupational communities: Culture and control in organizations[END_REF] of train drivers, in a national railway organization. Relying on the first results of our data collection, we intend to provide some evidence supporting the proposition that materiality represents a template for the constitution, the representation and the practice of professional identities. By mediating human actions and interactions, information technology in particular influence how occupational groups accomplish and interpret their work.

The objective of our research will be to propose a theoretical framework for analyzing sociomaterial foundations of professional identity, based on a detailed literature review, but also on new treatments of the data collected so far. Possible overlaps with other definitions of professional identity, as well as with the research stream on organizational culture, will specifically be adressed in our contribution.

The price of organising culture: On the limits of economic guidance within government

Dave O'Brien, City University

There is an extensive literature on the effects of New Public Management and managerialism [START_REF] Power | Counting, Control and Calculation: Reflections on Measuring and Management[END_REF] along with the audit culture on public administration (Peters 2010).In political science this literature has lead to lines of inquiry including, on the one hand, discussions of how administrators and politicians may shift responsibility for bureaucratic failure or success [START_REF] Hood | The Blame Game: Spin, Bureaucracy, and Self-Preservation in Government Princeton[END_REF]) and on the other how policy maybe organised in more effective or efficient ways [START_REF] Hallsworth | Making policy better[END_REF]. Sociological work in this area has drawn on theories of governmentality [START_REF] Miller | Calculating Economic Life[END_REF] to account for the rise, and impact, of this approach to doing government. Alongside discussions of managerialism, there is a growing literature on the use of social science within government (Nutley et al 2007), with the role of social science gaining particular attention within the evidence-based policy approach of the New Labour administration between 1997-2010 [START_REF] Bevir | Democratic Governance[END_REF]. This paper will present research drawing on both the political science and sociological study of public administration, using a case study of the UK central government's guidance on policy appraisal and evaluation. The development of policy is, of course, subject to the vagaries of departmental procedure [START_REF] Richards | The Tangled Webs of Westminster and Whitehall: The Discourse, Strategy and Practice of Networking within the British Core Executive[END_REF], ministerial ideology (Richards et al 2000), and the control and oversight of the core executive [START_REF] Richards | Central Government Departments And The Policy Process[END_REF], specifically Her Majesty's Treasury [START_REF] Thain | The Core Executive in the UK: The Roles of the Prime Minister and HM Treasury[END_REF]. However it is also subject to a set of rules and practices, embodied in the material form of the Treasury's Green Book. This guidance is within the welfare economics tradition [START_REF] Wolff | Economism and its Limits[END_REF] and presents policy making as a process that draws on the rationality of social scientific evidence (specifically economics) to assist government in deciding when to intervene, or not, into the free market (HMT 2003).

The paper presents a case study of the use of the Green Book in practice, based on ethnographic research with analysts and policymakers involved in cultural policy in the UK.Cultural policy is an area that has traditionally been neglected by scholars of government (Gray and Wingfield 2010, O'Brien 2012), but it offers a rich area of investigation, where many of the key debates in organisational and economic sociology, along with political science, are played out.

Whilst much has been written on the tacit and implicit knowledge associated with policy making [START_REF] Stevens | Telling Policy Stories: An Ethnographic Study of the Use of Evidence in Policy Making in the UK[END_REF] there has been comparatively little that has attempted to draw lesions from debates on the status of social science [START_REF] Law | Enacting the social[END_REF] to explain the potential and limits of the role of guidance on policy making. By adopting a sociological approach to the techniques discussed in the Green Book, particularly the sociology of measurement [START_REF] Espeland | Rankings and reactivity: how public measures recreate social worlds[END_REF] and economic sociology (Fourcade2010) this paper will give new insight into the policy process in the UK.

By critically examining the role of the Green Book, this contribution to the seminar offers a sight for contesting, as well as perhaps resisting, the prevailing forms of 'doing' government in the UK. As writers such as [START_REF] Law | Enacting the social[END_REF] and [START_REF] Bevir | Democratic Governance[END_REF] have asserted, social scientific methods are bound up in the construction of possible worlds. The methods set out in the Green Book, with the strong focus on approaches drawn from the discipline of neo-classical economics, offer a technocratic vision of the policy process as an act of rational cost-benefit analysis drawing on a positivistic understanding of the world [START_REF] Bevir | Democratic Governance[END_REF]. Describing the use of the Green Book, its possibilities and limitations, details the possibility of another set of practices for producing public administration, and thus the beginning of another version of the British state [START_REF] Bevir | The state as cultural practice[END_REF].

Controling Managers "Becoming"? The Practices of Identity Regulation

Stéphan Pezé, DRM-Dauphine Several authors have argued that in the last decades, organizations have developed more and more refined modes of control of the 'inside' of individuals [START_REF] Alvesson | Identity Regulation as Organizational Control: Producing the Appropriate Individual[END_REF][START_REF] Knights | Power and Subjectivity at Work: From Degradation to Subjugation in Social Relations[END_REF]Kunda, 1992). For example, discourses about corporate culture, performance, creativity, happiness, [START_REF] Costea | Managerialism, the therapeutic habitus and the self in contemporary organizing[END_REF] or programs designed to promote authenticity at work [START_REF] Fleming | Being yourself' in the electronic sweatshop: New forms of normative control[END_REF] are increasingly targetting organizational members' thoughts, emotions and identities. The growing importance of this mode of control does not affect or replace classic technocratic modes of control [START_REF] Kärreman | Cages in Tandem: Management Control, Social Identity, and Identification in a Knowledge Intensive Firm[END_REF]. The exercise of this socio-ideological mode of control is not to prescribe behaviours or shaping desired outputs but mainly to produce 'appropriate individuals' [START_REF] Alvesson | Identity Regulation as Organizational Control: Producing the Appropriate Individual[END_REF]. Thus, identity has become an increasing target and outcome of organizational control.

One key process of this -perhaps not new but more and more pervasive -mode of control is Alvesson and Willmott's concept of 'identity regulation'. It 'encompasses the more or less intentional effects of social practices upon processes of identity construction and reconstruction' (Alvesson and Willmott, 2002:625). Identity regulation is mainly constituted of discursive practices which orient identity definition. These discourses prompt identity work, a form of more or less conscious self-work aimed at 'forming, repairing, maintaining, strengthening or revising the constructions that are productive of a precarious sense of coherence and distinctiveness' (Alvesson and Willmott, 2002:626), i.e. one's identity. Thus, identity regulation forms, in connection with identity work, the bases of the identity construction.

To date, only few researches have responded Alvesson and Willmott's call for studies to illuminate processes of identity regulations. These studies (e.g. [START_REF] Brown | Invisible walls' and 'silent hierarchies': A case study of power relations in an architecture firm[END_REF][START_REF] Brown | Identities, Discipline and Routines[END_REF]Sveningsson and Alvesson, 2003;Thomas and Linstead, 2002;Thornborrow and Brown, 2009;Watson, 2009) provide strong evidence of organizational influence on individuals identity work and identity. To sum up, identity regulation's organizational discursive resources constrain and support identity work. However, this influence is only partial because of an inescapable individual agency and conflicting and uncompleted discourses (Thomas and Linstead, 2002). Identity work is notably an individual 'appropriation' of these resources by organizational members for their own purpose [START_REF] Brown | Identities, Discipline and Routines[END_REF]. Consequently, in the process of identity work, 'discourses can be reflectively ignored, rejected, adhered and translated by individuals' (Gendron and Spira, 2010:298). Nevertheless, despite these valuable insights, we still know little about the specific micro-practices through which organizational members are led to enact or resist the discourses of identity regulation. We have a broad picture of identity regulation device's influence but we currently miss an understanding of the basic practices which support and sometimes fail to achieve identity regulation. In order to better comprehend new modes of control, we need to know how identity regulation is performed through what people really do.

Practice theory is focused on what people really do. This approach aims to produce new insights which lead us to a better understand major organizational phenomena. Practice theory shares some key conceptual points with the identity construction theory introduced above. Indeed, practice theorists reject dualism between structure and agency (Whittington, 2011) and reflect their articulation as mutually constitutive [START_REF] Feldman | Theorizing Practice and Practicing Theory[END_REF] as well as identity researchers reject dualism and unidirectional influence between identity regulation discourses and agentic identity work (see [START_REF] Bergström | Organizational discourse and subjectivity: Subjectification during processes of recruitment[END_REF]. Following this trend, one can say that individuals enact social identities conveyed by organizational discourses of identity regulation through identity work; at the same time, this enactment (re)produce organizational discourses of identity regulation. Moreover, practice theorists acknowledge the role of power: '[i]t is important to note that relations of mutual constitution do not imply equal relations. Rather, these are relations of power' (Feldman andOrlikowski, 2011:1242). So is identity construction. Based on these similarities, we argue that practice theory is a useful lens to progress in the understanding of the very micro-process of identity regulation. In support to the relevance of this approach, we can mentioned the work of Brown and Lewis who study the disciplinarization of lawyers identity through the ostensive and performative routines such as time-keeping and billing routine(2011). However, the authors are more concerned with the influence of discourses about practice than in what people really do to both discipline and give resources to identity work, i.e. the identity regulation practices. This paper aims to advance knowledge in this area of research by providing evidence of specific practices employed in order to lead organizational members to incorporate organizational discourses into their identity. Drawing on a practice-based perspective, we explore the following question: how does identity regulation work in practice?

We investigate this question through a qualitative longitudinal study of a managerial training. Our main findings are that identity regulation works through specific practices such as practices of linguistic and conceptual resources providing (e.g. giving knowledge through formal presentation or question and answer pedagogy), practices of enactment of these resources (e.g. exercises of building a self-narrative of a personal managerial situation) or reinsurance practices (e.g. leading managers to engage genuinely in training exercises through rule setting and maintenance). Our findings show that practices such as exercises, based on the enactment of a specific vocabulary of motives through the crafting of a self-narrative, are opportunity to exert one's reflexivity. As such, they trigger and channel identity work in order to question and then confirm a broad managerial identity albeit producing lightly moves upon managerial identity facets. Despite this appearance of effectiveness, parasitic factors such as other discourses produced by other participants, as peers, as well as individual previous identity and willingness to 'play the game', undermine the power of identity regulation, which remains an uncertain process.

Our study complement previous theorizing by offering an refinement of Alvesson and Willmott conceptual framework (2002): we show that identity regulation should not only be studied as organizational discourses that prompt organizational members identity work but as a result of the day to day practices of the organizational members themselves, including, but not limited to, discursive practices. These findings allow us to complete our theoretical perception of the practices which support a specific and increasing form of organizatioanl control over the 'inside' of organizational members. This opens new paths for studies of identity construction inside organizations. Kunda, Gideon (1992). Engineering Culture. Control and Commitment in a High-Tech Corporation.

Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Sveningsson, Stefan and Mats Alvesson (2003). Managing managerial identities: Organizational fragmentation, discourse and identity struggle. Human Relations, 56 (10), 1163-1193. Thomas, Robyn and Alison Linstead (2002). Losing the Plot? Middle Managers and Identity.

Organization, 9 (1), 71-93. Thornborrow, Thomas and Andrew D. Brown (2009). 'Being Regimented': Aspiration, Discipline and Identity Work in the British Parachute Regiment. Organization Studies, 30 (4), 355-376. Watson, Tony J. ( 2009). Narrative, life story and manager identity: A case study in autobiographical identity work. Human Relations, 62 (3), 425-452. Whittington, Richard (2006) The practice of design is increasingly being mediated by digital artifacts such as 3D Computer-Assisted Design (CAD) tools, networked survey instruments situated on-site, and attendant communication tools [START_REF] Boland | Wakes of Innovation in Project Networks: The Case of Digital 3-D Representations in Architecture, Engineering, and Construction[END_REF]. Digital artifacts are rarely functionally static, and new functionalities are continuously being created, increasing the variety of available technological features. Further, such technologies are increasingly being deployed, not as single artifacts, but as ensembles of artifacts reinforcing each other. Hence, digitalization of design practice is not a straightforward process of digitalizing analog tools, but a complex, evolutionary process that continuously produces new combinations of technologies and features intertwined with organizational practice [START_REF] Leonardi | Digital Materiality? How Artifacts Without Matter[END_REF].

Thus, in order to characterize the form and evolution of complex ensembles of affordances as they are enacted in increasingly digitalized design practices, we propose a framework of ecologies of affordances. By 'ecologies' we mean sociomaterial systems involving multiple interacting affordances -potential and enacted -situated in particular organizational practices. 'Affordances' refers to features of technological artifacts as they emerge in relation to specific users (e.g., CAD tools afford visualization) [START_REF] Gibson | The Theory of Affordances[END_REF](Gibson, , 1979)). Thus, ecologies of affordances may refer to all the potential or utilized features of CAD tools, paper and pencil, and other modeling tools employed by specific actors during a particular design project, and the ways in which these affordances emerge, interact, and evolve over the life of the project.

Ecologies of Affordances

The ecological metaphor invites us to focus on the systemic and evolutionary nature of technology usage in design processes. In order to illuminate the complex patterns of interactions and evolution among multiple technologies, we choose to conceptualize ecologies of affordances as sociomaterial systems consisting of three hierarchically organized domains: an infrastructure domain, an organization domain and a practice domain. This hierarchical domain view acts as a guide for locating and analyzing affordances within their proper ecological frame.

The infrastructure domain denotes the "basic information technologies and organizational structures" (Tilson, Lyytinen, and Sorensen, 2010: 1) that provide a playing field of technologies that are available for an organization to adopt. Such digital infrastructures have been portrayed as emergent systems that are shared, open, heterogeneous, and evolving (Hanseth and Lyytinen, 2010). Given those characteristics, the infrastructure domain gives the ecology a base that is always in flux. If we take the case of architectural design practice, for example, infrastructures consist of the available set of imaging capabilities, 3d visualization tools etc., and the networks that connect these technologies. From this smorgasbord of technologies, organizations sample specific sets of technologies for internal application.

The organization domain consists of two essential parts: a) technologies sampled from the infrastructure domain and, b) technological frames through which organizations provide for certain usages of technology (Orlikowski and Gash, 1994). The sampled technologies provide the material foundation that, through its inherent properties, specifies a possible range of usages in relation to the potential set of users within the organization. The technological frames are the cumulative organizational perspectives for how the technologies that have been sampled into the organizational domain can and should be used. Together, the material properties of sampled technologies and technological frames layered on top of said technologies constitute the ostensive affordances of the organization (Feldman and Pentland, 2003). The complete set of ostensive affordances of the organization's technologies are emerge from available design tools, databases of past projects and templates, communication tools (email, smart phones etc.), and other technologies that stand ready for agents to utilize in the course of design practice.

The practice domain is constituted by the actual technology-related practices within the organization (Orlikowski, 2007). In the interaction between the material properties and technological frames specified in the organization domain, and the specific situations of specific actors in the practice domain, certain ensembles of performative affordances emerge (Feldman and Pentland, 2003). These affordances are grounded in the superstructure of the infrastructure and organization domains and, while not determined by the constitution of those domains, they are certainly constrained and enabled by them. Affordances are enacted when, for example, real-time survey data is uploaded from a construction site to a remote shared repository.

The organization and practice domains are inherently interconnected. The organization domain structures the practice domain through providing repertoires of material properties as well as technological frames enabling and constraining certain ensembles of affordances. Simultaneously, the practice domain constitutes the organization domain by suggesting which ensembles of affordances are actually enacted.

Analytical Possibilities

The ecological metaphor and its instantiation in the ecological model of affordances described above provides for unique analytical potential. It guides us to give definitive form to ecologies of affordances by describing the ecology along five dimensions: a) which types of affordances are enacted in the practice domain (e.g., visual depiction, communication with customers, etc. Using sequence analysis [START_REF] Abbott | A Primer on Sequence Methods[END_REF][START_REF] Abbott | Sequence Analysis: New Methods for Old Ideas[END_REF] to scrutinize ecologies of affordances as they change over time, we will be enabled to answer a number of pressing questions that the literature has raised. For example, Orlikowski and Gash (1994) argued that technological frames lead users to approach new technology in terms of older technology that they are already familiar with. Such an approach would be expected to enable certain affordances, but not others. However, as users gain proficiency with new technology, it is reasonable to expect the affordances they utilize to change. Such changes in affordance enactment could be described using the metaphor of ecologies of affordances and the methodological tools described above. In summary, we expect to be able to answer questions with regards to how complex, interconnected ensembles of affordances evolve over time as technologies are combined and recombined due to changing material properties, technological frames and their enactment in practice. Hanseth, O., and Lyytinen, K. (2010). Design theory for dynamic complexity in information infrastructures: the case of building internet. Journal of Information Technology, 25(1), 1-19. [START_REF] Leonardi | Digital Materiality? How Artifacts Without Matter[END_REF]

Management systems as organizational "architectures" The chronotope (time-space frame) of organizing

Philippe Lorino ESSEC Paris

It is a well-developed analysis that architectures of buildings, and more generally spatial structures of organizational life powerfully influence work relationships, management practices, and organization capacities (Kornberger and Clegg, 2004). This paper will not attempt to provide an essay about the influence of architecture on work organization, but it suggests that the case of building architecture can be extended to other types of instruments involved in work activities: all complex objects mediating collective activity -be them "materially material", like a building, or "virtually material", like a management system or a software -which do not only influence, constrain and enable the local activity of individual users or small teams, but which establish a constraining and enabling architectural framework for entire organizational processes, communication links, social relationships and collective activities, across professional genres and functions. Keeping track of the building metaphor, the paper will call that type of instruments, e.g. integrated management information systems such as ERP (Enterprise Planning Systems), "architectural instruments". It will try to identify some of their main characteristics from the point of view of human/social activity. In particular, architectural instruments can be characterized as addressing cross-functional, heterological communities of users, involved in conjoint (heterogeneous and complementary) rather than common (shared and homogeneous) activity [START_REF] Lorino | From Designing Tools to Designing Organizations: The Rise of Architectural Instruments and Conjoint Collective Activity[END_REF], and brought together by "organic" rather than "mechanistic" solidarity (Durkheim, 1893[START_REF] Durkheim | De la division du travail social[END_REF].

