Adriana-Simona Mihaita
email: simona.mihaita@data61.csiro.au

Laurent Dupont

Olivier Cherry

Mauricio Camargo

Chen Cai

Air quality monitoring using stationary versus mobile sensing units: a

Keywords: air pollution, eco-neighbourhood, stationary and mobile sensing

Introduction

Addressing air pollution problems in growing urban cities has become a major problem due to ever increasing traffic in dense populated urban areas, extended industrialisation and higher energy consumption, insufficient resources for monitoring and various issues in defining adapted policies [START_REF] Krupnick | Challenges to Managing Air Pollution[END_REF] [START_REF] Kumar | New Directions: Can a "blue sky" return to Indian megacities?[END_REF]. The challenge of managing air pollution becomes more difficult due to its dangerous effects on public health and the multitude of air pollution triggering factors. The overall high levels of urban air pollution has been shown to have a significant impact on the health of city dwellers [3]. A recent study published by [START_REF] Lim | A comparative risk assessment of burden of disease and injury attributable to 67 risk factors and risk factor clusters in 21 regions, 1990-2010: a systematic analysis for the Global Burden of Disease Study 2010[END_REF] has shown the significant impact that air pollution has on a local, regional and global scale, placing it among the top ten dangers to human health and well-being. However, there is a lack of quantifying the effects of long-time exposure to air pollutants and its direct impact on health, especially during peak hours in congested city areas.

In an effort to address these issues, the concept of econeighbourhood has emerged as a response to the above challenges, and became the place of technical, innovative, economic and social experimentation. At the beginning of the 1960s, the first ecological areas ``had a rather small and remote location from metropolitan centres'' [START_REF] Ruano | Ecourbanism. Sustainable Human Settlements: 60 case studies[END_REF]. Later in the 1990s, the eco-neighbourhoods focused upon demonstrating different urban development settings which were a part of a sustainable development initiative [START_REF] Barton | Eco-neighbourhoods: A review of projects[END_REF]. Today, their role has become increasingly complex because they must meet several principles of sustainable development [START_REF]Ministère de la cohésion des territoires[END_REF]: 1) involve all the city actors, 2) contribute to improving the daily life by developing a healthy and safe living environment for all residents, 3) participate in the economical and local dynamics, 4) promote a responsible resource management and adaptation to the climate change. The eco-neighbourhoods offer the opportunity to experience and anticipate the evolution of cities by guiding the decision makers. The latest changes in the development of digital tools and design practices (collaborative approach, usage integration directly from the design phase, citizen involvement in experiment al smart city projects), offer new perspectives for quantifying the impact of urban changes [START_REF] Dupont | Innovative Public-Private Partnership to Support Smart City: the Case of Chaire REVES[END_REF].

Motivati on: With the urban project Nancy Grand Coeur (NGC) the Grand Nancy Metropolis in France, wants to rehabilitate the 15-hectares area around the historical train station including its railway and industrial brown field [START_REF] Gn | Nancy Grand Coeur[END_REF]. A visual representation of the train station hosting almost 9 million passengers each year is provided in Fig. 1a). This ecological urban project is intended to be delivered by 2025, and the objectives for this central area are manifold: new fluid mobility, better traffic regulation, reconciliation between historical and modern neighbourhoods of the city, improved air quality, extended green spaces, reduced energy consumption, comfortable homes and offices. An important step to respond to this wide variety of problems is to analyse the air quality inside the neighbourhood, especially at a human level, when passing through the most circulated intersections of the NGC neighbourhood: C129 and C201 (see selected area in subplots b) and c) from Fig. 1). Understanding how high circulated streets impact the citizens on their daily journey-to-work trips is a true challenge which can give a clear insight on how the eco-neighbourhood needs to be reconfigured in order to protect its inhabitants from high air and noise pollution levels .

Solution:

The work presented in this paper is a continuation of our previous studies [START_REF] Mihaita | Integrating a mesoscopic traffic simulation model and a simplified NO2 estimation model[END_REF] [START_REF] Mihaita | Optimization of a complex urban intersection using discrete event simulation and evolutionary algorithms[END_REF] in which we proposed an integrated air pollution and traffic simulation model for building a simplified NO2 estimation model which helped predicting and visualizing various environmental changes inside the NGC eco-neighbourhood. Our previous study has used reliable data sets provided by the Air Quality Monitoring Station (AQM) from the local air-quality management centre, mixed with meteorological data. While these data sets are of high accuracy, they only represent global concentrations computed by the AQM station installed at high elevation fro m the ground (more than 4 meters) in a single location in the city. The real and direct impact that pollution can have at the human level could be completely different than higher dispersed pollution concentrations. We are currently interested in analysing more granular and real-time air quality information, provided by citizens travelling daily in NGC. We believe that providing health risk information caused by air pollution is an important step for raising citizen awareness and triggering changes in their daily travelling behaviour.

The paper is organized as follows. In Section 2 we provide insights on the challenges faced by air quality monitoring, by looking at the international context of air quality evaluation methods. We debate the need of using lowcost mobile pollution sensing units as well as the evolution towards opportunistic citizen sensing which motivates this study. Section 3 presents the case study of NGC econeighbourhood and the air quality evaluation methods currently deployed in the city. In Section 3we present the stationary and mobile smart sensing units which have been chosen to conduct the current study, followed by a description in Section 3.2 of the air quality measuring experiments which we deployed in the most circulated intersections of NGC. The results are provided in Section 4 and concentrate around nitrogen dioxide and noise level evaluations, followed by conclusions and future perspectives of the current work.

Challenges in air quality monitoring

International Context

Currently, in many countries around the globe, air pollution is monitored at a regional level by networks of static and sparse stationary AQM stations, equipped with instruments for measuring various pollutants such as: carbon monoxide (CO), nitrogen oxides (NOx), sulphur dioxid e (SO2), ozone (O3) and particulate matter (PM). The risk information is often provided as a concentration of pollutants or as an index of air quality (AQI) at a scale which can be easily interpreted by the public. These AQIs can vary in their approach for determining pollutant concentrations, as they follow different regional policies [START_REF] Plaia | Air quality indices: a review[END_REF] which can differ fro m one country to another. For example, Canada has adopted an Air Quality Health Index on an 11-point scale obtained fro m a non-linear combination of particulate matter 2.5 microns (PM2.5), nitrogen dioxide (NO2) and ozone (O3) [START_REF] Stieb | A New Multipollutant, No-Threshold Air Quality Health Index Based on Short-Term Associations Observed in Daily Time-Series Analyses[END_REF]. On the other hand, in Europe all countries are required to comply with EU directives such as the Council Directive 96/62/ EC on ambient air quality assessment and management, commonly referred as the Air Quality Framework Directive. Therefore the hourly and daily AQIs are calculated on a scale from 0 to 100 by taking into consideration PM10, NO2, O3, and where accessible, PM2.5, SO2 and CO [START_REF] Elshout | CAQI Air quality index, Comparing Urban Air Qualiy across borders[END_REF]. The EU directives recommend as well to install a specific number of monitoring stations for individual pollutant monitoring, based on the number of inhabitants and the geographic partitioning of that area/city (EU Air Quality Directive 2008/50/ EC ). Although they offer high-precision results, the AQM stations are often high-priced and need a significant amount of resources to be routinely maintained and calibrated [START_REF] Chong | Sensor networks: Evolution, opportunities, and challenges[END_REF]. Often, the temporal and spatial resolution of a network of fixed AQM stations is far too sparse to incorporate the contribution of different sources of pollution without significant constraints and assumptions. The AQM stations would offer a global insight over large urban areas but they cannot identify pollution hotspots inside the city centre or around large industrial areas for example. Often, there are no real-time pollutant concentration maps available at high-resolution (<1m) for large urban areas because they require a large amount of data, computing facilities and input details which are not available for many cities [START_REF] Kumar | The rise of low-cost sensing for managing air pollution in cities[END_REF].

The need for low-cost sensing units

Recent improvement of low-cost sensor technology has led to the development of a multitude of robust microsensing units (MSUs) with a lower power consumption which can be used for detailed air quality surveillance. These MSUs can be used either as individual nodes or in an interconnected distributed network, and would collect high-resolution spatial and temporal data when being mounted on cars, bicycles or carried daily by pedestrians. One of the main advantages of using low-cost sensing units is that they provide more input conditions, especially if they are used in significant numbers for detecting pollution hotspots. Their real-time informatio n would allow a rapid assessment of the pollution problem and would lead to more efficient prevention strategies.

