Alexandra Vydrina

Martine Mme

Vanhove

M Dmitry

M Denis

Creissels Professeur

M Lolke

Van Der Veen

M Alexis Michaud

Annie Mme

Rialland

M Carlos Gussenhoven

Jeanne Zerner

Marie-Claude Simenone-Senelle

Guillaume Ségerer

Mark Van De Velde

Amina Mettouchi Thanks

Valentina Schiattarella

Nthatisi Bulane

Jean- François Nunez

Roula Skaf

Miriam Möller

Karina Tavares Moreira

Lora Litvinova

Alexis Michaud

Carlos Gussenhoven

Denis Creissels

Larry Hyman

Maria Konoshenko

Nadezhda Makeeva

Maria Khachaturyan

A corpus-based description of Kakabe, a Western Mande language: prosody in grammar

Keywords: Mande, African languages, prosody, syllable, tone, downdrift, intonation, floating tone, tone spread Mande, African languages, prosody, syllable, tone, downdrift, intonation, floating tone, tone spread

with me the PhD working space and all the joys and hardships of thesis writing. I am greatly indebted to Christian Chanard, whose help with formatting and programming was so essential for the creation of the dictionary and the corpus.

From 2013 to 2015 I benefited from the support of the ELDP, apart from the financial help this was an invaluable opportunity for learning the essentials in the methodology of language documentation. I am grateful to the MIT linguistics

This thesis investigates various aspects of phonology and grammar in Kakabe, a hitherto undescribed Mande language. The aim of the study is to provide a unified account of the segmental phonology, the tonal system and the intonational patterns of Kakabe, accompanied by a short grammatical description of the language. In offering a grammatical sketch and a thorough phonological description, this thesis increases the knowledge on little-known Mande languages. Even for those Mande languages that have been described, detailed accounts of tonal, and, especially, intonational phenomena are difficult to come by. Apart from increasing the knowledge in the domain of Mande studies, this research project is intended as a contribution to phonological theory, in particular, the typology of tonal and intonational systems. Sentence-level prosody in languages with lexical tones is a domain which has received very little attention until recently and one of the aims of the present study is to contribute to filling this gap. Finally, the analysis of the various aspects of the Kakabe pragmatics, morphology and syntax, may be of interest for the typological studies of these domains.

Phonological processes in speech

The present study is oriented towards the description of phonological phenomena in natural discourse. Many of the processes which are analyzed in this thesis have a probabilistic rather than a categorical nature, therefore the only way to account for them was to investigate the distribution of the linguistic forms in real speech. I have tried to follow the model of description "in which predictable patterns are not separated from representation, where lexicon and grammar are interwoven as are the specific and the general" (Bybee 2007: 7). Following [START_REF] Ohala | Coarticulation and Phonology[END_REF] I pay particular attention to the distinction between "real-time" and fossilized phonological processes.

Lexical tone and tonal operations

The central topic within the autosegmental phonology approach [START_REF] Goldsmith | Autosegmental phonology[END_REF], which is adopted here, is the association between the elements of the tonal and the segmental tiers.

Tones end up being linked to prosodic units, situated at the bottom of the prosodic hierarchy, to moras or to syllables depending on the type of the language. Apart from that, the phonological realization of tones can depend on a large number of tonal processes, which are sensitive to the boundaries of prosodic units occupying different positions in the prosodic hierarchy. Pitch distinctions can be used in a variety of ways, both in terms of the meanings and functions that they convey, and in how they are organized with respect to metrical units of the language. Pitch distinctions can be specified for each or several syllables of the word, only for one, namely, the accented syllable, or, finally, there may be one intonation pattern for the whole utterance. According to the commonly accepted definition of Hyman (2006: 229), tone languages are characterized by the use of pitch distinctions in the expression of lexical meaning. Within the class of tone languages, the use of pitch oppositions for lexical or grammatical distinctions can be organized in a large variety of ways. In some languages, such as Mandarin Chinese, lexical tones are assigned to most syllables. In other tonal languages, it is common for syllables to remain unspecified for tone at the lexical level and to be assigned tone by the application of tonal processes.

Kakabe belongs to the latter category. In general, the distance between underlying and surface tones is rather important in Kakabe. The tonology of this language features such processes as H tone insertion due to OCP, floating L, optional deletion of tones of personal pronouns, shift of H tone to the following L-toned syllable etc. Tonal morphology is not very rich, though. One of the few processes that can be attributed to this category is the tonal compounding, whereby in a complex NP, the tones of all but the first element are deleted.

The present study provides a thorough account of the realization of tonal processes. The investigation is based mostly on the analysis of data from a corpus of natural texts which makes it possible to account for the patterns of variation of these processes.

Tone and intonation

It is commonly accepted that tone and intonation are not mutually exclusive, but in tone languages intonation is often minimized or non-existent [START_REF] Cruttenden | Intonation. Cambridge textbooks in linguistics[END_REF][START_REF] Arvaniti | The Autosegmental-Metrical model of intonational phonology[END_REF][START_REF] Michaud | Prosodie de langues à tons (naxi et vietnamien), prosodie de l'anglais : éclairages croisés[END_REF]2008;2017;[START_REF] Michaud | Tone and intonation: introductory notes and practical recommendations[END_REF]. Certain functions of the "intonational" domain can be taken up by other modules of the language: by segmental morphology, by lexical tone or by syntax.

When the distinctions between types of illocutionary force can be rendered by tones which are realized at the edges of prosodic elements, they are usually treated as intonational phenomena (Gussenhoven 2007a;[START_REF] Ladd | Intonational phonology[END_REF][START_REF] Pierrehumbert | The phonology and phonetics of English intonation[END_REF]. At the same time, the cases discussed in these works concern languages with either no lexical tones, as English, German, or languages where the lexical tone distinction is restricted to the stressed syllable, e.g. Swedish and Japanese. In languages such as Kakabe, tone is (primarily) lexical and grammatical: even though, in Kakabe the tonal contrasts are also limited within a morpheme, yet, its tonology is different from the cases like Swedish and Japanese since the tonal oppositions are not restricted to one culminative syllable within a prosodic word. As shown in Chapter 6, the boundary tones in Kakabe display the same phonological behavior as lexical tones.

Another consideration relevant for the discussion about whether the boundary tones should be treated as lexical tones or as intonation is the fact that the distinctions between types of illocutionary force can be rendered by segmental particles (final, or not as the clitics in Wackernagel position), and are usually described within morphology or syntax, e.g. the clitic li in Russian. In other words, in the same way as lexical and grammatical meanings can be expressed either through segments or through tones, sentence-level meanings can be expressed by intonational operations, but also by segmental morphemes or by tones.

Focus in the large sense and its expression in Kakabe

One of the main topic of the present study, in particular in the chapters on suprasegmental phonology and in the grammar sketch, is the expression of information structure categories.

I show the necessity to treat contrastive and information constituent focus in relation to a larger domain of focus-related phenomena. I follow the approach in which focus is understood as a larger category than contrastive and information focus. Focus can be viewed as a "multifunctional" category [START_REF] Hovarth | Focus in the Theory of Grammar and the Syntax of Hungarian[END_REF][START_REF] Giannakidou | Positive Polarity Items and Negative Polarity Items: Variation, Licensing, and Compositionality[END_REF] targeted by different focusrelated categories: information and contrastive foci, interrogative phrases, polarity items, etc. The common base of these categories is the set of alternatives, triggered by the element in focus and which makes the latter the informational center of the utterance.

