Laetitia Leonarduzzi
email: laetitia.leonarduzzi@univ-amu.fr

Sophie Herment
email: sophie.herment@univ-amu.fr

Non-canonical Syntactic Structures in Discourse: Tonality, Tonicity and Tones in English (Semi-)spontaneous Speech

Keywords: prosody, syntax, discourse, information structure, extraposition, right dislocation, it-cleft, wh-cleft

This paper presents a corpus study of four non-canonical English structures used for information packagingextrapositions, right dislocations, it-clefts, wh-clefts. We study the relations between the information structure and the prosodic patterns (tonality, tonicity and tones) and show that the canonical (expected) prosody of these structures is not the most frequent one in semi-spontaneous speech, meaning that the canonical use of these structures might not be canonical at all in terms of frequency. It is argued that in discourse the pragmatic functions of the non-canonical structures studied derive from the complex interactions between syntax and prosody. Tonality reveals the informativeness (relevance at this point of discourse) of each part of the structure, adding meaning to that of the syntactic structure. Inside the intonation phrase, tonicity indicates what is old or new information, sometimes countering the canonical use of syntax, and can be used for highlighting or contrastive purposes. As for tones, their function is to mark contrast, emphasis or implication on the part of the speaker.

Introduction

The information structure of a sentence can be expressed both through prosody and the use of a particular syntactic structure, for instance non-canonical structures such as cleft sentences. Four structures of that kind are studied here: extrapositions, right dislocations, it-clefts and wh-clefts. The question addressed is the following: what happens prosodically when such structures are used? The aim of this paper is to study the way the prosody/syntax interface functions. Linguists often determine the prosodic pattern of a syntactic structure on the basis of its information structure. One syntactic structure is generally described as corresponding to one (at most two) specific prosodic pattern(s). In discourse, it is clearly more complex and meaning partly springs from the subtle interactions between the syntactic structures and the prosodic patterns. In the present study, a detailed prosodic analysis coupled with a discourse analysis are conducted in order i) to test how frequently the expected (canonical) prosodic patterns are used in discourse and ii) when a non-canonical pattern is found, to determine what the role of prosody is.

Corpus and method

Drawing on the oral component (mostly dialogues) of ICE-GB [START_REF] Aarts | Investigating English around the world: The International Corpus of English[END_REF] (a syntactically parsed corpus of spontaneous speech in British English), to which we added various examples all taken from (semi-)spontaneous speech, we conducted two separate analyses which were then combined: a prosodic analysis and a discourse analysis. The queries on the corpus resulted in the examination of a total of 86 extrapositions, 66 right dislocations, 154 it-clefts and 152 whclefts. Due to the poor acoustic quality of many examples in ICE-GB, the prosodic analysis was conducted aurally.

Non-canonical syntactic structures

The structures studied are grouped under the term noncanonical syntactic structures in the sense that they can be considered as a reorganization of the canonical order. Four structures are considered:

• Extrapositions: they are traditionally analysed as a reorganisation of the canonical order of the sentence, with a movement of the subject (or object) clause from its normal position to a position at or near the end of the sentence • wh-clefts: the wh-clause (what we want) and the predicate (is peace). This distinction is essential for the prosodic analysis (2.2).

Prosodic analysis

We follow the British tradition here and in particular, the systems known as the three Ts, tonality, tonicity and tone [START_REF] Halliday | Intonation and Grammar in British English[END_REF].

Tonality is the chunking, the division into tone units, or intonation phrases. Indeed, following phonologists like [START_REF] Crystal | Prosodic Systems and Intonation in English[END_REF] or [START_REF] Cruttenden | Intonation[END_REF], we consider that an intonation phrase (IP) is a segment of speech which occurs with a coherent prosodic contour (pitch and rhythm). Phonetic clues make it possible to segment the discourse into IPs: the presence of pauses (silent or not), an anacrusis at the beginning of the IP, the lengthening of the final syllable of the IP and pitch reset (see [START_REF] Cruttenden | Intonation[END_REF] [11] [12]). Following [START_REF] Grabe | Modelling intonational variation in English. The IViE system[END_REF], we consider that there is only one level of boundary, associated with the intonation phrase. IP boundaries are marked by slashes in the examples. For the present study, we focused on the presence or absence of an IP boundary between the two parts of the structures. We coded 1 IP when there was no boundary and 2 IPs when a boundary was present at that particular place. If there is an IP boundary elsewhere in the structure, it is not considered relevant here: example [START_REF] Wells | English Intonation: an Introduction[END_REF] below is coded as 2 IPs (it contains three in fact, one in the first part and two in the second part).

Tonicity is the place of the nuclear accent. The principle that there is only one nuclear syllable in an IP is adopted. It is the most prominent one, that bearing the tone (the distinctive pitch movement) of the IP (see for example [START_REF] Tench | The Intonation Systems of English[END_REF] or [START_REF] Halliday | Intonation in the Grammar of English[END_REF]). The nucleus bears on the last lexical item of the IP. If it moves left, then it is considered as marked. The nuclear syllable is underlined in the examples below. When the structure is pronounced in a single IP, we coded -F (F standing for Fall, but it could be another tone, see below) when the tonic is found in the second part of the structure and F -if the tonic is in the first part.

The tone is the distinctive pitch-movement. The symbols used are F for a simple fall, R for a simple rise, HF for high fall and FR for fall-rise, which are the most common tones in English. The first two tones are neutral, the last two are not, and referred to as marked in the present paper.

What we shall call the canonical prosodic pattern is the pattern commonly acknowledged by linguists and which corresponds to the canonical use of the syntactic structure in terms of information structure. It slightly varies according to the structure under consideration, but in any case the pattern is made up of 1 IP and a neutral tone (F or R). What differs according to the syntactic structure is the place of the tonic (on the first or second part of the structure, see section 3).

Discourse analysis: information structure

The common point between the structures analysed is that they are concerned with information packaging [3] [16] [17] [START_REF] Birner | Information Structure and Noncanonical Syntax[END_REF]. A separate discourse analysis of the corpus was conducted, the context being closely looked at in order to confront the information structure found in discourse to the notions found in the literature on the structures.