Due to a finer granularity provided, easy to handle functionalities and rapid access to real-time pollution concentrations, various research programmes have started to test both fixed and mobile monitoring sensors [START_REF] Mead | The use of electrochemical sensors for monitoring urban air quality in low-cost, highdensity networks[END_REF]. As well, including citizens in the testing and exploration of urban air pollution opens new opportunities for direct environmental awareness, debate and future prevention strategies. Some examples of such projects are: Air Quality Egg [START_REF] Aqe | Air Quality Egg[END_REF], Citizen Sense [START_REF] Gabrys | Citizen Sense[END_REF] and the Smart Citizen Kit [START_REF] Sck | Smart Citizen Kit[END_REF], which offer a centralized collection of data, processing and real-time map visualisation, through on-line platforms and mobile applications. These "citizen sensing" projects intend to expand citizen engagement in environmental issues, and help them making changes in their daily journey-to-work trips in order to avoid polluted urban areas. Currently there are various low-cost air quality sensors which are commercially available [START_REF] Alphasense | Alphasense air, Sensors for air quality networks[END_REF] or prototype sensor networks [START_REF]Clarity, Department of civil and environmental engineering[END_REF]. For a detailed state of the art regarding low-cost pollution sensors the user can refer to the works of [START_REF] Kumar | The rise of low-cost sensing for managing air pollution in cities[END_REF].

While this radical change in the air monitoring mentality promises a flexible pollution surveillance solution, the question around the accuracy of the generated data quality still remains. The main drawback of low-cost sensors remains their relatively low accuracy compared to official fixed AQM stations or other benchmark devices [START_REF] Williams | Validation of lowcost ozone measurement instruments suitable for use in an air-quality monitoring network[END_REF]. For example, [START_REF] Moltchanov | On the feasibility of measuring urban air pollution by wireless distributed sensor networks[END_REF] has observed a sensor-specific temporal variation of the calibration parameters, and proposed a periodical calibration of wireless sensors based on the nearby AQM stations which would capture the fine and dynamic spatial variability of pollutants at a high temporal resolution. Questions related to the battery power of the sensors and the life-expectancy of low-cost sensors can also be seen as a drawback for adopting MSUs, but their flexibility and remote-control possibility for data transmission and collection increased their popularity. Together with meteorological sensors for measuring humidity, temperature, wind speed and direction, they can form the basis for assessing pollution levels and produce behavioural changes at a larger scale amongst citizens.

Towards opportunistic citizen sensing

The idea of using low-cost sensing for monitoring air quality has led to a shift in the air quality data collection, generating the notion of opportunistic citizen sensing, which implies that data collected for one specific purpose can be used for other purposes as well [START_REF] Campbell | The Rise of People-Centric Sensing[END_REF]. Involving citizens in the data collection gave birth to the notion of anthropocentric opportunistic sensing, in which large volumes of sensing data are collected, stored and fused for further analysis and interpretation [START_REF] Kapadia | Opportunistic sensing: Security challenges for the new paradigm[END_REF]. Using data analytics for extracting meaningful insights from daily air pollution and noise exposure will provide unparalleled feedback to the citizens regarding their daily trips and route choice behaviour. By following the opportunistic aspect, the air pollution analytics can be coupled together with clinical research studies for analysing correlations between citizen movement and biological exposure [START_REF]Exposure Biology and the Exposome[END_REF]. Emergency alerts could then be triggered when unusual air quality levels are signalised in specific areas of the city or when a significant number of citizens present clinical side-effects of air pollution exposure.

Our current work is driven by the idea of having a granular insight on the air quality in the city provided by citizen sensing which can provide a supplementary insight for the integrated traffic and air pollution simulation model of NGC. In the next section we present the challenges and experimenting protocols deployed for the current study, which represent an first step for analysing the use of smart mobile pollution sensors at a large scale in urban areas.

Case study

As represented in Fig. 1c) from Section 1, our attention concentrates on measuring the air-quality in two of the most circulated intersections in NGC (C129 and C201) by using collaborative citizen sensing. The NGC project has the initiative to change the structural configuration of these intersections in order to allow a higher inflow of vehicles to cross the neighbourhood every day. A large amount of vehicles in densely populated areas will contribute to an increasing deterioration of the air quality due to higher motor vehicle emissions. In 2012, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (US EPA) has shown that 61% of the total emissions of carbon monoxide (CO) and 35% of total emissions of nitrogen oxide were produced by highway vehicles [START_REF] Us-Epa | What Are the Six Common Air Pollutants?[END_REF]. The complexity of the air pollution lies in its extent and the large amount of factors changing its behaviour, making it even more difficult to implement measures for protecting the citizens. According to the 2012 air quality assessment [START_REF] Mede | Bilan de la qualité de l'air en France en[END_REF], air pollution is caused by various industrial, commercial, domestic, agricultural activities, but the traffic congestion is the major cause as indicates that 56% of the nitrogen dioxide in the air is caused by road transportatio n.

Therefore, the objectives of our study are manifold: 1) measuring air quality in finer granularity in the city by using smart pollution sensors, 2) prepare the ground for integrating citizens in a daily and global air quality data collection and monitoring, 3) provide insights by comparing outputs of stationary and mobile smart pollution sensors and draw guidelines on which source to be considered as reliable.

Choice of sensing units

In France, the State entrusts the monitoring of air quality to twenty approved AASQA associations (1901 Act) led by the ATMO Federation [START_REF] Atmo | La carte des AASQA[END_REF]. Air Lorraine [START_REF] Lorraine | ATMO Grand Est[END_REF] is one of the selected air monitoring associations which is responsible for continuously monitoring the air quality inside NGC and which has been our main reference source for testing the accuracy of the mobile sensor units deployed for this study. As we are currently interested in analysing more granular air quality information, a series of mobile sens ing units have been considered. For this paper, we only present the results obtained when investigating two major units which will be detailed in the following. Other comparative studies of smart pollution units are currently under testing and evaluation. The choices have been selected after a thorough analysis of existent sensing units on the market, their accuracy, the feasibility of being used on a daily basis, their costs and daily maintenance. For a state of the art of low-cost mobile sensing units, the user can refer to the work of [START_REF] Kumar | The rise of low-cost sensing for managing air pollution in cities[END_REF].

Fig. 2. a) Passive NO2 tubes b) Azimut station

In the following we give a brief discussion about the small air pollution monitoring units which have been chosen for our experimenting protocols, the reason, scope as well as the advantages and disadvantages to use them in the current study. The passive tubes have been successfully deployed in various project such as the [START_REF] Ligair | Caractérisation des niveaux ambiants de formaldéhyde autour du site industriel[END_REF] project for characterizing ambient levels of formaldehyde around industrial sites, or for modelling air quality in the eco-neighbourhood Danube from Strasbourg [START_REF] Atmo-Alsace | Modélisation de la qualité de l'air sur le futur éco-quartier Danube[END_REF], which was highly impacted by intense circulated areas. The main disadvantage of using the passive tubes is related to the fact that the results are analysed at the end of the experimentation period and cannot detect peaks of localized pollution concentrations during congested traffic hours. These tubes have been used for the implementation of the first experimenting protocol, which is detailed in Section 3.2.1. Nevertheless, they represent an accurate base for comparing NO2 concentrations with official reported pollution levels from the AQM station during our testing period. Due to their long term proven accuracy in various project of the official air quality monitoring organisation, their result can be considered as accurate and highly reliable.

Experimenting protocols

In this section we only describe two of the experimenting protocols we have deployed during two weeks from 29 th of April 2015 to 13 th of May 2015. The length of the experiments has been tied to project constraints for council approval, unit installation, data measuring and processing. For each experimenting protocol we provide insights regarding the purpose, the materials which have been used, the constraints, as well as the data acquisition for interpretation.

First experimenting protocol:

The first experimenting protocol aims at determining a reliable data source for further comparison of NO2 concentrations, and validate the findings with the regional AQM station which is placed in the centre of NGC near one of the major transit corridor (see Fig. 3b). For this study, 10 passive tubes provided by Air Lorraine have been installed at 3 meters altitude on street pillars in two intersections of NGC (C129 and C201), by using protection cases and fixing clamps.

Fig. 3. Locations of passive NO2 tubes in NGC placed in a)

congested intersections b) near regional AQM station.