In this framework, interrogative phrases are viewed as inherently focused, since they also give rise to alternatives. This approach is supported by the ever growing amount of empirical evidence. Many authors have observed that there is a close typological link between the grammar of question formation and the grammar of focusing [START_REF] Eckardt | Inherent focus of wh-phrases[END_REF]): focus and question constituents sharing a common position, e.g. in Hungarian [START_REF] Hovarth | Focus in the Theory of Grammar and the Syntax of Hungarian[END_REF]); focus and questions sharing a common particle, e.g. [START_REF] Miriungi | Wh-questions in Kitharaka[END_REF]; focus and questions sharing a common prosody [START_REF] Haida | Focus and Questions[END_REF].

In Kakabe the affinity between constituent focus and question phrases surfaces in a number of aspects. The particle lè, apart from marking constituent focus, in certain cases accompanies interrogative words (2.6.2.5). Apart from that, interrogative phrases (with or without lè) display the same distributional patterns as focused constituents in identificational constructions (2.3.1).

Another category which belongs to focus in the larger sense, is the category of polarity items. In contrast to the constituent (contrast or information) focus that gives rise to unstructured sets of alternatives, polarity items trigger hierarchically organized sets of alternatives [START_REF] Krifka | The semantics and pragmatics of polarity items[END_REF][START_REF] Hoeksma | On the natural history of negative polarity items[END_REF][START_REF] Haspelmath | Indefinite pronouns. Oxford studies in typology and linguistic theory[END_REF][START_REF] Horn | Pick a theory (not just any theory): Indiscriminatives and the freechoice indefinite[END_REF]. I argue that in Kakabe polarity items are marked by intonational pitch rise (6.5.3), which is also associated with assertion focus.

Apart from the types of focus mentioned above, predicative focus plays a central role in the system of grammatical markers of Kakabe, being an integral part of predication markers along with aspect and polarity (2.2).

Language-internal and family-internal variation

Throughout the thesis, I discuss patterns of dialectal variation which in some cases yield hypotheses about the diachronic development. One of the examples is the distribution of the reduced allomorph of the perfective auxiliary báti. The reduction of the second syllable is accompanied by total assimilation in Central and Western Kakabe, and only by partial assimilation in Northern Kakabe. The analysis of the frequency distribution of the allomorphs in different phonological contexts suggest a particular scenario of how the assimilation could have evolved from partial to general (4.5).

Apart from that, certain phenomena are described in the perspective of their realization across Mande languages. For example, I analyze the emergence of the non-segmental L marker of referentiality. In a number of Western Mande languages, the marking of the referen-tial status reflects various stages of phonetic erosion, where the starting point is the syllable of a demonstrative and the most advance stage is the floating L without any segmental manifestation. The comparison of the data of these languages shows that L tone recurrently displays the tendency to shift to the right when the syllable to which it is originally linked is already associated with a H tone (5.9.1).

Language contact and core vs. periphery organization of the lexicon

Apart from the dialectal variation, another important issue for the understanding of phonological system is the organization of the lexicon with respect to the nativization of foreign lexemes. Using the model of the 'core-periphery' organization of the lexicon [START_REF] Itô | The Core-Periphery Structure of the Lexicon and Constraints on Reranking[END_REF][START_REF] Chitoran | The phonology of Romanian: a constraint-based approach[END_REF][START_REF] Friesner | The adaptation of Romanian loanwords from Turkish and French[END_REF], the lexicon of Kakabe is organized into the following strata:

(1.1) native core vocabulary:

Mokole vocabulary, including nativized ancient Arabic loans foreign assimilated vocabulary:

Pular loans foreign non-assimilated vocabulary:

recent French and Pular loans

The stratum defines the level of phonological constraints which must be respected:

The issue of the nativization of loanwords has been discussed in terms of a 'coreperiphery' organization of the lexicon. Such a model suggests that peripheral lexical items may be exceptional with regard to certain constraints of the recipient language. The typical path for a foreign borrowing is thus to enter the language in the periphery and then optionally become fully or partially nativized, usually by changing its surface form to obey the previously violated constraints (Friesner 2009: 115).

Throughout the chapters on segmental phonology I discuss the processes which are sensitive to the core-periphery stratification of the lexicon. A special section is dedicated to its description in Chapter 3 (3.4).

Structure of the thesis

The first volume of the thesis consists of a grammar sketch (Chapter 2) and two parts, describing segmental and suprasegmental phonology, respectively. In Part I, Chapter 3 is dedicated to the description of the segmental phonological contrasts engaged at the underlying level. It also includes the description of phonotactic constraints (Section 3.3) and specific phonotactic patterns that are attested in loanwords (Section 3.4). Chapter 4 gives an account of the rules of segmental phonological realization. In Part II, I discuss tones and other prosodic phenomena. Chapter 5 is dedicated to the analysis of tonal representation, including the underlying representation and the rules of phonological tone realization. Chapter 6 discusses the realization of sentence-level prosody involving tonal patterns and intonational processes.

Data and methodology

The main data source for the current study is the Kakabe corpus consisting of natural texts that I gathered in the course of my fieldtrips. The observation of continuous natural speech was complemented by elicitation.

Kakabe corpus

The lists of the texts with some additional information is represented in Appendix C.

A considerable part of the corpus consists of natural conversations between the inhabitants of the villages, where, on the average, from three to six speakers are involved. The monologues include procedural texts, historical and personal narratives.

All the texts in my corpus are transcribed and glossed. Their total duration is more than twelve hours. The texts recorded in 2013 and 2015 are time-aligned with audio and video with the ELAN software. They are available online at the website of Endangered Languages Archive at SOAS 1 . The texts recorded from 2008 to 2011 are glossed in Toolbox and have audio files corresponding to them, but are not yet available online.

Fieldwork and contributors

In the course of my research project I have worked in a considerable number of villages where Kakabe is spoken. In every fieldtrip I had one main consultant for each dialect with whom I 1. https://elar.soas.ac.uk/Collection/MPI43300 conducted most part of the elicitation and the transcription of texts. In 2008, while I was still a BA student, I worked on Central Kakabe staying at Sokotoro village and working with Alfa Bakar Doumbouya as my main consultant.

In the three following fieldtrips, in 2009, 2011 and 2012, I changed my object of research to Central Kakabe, working in the first fieldtrip with Samba Nyouma Keïta and in the second and third fieldtrips with Mammadou Condé as main consultants.

In the fieldtrip of 2013-2014 I collected data on all three dialects of Kakabe. I made a dialectal survey and stayed at different villages all over the area where Kakabe is spoken. The aim was to collect the information on the dialectal distribution of Kakabe, make estimation of the total amount of speakers and to continue the gathering of texts for the Kakabe corpus. In the course of this survey I collected data on Northern, Western and Central Kakabe. I also made records of Kuru-Maninka and Wure-Kaba, which are linguistically close to the preceding three varieties, see the discussion in Section 1.3.2. The data of Kuru-Maninka and Wure-Kaba are not analyzed in the present study, but they are available at Endangered Languages Archive and part of it is transcribed.

The almost exhaustive list of Kakabe speakers who contributed to the current research project is given in Appendix B. Below I give the names of my main consultants by year of work and the dialect:

• Central Kakabe:

-Alfa Bakar Doumbouya from the Sokotoro village in 2008; -Ansoumane Camara from the Dogomet village in 2013 and 2015.

• Western Kakabe:

-Amadou Maka from the Kouroupampa village in 2013.

• Northern Kakabe:

-Samba Nyouma Keïta from the Mansaya village in 2009; -Mammadou Condé from the Mansaya village in 2011 and 2012.