Then the paper will relate that specific category of instruments ("architectural instruments") with the theory of collective activity. Adopting a process view of organizations [START_REF] Weick | The social psychology of organizing[END_REF](Weick , 1995[START_REF] Weick | Making sense of the organization[END_REF][START_REF] Chia | Organizational analysis as deconstructive practice[END_REF][START_REF] Cooper | Organs of process: rethinking human organization[END_REF][START_REF] Nayak | On the way to theory: a processual approach[END_REF][START_REF] Shotter | Understanding process from within: an argument for "withness"-thinking[END_REF]2008;[START_REF] Tsoukas | Complex knowledge. Studies in organizational epistemology[END_REF][START_REF] Tsoukas | On organizational becoming: rethinking organizational change[END_REF][START_REF] Yoo | From organization design to organization designing[END_REF], organizing processes will be characterized as ongoing collective activity, on one side transforming the world through coordinated operations, but on the other side and simultaneously building a "discourse-in-acts" about collective operations. Taking a praxeological (focused on purposeful and meaning-making activity) rather than discursive (focused on language and discourse) view of narrativity [START_REF] Lorino | Research Methods for Non-Representational Approaches to Organizational Complexity: The Dialogical Mediated Inquiry[END_REF], this research concentrates on the narrativity of collective activity processes per se (acts as the elements of a narrative multi-author discourse), rather than specific narrative objects (texts, stories) or practices (storytelling) involved in organizing processes [START_REF] Boje | The Storytelling Organization: A Study of Story Performance in an Office-Supply Firm[END_REF]1995). Using the discourse metaphor, collective activity appears as the purposeful intertwining of habits (partially stabilized and socially shared forms of acting) [START_REF] Peirce | The essential Peirce[END_REF][START_REF] Dewey | Human nature and conduct[END_REF][START_REF] Dewey | Human nature and conduct[END_REF]) and situated inquiries [START_REF] Dewey | Logic: the theory of inquiry[END_REF](Dewey, -1986)), in the same way as discourse appears as the purposeful intertwining of culturally instituted meanings (that Searle calls "conventions") and situated/contextual sensemaking [START_REF] Searle | What is a speech act?[END_REF][START_REF] Vygotsky | Thought and Language[END_REF]. Being narrative processes, collective activities are framed by presupposed, tacit, often invisible and generic narrative frames, "architextures" [START_REF] Genette | Introduction à l'architexte[END_REF], by which narratives must abide to make sense in a given cultural and social environment. It analyzes one type of architextures, particularly important for organizational studies: the time-space frame of the narrative, Bakhtin's "chronotope" [START_REF] Bakhtin | Forms of Time and the Chronotope[END_REF][START_REF] Lorino | The Bakhtinian theory of chronotope (time-space frame) applied to the organizing process[END_REF]. Bakhtin viewed the close integration of time and space -time providing the dramatic plotting of space and space the physical trace of time, time and space being dimensions of the same meaning-making architecture / architexture -as the basis of narrative social intelligibility. Referring to Deleuze's extended view of chronotope [START_REF] Deleuze | Cinéma et pensée, course 67 taught on 30/10/1984 -2[END_REF][START_REF] Deleuze | Cinéma et pensée, course 67 taught on 30/10/1984 -2[END_REF] as the frame of any inquiring / sensemaking process, including philosophical discourses, the chronotope concept is applied here to collective activity and organizing processes. The chronotope of organizing closely integrates organizational time and space, as the tacit frame of organizational sensemaking. It also extends the notion of space from physical space -the local view of activity -to translocal narrative space, integrating the different sites of the organizing narrative into a virtual spatial setting, a geography with its obstacles, slopes, boundaries and preferential paths [START_REF] Deleuze | Cinéma et pensée, course 67 taught on 30/10/1984 -2[END_REF][START_REF] Deleuze | Cinéma et pensée, course 67 taught on 30/10/1984 -2[END_REF]. Now, in this view of the time-space frame of organizing, what are "architectural instruments"? As opposed to simple and local tools, like the hammer handled by a worker, architectural instruments can be described as carrying organizing "architextures", and in particular narrative time-space frames (chronotopes), with the corresponding generic characters, structure of roles, temporal and spatial punctuations. They are the typical loci where distinct forms of human agency (designers' agency, users' agency, controllers' agency) and material agency (computer coding, functional architectures, procedures, physical locations) closely intertwine in a complex "mangle" (Pickering, 1995) or a set of connected socio-material practices (Orlikowski, 2007). Once involved in the situation, they may even escape any claim to control and lead to "spaces where surprising things may happen" (Kornberger andClegg (2004: 1107), but not always for the best. Two cases will be analyzed to illustrate this view. In the first case, a complex management information system, an ERP (SAP), is implemented in the production division of a large electricity utility. A study of how the SAP software was implemented in the purchasing area was achieved, through interviews, document analysis, and work meetings at different levels. It appears that the previous underlying "architexture" of the purchasing activity, involving three main characters (the purchaser, the technician and the accountant), was fundamentally disrupted by the new architectural instrument. It involved spatial (new locations of activities) and temporal disruptions of habits and inquiries, which had not been identified as such in the design of the project and led to serious difficulties. The other case, studied in an action-research project, concerns an apparently very simple management tool, which proves to be, beyond its apparent simplicity, a genuine "architexture" of the organizing processes. In the production of Ariane European spatial launcher, there are hundreds of product engineering changes (modifications of the product design) (PEC) per year. In the PEC management process, a cross-functional commission must examine each PEC proposition, and accept or reject it. More than 90% of PEC are accepted, and more than 60% are labeled "costless PEC" (no cost analysis because cost is assumed to be zero). As a result, the notion of "costless PEC" plays a key role in Ariane production management. The new competitive and economic pressures on the business of spatial launchers lead to questioning the acceptability of this managerial practice. Rationally, it should be required that the cost of each PEC is analyzed and taken into account. But it might be useful, if not mandatory, when starting such an organizational transformation, which impacts information systems, actors' roles and habits, interaction habits, usual inquiries, to try to understand what habits and what space-time narrative frames the "costless PEC" actually involves today, in invisible and partly unconscious ways.

Developing the concepts of "architectural instruments", "architextures", chronotopes" and organizing narratives should, from a theoretical point of view, allow a better understanding of organizational change, the relationship between temporal and spatial transformations, mediating tools and systems, generic roles, sensemaking processes and work practices. From a practical point of view, it should allow a better understanding of the frequent failures in trying to implement new "architectural tools", such as integrated management systems, in organizations, if the necessary indepth analyses of existing, though often invisible, narrative frames, particularly time-space frames, are not carried out, and if the potential disruptive impact of new architectural instruments on those frames is not taken into account. It is a key issue for the management of organizational change, all the more as architectural instruments seem to be increasingly present in work settings, due to the development of information and communication technologies, such as networks, nomad systems, ERP systems, supply chain, value nets, multimedia customer interfaces, etc.

When material space becomes organizational space: a "space-based" coordination to deal with volatile and recurring problems of urban incivility

Nathalie Raulet-Croset, CRG Ecole Polytechnique

The issue of coordination has often been studied in organization theory [START_REF] Okhuysen | Coordination in Organizations: an integrative perspective[END_REF]). However, whereas geographic space seems in certain cases to play an important role for coordination practice, its influence is seldom mentioned by scholars working on coordination.

In line with the recognition of a spatial turn (Warf and Arias 2009), we propose in this paper to analyze the role of space concerning coordination practices in ephemeral and temporary organizations showing that geographic and material space does not simply provide support for the action but may also play a role as an "active participant". Scholars have shown that human agency and material agency interact [START_REF] Orlikowski | Using technology and constituting structures: A practice lens for studying technology in organizations[END_REF]Orlikowski 2007;Leonardi 2011), and that people's work is not determined by the technologies they employ; people have the option "within existing conditions and materials to choose to do otherwise with the technology at hand" (Orlikowski 2000: 412). The same perspective of reciprocal agency can be used concerning the interaction between humans and spaces. We propose here to analyze the reciprocal influence between material space and humans, through the analysis of coordination practices, and to show how geographic and material space becomes organizational space in specific cases or coordination.

We particularly focus on organizations which emerge around volatile, though recurrent problems in everyday life, and which appear in response to spatially embedded phenomena arising in specific geographic places. We show that the particularity of the phenomenon -spatially embeddedhas specific implications for coordination practices.

Our empirical cases concern organizations which emerge to limit and prevent the appearance of incivilities which are recurrent in some suburbs in France. We have taken a qualitative approach and collected data concerning these "urban" incivilities recorded for various neighborhoods of two districts in the Essonne region of France (graffiti on walls, loitering in entries, disturbances outside a secondary school, etc.). In this area, collective actions are underpinned by public measures such as local security contracts (LSC), which give rise to meetings between different actors and encourage collective action. The activities in question are policing, mediation and community support, as well as transport and housing. We have then distinguished between various cases that each involve a place in which incivility develops (a public place, a lobby, a square,…). For each case, we have analyzed the collective organizational responses to incivility, and the coordination practices which are developed around a specific location.

We wonder if and how material space (in its geographical aspect) can influence the nature of the ephemeral organizations. Ephemeral organizations do not use a bureaucratic coordination based on rules and hierarchies (Powell 1990[START_REF] Bechky | Gaffers, Gofers, and Grips: Role-Based Coordination in Temporary Organizations[END_REF]). Nevertheless, scholars have observed specific modes of coordination, more emergent, that operate in the absence of permanent organizational structures. Thus, role structures (Weick andRoberts 1993, Bechky 2006), routines in their flexible (Howard-Grenville 2005) and performative (Feldman and Pentland 2003) dimension, and shared objects [START_REF] Faraj | Coordination in fast-response organizations[END_REF] are the basis of these non permanent structures. Ephemeral and temporary organizations also differ from permanent organizations that respond to unexpected events, that operate with preexisting structures and that have experienced working together, such as police or firefighters [START_REF] Bigley | The incident command system: high reliability organizing for complex and volatile task environments[END_REF]Roberts 2001, Bechky and[START_REF] Bechky | Expecting the Unexpected? How Swat Officers and Film Crews Handle Surprises[END_REF]).

In the cases we have analyzed, we show that geographical space has properties which allow it to play a proper active role in the coordination. Space has characteristics which influence emergent organizations but it is also source of agency, particularly when its indeterminate character allows it to be moulded and mobilized by different actors, thus becoming part of coordination.

We distinguish in the paper different properties which we can use to characterize spaces. In fact, space can be considered as a place or a non-place [START_REF] Augé | Non-Places: Introduction to an Anthropology of Supermodernity[END_REF], as determinate or indeterminate [START_REF] Groth | Reclaiming Urbanity: Indeterminate Spaces, Informal Actors and Urban Agenda Setting[END_REF], as having a strong or a weak identity, as being appropriated and considered as a territory or not. It can also be used in different ways (transport, residence, transit, in professional or profane ways) and have different institutional destinations, being private, semi-private, or public. The characteristics of space influence the emergence of the unexpected event (the incivility) and consequently the coordination practices in the ephemeral organization which arises to manage the event. For example, actors focus their action on a specific site either because it is indeterminate and consequently can be appropriated or because it has specific properties such as multiple uses. They can also focus their action on generic spaces. People then identify specific places which allow them to develop a collective work and they memorize action sequences which have been successful for this kind of space. In this way space acts as a focal point which allows action sequences to be defined.

Hence we argue that space influences coordination and we propose to analyze through our different cases different forms of reciprocal agency between humans and spaces that will influence the nature of the coordination. We argue that spaces develop particular characteristics related to their physical properties as well as to the properties that people attribute to them (H. [START_REF] Henri | The Production of Space[END_REF]Lefebvre /1991). Thus, space can't be considered as a « passive reflection of social and cultural trends but an active participant" (Warf and Arias 2009: 10) and it will be integrant part of the coordination. The case of ephemeral organization appears to be a revelatory situation which allows us underlining the role of material and geographical space and the ways it can become organizational space.

Orlikowski W.J. (2000) As noted by Leonardi and Barley (2010), researchers interested in the sociomateriality of organizing often study technology development and use activities as discontinuous events. Therefore, the material features of a technology are usually considered stable at the time of implementation in the work environment. In this talk, I will describe how an organization mobilized the sociomaterial properties of open source software to "cross the implementation line" [START_REF] Leonardi | Crossing the Implementation Line: The Mutual Constitution of Technology and Organizing Across Development and Use Activities[END_REF]) usually isolating development and use activities.

An open source software is a computer program that can be read, modified, reused and redistributed by anyone [START_REF] Perens | The Open Source Definition[END_REF]. Although the social dynamics characterizing open source software development communities have been widely studied [START_REF] Glass | The Sociology of Open Source: Of Cults and Cultures[END_REF][START_REF] Von Hippel | Democratizing Innovation[END_REF], few researchers have examined organizations that are not producing such technologies, but are rather using them to perform work. Over the past years, private and public organizations have started to consider open source software not only as mean to reduce their costs, but also as an opportunity to provide a more direct link between design of tools and their uses (von Hippel and von Krogh 2003).Because they have access to its source code, they can modify the software in order to accommodate the emerging needs of their users without depending on a proprietary firm. Consequently, this type of software facilitates intra-organizational co-configuration practices, provided that the in-house programmers can understand and modify its code and that their managers allow them to do so, in a context allowing programmers and users to interact as long as the tool is used, and not only during a circumscribed design phase [START_REF] Wagner | Exploring the Importance of Participation in the Post-Implementation Period of an ES Project: A Neglected Area[END_REF].

From 2006 to 2011, I studied the co-configuration process of an open source learning platform (Moodle) in a Canadian university through participatory observation and qualitative analysis of interviews with the teachers using Moodle and the internal developers in charge of its support and customization. After its implementation, the platform was continually customized locally in order to adapt it to the work practices of the teachers, which would not have been possible with the proprietary software used prior to Moodle. Even if most teachers did not know what "open source" means, they noticed a difference in the nature of their interactions with the internal developers. In this case, the visibility of the source code allowed the developers to "locate" the issues reported by the teachers by looking directly "inside" the software to see how it was programmed and how they could change it to solve the problem. The integration of Moodle in the daily work of the teachers made the heterogeneity of their practices more visible to the developers, while the access to the source code allowed them to accommodate a wider range of uses.

Hence, the co-configuration practices took the form of a "post-implementation support service" instead of a participatory design method. This was made possible not only by the access to the source code, but also through a reconfiguration of the organizational arrangements in place. In fact, the subjects also mobilized some of the social dynamics characterizing open source communities in order to rethink the functioning of their institutional committee in charge of educational technologies [START_REF] Bonneau | Co-configuration d'une plateforme à code source ouvert en organisation: analyser la transformation d'un outil et des pratiques de travail avec la théorie de l'activité[END_REF]. This case provides concrete examples showing that artifacts are sociocultural reservoirs that contain knowledge developed earlier and elsewhere, giving the subjects means and representations that are not restricted to the ones available in the current situation [START_REF] Kaptelinin | Acting with technology: activity theory and interaction design[END_REF].This is in line with the conceptualization of the material artifacts proposed by activity theory [START_REF] Engeström | Learning by Expanding: An Activity-Theoretical Approach to Developmental Research[END_REF].Its concept of mediation focuses on how material things (along with other mediating factors such as language, rules and the division of labor) are inextricably involved in the enactment of human practices [START_REF] Blackler | Intentionality, Agency, Change: Practice Theory and Management[END_REF].Thus, the analytical power of this sociomaterial perspective should be considered when studying material artifacts and organizational dynamics.

An institutional perspective on corporate reputation: the consequences of electronic footprints

Hélène Lambrix, DRM-Dauphine François-Xavier de Vaujany, DRM-Dauphine

Corporate reputation as a polysemic concept

According to Lange, Lee and Dhai (2011) reputation is intuitive and simple in its common usage. However, this is not the case for the bulk of academic literature.

Among other seminal definitions of reputation (e.g. Wartick, 2002;[START_REF] Rindova | Being good or being known: An empirical examination of the dimensions, antecedents, and consequences of organizational reputation[END_REF]Barnett et al., 2006;[START_REF] Puncheva | The Role of Corporate Reputation in the Stakeholder Decision-Making Process[END_REF], that of Fombrun (1996) is worth mentioning due to its specific focus on corporate reputation. According to Fombrun, reputation is "a perceptual representation of a company's past actions and future prospects that describes the firm's overall appeal to all of its key constituents when compared with other leading rivals."

Prior research has found that reputation is more closely related to the decisions, evaluative processes and choices made in relation to past actions. Weigelt and Camerer (1988) state that "the ingredients for reputation-building are commonly found in corporate strategic settings: two or more players, information asymmetries, a rich set of strategic options, and a dynamic context".

For our research, we have adopted a perspective of corporate reputation that is oriented with strategic management, and that considers both the economic and sociological aspects of corporate reputation.

Our theoretical perspective: Online reputation -an isomorphic tendency to define corporate reputation's antecedents?

During recent decades, a new concept has appeared that is crucial to reputation managementonline reputation. What is a link between general reputation and online reputation? Does online reputation reflect (completely or partially) an organization's reputation? Or is it an antecedent or an effect of corporate reputation? [START_REF] Simon | Information technologies and organizations[END_REF] explains that this scarce resource is not itself information, but instead, it is individual attention to information. Individuals tend to seek information about an organization when he/she develops a relationship with it that is related to both the services and ideas market [START_REF] Mahon | Corporate reputation[END_REF][START_REF] Puncheva | The Role of Corporate Reputation in the Stakeholder Decision-Making Process[END_REF]. The Internet is increasing giving a larger audience access to a wealth of information, which in contrast to information that is passed along by word of mouth or gossip, is more tangible, malleable and diffusible.

In field of organization or in the practices of consulting agencies, we must address the following dichotomy: some view online reputation as being embedded in information systems and business intelligence tools (equivalency view), while others see online reputation as a construct that is integrated in global reputation (inter-dependence view). At the moment, less descriptive studies in the academic literature offer a more concrete definition of on line reputation.