AQM station

The placement of the tubes has been chosen to be near some of the most congested s treets, as represented in Fig. 3. While seven tubes have been used to actively monitor the most congested streets (Fig. 3a), two tubes have been placed near the location of the location AQM station (Fig. 3b), and 1 tube has been kept as a duplicate reference for the others. While the tubes have been previously used successfully in other econeighbourhoods [START_REF] Atmo-Alsace | Modélisation de la qualité de l'air sur le futur éco-quartier Danube[END_REF] and provided accurate results , the placement of the two tubes near the AQM station has the role of double testing and verifying their results during the current experiment. In order for the measures to be accurate and nonsaturated, certain constraints had to be addressed; therefore, the tubes were: a) placed far from stopping areas such as traffic stops or parking slots in order to avoid over-saturation of the pollutant concentration, b) located far away fro m blooming trees or high-ventilation areas c) located at 2-3 meters high and far away from covering structures which would block air circulation. At the end of the experimentatio n period, the tubes have been analysed by Air Lorraine and the results are presented in Section 4.1 of this article.

Second experimenting protocol:

The second experimenting protocol uses the Azimut mobile station which is carried in hand at a human level during the two weeks experimenting period by volunteers which walk inside the NGC neighbourhood during peak hours. While the tubes have been installed at 3-meters altitude where the pollutant concentrations are starting to disperse in the air, having a direct evaluation of the "perceived" air pollution at a human level represents a major challenge and objective of this experimenting protocol. The daily trajectory of the citizens would pass near each of the 9 passive tube locations presented in the previous section, where the subject would wait for 5 minutes near each tube. The daily circuit is represented in Fig. 4 a) and b). For simplifying the experimental result interpretation, in this paper we concentrate on collecting and processing data during the evening peak hour from 6pm to 7pm.

Fig. 4. Daily trajectory using Azimut Station in NGC.

The advantage of using the Azimut station relies on its high flexibility, mobility and real-time transmission of results through the MyGreenServices plaform and represented in Fig. 5. The platform offers centralised results, personalised filtering, instant evaluation of concentrations compared to European air quality monitoring indexes, as well as predefined alerts for raising real-time awareness. Having immediate access to results provided a higher awareness regarding the exposure to pollutants for both specialists and citizens travelling in the neighbourhood on a daily basis. Using the station on this predefined trajectory allowed a consistent check of data transmission and quality, which could be then compared and matched to the stationary units from the previous experimenting protocol. Despite the above advantages, the main limitations for applying this experimenting protocol were: a) the daily recharge of the Azimut station in order to prevent a discontinuity in the data collection and b) the lack of multiple Azimut stations which would have been tested in parallel on the same trajectory. Comparison with other mobile sensing units have been further carried, but for the purpose of this paper, we only restrict the analysis to the above protocols. The data profiling and results obtained during this protocol are further discussed in Section 4.2.

Fig. 5. MyGreenServices platform for visualising data collected by the Azimut station.

Data profiling and results

First protocol results

As previously mentioned in Section 3.2.1 the purpose of the first experimentation protocol was to establish an accurate and reliable source of information regarding the air pollu tion inside the eco-neighbourhood around main circulated areas (hotspots). The NO2 levels collected from the passive tubes have been investigated in the air quality laboratory of Air Lorraine [START_REF] Lorraine | ATMO Grand Est[END_REF] and evaluated according to the ATMO indexes defined nationally by the French government: see decree of 22 July 2004 related to air quality indices [START_REF]Arrêté du 22 juillet 2004 relatif aux indices de la qualité de l'air[END_REF]. The evaluation scale is provided in Table 1 and uses indexes from 0 to 10 for different NO2 concentration levels depending on their severity (0 and 10 standing for a very good, respectively very bad air quality index). The results for each tube are provided in Table 3 and are coloured accordingly to these standard indexes. We make the observation that Tube 10 has been kept as a duplicate for verification purposes, whereupon the low scored value. The results have been obtained during a time period which registered a mean temperature of 13.6°𝐶 and a mean pressure of 1013.0hPA . The investigation results indicate that overall the tubes have registered very good levels of NO2 of index 1 or 2 (according to Table 1). Tube 7 presented higher NO2 level which is explained by its position near a narrow but highly circulated road in the neighbourhood. ] which translates in almost 3.9% error between the tubes and the station. The location of these tubes near the AQM station has been intentionally chosen for reverifying the accuracy of the passive tubes against the official reported NO2 levels at the whole urban regional level. The findings confirm the high accuracy of the tubes which have been later used as a benchmark for comparison analysis with the smart mobile stations.

Second protocol results

The second experimentation protocol aimed at investigating the air pollution and noise levels as reported by the smart mobile unit Azimut. As previously detailed in Section 3.2.2, the experiments took place between the same time-period when the fixed passive tubes have been tested. Fig. 6 presents the NO2 concentration levels registered for every day of the study period during the evening traffic peak, with the average values ranging from a minimum of 41.48μg/m 3 around 7pm up to a maximu m of 91.3μg/m 3 around 6:45pm. Fig. 6 contains as well markers on the X-axis of the time period that corresponds to the waiting time near each tube location along the trajectory shown in Fig. 4 (for example between 6:00pm and 6:05pm the citizens would be stopping near Tube 2 in order to record the concentration in this hotspot of the neighbourhood). But the overall NO2 concentrations can have different patterns of daily and especially hourly evolution. Our previous investigations in the NGC eco-neighbourhood using a combination of air quality monitoring results and traffic simulation outputs [START_REF] Mihaita | Integrating a mesoscopic traffic simulation model and a simplified NO2 estimation model[END_REF] have showed that NO2 concentrations are highly influenced by the number of cars caught in traffic jams in urban intersections, but also by other meteorological factors such as humidity and wind which play the most important role in the pollutant dissipation or accumulation over the city.

According to Fig. 6, the lowest pollution scores have been obtained during Sunday 03/05/15 as traffic activity in the city centre was low. The highest NO2 levels reached 152μg/m 3 during Monday 11/05/15 which corresponds to a "medium" towards "poor'" pollution level according to Table 1. This can be explained by an increased traffic demand on Mondays due to citizens returning to work after a long weekend (8/05/15 was a public holiday). An important observation is that the average NO2 peak has been registered between 6:45pm and 6:50pm, which corresponds to the waiting time near Tube 7. A possible explanation comes from the narrow street configuration and dense traffic that circulates in this area compared to the other location which have a wider exposure to air flow and multiple circulation lanes. Once again the finding confirms that pollution levels near Tube 7 (which have been regis tered using the mobile pollution sensor Azimut) are higher than those of the other tube locations . Overall, the mobile station seems to register lower NO2 concentration levels towards 7pm, at the location of Tubes 8 and 9, which are placed near the AQM station of Air Lorraine. The findings confirm a similar trend between the NO2 values registered around the tube locations by both stationary and mobile sensors with differences which will be discussed in the following.

Fig. 7. Daily comparison of NO2 concentrations.

An important aspect that we considered for evaluating and interpreting this protocol is the weather impact on the NO2 evolution. Our previously studies indicated that temperature, wind and humidity play a very important role in influencing the pollution dispersion or accumulation in the city and that predicting air pollution levels is not only impacted by specific day profile (day of the week/weekend/public holiday) or mobility patterns (peak/non-peak hours), but also by various exogenous factors which can highly affect the pollutant's evolution in time. In order to understand and interpret the current emission levels, one needs to analyse not only the daily traffic patterns, but also previous weather conditions that have led to the current pollution levels. In the followin g we conduct a comparative analysis of different day profiles, weather conditions and traffic counts registered during the study period in order to understand how these factors can influence air pollution monitoring at both human level and stationary monitoring stations placed at higher heights. Fig. 7 presents the NO2 evolution for Mondays, Tuesdays, Thursdays and Fridays, while Table 3 The NO2 concentrations for two typical Mondays are shown in Fig. 7a) and although both days presented an average of almost 550 cars per hour passing the predefined route shown in Fig. 4, one can easily observe that the NO2 level on 4/05/2015 was significantly lower than that of 11/05/2015. Although the weather parameters during these two days are almost similar according to Table 3 (temperature was around 22-25°𝐶 and wind around 11-13km/h), by analysing the three previous days to each chosen dates, one can notice different weather conditions: prior to 4/05/2015 the humidity was higher, temperature lower and there was less sunshine, while prior to 11/05/2015 there were lower precipitations, a higher temperature and more sunshine. This aspect indicates that high humidity, low temperature and high precipitations can reduce the NO2 accumulation in the city. The finding is also supported by the comparison between Thursdays as presented in Fig. 7c); similarly, the highest NO2 levels were registered during 07/05/2015, a day with higher temperature, lower humidity and low wind levels, when compared to 30/04/2015 which registered much lower temperatures and higher precipitations. A special case is the comparison between Tuesdays (see Fig. 7b) when humidity and wind conditions were almost similar during the two analysed days; this translated in similar NO2 levels, except from 6:00pm until 6:18pm on 12/05/ 2015 when the higher temperature (24.6°𝐶) registered at 6:00p m induced higher NO2 levels. After the temperature decreased to 21 °𝐶 around 6:18pm, the NO2 level presented similar evolutionary patterns as one week before. The comparison for Fridays is shown in Fig. 7d) and strengthens even more our previous findings, with the observation that the lower concentration levels registered on 01/05/2015 were also influenced by the reduced traffic flow as this day was a national public holiday.