These were the main consultants for the elicitation sessions as well as for the transcription of texts. At the same time, when it was important to observe the variation across speakers, I carried out elicitation with a bigger number of consultants.

Workflow

Recording

Most of the recordings I did (especially in 2013 and 2014) consist of conversations among groups of inhabitant of the villages where I stayed. Many of them were organized by one person, who took the lead in animating the conversation. For example, in the Nyamayara village (Central Kakabe area), Mammadou Camara organized the people who were around in several groups (he is in light brown shirt on the photograph in 1.1) . He led conversation with school children about their school life (text Nr. 1 in Appendix C), with young women about their work in the kitchen garden, rearing children and the work of their husbands (text Nr. 1 in Appendix C), with small children about the games that they play in the bush (text Nr. 17), etc.

The recordings were done with a videocamera (Panasonic HC X920) and an external microphone of the type "Shotgun"(Audiotechnica Line and gradient Condenser AT897) 2 plugged to it, as can be seen on the photograph on Figure 1.1. The Shotgun microphone is highly efficient in eliminating the surrounding noise, and it allowed to obtain a rather good quality of sound even in situations where many speakers were present, as in the recording in the Kouroupampa village illustrated by the photograph on Figure 1.2 below. In the Western Kakabe villages the role of the animator of the conversation was, in most situations, assumed by Amadou Maka from Kouroupampa village (he can be seen squatting in front of the group of man on the photograph in 1.2 below). He led conversations in the Kouroupampa, Laboko and Djinkoya villages (texts Nr. 32-39 in Appendix C). I recorded his discussions with carpenters showing their work (text Nr. 32), with smiths in the smithy in Kouroupampa (text Nr. 32) and then in Labiko (text Nr. 38) and with groups or elders about their work, their relations with the neighboring villages, about the colonial times, etc.

Lastly, in the Northern Kakabe villages, the conversations were led by Samba Nyouma Keïta, former teacher at the local primary school. After each recording I took down the names of the speakers and their year of birth. The metadata was afterwards recorded in Arbil format.

Data processing

The transcription was done with one main consultant (see 1.2.2 above). Before proceeding to the transcription session, I segmented the audio files in ELAN, aiming at the correspondence of each segment to an intonation phrase. During the common work with the consultant, first, we listened to and watched the whole conversation or monologue (or to a big section of it) and then to each of the prepared segments. We discussed the appropriate transcription and the meaning and I noted it down directly in ELAN 3 . The process of transcription was accompanied by elements of elicitation and by the work on the dictionary, when new lexemes or unknown markers or constructions appeared in the text.

The ELAN transcription was imported to Toolbox to be (semi-)automatically glossed with the lexical database, which I have been compiling in Toolbox starting from my first fieldtrip. This lexical database currently consists of 3400 entries and it was the basis of the dictionary, presented as the second volume of the thesis and published in an earlier version in [START_REF] Vydrina | Dictionnaire de la langue kakabé suivi d'un index françaiskakabé[END_REF]. When the glossing of the texts was done, they were re-imported in ELAN. I started recording video and using ELAN since the 2013 fieldtrip. Before that, from 2008 to 2011, I recorded only audio and did the glossing and the transcription only in Toolbox, without timealigning the transcription with audio in ELAN. The texts without time alignment constitute one third of the corpus.

For corpus queries I used mainly ELAN-Corpa, the search tool developed by Ch. Chanard, Design Engeneer at LLACAN research unit 4 . ELAN-Corpa is faster, as compared to ELAN, in processing queries across a big number of ELAN files (26 in my case). An example of such queries is illustrated in Figure 1.3 below.

Elicitation

As has been said above, observations form continuous speech were the main source of the thesis. Nevertheless, not all needed combinations of elements can be found in texts, therefore systematic elicitation was also necessary. It was the only way to complement the lexicon. First, the absence of an item in the corpus does not imply its absence in the language. Second, even if the word occurs in the corpus, its occurrence is often not sufficient to establish its grammatical properties and semantics.

In the phonological part of my research I recorded the pronunciation of various lexical and grammatical morphemes in a series of contexts. For example, the pronunciation of personal pronouns was recorded in the following contexts: in possessor position juxtaposed to the head noun or separated from it by the possessor linker, in direct object position, in subject position, etc. I used the Tense-Mood-Aspect Questionnaire of [START_REF] Dahl | Tense and aspect systems[END_REF] in a version adapted to the local settings, as well as a number of other questionnaires: on adverbial clause [START_REF] Hengeveld | Questionnaire: the internal structure of adverbial clauses[END_REF] 5 relative clauses, quantifiers and distributivity of S. Tatevosov, the expression of exclamation etc. I developed a questionnaire with which I analyzed the use of a specialized reflexive pronoun (2.6.1.4), in order to estimate the possibility of its use depending on the type of the subordinate clause and on the predicate of the main clause.

In order to examine the interaction between the lexical meaning of the verbs and various grammatical categories such as aspect, modality, transitivity, verbal plurality etc., I compiled a database of 200 verbs for Northern Kakabe and a database of 220 verbs for Central Kakabe. Each verbal lexeme was tested for its compatibility with the markers of verbal plurality, causative, and I analyzed how the interpretation of aspectual markers changes across the verbal lexemes.

Kakabe and its speakers

This section provides some information about the social reality standing behind what is referred to as "Kakabe" in this research.

It is not a common practice among linguists describing African languages to dwell on the problematic character of the term "language", see [START_REF] Lüpke | Repertoires and choices in african languages[END_REF] about it:

Just as there are no fixed languages or fixed linguistic identities, there is no fixed alignment of linguistic practice with ethnically or otherwise construed aspects of identity. Rather, choices depending on domains, contexts, addressees and many other factors have a large role to play in determining which register and repertoire will be used. While there is ample discussion of these issues in the vast literature on the ethnography of speaking, on sociolinguistics and variation, on languages in education and on language ideologies, it is our feeling that such a view of communication has not been taken up by mainstream descriptive and documentary linguists, in particular in the Africanist tradition, in which we ourselves have been trained (2013,2).

In this perspective, it is essential to keep in mind that, as [START_REF] Lüpke | Pure fiction -the interplay of indexical and essentialist language ideologies and heterogeneous practices: A view from Agnack. Language Documentation and Conservation[END_REF] put it, "languages are not purely linguistic entities but constructs relying on shared identity according to a number of social, political, historical, religious and other factors" (2016: 10). Language is a sociopolitical status, which a linguistic variety enjoys if it is recognized by institutions. In the 5. https://www.eva.mpg.de/lingua/tools-at-lingboard/pdf/ET_5_4_Hengeveld_IS_QUEST.pdf case of the absence of standardization, a linguistic practice can acquire this status by the work missionaries and linguists (see [START_REF] Blommaert | Artefactual ideologies and the textual production of African languages[END_REF]; [START_REF] Lüpke | Repertoires and choices in african languages[END_REF] on the role of these actors in creating "named" languages). I am aware that, in the case of Kakabe, which lacked so far any official status, the current work by the very fact of its existence, in particular the publication of the dictionary, contributes to its creation as a "named language".