Institutional theories tend to explain the construction of online reputation as the comparison of an organization with its competitors. DiMaggio and Powell (1983:147) emphasize the notion of social isomorphism in the organizational field: they focus their attention on the coercive, normative and mimetic mechanisms that "make organizations more similar without necessarily making them more efficient" (Scott, 2008:152). They also observe similarities in the structural features and in the presence of formal and informal structures, i.e. "the former officially sanctioned offices and ways of conducting business, the latter actual patterns of behaviour and work routines" (Scott, 2008:153). For example, the mimetic aspect of reputation could be induced by a consulting agency or the widespread use of computerized (web-based) techniques. In fact, organizations often times outsource their management reputation to consulting agencies or via specific technologies.

Moreover, in continuation of [START_REF] Swanson | The organizing vision in information systems innovation[END_REF] work, we consider online reputation as an organizing vision, i.e. "a focal community idea for the application of information technology in organizations." Thus, through a common construction of discourse, an interorganizational community in IT can build a reputational consensus.

In this article, we seek to study reputation as a cycle or process rather than a simple material state or entity; our approach is aimed at analyzing how reputation is perceived by actors/observers in order to analyze its implications on organizational strategy.

Discussion: Digital footprints and internal stakeholders

We empirically investigated a French university that we will henceforth call "Omega". Recently, that university was given an increased amount of media coverage due to an incident where a student hazing got out of control. We collected data using qualitative methods: interviews, archives documents, observation and press releases. The study's empirical contribution aids in defining how and when the Internet effects reputation for internal stakeholders.

More and more, external stakeholders use the Internet to gather information about an organization and to evaluate its products and services. Our research is not aimed at analyzing digital actions, but rather, it concentrates on how the obtained data is perceived and used by internal stakeholders. It appears that new technologies and the Internet were used at Omega only during one specific phase of the process of developing a corporate reputation: the acquisition of information. It was quite rare that stakeholders themselves analyzed on the event via the Internet. Only a small part of our respondents were concerned; just two of the interviewees commented online articles. The majority of the comments posted on the press website were totally ignored by stakeholders; however, one respondent mentioned that he does not seek out information, but rather, he waits for it to come to him. In analyzing the interviews, it appears that many observers found that reliable information was only available from internal sources: inside the building, rumours, posters, text messages, emails or friends' Facebook posts. It seems that in order to be well informed, one had to be inside of the building and to act within this material construct/artifact: "The Internet is too immaterial and people who talk on it do not even know the real identity of the institution." The building as a material space provides valid information, whereas the Internet is a source of falsification. Thus, if the university's key stakeholders are students and firms, the online actions related to of the crisis are not damaging to the university's reputation.

Moreover, the fact that interviewees often spoke about reputation reinforces the performativity mentioned by authors; more specifically, that reputation is an antecedent to reputation, in that an organization's future reputation is the product of its current one [START_REF] Rindova | Being good or being known: An empirical examination of the dimensions, antecedents, and consequences of organizational reputation[END_REF]. Respondents tended to defend their institutional identity and reputation by defaulting to statements about the association in question: "I've learned about the association's reputation on this occasion", "They [the association] are totally crazy", "It is not representative to our university". The association's reputation, however, seems to have overlapped with the university's reputation: the group responsible for the hazing is seen as a global representation of the university.

In conclusion, this study takes an important first step towards developing a response to our research question: How can one strategically manage corporate reputation? Understanding the isomorphic processes inherent in the phenomenon of corporate identity helps one to answer this question. Identity is a key element in the construct of corporate reputation; while reputational crises can be detrimental, if an organization possesses a strong identity, its internal stakeholder's belief and commitment to it make the organization credible in its corporate communication. Recent studies propose a new perspective aiming at understanding the interplay of change and sustainability of organizational technologies and their related routines. This perspective suggests that humans/organizations and material artifacts do not possess inherent properties independently from each other but only acquire them in the process of their mutual entanglement, i.e. sociomaterial assemblages (e.g. Orlikowski and Scott 2008;Pickering and Guzik 2008). Such an approach possesses potential for a better understanding of how humans and technologies interact and change, from unexpected ways that technologies are used in organizational routines (e.g. Boudreau and Robey, 2005;Schultze and Boland, 2000) to changes in material structure of technology realized by its users (e.g. Alavi and Leidner 2001;Majchrzak et al. 2000) as well as how new technologies-in-practice appear and develop (e.g. [START_REF] Orlikowski | Using technology and constituting structures: A practice lens for studying technology in organizations[END_REF]. In particular, this perspective suggests that sociomaterial assemblage at within-organizational level could be treated as processes of sociomaterial imbrications, i.e. particular empirical sequences of human and material agencies (e.g. Rose and Jones 2005) established in organizations and influencing sustainability and change of technology-mediated practices (Leonardi 2011;Leonardi and Barley 2008). Empirical work has emphasized that the process of sociomaterial imbrications is complex (Chua and Yeow 2010), dialectical [START_REF] Wagner | Understanding Project Survival in an ES Environment: A Sociomaterial Practice Perspective[END_REF]) and depends on intra-organizational perceptions of affordances and constraints (Leonardi 2011).

How Sociomateriality and Institutions

However, previous research has mainly considered the intra-organizational level of humantechnology imbrications while the role and the influence of at the extra -organizational sociomaterial assemblage, such as the dynamics and influence of organizational field structures and institutional drivers have largely been omitted. We argue that such a view overlooks the understanding of larger contextual dynamics framing the processes of sociomaterial imbrications within organizations and explanations of why the perception of affordances and constraints is structured in their particular way. Yet, numerous theories show that the ways that organizations decide how and why to change and sustain their routines and technologies are significantly influenced by the dynamics of institutional logics and organizational field structures. These include contextual and ICT4 development research Consequently, we argue that in order to understand how changes at the micro and the macro levels proceed, the insights from sociomateriality and institutional theories are both important.Therefore in this paper we address the following research question: How are the processes and results of sociomaterial imbrications of routines and technologies within organizations embedded in larger extraorganizational entanglements, such as field structures and institutional dynamics? In order to answer this question we extend the findings of Leonardi (2011) showing how sociomaterial imbrications of change in technology and routines relate to the inter-organization level of analysis.

As a basis for our empirical investigation we conducted a case study into how the processes and patterns of sociomaterial imbrications of technology and organizing inside the communities of end-users were influenced by the dynamics and field structure of Internet-access in a developing country context.We collected extensive data to understand how the main actors of the field, government and private Internet service providers (ISPs), and the interplay of field structure characteristics influenced the processes of sociomaterial imbrications inside the communities first leading to their success and, later, to their disorganization and disappearance. By synthesizing the literature on sociomateriality (e.g. Chua and Yeow 2010; Leonardi 2011;Orlikowski and Scott 2008;Pickering and Guzik 2008;[START_REF] Wagner | Understanding Project Survival in an ES Environment: A Sociomaterial Practice Perspective[END_REF], contextual studies on ICT (e.g. Avgerou, 2008;Walsham and Sahay 2006) and the literature on institutional theory (e.g. Greenwood et al. 2011;DiMaggio and Powell 1991;[START_REF] Polanyi | La grande transformation[END_REF]Oliver 1991;Pache and Santos 2010;Scott 2001;2000) we develop an analytical framework which provides guidelines for future research of the processes of sociomaterial imbrications of routines and technologies as embedded in larger extra-organizational dynamics. Based on this, we develop a process model (Langley 1999) of sociomateriality processes within end-user communities of Internet infrastructure development (Appendix A). This developed framework provides important implications for both theory and practice. Using intensive data sources (more than 70 interviews, and rich document and archival data), we study how sociomateriality of technologies and routines entangled with the dynamics of organizational field structure during the16year process of end-user organizations of Internet-access development in Minsk, Belarus (Appendix B).

Our findings only partly support those of Paul Leonardi about the patterns of sociomaterial imbrications discovered at within organizational analysis in particular with regard to the perception of affordances and constraints leading organizational change in routines but insignificant change in technologies. We develop ten propositions on how institutional structures and sociomateriality of routines and technologies interplay and discuss their relevance in the empirical setting. The analytical framework developed in this research provides guidelines for future research in the systematic analysis of the processes of sociomaterial imbrications of routines and technologies as embedded in larger extra-organizational dynamics.

The hard side of climate change: local materializations and space re-organizing

Silvia Bruzzone, CNRS "Making room for water" is proposed as a new response to the risk of flooding connected to sea level rise. The creation of flood-control areas (or managed-retreat) is increasingly advanced as adaptation measure against climatic change and alternative to coast defensive hard infrastructures.

The paper explores the link between the general discourse on managed-retreat as adaptation and the local implementations of such practices. The matter is that nowhere in scientific conferences on climatic change, it is written how a flood control area should look like and empirical studies show that climate change does not represent (yet) a driving issue in local land use transformation practices.

So, the question is how the global-scientific discourse -flood control area as "adaptation measure" -encounters local practices of managed-retreat? In other words, how, as if it proposed in this paper, climate change becomes a re-organizing category of space? The proposition here is that the viability for these adaptation projects passes through their translations into local issues and materializations.

The paper relies on Actor-Network Theory as valuable analytical instrument to give account to the different levels (global-local) and socio-material narratives which give shape to a specific floodcontrol area in Flanders. In particular the intent is to investigate the role played by the materiality as main connector of the different narratives and as major challenge in terms of space planning. Managed retreat interventions involve in fact large surface areas and important changes in land use, but their implications are linked to a local viability and political priority. Different combinations of emerging material performances will provide then the link between the global discourse and the local implementation of adaptation. The suggestion is that local practices and materializations -rather than plans -become the appropriate framework where the effects of climate change as re-organizing category of land use might be explored.

Technology as Space of Interaction: A Study of Resistance and Subversion

Pablo Fernandez, EM Lyon Bernard Forgues, EM Lyon

Technology is pervasive in everyday life. It also alters organizational and occupational structures of work, as [START_REF] Barley | Technology as an occasion for structuring: Evidence from observations of CT scanners and the social order of radiology departments[END_REF] famously showed in his study of CT scanners. Yet, although technology is inseparable from organizational life, it has largely been ignored by organization theorists. According to Orlikowski (2010), organizational researchers have essentially set technology in one of three roles. It is 1/ unacknowledged (what she calls absent presence), 2/ exogenous (autonomously impacting organizations), or 3/ emerging as a "product of ongoing human interpretations and interactions" (p. 127). She thus calls for a structurationist perspective [START_REF] Orlikowski | The duality of technology: rethinking the concept of technology in organizations[END_REF](Orlikowski, , 2010)), which points to the relationships over time of different actors at different levels, highlighting the interplay between technology, organizations, and institutions. Such an approach is consonant with [START_REF] Pinch | The social construction of facts and artifacts: or how the sociology of science and the sociology of technology might benefit each other[END_REF] constructionist view of technologies, as well as with Leonardi and Barley's (2008) call for studying materiality and power.

Starting from the premise that technology is not neutral but political [START_REF] Winner | The whale and the reactor: a search for limits in an age of high technology[END_REF], in this paper, we conceptualize technologies as spaces for interaction [START_REF] De Certeau | The Practice of Everyday Life[END_REF]. Our goal is to advance knowledge on how technology alters spaces of work and how actors interact with it engaging into power relations. More precisely, we focus on resistance and subversive uses of technologies in the workplace. Previous research has documented how, "despite their materiality, technologies are products of negotiations, human agency, and personal interest" (Leonardi and Barley, 2008, 160, our emphasis). We go beyond such perspective and aim at focusing on this very materiality to have a better understanding of technology-mediated power relations. In attending better to materiality and the properties of material artifacts [START_REF] Mackenzie | Knowing machines: Essays on technologicalchange[END_REF], we hope to shed further light on how the material and the organizational are mutually constituted and changed in the workplace. We focus on power struggles as a case in point. Conceptualizing different types of subversion and resistance to technology allows a better understanding of the kind of work that is performed both to control and to resist, andimportantly-allows as well to study organizational processes, be they individual or collective, overt or subtle, controversial and dysfunctional or productive [START_REF] Courpasson | Resisters at work: generating productive resistance in the workplace[END_REF].

We offer a typology, built following [START_REF] Clegg | Frameworks of Power[END_REF] framework of circuits of power as an approach to conceptualize different levels of resistance. In effect, Clegg's framework allows overcoming narrow conceptions of power and resistance; in particular, it covers not only episodic instances of power/resistance, but also highlights the dynamics concerning rules of practice and systems of domination [START_REF] Clegg | Frameworks of Power[END_REF]. Our focus on resistance and subversion aims at overcoming two possible shortcomings: first, we want to avoid any material determinism (Leonardi and Barley, 2008); second, we want to avoid the conception of power as inescapable [START_REF] Bain | Entrapped by the "electronic panopticon"? Worker resistance in the call center[END_REF][START_REF] Knights | Are there no Limits to Authority?": TQM and Organizational Power[END_REF].As for technology, we adopt a constructionist perspective (Leonardi and Barley, 2008) focusing on three concepts suggested by [START_REF] Pinch | The social construction of facts and artifacts: or how the sociology of science and the sociology of technology might benefit each other[END_REF]: interpretative flexibility, closure mechanisms, and social groups. Importantly, by acknowledging the affordances and constraints resulting from the technology properties, the constructionist perspective does not downplay the importance of materiality (Leonardi and Barley, 2008;Orlikowski, 2010).

We hope our paper to contribute to re-entering today's worlds of work in organizations, particularly to the better understanding of interactions between humans and material artifacts and of how structures of power are constituted and resisted by organizational workers. We think that conceptualizing technology as a space of interaction highlights the political dimension of technology and points to the work done by organizational members on and around technology. This perspective allows us addressing questions that have been overlooked in organization theory, for instance: How technology affordances and constraints are politically determined by design and embodied in technology materiality? How users can subversively use technology defying designers' intentions? What kind of work is done on the technology to resist its controlling effects?

IS as a spatial practice: A call for a spatial turn in MIS research

François-Xavier de Vaujany, DRM-Dauphine Emmanuelle Vaast, McGill University MIS literature continues to focus on the IT artefact as a causal agent (determining organizational dynamics), an object or a set of objects that interact with people (within or outside of an organizational context), or a series of sociomaterial practices (Leonardi and Barley, 2010;Orlikowski and Scott, 2008;Leonardi, 2011). Similarly, IT artefacts are often seen as key issues in MIS research (see [START_REF] Benbasat | The Identity Crisis within the IS Discipline: Defining and Communicating the Discipline's Core Properties[END_REF]; however, such research often conflates IS with IT in spite of major calls against doing so [START_REF] Reix | Management des Systèmes d'Information[END_REF].

Moreover, the notion of information often disappears in most theorization ( [START_REF] De Vaujany | Les grandes approches théoriques du système d'information[END_REF]. For instance, even though scholars such as [START_REF] Kroenke | Management Information Systems[END_REF] have identified IS as a set of components that produce information via interaction, information is often neglected in most MIS publications. This is perhaps because information is seen as a more legitimate topic in the fields of information and computer science.

Here, we offer a spatial perspective on what IS (and indirectly, MIS) is or could be. as such a perspective enables one to better understand space-related research and suggests a different version of "IS in practice."

Following recent space-related research (e.g. Lefebvre, 1991;[START_REF] Gagliardi | Symbols and Artifacts: Views of the Corporate Landscape (Communication and Social Order)[END_REF][START_REF] Clegg | Space, organization and management theory[END_REF]Van Marrewijk and Yanow, 2010), we define organizational space as being constituted and delimited by a large set of material and symbolical artefacts that in practice are more or less related: bodies, buildings, clothing (incl. dress codes), behaviours, office design, corridors, IT, etc.

Indeed, questions related to space, its dynamics and the materiality of its objects have long fascinated social scientists and other thinkers [START_REF] Clegg | Space, organization and management theory[END_REF]. More specifically, in social sciences such as sociology, psychology, economics and organization theory, notable works have directly examined the question of space and provided insights about its relevance; these approaches reveal a "spatial turn" [START_REF] Hillier | Space and spatiality: what the built environment needs from social theory[END_REF] in social theory, but also in humanities.

Drawing on the field of MIS, we hold that this "spatial turn" can result in two sub-perspectives:

-The investigation of the relationship between organizational space and "information flows" with an ontological concentration on information and information flows;

-The study of the intrinsic significance of spatial practices. In this, the dichotomy between spatial practice and information flows is overcome through a phenomenological concentration on information and knowing.

IS as being constituted by and constitutive of space: an ontological perspective

From an ontological perspective, space is in a way "out there"; it habilitates and constrains the interactions and information flows between actors and objects. People interact with and within material space (e.g. an organizational space), and therefore, the choice of creating an open space in the design of a building, the application of a particular security policy, or the localization of people in space both facilitates and constricts information flows.

Among other ontological approaches, that of [START_REF] Go | Moving bodies and connecting minds in space a matter of mind over matter[END_REF] is worth mentioning. They distinguish between material space, information space, mind space and social space. They suggest:

Information technology enables people to move in information space and connect minds. People consume representations of events elsewhere. These spaces have more or less inclusive relationships from individuals point of view. They interact with concepts-translated-into-artefacts, like software, movies and interactive games. (Go and Fenema,67) From this perspective, information appears as a flow that moves through space and is materialized by particular signs. This is coherent, for instance, with the notion of information asymmetry in economics or finance (see [START_REF] Gomez | Le gouvernement de l'entreprise[END_REF]: the approach to information is binary (one has it or does not have it), it is a differential (the lack of information can induce a differential), and it moves physically over organizational or market space.

IS as being constituted by and constitutive of space: an ontological perspective

From an ontological perspective, space is in a way "out there"; it habilitates and constrains the interactions and information flows between actors and objects. People interact with and within material space (e.g. an organizational space), and therefore, the choice of creating an open space in the design of a building, the application of a particular security policy, or the localization of people in space both facilitates and constricts information flows.

Among other ontological approaches, that of [START_REF] Go | Moving bodies and connecting minds in space a matter of mind over matter[END_REF] is worth mentioning. They distinguish between material space, information space, mind space and social space. They suggest:

Information technology enables people to move in information space and connect minds. People consume representations of events elsewhere. These spaces have more or less inclusive relationships from individuals' point of view. They interact with concepts-translated-intoartefacts, like software, movies and interactive games. (Go and Fenema,67) From this perspective, information appears as a flow that moves through space and is materialized by particular signs. This is coherent, for instance, with the notion of information asymmetry in economics or finance (see [START_REF] Gomez | Le gouvernement de l'entreprise[END_REF]: the approach to information is binary (one has it or does not have it), it is a differential (the lack of information can induce a differential), and it moves physically over organizational or market space.