Following [START_REF] Prince | A comparison of WH-clefts and IT-clefts in discourse[END_REF] [19], we consider that information can be discourse-old (given: having been previously mentioned in the discourse) or hearer-old (known: shared knowledge). These two notions are opposed to, respectively, discourse-new and hearer-new information.

Extrapositions: the extraposed element is generally discourse-new information (but not always) [START_REF] Kaltenbök | Using non-extraposition in spoken and written texts: a functional perspective[END_REF] [START_REF] Miller | Discourse constraints on extraposition from subject in English[END_REF]. Extraposition is mandatory when the content of the extraposed clause is discourse-new [START_REF] Kaltenbök | Using non-extraposition in spoken and written texts: a functional perspective[END_REF] [21] [START_REF] Birner | Information Structure and Noncanonical Syntax[END_REF].

Right dislocations: the content of the dislocated element is always discourse-old [START_REF] Birner | Information Structure and Noncanonical Syntax[END_REF].

Clefts: clefts are syntactically analysed as focusing structures in English [START_REF] Chomsky | Deep Structure, Surface Structure and Semantic Interpretation[END_REF] [8] [18] [START_REF] Lambrecht | A framework for the analysis of cleft constructions[END_REF]. They contain a foregrounded element FE, or focus (John, peace in the examples above) and a presupposition PP (who broke the vase, what we want) [START_REF] Huddleston | The Cambridge Grammar of the English Language[END_REF]. The PP is defined as an open proposition (for instance John broke x) and the FE is a value assigned to the variable in that open proposition (the vase) [3] [7]. In whclefts, the presupposition has to represent information that the speaker can assume the hearer is thinking about, and thus matches the notion of old or given information. In it-clefts, the PP also canonically represents old information [START_REF] Prince | A comparison of WH-clefts and IT-clefts in discourse[END_REF].

Results

For each structure, the results of the prosodic analysis are given in a table. The third column refers to the examples below the tables.

Extrapositions

What can be considered as the canonical prosodic pattern for extrapositions is one IP, with the tonic in the second part of the sentence in a neutral position and with a neutral tone (Fall or Rise) (represented by -F). Indeed, in extrapositions the extraposed element is canonically new, and hence should be accented (see for instance [3] [23]).

(1) I mean it'd been left to me to organize it F (2) Then it doesn't matter who's involved F (3) I never realised how hard it is to talk HF (4) I mean at that stage / it might not have been made official F / that you need to be from the from the family of Aaron F (5) So it ' s important FR/ that every time a product leaves one of these stages F/that it works properly F (6) But someone who ' s who ' s computing / they forget how difficult it is HF / for you to understand anything HF

Right dislocations

The dislocated element in noun phrase right dislocations is said to be outside the nucleus of the clause [3] [24], and always corresponds to old information, so canonical prosody in this case means one IP with a tonic on the last accented element of the core sentence with an F tone, and a deaccented dislocated element (F -). 12) And it got out F/ this poor wasp F (13) It's just amazing HF/ the way she's so quick at picking up the music HF [START_REF] Tench | The Intonation Systems of English[END_REF] Is that something you saw FR / this piece of jagged metal R/ or something you assumed must be there FR

It-clefts

In it-clefts, the first part of the structure contains the focused element, and the rest of the structure is presupposed and corresponds to discourse-old information. If prosodic focus corresponds to syntactic focus, then a canonical prosody means one IP with a tonic on the last accented syllable of the focused element, with a neutral tone (F), the rest of the sentence being deaccented (see stressed-focus it-clefts [START_REF] Prince | A comparison of WH-clefts and IT-clefts in discourse[END_REF]). 19) a. Indeed it may be because they are ideals HF/ and not truths F/that they are so deeply attached to them F b. It's not the nasal field FR / that decussates F

Wh-clefts

A wh-cleft starts with the presupposed part, the focus being at the end of the structure. The prosody of a wh-cleft is canonical when there is one IP with a neutral tone (F) at the end of the second part of the structure (-F).

Discussion

What can be seen first of all from the figures in the tables above is that in our data the canonical prosodic patterns of the four structures analysed do not correspond to the most common prosodic patterns. It is striking when we consider cleft sentences (8% and 11% of the examples for it-clefts and wh-clefts respectively). This means that what is considered as the canonical use for these structures might not be, in terms of frequency, canonical at all. So what does the confrontation between the prosodic and the discourse analyses tell us about the use of these structures?

Tonality and informativeness

We claim that when there are 2 IPs associated with an F/F pattern, then it means that each part of the structure is informative. The notion of informativeness is to be distinguished from that of old/new information such as defined in 2.

3. An item is informative when it is relevant at this point of discourse. Conversely, it is uninformative when it is not relevant at this point of discourse. This notion sometimes matches that of old/given information but not always. An item can be given, but important for the speaker at a particular point of discourse: it is informative. One might think that the presence of two (or more) IPs in the sentence (independently of the tones) is due to its length (for instance [START_REF] Birner | Information Structure and Noncanonical Syntax[END_REF]), but this is not necessarily the case. Quite short occurrences uttered with two IPs can be found, not only with RDs (12) but also in the more complex structures, for instance [START_REF] Lambrecht | Information Structure and Sentence Form: topic, focus and the mental representation of discourse referents[END_REF]. There is more than just length involved here. In [START_REF] Lambrecht | Information Structure and Sentence Form: topic, focus and the mental representation of discourse referents[END_REF], the presupposition someone is responsible has just been mentioned in another cleft, so it is discourse-old, but the speaker decides to make it a highpoint in her discourse (see [START_REF] Quirk | A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language[END_REF] for that notion). For her, it is informative. If the speaker had pronounced only 1 IP with F -, she would have decided to highlight only the contrastive focus (the system). The presupposed part would not have been prosodically highlighted and would have truly corresponded to old information not worth underlining again. This is what happens in [START_REF] Halliday | Intonation in the Grammar of English[END_REF], where (something) decussates is a presupposition that has just been mentioned by the same speaker (see (19b)).