The public holiday on Friday 1/05/2015 had influenced as well the NO2 levels on the next Saturday 2/05/2015 and Sunday 3/05/2015, as represented in Fig. 9. The mean number of cars during the evening peak hour averaged around 234 cars, which is almost half than during a normal week day. Moreover, Fig. 9a Besides NO2 levels, the Azimut station has continuously registered noise levels at the human level while following the proposed daily circuit. Fig. 8 presents the mean and daily noise evolution registered during the study period with the associated European noise scale. The measurements indicate that noise levels ranged between 53.48 dB(A) and 89.76 dB(A), with an average reaching often 72.77 dB(A) which indicates a highly noisy/hazardous environment. In comparison to the NO2 levels which have a dispersed behaviour and are harder to be analysed in time, noise levels seem to have a homogeneous evolution and follow almost similar trends from one day to another.

By undertaking a daily noise comparison similarly to the previous NO2 analysis, one can easily identify almost similar evolutionary patterns of noise levels during a normal week day (as seen in Fig. 10a andb); lower noise levels were registered during public holidays, when traffic is heavily reduced in the city centre (see Fig. 10c). Overall, the current analysis revealed unexpected high noise levels inside the econeighbourhood NGC, which is the contrary objective of the Grand Nancy Metropolis who wants to increase the liveability for its citizens, not only by offering good public transport services and multi-modal interconnection, but also good levels of air quality, reduced traffic jams and implicit ly , reduced noise levels.

Discussion of results

While the main purpose for this study was to investigate the reliability of available fixed and smart-mobile pollution units, the most important finding is mostly related to the difference between concentrations registered at the human level when compared to those reported by stationary monitoring units. Fig. 11 shows the summary of mean NO2 levels registered during the whole study period by both the Azimut station and the passive tubes. Although the overall average concentration levels are in good evaluation scales (less than 90 𝜇𝑔/𝑚 3 , the difference between the two experimentation protocols reveal significant differences between these two different monitoring techniques and the different impact that they can have on the citizen daily life. From Fig. 11 one can identify that most of the pollution levels registered by the mobile station carried at the human level near the locations of the passive tubes are almost three times higher than the stationary levels monitored at higher levels: tubes 8 and 9 registered almost 23.3 μg/m 3 from the passive tubes (placed at 3 meters altitude) and validated by the AQM station (placed at 4 meters altitude) in comparison to 61.2 μg/m 3 recorded by the Azimut station carried at human level (1.5 meters altitude) near these tubes. The b iggest difference between fixed and mobile air pollution monitoring is showcased by the passive tube 4, which recorded an NO2 concentration of 14.9 μg/m 3 in comparison to 74.17 μg/m 3 registered by the mobile station Azimut; this translated in a human-level pollution score which is almost five times higher than the official reported scores by the stationary monitoring devices.

Fig. 11. NO2 pollution level registered by passive tubes versus the mobile station Azimuth carried at the human level.

While various reasons and factors could be further taken into consideration for explaining the significant difference between the investigated emission levels, this finding brings a solid awareness towards the real impact that air and noise pollution can have on human health and the risk that citizens are facing when walking in extremely crowded and congested areas in the city.

Conclusions and future perspectives

This paper debates the topic of air monitoring using a combination of stationary versus smart and mobile pollution units which can be carried on a daily basis by citizens travelling in congested urban areas . Two experimentin g protocols have been analysed by using: a) fixed passive tubes for NO2 monitoring which have been verified against a reliable AQM station and b) smart and mobile sensors with real-time data transmission and collection. The proposed experimentation protocols not only show a significant higher impact of NO2 concentrations when using smart sensors carried at human level and walking inside highly circulated urban areas, but also poor noise levels registered especially during evening peak hours. Weather conditions are also important factors to be used when analysing the pollution concentration due to their strong correlation and high temporal influence. Further quantitative analysis and exploration is currently undertaken by the team and will be released soon, especially on the data-driven analysis and air pollution forecasting using mobile smart sensors ; a paper is currently under revision in [START_REF] Mihaita | Evaluating air quality by using smart mobile sensors and machine learning[END_REF].

Limitations and perspectives

Besides the advantages and disadvantages of using each of the monitoring units detailed in Section 3.1, the main limitations for monitoring, investigating and evaluating air quality by using a crowd-sensed initiative consists in the evaluation of the data accuracy. While multiple sensing units are available for testing and usage, one needs to verify the accuracy of the mobile stations for calibration and validation purposes. We have further adopted another mobile sensing unit called the Smart Citizen Kit (SCK) [START_REF] Sck | Smart Citizen Kit[END_REF] which has been used simultaneously with the Azimut station, for air quality monitoring and double validation of the findings. The data analysis and results are the object of a future investigation which awaits for Metropolis research approval. The duration of the monitoring could also be extended to longer periods which can be a true challenge due to higher costs involving both human resources, material acquisition, data processing and interpretation. Seasonality could also be included in the analysis when more data would become available, as in our previous studies [START_REF] Mihaita | Integrating a mesoscopic traffic simulation model and a simplified NO2 estimation model[END_REF].

Despite important advantages of using low-cost sensing units for measuring air pollution at a very granular city scale, various questions about the use and large-scale utilisation of such devices remain challenging and unanswered. Important aspects which are currently under investigation relate to the regulated production and marketing of such units, the use and ownership of the generated data, the cost of maintenance and installation, etc. But one important question concerns as well the electronic waste and the impact on public health [START_REF] Grant | Health consequences of exposure to e-waste: a systematic review[END_REF], especially as many cities around the world are switching towards a sustainable and ecological paradigm [START_REF] Bayulken | Are lessons from eco-towns helping planners make more effective progress in transforming cities into sustainable urban systems: a literature review (part 2 of 2)[END_REF].

The NGC project is further developing more studies on how to better integrate accurate air quality information with traffic congestion monitoring (see work submitted in [START_REF] Mihaita | Predicting air quality by integrating a mesos copic traffic simulation model and simplified air pollutant estimation methods[END_REF]), but also how to involve citizens in an active crowd-source activity for raising awareness around pollution and traffic behaviour. Offering the correct monitoring tools will trigger more adapted actions which will improve on the long-term the life of inhabitants in such complex environments.

  a) Urban project for NGC by 2020, source: Arep Ville -J.M. Duthilleul. b) Urban area in 2013. c) Focus on most circulated intersections .

Fig. 1 .

 1 Fig. 1. Case study of the eco-neighbourhood "NGC".

1 .

 1 Passive tubes (Fig.2a): they use the technique of passive sampling which is based on the passive transfer of pollutants by simple molecular diffusion of ambient air to an adsorbent specific to the targeted pollutant. The sampling module is in the form of a porous tube, called "passive tube" which is filled with adsorbent. The passive tube are fixed in a protection box attached to a support near congested traffic areas. After the exposure time has elapsed, the tubes are sent to the Air Lorrain e laboratory for analysis. The concentrations of pollutants obtained by this technique are concentrations averaged over the entire sampling period. This technique has been used for sampling of nitrogen dioxide (NO2) and has the main advantage of being low cost (analysis costs under 10 Euros per tube) and not requiring electrical recharge.

Fig. 6 .

 6 Fig. 6. Daily NO2 concentrations registered by Azimut mobile station.

  ) and b) indicate a clear difference between the average NO2 concentrations registered in a weekend preceded by public holiday [44.68𝜇𝑔/𝑚 3 for Saturday 2/05/2015 and 38.09𝜇𝑔/𝑚 3 for Sunday 3/05/2015] and the next regular weekend with no public holiday (90.49 𝜇𝑔/𝑚 3 for Saturday 9/05/2015 and 93.47 𝜇𝑔/𝑚 3 for Sunday 10/05/2015]. The difference is not only caused by the increased number of cars during a regular weekend, but also by higher temperatures and lower air humidity.

Fig. 9 .

 9 Fig. 9. Weekend comparison of NO2 concentrations.

Fig. 8 .

 8 Fig. 8. Daily and mean noise levels registered by the Azimut mobile station.

Fig. 10 .