IS as being constituted by and constitutive of space: a phenomenological perspective

From a phenomenological perspective, spatial practices -embodied practices that are co-substantial to the symbolic and material artifacts and space that they rely on -are meaningful. According to Orlikowski (2007Orlikowski ( , p. 1435)), "the [OS] field has traditionally overlooked the ways in which organizing is bound up with the material forms and spaces through which humans act and interact." This is also true in the field of MIS: spatial practices are materialized (Lefebvre, 1991) and informative (Zuboff, 1998).

From the phenomenological perspective, information appears to be co-substantial to sociomaterial practices themselves. Here, what counts is much more actors' knowledge and reflexivity (Giddens, 1984) about their practices and the methods they use to make sense of what is going on around them (Weick, 1995). Nothing is expected to "circulate" or be "distributed" among actors, but rather, knowledge appears to be entangled with information, which is itself entangled with the sociomateriality of the world.

Implications for MIS and organization research: a new vision of IS?

The results of both perspectives on specific visions of information systems and information are listed in the table below:

IS as an ontological space IS as a phenomenological space

Nature of space

Space is mainly constituted by a set of material practices and artefacts that serve to constitute and delimit it.

Space is continuously enacted through sociomaterial practices which constitute and make sense of it.

Nature of

The all-material stage -which consists of the Material space is continuously enacted by

Boundary objects: technology in the creative construction of electronic business

Alan Lowe, Aston Business School Joanne Locke, Birmingham Business School Interactive data is the Security and Exchange Commission's newly mandated system for the electronic communication of company reports. The reporting technology is based on extensible business reporting language (XBRL). The nature and implications of interactive data are fundamentally shaped by the functionality of its core technology and the institutional arrangements surrounding its deployment. This paper examines some of the behind the scenes activity that has enabled the emergence of this new reporting technology. Our aim is to describe and reveal some of the critical processes and technologies that must be engaged and developed in order to provide the necessary mix of expertise and knowledge to construct an infrastructure standard.

Many years of intense effort on behalf of the XBRL community was recognised on December 17 th , 2008 when the Commissioners of the SEC voted to mandate interactive data (SEC, 2008). The final rule 'Interactive Data to Improve Financial Reporting' published on 30 th January 2009 describes the purpose as being:

... to provide financial statement information in a form that is intended to improve its usefulness to investors. In this format, financial statement information could be downloaded directly into spreadsheets, analyzed in a variety of ways using commercial off-the-shelf software, and used within investment models in other software formats. (p.1)

Regimes, Infrastructure and Technology

Society has become increasingly complex over time (Beniger, 1986;Elias, 1982;Lash, 2001) and some of this complexity is reflected in the increased reliance of human actors on objects (Bloomfield et al, 1997;Knorr Cetina, 1999;[START_REF] Law | Actor Network Theory and After[END_REF]. A number of writers (Knorr Cetina, 1999, 2004) have noted the role of objects in enabling the structuring and agency of human beings in society.

Human beings in modern societies do not live in a biotope, but in a technotope. We are surrounded by technologies and material contexts, ranging from buildings, roads, elevators, appliances, etc. These technologies are not only neutral instruments, but also shape our perceptions, behavioural patterns and activities (Geels, 2004, p.903) Social networks have lengthened as the number of discrete social groups has increased. At the same time 'techno-scientific knowledge has become more distributed over a widening range of actors (universities, laboratories, consultancies, RandD units in firms) … [and] the production of cultural and symbolic meanings involves an increasing range of mass media (newspapers, magazines, radio, TV, internet' (Geels, 2004, p.901). Research that seeks to deploy a socio-technical perspective as in ANT must as part of its agenda seek to identify social networks and how actors are able to work across the boundaries between these social networks and groups. This is not to say that ANT is able to reveal a necessarily lasting structure within the social as the boundaries between social groups are transient. A number of writers have examined aspects of how different social groups, or epistemic cultures, have been able to cooperate in order to make progress in the development of technology (Akrich, 1992;Knorr Cetina, 1999;Hughes, 1994;Latour, 1996;Law, 1986) or product innovation [START_REF] Carlile | A pragmatic view of knowledge and boundaries: Boundary objects in new product development[END_REF](Carlile, , 2004)).

The complementarities among technologies and components are important sources of stability and inertia in the system (Arthur, 1988;[START_REF] Carlile | A pragmatic view of knowledge and boundaries: Boundary objects in new product development[END_REF]Rycroft and Kash, 2002). We focus more particularly on the interactions among different technologies, standards or at the component level. These interactions often produce interdependencies that tend to militate against innovation [START_REF] Carlile | A pragmatic view of knowledge and boundaries: Boundary objects in new product development[END_REF].

… system interdependence is a powerful obstacle for the emergence and incorporation of radical innovations. The stability is often formalised in compatibility standards. Material artifacts are also stabilised because they are embedded in society; hence the term socio-technical systems. People adapt their lifestyles to artifacts, new infrastructures are created, industrial supply chains emerge, making it part of the economic system dependent on the artifact (Geels, 2004, p.911, emphasis added).

There are a number of complex ideas combined in the above quote. The embedding of objects in society and the way in which 'people adapt their lifestyles to artifacts', is a concept discussed by a number of writers (Latour, 1996, 2005, Akrich, 1992;Knorr Cetina, 1999, Hughes, 1994;[START_REF] Law | Actor Network Theory and After[END_REF] while others focus much more on the creation of 'new infrastructures' and boundary objects (Bowker and Star, 1999;Star, 1994;Star and Greisemer, 1989).

Boundary Objects in the Creation of Interactive Data

Interactive data is part of a reporting infrastructure (Bowker and Star, 1999) that can become opaque (Latour, 1987(Latour, , 2005)). Our intention in this paper is to describe some of the opaque systems that have served as critical technologies in supporting groups of experts to communicate and build the necessary XBRL standard and interactive data technologies. In trying to achieve this we will make use of an in-depth knowledge of the technology and the development of the XBRL community over time.

Our theorisation will be based primarily on a framework that uses ANT and emphasises the role of knowledge objects. In particular we will apply ideas about the role of boundary objects [START_REF] Carlile | A pragmatic view of knowledge and boundaries: Boundary objects in new product development[END_REF](Carlile, , 2004;;Bowker and Star, 1999;Star and Greisemer, 1989). The idea will be to take XBRL as an exemplar 'translation' technology and so an ideal subject to be considered as a boundary object itself but we will focus more directly on the role of what might be seen as a lower level boundary object in the construction of XBRL.

Boundary objects are constructed, either consciously or unconsciously, to enable communication across otherwise obdurate boundaries among social groups. In our theorisations we will be extending the view of the development of XBRL and the XBRL community to examine boundary objects that have played a part in the 'diffusion' of XBRL. The focus of the paper will be on what devices and/or technologies have been implicated in the 'spread' of XBRL; which groups has constructed these technologies and the extent they been picked up and used by others. The discussion will be on the technology, the knowledge objects and human interaction with these objects. These various technology objects include: XBRL taxonomies; applications software such as Dragontag and TRAX; and diagrams that recur in publications or on websites and websites themselves.

ERP-in-use: from global control to local enacted workarounds: a practice-based study from a multinational firm

Julien Malaurent, EM Lyon David Avison, ESSEC Business School

The management belief behind the extensive use of worldwide enterprise resource planning (ERP) systems has been to set up and manage a boundary object [START_REF] Carlile | A pragmatic view of knowledge and boundaries: Boundary objects in new product development[END_REF], available through all the different sites of a multinational corporation (MNC). The basic expectation from the use of such an artifact is that it should provide a single communication and control information system to interact within and between communities of users and also to reduce the "distance" between the head office and the remote subsidiaries. Whatever the local specificities of each remote site, all the users are expected to use the same set of data, reports and business processes, through a unique worldwide information system (IS). In principal, it fits the will of MNCs facing different environments and different users. In practice, the challenge to get full usage of the ERP system and the business processes embedded within a global template is often much bigger than expected.

Our research aims to answer the following question: how has a technology, initially designed to provide greater control on its whole structure, eventually led to the emergence of local workarounds in its Chinese subsidiary? Based on an interpretive case study of a French MNC, we analyze the emergence of these unexpected, unofficial and unwanted workaround strategies. We are studying situated concrete activities [START_REF] Whittington | The work of strategizing and organizing: For a practice perspective[END_REF] of technology-in-use. In order to explain the emergence of unintended practices among local ERP users, we use activity theory [START_REF] Adler | The evolving object of software development[END_REF][START_REF] Engestrom | Activity theory and individual and social transformation[END_REF][START_REF] Jarzabkowski | Strategic Practices: An Activity Theory Perspective on Continuity and Change[END_REF] as a theoretical framework. It is based on the writings from Soviet cultural-historical psychology, founded by Vygotski and Leontjev during the 1970s. As a broad definition we could state that activity theory is a cross-disciplinary framework for analyzing different forms of human practices as development processes, at both individual and societal levels.

Given the context of our research, and following activity theory principles, the subjects are the Chinese users of a newly implemented ERP system. They are working collectively (the "community") around a common objective (the object) which is the adaptation of the global ERP system to overcome misfits when applied to the Chinese environment resulting (the outcome) in the development of unintended and alternative ERP practices (figure 1).

Figure 1. Interpretation of Case using Activity Theory

Based on the work of [START_REF] Gasser | The integration of computing and routine work[END_REF] we call those practices "workarounds". Workarounds are typically ad-hoc strategies to solve immediate and pressing problems. We see activity theory as a powerful perspective to focus on human work practices as it incorporates notions of multi-voicedness, historicity, and contradiction as a source of change.

Multi-voicedness

Our field investigation demonstrates that the formal structures were not sufficient to cover all problems. The local users at the Chinese subsidiary reorganized themselves informally in ways that differ from the original formal organization plan. Some end users rapidly became "key" users and trainers as they shared their past experience on similar ERP systems. They also designed informal training and new communication channels. This informal organization can be seen as a result of the inadequacy of the global system to meet local demands. It means that the grounds for the existence of this informal organization should be sought in factors related to the inadequacy of the headquarters' (HQ) system to meet the local specificities at the Chinese subsidiary.

Historicity

Those unexpected processes were not formal driven projects, but informal and unexpected processes developed at the level of local users without the support from any HQ managers. At first, the rollout of the first ERP system into a Chinese joint venture (JV) for the company investigated started with a chaotic situation. Local users were disappointed and lost about the complexity and generic aspect of the ERP system as it did not cover most of the local functionalities expected. Then the local users progressively learnt the system's scope and features by organizing informal meetings and training to share and exchange their findings and/or difficulties. Thus, the users have progressively succeeded in setting up a workable system that satisfies the local needs and the MNC expectations even though it was realized through unexpected and unofficial ways.

Contradiction as a source of change

As discussed earlier, the local users reorganized themselves informally in forms that differ from the original formal organization plan. It came in reaction to the difficult experience that every knowledge transmission and cognitive support method, such as formal training sessions, introductory manuals, on-line help and so on, which were constructed in advance and before the problem they targeted had emerged proved to be insufficient. Thus a contradiction remained between the activity system of local users and that of MNC headquarters. At the local level, the pressure for addressing the local issues was high and the answers were missing. To solve the contradiction, users in China had to build up their own solution.

Possibility of expansive transformation

An interesting finding emerged from our research: a global ERP system can provide a platform for original activities. The local users have indeed proven to be knowledgeable agents with a capacity to reflect and act in other ways than the ones prescribed by the headquarters through the ERP template. They have proven their capacity to imagine informal and alternative possibilities within the contingencies of their environment. The cooperation of different individuals and/or groups was the tenet of a collective workaround strategy directed towards a same objective: make the system fit with the local requirements.

Reflection

Instead of looking at ERP as a boundary object, we propose to interpret it as an object-oriented activity system. By so doing, it is possible to have a clear understanding of the emerging postimplementation processes, called here workaround practices, and consequently raise further questions of power, technologies and identities in the context of multi-sites. If strategy is what people do [START_REF] Whittington | Strategy as practice[END_REF], workaround practices are particularly interesting to look at. As creative and unexpected practices they feature potential emergent strategies. Furthermore, they are empirical evidence for scholars and managers to re-consider the classic dichotomy between the world of design and the world of building if not to eliminate it [START_REF] Lorino | Concevoir l'activité collective conjointe: l'enquête dialogique[END_REF]. To sum up, this research reveals a need to consider workaround practices as crafts of strategy that cannot be planned but are nevertheless able to enrich the value of the designed technology by fostering creative technology in use.

Fashion-enacting industry: Coordination among actors within Prêt-à-Porter sector through sociomaterial practices

Vanessa Warnier, IAE de Lille Xavier Lecocq, IAE de Lille Fashion trends currently affect many sectors and are even the essence of certain markets such as prêt-à-porter, haute couture, leather goods or management consulting. While the association of managerial and "aesthetic" fashion trends may seem a priori disconcerting, it is because researchers have often studied the former but rarely the latter. As [START_REF] Abrahamson | Management Fashion[END_REF] points out, studies of fashion in the clothing, food or interior decorating sectors have often been deemed futile and frivolous. Due to these attitudes among researchers in management, the study of fashion has essentially been left to other disciplines in the social sciences such as psychology, sociology, ethnology or even semiotics.

However, the economic weight of the sectors concerned is significant (as an indication, the fashion sector alone represents 5% of French manufacturing). This justifies considering an organizational perspective of fashion. To achieve this, our analysis is essentially situated at the interorganizational level. More specifically, we are interested in the industry's organization and role in emergence of a trend, thus implying the appearance of a new fashion in the sector is due to a coordinated strategy among suppliers.

According to [START_REF] Hirsch | Processing fads and fashions: An organization set analysis of cultural industry systems[END_REF], [START_REF] Dimaggio | Production organizations in the arts[END_REF] and [START_REF] Abrahamson | Management Fashion[END_REF], there are players who transform "aesthetic innovations" into fashion in many artistic fields (publishing, film, music…). These players are positioned between creators and consumers and fill in structural gaps [START_REF] Burt | Structural holes: The social structure of competition[END_REF] by serving as intermediaries between suppliers and consumers.

Various authors have already explored the idea that firms play a determining role in the emergence of fashions. For [START_REF] Barthes | Système de la mode[END_REF], there are groups of producers in the world of prêt-à-porter called accelerators, who play a role in increasing sales, thus speeding up the renewal of garments. [START_REF] Abrahamson | Management Fashion[END_REF] evokes the role of fashion-setters who promote the institutionalization of managerial trends. For Hirsch, players referred to as contact men identify, select and promote aesthetic innovations. We can identify four phases leading to the emergence of a fashion (cf. Figure 1).

First, creators (who can be groups of consumers or firms) imagine aesthetic innovations and try to publicize them. Secondly, players intervene to select promising aesthetic innovations that they "process" in a third phase. Processing consists in modifying the innovation so that it can be massively adopted. Finally, fashion-setters ensure dissemination of the modified aesthetic innovation, making it a fashion.

Figure 1: The four stages in emergence of a fashion according to [START_REF] Hirsch | Processing fads and fashions: An organization set analysis of cultural industry systems[END_REF] In this article, we have chosen to focus on the processing and dissemination stages, looking particularly how fashion-setters and the actors in a field are using artifacts to coordinate and enact fashion. Indeed, one may ask how a trend, a very abstract idea, can be disseminate and make sense for all the actors of the industry and for the consumers themselves.

The PAP industry

The field we have selected is prêt-à-porter (PAP), which is highly influenced by fashion. We have decided to study PAP for several reasons. First, as [START_REF] Abrahamson | Management Fashion[END_REF] has pointed out, PAP offers the perfect example of a sector subject to fashion. Secondly, the sector is highly publicized and Creation Dissemination Processing Selection large quantities of secondary data are available. Thirdly, PAP fashions are easy to identify. Changes in dominant colours, length, fabrics or cuts are obvious signs of transition from one fashion to another [START_REF] Barthes | Système de la mode[END_REF]. Finally, one of the authors has conducted empirical studies of textile and PAP industry players over the last ten years and therefore has had access to a considerable amount of data.

PAP is part of what the SESSI (Office of Industrial Studies and Statistics of the French

Ministry of Economics, Finance and Industry) refers to as "the fashion industry". The latter includes "manufacture of garments, hosiery and sweaters, leather goods, shoes, perfumes and jewellery" (SESSI). The industry includes a variety of industrial sectors whose common denominator is outfitting people. PAP concerns the manufacture of garments and represents the largest share of the fashion industry (44% of sales). In garment manufacturing, PAP is different from the luxury sector due to the very high volumes produced and use of cheaper raw materials. [START_REF] Chapoutier | La fin du prêt-à-porter[END_REF] points out that the term "prêt-à-porter" became popular in France in the 1950s and has replaced "confection", now obsolete and associated with poor quality.

Methods

The PAP sector has been treated as a case study. We have gathered different types of data to identify the coordination process of suppliers in PAP in the emergence of a fashion. In an initial phase, we collected secondary data from various sources: SESSI studies, websites of trend-forecasting firms, interviews of players in the PAP sector published on line or in the press, articles from the general, specialized and professional press, audiovisual documentaries on PAP.

Then, we interviewed general managers of ten producers, buyers and product managers from eight retailers, and four journalists. Their practices and relations with fashion forecasters, considered as fashion-setters in the PAP sector, were therefore studied. Moreover, semi-structured questionnaires consisting in a dozen items were sent by email to the directors of all French trend-forecasting firms. Responses from the directors of the largest forecasting agencies were collected. These different sources enabled data triangulation [START_REF] Denzin | Sociological methods: a sourcebook[END_REF], Yin, 1988) during the analysis. Finally, participation to three trade fairs allows observing the sociomaterial practices in the field.

Sociomaterial practices

The deep study of prêt-à-porter enables us to understand how the industry functions and, in particular, the role of materiality in the emergence and dissemination of ideas among actors in the industry (Latour, 2005), whether they are designers, producers, specialized magazines or retailers.

