O A González-Estrada

J S León

A Pertuz

Influence of the boundary condition on the first ply failure and stress distribution on a multilayer composite pipe by the finite element method

In this work, we study the influence of the boundary conditions in the stress distribution and the first ply failure of a commercially available multilayer composite pipe using a finite element model. An ASTM D2290 standard test was performed to determine the ultimate tensile strength and burst pressure. Also, an ASTM D3039 tension test performed on a longitudinal strip of the pipe was used to evaluate the elastic constants. We compared the experimental results with the numerical model to validate the material parameters used in the approximation. Hoop and axial stresses were obtained for three different boundary conditions: open, fixed and closed ends. Different failure criteria were considered to evaluate the first ply failure, and a comparison of failure criteria and boundary conditions was made.

Introduction

During the last years, composite pipes have been successfully used in the Oil & Gas sector mostly because their mechanical properties are very attractive, especially their weight to resistance ratio and their resistance to corrosion [START_REF] Rafiee | Modeling and experimental evaluation of functional failure pressures in glass fiber reinforced polyester pipes[END_REF]. Other features such as ease of installation, high durability, and ease of maintenance make them more desirable than steel pipes. Different studies on the mechanical properties and laboratory tests have been carried out for their mechanical characterization [START_REF] Ji | Structural analysis and optimum design of GRP pipes based on properties of materials[END_REF][START_REF] Hull | Research on composite materials at Liverpool University. I. Failure of filament wound tubes[END_REF][START_REF] Ortiz | Efecto en las propiedades mecánicas de daños superficiales generados en tubería compuesta flexible para transporte de hidrocarburos[END_REF].

Xia et al. [START_REF] Xia | Analysis of multi-layered filament-wound composite pipes under internal pressure[END_REF], based on anisotropic tridimensional elasticity, gave an exact solution for the stresses and strains of an internal pressure pipe. This formulation was applied to the case of closed-end pipes, however, it is extensible to open-end conditions. There is not an analytical procedure to determine the stress distribution on a fixed-end boundary condition. Lekhnistskii [START_REF] Lekhnitskii | -Day)[END_REF] defined relations for the problem of plane stress in a cylindrical shell. Later, Tsai [START_REF] Tsai | Composite Design[END_REF] included the plane strain (axial force different from zero). The material resistance was evaluated by two methods: first ply failure and last ply failure. Kanter et al. [START_REF] De Kanter | Thermoplastic Composite Pipe: Analysis and Testing of a Novel Pipe System for Oil[END_REF] investigated an analytical tool for composite thermoplastic pipes with the objective of correlating the results with laboratory tests such as tension, compression, internal and external pressure.

Quintero Ortiz et al. [START_REF] Ortiz | Efecto en las propiedades mecánicas de daños superficiales generados en tubería compuesta flexible para transporte de hidrocarburos[END_REF] examined the effect of scratches on the surface of composite pipelines for the transportation of hydrocarbons by experimental means. Soden et al. [START_REF] Soden | Biaxial test results for strength and deformation of a range of E-glass and carbon fibre reinforced composite laminates. Failure exercise benchmark data Fail[END_REF] performed rupture tests with tubular samples of epoxy glass fibre laminates, with 60% resin and ± 55 ° winding angles. Strainstress curves showed nonlinear behaviour. Ferry et al. [START_REF] Ferry | Interaction between plasticity and damage in the behaviour of [+φ, -φ]n fibre reinforced composite pipes in biaxial loading (internal pressure and tension)[END_REF] showed that pipes exhibit varying types of damaged elastoplastic behaviour depending on stress ratio axial stress/hoop stress. The extent of damage and plastic phenomena are responsible for non-linearity on stress-strain curves. They showed by micrographic analysis that microcracking is the main damaging process.

Numerical methods have been widely used to characterize properties and evaluate structural integrity for standard and advanced materials [START_REF] Reutov | The calculation of multilayer polymer pipes using finite elements and their application to Gas and Oil pipelines 7th International Forum on Strategic Technology[END_REF][START_REF] Ayestarán | Resistencia de vigas esbeltas de acero inoxidable bajo cargas concentradas mediante elementos finitos[END_REF][START_REF] León | Damage in Fibreglass Composite Laminates Used for Pipes Key[END_REF][START_REF] Monserrat | Evaluación basada en el método del gradiente de las propiedades elásticas de tejidos humanos in vivo[END_REF][START_REF] Pertuz | Evaluation of Tensile Properties and Damage of Continuous Fibre Reinforced 3D-Printed Parts Key[END_REF]. Reutov [START_REF] Reutov | The calculation of multilayer polymer pipes using finite elements and their application to Gas and Oil pipelines 7th International Forum on Strategic Technology[END_REF] studied, using finite elements, the multilayer pipes stress distribution for Oil & Gas applications, obtaining the equivalent stresses for each layer, where it was determined that the middle reinforced layer presents the maximum stresses for operation pressures. Bai et al. [START_REF] Bai | Collapse of reinforced thermoplastic pipe (RTP) under combined external pressure and bending moment[END_REF] investigated a mathematical and numerical model to analyse the collapse of the reinforced thermoplastic pipes (RTP), the results using finite elements (FE) reflected a minimal error percentage with respect to the theoretical analysis. Yu et al. [START_REF] Yu | Analysis of flexural behaviour of reinforced thermoplastic pipes considering material nonlinearity[END_REF] performed numerical analysis studies on RTP with aramid fibre. The results related the buckling failure with the angles between the reinforcement layers. De Sousa et al. [START_REF] De Sousa | Modelo tridimensional de elementos finitos para el análisis de esfuerzos de tubos flexibles Boletín[END_REF] obtained results of stresses for the composite pipe type Riser, containing metallic and thermoplastic layers, from theoretical and numerical models. Anping et al. [START_REF] Anping | FEA-based Comparison of Two Kinds of Steel Wire Reinforced Composite Pipes 4[END_REF] performed a finite element analysis (FEA) to determine the mechanical properties of two types of composite pipes reinforced with steel wires.

Onder et al. [START_REF] Onder | Burst failure load of composite pressure vessels[END_REF] subjected a glass fibre reinforced plastic (GRP) pipe to internal pressure under closed-end condition, and burst strength is evaluated by analytical, FEA and experimental techniques. The Tsai-Wu criterion, the maximum stress, and the maximum strain theories were used to compute the burst failure pressure of the composite layers in a simple form. The FE method does not give an accurate burst pressure because strength reduction is not considered, just the first ply failure. Vedvik et al. [START_REF] Vedvik | Analysis of thick walled composite pipes with metal liner subjected to simultaneous matrix cracking and plastic flow[END_REF] conducted an analysis for thick walled composite pipes with an isotropic liner, special attention was given to the process of damage. The research accounted for damage in the composite layer and plastic yielding in the isotropic layer.

In this work, the effect of the boundary conditions on the hoop and axial stresses is investigated for a commercially available pipe of reinforced fibreglass (Fiberspar®). A first ply failure pressure is obtained for each boundary condition according to different failure criteria. In section 2, the elasticity model for the pipe is presented. In section 3, the failure criteria are shown, following with the description of the experiments and the numerical models in section 4. Results and discussion are presented in section 5 and, finally, section 6 shows the conclusions.

Elasticity model for composite pipes

Flexible composite pipes of filament winding technology have anisotropic behaviour due to the different angles of the reinforcing layers. The pipes are characterized by having a low bending stiffness compared to steel pipes. The Fiberspar® pipe consists of 3 main layers [START_REF] Quigley | Composite spoolable tube[END_REF]: PE 3408 highdensity polyethylene (HDPE), inner and outer layer, and a middle layer with an Epoxy E glass fibre reinforcement.

Carroll et al. [START_REF] Carroll | The rate-dependent behaviour of ± 55 ° filament-wound glass-fibre/epoxy tubes under biaxial loading[END_REF] conducted an experimental study of fibreglass with epoxy tubes with ± 55º winding angles with an internal diameter of 2 in. In [START_REF] Carroll | The rate-dependent behaviour of ± 55 ° filament-wound glass-fibre/epoxy tubes under biaxial loading[END_REF] a test machine was used which allows different radial and longitudinal load ratios. The resulting stress-strain curves showed a complex behaviour of the tubes. The behaviour in the fibreglass pipes is elastic-linear at the beginning, followed by a non-linear behaviour near the fault, first by small leaks and second by ruptures. Generally, the nonlinear response is due to the formation of cracks in the matrix [START_REF] Majid | Behaviour of Composite Pipes Under Multi-Axial Stress[END_REF].

Consider the stress vector 𝛔 = {σ 𝑥𝑥 , σ 𝑦𝑦 , σ 𝑥𝑦 } 𝑻 , displacements u and strains 𝛆, defined on the domain Ω ⊂ ℝ 𝟐 . Let us take b as the volumetric loads, t the Neumann tractions and 𝐮 ̅ the Dirichlet conditions. To solve the elasticity problem, we use a FE discretization such that we find the solution

𝐮 h ∈ 𝐕 h : 𝐮 = 𝐮 ̅ in Γ D , ∀𝐯 ∈ 𝐕 h : ∫ 𝛆(𝐯) T 𝐃𝛆(𝐮 h )dΩ = ∫ 𝐯 T 𝐛 Ω Ω dΩ + ∫ 𝐯 T 𝐭 Γ N dΓ. (1)
The constitutive law 𝛔 = 𝐂𝛆(𝐮) is expressed in terms of the stiffness matrix 𝐂, defined by 9 independent constants for orthotropic materials. The constants 𝐂 𝑖𝑗 are obtained from the classical theory of laminates, considering the elastic properties of the fiber and matrix. The angular and longitudinal deformations are decoupled from the normal and tangential stresses. Furthermore, there is no interaction between the tangential stresses and the angular deformations in the different planes.