Multilingualism and language ideologies applied to Kakabe

In general, multilingualism and mobile language identity, associated with it, are rather the norm than an exception for Western Africa, see, in particular [START_REF] Lüpke | Repertoires and choices in african languages[END_REF]. As [START_REF] Lüpke | Pure fiction -the interplay of indexical and essentialist language ideologies and heterogeneous practices: A view from Agnack. Language Documentation and Conservation[END_REF] demonstrates on the basis of a detailed ethnographic analysis, language ideologies and identities in the Casamance region of Senegal are often indexical rather then essentialist, in the sense that a person usually does not have a unique language identity but rather activates parts of his linguistic repertoire and identity according to the situation. This is fully applicable to the object of the present study. The lingua franca of the Fouta-Djallon is the Pular variety of Fula, an Atlantic language. Most Kakabe speakers also speak Pular. The only exception where Pular can be absent from the linguistic repertoire of a Kakabe speaker is the Fello-Njandi district, where Kakabe has a particularly strong position. Moreover, inhabitants of Pular villages in this area claim, at least, to understand Kakabe.

In general, Kakabe speakers possess a repertoire of languages which can include, apart from Kakabe, Pular, Maninka and often Susu and French. Accordingly, for people of this area it is not uncommon to interchangeably use several of these languages (except for French, for evident reasons) when referring to their identity. The Kakabe identity is mostly internal, and it is changed to Pular or Maninka when the Kakabe speaker is outside of his village. Of course, the activation of each of the available language ideologies is not arbitrary, and extensive ethnographic work is needed to describe these patterns. To cite one example, Ansoumane Camara, one of my main consultants "is" Susu since his father came from Conakry and mostly spoke Susu, and he is Kakabe when opposed to Fulbe, finally he can also be Maninka at the level of national identity. Dogomet, the subprefecture administrative center, hosts a rural radio station which broadcast programs in Kakabe, along with programs in Pular and Maninka. The transmissions of this radio station can be received only in the villages of the Central Kakabe area, and neither Western Kakabe, nor Northern Kakabe speakers can listen to its broadcasting. Photographs in 1.4 and 1.5 below show Kakabe, Pular and Maninka in two timetables, hanging in the building of the radio station. Note the varying spelling of the languages name: KAKKABHE on the first image and KAKABE on the second image. In 2015, when I published the Kakabe-French dictionary, a celebration was organized for this occasion for a people from a dozen villages from Dogomet and Saramoussaya subprefectures. The village of Fello-Njandi was chosen for the event as the historical and cultural center of the Kakabe community. This village is located at a considerable distance from any important road, which made it more difficult for some people to attend to the event. At the same time, this inconvenience was inevitable and the very fact that the cultural and social center of Kakabe is isolated in terms of transport and administration reflects the social status of the Kakabe language, which has been politically and socially dominated for several centuries. The event was organized with the participation of the administration of the subprefecture of Dogomet and partly the administration of the prefecture of Dabola. The official part of the celebration consisted of the reception of the official delegation composed by the administration of the representatives of the subprefecture and the prefecture and the radio and their address to the Kakabe speakers. Apart from the dictionary, an alphabet book was printed and distributed during the celebration. Figure 1.7: The Kakabe dictionary celebration in Fello-Njandi, "Ecole primaire de Fello-Njandi", January 7th, 2015.

Nuclear and peripheral Kakabe

The situation in the area of the Fouta-Djallon plateau in Guinea, where Kakabe is spoken, is characterized by a high linguistic diversity and by the absence of clear boundaries for varieties spoken in continuous spaces. Now, the dominant language in this area is Pular, by which Kakabe is surrounded, and a number of villages which are divided between Pular and Kakabe families. It covers most of the South-Eastern quarter of Fouta-Djallon and approaches in the South-East the Maninka dialectal continuum and the zone of Koranko, a Mokole language. Apart from Kakabe, there are other villages with non-Fulbe population with linguistic varieties similar to Kakabe. These are Wure-Kaba, Kuru-Maninka and also villages where CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 38 Fouta-Maninka is spoken, a variety between Kakabe and Maninka. These Fouta Maninka villages became known due to the project on Manden dialectology carried out by A. Davydov since 2012. According to [START_REF] Davydov | Manden dialects of Guinea and standard Maninka[END_REF]2014), these idioms have Kakabe morphology with mainly Maninka vocabulary. This is complicated by multilingualism and the mobility of the linguistic identity, omnipresent in the area. This means that not only is it sometimes impossible to delimit continuous geographic areas associated with one linguistic variety, but individuals within this areas usually have complex linguistic identities.

There is no simple answer to the question whether the Kakabe villages, on the one hand, and Wure-Kaba, Kuru-Maninka and the Fouta-Maninka villages, on the other hand, should be considered as belonging to one linguistic area. The criterion of shared identity does not yield any unambiguous solution. Wure-Kaba, Kuru-Maninka and Fouta-Maninka call themselves Maninka and never Kakabe. At the same time, the identification as Maninka is possible for people of Kakabe villages also. In the light of the above said, it is clear that the dialectal subdivision and the inclusion of linguistic varieties in one language or considering them as different languages, has to be arbitrary at least to some extent (unless there exists any relevant political or administrative criteria). In this thesis I decided to group all the mentioned varieties as belonging to one language, Kakabe. This reflects the fact that Wure-Kaba and Kuru-Maninka varieties are closer to the Nuclear Kakabe dialects than to Maninka6 . I refer to the varieties spoken in villages where people identify themselves as Kakabe as Nuclear-Kakabe, and to the Wure-Kaba, Kuru-Manika and the Fouta-Maninka varieties as Non-nuclear Kakabe. It is true that the only identity shared by the speakers of all of these varieties is Maninka. Therefore, for example, naming it as "the Fouta-Maninka language" would reflect better the existence of, at least, a potential shared identity between the speakers of all these varieties. Yet, the choice of the name "Kakabe" can be justified by the fact that it is more specific.

Nuclear Kakabe are divided into three dialectal zones (see map on page 1.8):

• Nuclear Kakabe dialects:

-Northern Kakabe (NK): villages of the Kankalabe subprefecture, to the North from of Tene river;

-Western Kakabe (WK): villages between Timbo in the East and the Tene river in the North;

Within Mokole, the language, closest to Kakabe is Mogofin (also called Mixifore). The speakers of the language to which go back Mogofin and Kakabe supposedly divided in the course of the 18th century, when Mogofin people moved from Fouta-Djallon to the region of Boke, in the North-West of the present Guinea (N'Daou 1999). Kakabe and Mogofin are mutually-intellegible, but they are not contiguous geographically.

Kakabe map

The Kakabe map on page 1.8 shows the Kakabe language, including three dialects of the Nuclear Kakabe (NK, WK and CK), Wure-Kaba and Kuru-Maninka. This representation should, of course, be taken as a very rough approximation, considering, what has been said previously about the absence of objective clear limits between the linguistic areas.

It is based on the data collected during my fieldtrip in November 2013 -January 2014. One of the aims of that fieldtrip was to investigate the dialectal distribution and variation in Kakabe. I visited a number of villages in different parts of the Kakabe-speaking part of Fouta-Djallon. In each of the villages where I stayed, I worked with the village elders and the members of local administration noting the names of the villages where Kakabe is spoken and the approximate number of inhabitants. This information served as the basis for the creation of the map on page 19, created in collaboration with the cartographer Jérôme Picard. The list of the villages with some additional information is given in Appendix A. It was established that the Kakabe area is considerably bigger, than represented previously, cf. [START_REF] Vydrin | Mandé language family of West Africa : Location and genetic classification[END_REF]. In particular, I found that there is an area to the East of the Bafing river with several dozens of Kakabe-speaking villages (the villages of the Dogomet and Oure Kaba sub-prefectures in Appendix A), which passed unnoticed in the previous research on Mokole languages.