Forecasting firms formalize the aesthetics innovations (that they call "trends") selected so that they are legible and adapted to the concerned consumers. The chosen aesthetic innovation, which was once only marginal, is made more accessible and prepared for adoption by the masses. The main attributes of creations are extracted and transformed into more general "trends". A few innovative details are used to develop full-blown "ethnic", "natural" or "romantic" trends. Each trend is translated into colours, cuts and prints that can be seen in certain artifacts. Trend books or spools of thread presenting fashionable colours and textures on the stands of certain forecasting firms at PAP trade shows are examples of such artifacts. The processing work of the trends agency results, indeed, in the publication of twenty or so trend books per firm. These limited editions (200 to 600 copies) are sold at $1,500 to $4,000 each to industrialists, multinationals and SME around the world. The PAP trend books produced by Nelly Rodi are published "18 months in advance and come with two updates, three and six months after publication of the main book" (Pierre-François Le Louët, General Manager of Nelly Rodi). Trend books, considered "style bibles […] and devoured by everyone in the sector, from textile mills to garment manufacturers" (LeBris, 2001, p 1), include approximately 60 pages devoted to materials, cuts, colour schemes and sources of inspiration for stylists. They demonstrate the translation by forecasting firms of unique and sometimes marginal creations into general societal trends, on the one hand, and, on the other, the distillation of these broader trends into simple, legible elements like coloured thread. There is great demand among players in the PAP for these simple signs, which they believe are harbingers of changes in society. This processing phase is an example of enactment of the trend (meaning both its orchestration and promotion) by the fashion-setters.

Then the forecasting agencies try to simultaneously disseminate trends and convince PAP players (i.e. both consumers and the industry) of their legitimacy. This operation aims to transform an enacted trend into a fashion, i.e. a self-fulfilling prophecy. Forecasting agencies predict trends and by disseminating their "forecasts" lead suppliers and demanders to transform these trends into fashion. The means of dissemination and legitimization can vary [START_REF] Suchman | Managing legitimacy: strategic and institutional approaches[END_REF], but they often translate, according to DiMaggio and Hirsch (1986), into cooperation between players (gatekeepers) in contact with the media. In the case of PAP, this means being present at trade fairs, convincing a few department store buyers of the trend's future, incarnating the fashion via a media personality, or publishing its essential features in fashion magazines (inventing name for each fashion) which are read by both consumers and professionals. The media plays a decisive role in the dissemination of the trends identified. Indeed, as noted by [START_REF] Hirsch | Processing fads and fashions: An organization set analysis of cultural industry systems[END_REF], Medias are institutional regulators of innovation. In addition to dissemination of trends in the press, some producers or distributors independently play a central role in spreading them. Thus, we have observed that players in PAP who have not purchased trend books are also informed of future fashions by their partners. The latter, by holding key information on changes in the sector, reinforce their power and find organizational support for trends that they themselves are about to follow. These sociomaterial practices contribute to the institutionalization of trends and coordination among suppliers.

Our empirical study shows that artifacts (cuts, colors, labels for each fashion…) are embodying fashion, moving from complex style to simple characteristics, helping actors of the field within the value system to coordinate and launch a critical mass of products related to a given fashion. This critical mass creates need for new products among consumers. Sociomaterial practices (Orlikowski, 2007) also lead every firm from producers to retailers to avoid lock out that could occur in case of inadequacy to fashion. Finally, the embodiment of fashion into artefacts also allows variation among products as fashion supposes in the meantime standardization and factors of differentiation on minor features of the products.

Virtual space as agency cost minimizer

Kseniya Navazhylava, HEC Paris

Space is a realm that cannot be overlooked by human beings in their everyday life. But in its scientific reflection the concept of space is often underestimated. In taylorism literature of early organizational studies architecture of buildings and other material issues is considered to have an impact on the behaviour of workers, or, as Lucy Suchman would say, focusing on the "impacts" or "uses" of technology, masks "the constitutive intertwining and reciprocal interdefinition of human and material agency" (Suchman, 1987). In these perspectives space is represented as constructed due to human intentions and functional to human needs.

With the emergency of IT, space gains the new significance as it becomes infiltrated by technology up to the point where we witness the birth of the new space -the virtual one. Here, in consistency with Orlikowski who suggested that "we can gain considerable analytical insight if we give up on treating the social and the material as distinct and largely independent spheres of organizational life" (Orlikowski, 2007), it is complicated to draw differences between subjects, technologies and space. All of them constitute spatial network, being at the same time a product of human imagination, a set of technological devices and a construction of significations and immanent distances between inexistent objects. Here the claim of Bruno Latour "Please, treat humans as things, offer them at least the degree of realism you are ready to grant humble matters of concern, materialize them (...)!" (Latour, 2005) finds its absolute material confirmation: all that is included into the virtual space is equivalent in its right to be present, equally existent as flashes of light forming the pixels of picture of the world, and bits of code forming the past, present and future... and at the same time humans, cats, roads, air -all that we see and feel in the virtual world is non-material and illusory in its being. The tangled web of wires, flickering screens and delicate chips -that is all that forms the backbone of this virtual world, every possible measure of its transcendental space.

Our usual safe space transforms into virtuality seamlessly, flowing from the cozy offices stuffed with modern printers, laptops, iPads, projectors, smartphones into the realm of technology. Inexorable force of gravity to technology sucks humans into virtuality, absorbing and organizing their intentions. But at the same time isn't it a man who remains a king of this new nature of matter from which everything is woven? The dialectics of existing, omnipotential and at the same time -inexistent, illusory control transforms any relationship known in the habitual world. Modern organizations are in the lead of these processes as being the territory where one cannot get rid of humans, technology and space issues.

This work looks at the balance between the use of technology and space in organization and the change that occurs in the models of monitoring with growth of technological infiltration in organizational space. Specifically, the research question is -how does the agency cost differ, linked to the restrictions in the use of technology in three different forms of organizational space?

Starting with the Panopticon, popularised by Michel Foucault as a most widespread form of monitoring in the society [START_REF] Foucault | Discipline and Punish: the Birth of the Prison[END_REF], being the most natural model of monitoring in the bullpen offices, we move to the cubicles, where technology helps to implement control and reduce the possibility of shirking with the all-seeing gaze of cameras and all-registering log of tourniquets, and then -to outsourcing firms, that do not share a common space in its usual sense, but construct their own virtual organizational space. In the last, control is inevitable, as it is ingrained into the very fabric that guarantees existence to the new organizational space.

We look at the agency cost in these three situations relying on the classical Alchian and Demsetz definition of agent and principal, and bearing in mind components of agency cost proposed by [START_REF] Jensen | Theory of the firm: Managerial behavior, agency costs, and ownership structure[END_REF]:

the monitoring (both measuring the activity and motivation) expenditures by the principal,

The role of material space in coworking spaces hosting entrepreneurs: the case of the Beehive in Paris

Julie Fabbri, CRG Ecole Polytechnique

Florence Charue-Duboc, CRG Ecole Polytechnique

There are more and more self-employed and nomadic workers due to increasing outsourcing and telecommunications. Those workers enjoy flexibility in working location because they need no more than a laptop and an Internet connection to get a job done. This work arrangement is exemplary of contemporary work-worlds and their new boundaries. Given that they are not tied anymore to a specific business location, they can suffer from isolation. One may wonder how they keep connected to business world and develop social interactions. Indeed we know that social relationships at work are essential to build the individual's identity (Sainsaulieu, 1977). In parallel of this trend of virtualization and distance work, some organizational spaces are emerging to allow people to work on their own but side by side: they are called "coworking spaces". Beyond this buzzword, this new kind of workplace is actually developing. The need for independent and mobile workers to gather in a same place in order to be socialized is not new, like in coffee shops for instance [START_REF] Oldenburg | The Great Good Place: Cafes, Coffee Shops, Bookstores, Bars, Hair Salons, and Other Hangouts at the Heart of a Community[END_REF]. The new fact is that more and more independent workers are joining this kind of workplace instead of a private office. Among them there is a significant proportion of entrepreneurs. According to the global coworking survey of Deskmag, entrepreneurs accounted for more than 18 % of coworkers worldwide in 2010.

In this paper, we try to understand how coworking spaces impact the work in focusing on entrepreneurs who chose to locate their activity in such places. Why do they prefer coworking spaces to business incubators? What do they expect from locating their business in such place? Is the place a resource for them? Does the way the space is organized play a role? [START_REF] Hackett | Systematic Review of Business Incubation Research[END_REF] define a business incubator as "a shared office space facility that seeks to provide its incubates (…) with a strategic, value-adding intervention system (…) of monitoring and business assistance". The spatial dimension of the business incubator is part of the definition. Nevertheless very few academic studies emphasize the role of material space in structure supporting entrepreneurs. More broadly, strategic management and organization studies have traditionally overlooked the spatiality of organizations (Orlikowski, 2007;[START_REF] Lauriol | Stratégies, espaces et territoires. Une introduction sous le prisme géographique[END_REF].

To shed light on these questions we studied the case of The Beehive in central Paris, France [START_REF] Eisenhardt | Building theories from case research[END_REF] because it is both a coworking space and a dedicated structure for social entrepreneurs, which opened three years ago to accommodate and support them. Three different formula exist: the "residents" who get a dedicated full time workstation, the "pied-à-terre" who benefit from a part time workstation (5 or 10 days per month), and the "butineurs" who just become members without any workstation access. Since 2008, around 250 people worked at The Beehive (49 "resident" structures and 23 "pied-à-terre"). The workers can not only rent a workstation in the open space but also participate in various events related to social business economy or management skills. The frequent workshops, whether they are reserved to The Beehive members or open to anyone, constitutes a fertile ground to enhance internal as well as external networking. Furthermore, entrepreneurs have the opportunity to organize their own events to promote their activities (e.g. temporary shop), to share best practices or to generate ideas and take up their challenges (e.g. hold up, a creative collaborative brainstorming). The events are an integral part of The Beehive's mission. The modularity of the space makes it adaptable to different reception and business functions. The workers have the opportunity to develop interactions with each other and collaborations within the space on a variety of issues. For instance, someone working on women empowerment can be next to someone working on microfinance and then share practices at different levels: informal form of professional network, resources sharing, etc. Their collaboration may create something new via a so-called "peer-to-peer training". Beyond socialization, those places of interactions may influence the evolution of their business, giving birth to business collaborations for instance.

We rely on an empirical qualitative analysis to be able to show the individuals' subjective dimension of their experiences, according to the specific context [START_REF] Paillé | L'identité au travail, Les effets culturels de l'organisation[END_REF]. We conduct an inductive methodology by combining in-depth interviews and direct observation [START_REF] Yin | Case study research: Design and methods[END_REF]. To understand the practices of The Beehive, we undertook two series of one-on-one semistructured interviews. On one hand, we discussed with The Beehive team and stakeholders to learn why the initiative was born and how it is supposed to work today. On the other hand, we exchanged with current or past members of The Beehive to better understand their perceptions and experiences. We paid close attention to represent the diversity of The Beehive structures in our sample. At the same time, in line with an organizational ethnography approach, we spent two periods of 10 days in an observer position 3 months apart from each other. We participated in several events of the community and occupied a workstation sporadically. In sum, we were both insider and outsider. Participating whilst observing result in a particular tension whichis distinctive to the participant observation approach [START_REF] Garsten | Ethnography[END_REF].

Based on the practice developed by the entrepreneurs that we analysed, we will show that coworking spaces are much more than shared offices. Coworking spaces appear as workplaces where social interactions take place beyond the boundaries of the classical firm. Encouraging and supporting interactions and collaborations, these workplaces provide favourable conditions and context to the emergence of a community. They also appear as marketplaces to develop business relationships. Furthermore thanks to the collaborations, the events and the common stakeholders, the coworking space gives its members a collective identity. We will underline that material space is central in the proximity and trust between the co-workers and their collective identity.

In/different spaces -the permanence of space in media work

Lotta Häkkinen, University of Turku Nina Kivinen, Åbo Akademi University For the past 8 months we have been doing ethnographic fieldwork at a publishing house. We have been following the production and management of an online magazine for young women (Lily), and a magazine for young girls (Demi), which is published monthly. We have been following the editors and journalists in an office space that the two magazines share as well as the online life of the two magazines. The study can be described as a multi-sited or mobile ethnography, which spans over multiple and changing places and spaces (cf. O'Reilly 2009).

Demi is a glossy monthly magazine with a feminist agenda that has been published for 14 years. Each issue includes 'difficult' subjects such as violence, eating disorders, and mental illness. The magazine has a longstanding and active web community with more than 40.000 registered users. This is a space in which the young girls communicate among themselves. Different organizations that deal with youth issues, such as organizations working against substance abuse and the police are active online at certain specified times. Demi has also during the past year become active in social media such as Facebook and Twitter. Their core media product is in any case the paper copy of the magazine that monthly is delivered to the homes of eagerly waiting teenagers and to newsagents.

"Lily is a unique web community of young women. Lily's own staff, professionals recruited by Lily, as well as independent, enthusiastic amateurs write, publish photos and videos on fashion, relationships, interior design, lifestyle, hobbies, work …" (A-lehdet Media guide 2012, p. 14) The online magazine comprises of several thousand blogs, related posts, profiles and online discussion threads. Lily can be described as a spin off from Demi, a virtual media platform for young women who have outgrown the print magazine.

In this paper we will analyze the spatial and material practices of these two magazines. We will analyze the different spaces that media work practices construct, arguing that while the media product of these two magazines is very different (print media vs. online platform), the spaces of production remain surprisingly similar.

Our perspective on spatiality draws in particular from the trialectic view of space in the work of Henri Lefebvre and the spatial thinking of Michel Foucault. Space is not seen as a stable construct, but as the result of simultaneous social, material and imaginary processes (cf. Massey, 2005). For Doreen Massey (2005:9), her understanding of space relies on three propositions. First, that space is the product of interaction, of interrelations. Second, we understand space as multiplicity, a sphere where heterogeneity co-exists. Third, that therefore space is always in the making, it is never ready but always being constructed. Instead of avoiding plurality, conflicts and juxtapositions, we should embrace them. As Foucault already argued, space is not a fixed canvas onto which human action is painted, but space is in a stage of constant change and movement. Studying space therefore becomes the detailed study of interaction, narratives and material practices rather than studying the effect of buildings on human action (cf. [START_REF] Clegg | Frameworks of Power[END_REF][START_REF] Clegg | Space, organization and management theory[END_REF]Dale, 2005).

Picture 1: The office door

This is the door to the office space of Lily and Demi, taken from the inside. While we as researcher were given open access to the people and practices of the two magazines, this did not include open access to their offices. As we wouldn't be issued keys to the office, an orange basket was placed at the door in the summer and autumn to keep the door ajar. The main reason for this was to give us free access to the women's restroom, the door of which can be seen in the background of the picture above. Interestingly, during the holidays the office building had an open fireplace on the ground floor. However, the smoke from the fireplace spread through the corridors and in order to keep it away from the editorial office, we were asked only to use the basket when we used the facilities beyond.

All employees of the publishing house are issued with a key card that opens the doors to the corridors and the offices and the card can also be used to pay for lunch in the cafeteria. Both magazines, but particularly Demi, use regular freelance writers that occasionally need to work and move in the building. Without a key card this is difficult and some stated that "I'm not really supposed to be here, it is not allowed".

The desks, screens and computer screens construct a common office landscape. The office is scattered with products from advertisers and gifts to be used as rewards in different competition, as well as books for review. E-mail conversations between members of staff construct intimate and closed spaces that remain invisible for other members of staff. Impromptu meetings take place, often by members of staff standing up to see each other over the screens that separate their desks, some join in, some don't. Lunch and coffee breaks create yet again different spaces that both separate and join the two magazines together. The office space is also firmly protected against the intrusion of the management of the firm, but concerns of possible financial concerns leaks in particularly through the web and other media outlets.

Other issues that the paper will address are:

-Computer screen as mediating the 'virtual' and the 'real' spaces of Lily and Demi -'Standing meetings' as embodied practices -Facebook and other online updates of daily activities in the editorial office as a way of bringing 'real' bodies into 'virtual' space -Print outs of the magazine as a way of materializing the media in the making Although the materiality of the media products of the two magazines is very different, the changes in related media work seems to change the associated spaces only very little.

A biography of software development: OSS for microfinance

Wifak Houij Gueddana, LSE For many, microfinance is about building inclusive financial systems to help the poor gain direct access to financial services. However, studies of microfinance suggest that for a majority of microfinance providers their outreach is uneven and of poor quality for local low-income communities. Policy makers and consortia of microfinance experts have attempted to help build inclusive financial systems and improve capacity building through ICTs. They have fuelled a surge of ICT experimentations in microfinance institutions (MFIs) through an influx in investment capital, including software development, mobile money and peer-to-peer microcredit servicing. In particular, there is strong emphasis on open source software (OSS) initiatives, as it is commonly believed that MFIs are uniquely positioned to benefit from the advantages of openness and free access.

Whether in business markets or across international development spheres, OSS approaches have become extremely popular over the past two decades. OSS gurus are convinced there is a business case for a purely open source approach. Nonetheless, getting people to agree on what is meant by OSS remains hard to achieve. On the one hand scholarly software research shows a lack of consensus and documents stories in which OSS meaning is negotiated locally. On the other, the growing literature on ICT-for-international development (ICT4D) does not provide answers as research, especially in the microfinance context, presents little empirical scrutiny. This paper critically explores the distinctiveness of the open source approach in the context of the microfinance industry, to understand the implications that such software development initiatives have for MFIs and building their organisational capacity.

Theoretically I indirectly draw on the 3rd wave of research within the field of Science and Technology Studies -studies of Expertise and Experience (SEE) - (See Collins and Evans 2002;Jasanoff 2003;Collins and Evans 2003). I couple the software 'biography' approach (Pollock and Williams 2009) with concepts from Simondon's thesis (1958) on the individuation of technical beings as an integrated framework to study OSS for microfinance. This framework articulates a 'performative' approach in which the ontology of software systems gradually develops once the software associated milieu is sustained through material practices both online and offline. It thus suggests that software development practices have generative powers enabling the emergence of shifting social arrangements, where software community members continuously perform participation over time.