We consider a symmetrical laminate for the pipe, ensuring the continuity of the matrix in the direction orthogonal to the plane of the plies. The properties in the direction of the fibre differ from the properties in the direction of the main axes of the cylinder (axial, radial, and tangential). To identify the properties of the pipe it is necessary to know and establish the relationships with respect to the directions of the composite material. It is convenient to use two coordinate systems: one to define the local axes (1, 2) whose first direction coincides with the fibre direction, and another to define the global axes (x, y, z).

Given the geometrical characteristics of the ply, a plane stress state is assumed. The stress-strain relation for a unidirectional ply can be expressed as a function of the flexibility matrix 𝐒 = 𝐂 -1 as:

{ ε 1 ε 2 γ 12 } = [ S 11 S 11 0 S 11 S 11 0 0 0 S 11 ] { σ 1 σ 2 τ 12 } = [ 1 𝐸 1 -𝜈 21 𝐸 2 0 -𝜈 12 𝐸 1 1 𝐸 2 0 0 0 1 𝐺 12 ] { σ 1 σ 2 τ 12 }, (2)
where the components of the flexibility and stiffness matrices have been replaced by the corresponding relations with the elastic constants of the ply 𝐸 1 , 𝐸 2 , 𝐺 12 , 𝜈 12 , estimated from the properties of the constitutive materials. Each ply orientation uses a local coordinate system, and it is necessary to refer the individual response of each ply to the global coordinate system using a transformation matrix.

Failure criteria

Composite materials are not homogeneous, anisotropic and brittle, showing different failure modes, some related to the failure of the constituents and other to the interface [START_REF] Molinier | Análisis de los criterios de falla aplicados a los laminados compuestos[END_REF].

In the fibres, two different failure modes can be considered: related to a tensile load and related to a compressive load. A characteristic of the fibre is that it does not usually show plastic deformation, the failure is related to a phenomenon of redistribution of stresses to the neighbouring fibres. This redistribution may cause a new fibre rupture. In the case of a compressive load, the progressive microbuckling of the fibres takes place until the fibres break.

In the matrix, microcracking is the main mode of failure. This is equivalent to matrix cracks parallel to the fibre direction over the entire thickness of the ply and especially to those plies where the reinforcement is not in the same direction as the applied load.

Another common mode of failure is the disunion, which equals a loss of adhesion and a relative slip between the fibre and the matrix due to differences in shear stresses at the fibre-matrix interface [START_REF] Maya | Falla de los materiales compuestos laminados[END_REF].

For the design with composite materials, it is common practice to evaluate interactive failure criteria that take into account the interactions of the stresses.

Maximum stress and maximum strain criteria.

A ply fails if [START_REF] Barbero | Finite Element Analysis of Composite Materials Using ANSYS[END_REF]:

σ 1 ≥ X 1 T , σ 1 ≥ -X 1 C , σ 2 ≥ X 2 T , σ 2 ≥ -X 1 C , σ 12 ≥ 𝑆, σ 12 ≥ -S (3)
where X 𝑖 T represents the uniaxial tensile strength of the ply in the i direction, X 𝑖 C is the uniaxial compressive strength in the i direction, and S the shear strength in the plane. σ 1 , σ 2 and σ 12 represent the stress components in the 1-2 coordinate system.

The maximum strain criterion establishes that the ply fails if the strain is above a permissible strain. No interaction between different failure modes is permitted in these two approaches.

Tsai-Hill criterion.

This is a criterion based on the polynomial failure criterion and is one of the most used criteria, with results more adjusted to experimental values [START_REF] Molinier | Análisis de los criterios de falla aplicados a los laminados compuestos[END_REF][START_REF] Tuttle | Structural Analysis of Polymeric Composite Materials[END_REF]. The Tsai-Hill criterion reads

( σ 1 X 1 T ) 2 + ( σ 2 X 2 T ) 2 + ( σ 12 S ) 2 -( σ 1 σ 2 X 1 T ) ≤ 1, (4)
where the failure will occur for values greater than one. The disadvantage of Tsai-Hill is that it does not differentiate between strength to tension failure and compression during evaluation. In the case of compressive stresses, the compressive strengths are used in equation (4).

Tsai-Wu criterion.

Based on the Beltrami total energy deformation failure theory, for plane stress condition the failure is determined by the following expression [START_REF] Molinier | Análisis de los criterios de falla aplicados a los laminados compuestos[END_REF][START_REF] Tuttle | Structural Analysis of Polymeric Composite Materials[END_REF]:

f 1 σ 1 + f 2 σ 2 + f 11 σ 1 2 + f 22 σ 2 2 + 2f 12 σ 1 σ 2 + f 66 σ 12 2 ≥ 1, (5)
where f 1 , f 2 , f 11 , f 22 , f 66 are parameters described in terms of the ultimate strengths in the principal directions and f 12 is determined experimentally with a biaxial stress test. Tsai-Wu is widely used in the analysis of progressive damage models for laminates since it allows to determine threedimensional failure with a unique expression.

Hashin criterion

In [START_REF] Hashin | Failure Criteria for Unidirectional Fibre Composites[END_REF], the authors indicated that it is not evident that all distinct failures modes could be expressed by a single function such as the foregoing criteria. They identified two mechanisms of failure: in the fibre and in the matrix, and provided expressions to identify each failure by considering separately traction and compression. For plane stress conditions the expressions read:

Fibre modes:

( σ 1 X 1 T ) 2 + ( σ 12 S ) 2 = 1, ( σ 1 X 1 C ) 2 = 1. (6)
Matrix modes:

( σ 2 X 2 T ) 2 + ( σ 12 S ) 2 = 1, ( σ 2 2X 4 ) 2 + [( X 2 C 2X 4 ) 2 -1] ( σ 2 X 2 C ) 2 + ( σ 12 S ) 2 = 1, (7)
where X 4 is the transverse failure shear.

Hoffman criterion

To consider the effects of isotropic stress in the Hill's equation for orthotropic materials, Hoffman included terms that are linear in the stress [START_REF] Jones | Mechanics of composite materials[END_REF]. The failure criterion for plane stress reads:

- σ 1 2 X 1 T X 1 C + σ 1 σ 2 X 1 T X 1 C - σ 2 2 X 2 T X 2 C + X 1 T +X 1 C X 1 T X 1 C σ 1 + X 2 T +X 2 C X 2 T X 2 C σ 2 + σ 12 2 S 2 = 1. (8)

Experiment setup and numerical model

The Fiberspar® pipes in their datasheet have a variety of operating conditions, ranging from 5.17MPa (750psi) to 17.23MPa (2,500psi), these pressures are known as nominal pressure or operating pressure. We selected a pipe with a nominal diameter of 50.8mm and operating pressure of 5.17MPa. Piping burst tests for this model have ranged from 27.17MPa (3,940.6psi ) to 31MPa (4,800psi).

Two experimental procedures were performed. First, the apparent hoop tensile stress, ASTM D-2290, was done to obtain the ultimate stresses or burst pressure. Then, a tensile test, ASTM D3039, on a strip cut from a multilayer pipe was performed to obtain the elastic properties. Finally, a numerical model using the above parameters was developed on a complete pipe and under three different boundary conditions [START_REF] Ferry | Interaction between plasticity and damage in the behaviour of [+φ, -φ]n fibre reinforced composite pipes in biaxial loading (internal pressure and tension)[END_REF] to obtain the first ply failure and the stress distribution.

Apparent hoop tensile stress

In order to obtain the ultimate strength of the material, a tensile strength test was performed in the laboratory to obtain values of apparent normal stress under ASTM D-2290 [START_REF]АSTM 2290-16 2016 Standard Test Method for Apparent Hoop Tensile Strength of Plastic or Reinforced Plastic Pipe ASTM Int[END_REF], using a split ring segment with reduced section. The ASTM procedure for the proposed specimen, including the number of tests, data treatment, etc., is defined in [START_REF]АSTM 2290-16 2016 Standard Test Method for Apparent Hoop Tensile Strength of Plastic or Reinforced Plastic Pipe ASTM Int[END_REF]. The obtained average ultimate hoop stress is 81.44MPa, with a standard deviation of 7.81MPa [START_REF] Enciso | Análisis de integridad estructural de tuberías de material compuesto para el transporte de hidrocarburos por elementos finitos[END_REF].

To validate the numerical material model, we reproduce the ASTM experiment using finite elements for a half of the pipe by considering the conditions of symmetry. The apparent stress calculated on the minimum sample area corresponds to 82.31MPa, the error between the experimental test and the numerical model is 1.06%. These results help to validate the material model used in the numerical approximation for the commercial pipe.

Tension test

To obtain the values of the elastic constants, a tensile test was performed in an MTS Bionix uniaxial test machine [START_REF] León | Damage in Fibreglass Composite Laminates Used for Pipes Key[END_REF], see Figure 1, following ASTM D3039 standard [START_REF] Astm D | /D3039M-14 2014 Standard Test Method for Tensile Properties of Polymer Matrix Composite Materials[END_REF]. A finite element analysis of the strip was done, and the elastic properties were adjusted until a good agreement was found between the FE model and the experiment. The normal stresses show a homogenous distribution over almost all the length, however, near the traction surfaces the stresses are higher. This explains the zone of failure in Figure 2. To give an example, the displacement obtained with a 2,500N load by FE was 0.372mm and experimentally it was 0.353, just about a 5% error.