Language names

'Kakabe' goes back to the frenchified version of the Pular word kakkaɓe, which can be translated as 'non-Fulbe population of a land governed by Fulbe' 9 . It is a term used for all Kakabe speakers. The languages is called kákkabɛ kúlè, and, more rarely (fúla)jɔn kúlè (with the variants (fúla)yɔnkulè in Northern and Western Kakabe areas) 'the languages of the slaves of Fulbe', where kákkabɛ is rendered by the native Kakabe word fúlajɔn. In the central part of the Kakabe area more precisely in the villages, belonging to the Saramoussaya and the Dogomet subprefectures, Kakabe speakers use the word álmaamiya to refer to the Kakabe area and álmaamiyakulè for the Kakabe language. Both are derived from Almaami (Almamy, Almani, Almany), a term which is used in West Africa to refer to Muslim religious and military leaders (Ogot 1999). The Ethnologue language code is kke, and in the Glottolog database it appears under the code kaka1265.

The origin of these denominations reflects the fact that during the jihad performed by Islamized Fulbe in the 18th century, Kakabe (alongside Jalonke and some Maninka) found themselves in a subordinate position towards the conquerors. Those who refused to become subjugated to the Fulbe migrated to the West; Mogofin are their descendants. 9. See the variation in spelling illustrated by photographs on pages 35 and 36.

Geographical distribution and the number of speakers

Kakabe is spoken in the center of Fouta-Djallon, a highland region in the center of Guinea. It is highly probable that the ancestors of Kakabe and Mogofin (and, probably, speakers of other Mokole languages, now extinct) were among the most ancient inhabitants of Fouta-Djallon, so that today's Kakabe and Mogofin are just remainders of a much more important language community (or rather a language continuum). The Kakabe villages are represented mainly in the Mamou region, and a small part of them are in the Faranah region to the East and in the Labé region to the North, see Map on page 19.

As for the "number of speakers", I am aware of the dangers of surrendering to the "irresistible power of numbers", denounced by [START_REF] Lüpke | Repertoires and choices in african languages[END_REF] in this question. The notion of the number of speakers makes part of the common descriptivist machinery which contributes to the objectification of language, first of all, because it relies on the assumption that an individual can be identified by one native language:

One should not get hung up on a discussion of speaker numbers, as their significance is more than disputable in the light of the often multiple and changeable identities that prevail -a point we have been making throughout this book. Many Africans qualify as speakers of a number of languages, and any attempt at assigning native language status to one of them and second language status to others must fail, given the nature and development of repertoires in multilingual environments (Lüpke & Storch 2013: 271-272) In particular, they criticize the practice of extrapolating the number of speakers numbers based on the estimation produced but the colonial government. Nevertheless, I find it a lesser evil to have a number which would reflect the cumulative estimations by the Kakabe speakers themselves, than not giving any number at all, which would perpetuate the circulation of numbers which have even less justification.

During my survey in Fouta-Djallon in 2013-2014, in every new village where I stayed, I questioned the village chiefs and the members of the local administration, noting the names of the closest villages where Kakabe is spoken and the approximate number of their inhabitants. The number of Kakabe speakers is 50,000 according to my estimations. It is based on the information collected during my fieldtrips in approximately ten villages in different parts of the Kakabe area. The total number of 50,000 Kakabe speakers results from the addition of the numbers provided by the authorities. The list of villages and the estimated numbers of their inhabitants are given in Appendix A. It should be noted that the Guinean census (http://www.stat-guinee.org) does not provide any numbers concerning ethnic or linguistic identification 10 .

The three dialects of Nuclear Kakabe

The Nuclear Kakabe area (the Kakabe excluding Kuru-Maninka and Wure-Kaba, see 1.3.2) shows properties of a geographical dialectal continuum, following the definition by [START_REF] Chambers | Dialectology. Cambridge textbooks in linguistics[END_REF]:

At no point is there a complete break such that geographically adjacent dialects are not mutually intelligible, but the cumulative effect of the linguistic differences will be such that the greater the geographical separation, the greater the difficulty of comprehension (Chambers & Trudgill 1998: 5).

The Nuclear Kakabe dialect continuum stretches, roughly, from the North-West to the South-East. The schema of localization on Figure 1.9 below is designed to represent linguistic and geographic distance between the dialects. NK is closer to WK than to CK linguistically, and CK is closer to WK. NK stands slightly apart from the rest of the Kakabe area, which is reflected in the map by a different color used for that area. There is no geographical continuity between NK and WK, and little communication between Kakabe living in these two areas. Contrary to that, WK and CK represent one uninterrupted zone. On the map, the southernmost Kakabe area is shown as an enclave separated from the rest of the CK area. The zone between the Fello-Njandi village in the North and the Bantaferenya village in the South is supposedly very scarcely populated and is considered, by the inhabitants to the North and to the South of it, as wilderness. At the same time, no linguistic differences were noted between the Kakabe in the Bantaferenya village, which belongs to the southern pocket of CK, and the villages in the core part of the CK zone. The influence of Pular is stronger to the North-West, and in the South-East Maninka is more the dominant language, though Pular is also present. This difference is reflected in the amount of lexical borrowings from Pular, which are more numerous in NK and WK that in CK, and also in the fact that NK has a morphological passive, which is apparently a structural borrowing from Pular, whereas in WK and CK passive is unmarked.

Dialectal variation is discussed throughout the thesis. Certain features, subject to variation across the Kakabe dialects, are grouped in Table 1

Previous research on Kakabe and other Mokole languages

Until very recently, Mokole languages, and especially Kakabe, were profoundly neglected by linguists. Only Koranko has a grammar and a dictionary (Kastenholz 1987a(Kastenholz , 1987b)). There is a M.A. thesis by Jacqueline Janse on Mogofin in Dutch (1999a) published also as a grammar sketch in French (Janse 1999b). The only publication on Lele is a short sketch by Vydrin (2009a). The very existence of Kakabe had passed practically unnoticed, seemingly because it was usually taken for Maninka. The two languages are relatively close to each other; Kakabe and Maninka villages are often intermingled; Kakabe and Maninka occupy the same social niche in Fouta-Djallon, etc. Kakabe was the object of a M.A. thesis by A. [START_REF] Keita | Étude descriptive du Kakabhe[END_REF], but defended at the University of Kankan in Guinea forty years ago, it is unfortunately inaccessible. Abdourahmane Diallo, a specialist of Pular spoken in Fouta-Djallon, published his observations concerning Mande, in particular Kakabe, influence on Pular in [START_REF] Diallo | Language contact between Mande and Atlantic in Guinea[END_REF]2006), Kakabe is also mentioned in his sociolinguistic survey of the languages of Guinea [START_REF] Diallo | Les langues de Guinée: une approche sociolinguistique[END_REF]. In his article "Le kakkabe entre pidgin et langue minoritaire" ["Kakabe between pidgin and a minority language" ] ( 2006), Diallo discusses some contact phenomena between Kakabe and Pular and provides sociolinguistic information about Kakabe. Though he rejects the hypothesis that Kakabe is a pidgin, the statement of the question itself eloquently speaks of the state of the knowledge about Kakabe at that moment and about its low sociolinguistic status. See also the description of Kakabe by Voeltz (1996: 14): "argot de pular et maninkakan parlé à Mamou" ["an argot of Pular and Maninkakan spoken in Mamou" ].