This research uses an interpretative case study approach based on a combination of two 'biography' datasets -providing a double, in and out zooming of the case-and a mix of quantitativequalitative analytical techniques. It gathers extensive data from the long term development of a particular open source, community-based software project for microfinance, named Mifos. The first dataset consists of thousands of messages that have been collected from Mifos three mailing lists (newsgroups). These are used by community subscribers to interact, diffuse information and assistance, as well as achieve distributed collaboration. Here, I mapped interpersonal connections among Mifos members, by applying social network analysis (SNA), in order to create visual representations of the structure of Mifos community and explore authors' posting behaviour. I also did a certain number of iterations according to different time snapshots, so as to trace changes in Mifos email platform, and identify their effect on the software long term performance. This preliminary investigation only scrutinizes the structural patterns of Mifos community participation. It is furthermore complemented by an in-depth-analysis of newsgroups messages and conversations, which offer a deeper insight into the life history of the community, its practices and members' participation.

The findings of this first dataset are then analysed in the light of additional interviews and participant observation. These refer to the second dataset, including opinions collected from several policy makers, IT experts and microfinance NGOs in the MENA region -both potential and actual Mifos members in five countries. In fact, the second dataset provides a 'bird's-eye' view of the bigger context of Mifos long term development. It carries out an examination of the challenges and prospects local microfinance grassroots face in order to guarantee the sustainability of their information systems. Here my aim is to account for the socio-political dimension of Mifos associated milieu, which I expose in comparison to other IT initiatives that were developed for microfinance in the region.

Based on these two datasets, I thus provide a biography of Mifos software development, which constructs the software long term performance based on a combination of micro and macro perspectives, as well as documents its evolution over time. By so doing, I aim at stressing the continuous and gradual interplay between the material practices of software development and the social, revealing in the Mifos case, how platform and code flexible upgradability have enabled progressive capacity building and learning through participation. Going beyond the temporality and instrumentality of design, this study challenges our understanding of software production and the role of software-based information systems for microfinance. It also shows that the distinction between open source and other types of software solutions in the context of microfinance NGOs is irrelevant, insomuch as it is a difference in construction rather than in ontology and so it can only be established retrospectively.

Co-evolution of design and use: the role of material artifacts

Amandine Pascal, Université Aix-Marseille

Catherine Thomas, Université de Nice Design science methodologies offer a specific mode of engaging in research. In particular, they are characterized by active interventions in the system that the researchers are studying and engage in. In this respect, design science research develops knowledge in the service of action, that is, to respond to real-world challenges and solve authentic problems by creating artifacts. A critical step in any design project is to design the artifact that (is intended to) solve(s) the initial problem.

In the organization fields, by specifying what they call "construction principles" and "design rules", the authors explicitly connect the (artifact created in the) design project and theory inferred from the literature [START_REF] Romme | Making a difference: Organization as design[END_REF][START_REF] Andriessen | Designing and testing an OD intervention: reporting intellectual capital to develop organizations[END_REF][START_REF] Romme | Construction principles and design rules in the case of circular design[END_REF][START_REF] Denyer | Developing design propositions through research synthesis[END_REF][START_REF] Van Aken | Management research as a design science: Articulating the research products of mode 2 knowledge production in management[END_REF]. They advocate that these artifacts, as boundary objects, facilitate the coordination of many human activities across time and space [START_REF] Jelinek | Introduction to the special issue: organization studies as a science for design: creating collaborative artefacts and research[END_REF] and moreover between researchers and users in a design process. However, according to [START_REF] Pascal | Developing a human-centred and science-based approach to design: The knowledge management platform project[END_REF], producing artifacts is not sufficient: in a multi-actor environment, the dialogue and negotiations with users have to be deliberately created and managed. Moreover, these approaches do not make a distinction between interventions with and those without a material artifact.

In this respect, we develop a design science methodology using the contributions of the science-based design approach [START_REF] Romme | Making a difference: Organization as design[END_REF][START_REF] Andriessen | Designing and testing an OD intervention: reporting intellectual capital to develop organizations[END_REF][START_REF] Romme | Construction principles and design rules in the case of circular design[END_REF][START_REF] Denyer | Developing design propositions through research synthesis[END_REF][START_REF] Van Aken | Management research as a design science: Articulating the research products of mode 2 knowledge production in management[END_REF] and drawing on Actor Network Theory (ANT) concepts to create and manage the interaction between technology and social systems, particularly from a users' point of view (for more details on the design methodology, see [START_REF] Pascal | Developing a human-centred and science-based approach to design: The knowledge management platform project[END_REF]. ANT is relevant for designing any artifact that is intended to be widely used. It serves to understand socio-technical compromises and negotiations as two key processes that facilitate the mutual adaptation and adoption of new technologies [START_REF] Akrich | The key to success in innovation[END_REF]. As such, the success of a designed artifact depends on a process of adaptation-adoption, which in turn is influenced by the socio-technical environment. This success also relies on the construction of a socio-technical network that will defend and support the process of designing and implementing an innovative artifact. The notion of network in ANT refers to shifting alliances of both human and non-human actors. This is also the active role played by spokespersons who negotiate to shape the design project and transform it until the innovative solution proposed is adopted (Akrich et al. 2002: 217). This methodology involves creating problem awareness, developing design propositions, creating scenarios of use, designing artifacts, experimentation with prototypes, and organizational transformation (see Figure 1). These steps typically need to be taken in many iteration, acknowledging that each step overlaps and is highly intertwined with other steps.

Figure 1: an integrative design science methodology [START_REF] Pascal | Developing a human-centred and science-based approach to design: The knowledge management platform project[END_REF] Using this methodology, we carried out an empirical research -the Knowledge Management Platform project -located in the scientific park of Sophia Antipolis (Alpes-Maritimes, France), focusing on the Telecom Valley® (TV) association which gathers the main actors of the Sophia Antipolis Telecom cluster. The objective of this project was to build an interactive map of competencies to enhance knowledge creation through partnerships within the cluster.

Our study of the KMP project suggests IT interfaces can play a specific role in a design science research process. In the KMP study, the application and contextualization of the design propositions in successive prototypes served to build situated practices. However, these prototypes remained plastic enough to be continually adapted to the evolving requirements of different users. For example, an important property of the KMP's interface is to provide both the opportunity to describe one's competencies and to specify queries when searching for particular competencies. Moreover, IT interfaces are reconfigurable and can evolve when the practices or contexts of users change.

Drawing on IT interfaces has also two implications. First, IT interfaces support the coordination and communication between users and designers. In this respect, IT interfaces integrate standardized representations (of competencies in the KMP project). According to [START_REF] Star | Institutional ecology, translation and coherence: Amateurs and professionals in Berkeley's museum of vertebrate zoology, 1907-1939[END_REF], these standardized representations play a critical part in this type of project by ensuring the integrity of the information collected from the multi-actor environment. For example, the KMP solution provides standardized methods for collecting, labelling and identifying competencies inside a cluster, as well as for representing and analyzing a cluster. Second, IT interfaces play a key role in collective learning processes as they emerge and develop over time. Here, using and embedding these interfaces in the actual professional practices is essential to create both a deeper theoretical understanding and practical knowledge. Indeed, at each stage, IT interfaces draw on theoretical principles identified by designers. As such, they afford a working hypothesis, as [START_REF] Béguin | Design as a mutual learning process between users and designers[END_REF] suggests. Utilizing the artifact in users' practices constitutes an opportunity for testing the hypotheses of designers regarding this artifact, uncovering their consequences and possibly enriching, changing or falsifying them. In this respect, 'practising' the design tends to improves the pragmatic validity (Worren et al.2002) of the underlying knowledge. In the KMP project, for example, the accessible database of competencies has increased the trust in the KMP tool -describing competencies without revealing strategic know-how; moreover, it has proved useful in searching partners and, in addition, has also produced unexpected benefits (e.g. selfawareness of competencies).

In sum, according to the network notion in ANT, our study refers to shifting alliances of both human and non-human actors. It underlines the specific role of the material artifacts produced in each design cycle: they structure the design process over time, foster the emergence of socio-technical compromises and mutual learning processes. As boundary objects, these material artifacts play a critical role in negotiating and sealing compromises and as such in the co-evolution of both designers' world and users' world.

Session 8 -Everyday materiality in and outside organizations Nuno Oliveira (LSE) Room E253

Bachelard's poetics and the study of materiality in organizations

Michèle Charbonneau, Ecole Nationale d'Administration Publique

The question of materiality in management and organization studies rarely elicits studies outside of its relation to artifacts and, in particular, to technical objects or to technology. Indeed, the concept of materiality is often mobilized in order to further the analysis of technology in the organizational context. It does so by attempting to give thickness to artifacts and to recognize their role as mediators [START_REF] Akrich | Les formes de la médiation technique[END_REF], that is to say, to acknowledge their influence on the course of action while avoiding to fall into the trap of the debate opposing determinism and voluntarism (Leonardi and Barley, 2010). It can also enable us to shift our attention from particular technologies at precise moments to all organizational artifacts at any time, and to view the social and material dimensions of organizations as inextricably entangled with one another (Orlikowski and Scott, 2008). However, the tight coupling of the questions of artifacts and materiality sometimes seems to favour the study of the former rather than the latter. Indeed, it is not unusual to see sociomaterialist studies use the concept of materiality essentially as a synonym of artifact or technology. 1 The coupling of the concepts of artifact and materiality is certainly justified. However, to deepen the relevance of the concept of materiality in management and organization studies, one might also attempt to reflect upon materiality outside of its direct relationship to artifacts. To do so, the study of the human experience of materiality seems as an interesting choice.

Bachelard's poetics may offer significant insight into the question. His analyses of fire and water, to take only these examples, enable him to take the reader into the turmoil, desires and dreams of the "candle and water dreamers" [START_REF] Bachelard | L'eau et les rêves. Essai sur l'imagination de la matière[END_REF][START_REF] Bachelard | La flamme d'une chandelle[END_REF]. In fact, through his desire to reach the heart of the elements of fire, water, earth and air, Bachelard attempts to come into contact, as close as possible, to the matter, beyond the form [START_REF] Dagognet | Sa vie, son oeuvre avec un exposé de sa philosophie[END_REF]. This rapprochement may therefore stimulate reflection on the relation of humans to the materiality of the world, specifically on the symbolism and the construction of this relation. This paper aims to initiate a reflection on the possible contribution of Bachelard's poetics to a better understanding of the issues raised by materiality in management and organization studies. The analysis of the question of space in organization is already anchored in Bachelard's poetics of space. However, we believe that the contribution of Bachelard's poetics to organizational studies can go beyond this single reference.2 This is, at the very least, the hypothesis we propose to investigate in this paper.

Our first considerations will be epistemological. After having situated Bachelard's poetics in his body of work, we will discuss its epistemological implications. These will lead us to address certain issues pertaining to the different ways through which material experience can be studied, while taking into account the psychoanalytical perspective which Bachelard evokes in his early writings before rejecting it, as well as the phenomenological perspective which seems to appear in his later writings, according to some of his readers [START_REF] Dagognet | Sa vie, son oeuvre avec un exposé de sa philosophie[END_REF]. This point of view on Bachelard's poetics will then nourish the reflection surrounding the possibility of adopting a phenomenological posture to study the relation of humans with artifacts, a posture that currently seems drawing some attention. 3The following considerations will be theoretical. We will explore various dimensions of the material experience inherent to Bachelard's poetics. In particular, we will examine his conception of what he calls "material imagination" and study the relationship between imagination and matter. Then, we will underline the role of the senses in the relationship to materiality and the individual and collective dimensions of the human experience of materiality.

Finally, we will discuss the potential contribution of Bachelard's poetics to sociomaterialist studies of technology and organization. Specifically, we will compare the preceding propositions to those emanating from analyses of the symbolical dimension of organizational artifacts, including the works of [START_REF] Gagliardi | Artifacts as pathways and remains of organizational life[END_REF] and [START_REF] Strati | Esthétique et organisation[END_REF]. Also, we will attempt to see how Bachelardian studies could help to overcome some of the limitations of the constructivist approach to the relationship between technology and organizations.

Bachelard's poetics are dense and his exegetes are numerous. Therefore, this paper will follow him only in a few specific aspects of his thought. However, we believe that their richness will suffice to indicate a way to deepen the understanding of the relationship to artifacts and, in particular to technology within the organizational context by allowing to better appreciate its complexity.

Understanding organization design emergence from experience: the concept of Experiential Organization Design

Richard Baskerville, GSU Anthony Hussenot, DRM-Dauphine Scholars of organization strive to resolve the conceptual dichotomy that separates the organization as entity and organization as process (Czarniawska, 2008;Hernes, 2008). For example, Czarniawska (1997Czarniawska ( , 2004) ) developed the concept of action net to show how the ongoing process of organizing creates temporal effects that embody the organization. Hernes ( 2008) conceptualized entification to clarify how organizations take on the properties of entities and how those properties consequentially initiate processes.

We use the term organizing to denote the process, the organization to denote the entity, and just organization for the collective and inseparable whole of both. Organizing is a creative act of social will that arises from the collective experience embedded in the organization. It can be conceptualized as experiential design (Baskerville, 2011). The concept of experiential organization design is based on the assumption that there is no ontological primacy between the organization as entity and the organization as process. From an experiential organization design perspective, the matter of ontology about organization is only a matter of social and material entanglement (Orlikowski, 2007(Orlikowski, , 2010;;Orlikowski and Scott 2008) and how the actors experience and design the organization (space, identity, practices, rules, etc.). Also, conceptualization of organization should not be imposed by researchers (as noun, verb, entity, process, etc.), but rather should follow and encompass the heterogeneous elements and dynamics playing a role in the organization design. By assigning primacy to how actors experience and design the organization, the concept of experiential organization design aims to understand both how actors design organization through experiences, and how organization design enables and constrains actors' experiences.

Experience is a core concept in the humanities. Experience is understood as both noun and verb encapsulating both the substance and the process ontologies. This idea is suited to overcome debate about organization as noun -as social actor (King and Whetten, 2010) -or verb such as organizing (Weick, 1995). Organization scholars (Cooper, 2005;Hernes, 2008) mobilized the concept to understand organizing and organization. However, experience is not just someone experiencing something (Hernes, 2008;Whitehead, [1929Whitehead, [ ] 1978)). Experience is always a connection of many into one (Lucas, 1989). Experience is an entangled and relational heterogeneity arising partly from an inclusive and holistic design (Whitehead, [1929(Whitehead, [ ] 1978)). Experience is neither individual, nor collective: experience is relational. Also, organization is always a heterogeneous (including human and non-human) tangled experience, an inclusive whole.

Design comes from the latin designo which means both to project and to draw (Shasterbury, 1712). A design focus suggests that organization is simultaneously experienced by actors as process (activity, change, projects, etc.), as concrete (building, space, furniture, bodies), as abstract (personality, intentionality) and as enduring (name, brand, logo). Management and organization scholars have mainly dealt with the notion of design to understand and shape organization. The concept of design surfaces two interlinked attributes of organization. First, we see the intentionality of organizing. Design makes a thought concrete. Actors design organizations to perform tasks and produce precise outcomes. Also, actors experience and design organization according to an aim or intentionality (social, environmental, economical, etc.). Second, we see the conceptualization attribute of organization. Organizations are, partly, concepts. Actors define organization from ideas, thoughts, and ideologies that lead to an organizational identity and allow it to work cohesively.

The combination of these two concepts extends our understanding about organization. In our mind, experience and design are both the conditions and the outcomes of the organization definition. There is no primacy between the experience and the design because experience allows design, and design allows experience. The substance of an organization is its experiential design, whatever the nature of experience: psychological, cognitive, practical, etc. There is no other design, no other reality than the experiences lived by actors. Organization is how we shape and how we experience the organization. Architecture, working spaces, hierarchies, rules, products, services, etc. are designed through the experiences of actors. Moreover, design is present in any organizational experience, because there is intentionality. The notion of design privileges the intentionality of actors in organizing. Organizational experience is necessarily directed upon both the organization itself (in order to produce and reproduce it) and the aim (the outcome of the activity). By living organizational experience, actors conceptualize and shape the organization in order to achieve an aim. Actors engage in organization in order to produce something particular even if this intentionality evolves over time. To acquire particular social and economic roles, actors conceptualize organization as they design features, leading to the creation of an organization as a recognized actor by other actors. Also, experiential organization design emerges as a hodgepodge of elements designed through experiences. They are piecemeal assemblies of components that may have been acquired over periods of time with little thought to the configuration of any ultimate organization design. Because new components are conjoined with existing components, organization becomes an emergent product of cumulative elaboration. Experiential organization designs lead to emergent entanglement in which heterogeneous organizational elements are acquired in a process more-or-less driven by an immediate context.

By conceptualizing experiential organization design, we centralize the actors; to understand how they elaborate undisputable features and categories about organization becoming potentiality for new experiences. We follow the traces of the experiences lived and respect the actors' viewpoint. We attend heterogeneous elements that help define organization. Organization emerges through talking and doing, through using tools and many objects, through lived feelings and through perceiving and analyzing. The ontology of organization is also relational (Cooper, 2005;Slife, 2004) in that elements have meaningful existence from their entanglement. There is a plurality of designs of any organization. Customers, suppliers, employees, top managers define over time variations of organization design through their own particular and unique experiences. With organization, we engage an uncountable multiplicity, many unique experiential organization designs that are more or less shared among actors.

preliminary understanding and what they experienced during their appraisal interviews. We aimed to identify how these documents shape their understanding of the process and how material, organizational and individual levels interact within this specific situation. Through these documents, which are often seen as technical and impersonal procedures, our analysis shows that the organization conveys messages that go far beyond the assessment's interview. This study suggests that the interview's meaning is emerging not only as a global understanding of the appraisal process, but also as an organizational story about the roles and rules that are engaged in the process. This narrative draws on usual topics about meetings but also conveys specific meanings about roles, rules, expected results, prerequisites in order to distinguish this annual meeting from day-to-day conversations. As far as we know, these researches have not been studied in regard to the relationship between employees and space. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to understand how employees' use their space to create favourable conditions to attend the e-learning program? This paper is based on four casestudies and 46 semi-directed interviews with employees, who all have completed their e-learning program. It has been asked to all the employees that how they have organised to attend their e-learning program.