2 IPs with an F/F pattern say more than the canonical prosodic pattern associated with the structure does. It reveals the informativeness of both parts of the structure. It is clear with RDs. In [START_REF] Couper-Kuhlen | An Introduction to English Prosody[END_REF], even if this whole aspect of code switching is discourse-old (it is even the theme of the discourse), the speaker needs to make sure that the co-speaker has understood the reference of it and adds a dislocated element which is pronounced with a separate IP. The F/F pattern is quite frequent when the RD aims at clarifying the reference of the co-referential pronoun, or is an afterthought [START_REF] Leonarduzzi | The Limits between Extrapositions and Right-Dislocations[END_REF]. In both cases, the element is informative. The fact that with RDs the most common prosodic pattern is not the canonical one, while RDs are all discourse-old, shows that the notion of givenness is not sufficient to account for the structure.

The same is true of clefts. With it-clefts, if the presupposition is new and the focus old (which is the case in clefts used for transition, such as It is then that…), one might expect 1 IP with -F, but the pattern is always 2 IPs, which again is an indication that givenness is not a satisfactory explanation for the number of IPs. Informativeness is at stake. In (19b), the speaker (presumably a teacher) underlines that it is important not to mix up the nasal field and the retina as far as decussation is concerned. In that case, both field and decussates are relevant elements in the discourse at that point, and that is what is indicated by the second IP on that decussates (this kind is close to informative-presupposition itclefts [START_REF] Prince | A comparison of WH-clefts and IT-clefts in discourse[END_REF], or all-new it-clefts [26] [27]). Conversely in [START_REF] Halliday | Intonation in the Grammar of English[END_REF], which takes up (19b), we find the canonical pattern with one IP, the presupposition now being clear. In the wh-cleft [START_REF] Miller | Discourse constraints on extraposition from subject in English[END_REF], the speaker has been misunderstood and mean is important here, hence the separate IP for the presupposition. This could be called an "all-informative wh-cleft", though not in the sense of "all-new" but of "all-relevant" [START_REF] Herment | The Pragmatic Functions of Prosody in English Cleft Sentences[END_REF].

F/F extrapositions can also be analysed in the same way. In (4), the question is why the Aaronites ruled over the Levites. The content of the extraposed clause is old information (it has just been mentioned by the co-speaker), but it is nevertheless pronounced in a separate IP because it is relevant at this point. The content of the predicate is also informative (it is new here) and is announced in a separate IP as well.

With clefts, the presence of 2 IPs associated with F tones adds meaning to the syntactic structure. The syntax of clefts is concerned with focus and presupposition. Tonality for its part expresses the informativeness (or not) of each part of the structure. With right-dislocations, tonality indicates the pragmatic function of the structure, depending on the informativeness of the dislocated element. As for extrapositions, their function is to answer the principle of endweight or end-focus [START_REF] Huddleston | The Cambridge Grammar of the English Language[END_REF]. Tonality reveals which part of the structure (extraposed clause and/or main clause) is informative.

Tonicity and givenness

Tonicity is concerned with old and new information at the level of the IP. As already mentioned, independently of the number of IPs, a displaced nucleus indicates that what follows is old information. This is what happens at the level of the sentence in the canonical pattern of it-clefts: the nucleus is not at the end of the IP and the second part (the presupposition) is old. When a nucleus is displaced (not on the last lexical item of the IP), it can serve to highlight an element, as in the case of extrapositions: in (2) who is the main point of the speaker, (somebody) is involved being given in the context. Very often the word bearing the nuclear tone becomes contrastive. For instance in [START_REF] Wells | English Intonation: an Introduction[END_REF] the nucleus on I makes it contrastive. The same thing happens in [START_REF] Cruttenden | Intonation[END_REF] or [START_REF] Prince | A comparison of WH-clefts and IT-clefts in discourse[END_REF]. Tonicity is also sometimes a tool to highlight the speaker's emotional attitude. In [START_REF] Deschamps | English Phonology and Graphophonemics[END_REF] the nucleus on poor means that the speaker is sorry for the wasp.

With it-clefts, the canonical pattern is F -, with one IP and a nucleus on the focus, what follows being deaccented. If the nucleus falls on the presupposed part instead of the focus, then prosody counters the syntactic structure, showing that everything is actually old information. In [START_REF] Quirk | A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language[END_REF], the noncanonical prosody indicates that this cleft is only used for recapitulation (the speaker only sums up what the co-speaker just said). The cleft here plays a part at the level of the organization of discourse. It is not used in a canonical way (to mark contrast). This type of "all-given" it-clefts is less acknowledged in the literature.

Non neutral tones

Emphatic HF

The non neutral tones can have various functions. With itclefts, if the HF tone falls on the focus, it will serve to highlight the focalisation which is already present through the syntactic structure (in that case it is in accordance with syntax): in (19a) it highlights a contrast. The HF tone can also express the speaker's attitude (such as emphasis) [START_REF] Chomsky | Deep Structure, Surface Structure and Semantic Interpretation[END_REF]. In extrapositions it is likewise used for emphatic purposes (6).

Implicational and contrastive FR

The FR tone indicates a particular attitude of the speaker towards their speech (see [START_REF] Cruttenden | Intonation[END_REF] among others). It is a nonneutral tone and according to the structure it can have various meanings. With an RD such as [START_REF] Halliday | Intonation and Grammar in British English[END_REF], it involves greater implication on the part of the speaker (for instance empathy with the co-speaker). This also holds for it-clefts. In (19b), the presence of the FR tone on the first part of the cleft underlines the speaker's warning to be careful not to mix up the nasal field and the retina. With a wh-cleft, its function is to draw the attention of the co-speaker on the second part of the structure (the focused element) [START_REF] Wells | English Intonation: an Introduction[END_REF] [29] [30] [START_REF] Herment | The Pragmatic Functions of Prosody in English Cleft Sentences[END_REF]. The first part of the cleft then brings in little information (in spite of the presence of a separate IP). In [START_REF] Chomsky | Deep Structure, Surface Structure and Semantic Interpretation[END_REF], what one wonders has no particular importance. What is relevant is the end of the sentence, and this is marked by the FR tone in the first IP (the wh-clause). The same is true for extrapositions [START_REF] Birner | Information Structure and Noncanonical Syntax[END_REF].