My previous work on Kakabe includes the Kakabe-French dictionary (2015), reproduced with some amendments in Appendix C of this thesis, publications on different aspects of the phonology of Kakabe [START_REF] Vydrina | Vowel length in the Kakabe language[END_REF]2009a;2013), on the verbal plurality marker [START_REF] Vydrina | Verbal plurality marker in the Kakabe language[END_REF]) on the morphological passive in Northern Kakabe [START_REF] Vydrina | Passive marker in the North-Western dialect of the Kakabe language[END_REF]) and the unmarked passive in Western and Central Kakabe (Vydrina 2011a), the modal and discursive functions of the subjunctive auxiliary [START_REF] Vydrina | From agent-oriented modality to sequential: The polysemy of the marker ni in Kakabe (Mande)[END_REF]. A short general description of Kakabe was published this year [START_REF] Vydrina | Kakabe[END_REF]. Together with V. Vydrin we published a preliminary dialectology of Kakabe [START_REF] Vydrin | An outline of Kakabe dialectology[END_REF] and an article about the influence of Pular of various aspects of Kakabe grammar [START_REF] Vydrin | Impact of Pular on the Kakabe language (Futa Jallon, Guinea)[END_REF]).

Model of representation

This description uses a model with two levels of representation: the underlying representation (UR) and the surface representation (SR).

I follow the derivational approach which goes back to the model of [START_REF] Chomsky | The Sound Pattern of English[END_REF], see also [START_REF] Mccarthy | Derivations and levels of representation[END_REF] for a recent discussion of the framework. At the underlying level every morpheme has a unique representation, except for suppletion. The transition from UR to SR is mediated by phonological processes. The number of intermediate levels resulting from the application of phonological processes is indeterminate. The application of phonological processes is ordered. The output of phonological derivation, the surface phonological representation, is the input for phonetic implementation.

The UR consists of lexically specified phonological features. The SR reflects how the underlying representation is realized in the context of the utterance, which results from the application of the realization rules. Below the passage from one level to the other is illustrated on the example of the phrase kà ɲɔ ́gɔn yèn 'to see each other':

Notation and transcription

Three types of notation are used in the present description: the practical orthography, the IPA style notation and the surface tone notation, marked in square brackets, [sàːrà]. In the discussion of loanword adaptation strategies in Section 3.4, for the languages in question (which are most often French and Pular), I use the orthography notation and the IPA transcription, when necessary.

The IPA style notation is the most detailed one in terms of the representation of segmental features among the three types of notation used. Accordingly, it is used in Chapters 3 and 4, dealing with segmental phonology. In all other chapters, I use instead the surface tone notation, which reflects the surface realization of tones. Finally, the practical orthography is used to represent the lexical form of morphemes in the second line of glossed examples.

In the glossed examples in Chapters 1 and 2, dedicated to segmental phonology, the first line is IPA style notation. The second line represents lexical forms of morphemes in practical orthography, see (1.2). In all other chapters the first line of glossed examples is the surface tone realization, and, as already said, the second line is the practical orthography, see (1.3) below. In the second line of the glossed examples, which is of the same type for all chapters, the morpheme is always represented by one main allomorph. Therefore, a morpheme can be represented differently in the two lines. For example, the possession linker la which is realized as na after nasal, is always la in the second line of the gloss, as in (1.2) above. As discussed in Section 3.3.2.2.1, monosyllabic verbs are realized as CV or CVV, which are, in some cases, defined by the morphonological context, and in other cases are subject to free variation. In the second line of the glossed examples, the monosyllabic verbs are always represented by their short CV allomorph.

Pauses are represented in the first line of the glossed examples by the indication of the duration of the pause in seconds enclosed in round brackets, e.g.: (1.4)

Notation of suprasegmental features

The practical orthography does not fully correspond to the underlying representation, but it is close to it in several aspects. For example, in the Kakabe orthography, only the lexical (underlying) tone is marked for each morpheme, which is in most cases the first tone of the morpheme. Since tones can be underlyingly associated only with one mora, from where it spreads to the right, it is noted only on this initial mora, e.g. dáa 'door'. In the surface realization, the result of the spread is represented by a diacritic on every letter, e.g. dáa gives dáá.

There are no complex tonemes, the diacritics " ̂" and " ̌" are used to note the two tones, HL and LH respectively. The diacritic " ̂" is used to mark the cases when a CVN syllable is realized with HL tones. This realization is possible in two cases. First, it occurs when the underlyingly floating L has to be linked to the second mora of a CVN syllable, e.g. mín L tága REL go → mîn tágá, see Section 5.8. Second, it occurs when the boundary tone ↑HL% is realized on CVN syllable in the IP-final position, e.g. the combination of the toneless benefactive postposition yen with the ↑HL% boundary tone is realized as [↑yên], see Section 6.4.5 in Chapter 6.

The diacritic " ̌" is used, first, to mark LH realized on one mora, which occurs only in the case of monomoraic L-toned pronouns before another L tone, e.g. mà jìgi-ta → mǎ jìgìtà. Second, it represents the LH on CVN syllable (the same way as " ̂" represents HL on such syllable), e.g. sì ǹ nàta → sǐn nàtà 'If I came'.

The subscript down arrow signals downstep, e.g. kà sòbéé ꜜlé tàbì 'to prepare meat'.

The subscript up arrow notes the phonetic upstep, which rises H preceding L in a HHL sequence, e.g. [kà táꜛgá kɛ lɛ ɛ́k ɛ ] 'to go and fight war', see Section 5.2.2.

The intonational raising of the register, and the intonational lowering dealt with in Chapter 6 are signaled by (non subscript arrows), e.g. à téé díyá↑ 'It won't be good', à í sɔ ̀tɔ ̀là↓ 'They will get it'.

In the phonetic transcription used in chapters on segmental phonology, the vowel length is represented by the corresponding IPA symbol " ː ". Contrary to that, in the surface phonological transcription used in the rest of the thesis, the vowel length is signalled by the doubling of the vowel, as represented below: The notation of IP-final intonational and tonal operations, used in Chapter 6, is explained in Section 6.4.

Notation of segmental features

In Kakabe long vowels, which can be either heteromorphemic or tautomorphemic, are opposed to the sequences of two identical vowels, belonging to different syllables, which are always heteromorphemic and differ from the long vowels both by their phonetic realization and by their morphological functions (this question is analyzed in Section 4.6).

i i i + i [i.i] or [i i]
Table 1.2: The notation of the sequences of identical vowels and long vowels

The next table illustrates the fact that a geminate in the SR can reflect four phonologically different phenomena: 1) gemination as an underlying feature; 2) gemination resulting from CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 50 the realization of the N coda; 3) gemination resulting from the disappearance of a vowel before and, finally, 4) gemination caused by the short variant bá' of the perfect auxiliary báti. These case are noted differently in the orthographic notation, but are not distinguished in IPA style notation. Thus, the reader has to keep in mind that j in italics stands for the voiced palatal stop, whereas [j] stands for the palatal approximant. In cases of possible confusion, the two notations will be indicated explicitly, for example the variation between the palatal and the velar voiced stops is referred to as "the variation g ~j [ɟ]". The IPA style notation which is used in the present thesis, does not fully correspond to IPA. In IPA vowel nasalization is marked with a superscript tilde, whereas I mark vowel nasalization with a subscript tilde, e.g. [bá̰ mbá], in order to avoid the superposition of the tilde and the diacritics denoting tones.

Chapter 2

Basic grammar of Kakabe

The task to provide a balanced and, at the same time, informative, description of a whole language in a book is very hard to accomplish. In one chapter it is barely possible. Therefore, I abandoned the idea of trying to describe all aspects of the Kakabe grammar within the limited space of a thesis chapter. Instead, I decided to focus on a number of topics which may present some theoretical interest and also contribute to the research on Mande languages. At the same time, the chosen topics concern phenomena which occupy a central place in the language, therefore, hopefully, this chapter will nevertheless give the reader a general idea about Kakabe.