Numerical model

This section describes the finite element numerical approximation for a multilayer composite pipe subjected to internal pressure. It defines the geometry and material model, and the different boundary conditions used for the analysis of the stresses and first ply failure.

For the geometry, we reproduced the Fiberspar® pipe with an internal diameter 50.8mm. The internal diameter and external diameters for the different layers are: 59.79mm and 64.77mm for the external HDPE layer, 55.78mm and 59.79mm for the reinforced layer, and 50.8mm and 55.78mm for the internal HDPE layer. The reinforcement laminate is composed of 4 stacked plies with orientations of ± 55°, the configuration is [55/-55/55/-55]. Each ply has a thickness of 0.02in (0.502mm).

The mesh is made with order two hexahedral elements for the epoxy-fibreglass layer and for the inner and outer layers of polyethylene. Linear contact conditions were defined between the layers. The numerical model was implemented in Ansys v16.0. To control the discretization error, we made a mesh independence analysis set to 1% for the max. hoop stress, for a final mesh with 241,215 nodes.

The mechanical properties of the layers used in the model are shown in Table 1. The results for Young's modulus, Poisson's coefficients and shear stiffness moduli for the reinforcement layer correspond to the values calculated from the classical theory of laminates, and obtained experimentally. In the table, the subscripts 1 indicate the direction of the fibre, 2 the direction transverse to the fibre, and 3 the normal direction to the plane 12. (i) open-end condition, in which it does not exist axial stresses, this condition generally applies to pipes subjected to very elastic supports, (ii) fixed-end, in which the axial displacements in the ends are restricted in the normal direction, this is the case of very long pipes, and (iii) closed-end, condition known as pressure vessel condition [START_REF] Onder | Burst failure load of composite pressure vessels[END_REF]. An internal pressure of 5.17MPa (750psi) was applied in all cases.

Results and discussion

Stresses at nominal working pressure.

For the nominal working pressure of 5.17MPa (750psi), the main maximum stresses obtained are presented on the glass fibre reinforcement layer generating a maximum hoop stress of 61.4MPa, (the hoop stress distribution is the same regardless the boundary condition). The hoop stresses in the outer layer of HDPE were greater than those of the inner layer, see Figure 3.

The strain analysis shows that the layer with the greatest strain is the inner polyethylene with a deformation value along the ring of 0.018mm/mm and a minimum value in the outer layer of 0.01 mm/mm for a fixed-end condition. This condition holds true for the other two boundary conditions.

The results indicate that the ply of fibreglass composite closest to the inner layer presents greater stress and this decreases linearly towards the last layer. The stress is largely assumed by the laminate layer. The polyethylene layers work to protect the laminate layer from corrosion and transmit the greatest stresses to the composite laminate.

Figure 4 shows the distribution of the axial stresses across the dimensionless radius, it is observed that the open-end boundary condition sustains the smallest value of stress for any point across the thickness, fixed-end follows, and the closed-end is the highest.

First ply failure.

Using the different failure criteria, it is confirmed that for a working pressure of 5.17MPa there is no ply failure. The load was increased until the first ply failure is obtained, the results are shown in Table 2. In all cases, the first inner ply is the most critical, there may be fibre rupture or matrix microcracking rather than a complete failure of the pipe. The analysis performed for a pressure of 27MPa confirms that there is failure of all the plies. The maximum stress and maximum strain criteria show the highest values of FPF pressure, this is due to the fact that they do not take into account the stress interaction, the other criteria exhibit a lower FPF pressure and similar values between them. Regarding the boundary conditions, notice that the one that supports the highest pressure is the open-end condition, also called pure internal pressure.

The FPF pressure is near twice as double of the nominal pressure, and half of the final burst pressure, however, a burst pressure is not possible to obtain in this model because it does not take into account for a material degradation model.

Conclusions

The composite model for the Fiberspar® pipe was numerically defined. Particular interest was given to the definition of the fibre reinforced layer, and the model was validated through experimental tests. The error between the results of the laboratory test according to ASTM D2290 and the tensile numerical model is minimal. This validates the parameters used to define the computational model of the material.

Notice that when the orthotropic pipe is subjected to a pressure greater than 10MPa the first epoxyfibreglass plies fails, but this does not mean that the pipe fails completely. At a burst pressure of 27.17MPa, the pipe fails on all the plies, and this point is called functional failure. The values of the stresses on the pipe were determined for the three different boundary conditions, when it works at its nominal pressure of 5.17MPa. It was found that the composite laminate layer is the one that withstands the greatest stresses with a value of 62MPa for the hoop stress.

It was demonstrated that the FPF pressure for the open-end or pure internal pressure condition was the highest, this is because, in these conditions, the axial stresses are the lowest compared to the other ones. Additionally, the maximum strain and maximum stress criterion tend to over-estimate the FPF pressure because they do not consider the interaction between axial and hoop stresses.

Figure 1 .

 1 Figure 1. Tensile test on the MTS Bionix test machine for the composite pipe.

Figure 2 .

 2 Figure 2. Experimental and numerical model of the longitudinal strip

Figure 3 .

 3 Figure 3. Hoop stress vs. the normalised radius R.

Figure 4 .

 4 Figure 4. Axial stresses vs. the normalised radius R.

Table 1 .

 1 Physical properties of the composite pipe layers.

	Layer	Young´s Modulus		Poisson Ratio		Shear Modulus
		E1	E2	E3	ν12	ν23	ν13	G12	G23	G13
		(MPa)	(MPa)	(MPa)				(MPa)	(MPa)	(MPa)
	Interior HDPE	1340	/	/	0,4	/	/	478,5	/	/
	Epoxy-glass	35000 9000	9000	0,28 0,4 0,28 4700	3500	4700
	fiber laminate
	Exterior HDPE	1340	/	/	0,4	/	/	478,5	/	/
	Three boundary conditions were considered:

Table 2 .

 2 FPF pressure for different failure criteria failure and boundary conditions.

	Failure criteria	Open-end (MPa)	Fixed-end (MPa)	Closed-end (MPa)
	Max stress	13.73	11.15	9.25
	Max strain	16.13	14.97	9.96
	Tsai-Hill	10.94	9.96	8.62
	Tsai-Wu	10.87	10.70	9.41
	Hoffman	10.48	10.06	8.82
	Hashin	11.06	10.04	8.68

Acknowledgements

The authors acknowledge the support given by the project Capital Semilla 1742, VIE, Universidad Industrial de Santander, and UIS-ICP Agreement 5222395, 'Structural integrity of spoolable composite pipes', 2016.


I am grateful to Sean Golden

EDITORIAL GREGORY B. LEE

A city whose streets resound with the languages of Europe and Asia, a city where people are glad to talk to you in either English or French, a city where the local language reigns over the national in the schools, on the market place, on the street signs, and in the television studio. It is obvious that I am talking about no place in France. Even before the Jacobin-inflected French revolution, linguistic homogenization was inherent in the centralizing impulse of the dominant tendency that monopolized the French revolution. But it was not only France that was touched by this standardizing desire which in the ferocity and the singlemindedness of its application recalls the uniformity imposed by that unifier of disparate principalities into a single monolithic state, the totalitarian and totalizing first "emperor" of what is now called China, Qin Shi Huang Di.

The « universal » values of France's revolution were always meant to be transferable. What was good for France was good for the world. No alternatives were imaginable and non-European contributions to knowledge disappeared in the mists of an instituted collective amnesia. Forgotten the Arab mathematicians and philosophers to which modern scientific thought was indebted, forgotten the Saracen poet-finders, mentors of the troubadours, without whom no lyric poetry would have existed in Europe. Disparaged the diversity and finesse of Chinese philosophy.

But then revolutionary France had championed the Rights of Man! Yes, but of which men? And what about the rights of women? The French revolutionary Olympe de Gouges, a great French revolutionist, abolitionist and feminist whose "Declaration of the Rights of Woman and of the Female Citizen" (Déclaration des Droits de la Femme et de la Citoyenne) would be cast into the basket of history along with her head. Olympe de Gouges was a woman from Montalban (Montauban) in south-western France where the local language forms part of an organic unregulated group of idioms known today as Occitan which can boast a literary wealth longer than that which we would come to know as French, in other words the language of Paris and Versailles, its government and its surroundings, the New Latin.

Today in France the linguistic richness of the local varieties of the language that evolved after the collapse of the Roman Empire, has been reduced to standard French plus a scattering of colourful bilingual street signs in some of France's Southern cities. The laudable project of reinventing Occitan-based culture as a repository of plurality and dissent, despite the brave efforts of its promoters, of Felix Castan, of Claude Sicre and of many more, remains ambitious while not yet victorious.

However, Occitan's cousin, Catalan is thriving in the cityscape and its hinterlands to which I alluded in the opening sentence: Barcelona, where an American tourist gazing up at a signboard was recently overheard to say: 'Isn't that the weirdest Spanish you ever saw.' Catalonia is utopian, Catalonia has autonomy, and wants more -but don't we all, and is « national » autonomy the path to the individual's? Perhaps for the few, not for the many. Barcelona, just as the rest of Spain, is no paradise, yet it is living proof that what passes for near certainty is not finally inevitable: in this case linguistic homogenization, the imposition of the language of the capital, which is no more than the socio-linguistic expression of a will to subject us all to a monologic message, to the word expressed by a unitary centre. The Word becomes the Word of the Nation.