More classically, the FR tone can also be used as an indication of contrast (see [START_REF] Cruttenden | Intonation[END_REF] [14] among others), as in [START_REF] Tench | The Intonation Systems of English[END_REF] (RD) where saw is opposed to assumed or in [START_REF] Wells | English Intonation: an Introduction[END_REF] (wh-cleft).

Conclusion

This study shows that the canonical uses of the structures under consideration are not in fact canonical in terms of frequency, as revealed by prosody. Indeed, the canonical prosodic patterns are not the most frequent ones.

Prosody can be in accordance with syntax and highlight focalization or contrast in clefts for instance, or counter it to bring in new meaning. It can play a part at two levels, either by telling us what the discourse function of the structure is (RDs), or by revealing its information structure in terms of informativeness (tonality) or givenness (tonicity). Tonality plays a part at the level of the sentence (2 IPs associated to the F/F pattern indicating that both parts of the structure are informative) and tonicity at the level of the IP -whether the IP corresponds to the whole sentence or not. The tones come into play at yet another level. They can be used for emphatic (HF) or contrastive (FR) purposes. Depending on the structure, the FR tone can also have various functions, but is very often implicational.

This study mainly bears on the relations between prosody and information structure. Prosody can have other functions not mentioned here but which are worth investigating, for instance at the level of the interaction -such as indicating that an RD is a "discourse-filler" (F/F) -or at the level of the discourse presuppositions (contradicting the opinion of other speakers) (FR).

  [START_REF] Rosenbaum | The Grammar of English Predicate Complement Constructions[END_REF] [3] [4]. It's clear who they are. • Noun-phrase right dislocations (henceforth RDs): a noun phrase appears at the right of the sentence and its canonical position is filled by a co-referential pronoun [4] [5]. It looks swollen that foot. • Two types of clefts: it-clefts: It's John who broke the vase. wh-clefts: What we want is peace. A cleft sentence is classically considered as coming from a simple clause (here John broke the vase or We want peace) which has been divided into two separate sections, each containing its own verb [6] [7] [3] [4]. Each of the structures analysed is composed of two parts: • Extrapositions: the main clause (it is clear) and the extraposed clause (who they are). • Right dislocations: the clause itself (it looks swollen) and the dislocated element (that foot). • it-clefts: the first part with the focused element (It's John) and the relative clause (who broke the vase).

Table 1 :

 1 Extrapositions

	Ex	% (tokens)

Table 2 :

 2 Right Dislocations This does not sound like Dickens to me the bit you've given us HF (10) A good run that F[START_REF] Couper-Kuhlen | An Introduction to English Prosody[END_REF] It is very odd F/ this whole aspect of code switching F (

	Ex	% (tokens)

Table 3 :

 3 It-clefts

			Ex	% (tokens)
	Canonical prosody (F -)		15	11% (17)
	Non-canonical prosody			88.9% (137)
	1 IP	-F	16	19.5% (30)
	2 IPs	F/F	17	46.7% (72)
	F marked tonic /F	18	11% (17)
	HF/F or FR/(H)F	19	11.7% (18)
	Total			100% (154)
	(15) it's the nasal retina that that decussates F
	(16) So so you mean that it's the nerves that feed them F
	(17) It is the system F / that is responsible F
	(18) It's the second Monday F / that we get back from Easter
	holiday F
	(

Table 4 :

 4 wh-clefts

			Ex	% (tokens)
	Canonical prosody (-F)		20	8% (12)
	Non-canonical prosody			92.1% (140)
	2 IPs	F/F	21	49.3% (75)
		FR/F	22	28.3% (43)
	FR/F marked tonic	23	9% (14)
		R/F	24	5.5% (8)
	Total			100% (152)
	(20) What you have to do is maybe check F
	(21) When I said we've got the right mistake what I meant
	really F/ was that we've now got a pair of examples F


Peter M Bednar
email: peter.bednar@port.ac.uk

Christine Welch
email: christine.welch@port.ac.uk

Learning for Professional Competence in an IS Context

Keywords: professional competence, extra-role behavior, organizational learning, Information Systems, IS failures

This paper considers the nature of professionalism as an expression of more than technical competence. This is related to the incidence of failure in IS change projects. We discuss how professionalism may be displayed, relating this to learning processes. The essential qualities of desire, exercise of will and their role in professional judgment are considered in relation to transcendent values espoused by professionals. We note that organizational consumers of information are also professionals, and not simply passive 'users' of systems. We relate this to the environment of Information Systems research and practice, including recognition of the importance of contextual dependencies.

Introduction

The main concern of this paper is to highlight some key concerns that must be considered by IS professionals/analysts. In the IS community, we need to prioritize a perspective on human activity systems as integrated wholes, and the needs of unique individuals within them, rather than focusing blindly on 'model users' [START_REF] Bednar | Critical Systemic Thinking or the Standard Engineer in Paris[END_REF]. We reflect upon the high incidence of reported failures of Information Systems innovations in organizations over recent decades, relating this to the nature of professional competence in IS development practice and the learning which underpins it. The discussion draws upon secondary material reporting on failures, including one particular case that has received much public attention in the UK -attempts to introduce Computer Aided Dispatch systems in the London Ambulance Service.

We begin by examining the nature of organizations as dynamic, open systems. This is relevant to the nature of professional IS practice and the requirements for professional competence, discussed in the next section. The paper goes on to examine instances of failure in IS innovation projects, before returning to consideration of appropriate learning to underpin improved professional competence and attempting to draw some conclusions.

Organization as a System

Figure 1 shows an organization as a system, with a hierarchical structure of functioning sub-systems, interrelated via channels for monitoring, feedback and communication. A boundary has been set, differentiating this system from its environment, i.e. those aspects of the world which influence system behavior but cannot be controlled from within it. This is effectively a closed systems view, within certain parameters.

Let us imagine a systemic model of a health center for example. Sub-systems include operational systems for patient consultations, therapy sessions, booking appointments, etc. A practice management system resources the center, provides for rule setting to regulate its use, and ensure effective staffing and materials/equipment. A monitoring system measures levels of supplies, wear-and-tear on equipment, waiting times, etc. and alerts the management system to a need for further resources or actions to ensure continued effective functioning. The environment [forces affecting the system but not controlled by it] include local demographics, patient demands, policies of the Department of Health and Primary Care trusts, and current medical research.