 10 Fig. 10. Daily comparison of noise levels registered by the Azimut station.

  They have been therefore used to have a static and accurate representation of the air pollution level in terms of NO2 monitored inside NGC. 2. Azimut Station (Fig. 2b): is a product of Azimu t Monitoring [34] which uses electrochemical gas sensors for measuring the NO2 emissions. Through a portable emission analyser it can provide continuous real-time monitoring of NO2, O_3, noise, temperature and humidity. The station can be mounted on cars, bicycles and can be carried by hand while its data is transmitted through GPRS, having a 48-hour autonomy. Despite its considerably higher price than passive tubes (average price varies around 200 Euros), the main advantages of this mobile sensing unit relies in its easy installation and utilisation, a two-day autonomy and real-time data visualisation. The station has been successfully used for building the open data portal MyGreenServices by INRIA [35] which offers real-time visualisation of environmental data collected by citizens, generates alert services and has a forum for sharing ideas and best practices in terms of eco-responsible behaviour. In an attempt to promote citizen awareness and trigger changes in the daily travelling behaviour of citizens, INRIA has provided for us an Azimut station for testing, evaluation and comparison. The data analytics provided through the platform have been used for carrying out the second experimenting protocol, detailed in Sections 3.2.2.

Table 1

 1 ATMO French National Index scale for NO2.

	Value [𝜇𝑔/𝑚 3 ]	Index	Qualifier
	0-29	1	Very good
	30-54	2	Very good
	55-84	3	Good
	85-109	4	Good
	110-134	5	Medium
	135-164	6	Medium
	165-199	7	Poor
	200-274	8	Poor
	275-399	9	Bad
	≥400	10	Very Bad

Table 2

 2 NO2 results of the passive tubes investigation. 𝜇𝑔/𝑚 3 ]. The official NO2 concentration registered by the AQM station during the same period of time indicated a level of 24.11[𝜇𝑔/𝑚 3

	Tube	Registered Value	Qualifier
	Number	[𝜇𝑔/𝑚 3 ]
	1	22.2	Very good
	2	27	Very good
	3	24.7	Very good
	4	14.9	Very good
	5	30.2	Very good
	6	22.2	Very good
	7	53.6	Very good
	8	23.2	Very good
	9	23.1	Very good
	10	0.3	Very good
	According to Table 2 tubes 8 and 9, which have been
	placed near the AQM fixed station of Air Lorraine (Fig. 3b),
	presented average NO2 levels ranging around of 23.1-
	23.2[

  summarises the Temperature [°𝐶], Humidity [%], Precipitations [mm/h] and Wind [km/h] registered during the study period.

Table 3

 3 Weather conditions during the study period.

	Day	T [°𝐶]	H [%]		Pr [mm/h] W[km/h]
		6P	7P	6P	7P	6P	7P	6P	7P
		M	M	M	M	M	M	M	M
	29/04/	9	8	80	82	0.7	0.6	10 9
	15					0	8
	30/04/	10	9.8	85	86	0.8	0.6	11 9
	15					0	0
	01/05/	9.8	8.5	90	92	0.8	0.8	13 13
	15					0	0
	02/05/	13	12.	89	90	0.2	0.2	7	9
	15		8			0	0
	03/05/	18.	17.	81	88	0.0	3.5	11 9
	15	6	6			5	0
	04/05/	22.	21.	62	67	0.1	0.0	11 7
	15	1	2			0	6
	05/05/	20.	20	46	46	0.1	0.1	20 24
	15	5				5	1
	06/05/	17.	16.	40	44	0.0	0.0	24 22
	15	1	1			5	3
	07/05/	17.	16.	41	43	0.1	0.0	9	7
	15	4	9			0	5
	08/05/	20	18.	46	60	0.0	0.0	15 17
	15		4			3	3
	09/05/	19.	19	43	46	0.0	0.0	19 19
	15	9				4	3
	10/05/	21.	20.	49	51	0.0	0.0	7	11
	15	6	9			5	1
	11/05/	25.	25.	43	48	0.0	0.0	13 11
	15	8	1			2	1
	12/05/	24.	21.	60	63	0.0	0.0	26 24
	15	6	8			1	5

Acknowledgements

The authors of this work are grateful for the support provided by various actors in this project: 1) Grand Nancy (CUGN) through the project Chaire REVES, 2) Brigitt e Trousse, the president of France Living Labs for providing the Azimut station, 3) Air Lorraine (Alexandre Ockler and Gerard Pol) for providing the passive tubes, 4) Barcelona Fab Living Lab for providing the Smart Citizen Kit, and 5) Aline Carier, Thibault Frère, Oussama Okasha and Ophélie Voirin for conducting the daily experimenting protocols. The experiments of this work have been done in the ERPI laboratory from Nancy France. The final writing and correction of this article has been done in Data61|CSIR O, Australia.


Gregory B Lee

Bio-Profile Gregory

B Lee

Other People's Heroes: Intertexts, History, and Comparative Resistance to Totalization

Given the remit of addressing the potential of "worlded" comparative literature, I raise here two principal questions. First, the importance of history in reading intertexts, or the historicity of the reception of texts (a reception which is often shielded by a penumbra of ignorance from those for whom the text was "intended" or from those who are the object of interest of a particular text), for in the shade of parallel but distinct trajectories of history yet further meaning is produced. Texts discussed include the poetry of Byron in the context of its reception in China, the Chinese ballad Mulan, and its détournement by Disney. The second reflection is on the nature of the impact of the "global" on literary and cultural studies, and on the meaning of global or world cultural production; a consideration of this seemingly new "worldly" culture also obliging us to invoke the historicity of this concept. In discussing these two areas, I tangentially seek to broach my discomfort with the metaphors with which we imagine and write literary and cultural studies.

post-modern theorizing, the development of cultural studies, the inclusion of film studies in what was once a purely literary domain, and the writing of comparative cultural histories. It could be argued that comparative literature has ceded its place to a more generous schema of "global literary studies". On the level of tolerance and openness, global literary studies gives, at least, the chance to study and discuss marginal and "hybrid" literatures. 1However, within the framework of the "global" (and in French there is a nice distinction between global in the sense of "general", and mondial relating to the totality of the earth, leading to the English globalization being translated as mondialisation) it would be a mistake to lose sight of the specifity and possibility for difference afforded by the comparative, for the comparative resists totalization. The Greek eikon (translated similitude in Latin) underlines the difference between metaphor and simile. Eikon, or image, what is similar, the simile, the likeness, was for Quintillius, explained by comparatio, what happens in a simile, the difference emerging from the parallel, the parallel-difference. Thus, similitude/simile maintains the difference, the like prevents total assimilation, while it may be argued the global-globality (the general, generalized) tends to efface it.

Given this caveat, the notion of a possible "worlded" comparative literature makes possible several vectors for enquiry. I am particularly attracted by the fact that the editors of this special issue of Gramma have privileged both the "pathways it has opened up and the ones it has foreclosed or left unexplored". For me these pathways are crossed, interweaved and superimposed. The importance of the past, and ways of remembering and telling it are central to any future for a new sort of comparative field; similarly the relationship of time to space, and the often simplistic paradigms with which we attempt to conceptualize and imagine the temporalspatial conjunctures, demand to be re-thought. No question we may "choose" to address can escape this necessity. The function of the temporal in the constitution of parallel-difference must not be ignored, as it often has been in traditional comparative literary and philosophical studies.

If there remains a connexion between the traditional conception of Comparative Literature and global literary studies it would without doubt be the importance given to intertextuality, a relationship between texts that cannot be imagined outside of history. A good example of such historicity, and this is just one of many examples that could be given of the function of the intertext in Asian cultural consumption and production, would be the historical reception of George Gordon Byron (1788Byron ( -1824)). That Byron's work should have its place in Anglo-Greek comparative literary history, that the English aristocrat should still be a mythic figure in the Greek national imaginary, is comprehensible to the European reader. But why should Byron be lauded by the Chinese reader ? At first sight the Chinese attraction to Byron seems misplaced, even perverse. The Chinese, and similarly the Japanese, fascination with the Other's literary practice was real enough. But Asian interest in European textual practice, which developed in the mid to late nineteenth century, did not centre on English-language poetic production, so closely associated in the radical intellectual's mind with European colonialism. Rather, the object of poetic desire was for the most part with French free verse.

While in Europe and America pre-modern, « classical », Chinese poetry was avidly read and reworked by Anglophone translators and poets -the translations of Arthur Waley (1889-1969) and Kenneth Rexroth (1905-1982) being of a prime importance in the literary construction of a mythic, ancient, exotic and Othered China -in China, the would-be intellectual class sought to understand foreign modernity; from the end of the nineteenth century novelists such as Dickens, and even more popular writers such as Sir Arthur Conan Doyle (as author of Sherlock Holmes) were translated and appreciated for the critical insight into Western industrial world that they offered.