Even forty years of the most authoritarian, primordial fascism was unable to suppress the will to survive, to re-emerge and to re-invent. Today, Spain's regions enjoy wide-ranging autonomy of which the maintenance of local languages represents merely the superface. But would the diversity represented by the cosmopolitan Barcelona exist beyond the Spanishness of which it is currently a constituent? Is Raphael Alberti's reminder, now seven decades old, of the necessary interdependence of the national and the local still pertinent: "Defensa de

Transtext(e)s 跨文本 Madrid, Defensa de Cataluña"? However, Spain today, like the rest of the world, is subject to the contradictions of the form of power that now dominates our globe. In homage to British radical writer Orwell, there is now in Barcelona a Plaça George Orwell, partly inhabited by down-and-outs, it is watched over by a large fraternal surveillance camera. * Where in the world today are these globalized procedures absent? What in the world is the point in producing a TV series in Catalan or Cantonese or Breton if it is merely to glocalize American soap? There is something initially gratifying about a Chinese traveller in an international airport who asks you in impeccable Castillian Spanish rather than International English, if this is the right gate for Florence. No, it is not. But what does it matter? Aren't we all in the same airport, as Marc Augé pointed out, and are our destinations not all converging into one? This issue of Transtext(e)sTranscultures is consecrated to diverse reflections on ways of seeing and interrogating homogenizing and totalizing practices and ideologies of our world. Jean Chesneaux poses directly the question of renovating universal principles, a re-inventing that would challenge ethnocentric certainties that cannot but bring into question dominant shibboleths of the past and present. Albert Ch'en's contribution reflects both on past appropriations of French political philosophy in China, and what may be new ways forward. Martha Huang examines how the Westernized pictorial gaze was, at times painfully, assumed by China's cultural producers in the first half of the twentieth century. Evelyn Ch'ien writes of the recent work of the extraordinary Chinese artist Xu Bing whose oeuvre poignantly interrogates both the linguistic and visual dominant codes by which we live, as do the Taiwanese exponents of visual, concrete poetry discussed here by Marie Laureillard. As Geneviève Azam, reminds us, what prevents a real universalisation of shared possibilities is the ideology of the "universal" that is constituted by, and imbricated in, the ideology of economics, for in a "society constructed according to the so-called 'universal' principles of the formal economy, anonymity and massification inhibits the constitution of free and equal individuals, and the unending quest for the production of material wealth to satisfy unlimited needs only makes sense (but what sense?) for a minority of Humanity and destroys the concrete and material possibility of universalizing basic human rights."

Une ville dont les rues résonnent de toutes les langues d'Europe et d'Asie, une ville où les gens sont ravis, quand ils le peuvent, de s'adresser à vous en anglais ou en français, et où la langue locale se substitue à la langue nationale dans les magasins, sur les panneaux des rues et dans les studios de la télévision. L'endroit dont je parle ne se trouve bien évidemment pas en France. En effet, même avant la Révolution jacobine française, l'homogénéisation linguistique était inhérente à l'impulsion centralisatrice de la tendance dominante qui monopolisa la révolution. Mais la France n'était pas la seule à être affectée par ce désir dont la férocité et la détermination de sa réalisation n'est pas sans rappeler l'uniformité imposée par celui qui rassembla les principautés disparates en un état monolithe, connu désormais sous le nom de Chine, Qin Shi Huang Di.

Les valeurs « universelles » de la Révolution Française devaient être transférables. Ce qui était bon pour la France l'était pour le reste du monde. On ne pouvait concevoir aucune alternative et les contributions non-européennes au savoir disparurent au cours d'une amnésie collective instituée. Oubliés les philosophes et les mathématiciens arabes auxquelles devait tant la pensée scientifique moderne, oubliés les poètes/trouveurs sarrasins, mentors des troubadours, sans lesquels la poésie lyrique n'aurait jamais existé en Europe. Dénigrées la diversité et la finesse de la philosophie chinoise. Mais la France révolutionnaire avait inventé les Droits de l'homme! Bien sûr, mais de quels hommes? Et les droits de la femme? La révolutionnaire française Olympe de Gouges était une féministe et abolitionniste convaincue dont La Déclaration des Droits de la Femme et de la Citoyenne allait être reléguée aux oubliettes de l'histoire et son auteur, guillotinée. Olympes de Gouges venait de la ville de Montalban (Montauban ) dans le sud-ouest de la France, où la langue locale est une partie constituante d'un groupe organique d'idiomes non réglementés, appelé de nos jours, occitan, et dont la richesse littéraire remonte à bien plus loin que celle de ce que nous appelons le français, à savoir la langue de Paris, de son gouvernement et de ses environs, le Nouveau Latin.

De nos jours, en France la richesse linguistique des variantes locales de la langue qui s'est développée après la chute de l'empire romain, se résume au français standard auquel s'ajoute une pléthore de panneaux de rues pittoresques bilingues dans certaines villes françaises méridionales. Le projet louable de réinvention d'une culture basée sur l'occitan comme dépositaire de pluralité et de contestation, en dépit des courageux efforts de ses défenseurs, Felix Castan, Claude Sicre et tant d'autres, demeure ambitieux mais pas encore victorieux.

Pourtant, le cousin de l'occitan, le catalan, prospère dans le paysage urbain et son arrière-pays que je mentionnais plus haut: Barcelone, où un touriste américain contemplant la plaque d'une rue s'exclama: « A-t-on jamais vu d'espagnol aussi bizarre? » La Catalogne est utopique, la Catalogne jouit d'autonomie et en veut encore plusmais nous en sommes tous là et l'autonomie « nationale » implique-t-elle nécessairement l'autonomie individuelle?

Pour certains peut-être, mais certainement pas pour tous. Barcelone n'est cependant pas, tout comme le reste de l'Espagne, un paradis, mais elle est la preuve vivante que ce que l'on tient pour certain n'est pas forcément inévitable : dans ce cas précis l'homogénéisation linguistique, l'imposition de la langue de la capitale, qui n'est ni plus ni moins que l'expression socio-linguistique d'une volonté de nous soumettre tous au même message monologique, à la parole exprimée par un centre unitaire. La Parole devient la Parole de la Nation. Même quarante ans du fascisme autoritaire le plus primaire ne parvint pas à anéantir la volonté de survivre, de ré-émerger et de réinventer. Aujourd'hui, les régions espagnoles jouissent d'une large autonomie, dont le maintien des langues locales n'est que la superface. Mais la diversité représentée par Barcelone la cosmopolite pourrait-elle exister en dehors de l'hispanité dont elle est actuellement l'une des constituantes? L'avertissement lancé par Raphael Alberti il y a maintenant soixante-dix ans sur l'interdépendance nécessaire du national et du local, est-il toujours d'actualité: « Defensa de Madrid, Defensa de Cataluña » ? L'Espagne est toutefois elle aussi, tout comme le reste du monde, en proie aux contradictions de la forme de pouvoir qui prévaut actuellement dans le monde entier. En hommage à l'écrivain britannique radical George Orwell, il existe à présent une Plaça George Orwell à Barcelone, refuge en partie de clochards dans la dèche, elle est surveillée de près par une grosse caméra fraternelle de vidéosurveillance. 1 Où de nos jours dans le monde échappe-t-on à ces procédures globalisées? Et quel intérêt y-a-t-il à produire un feuilleton télévisé en catalan, cantonais ou breton si ce n'est que pour glocaliser en fin de compte une série américaine? Il est vrai que cela fait plaisir quand un voyageur chinois vous demande en un espagnol impeccable plutôt qu'en anglais international si c'est la bonne porte d'embarquement pour Florence. Non, ce n'est pas celle-ci. Mais cela importe-t-il? Ne sommes-nous pas tous dans le même aéroport, comme l'a dit Marc Augé, et nos destinations ne convergent-elles pas en une seule? Ce numéro de Transtext(e)s Transcultures est consacré à des réflexions diverses sur les manières de voir et d'interroger les pratiques et idéologies homogénéisantes et totalisatrices de notre monde. Jean Chesneaux pose directement la question du renouvellement de principes universaux, une réinvention qui défierait les certitudes ethnocentristes qui ne peuvent que remettre en question les sacro-saintes doctrines présentes et passées. La contribution d'Albert Ch'en s'interroge à la fois sur les appropriations de philosophie politique française que la Chine a effectuées dans le passé et sur ce qui pourrait constituer de nouvelles avancées. Martha Huang examine comment la vision artistique occidentale fut adoptée, parfois difficilement, par les producteurs artistiques chinois du début du vingtième siècle. Evelyn Ch'ien décrit les récents travaux du remarquable artiste chinois Xu Bing dont l'oeuvre interroge de manière poignante les codes visuels et linguistiques dominants dans lesquels nous vivons, tout comme le font les représentants de la poésie visuelle concrète dont traite ici Marie Laureillard. Comme nous le rappelle Geneviève Azam, ce qui fait obstacle à une réelle universalisation de nos possibilités partagées c'est l'idéologie de « l'universel » constituée par et imbriquée dans l'idéologie de l'économie, car « dans une société construite selon les principes dits « universels » de l'économie formelle, l'anonymat, la massification empêchent la constitution d'individus libres et égaux, et la recherche infinie de production de richesses matérielles pour satisfaire des besoins illimités, n'a de sens (et encore) que pour une part restreinte de l'Humanité et ruine la possibilité concrète et matérielle d'universalisation des droits humains fondamentaux. »

Transtext(e)s 跨文本

Transtext(e)s 跨文本

Je suis reconnaissant à Sean Golden de m'avoir signalé ce nouvel exemple de l'absence d'ironie dans un monde qui a de longue date rendu le ridicule imperméable au ridicule.跨文化 Transcultures


CHINESE MIGRANTS AND THE "INUNDATION" METAPHOR

(This paper revisits work originally undertaken in 1992-1994 (and published in Troubadours, Trumpeters, Troubled Makers (Duke UP, 1996) on the metaphors used to disparage and ultimately have excluded Chinese immigrants from the USA. The conclusion attempts to bring up to date the history and theorization of this phenomenon and to illustrate its contemporary global spread. It was presented at an EastAsiaNet research workshop at the University of Lund, Sweden, 2 June 2007 under the title "Risk, Representation, Repression: Constructing and Manipulating Fear of the Chinese Other".)