More precisely, I was guided by three considerations in choosing the topics and the depth of argumentation. First, this description is intended to be in certain aspects complementary with my own publications on Kakabe and with the existing literature on closely related languages. Such topics as argument structure, verbal derivation, and a considerable part of the modal and aspectual system, are treated here very briefly, because they are described in detail in my previous publications. I didn't dwell either on the question of noun-verb distinction, the expression of possession, nominal compounding, since Kakabe is similar in these domains to related languages, for which these phenomena are well described.

Second, I chose topics which might be of theoretical interest or which are little discussed in Mande studies. One of the examples is the specialized reflexive pronoun which can have as antecedent only a non-overt subject. The interaction between the aspectual categories and information structure is another example. I compare the organization of the auxiliary system in Kakabe with the phenomenon of conjoint-disjoint opposition which is widespread in African languages, in particular in the Bantu family.

Third, this grammatical sketch focuses on issues that represent a grammatical counterpart for the phonological phenomena discussed in the following chapter. For example, Section 2.4 gives a detailed account of alternation of the copula bi with zero which complements the account of the allomorphy pattern of this copula, provided in 4.6.5 in Chapter 4. I hope that these circumstances are enough to justify the lack of proportion in the following description.

The chapter is organized as follows. The first section shortly describes typologically relevant aspects of the grammar of Kakabe as well as phenomena which, for the reasons mentioned above, I do not treat in detail (2.1). Section 2.2 is dedicated to the expression of con-stituent and operator focus. It discusses the distribution of auxiliaries depending on the type of information structure of the utterance, and puts the Kakabe case in the context of other African languages. The section on non-verbal predication (2.3) is, again, concerned with information structure. I explore the possible diachronic relationship between the constituent focus marker and copulas which might explain the interdependence in their distribution. This section introduces the question of inherent focus associated with negation and question words. Section 2.4 which is dedicated to the alternation of the existential copula with zero, continues the issue of the complementarity between the copula and the constituent focus marker, and explores more concretely their relationship at the syntactic and morphonological levels. Section 2.5 is dedicated to noun phrases, in particular it describes the use of the referential article and accounts for the distribution of bare nouns. Section 2.6 provides a detailed description of the use of pronominal expressions in discourse and their interaction with, there again, the focus category. I analyze the choice between personal pronouns and demonstratives and show, for example, that the demonstrative is chosen when the subject position is yielded to another referent, even if the latter is discursively old and topical. The last section is dedicated to two types of complex sentences: the complex sentences of the temporal-conditional continuum and relativization.

General grammatical information 2.1.1 Constituent order

Kakabe shows the typical rigid S (aux)-O-V-X word order where X stands for any adjunct.

(2.1) Sbj Aux DO V IO pp à sí nìngéé sàn mànsáà yèn 3SG POT cow.ART buy chief.ART BNF He will buy a cow for the chief.

The SOVX word order is typologically unusual, but typical for Mande languages 1 . Nikitina (2011), building on [START_REF] Heine | Diachronic Observations on Completive Focus Marking in Some African Languages[END_REF] and [START_REF] Claudi | Word order change as category change[END_REF], states that this word order is "a consequence of categorial reanalysis of constructions with deverbal nouns as verb phrases, with subsequent replacement of the older type of verb phrase by the newly introduced structure" (Nikitina 2011: 253). The post-subject position is often, and in some Mande languages almost always, occupied by an auxiliary. Thus, the proposed scenario is that constructions of the type (2.2a) in the following example developed into (2.2b), so that the former verb became reanalyzed as an auxiliary, and the actual main verb goes back to the nominalization in the postverbal position, see also [START_REF] Nikitina | The mixing of syntactic properties and language change[END_REF].

(2.2) (a) Sbj V possessor N (pp)

⇓ ⇓ ⇓ ⇓ ⇓ (b) Sbj Aux DO V (-suff)

Argument and adverb marking

Kakabe doesn't mark grammatical relations through any case marking, cross referencing or agreement on verb. Nevertheless, the grammatical relations are encoded through word order, and, in the case of indirect object, through postpositions. Postpositions often originate from relational nouns or from combinations of relational nouns and a postpositions, for example:

(2.3) kɔ ̀tɔ 'under' -kɔ ̀tɔ 'back';

búutɔ 'unside' -búu 'stomach' and tɔ 'in', kènna 'near' -kèn 'foot' and la ~na oblique postposition.

Adverbs are characterized by their ability to occupy post-verbal position without being followed by a postposition. Contrary to that, most nouns need to be accompanied by a postposition to occur in this position. Besides, there is a group of adverbs that can be used both in the argument position and adverbially without postposition, e.g. sɛ ́rùn 'last year', kúnùn 'yesterday', dóndèn 'a little', kóobèn 'a lot'. Most adverbs can occur clause-finally as well as clause-initially.

Apart from postpositions, Kakabe also has a small number of prepositions which can also introduce arguments in postverbal position. Prepositions often combine with postpositions. Thus, in (2.4 a) below the NP kílà in the postverbal position is accompanied both by the preposition háa 'until' and by the oblique postposition la. All prepositions in Kakabe are at the same time conjunctions, since they can also introduce clauses (but not all conjunctions are prepositions), see háa in (2.4 b). We plane the wood until it becomes smooth.

Negation

Negation is always sentence-level in Kakabe. There are four markers containing negation: máa is used in imperfective negative clauses and in non-verbal predications, the negative copula béle is used in negative locative, existential constructions and in imperfective constructions, including progressive. The marker káni is used in modal negative constructions.

The marker tée expresses negation cumulatively with the potential and future meaning. The set of negative markers is reduced in comparison to the number of affirmative markers, see Table 2.1 in next section. First, there is no opposition between Perfective [+OPF] and Perfective [-OPF] and second (this opposition is discussed in Section 2.2.3), there are no negative counterparts for the conditional auxiliary máni which appears in subordinate clauses. The relation between negation and focus in non-verbal constructions is discussed in Section 2.3.1.

Verbal predication

TAM and polarity categories are expressed cumulatively by a paradigm of auxiliary markers which are referred to as predicative markers in the Mandeist tradition. As I argue in Section 2.2, information structure oppositions are also expressed with this paradigm.

The allomorphs of the copulas and auxiliaries are discussed in detail throughout the thesis, Table 2.1 below gives only part of the allomorphs. The paradigm contains the existential copula bi and the negative existential copula béle and the negative perfective or identification copula máa. Preterit in intransitive utterances is expressed by the suffix -ta. In all other cases the post-subject position is occupied by an auxiliary or a copula.

Affirmative

Negative perfective [+OPF] báti (L) ~ti ~bá' (L) máa (L) [-OPF] ka tr./ -ta intr. stative-resultative bi -len (NK, WK) bi -nden (CK)

béle (L) -len (NK, WK) béle (L) -nden (CK) progressive bi -la béle (L) -la potential si tée (L) subjunctive ni káni (L) imperative Ø conditional máni (L) -Table 2.1: Paradigm of verbal predication constructions in Kakabe

The superscript (L) after bimoraic markers, e.g. káni (L) refers to the fact that whereas in CK and WK heavy auxiliaries bear lexical H, in NK heavy auxiliaries are assigned H L at the lexical level, this is discusses in Section 5.8.3. Yet, unless it is relevant for the discussion, in the notation of the lexical form of the markers in question, I omit this dialectally restricted floating L for the sake of the simplicity of reading.