In the domain of poetry, the exponents of China's New Poetry sought a total liberation from the shackles of constraint imposed by the classical Chinese poetic mode. Inventors and practitioners of the New Poetry in the main looked to the emancipatory possibilities of the vers libre of nineteenth-century French symbolism, and to the revolutionary passion of Mayakovsky (1893( -1930( ) and Esenin (1895[START_REF] Xun | Fen: Zayi[END_REF]. Unlike most of their contemporaries two major poetic figures of the first half of the twentieth century (what is often called the Republican period), Xu Zhimo (1896-1931) and Wen Yiduo (1899-1946) were attracted to the more ordered and orderly romanticism of nineteenth-century English verse.

But, Byron figured only belatedly in the pantheon of Xu Zhimo's poetic models, the Chinese poet only translating his English predecessor's Corsair (1814) in 1924. 2 But already, at the beginning of the twentieth century, Byron was considered in China to be not only a poetic reference, but a great man, a hero. We know that the Greeks have greatly admired him for the support, more effectual on the moral rather than military plane, that he lent to their struggle for sovereignty. Upon the news of his demise the Greeks declared a three-week period of national mourning for this peer of the British realm who had clearly pushed to the fore in his poems and in his speeches his disgust with the policies of his own country from which since his youth he had continuously sought to distance himself. But why should the Chinese so many decades later, discover a hero in the person of Lord Byron, who had never set foot outside of Europe and had never consecrated a single line to China ?

The answer lies in the history of the nineteenth century, and more particularly in the history of imperialism, and the nationalist, anti-colonialist reaction to it. Greece had long been subjected to rule by a foreign dynastic empire, and China's last dynasty, the Qing, that of the Manchus, had imposed its rule by force. Greece, was perceived by Chinese intellectuals as resembling China in that it was the successor to an ancient civilization that had been subjugated to foreign domination and was now confronting the challenge of Western modernity. Furthermore, that Byron had supported the Greeks in their struggle for independence from the Ottoman Empire could not fail to impress and inspire the Chinese reformers. China was threatened and invaded by foreigners, in particular by the British, and that a son of the British ruling class should support those who had resisted colonialist oppression could not but be appreciated by an intellectual class in search of an alternative modernity with a more human and humane face.

But the reason for Byron's enthusiastic reception in a China faced with the high tide of British imperialist ambition, is perhaps yet more complex than a straightforward approval of Byron's alliance with Greeks independantists, of his defence of the marginalized, colonized subject. Two nineteenth-century events connected by the role of one British ruling family, yet separated in space and time by six decades and a whole continent, are both well-known to millions of Chinese readers; yet only one of these is embedded in Greek national consciousness.

The first event dates back to 26 December 1801. I refer to the beginning of the dismantling of the Parthenon Marbles by Thomas Bruce, Seventh Earl of Elgin (1766Elgin ( -1841)). Elgin would attempt to justify the pillage by opining that both Turks and Greeks were indifferent to the conservation of the monument and that marbles would be put to better use as a source of inspiration for English artists in London. Despite years of Greek campaigning, what became known as the "Elgin marbles" still langour there in the custody of the British Museum. It is a well-known story of brazen colonialist disdain for the modern "Oriental" Other deemed incapable of comprehending or demonstrating concern for past cultural traditions and objects.

The second event took place sixty years later, when another Elgin, James Bruce, 8th Earl of Elgin (1811Elgin ( -1863)), the son of he who had purloined the Parthenon, in order to punish the Manchu court for its refusal to allow Western embassies access to the capital, ordered British and French forces to sack the imperial summer palace, the Yuanmingyuan, in Beijing; an act of vandalism famously condemned by Victor Hugo who wrote of "one theft with two thieves". The 23,000 sculptures and relics surviving the pillage of Anglo-French rank and file soldiers are also now located in London's British Museum. But the sacking was but a spectacular sideshow, an adjunct to the main objective which was to impose European economic and political hegemony, and to occupy whatever territory necessary in order so to do. In 1860, at the conclusion of this "Second Opium War", a war to assure continued, unimpeded British importation of opium into China, Britain obtained Kowloon opposite Hong Kong Island (already acquired in 1842). In 1898 the so-called New Territories, contiguous to Kowloon, were obtained on a ninety-nine year lease. This fifty-fold increase in the size of Britain's foothold in China was a small affair for the world's largest and most powerful imperialist giant, but it constituted a further chapter in the story of China's humiliation. Three years later, in 1902, with the fall of China's last imperial dynasty still a decade away, the great reformer and scholar Liang Qichao, who saw nineteenthcentury European novels as a force for socio-political reform and encouraged their emulation, translated segments of two major poems of Byron, Childe Harold (1811) and Don Juan, for inclusion in his grand, yet unfinished, futuristic, utopian novel Xin Zhongguo weilaiji (The story of the future of New China) in which he imagined the China of 1962. One of the fragments translated was the now familiar excerpt from the second canto of Childe Harold's Piligrimage :

Dull is the eye that will not weep to see Thy walls defaced, thy mouldering shrines removed By British hands, which it had best behoved To guard those relics ne'er to be restored. Curst be the hour when from their isle they roved, And once again thy hapless bosom gored, And snatch'd thy shrinking gods to northern climes abhorred! (Byron 197) Other translations rapidly followed. In 1905, Ma Junwu (1881-1940) andHuang Kan (1886 -1935) independently translated into Chinese the "Isles of Greece" section of the third canto of Don Juan as "Ode to Greece". It is in the latter that is found the plaint of Byron in favour of the Greeks, and their heritage:

To feel at least a patriot's shame Even as I sing, suffuse my face ; For what is left the poet here ? For Greeks a blush, for Greece a tear. (Byron 695)

Clearly the Chinese translators chose those passages that foregrounded the struggle for national autonomy, the renaissance of a country once grandiose and glorious, and the shame of the (British) poet in the face of his compatriots' actions. For the Chinese reader of the early twentieth century, and in objective historical terms, the words penned by Byron had become even heavier with meaning. British imperialism had entered a new expansionist and territorialist phase and its ideological disdain for the Other, especially the Other of colour, knew few bounds. The China that had had little to fear from British marauders at the beginning of the nineteenth century when Elgin chose to desecrate the Parthenon, a century later when Byron's words were translated, was now weak and fragmented into 'spheres of influence' controlled from the colonyenclaves of the European powers, and had escaped full-scale territorial colonization only because Britain wished to maintain hegemonic power in China, a dominance that would have been rendered difficult by a cartographic division of the Manchu Empire into physical foreign 'possessions '. In 1906and 1908, the celebrated literati and translator Su Manshu (1884-1918 ) published two volumes of translations containing versions of Byron's poems (Hu 134). There then followed commentaries on the poems. One such was written by a man who would become modern China's great mythic author and revolutionary figure, Lu Xun (1881Xun ( -1936)). Writing in 1907 out of a poetic tradition that spanned more than two millennia, Lu Xun declared Byron's poetry was infused with the " power of enormous waves crashing down directly on the columns of the old society" (Lu 1907). In other words, Lu Xun apprehended a poetry of critique interrogative of empires and feudal systems. Byron's poetry spoke clearly to a young élite Chinese generation which sought the fall of the Manchu empire, the restitution of China's autonomy, and the disappearance of foreign occupying powers. Lu Xun resumed his sentiment thus: "His words resound with resistance" (Lu 1907).

Another major intellectual figure, Liang Shiqiu (1902Shiqiu ( -1987)), spoke of Byron's style as a "poetic revolution". In 1914, Hu Shi (1891-1962) , scholar, pedagogue, diplomat and pioneer of China's New Poetry movement published his translation of "Ode to Greece" (Hu 150-165). Hu, more reformer than revolutionary, noted Byron's relatively mediocre literary stature in the eyes of his compatriots, and identifying the reason for his renown in his political stance: "Although Byron may be placed in the second water of England's literature, his political reputation abroad far surpasses that of other English poets" (Hu 136). Shelley had yet to be translated in China but would soon join Byron in the Chinese revolutionary intellectual imaginary, especially after the launching of the 4 th May 1919 intellectual revolution, a literary and cultural reaction to the marginalization of China in the Versailles peace talks. 3 The revolutionary cultural fervour that 3 China an ally of Britain and France had sent men to Europe during World War One. They were incorporated into the British Army's Chinese Labour Corps ; it was they who dug the trenches in France. China thus hoped to, at least, followed this post-Great War reminder of China's subaltern status, drew the young intellectual elite even closer to Byron. Lu Xun, decades after having first written of Byron, attempting to explain Chinese admiration for the poet, stated clearly that "it was his support for Greek independence. With the decline of the Qing [Manchu] empire, a section of China's youth, full of the ideas of revolution, revenge and resistance found their inspiration in the poetry of Byron" (Lu 1926). After the rise to national power of the Communists in 1949, New China continued to render homage to Byron. This admiration was formulated within a national, revolutionary imaginary, yet it demanded an assemblage of layers of acquaintance with Greek history and culture, ancient and modern, of knowledge of the politico-historical role of Byron, the aristocratic youth who dared to denounce British imperialism and its hooligan manners, a parallel reading of British intrusions into Greece and in China, and finally a desire to emulate in both writing and action this poet resistant who succeeded in motivating a generation and a class distanced from Byron in time and in space, but drawn close to him by a long moment of historyperpetuated by British imperialism and the anti-colonialist reaction -and a common yearning for autonomy.