In the middle of the last century there were a few thousand Chinese who came to supply labour to California. The project to exclude Chinese people from America, from citizenship, from being American started around 1850, and was partly accomplished by 1870, with the Naturalization Act which denied the right to naturalization to Chinese, and nominally concluded with the Exclusion Act of 1882. The campaign was not restricted to nor solely generated by California, but rather was nation-wide, and transcended class and ethnic boundaries. Legislatively the project continued with anti-miscegenation laws, ideologically with the discourse of Yellow Peril. Legal exclusion was prepared for over two or three decades by the transmitters and negotiators of America's social imaginary and dominant ideologies the mass media of the day, the press.

The West Coast has long been demonized as the engine of the movement to exclude the Chinese from America, but it was in fact the influential East Coast newspapers of the nineteenth-century which vociferously led the exclusion campaign. A New York Daily Tribune editorial of Friday, September 29, 1854, alerts the East Coast reader to the "fears" of white Californians: a carefully constructed enumeration of racial and national "characteristics". Some are specific to the Chinese, the unknowable Oriental. Others are more general racist slurs. They have formed, for much of the last 150 years, the basis for American, and European, dominant perceptions of the Chinese, and the "Oriental": They are for the most part an industrious people, forbearing and patient of injury, quiet and peaceable in their habits: say this, and you have said all the good that can be said of them. They are uncivilized, unclean, filthy beyond all conception, without any of the higher domestic or social relations; lustful and sensual in their dispositions; every [italicized in the original text] female is a prostitute, and of the basest order; the first words of English they learn are terms of obscenity or profanity, and beyond this they care to learn no more. Clannish in nature, they will not associate except with their own people....the Chinese quarter of the city is a by-word for filth and sin. Pagan in religion they know not the virtues of honesty, integrity or good faith; and in Court they never scruple to commit the most flagrant perjury. 1

There is, here, an especially extreme position taken towards women, who to the racist eugenicist present not only the danger of reproduction of the inferior race, but of contamination of the superior race. The psychosocial nexus between the menstrual flow and contamination by an unclean race is imbricated in this particular racist notion. Klaus Theweleit in his book Male Fantasies, traces this connection between metaphors of fluidity and the fear of contamination. "The flood," in German early twentieth-century texts, "seems to flow from the inside of those from whom the constraint of the old order has been removed. Something comes to light that has hitherto been forbidden, buried beneath the surface." 2 To justify the thesis that the Chinese would be numerically overwhelming, statistics were misrepresented. But primarily, literary metaphors were invoked to represent the size of the potential group of Others. The major trope employed is what I have call the trope of inundation.

Unwanted immigrants of color everywhere have frequently been described as "pouring in," "swamping," "flooding in," as coming in "tides" and "waves." 3 In the Tribune editorial, the phobia of 1 New York Daily Tribune, September 29, 1854, page 4.

2 Klaus Theweleit, Male Fantasies (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987) I231.

3 I recall when I was a young child seeing an elaborate racist, anti-black ditty which intimated that black people were coming to England to scrounge on the white people's welfare state. I can recall one line clearly: "They come here and wash in Tide." There was a play on the word "tide" since "Tide" was, and still is, a popular brand of laundry detergent. There was the implication not only that the Other was entering the country illicitly at the country's seaboard, and thus uncontrolled and in great numbers, but also that he was ignorant of the ways of British society, unused to washing and uninformed as to the difference between toilet death by drowning in an alien and unclean fluid is invoked. The metaphor alludes to an allied and recurrent image typical of this racist discourse, that of the fear of contamination, the terror of being made unclean by the filthy and sick.

In Theweleit's study of the construction of the fascist, racist narrative which would be concretized in Germany's Nazism, in the 1930s and 1940s, in which the flood is the red flood of bolshevism, "a kind of ocean that surges on in waves, inundating and engulfing," he isolates the power of the inundation metaphor in a discourse of hate which was, of course, quintessentially racist. 4 One of the examples Theweleit gives, a text by Edwin Erich Dwinger, described Germany's First World War defeat thus:

The whole world poured out over Germany: Americans and New Zealanders, Australians and Englishmen, Portuguese and French. The bitterest pill to swallow was the stationing of blacks everywhere by the French: Moroccans and Senegalese negroes, Indochinese and Turks. 5 The non-white Other in racist discourse is often constructed as "dirty". Adrian Forty defines dirt as "matter out of place: dirt is the label we attach to what we perceive as disorder, a state that soap and clothes washing detergent, and thus ultimately inassimilable. Allusions to immigrants flooding into dominantly white societies are still currently employed by those who seek to invoke fears. Jean Marie Le Pen, perhaps the most notorious of Europe's racist ideologues, deploys repeatedly the inundation trope: in his La France est de retour (Paris: Carrère/Lafon, 1985) he claims that "we" are being "pushed out by a veritable human tide" (page 52; cited in Taguieff Face au Racisme 2, 130); more recently that there "is no more integration possible. There is only resistance possible, or sooner or later submersion by invasion" (Présent 13-14 November 1989; cited inPierre-André Taguieff, La force du préjugé : Essai sur le racisme et ses doubles (Paris: Éditions La Découverte (Gallimard/tel), 1987, 132) ; and again in his book L'Espoir (Paris: Albatros, 1989) which holds out the prospect of a dwindling European population to be "rapidly replaced and submerged by foreign populations" (Taguieff Face au racisme 133). However, racist deployment of the trope of inundation is not restricted to the far right. The "respectable" and very bourgeois French Premier Edouard Balladur at the first public meeting of his presidential campaign (February 16, 1995) claimed, as one the successes of his two-year premiership, that "immigrant floods were receding"; cited in Charlie Hebdo, February 22, 1995 page 7. 4 Theweleit, 230.

is often regarded as threatening." 6 In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries "people in Europe and America began to find dirt more alarming and to be increasingly anxious about cleanliness." 7 In Britain, as Forty demonstrates, this enabled the Victorian middle-classes to categorize the working-classes as "dirty" and thus marked by difference, a difference the Victorians were at pains to emphasize in their design and dress. In America, the Chinese immigrants, who were poor and who worked, were the objects of this fascination and aversion with "dirt".

Christian Enzensberger, defines dirt as "anything that impinges...on the person's anxiously guarded autonomy," to the fear of dirt, he find allied people's fear of decay. "They turn away in fright when something at the bottom moves toward the top...also when a structure dissolves (or the reverse)." After the dirt of decay, there is the "dirt of the mass," and the hatred of "anything that throngs or sprawls, any mass in which they might become caught up and irretrievably lost." 8 Taguieff in his study of racism has noted the recurrence of the image of the rising tide ("le flot") of "inferior elements (degenerate, mentally deficient: the biosocial 'waste')" which threatens to submerge all of society.9 This kind of imagery is frequent in the racist imaginary, especially in the phobia of miscegenation, of "mixed blood".

Seeking to invoke such fears of dirt and contamination, the New York Daily Tribune, depicts a youthful, promising California facing the yellow contagion of "Asiatic hordes" of a decadent, decaying, degenerate Celestial Empire just across the sea:

The youngest of Young America next door to the oldest of nations. ... California. Their great companies are shipping them to that region by thousands as coolies....Already there are 40,000 there, and the cry is still they come. If the tide continues they must yet outnumber whites on the Pacific; and they are not like the European immigration to the Atlantic States, for they have no sympathy with Americans, whether in religion, habits or language. (My italics) 10 In 1882, the Chinese Exclusion Act passed the House of Representatives with 201 yeas and 37 nays, making it virtually impossible for new Chinese immigrants to enter the country. After the 1882 Exclusion Act had been passed, almost every state in the union went on to pass antimiscegenation laws. The Chinese Exclusion Act was not finally repealed until 1943. * All that was long ago. Perhaps, but the metaphors and imagery used to manipulate and construct anti-Chinese sentiment remains intact. The inundation metaphor is particularly virulent. We seem incapable, journalist and politicians in particular find it impossible to speak of immigrants with any other language.

Let us confine ourselves to some recent examples, some hostile to China, Chinese people, and their immigration, others neutral or even favorable.

In a 2006 San Francisco Chronicle newspaper article on the history of immigration in California, the falsehood is repeated that the Chinese in the 19 th century were discriminated against for economic reasons, when in fact American capitalism was demanding cheap labour, and that the real motivation was ideological and necessitated a targeted and specific Other against whose difference the identity of America could be constructed. The headline goes to pains to explain the inundation metaphor, in his instance in the form of a simile: IMMIGRATION Like waves on the shore, people flood into state From time to time, California has rejected immigrants ............