Theories of space and the physical reality of organisations have been widely ignored by organisational theory, as Clegg and Kornberger asserted in their 2006 edited volume on "Space, Organisations and Management Theory. To try to understand how employees use space to create favourable conditions to attend their e-learning programs, this paper will use the approach of Moles and Rohmer (1998). These researchers introduced the notion of "champs de liberté" in the way people used space for their activities. They explain that a space configuration offers a freedom for the people to act in a game of constraints and opportunities. These constraints and opportunities can be physical, biological, social, and moral. This paper will try to show how different working environment (plant, logistic space, headquarter) offer constraints and opportunities for employees to attend e-learning program, on a material and psychological point of view, and how employees use the space to feel in favourable conditions. The results of this research may be used to develop a framework for future research.

Demateriality: Social Mutation and Managerial Challenges

Anne-Sophie Binninger, Reims Management School Eric Fimbel, ReimsManagementSchool Catherine Karyotis, ReimsManagementSchool Materiality defines the state of what is material, made up of palpable and/or visible matter. It is the opposite of immateriality. The noun "demateriality" does not exist in the dictionary; its absence demonstrates the exploratory nature of our research. Practices and questions appear in our society before they are semantically and terminologically identified, labelled and, even less, stabilised. We take demateriality to mean a state resulting from a process of transformation or even transmutation affecting an object that was previously material; this process is well-known; the process of dematerialisation is widely described and analysed in the literature, as are the closely related notions of immaterial, intangible or even virtual.

In our exploratory research we define demateriality; we note its intensity and the diversity of its current forms. On the basis of this knowledge we propose to analyse it from a sociological perspective, using the analysis that the sociologist J. Clam makes of it in Pathways of the Immaterial, contribution to a theory of value and its dematerialisation (2004): institutionality which, for a medium, is the "critical threshold between informality, everyday use and formality when it is used as a guarantee", specificity in the sense that "exchange must always use a medium, must give itself a particular profile if it is to be at all interpretable", circulability as "the essential feature of mediality […]considering fluidity as its central component", and intensivity which expresses the power of symbolic greatness in that its use does not destroy its value.

Next we analyse the state of demateriality in the context of double embeddedness as defined by [START_REF] Polanyi | La grande transformation[END_REF] and [START_REF] Granovetter | The strength of weak ties[END_REF][START_REF] Granovetter | Economic action and social structure: the problem of embeddedness[END_REF]. Embeddedness occurs when that which is embedded corresponds to the demands, values, norms and practitioners' prescriptions of that which embeds. For the last fifty years society has been embedded in the economy, and the economy itself has been embedded in Finance since the phenomenon of aggravated financialisation in the 1980s. We study this state which we consider as established; in some areas, irreversible thresholds have been crossed. In the area of finance, Simmel noted as long ago as 1900, in his book "The Philosophy of Money", that "the criteria that money offers to determine value have no connection with the nature of its substance"; a century later, [START_REF] Dupont | Traverser l'espace ou habiter le temps? VST -Vie sociale et traitements[END_REF] denounced the fact that "time goes faster than Man, and is turning against him: the automation of financial markets has moved the economy, which is slow, into the era of finance, which is instantaneous, and its complexity demands ever greater levels of abstraction; time is divided into ever finer slivers: the second has given way to the nanosecond and the picosecond"; in the area of marketing, the brand, originally a trademark, a symbol or sign of the identity of a company or an entrepreneur, has been endowed with multiple symbolism, replacing the product itself. [START_REF] Serres | Histoire et anthropologie des marques. Interview available in Prodimarques reviewwebsite[END_REF] analyses in particular the relationship between the brand and the living, the real. He considers that "the brand enlists reality; it no longer authenticates it but takes its place. The sign overshadows the referent, communication overshadows the product, and advertising overshadows the object. Today manufacturers bemoans their dependence on communication which has become a parasite and which, they feel, may destroy them… Can we consider the brand as a living creature? And, using this substitution as a starting point, where demateriality forms the basis for all our exchanges, he shows that this "fascination with the brand more than with the thing, with the sign more than the landscape, is thousands of years old." Demateriality irrigates every aspect of social life, and its growing influence is supported by the technologies that not only create it but also promote and support it. Via internet and its associated trappings, nothing is spared from the phenomenon, not even so-called "personal" services such as teleservices or "e-assistance". This "extra-material" framework has begun to structure the world; it alters reality, either tangible or perceived, in significant ways and thereby has the power to create standards. [START_REF] Herrenschmidt | Les Trois Ecritures : Langue, nombre, code[END_REF] Entanglement is a core constituent of organizational life. Life in organizations daily brings evidence of how technological artefacts, such as mobile phones or ergonomics, have partially shaped management. Scholars, who have grasped the importance of organizational entanglement, have renewed our understanding of organizational life by dealing with the relational ontology of organizations (Suchman, 2007;Orlikowski 2007;Leonardi and Barley, 2008;Orlikowski and Scott, 2008;[START_REF] Nyberg | Computers, Customer Service Operatives and Cyborgs: Intra-actions in Call Centres[END_REF][START_REF] Orlikowski | The Sociomateriality of Organisational Life: Considering Technology in Management Research[END_REF]. All of these authors have argued that the social and the material are intricately related and that the social does not exist without the material. Based on this assumption, organization can be seen as a sociomaterial entanglement (Orlikowski and Scott, 2008), an act of connecting (Hernes, 2008), or a nexus of heterogeneous elements (Clegg et al., 2005). From these perspectives, organizations are comprehended both as entities and fluid. In this vein, Actor-Network theory scholars have dealt with entanglement by relying on the concepts of association, translation and controversy. Despite this documentation, the entanglement emergence has remained unexplored in organization studies. Most of studies deal with entanglement as taken for granted. Thus our aim is to understand how a priori unrelated heterogeneous elements eventually entangle. We propose to respond at least partially to this theoretical lack by proposing a conceptual framework about the emergence of entanglement.

More specifically, we inspire from Bergson (1907), Simondon (1958) and Latour's approach (2005, 2009) to propose an analytical framework composed of three interrelated dynamics of emergence of entanglement between heterogeneous and unrelated entities: i) instrumentation, ii) mediation, and iii) fetishism. Instrumentation refers to the spontaneous manipulation of an entity by another. Mediation concerns the settling of new patterns of relation between two entities. Finally, what we call fetishism refers to the objectification of an entity. To illustrate our theoretical framework, we rely on the analysis of the 2003 French heat wave crisis response. Our rationale for choosing this case for illustration is that crises bring opportunities to study how heterogeneous entities mingle together. As Latour argues, disruption makes it possible to observe dynamics between entities (2005).

In 2003, an unpredictable heat wave stroke France. At the beginning of the month of August, the weather in France suddenly became scorching, attaining record temperatures (46 C, e.g.130 F) for the first time since 1976. The implications of the heat wave quickly became alarming. Some elderly were not able to combat hyperthermia and 14,802 people died in France between the 4th and the 20th of August. The French officials depicted the heat wave as a natural disaster that provoked an organizational crisis in hospitals (Lalande et al., 2003). Both administrative and operational actors improvised to address the crisis provoked by the heat wave. Hospitals were lacking air-conditioned rooms. To cool down several places at one time with small effort, nurses motorized the available air conditioners by placing them on wheels. In addition, some administrative actors rented refrigerated vans used to transport food to manage the large quantity of corpses that were overcrowding morgues. Undoubtedly, the 2003 French heat wave crisis responders handled the situation by reinventing the connections between tools, technologies and all the resources they had at hand. The French heat wave crisis pinpoints the matter of emergence of organizational features through an entanglement process of heterogeneous elements. Main paradoxical aspect of notion of entanglement is that any attempt to separate entities to understand how these entities are entangled would be a non-sense. Entities exist only because they are entangled. Conversely, any understanding about the entanglement emergence requires focusing on well-identified entities. To surmount that ontological matter, we conclude by arguing that researcher have to focus and follow entities instantiated by actors into their organizational experiences in order to comprehend how organizational features emerge.

Organizing risk communication in emergency management

Nicholas B. de Weydenthal, Office of environmental programs

A central problem for emergency management has been how to convey a message concerning risk from the incident control centres to the public. In this study, emergency managers usually talk about a single object of risk and its communication, or about a set of objects and processes that fit together to produce a single reality. Since the language around risk is changing, and different governmental departments are involved in risk profiling, risk could be understood singularly by everyone or constructed and interpreted differently. Emergency services take past experience to be indicating that multiple messages are disjointed and confusing. In response, messaging to the public is being reconfigured to be joint and singular, yet at the same time this is intended to be a message that discusses the multitude of risks and hazards.

Recent analyses of emergency management have emphasized organizational changejuxtaposing centralized versus decentralized structures for emergency response [START_REF] Boin | Organising for effective emergency management: Lessons from research[END_REF][START_REF] Leonard | Organising Response to Extreme Emergencies: The Victorian Bushfires of 2009[END_REF] -and risk communication -with emergency services and governmental departments raising awareness, educating people, motivating to take action, obtaining trust and avoiding controversy and contradiction [START_REF] Bier | On the state of the art: risk communication to the public[END_REF][START_REF] Paton | Risk communication and natural hazard mitigation: how trust influences its effectiveness[END_REF]. These analyses insist on a humanist prescription of a united organizational structure that best exchanges information about risk and hazard from 'experts' to 'lay people'. A different analysis would demonstrate how the practice of risk communication is constitutive of organization and how different material elements legitimate one form of organization over another. This paper presents such an analysis by foregrounding power and showing how risk communication and organizational management are done in combination.

A ferocious blend of severe weather conditions affected Victoria in January and February 2009. The consequences were disastrous for humans, property and the environment. After nearly two decades without consistent rain, the state was vulnerable to devastating fires. Emergency managers describe the emergencies as multiple, spread out geographically, drawn-out temporally, complex, information-hungry and affecting many people. The magnitude of the different, cumulative incidents eclipsed routine operations for emergency services agencies. Only after the event did the emergency practitioners make sense of and frame the climate and its effects as unimaginable and unknowable [START_REF] Gephart | The textual approach: Risk and blame in disaster sensemaking[END_REF][START_REF] Weick | Enacted sense making in crisis situations[END_REF]. This study acknowledges risk as an entanglement instead of an attempt "to disentangle us from the morass of the past" (Latour, 2003, p. 36) as has been sought by the Victorian Bushfire Royal Commission. The emergency services agencies highlighted in this account include the Department of Sustainability and Environment, the Country Fire Authority and the State Emergency Services. Individuals from these agencies and emergency management more broadly speak about risk as potential threats and hazards that are associated with unpredictability, set in relation to a response involving various procedures and practices. By focusing on the State Control Centre, a space occupied by the emergency services to control emergencies on a state level, the interviews conducted address actors' concerns with the technical aspects of internal, external and interagency communication.

This study frames risk as an enactment of multiple pathways rather than adopting the government language about a uniform conception of risk that is singular. I use the practice of risk communication as an instrument [START_REF] Stengers | Penser avec Whitehead[END_REF][START_REF] Stengers | Introductory Notes on an Ecology of Practices[END_REF] to show how risk operates as an organizing category that becomes an objective for emergency management. Even though practitioners talk about risk as if it were a singular and independent object requiring communication, in practice it is multiple. This leads me to ask the following research questions: If risk is multiple and multiply communicated in practice, how is it held singular, and how does it in turn validate a certain form of organization to deal with this multiplicity? materiality" and "studies of science, technology and society" (STS). This consists of work that theorizes organizations as social constructions [START_REF] Fairhurst | Organizations as discursive constructions[END_REF] as well as social and material entanglements of people, computers, buildings and practices [START_REF] Ashcraft | Constitutional amendments: Materializing organizational communication[END_REF][START_REF] Cooren | Dislocation and Stabilization: How to Scale Up From Interactions to Organizations[END_REF]Orlikowski, 2007). What STS adds to this is the notion that different practices shape different entanglements in different places [START_REF] Law | Enacting the social[END_REF][START_REF] Mol | The Body Multiple: ontology in medical practice[END_REF]. Different entanglements of risk lead to different communications of risk.

In practice, risk communication is not singular but enacted differently, in turn enacting reality and organization. The emergency managers' varying interpretations and judgments concerning reality tend to be stabilized by scientific knowledge claims that take on a materialized form, like fire maps. So, differences of opinion, which could be crucial in deciding whether to mobilize resources, are singularized so that the public is spared the contention. Instead of telling the public that claims about reality are under contention, emergency services configure a warning system that effectively screens difference in the name of clarity.

In both the communication-constitutive-of-organization (CCO) and STS literatures, the issue of power and politics is often relegated to the background [START_REF] Law | The Greer-Bush Test: on Politics in STS[END_REF][START_REF] Mol | Ontological Politics: A Word and Some Questions[END_REF][START_REF] Putnam | Communicative constitution of organization is a question: Critical issues for addressing it[END_REF][START_REF] Verran | Re-Imagining Land Ownership in Australia[END_REF]. Nevertheless, I suggest that in the context of risk communication at least, the relationship between socio-material/material-semiotic accounts of reality and power/politics is more reciprocally constitutive of organization than previously shown. Inasmuch as different realities are clotted in practice, different socio-material arrangements have the potential to connect or disconnect these realities and open or close singularity metaphysically [START_REF] Law | What's Wrong with a One-World World[END_REF][START_REF] Verran | Science and an African Logic[END_REF]. Emergency managers are not simply receivers of pre-packaged risk communication from outside, but are co-constitutive and constructive of the risk communication from the start of their own practices. If is accepted that different practices do different realities, then the manner in which emergency managers do risk communication is a valuable subject of inquiry, because as they perform reality in their practice, they concurrently shut out other possibilities. Investigating such practices therefore offers an opportunity to complement and extend the existing CCO literature that tends to be grounded in singular metaphysics by showing how socio-material assemblages constitute organizing, how organizing is unpredictable and how it can be done differently. The contribution to the STS literature takes the form of demonstrating how singular ontologies are 'self-sealing' [START_REF] Law | What's Wrong with a One-World World[END_REF] and how the stabilization of controversies or knowledge claims legitimates one reality over another.

Unravelling the digitalization of Norwegian municipalities

Lucía Liste Muñoz, Department of Interdisciplinary Studies of Culture Norwegian University of Science and Technology

Since the beginning of the computer era, governmental organizations have computerized significant aspects of their work processes in their attempts to transform and modernize the public sector. The term digitalization refers to the latest phase in this process and it refers to the implementation and use of ICT and especially the Internet, in this case, by governments. This intersection of informatics and governance is believed to constitute one of the most important ICT implementation and organizational change challenges.

In Norway, Norwegian municipalities aim to promote electronic citizen dialogue, offer digital services and have a more efficient government through the use of ICTs. Local governments are responsible of providing the great majority of services to the citizens, and have independent decisionmaking responsibility in the ICT area.

This paper intends to study how the digitalization of the Norwegian municipalities is constructed and performed to contribute to the recent scholarly literature that has started to overcome the previous supremacy of utopian and dystopian assertions studying the nature of the interrelation between Information Technology and governments and its consequences.

To do so, the paper draws on a sociomaterial perspective. Sociomateriality is an approach to study the relationship between IT and organizations based on a symmetrical and relational ontology. In this vein, digitalization is understood as an ongoing process comprising a new set of technological artifacts, whose design and use are shaping and being shaped by the organizational matters, expectations about their value and function, and the processes through which they are appropriated into organizations.

The empirical basis for this paper is an electronic survey sent to the IT responsible person of every Norwegian municipality (430). The survey comprises a total of 14 questions divided into: introductory issues; web site related issues (support, aims, and challenges); ICT-induced transformation matters (aims, challenges, and assessment of achievements and transformations on cooperation); use of social media; and assessment of ICT competence, visions and standards developed by other administrative levels. The questionnaire was designed according to the main issues identified in "e-Municipality 2012", which is the White Paper formulated by the ministry of Government and Administration and the Norwegian Association of Local and Regional Authorities.

The preliminary analysis of the results has shown that rather than being a linear process of diffusion of the ICT innovations in the local government, as it is usually portrayed, the digitalization of Norwegian municipalities is indeed co-produced by the technology and the organization; is shaped by and performed through a heterogeneous assemblage of distributed agencies; and entails intended, as well as, unintended outcomes. Furthermore, the process is characterized by a strong emphasis on the rationalization of local services. Finally, we also observe that the democratic aims are broadly ignored and citizens are just integrated into the process as consumers.

  ), b) what is the distribution of these affordances (which are performed most or least often?), c) what are common combinations of affordances, d) what is the locality of the affordances, and lastly e) what are the patterns of assemblage (how different affordances are interconnected).

  Entangle: A Case Study of End-User Communities and Internet Infrastructure Development Aljona Zorina, ESSEC Business School David Avison, ESSEC Business School This paper enriches previous research on sociomateriality by explaining how institutional dynamics and larger sociomaterial infrastructures influence the way that technologies and routines imbricate and change within organizations.

  (e.g. Avgerou 2003; 2008; Walsham and Sahay 2006), research on the processes of organizational sense-making (e.g. Elsbach 2002;Weick et al. 2005) as well as multidisciplinary institutional theory research investigating the link between institutional complexities and organizational responses (e.g. Greenwood et al. 2011; Pache and Santos 2010; Scott 2008). Alongside, the above theories lack understanding in the predictability of the technology-context interplay (e.g. Avgerou 2003; 2008; Hayes and Westrup 2010; Walsham and Sahay 2006), the ways that organizations balance the macro and micro logics (Pache and Santos 2010) as well as the role of objects, such as technology, in the process of institutional change (e.g. Arjalies 2011; Jarzbkowski 2009; Knorr-Cetina 1997).

  Telecom Management Paris Emmanuel Baudoin, Telecom Management Paris E-learning is known to modify space condition to attend training program. In classical training program, space to attend training is clearly dedicated. In an e-learning program, employees can attend their training session in their office, in a training room and in other room's. Some researches in elearning have already proven that space influenced engagement of employees in e-learning program.

  notes that "Internet slowly develops when the unchangeable physical basis of The emergence of organizational entanglement: An illustration from the 2003 French heat wave crisis Anouck Adrot, Telecom Management Paris Anthony Hussenot, DRM-Dauphine

260 Exploring Digitalization of Architectural Design Practice through Ecologies of Affordances

  . Completing the Practice Turn in Strategy Research. Organization Studies, 27 (5), 613-634. Whittington, Richard (2011). The practice turn in organization research: Towards a disciplined transdisciplinarity. Accounting, Organizations and Society, 36 (3), 183-186.