Today such autonomy seems imperilled by the advance of the global. Globalization as an economic tendency, as a political strategy, as a dominant ideology, as a discourse of hypermodernity, as the bogeyman of the globophobic, is now firmly entrenched in our imaginaries as the inescapably seductive driving force of the twenty-first century. But is this process of international economic, and thus cultural, harmonization, standardization and homogenisation so modern? have sovereignty restored over its German occupied territories (such as Qingdao -Tsingtao), but these were transferred to Japan, also an ally. Students demonstrated at Tiananmen. The demonstration was violently suppressed by the authorities. A list of names of English officers of the Chinese Labour Corps, together with the medals they were attributed, may be found on the website of the Public Record Office. There is no Chinese name listed.

The discourse of globalization, in reality, has been recuperated from already existent analyses of processes of internationalisation and homogenisation, it has been détourné, as the French has it. The verb détourner is difficult to translate into English ("hijack" is quite close, "divert" too neutral). Indeed, a "hijack" in French is a détournement, and Guy Debord and the Situationists advocated just such a "hijacking" of texts and language. More recently, politicians and marketing strategists have détourné the concept of globalization. And yet even their recuperated sense of globalization is not so distant from a much more well-established vision of this process. But since when have we been theorizing globalization? Let us examine the following text:

The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world market given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every country.…it has drawn from under the feet of industry the national ground on which it stood. All old established national industries have been destroyed or are daily being destroyed. They are dislodged by new industries, … industries whose products are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the globe. In place of the old wants, satisfied by the productions of the country, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of distant lands….In place of the old local and national seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, universal inter-dependence of nations. And as in material, so also in intellectual production. The intellectual creations of individual nations become common property. National one-sidedness and narrow-mindedness become more and more impossible, and from the numerous national and local literatures, there arises a world literature.

The words just cited were written over a century and half ago. They are taken from the Communist Manifesto, published in 1848 . It is not immediately evident whether Marx and Engels consider this march towards a global economy and culture as positive, but the sense of the words that follow is quite clear:

The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of production, by the immensely facilitated means of communication, draws all … nations into civilisation.…It compels all nations, on pain of extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it compels them to introduce what it calls civilisation into their midst, i.e., to become bourgeois themselves. In one word, it creates a world after its own image (Marx 84).

Already over 150 years ago Marx saw economic globalization as an inevitable process, but did he foresee the (post-modern) commodification of intellectual and cultural production? Even if Marx understood the logic of capitalism, which evidently he did better than anyone, he could not predict the emergence of a post-bourgeois capitalist economy and the concomitant hypermodern economic colonization of culture and language.

For Marx and Engels, true internationalists, at least in a white Euro-American dimension, who transposed and introduced ideas and lexical innovations from one European language to another, the internationalization of the work and product of the intellectual could only be beneficial to progressive forces.

They were right in foreseeing and predicting economic and intellectual globalization, but since the transformation in power relations expected by Marx and Engels did not happen, or did not happen as they expected, the globalization of intellectual, cultural and informational production and distribution has now fallen totally under the hegemony of the economic.

Nevertheless, the representational strategy of regnant authority identified by Marx and Engels remains fundamentally similar. The national bourgeois economy may have been replaced by networks of global economic power, but the "new" form of power still deploys the same modus operandi: "it creates a world in its own image" (Marx 84). But let us not be mistaken, Marx did not condemn economic or intellectual "cosmopolitanization", as he called it. The world needed to be pulled out of its feudal misery, the town must replace the country, Nature must be mastered. While not categorically hostile to the local, Marx and Engels did not regret its demise, since the new global hegemony of the proletariat had first to traverse the historical phase of the centralizing nation-state.

As often with Marx and Engels, their discourse is contradictory, or at least now it so seems at the beginning of the twenty-first century, for they are at once critical of the brutality of the bourgeoisie, and yet in awe of the progress inherent in the advance of bourgeois national and international capitalist modernization. Let me cite one last paragraph from the Communist Manifesto, a text that oozes disdain for the marginal and the unmodern and which contains a famously disparaging dismissal of the peasant way of life. It is also a text that shows the acute analytical prowess of Marx in its prediction of the twentieth century economic, but also cultural, balance of power:

The bourgeoisie has subjected the country to the rule of the towns. It has created enormous cities, has greatly increased the urban population as compared with the rural, and has thus rescued a considerable part of the population from the idiocy of rural life. Just as it has made the country dependent on the towns, so it has made barbarian and semi-barbarian countries dependent on the civilised ones, nations of peasants on nations of bourgeois, the East on the West (Marx 84).

In this extract from The Communist Manifesto we are confronted at once with the full power of Marx's critical capacities and at the same time with an engrained Hegelian disdain for the assumed backwardness and decadence of the "Orient". Here, Marx, like Hegel, establishes an equivalence between what is termed "rural idiocy", and the presumed ignorance and backwardness of the East. Such historically ill-founded prejudices are still sadly entrenched, a century and half later, in the post-colonial, yet still deeply colonialist, European imaginary of the Other, and above all the Oriental Other.

But while Marx and Engels may have been unable to foresee the evolutive nature of consumer capitalism, post World War II "alternative" theorists such as Cornelius Castoriadis and the even more marginal, although latterly deified, Guy Debord were not only able to theorize and predict the development of the economic but also the ways in which political power and its representations would evolve. 4Guy Debord, in his now celebrated and oft recuperated theory of société spectaculaire, "society of the spectacle", analysed the nature of alienation in twentieth-century modern society. 5While frequently understood as a critique of the manipulation of the image in modern society, the Society of the Spectacle goes well beyond analysing the relatively restrained sphere of the mass media. Debord focuses on the impoverishment of daily lived experience, and the increasing alienation and fragmentation of human existence. The spectacle, the sum of the independent images and representations provided by modernity, then serves as a substitute for real and whole experience of life. Individuals separated from one another in everyday life find unity only in the passive contemplation of the image, modern substitute for religion. Of course, the core problem is not image and representation but the society that has need of them. For Debord there were two types of spectacle in the 1950s, the diffuse, represented by the "liberal democracies" providing the illusion of choice, and the concentrated, constituted by the authoritarian model (the Soviet bloc, China, Indonesia) in which the spectacle is focussed on a quasi-religious leader. Later, in an analysis which foresaw the fall of the wall, Commentaries on the Society of the Spectacle published in 1988, Debord located what he called the "integrated spectacle" into which the two systems had started to merge and to recuperate features the one from the other. This "postcommunist" phase of the "integrated spectacle" in which in terms of representation the New World Order replaced the Cold war, is what is now represented as globalization.

But while for Debord, writing between the 1960s and the 1980s, globalization, or what he perceived as the increasing homogenization of the integrated spectacle, constituted the emerging ideological formation of the waning twentieth century, the national-level manifestation of the spectacle with its national consumable politician/pop-idol heroes was still very much present on the ideological stage. And yet, is such an imbrication of the national and the global not in contradiction with the national's supposed contestation of global hegemonic power? I think not. Despite all the "faith" invested in the liberating impulse and potential of national revolutions, has not the national hemmed us in to a lower order totalization, a sort of sub-globalization of culture in both its aesthetic and wider senses? While modern national cultures, invented and reinvented in and around nationalizing projects like modern Greece's and modern China's, were constructed and imagined in opposition to a process that for much of the twentieth century was known, not as globalization, but as cultural imperialism, national cultures themselves were already standardizing constructs applying unifying cultural practices, and eliminating linguistic and other diversities. In other words, the national literatures that we have for decades compared in conventional comparative literature departments were already totalizing entities whose consequence, if not always their objective, was to binarize and thus minimize, and often altogether eradicate, the very differences comparatism ought to seek to foreground and value.