WAVES OF IMMIGRATION

California has repeatedly served as a bellwether for national sentiment about immigration. After its large Chinese-born population coincided with an oversupply of cheap labor in the economic depression of the 1870s, Congress passed the country's first immigration limit, the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882.

Flooding is almost always undesirable:

Chinese Immigrants Flood Tibet Tibet Facts, N° 1, Free Tibet Campaign http://www.freetibet.org/info/facts/fact1.html But the association of immigration with waves, tides, and floods now so embedded in the subconscious, so naturalized as a vocabulary of everyday use that it can even be deployed in discourse that sees itself as pro-Chinese: Miklos Vamos Budapest, Hungary Miklós Vámos is a Hungarian novelist, screenwriter and talk show host.

Hungary Needs Chinese Immigrants.

Hungary has always been a destination for immigrants. After World War II, a weird thing happened --most of our immigrants turned out to be Hungarians. This was because at that time Hungary lost the bigger part of its territory with the Trianon Peace Treaty. Many Hungarians from behind the new frontiers came back to their country.

The next wave of migration began when the Iron Curtain came down. Most recently, migration occurred when Hungary's neighbors joined the European Union.

These days, there is some speculation that we will invite the Chinese to Hungary. This would help buttress our diminishing populations. Although I do not believe that a flood of Chinese immigrants is imminent, I would not be sad if they came.

Even scientific articles and web sites repeat the easy yet heavily weighted metaphor when producing seemingly objective history. The website of the Agricultural Personnel Management Program, University of California, reproduced this article: 2/7/04 News Report --National Journal

Immigration -the endless flood by Siobhan Gorman

The Chinese invented illegal immigration as U.S. policy makers tend to think of it today: They were the first to slip across the Mexican border in hopes of improving their lot by working in this country. Aspiring Chinese immigrants, trying to evade racist "Yellow Peril" prohibitions that in 1882 banned such laborers from entering the United States, traveled first to Mexico. There, smugglers would teach them a few words of Spanish, dress them up as Mexican farm workers, and guide them northward. The United States was then making no attempt to regulate the influx of people from Latin America --and wouldn't begin to regulate it for more than 80 years.

In fictional discourse, since Sax Rohmer's invention of FU Manchu, the Yellow Peril has been threatening to invade. In a recent American novel , Flood Tide:A Dirk Pitt Novel by Clive Cussler, the evil Chinese smuggler has hatched a dastardly plot to flood Louisiana. In fact, America had no need of a sinister Chinese to do this, underspending on flood-prevention was solely responsible for the inundation of New Orleans.

Pacific Northwest, 2000. Dirk Pitt® rescues a beautiful undercover immigration agent from Qin Shang, an insatiably greedy smuggler whose vast fortune is made selling Chinese immigrants into slavery around the globe. Shang's campaign contributions have bought him a collection of powerful U.S. politicians, but Pitt finds the secret behind Shang's vast and mystifying seaport in the Louisiana bayou to be shockingly sinister. From an adrenaline-pumped race against time and tide up the Mississippi River to a desperate dash to recover Chinese treasures, Dirk Pitt faces one of his most formidable foes --a madman bent on killing hundreds of thousands of innocent men, women, and children with a catastrophic surge of mass destruction. http://www.bookbrowse.com/reviews/index.cfm?book_number=281

To turn to Russian media, we find that not only is Chinese immigration on Russian soil resented but also what is seen as China's historical policy of expansionism in South-East Asia and even in Africa:

A Population for Export

Southeast Asia has been a target of Chinese expansionism since the thirteenth century, when China was conquered by the Mongols and thousands of Chinese fled south. Now ethnic Chinese occupy many leading positions in business throughout Southeast Asia, and the lion's share of the GDP of countries such as Singapore comes from companies run by Chinese entrepreneurs. The authorities in Beijing see Southeast Asia as the southernmost reaches of the Greater China that is centered on Taiwan and mainland China, and by reinforcing its dominance in Southeast Asia, the Chinese government intends to launch the transformation of the People's Republic of China into a superpower. The future will also likely see a growing flood of Chinese immigrants to Africa.

Alexander Gabuyev , Kommersant: Russia's Daily Online 13.03.2007 3:30:12 GMT http://www.kommersant.com/pda/doc.asp?id=748918#top

  [with] the densest population on the globe. They are pouring in upon 6 Adrian Forty, Objects Of Desire: Design and Society since 1750(London & New York: Thames and Hudson, 1986,1992) 157. 7 Forty 157.

  Charles Burress, San Francisco Chronicle Wednesday, May 3, 2006 page B -3 Elsewhere in the world, China's recent economic expansion has brought with it an extension of the anti-Chinese immigrant discourse. In 2004 an AFP report on Chinese immigration in Russia, republished in the English-language Taipei Times, resorts several times to the water-related metaphors: Chinese immigrants flood into the Russian Far East As more than 2 million Russians have left Russia's Far East and Siberia over the past decade in search of better economic conditions in the western regions, Chinese have been flooding in. ........ "We need the labour force. There are sectors in which they work better than us, agriculture is one of them," conceded the governor. Fears of Chinese expansion are uppermost in Russians' minds....... The head of the Primorye region police's migration department, Viktor Plotnikov, said it was an uphill struggle to regulate Chinese immigration. "If we gave them half a chance, they'd all stay, like salt into water," he said. But Russian inhabitants are dependant on the flood of cheap Chinese goods. AFP, VLADIVOSTOK, RUSSIA Taipei Times, Tuesday, Jan 27, 2004, Page 5

Edwin Erich Dwinger, "Die Armee hinter Stacheldraht," in Deutches Schicksal , Volume 1 (Jena: 1929) 76. Cited in Theweleit 231.

Christian Enzensberger, Grösserer Versuch über den Schmutz [Expanded Essay on Dirt] (Munich, 1968) 23; cited in Theweleit I, 385.

Pierre-André Taguieff, La force du préjugé: Essai sur le racisme et ses doubles (Paris: Éditions La Découverte (Gallimard/tel), 1987) 351.

As we might expect, both Taiwan and Hong Kong are depicted as living in permanent fear of death by drowning :


Consuming Cultures :

Translating the Global, Homogenizing the Local The sense of "consuming" addressed here relates to a culture of spectacular consumption in which we almost all are now implicated, and in which our main purpose is to consume: we inhabit and are inhabited by a society of consumption . A second but allied meaning relates to culture as just another product or service to be consumed. There is also an additional sense in which the planet's local and long-standing cultures are being consumed and transformed by a globalizing economic culture which makes the local conform, and renders the local homogenous. The words and representations of these several facets of consuming cultures will be examined below.

*

It is interesting to note how so often the primary sense of consumption, eating and drinking, provides the examples of cultural differences and their obliteration : we talk of McDonalds as the great culinary leveller of our taste buds, and when we used to talk about cultural imperialism rather than globalization, Coca-Cola-ization stood for the historical process of economic homogenization and Americanization.

In fact, what has become known as McDonaldization is a little more complex than it seems and describes not only a process of globalization, but also one of its derivatives, what is now called "glocalization". But before engaging the glocal, I shall first explore globalization as a an economic tendency, as a political strategy, as a dominant ideology, as a discourse of hypermodernity, as the bogeyman of the globophobic.

Globalization is now firmly entrenched in our imaginaries as the inescapable driving force of the twenty-first century. But is this process of international economic and thus cultural harmonization, standardization or homogenization so modern and so recent?

The discourse of globalization, has as we shall see in detail a little later, been recuperated from already existent analyses of processes of internationalisation and homogenisation, it has been détourné as the French has it. Détourné is difficult to translate into English. The term "hijack" is probably quite close, while "divert" is too neutral. A hijack in French is a détournement, and in the 1960s and 1970s Guy Debord and the Situationists advocated the détournement of texts and of language. 1 More recently, politicians and marketing strategists have détourné the concept of globalization. And yet as we shall see even their recuperated sense of globalization is not so far from a much more well-established vision of this process.

Since when have we been theorizing globalization? Let us examine the following text:

The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world market given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every country. …it has drawn from under the feet of industry the national ground on which it stood. All old established national industries have been destroyed or are daily being destroyed. They are dislodged by new industries, … industries whose products are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the globe. In place of the old wants, satisfied by the productions of the country, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of distant lands…

In place of the old local and national seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, universal inter-dependence of nations. And as in material, so also in intellectual production.

The intellectual creations of individual nations become common property. National one-sidedness and narrow-mindedness become more and more impossible, and from the numerous national and local literatures, there arises a world literature.

The extracts just cited date from 1848, and are taken from the Communist Manifesto. (pp. 83-84) It is not immediately clear whether Marx and Engels consider this march towards a global economy and culture a good thing but the sense of the words that follow is quite transparent:

The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of production, by the immensely facilitated means of communication, draws all … nations into [its] civilisation.…It compels all nations, on pain of extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it compels them to introduce what it calls civilisation into their midst, i.e., to become bourgeois themselves. In one word, it creates a world after its own image. (p. 84) Already over a century and half ago Marx saw economic globalization as an inevitable process, but did he foresee the commodification of intellectual and cultural production? Even if Marx understood the logic of capitalism -which evidently he did better than anyone in the mid nineteenth century -what he did not foresee was the emergence of a post-bourgeois economy and the hypermodern economic colonization of culture and language.