We can recognize this generic picture of health centers. However, it does not enable us to distinguish characteristics of any particular center. The qualities, experience, attitudes, beliefs, professional dedication and interests of particular medical staff and therapists employed in a particular center [and, indeed, the individual characteristics of other stakeholders such as patients or health service administrators] create a unique organization that such a model fails to capture.

Checkland and Poulter [2, p.56] point out that, at any particular time, organizational behavior subsists as an accommodation between differing perspectives of stakeholders. This suggests that the view shown in Figure 1 represents only a 'snapshot' of a phenomenon that is dynamic and constantly changing. As Mumford points out, e.g. [START_REF] Mumford | The story of socio-technical design: reflections in its successes, failures and potential[END_REF], an open systems perspective on organizations is preferable. Any organization subsists from moment to moment as an emergent property of the interactions among the people who are its members. In the context of networked organizations, dynamic complexity is not merely expanded but radically altered. In a networked society, therefore, ICTs support transformations in organizational life as it is lived. Bednar [START_REF] Bednar | Individual Emergence in Contextual Analysis[END_REF] describes an alternative view of organizational emergence, recognizing that any individual component of a purposeful activity system may possess emergent properties that are greater than the 'whole'. Individual components may be participating in several perceived 'Systems' at the same time [reflecting our multifaceted experience of 'real' life]. Thus, a model of a system may be more akin to a set than a hierarchical model [see Figure 2]. The system under consideration and any of its component systems are open and dynamic in a multidimensional way. Boundaries are not fixed but subject to continual re-drawing, depending on how the perspectives of interested observer[s] may shift to reflect fluctuating purpose[s] over time [START_REF] Lee | The Technology Acceptance Model: Past, Present, and Future[END_REF]. Organizational roles can also be seen to fluctuate -created and recreated as the perspectives/intentions of individual actors and their interactions shift. Furthermore, individual actors may occupy multiple roles, creating an effect of 'flipping' perspectives, shaped by contextual dependencies in a constant state of flux. Any particular actor's experience of working life will differ from day to day, and the actor is continually creating and recreating him/herself, through experiences in multiple roles within various systems in which s/he is a participant member. As pointed out by Ulrich [6; 7] in his discussion of boundary critique, perception of a system varies with the stance of the observer. This highlights the importance of effective participation in organizational decision-making. Langefors [8, p.53] pointed out that organizations require direction from 'managers' in order to pursue their aims, and that managers require data about all activities and transactions conducted in order to provide appropriate direction. He concludes, therefore, that an Information System and the organization in which it is located must necessarily be seen as one and the same.

Recognizing this point, we now move on to consider the bases of professional competence, in relation to development of organizational information systems.

Professional Practice and Competence

Traditionally, management thinking favored a view that decisions can be derived rationally from objective analysis of relevant data. This view has been reflected in many approaches to Information Systems development, where 'users' are asked to specify their requirements from proposed systems, which professional analysts then translate into terms realizable by computing specialists. This perspective is subject to criticism [9; 10]. It is a mistake to regard organizational actors as passive 'users' or consumers of technologies [11; 12]. Distinguish scholar Borje Langefors, one of the founding fathers of IFIPWG8, suggested long ago that:

Nowadays the insight is spreading that to determine IS user needs … requires a search-learning process through which the users develop an understanding of what their real needs are and what new opportunities have become available to them. As a consequence, the users emerge as the key persons in the task of analyzing user needs. Information analysts appear to have an important part in aiding the users in learning and analyzing, in doing the documentation in a way understandable to the users, while efficient as a design input for the data system design stages to follow [13, p.6].

This view of 'professional' practice makes it clear that the term that must be extended to all organizational actors who are stakeholders in a proposed system, not just to IT specialists. Alvesson [START_REF] Alvesson | The Triumph of Emptiness[END_REF] has questioned the usefulness of modern views of 'professionalism'. Some occupations traditionally described under different terms [craft? job?] have now been reinvented under the label of 'profession'. This has often been accompanied by adoption of grandiose titles, unreflective of the real significance of the work to be accomplished. While this has sometimes helped to advance the status of participants, it has also, at times, complicated and confused ideas about practice and underpinning education for practice. However, in the context of IS development, it is preferable to regard all stakeholders as professionals within their own zones of competence, rather than consigning them to generalized obscurity under the title 'user' [START_REF] Nissen | Challenging Traditions of Inquiry in Software Practice[END_REF].

In relation to those actors primarily concerned to promote systems development, technical skills/knowledge relevant to the domain of competence are, of course, necessary; but these are insufficient in themselves without a desire to engage [START_REF] Bednar | Incentive and desire: covering a missing category[END_REF]. A professional is someone able to reflect upon practice of certain skills in context, and relate these reflections to a body of standards and values transcending his/her immediate job-role. Often, this involves membership of wider communities of practice -formal or informal [START_REF] Lave | Situated Learning: Legitimate Peripheral Participation[END_REF], emphasizing the duality of tacit and explicit 'knowing' inherent in exercise of any professional expertise [16;17]. Bruner [START_REF] Etzioni | The Active Society[END_REF] points out that people do not just learn about the world, they also learn to be in their world.

More recently, Wenger-Trayner adopted the concept of 'knowledgeability', [21; 25] which involves modulation by individuals of their identification among multiple sources of accountability [START_REF]Learning in Landscapes of Practice[END_REF]. Knowledgeability is gained through participation in multiple communities, some enduring; others more ephemeral. Individuals develop competence by negotiating a path through complex systems of communities and boundaries, possibly over a protracted period. Wenger-Trayner uses the metaphor of a 'landscape of practice' to denote this system [START_REF]Learning in Landscapes of Practice[END_REF].