If, even in the era of the global, the national continues to exist it is because national Given white America's history of distrust and even hatred of the Chinese, why at the end of the twentieth-century did Disney-America choose to make their "Chinese" cartoon film? Is it simply, as Byrne and McQuillan claim, that Disney in making this film wished primarily to please the Chinese authorities so as to benefit from the vast potential of a market soon to open its doors wide to the World Trade . And why did Disney choose to re-tell this story (of a dutiful daughter who secretly takes her father's place in the imperial Chinese army so as to defend the state from the invading foreigners)? After all the plot, until Disney had nuanced it, was not a typical Disney historico-mythic love story. The original Chinese tale, or ballad, which first circulated around fifteen hundred years ago and was retold in many forms (lyric, theatrical and narrative) over the subsequent centuries, stressed the lack of importance of gender as long as the task in hand was accomplished:

For twelve years the warriors had campaigned together None suspected that Mulan was a woman The male rabbit jumps, and the female blinks When they run side by side How can you tell which is which? 6 But Disney's redeployed and recuperated Mulan, was easily assimilated into a Euro-American tradition that still venerated Joan of Arc, and yet now sought glocalized models for late twentiethcentury American "multiculturalism". However, Disney's admittance of Chineseness into its cartoon stable forgets the long struggle of Chinese and Japanese Americans for recognition of their mistreatment at the hands of the US state and American society in general. That struggle for recognition started in 1960s and 1970s anti-Vietnam war Asian American alliances and led to the formation of an Asian American consciousness. The movement also led directly to the creation of university departments of Asian American studies established initially by writers and activists such as Shawn Wong and Lawson Inada and now largely, "professionalized" and occupied by "qualified" academics. The Disney representation of Americanized Chineseness, then, elides the history of nineteenth and twentieth-century legal exclusion of Chinese from immigration and American citizenship; the internment camps in which Japanese immigrants and American citizens of Japanese origin were indiscriminately imprisoned in the deserts of the American West during the Second World War after Pearl Harbour; and more recently the racism of the 1980s when the anger of US workers and their failing automobile industry was vented on unsuspecting Asian Americans. The importance of history to the reading of texts and intertexts, as I stressed at the beginning of this article, is nowhere more necessary than here. But if modern American history is suppressed, the representation of Chinese history in this film once more reinscribes Orientalist and Area Studies practices of conflating all the "pre-modern" into a monolithic moment of antiquity: in Mulan, pre-modern China becomes a seamless, static, ahistorical entity.

But again, if Mulan integrated easily, into the transnational cinema conglomerate's global and globalizing strategy, alongside Jasmine, Snow White and the other Princesses of the Disney empire, it in no way offended official Chinese sensibilities, no more than it did the Chinese social imaginary. The neo-Confucian values that have been resurfacing in post-Mao China could only be comforted by Mulan's return to the parental home and her marriage to the main male character, "the reimposition of the patriarchal order at the end of the Disney film" serving "to undo the liberating potential of its central female character" (Byrne 165). Or, as Disney's own webpage has it, the film "celebrates honor, courage, and the importance of family". 7 But globality, the time-space that all of us today inhabit, is not the bright uniformly coloured world with which cartoons, and globalization's propaganda in general, presents us. The spectacle is stained and blotched with the inequalities and injustices of populations left behind, left out, left struggling underneath, lost in the folds of the dimensional computer-generated models and mind maps, and in the parentheses of post-modern academic discourse; sterilized and sanitized in the hegemony of the Greek suffixes that have reproduced themselves so intrusively in this article. The excluded are hidden in the caves, and under the crags, of the cliff-faces of a thousand plateaux, metaphorically yet literally, bookishly yet cynically, written into the margins of our discursive strategies.

7 http://disneyvideos.disney.go.com/moviefinder/products/2296303.html And these dispossessed are not only the hundreds of millions of citizens of the BRICs, and the not yet BRICs, who have yet to benefit from any form of modern life, but also the host of forgotten post-colonized in our midst. 8 The north African women who clean up after us after we lock our office doors at day's end and leave behind the subalterns in the pages of our cultural studies manuals. As academics we stand scientifically, neutrally, helplessly on the sidelines of a world dominated by the market, analysing and at times even critiquing the New World Order, only to find our words subverted and recuperated by business and business-ologists. At worst we are ourselves turned into the mediators, the passers of socio-economic conflict that goes veiled in the grab of the so-called cultural. But as women and men of letters we should be capable of going beyond critique of the global, the local and the glocal, we should be capable of challenging the linguistic order within which we are all trapped, of contributing to a new poetics of a new world culture which -as that bearded white male bourgeois radical, Karl Marx -predicted, will inevitably come. But will that culture be no more than the globalized/glocalized homogenous product? Will our heroes be borrowed and shared, or will they be recuperated, marketed and sold? And will humankind be yet capable of turning and twisting the shabby soullessness of hypermodernity into a new poetry of everyday life? Works cited Barry, Cook, and Tony Bancroft (directors)

  projects have not yet run their course as Marx envisaged they would and that the hour of "world literature" has not arrived. The national continues to prosper on the territory of global commerce in the sense that because the unifying force of distribution and consumption serves a local purpose, it has become the great leveller, the grand homogenizer of national space. What matters is not what is consumed but the pattern of homogenised consumption, what matters is that what is consumed is consumed nationally, for instance, all over China -or for the moment all over modernized China. For local holders of power this is the global at the service of the national. The standardisation of distribution and consumption advances and completes the project of national cultural assimilation, a project launched much later in Asia than in Europe. So that, ultimately, this is why Starbucks is in Beijing's Forbidden City and McDonalds in every town worth the name in China. McDonaldization is the final phase, the accomplishment, of nationalization in the ex-Third World, and glocalization, what we can also term Asterixisation (promoting American burgers with French cartoon characters), renders this process even more recuperable to the national project. Thus, the tentacles of a nineteenth-century process of modernization and nationstate building reaching down into contemporary hypermodern globality. Marx envisaged the generalization of a nineteenth-century bourgeois culture which is what in part took place. But that has now been overtaken by the technologies and practices of mass spectacular consumption. Moreover, we are far removed from any sort of utopian exchange of literary and cultural diversities. The cultural is embedded in the economic and must obey its "laws". Was China's acceptance into the world economic system achieved by integrating the World Trade Organisation, or by Disney's producing Mulan™; a fourteen-hundred year old Chinese tale which became an American registered trademark?

  . Mulan. Walt Disney Pictures, 1998; Mulan DVD D7775 (Limited Issue). Disney Enterprises. Byrne, Eleanor, and Martin McQuillan. Deconstructing Disney. London: Pluto Press: 1999. Byron, George Gordon. Poetical Works. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 1970. EMI Music Publishing. 20 Dec. 2004. « http://www.emimusicpub.com/worldwide/ around_the_world/hong-kong_local-ar.html ». Hu Shi. Changshi ji. Shanghai: Yadong tushuguan,1922. Hugo, Victor. "Lettre au capitaine Butler". 25 November 1861. Reproduced in Le Monde Diplomatique, octobre 2004, page 18.

One of the paradoxes of French intellectual life, anchored as it is in a hegemonic, centralized education system, is that while much of the theory used in this domain emanates from French intellectuals (Castoriadis, Deleuze, Foucault, Derrida -all considered as philosophers in France albeit largely excluded from philosophy syllabi) its impact on traditional French critical production has been minimal. Similarly, the impact of postcolonial theory (for example, the work of Fanon and Césaire -both Martiniquais and thus French colonial subjects, and Edward Saïd, translated into French in 1980 with a preface by Tzvetan Todorov) on the French academic world remains much more measured than in the Anglophone world. Indeed, any map of the sphere of influence and practice of cultural and postcolonial studies could hardly be made to include France.

Xiaoshuo yuebao, 15:4.

Cornelius Castoriadis, radical French theorist of Greek origin, moved gradually, over a period of twenty years starting in the immediate post-World War Two period, from a neo-Trotskyist critique of Soviet bloc communism to a fundamental critique of Marx's historical determinism. In particular, he ultimately demonstrates that Marx extrapolates to the whole of history ways of thinking that are appropriate and applicable only to Marx's own historical era, subsumes the diversity of global social forms under a schema making sense only for developed capitalist society. For a good analytical summary of Castoriadis's work see : Poirier, N. (2004), Castoriadis : L'imaginaire radical, Paris : PUF.

But importantly the French word spectacle also translates as "show", as in cabaret or theatre.

My translation of the last lines of Mulanshi (The Ballad of Mulan). The Chinese text is consultable on-line at http://www-personal.umich.edu/~dporter/sampler/huamulan.html

BRICs : emergent economies typified by Brazil, Russia, India and China.