For Marx and Engels, true internationalists, at least within the confines of a white Euro-American world-view, who transposed and introduced ideas and lexical innovations from one European language to another, the internationalization of the work and product of the intellectual could only be beneficial to progressive forces. The two titans of interventionist, politico-economic critique were right in foreseeing and predicting economic and intellectual globalization, although this came only after a long dominance of national capitalist strategies stretching from the late nineteenth century until the rise of post-World War 2 Americanization. But since the change of power relations expected by Marx and Engels did not happen, either in the West or in the Marxist-Leninist world, the globalization of intellectual, cultural and informational production has fallen totally under the hegemony of the economic.

The national bourgeois economy may have been replaced by networks of global economic power, but the new form of power still uses the same modus operandi, the same strategy : "it creates a world in its own image".

However, it needs to be underscored, Marx was against neither economic nor intellectual cosmopolitanization as he called it. The world had to be extracted from its feudal misery, the town must replace the country, Nature must be mastered. While not against the local, Marx and Engels did not cry over its demise, since, according to their historical determinist analysis, the new global hegemony of the proletariat had first to traverse the historical phase of nation states.

As often with Marx and Engels, their discourse reveals itself to be contradictory, or at least it seems so to us at the beginning of the twenty-first century, for they are at once critical of the brutality of the bourgeoisie yet admiring of the progress inherent in the advance of bourgeois national and international capitalist modernization. Let us examine one further paragraph from the Communist Manifesto, a text that oozes disdain for the marginal and the unmodern and which contains a famously disparaging turn of phrase referring to the peasant way of life. It is also a text that shows the acute analytical prowess of Marx in its prediction of the twentieth-century economic, but also cultural, balance of power.

The bourgeoisie has subjected the country to the rule of the towns. It has created enormous cities, has greatly increased the urban population as compared with the rural, and has thus rescued a considerable part of the population from the idiocy of rural life. Just as it has made the country dependent on the towns, so it has made barbarian and semibarbarian countries dependent on the civilised ones, nations of peasants on nations of bourgeois, the East on the West. (p.84) In this extract from The Communist Manifesto we are confronted at once with the full power of Marx's critical capacities and at the same time with an engrained Hegelian disdain for the assumed backwardness and decadence of the "Orient". As we can see Marx, like Hegel, establishes an equivalence between what is termed "rural idiocy", and the ignorance and the backwardness of the East. Such historically inaccurate and ill-founded prejudices are still sadly entrenched, a century and half later, in the post-colonial, yet still deeply colonialist, European imaginary concerning the Other, and above all the Oriental Other, now globalized and latterly glocalized.

But while Marx and Engels may have been unable to foresee the evolutive nature of consumer capitalism, post World War II "alternative" theorists such as Cornelius Castoriadis and the even more marginal Guy Debord not only were able to theorise and predict the development of economics but also the ways in which power and its representations would evolve. 2 Guy Debord, in his now celebrated and oft recuperated theory of société spectaculaire, "society of the spectacle", analysed the nature of alienation in twentieth-century modern society. 3 While frequently understood as a critique of the manipulation of the image in modern society, the Society of the Spectacle goes well beyond analysing the relatively restrained sphere of the mass media. Debord focuses on the impoverishment of the daily lived experience, the increasing alienation and fragmentation of human existence. The spectacle, the sum of the independent images and representations provided by modernity, then serves as a substitute for real and whole experience of life. Individuals separated from one another in everyday life find unity only in the passive contemplation of the image, modern substitute for religion. Of course, the core problem is not image and representation but the society that has need of them. For Debord there were two types of spectacle in the 1950s, the diffuse, represented by the "liberal democracies" providing the illusion of choice, and the concentrated, constituted by the authoritarian model (the Soviet bloc, China, Indonesia) in which the spectacle is focussed on a quasi-religious leader. Later, in an analysis which foresaw the fall of the wall, Commentaries on the Society of the Spectacle published in 1988, Debord located what he called the "integrated spectacle" into which the two systems had started to merge and to recuperate features the one from the other. This "postcommunist" phase of the "integrated spectacle" in which in terms of representation the New World Order replaced the Cold war, is what is now represented as globalization.

GLOCALIZATION

Like many of the theoretical terms employed in contemporary professional and academic discourses, glocalization can convey both a positive and a negative construction of the process it describes. For those in the sphere of business communication, glocalization constitutes a positive and effective marketing strategy. Their usage and application of the word may help us to perceive the reality of what is hidden behind yet another manipulation of language by the hegemonic power that is the economic and the spectacular.

The CIOs (chief information officers) whose role and status in many large multinational companies is second only to that of the CEO (chief executive officer) or company president, perceive glocalization as a term that emphasizes "that the globalization of a product is more likely to succeed when the product or service is adapted specifically to each locality or culture in which it is marketed".("Glocalization") A fusion of the equally positively inflected "globalization", with the word "local". It was first used in the late 1980s by Japanese economists writing in the Harvard Business Review, but was popularised by, and here we see an example of the imbrication of the discourses of business and social sciences, sociologist Roland Robertson for whom the term describes the mediating, relativizing or minimizing effects of local conditions on global pressures. For Robertson glocalization signifies the "simultaneity of both universalizing and particularizing tendencies". (1997); a practice of particularization that can be seen in the corporate strategy of tailoring commodities to local markets. 4 Robertson's analysis of glocalization favours the Japanese business approach, which he renders more human by referring to the Japanese "people", and particularizing the Japanese as "genuinely global people", while the Americans are deemed to have no understanding of the imbrication of the particular and the universal:

But the basic idea of glocalization is the simultaneous promotion of what is, in one sense, a standardized product, for particular markets, in particular flavors, and so on. In my judgment, this does give a very interesting cast or tone, to the Japanese presence in the modern world. Because I myself believe ---and I am not saying this just because I am in Japan, just because I am sort of confronted here, in a very pleasant way, by many Japanese people, but I believe that because of the indigenous nature of the concept of glocalization, that the Japanese are in a particularly strong position to, in fact, identify themselves as genuinely global people, in a way which the Americans are not. In fact, if one had to think of the two most opposite nations in this respect, I would say that the Japanese have a major strategic, cultural advantage in the whole globalization process, and that up to now, up to this point, the Americans are out of it ---they stand no chance, because they don't have a conception, they don't have a philosophical, cultural conception, of the interpenetration of the particular and the universal. (Robertson 1997) In other words, Japanese glocalization is inoffensive, while American glocalization fails to take into account local sentiment. But this gloss on glocalization/globalization evades the issue. What is in question is not the process of Americanization, a process that was never in any case monopolized by the Americans, as [START_REF] Roberston | Comments on the "Global Triad" and "Glocalization[END_REF] himself underlines, but rather the homogenization of everyday life. Globalization, no matter where the product is produced or which transnational company is extracting the profits, is about the unification of our fragmented, alienated existences into a unified consumer imaginary through the passive consumption of homogenized products and images. That Japanese glocalization is more "successful" than American, is of no consequence.

In any case, McDonaldization should thus not be considered a straightforward internationalisation of an American product and practice, but rather the insidious adaptation of any product or service not to local taste buds, but rather to the paradigms of local popular culture; a process of particularization not unknown to American corporate strategy. Thus a recent McDonalds advertising and promotion campaign in France featured not a Disney cartoon character or feature film star, but the French popular cultural mythic hero Astérix.

The self-same Astérix who defended local Gallic culture against Roman cultural and military imperialism is thus recuperated to the sales campaign of the spearhead of American everyday consumerism.

There is another starkly contrasting understanding and application of the term glocalization as descriptive of a "historical process whereby localities develop direct economic and cultural relationships to the global system through information technologies," thus "bypassing and subverting traditional power hierarchies like national governments and markets" ("Glocalization"). This entails the Utopian notion of constructing a non-material or virtual "gift economy" connecting local and global via information technologies. This idealist strategy begs the question of what happens to those excluded from, or those who lie beyond, the reach of such technologies. Such a strategy also creates a dependence on technologies developed and managed by the global hegemony of the economic sphere. Of course, we can and we do use this technology to our own ends -we have all used Internet for the past decade as a means of engaging in research and distribution of that often critical researchbut let us not forget that such usage is contingent and that we are privileged in having access to such technologies. What happens on the fringes and in the underbelly of the BRICs? 5 Do the excluded constitute a new neo-Marxist category of the ignorant, the idiocy of the technologically deprived, who can only hope like the hundreds of millions of Chinese hinterland peasants beyond the pale of the Chinese economic miracle to be absorbed sooner rather than later into the global economy?

There are intermediate positions on globalization/glocalization, such as that of Thomas L. Friedman, who appears to have no major quarrel with the inevitable economics of globalization, and who sees possibilities for intercultural enrichment and awareness being provided by it. But he is concerned to preserve culturally "authentic" everyday practices.

"Friedman thinks good globalization is when a little Japanese girl goes to McDonalds in

Tokyo to enjoy the American way of life and food. Bad globalization is when she gets off the plane in Los Angeles and is surprised that they have McDonalds in America too." 6 This latter position would seem to have us imagine that McDonalds is "genuine", "authentic" or even exotic American "ethnic" food. As though somehow there was an equivalence between traditionally prepared sushi and an industrially produced pâté of minced meat and fat in a sandwich. Once again, the reality is that , in both the sense of post Word War Two economic neo-colonization and in the sense of the displacement of local socio-cultural practices by globalizing tendencies, Americanization has emanated from America, Japan or even the European country the most vehement in its demand for the "cultural exception" to globalization, France. Beyond the particular object, beyond the Nevertheless, it cannot be denied that culinary taste and ingredients are challenged and transformed by foreign, imported, "global" practices. I have mainland Chinese students who believe that milk products are an integral part of traditional Chinese culinary culture.