How would the individual improve his/her professional practice over time? What motives would govern whether s/he complies with any particular instruction to act in a certain way? Engagement with the context of application leading to reflection upon practice can promote a productive learning spiral [10;15;22], or what Gherardi [START_REF] Gherardi | To start practice theorizing anew: The contribution of the concepts of agencement and formativeness[END_REF] refers to as 'the creative entanglement of knowing and doing'. It is through profound engagement with context and attachment to a transcendent system of values and standards that we recognize a professional at work, as opposed to, say, a capable amateur.

Within a formal organizational structure, a person may have a job description expressed in terms of appropriate skills, knowledge and roles. This is likely to bear only a loose resemblance to actual professional work carried out. Roles are created and re-created in conjunction with colleagues, taking into account professional standards. Desire to demonstrate skills in context according to particular standards and values is demonstrated in part through the informal organization [9; 24]. Exercise of judgment is an essential part of professional life. Sometimes, when faced with a dilemma, a person will justify an action by the words 'I had no choice!'. The suggestion that there is no choice here is a fallacy [5;15;25]. A person who habitually chooses a course of action that s/he knows will please 'the Boss' on these grounds is actually saying is that, weighing up the potential consequences of each available choice, s/he took the line of least resistance. Professionalism requires that we recognize the choices we make [including the choice to do nothing], their relationship to a wider value system, and their impact upon the contexts of professional life. It is important to remember that, in any context within which Information Systems development taking place, several/many different groups of professionals are at work, of which Systems Analysts are only one.

Drawing on work by Giddens [START_REF] Giddens | The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory of Structuration[END_REF] and Foucault [START_REF] Foucault | Discipline and Punish[END_REF], Walsham [START_REF] Walsham | Interpreting Information Systems in Organizations[END_REF] reminds us that power relations pervade all organizational activity and discourse, and that continuous political processes impact upon any local change initiative. It is possible to perceive use of the term 'user' [denoting those professionals who are consumers of the proposed IS] as an effort to exercise power over them, both by initiating stakeholders -such as managers -and by IT specialists. However, those 'users' themselves exercise power of their own. It is important here to consider sense-making activities in relation to experience of work systems [START_REF] Weick | Sensemaking in Organizations[END_REF]. Vaast and Walsham [START_REF] Vaast | Representations and actions: the transformation of work practices with IT use[END_REF] have considered how people make sense of their work practices through narratives that constitute shared social representations. Practices are reproduced where there is consonance between perceptions of action and these representations. Where gradual change in work context is experienced, adaptations in representations occur to maintain this consonance. Radical disruptions to context, such as IT innovation, may not be so readily assimilated. Devaujany [START_REF] Vaujany | Capturing Reflexivity Modes in IS: A Critical Realist Approach[END_REF] used a critical realist perspective to shed light on sociotechnical reflexivity, pointing out that internal conversations about technology and its use shape individual experiences on an on-going basis.

In understanding underpinnings of IS success or failure, it is important to consider agency of all groups of professionals upon project outcomes. The next section of the paper focuses specifically on the phenomenon of IS failure, using an illustrative case study.

Failure in IS Innovation

In 2007, the IT Governance Institute commissioned research into the incidence of IT project failure [START_REF] Thorp | IT Project Cancellations: Pay Now or Pay Later[END_REF], gathering evidence from IT projects in a variety of organizations of differing sizes and fields. Out of almost 1700 projects, only 53 [3%] were formally cancelled, but 31% either delivered or were expected to deliver negative value.

Thorp comments that persistence with projects already known to be failing could be attributed to a culture of blame within many organizations, such that cancellation of a project prior to completion was seen as a sign of weakness. Williams [START_REF] Williams | Make sure you get a positive return[END_REF], commenting on this survey, highlights a discrepancy between organizational discourse emphasizing rationality and decision-making grounded in the cognitive zone, when there is clear evidence that emotions, e.g. fear of blame and intransigence are impacting upon project status.

IT Innovation at the London Ambulance Service

Failures of two projects to introduce Computer Aided Dispatch [CAD] systems into the London Ambulance Service, in 1987 and 1993, have been well documented in the Press. An independent inquiry [the Page Inquiry] was conducted, whose terms of reference were to 'identify the lessons to be learned for the operation and management of the London Ambulance Service against the imperatives of delivering service at the required standard, demonstrating good working relationships and restoring public confidence'. Overall the operational issues identified by Page can be summarized as: technical problems, including software bugs and incompatibilities/hand-shake failures between units; poor user involvement in initial specification and lack of ownership of the solution; poor staff relations and communication; inadequate training; big bang approach from manual to automated system with concurrent changes to working practices.

Subsequently, LAS successfully implemented a CAD system [CTAK] developed in-house. In 2009, an initiative was undertaken to replace CTAK with a complete package [CommandPoint], employing a leading global security company. The remit was to install the software with minimal changes to work practices. An internal report, presented to the LAS Trust Board in May of 2011 [the Armitage Report] was intended to be an assessment of the state of readiness for the Service to implement CommandPoint, with particular reference to lessons learned and recommendations set out by Page. The first part of the report dealt with technical recommendations, pointing out that extensive testing had been done, surfacing a number of problems that had been dealt with. Some outstanding problems were highlighted, including tensions between different staff groups; requirement for changes to communication styles and terminologies; untested interface with Police systems; and a need to deal with some remaining bugs and faults. It was stated that 'users' had been fully involved in the project, under the auspices of the Deputy Director of Operations, who provided 'consistent and effective user input at a senior level throughout the procurement and implementation phase' -bringing in other users as and when their input was needed. The sense of staff ownership of CommandPoint was stated to be 'remarkable' and the feedback from training positive, as was feedback from 'staffside representatives'. Some modifications to working practices were deemed necessary, particularly to the layout of the Control Room. These changes were considered relatively minor, and based on 'sound reasons' of operational efficiency. Dry-run simulations had appeared satisfactory and a Readiness Checklist was provided and signed off by the Deputy Chief Executive prior to going live. It appeared that all was ready to go ahead with the project. Only in appendices to the report was a note of caution introduced. The section on Risks referred to the following: lack of user confidence in the solution; negative publicity for LS; and system performance not meeting user expectations.