	Aron Lindberg, Case Western University
	Kalle Lyytinen, Case Western University
	James Gaskin, Case Western University
	Youngjin Yoo, Temple University
	Veeresh Thummadi, Case Western University

Session 3 -Architecture, time and space in organizations Magda Hercheui (Westminster University) E

  . When Flexible Routines meet Flexbile Technologies: Affordance, Constraint, and the Imbrication of Human and Material Agencies. MIS Quarterly, 35(1), 147-167. Orlikowski, W. J. (2007). Sociomaterial Practices: Exploring Technology at Work. Organization Studies, 28(9), 1435-1448. Orlikowski, W. J., and Gash, D. C. (1994). Technological frames: making sense of information technology in organizations. ACM Transactions on Information Systems, 12(2), 174-207. Tilson, D., Lyytinen, K., and Sorensen, C. (2010). Research Commentary -Digital Infrastructures: The Missing IS Research Agenda. Information Systems Research, 21(4), 748-759.

Mobile information systems and organizational control: beyond panopticon?

  . Using technology and constituting structures: a practice lens for studying technology in organizations. OrganizationScience, 11(4),404-428. Powell, W.W. (1990). Neither market nor hierarchy: Network forms of organization.Research in Organizational Behavior, 12, 295-336. Warf, B. and Arias, S. (2009). Introduction: the reinsertion of space into the social sciences and humanities. In B.W. Warf and S. Arias (eds), The Spatial Turn: Interdisciplinary perspectives (pp. 1-10). London: Routledge.Weick, K.E. (1993). The collapse of sensemaking in organizations: The Mann Gulch disaster.Aurélie Leclercq-Vandelannoitte, IESEGWith their ubiquitous characteristics, mobile information systems (IS) may challenge the dynamics of organizational control, forcing IS scholars to revisit the panoptic metaphor and possibly to offer a new set of conceptual tools to theorize information technology-based organizational control. Yet, to date, little IS research has examined the panoptic metaphor to inform the analysis of control systems induced by mobile IS. In this paper, we aim to investigate whether mobile IS reinforce panoptic control systems or generate other types of control logics requiring another conceptual lens. To address this challenge, we develop a qualitative exploratory case study of a consulting company whose professionals equip themselves with mobile IS. The study reveals the emergence of a subtle, invisible form of 'free control' through mobile IS. Although consultants are mobile, flexible, and autonomous, this powerful communication and information network keeps them in a position of 'allowed subjection'. Free control is characterized by a shift in the location of authority, a time-related discipline, a deep sense of trust, and adherence to organizational norms that the professionals themselves co-construct. These characteristics, which render this control even more pernicious than panoptic arrangements, deserve more attention in further research.

	Session 4 -Traces, Footprints and Materiality
	Vasiliki Baka (LSE)
	Room E 252
	Administrative Science Quarterly, 38, 628-652.

Mobilizing sociomaterial properties of open source software to reconfigure organizational dynamics: an activity-theoretical analysis of co-configuration practices

	Claudine Bonneau, UQUAM

  VCS in the LK collectif. VCS use, especially in an open source case, allows us to unpack characteristics of technology that help it to become stronger, more controlling actants. Our findings lead us to understand that agency, more particularly material agency, can be weak or radical. However, whether it becomes weak or radical is dependent on numerous situational, contextual and designed characteristics of the technical actant.

	Session 7 -Design, Innovation and Materiality
	Magda Hercheui (Westminster University)
	Room E252

nd Organizations, Artifacts and Practices Workshop -May 2012, 10 th -11 th

See, for example,Orlikowski and Scott (2008), p. 455.

See, for example,[START_REF] Küpers | Phenomenology of aesthetic organising -ways towards aesthetically responsive organizations[END_REF],[START_REF] Taylor | Time for space: A narrative review of research on organizational spaces[END_REF] and[START_REF] Vaujany | Du retour de la matérialité dans l'étude des organisations. Une réflexion sur la conférence EGOS 2011[END_REF].

See, for example,[START_REF] Küpers | Phenomenology of aesthetic organising -ways towards aesthetically responsive organizations[END_REF] and[START_REF] Vaujany | Du retour de la matérialité dans l'étude des organisations. Une réflexion sur la conférence EGOS 2011[END_REF].

The terms "appraisal" and "evaluation" will be used interchangeably, the first one meaning "giving a price" and the second one "giving a value" to something or someone. Some companies focused on development rather than on control prefer to avoid these two words and label their system "annual interview".

i.e. «talk and written text in its social action contexts"(Alvesson and Karreman, 2000, p. 1126)

French concept for "managerial situation"

https://www.manodienynas.lt/ 2 nd Organizations, Artifacts and Practices Workshop -May 2012, 10 th -11 th

Acknowledging that risk involves organizations and practitioners who communicate it, this study draws on three theoretical approaches: "organizational communication", "organizational

LIST OF ABSTRACTS Session 1 -Knowledge and Sociomateriality

Sociomateriality at the Boundary (object), Aitamurto, Erickson, Ventresca Performing Knowledge: materiality in rating and ranking practices, Scott, Orlikowski Sociomaterial Entanglement in Virtual Spaces, Lâm Session 5 -IS, practice and materiality François-Xavier de Vaujany (DRM -Dauphine)

Room E 253

information systems buildings, bodies, hosted material artefacts and their mobility -habilitates and constrains information flows.

In particular, a building and its architecture (more or less open, more or less distributed, more or less controlled, etc.) favours the sharing of specific information [START_REF] Gieryn | What Buildings Do[END_REF]. People interact with and within a material setting (and in turn constitute that material space).

Should this material and electronic space be integrated, it can then constitute an information system (i.e. systemic arrangement guiding information flows). organizational stakeholders. Enactment itself is part of the production of information. People are knowledgeable agents making sense of their environment.

Should the sociomaterial practices enacting organizational space be coherent with each other, they can constitute an information system "in practice".

Key notions

Space, organizational space, epistemology of possession Spatial practices, spatial scale, reflexivity, epistemology of practice Examples [START_REF] Feldman | Information in Organizations as Signal and Symbol[END_REF] Kling and Scacchi (1982) Desanctis and Poole (1994) [START_REF] Cook | Bridging epistemologies: the generative dance between organizational knowledge and organizational knowing[END_REF] Orlikowski ( 2002) [START_REF] Savolainen | Epistemic work and knowing in practice as conceptualizations of information use[END_REF] Whatever the perspective, a spatial turn in MIS can result in a new vision of the legitimate objects and levers of IS management, the elaboration of new communities in charge of IS management (based on experts in ergonomics, IT managers, architects and sociologists of space), new ways of training managers and IT managers (with a focus on space -both material and electronic -and its relationship with information flows), and perhaps the employment of new artefacts in the management of space and spatial practices.

We see this as a way to strengthen the organizational orientation of MIS literature and its convergences with the literature of organization studies.

Session 6 -Coordination across space and materiality

Vladislav Fomin (Vytaugnas university)

Room E266

the residual loss, or lost wealth of the shareholders due to divergent behavior of the managers.

As we are interested in the perspective of the owner, we omit the third component -bonding expenditures. Theoretical comparison of the agency cost shows that the most costly in terms of execution is a transitional architecture of space: cabinets and cubicles. In this case, the need to bear the residual loss is eliminated by exchanging supervisors to monitoring gadgets, but the principal is burdened with maximum monitoring expenditures, possibility of shirking from the side of employees and uncertainty during the recruitment stage.

In the types of organizations where work is divided between outsourced workforces that do not share common office, but maintain a special form of organizational space that is guaranteed by the technology, the control exists in so far as the technology exists, and requires no additional investment in implementation. That is why the principal bears zero expenditure for the residual loss and monitoring as well as eliminates shirking because of the changed scheme of compensation -not for the working hours, but for the final product. Although the risk of employing disloyal stuff is reduced by the peer control through evaluations in forums and online social networks such as Facebook or Linkedin, it is still present in the system as the situation implies that there is no manager to dedicate his time to check the profiles of the future colleagues.

However, this theoretical construction requires confirmation with the real data. We propose qualitative research design that would imply multiple case studies measuring the real agency cost for three types of labour spaces, with a longitudinal case study of transformation of monitoring policy with change of the space and technology design in one of the biggest newspapers in Belarus as a pilot case.

Abstract

The focus of this paper is to understand the becoming [START_REF] Tsoukas | On organizational becoming: rethinking organizational change[END_REF] of agency (Callon and Law, 1995). Taking a performative view of reality we look to the use of version control software (VCS) in open source collectifs, in particular, the Linux Kernel (LK) development to make sense of material becoming. Our case of VCS, which is seen as a simple tool that manages patches and code that are sent by developers to fix a problem reveals the more than recalcitrant nature of software and how it attempts to find a place in the collective and lead an influential assemblage. Appropriating the language of Science and Technology Studies (STS) we will unfold the more challenging aspects of VCS which make its coming into existence in the LK collectif understandable. We argue that it is only able to be so problematic because it has agency, material agency that it exercises to ensure its power and survival.

The nature of this agency requires unpacking and this is the aim of the paper. What is material agency, how does it manifest itself, when does it have capacity, can it be made stronger, or as agency goes -can it overtake completely? As far as STS literature is concerned some of these questions have been asked before, debated heavily and some form of agreement been managed. In this paper we will take some of these questions about material agency and address them through the narrative of

Space, Materiality and food

Yochanan Altman, London Metropolitan Business School

I propose to present my recent and current research on the place, role and dynamics of food and drink consumption in and out of organizations, specifically around the lunch break [START_REF] Altman | The organizational lunch[END_REF] and the evolvement of networks (Altman, in press; Altman and Roussel, in prepration).

These 'micro-OB' research efforts aim to provide empirical data as well as theorize on the dynamic interplay between space, organizational/institutional context, materiality and consumption.

My core disciplines are psychology: social, organizational, clinical (eclectic) and anthropology (Durkheimian)

Exploring how the signification of a practice is constructed: the appraisal process viewed through its sociomaterial dimensions

Jocelyne Ientile-Yalenios, IAE de Lyon

This paper looks at the way that organizational written documents used in social situations, such as the forms and guidelines that are used during the appraisal process 4 , produce meanings but also some ambiguity which influence people engaged in social situations.

Instrumental tools are embedded in social contexts [START_REF] Gilbert | L'instrumentation de gestion: la technologie de gestion, science humaine? Collection Gestion[END_REF]. Concerning the appraisal process, the debate is focused on technical aspects. The rational approach assumes that the goal of appraisal is to assign accurate performance ratings to employees using objective criteria. Authors have considered that due attention to validity, reliability and felt-fairness requirements of the instrument would deliver the outcomes desired by the organization or the employee [START_REF] Shields | Managing Employee Performance and Reward: Concepts, Practices, Strategies[END_REF]. Thus, the literature on personal appraisal has been dominated by studies of rater training and the psychometric qualities of tools and rating scales. Other authors point out that the single most important determinant of the effectiveness of any assessment interview is the style and tenor with which it is conducted [START_REF] Fletcher | Interview style and the effectiveness of appraisal[END_REF][START_REF] Shields | Managing Employee Performance and Reward: Concepts, Practices, Strategies[END_REF].

These studies often forget the social and the organizational context which influence the legitimacy given to the appraisal process at least as much, if not more, as tool quality and rater training."

In this paper, we aim to explore how the signification of this practice is constructed in an organization through its sociomaterial dimensions including its "social text" 5 [START_REF] Alvesson | Varieties of Discourse: On the Study of Organizations through Discourse Analysis[END_REF].

We draw on the structurationnist framework [START_REF] Giddens | La constitution de la société[END_REF] which includes different levels of context and signification. In particular, we analyze the appraisal's interview as a "situation de gestion 6 " [START_REF] Girin | L'analyse empirique des situations de gestion: Éléments de théorie et de méthode[END_REF] through which different levels of contexts interact: the organizational context, the individual context and the immediate context.

Formalization is a way to facilitate coordination during the meeting by focusing attention on specific goals [START_REF] De Coninck | La formalisation comme prérequis et ressource pour le dialogue[END_REF] and desired behaviours [START_REF] Tabatoni | Les Systèmes de gestion: politiques et structures. Systèmesdécisions[END_REF]. The evaluation forms generally impose a framework with precise items to be addressed. [START_REF] Trépo | L'Appreciation Du Personnel. Editions d'Organisation[END_REF] remind us that these items usually include a review of the past year, the definition of new objectives, career orientations (geographic or functional mobility) and identification of training needs. Guidelines and forms constitute the way organizations strive to organize appraisal meetings by producing shared meanings among participants in the appraisal meeting. These guidelines constitute an organizational tool for the promotion of values and objectives associated with the appraisal's meeting.

The study draws on a case study of a transport-sector SME. We firstly analyzed the annual interviews' guidelines and forms used in this company. In order to "deconstruct" [START_REF] Gilbert | L'instrumentation de gestion: la technologie de gestion, science humaine? Collection Gestion[END_REF][START_REF] Oiry | La dynamique des instrumentations de gestion par les compétences. Proposition d'un cadre d'analyse[END_REF] these texts, we used a semiotic approach [START_REF] Greimas | Sémantique Structurale[END_REF] suited to formal organizational guides [START_REF] Thivant | Discours managériaux et analyse sémiotique[END_REF] in order to help us to better understand the potential interpretative pathway made by both supervisor and subordinate.

Then, in order to explore how guidelines influence the construction of meanings associated with appraisal meetings, we conducted 75 semi-structured on-site interviews with raters and ratees. Questions pertained to their use of the annual interviews' guideline and the gap between their

E-journal system in Lithuanian school: exploratory study of the changing organizational conduct

Vladislav Fomin, Vytaugnas University Giedrė Česonytė, Vytaugnas University Development of eEurope political rhetoric in the mid-1990s set the stage for computerization of schools and the educational activities found within (Council of the European Union 1999; Council of the European Union 2002). Today, many secondary schools in Lithuania are undertaking computerization programmes aimed at boosting effectiveness of school's administration and educational processes. Such efforts are well aligned with the National Development Strategy of Lithuania, which seeks improvement of conditions for learning and talent development, as well as leveraging ICT skills for Lithuanian pupils.

One of the major initiatives seen in the computerization of Lithuanian schools is the introduction of e-journal system. This electronic artifact is positioned as a central piece in the network of educational and social processes, linking together activities and tasks of teachers, pupils, parents, auditors, and others, and, ultimately, being marketed by developers and perceived by school administrations as the "key to efficiency boost." In this role, e-journal system presents an exceptionally attractive study object to the scholars of sociomateriality, as the artifact's introduction is bound to alter/transform the existing administrative and educational practices, while it is questionable whether or not it will deliver on the promise of organizational efficiency boost.

The very idea of ICT artifact being a straightforward "tool for efficiency boost" has been questioned by IS scholars for at least since a couple of decades by now (de [START_REF] De Vaujany | A New Theoretical Framework for Artifact-Mediated Regulation[END_REF]. While the efficiency of administrative practice in schools to some extent can be measured by time-and effort-related auditing, the gauges for measuring learning efficiency stemming from the introduction of e-journal have not been reported in Lithuania, or elsewhere in Europe. Particularly, efficiency of schools-as-learning institutions more so than other bureaucratic organizations is susceptible to social (and often informal) rules and practices very local to that particular school. The e-journal systems, on the other hand, are of a more "global" character -e-systems from 2-3 vendors are being installed across schools in Lithuania. e-Journal is also an "in-development" artifact, bringing new features with each new version, the dynamism which makes the efficiency measuring process more problematic. Finally, the content (the scope of data records) in different implementations of e-journal can to some extent be decided by individual schools, as set in the directive Nr. ISAK-2636ISAK- (8.05.2009) ) of the Ministry of Education of Lithuania.

In this work we set to study of the Lithuanian schools which saw a recent introduction of ejournal system. The school employs 60-70 teachers, 6 administrative staff, and hosts some 700 pupils from 3 rd to 12 th grades. The users of the e-journal system 7 are pupils, their parents, teachers, and the school's administrative staff -all can be differentiated as primary (direct) and secondary (indirect) users.

Research design is an exploratory study, as there are no similar prior studies reported. One of the authors is a teacher in the chosen school, and through this "insider" role will be conducting interviews with teachers, pupils, and their parents, trying to identify the changes in the administrative and learning processes, as well as any changes in efficiency. Specifically, we aim at discovering how e-journal system affects the following:

learning process from the teachers' perspective; -learning process from the pupils' perspective; -administrative process from the point of view of administrative staff; -administrative process from the point of view of teachers; -overall information flows in organization (including information flows between the school and the parents, for example).

In order to understand what changes the IS artifact introduces to the organizational practice, the following processes will be examined: Data collection will take place during February-March, with subsequent analysis in March-April and the development of conclusions in May. The results of the study will yield understanding on the role of IS artifacts in organizational innovation processes characteristic of intricate set of relationships between process stakeholders and associated practices. Specifically, a critical scholarly examination of effects of politically driven IS innovation initiatives is needed in the contexts, where socio-material constellations are introduced in fuzzy and informal-bound learning processes, and the changes are expected and can have real impact on the learning-and ICT-related skills of the future generations of European citizens.

currency disappears, when it becomes nothing more than figures… and mere written symbols." Trade relations and their conditions have to keep in line with those of what give them value: currency.

To study demateriality, which structures the values and practices of current society, trade and nontrade relations between people, but also between people and the world, and to apprehend all its social, economic and financial imbrications, we have necessarily to take an interdisciplinary approach.

Here, interdisciplinarity is "seen as an exchange between disciplines […] including complementarity, […] where concepts and methods are exchanged between disciplines […] and different methods of argumentation confront the same 'subject'" [START_REF] Pesqueux | Pour une épistémologie des organisations[END_REF].

On the basis of a clear and explicit definition of demateriality, we explore its influence in three distinct but interlinked sectors: finance, trade and technologies. We concentrate in particular on multiple and ambivalent demateriality in relations between client and offer. We conclude by making proposals for a research programme into the connections between interpersonal and inter-organisational aspects, with the social issues and challenges that demateriality affects.

Session 10 -Public organizations, emergency and materiality Anthony Hussenot (DRM-Dauphine) Room E270