Moreover, over the past few years restaurants in China which serve otherwise entirely Chinese cuisine, have started to offer milk and milk-based drinks with the food. But while the imbibing of red wine in China although increasingly widespread is still seen as exotic, the consumption of milk products, never formerly a part of the traditional Han Chinese diet, goes unremarked. Globalization constructs itself on our collective forgetfulness. This tendency to mask the global and normalize it as local even goes down beneath the level of the national: the marketing strategies of the hyper-local. For instance, national or even transnational or rather supranational television, radio and Internet-based news and entertainment services, can and do produce community-level news packages tailored to local sensibilities. Or they may simply give the impression of so doing. So as to attract local advertising , for instance, in the Provence region of France, Europe 2, the pop music station, inserts regular local advertising slots into its national product, together with intermittent pre-recorded announcements which tie in the station to a local community : this is Europe 2 Avignon, this Europe 2 Manosque, This is Europe 2 Aix-En-Provence. But these manifestations are purely virtual and no news or other non-advertising product is ever broadcast. But then we can always, can we not, as was suggested by the utopian vision of glocalization, access the authentic and the local via our computer?

THE ETHNIC GROCER

The simplicity of the authentic or perhaps better the authenticity of the simple, is pervasively marketed in the everyday life of Western, and increasingly Asian, hypermodernity. In the attempt to go beyond the staid , stale ordinariness of the consumed everyday, we are offered the "exotic": an exotic redolent of the nineteenth century racial imaginary but in which discourse the ethnic has supplanted the now banished "racial". In terms of popular everyday advertising and consumer practice "ethnic" now signifies exotic and authentic.

Restaurants are no longer vaunted as "exotic" but as "ethnic." A similar slippage from exotic to ethnic is to be found on an American web site promoting and selling "ethnic" food.

The site in question is that of EthnicGrocer.com -a mail-order site selling dried or canned food ingredients from around the world. These are represented as "Genuine" products, that is they are produced and packaged in the country whose cuisine they are meant to typify.

Once again the imagined exotic or ethnic is reduced to an equivalence -the food of the Other. We are presented with a veritable global "democracy" of comestible products in which the selected few -only a score of countries are represented -are given equal space.

China being no more or less important than Poland, we are called upon to accept a visual virtual utopia in which the Polish sausage can rub shoulders with the Peking duck.

"Click on a country to embark on an international culinary shopping spree" -"now the world is so small it fits on your plate." (Ethnic Grocer) But it is not just the jaded linguistic signs that are re-manipulated in this cyberspace exotic food bazaar, but also the image. How can a country be represented without the image -after all the Internet web page is increasingly constructed of and around the visual? When we click on a country, we click on an image. When we click on an image we get a country. In the teleology of the web page, cuisine thus becomes inevitably homogenized and nationalized in a pattern of popularized Heideggerian consumption: One image, one country, one cuisine.

As Laurent [START_REF] Gervereau | Glocalization". SearchCIO.com: a TechTarget site for CIO professionals[END_REF] has recently reminded us: The need for images reveals itself also as a need for metaphoric summation.…Pernicious simplifications get constructed in the name of the image -its complexity is feared. It must be brought to heel. (p. 480) 7

In the rather "innocent" web page under discussion, simplicity is privileged, complexity is eschewed. National cuisine is hegemonic. is privileged over local, regional cuisine, and each nation is represented by a non-culinary image. (But when and where does national cuisine exist, except perhaps in America where the globalized is the national?) China here is represented by a segment of bamboo stalk, France by wine glasses, Italy by a Venetian canal, Poland by a famous church, Japan by a geisha and an umbrella, the Philippines by a shadow and an umbrella, Spain by a bullfighter, Greece by its classical tradition, Mexico by an Aztec statue, India -incomprehensibly-by a camel, and Thailand by a Buddha.

As with film, here the still visual image displaces other senses; taste and smell are not yet electronically reproducible on a laptop. So olfactory and oral sensations are displaced, and their exotic character alluded to simplistically with images. Even when the website features pictures of cans of beans and plates of pasta, it is still the visual clichéd stereotype that is deployed to represent a national culinary culture.

The national so far has been mentioned only in passing, by allusion to the way it seems to be subsumed and eclipsed by the global. Yet the national is very much imbricated in the processes of globalization and glocalization. The national continues to exist in the sense that the product distributed and consumed by all those within the national boundaries, becomes the great leveller, the grand homogenizer. Mainly these products -such as milkderived products -are produced by multi-national companies such as the French-based Danone. These are, of course, global products, that sometimes are glocalized. For instance, the French supermarket Carrefour distributes non-Chinese and Chinese products in its China-based supermarkets. What matters is not what is consumed but the pattern of homogenized consumption, what is important is that what is consumed is consumed all over China, or for the moment all over modernized China, in other words, is consumed nationally. For local holders of power this is the global at the service of the national. Indeed, the process of globalization is essential to the completion of older national projects with equally unifying ambitions. In China, the standardisation of distribution and consumption, takes forward, completes the project of cultural nationalization, a project launched much later in Asia than in Europe. So that is why Starbucks can be found in the Forbidden City and not just in Hong Kong, and why McDonalds is in every town worth the name in China.

McDonaldization, then, is also the final phase, the accomplishment, of nationalization in the ex-Third World, in the BRICs, and Glocalization makes McDonaldization even more recuperable to the national project: the tentacles of a nineteenth-century process of modernization and nation-state building reaching down into hypermodern globality.

But globality, the time-space that all of us here today now inhabit, is not the bright uniformly coloured map of the world with which globalization's propaganda presents us.

The map is stained and blotched with the inequalities and injustices of populations left behind, left out, left struggling underneath, lost in the folds of the dimensional computergenerated models, and in the parentheses of post-modern academic discourse, sterilized and sanitized in the hegemony of the Greek suffixes that have reproduced themselves so intrusively in this presentation tonight.

They are hidden in the caves under the crags of the cliff faces of a thousand plateaux.

When present at all, they are metaphorically yet literally, bookishly yet cynically, written into the margins of our discursive strategies. And these dispossessed are not only the hundreds of millions of citizens of the BRICs, and the aspiring BRICs, who have yet to benefit from any form of modern life, but also the host of forgotten post-colonized in our midst. The north African women who clean up after us after we lock our office doors at day's end and leave behind the subalterns in the pages of our cultural studies manuals.

As academics we stand scientifically, neutrally, helplessly on the sidelines of a world dominated by the market, analysing and at times even critiquing the New World Order, only to find our words subverted and recuperated by business and business -ologists. At worst we are ourselves turned into the mediators, the passers of socio-economic conflict that goes veiled by the so-called cultural.

But as women and men of letters we should be capable of going beyond critique of the global, the local and the glocal, we should be capable of challenging the linguistic order within which we are all trapped, of contributing to a new poetics of a new world culture which as that bearded white male bourgeois radical, Karl Marx, predicted, will inevitably come. But will that culture be merely that of the globalized, the glocalized, the hyperlocalized, the mass customized homogenous product. Or is humankind still capable of turning and twisting the shabby, soul-less language of hypermodernity into a new poetry of everyday life in which alienation will be reversed, and separation overcome?

Gregory B. Lee Université de Lyon (Jean Moulin) IETT (EA4186)

1 NOTES For more on the theory of détournement and on Situationism in general see Ken Knabb (ed and trans) (1981). Situationist International Anthology. Berkeley, CA. : The Bureau of Public Secrets. An excellent summary and analysis of Debordian theory in French can be found in Anselme Jappe, Guy Debord, Pescara: Edizioni Tracce, 1993 (for the original Italian); Marseille: Via Valeriano, 1995 (for the French translation). See also for Debord's and other Situationist texts http://www.nothingness.org 2 Cornelius Castoriadis, radical French theorist of Greek origin, moved gradually over a period of twenty years starting in the immediate post-World War Two period, from a neo-Trotskyist critique of Soviet bloc communism to a fundamental critique of Marx's historical determinism. In particular, he ultimately demonstrates that Marx extrapolates to the whole of history ways of thinking that are appropriate and applicable only to Marx's own historical era, subsumes the diversity of global social forms under a schema making sense only for developed capitalist society . For a good analytical summary of Castoriadis's work see : Poirier, N. ( 2004), Castoriadis : L'imaginaire radical, Paris : PUF.

3 But importantly the French word spectacle also translates as "show", as in cabaret or theatre. 4 One of the outstanding examples of recent glocalization is that of the Internet search engine Google.

"

  authenticity" of the culinary dish placed before us, what matters is the processes constitutive of the Americanization of everyday life that have long since embedded themselves in, and transformed, local imaginaries and local realities. I have Taiwanese students who grew up with McDonalds; indeed, the first McDonalds this author ever visited was in downtown Taipei in 1978. For those students American fast food culture is already long since a normalized part of Taiwanese life. But now both in Taiwan and on mainland China there are local and glocalized fast food restaurants functioning like McDonalds.

Another business sphere term, an acronym for the Brazil, Russia, India, and China viewed as a group of emerging economies with large potential markets?

Edward Tanguay, review of Thomas Friedman's The Lexus and the Olive Tree cited in Stroupe.

« Le besoin d'images se révèle être aussi un besoin de résumés métaphoriques….Au nom de l'image, se construisent des simplifications pernicieuses. Sa complexité se voit crainte. Il faut l'asservir. »