In June 2011, the new system went live, and immediately collapsed. The Control Room operators were obliged to revert to pen-and-paper for a time. Delays in despatch during this failure contributed to the death of at least one patient and resulted in litigation by another. Many software 'bugs' emerged after going live. It emerged that, as the project progressed, it had slipped further and further behind schedule, creating budget pressures. In consequence, a freeze was placed on further changes or requirements. This was not mentioned in the schedule of risks and is likely to have had a grave impact upon likelihood of success. An investigation into the collapse suggested the root causes to be: failure of CommandPoint to deliver the system, technical and operational functionality expected; critical configuration issues not identified during testing; lack of operational procedures in place in the event of a critical system failure; failure to integrate the project into business as usual.

Discussion

Looking at the ways in which failure was experienced in 2011, there is a remarkable similarity to the conclusions of the Page Report on the earlier project failures. Since a great deal of effort and expense was undertaken to pursue a project informed by these recommendations, one must ask whether there are not more fundamental lessons to be learned. It may be significant that no mention is made of the team responsible for creation and implementation of the earlier CTAK system. It seems likely that many lessons were learned in the course of implementing and running this system over a period of several years. Was this useful information made available to the CommandPoint project team?

The internal report placed great emphasis on rigor of development processestesting; training; involvement of 'users'. Subsequent events, however, cast this into question. The Trust Board met in anticipation of greater demand for ambulances during the upcoming London Olympic Games. Minutes indicated that risks reported to the Board included lack of user confidence in the solution, due to system performance not meeting user expectation; staff unrest and consequent poor publicity were anticipated. Thus, previous confidence about the level of 'user' involvement and positive 'user' feedback during training seem to have evaporated. The Board was of a risk that 'lack of confidence in the reliability and functionality of the system and data by operational users will alienate staff, undermine confidence and/or create suspicion leading to confused expectations'.

CommandPoint had previously been used successfully in the United States by both law enforcement and city fire services. On this basis, it was assumed that it could be introduced into LAS with only a minimum of changes to work practices and customization. Involvement of 'users' seems to have been limited to participation in training and consultation via the Director of Operations. This suggests that those professionals whose work was involved in dealing with public calls for ambulance services, triage of priorities and, significantly, those driving through London and providing interim medical aid to patients, were only minimally involved in any decision-making about the new system. Assumptions were made about the work practices of staff and the impact upon them of changes to Computer Aided Dispatch. No opportunity was available for any of the staff to reflect upon the usefulness of the changes and take ownership of the new System -all decisions were made remotely at Trust Board Level. In other words, the actors engaged in the work of the Service were not treated as professionals in their own right, but as passive 'users'.

It is important here to distinguish between 'usefulness' in context and other terms such as 'usability', which is concerned with ergonomic characteristics. This distinction is one that may be overlooked when staff are offered training in new systems. Only particular users, engaging with particular technologies in order to carry out work, can decide whether they perceive them to be useful [START_REF] Bednar | A Double Helix Metaphor for Use and Usefulness in Informing Systems[END_REF]. McGrath [START_REF] Mcgrath | Affection not affliction: The role of emotions in information systems and organizational change[END_REF] discusses emotion in the context of the earlier LAS projects, from the early 1990's.

Here, it appeared that the prevailing culture of public service and empathic support for patients within LAS came into direct conflict with a rational planning ethic intended to increase 'efficiency'. McGrath reflects that: "The case reveals that existing, even apparently latent, conflicts and emotions may surface or heighten when IS innovation is attempted. In the LASCAD case, these subjugated knowledges and emotions emerged during efforts to achieve cultural change of the LAS through the use of ICTs inscribed with government-driven efficiency logic" [34, p.297]. It would seem that these lessons were not learned in the interim.

Friis [START_REF] Friis | Information System Design: A User Involved Perspective[END_REF] Points to a need for engaged professionals to take ownership over their own work systems, including change projects, in order to promote usefulness. A 'symbiosis of knowledge' is needed between technical experts and working professionals who have tacit understandings of contextual dependencies. This can be achieved through constructive and situated dialogue. She suggests an approach of user-controlled information systems development, achieved when the future 'users' are regarded not only as problem owners, but also as problem solvers, taking responsibility for design and making binding decisions about the design project [35, p.225]. Such an approach, we suggest, requires professional engagement and commitment from both communities of practice.

In the sections that follow, we discuss professional commitment to action as involving more than rational, role-based activities but involving exercise of will to adhere to a value system. The impact of extra role behaviour [START_REF] Nemeth | The trade-offs of social control and innovation in groups and organizations[END_REF][START_REF] Organ | Organizational citizenship behaviour: The good soldier syndrome[END_REF] in this context will be highlighted as a key factor in promoting creation of productive learning spirals [START_REF] Bednar | Incentive and desire: covering a missing category[END_REF].

Engagement and Competence

Rogers [START_REF] Rogers | Diffusion of Innovations[END_REF], in his discussion on diffusion of technology, distinguishes between different types of threshold, e.g. the difference between ignorance and knowledge of how a technology might be applied as a solution for a particular problem -a key aspect of professional competence; or the distinction between theory espoused and theory in use [START_REF] Argyris | Overcoming Organizational Defenses[END_REF]. Discourse about intention often fails to take into account the investment of personal resources needed to address the required 'unlearning' [11; 12; 40; 41] involved in innovative practice. There appears to be an unwitting belief in rational behavior as if professional life could be conducted without any emotion. In the LAS case [above], it appears that this belief has persisted through a catalogue of successive failures, even though successive inquiries have reported that staff engagement, confidence and morale were crucial factors, and recommended greater staff involvement in future projects.

Possession of relevant skills/knowledge for a work role is insufficient without ability to exercise judgment in exercising those skills, related to a system of values that transcend the immediate context. This is the essence of professional engagement. In relation to Information System, as in art, desire can only be realized as we open up creative spaces for ourselves [START_REF] Mumford | Leading creative people: orchestrating expertise and relationships[END_REF].

In a professional context, reflection is needed to negotiate such spaces [12;22;40]. These can become blocked through inappropriate management assumptions [15;43; 44;45], such as are evident in the LAS case regarding modification of work systems. As we have seen, an organization may be viewed as a system, made up of interacting elements. If any one element leaves the whole, or is changed, then it is no longer the same system and all other elements are necessarily affected [8; 43]. There is a need for design practice to address whole work systems and not just systems for use of particular artefacts. It is necessary for engaged actors to reflect upon their professional roles, engagement in those roles, and on engagement of the 'others', in order to avoid becoming entrapped in a double bind [11;15;16;41;46] in which they cannot create those choices that would empower escape. It is possible to observe 'disconnectedness', i.e. failure to reflect [START_REF] Vaujany | Capturing Reflexivity Modes in IS: A Critical Realist Approach[END_REF]. Entrapment can occur where a person feels that there are no choices open to him/her that will satisfy desire [5;15;25;41;47, 48]. This might be due to a lack of recognition of choices that are available, or inhibition of ability to create choices, as in the case described by Thorp, above [START_REF] Thorp | IT Project Cancellations: Pay Now or Pay Later[END_REF]. Competence in judgment is required. However, this will not necessarily lead to appropriate action on its own, without desire for engagement.

The next section of the paper discusses such professional engagement, and its relationship to extra-role behavior in organizations.

Extra-role Behavior and Professional Development

Engagement, within a professional context, is related to the phenomenon of extra-role behavior [21;51]. We are faced with complexity of multiple, competing desires in many contexts [4;15;33;41], partly due to the impact of opportunity cost -any choice to expend finite resources, including time, involves choosing between priorities. Boundary setting [6;8;15;41;44] is also involved, however. Channeled desire comes about through commitment to certain values and consequences. Efforts to recognize boundaries of competence involve extra-role behavior or improvisation [START_REF] Weick | Improvisation as a mindset for organisational analysis[END_REF]. Ciborra comments on the MIR space station in relation to bricolage [50, p.2]. 'Up there, revolving in space, one could find, hand-in-hand, advanced, robust engineering solutions, rustic deign, and widespread virtuoso tinkering.' Such 'extra-role behavior' becomes possible only through commitment to ongoing reflection upon competence. There is also paradox in that a professional engaged must reflect upon 'the future' whilst still involved in creating it. This involves higher orders of learning [12; 15] in which an individual is reflecting not only upon experience, but upon the process of reflecting on exercising judgment -an exercise in practical philosophy as part of professional competence in action [START_REF] Churchman | The Design of Inquiring Systems[END_REF].

The engagement of particular individuals in professional work roles is accepted as a key attribute of organizational life from many points of view [45; 52; 53]. When interviewing a job applicant, employers often ask about the candidate's hobbies and interests. A person who cannot offer anything beyond the strict requirements of the job may not be considered suitable. However, there is a possibility that we concentrate too much upon role performance when modelling organizations as human activity systems, to the exclusion of proper recognition of extra-role behaviour. This can certainly be seen in the context of the LAS case, where the boundaries of the project were very narrowly drawn and attention to wider work systems, or desires of engaged professional staff, were specifically excluded, even where known risks were at stake. Work roles are shaped through interactions with others -co-workers, collaborators and also family, friends and acquaintances -in multiple contexts. These matters have long been recognized in the fields such as organizational behavior and human resource management, through the concepts of formal and informal organizations [see, e.g. 54]. A professional's desire to demonstrate her skills in context according to particular standards and values is demonstrated in part through the informal organization, drawing upon wider communities of practice. Recognition has been given to this dimension within the field of Systems modelling too, e.g. in the Soft Systems Methodology [START_REF] Checkland | Learning for Action[END_REF] through focus on a cultural stream of inquiry.

It is also not uncommon for managers in organizations to suggest that they wish their staff to be creative or innovative -to go beyond their formal roles and skill profiles, to exercise all their personal resources in addressing messy and complex demands of organizational life [START_REF]Learning in Landscapes of Practice[END_REF]. Such personal resources will have been acquired and exercised through the individual's total life experience, not just those experiences that form part of their specific work roles. In this instance, the view of individual emergence adopted is that suggested in Figure 2. While work roles typically involve multiple contextual dependencies, life experiences of individual people nevertheless transcend them. It is possible to argue that organizational sustainability is critically dependent upon creativity and extra-role behavior to generate innovation and drive the organization forward.

Conclusion

We have looked at the nature of professional commitment and how transcendent value systems and the exercise of judgment are important in creation of beneficial organizational developments. We argue a professional is therefore someone who is able to reflect upon practice of skills in context, and to relate these reflections to a body of standards and values transcending the his/her immediate job role. Often, this involves membership of a wider landscape of practice -formal or informal. It might be expected then that a professional would engage in extra-role behavior, e.g. suggesting innovative methods, or making efforts to help others in their professional roles.

The potential to go beyond basic requirements of a role to create new boundaries involves a higher level of reflection. Thus, extra-role behavior becomes possible only through commitment to on-going reflection upon competence. Such reflection involves higher orders of learning [START_REF] Bednar | Incentive and desire: covering a missing category[END_REF] in which the individual is reflecting not only upon experience, but upon the process of reflecting on exercising judgment. This development of a learning 'spiral' may be regarded as an exercise in practical philosophy. It follows that a rational planning model for considering organizational choices involves an inherent paradox for unwary actors. This is clearly demonstrated in the events unfolded in the LAS case. Since any observation must, by definition, be made by a particular observer, adoption of a 'neutral' stance cannot be achieved in practice. This means that those who espouse rational planning are unaware that any data they gather about a dynamic and constantly-recreating problem space is inherently misleading, since they are failing to recognize their own, situated assumptions [START_REF] Bednar | Bias, Misinformation and the Paradox of Neutrality[END_REF]. Ability to act as a professional is, we argue, crucially dependent upon ability to exercise extra-role behavior.

Our conclusion is that it is of utmost importance that efforts made within IS communities must prioritize human activity systems, and engage contextual dependencies from a critical perspective, in order to promote systems that are experienced as contextually relevant [useful]. What Meyers and Klein [START_REF] Myers | A set of Principles for Conducting Critical Research in Information Systems[END_REF] describe as an explicit critique and improvement of social condition is necessary to develop richer meanings and understandings.

Fig. 1 :

 1 Fig.1: Model of an organization as a system

Fig. 2 :

 2 Fig. 2: An organization as a dynamic, open system