The distinction between perfective with operator focus PFV [+OPF] and perfective without the operator focus (PFV [-OPF]) is discussed in detail below (see 2.2). The transitivity split, with the differentiation of the perfective in transitive construction and the perfective in intransitive construction is a feature shared by all Manding languages as well as Mokole languages 2 .

Kakabe has zero-marked imperative with no overt subject in the singular and an overt subject in the plural. In the (2.5) Imperative (affirmative) (a) bɔ ́(b) wò bɔ ǵo.out 2PL go.ou Go out! Go out! (to several people)

In the prohibitive which is the negative counterpart of the imperative, both the singular and the plural subjects are expressed overtly:

( The progressive, potential and perfective constructions are discussed in 2.2. The use of the conditional máni is described in Section 2.7.4. The construction with the copula bi and the participle -len (NK, WK) and -nden expresses stative or resultative aspectual meaning and it can be used both with transitive and intransitive verbs.

Kakabe has a defective verb kó 'say' which is used without any TAM markers. Nevertheless, clauses with kó can contain indirect objects: In Section 2.7.3.3 it is shown that kó has developed into a conjunction introducing not only complements of utterance predicates but also purpose clauses after other types of predicates.

Argument structure and event structure

Neither object, nor subject pro-drop is possible in Kakabe. At the same time, the elimination of the subject can take place in CK and WK through a very regular zero-passivization (a type of 'P-lability' in the terminology of Dixon 1994) 3 . As for the object, there are no syntactic processes allowing to dispense with it. NK has morphological passive instead. Example (2.9a) illustrates the zero passive in CK and WK and (2.9a) shows the construction with the passive suffix -ma in NK, compared to the transitive construction in (2.9a). As can be seen, the agent can be expressed by a postpositional phrase with the postposition bólo 'with' (from the relative noun bólo 'hand'). For more details on transitivity alternations and the use of morphological passive in NK see (Vydrina 2011a).

(2.9) (a) Transitive clause (CK, WK, NK) Sɛ ́ɛ́k ù bátí yɛ ́ꜜgɛ ́bìtà Sekou PFV.OF fish.ART catch Sekou has caught the fish.

(b) Zero passive in CK and WK yɛ ́ꜜgɛ ́bátí bìtà (Sɛ ́ɛ́k ù bòlò) fish.ART PFV.OF catch Sekou with The fish has been caught (by Sekou).

(c) Morphological passive in NK yɛ ́ꜜgɛ ́bátí bìtà-mà (Sɛ ́ɛ́k ù bòlò) fish.ART PFV.OF catch-PASS Sekou with The fish has been caught (by Sekou).

The passive marker occupies the outermost position in the verb form, it is attached after the gerund and the participle marker, see e.g. máyìta-la-ma sell-GER-PASS in (2.10) The sugar is sold in these little plastic bags.

Causative is marked by the prefix la-, e.g. dòn 'enter' → la-dòn 'make enter'. In elicitation, almost all verbs, intransitive as transitive, can combine with the causative marker where the original object is put in the postverbal position accompanied by the oblique postposition la, yet, the causativization of transitive verbs as in (2.11b) is very rare. Kakabe has two verbal prefixes which belonging to the domain of verbal plurality. The prefix marking verbal plurality ma-(or mɔfor some verbs in NK and WK) is the marker of verbal plurality which, depending on the verb, has intensive, durative or distributivity meaning, see (2.12 a). The prefix ta-(or tɔfor some verbs in NK and WK) of repeated or reversed action, the so called refactive, it can express the meaning of reconstruction, repetition, returning to the starting point, etc, see (2.12 b). For some verbs taand maderivations are synonymous, see (2.12 c). Both prefixes are very productive, combining with almost any verb, though the resulting meaning is not always predictable. A detailed description of the verbal plurality marker and refactive are provided in [START_REF] Vydrina | Verbal plurality marker in the Kakabe language[END_REF].

(2.12) (a) kàran 'read' ma-kàran 'read completely', 'read a lot' tága 'go' ma-tága 'go for a long time', 'go to different place/go (about different people)' kɔ ̀ri 'smell' ma-kòri 'be very tired'.

(b) lɔ ́'build' ta-lɔ ́'rebuild' nà 'come' ta-nà 'return' sáli 'pray' ta-sáli 'pray again' (c) hɔ ́ɔli 'trust' ta-hɔ ́ɔli ~ma-hɔ ́ɔli 'trust without reserve, trust totally' kɔ ̀ri 'be tired' ta-kòri ~makòri 'be very tired'.

Tense

Tense is expressed separately both from the auxiliary and from the lexical verb. It is signalled either lexically through temporal adverbs, or with the help of undergrammaticalized pasttense markers nùn and tɛ ̀rɛ. The non-obligatory clause-final particle nùn is compatible with all aspectual categories. It is regularly used at the beginning of tales, and in the subsequent clauses it does not appear any more, see (2.13)

Constituent and operator focus

Following [START_REF] Lambrecht | Information structure and sentence form: topic, focus, and the mental representations of discourse referents[END_REF], I will consider topic to be a referent that a given proposition is construed as being about, and focus as that part of a proposition which is distinct from what is already presupposed in the discourse (which will often mean that focus is correlated with new information).

In Kakabe, the constituent focus is marked by the particle lè, following the element in its scope, cf. DO focus in (2.15 a) and Subject focus in (2.15 b). But in certain syntactic positions it can also signal a type of broad focus which I will refer to as operator focus, following [START_REF] Dik | The theory of functional grammar. No. 9 in Functional grammar series[END_REF].

I will argue that the auxiliary báti expresses operator focus cumulatively with the aspectual perfective meaning. I will demonstrate that the progressive construction bi -la is also concerned with the differences in information structures, but in a structurally different way which is discussed in Section 2.2.4. Finally, in the bi -la construction, lè has acquired a new type of aspectual/modal meaning which incorporates operator focus.

In line with what has just been said, in the glosses I indicate the presence of the Operator focus for báti PFV.OF (perfective with Operator Focus) and I use the glosses PFV.TR and PFV.INTR for ka and -ta, respectively.

Types of focus marked by lè

The focus marker lè (dè after nasals) marks constituent focus by attaching to the right edge of the constituent in its scope, cf. (2. Both contrastive and completive (information) focus can be marked by lè.

As has been said, lè can also mark operator focus. Operator focus [START_REF] Dik | The theory of functional grammar. No. 9 in Functional grammar series[END_REF], also referred to as 'auxiliary focus' [START_REF] Hyman | Auxiliary Focus[END_REF][START_REF] Good | Topic and focus fields in Naki[END_REF] or 'predication focus' [START_REF] Güldemann | Present progressive vis-à-vis predication[END_REF], ranges its scope over a sentential operator, such as truth value, TAM, negation, as opposed to constituent or term focus, that ranges over a lexical constituent. [START_REF] Watters | Focus and the Ejagham verb system[END_REF], building on [START_REF] Dik | The theory of functional grammar. No. 9 in Functional grammar series[END_REF], represents the focus types corresponding to scope as in Figure 2.1. In a cross-linguistic perspective, the opposition between operator and constituent focus is gradual: languages which use different marking devices for operator vs. constituent focus can pattern the focus on the predicate either with the operator or with the constituent focus. Utterances with lè following VP are ambiguous between VP focus and all-sentence focus. When lè occurs immediately after the verb, it can have different scope sizes: (a) narrow, over the lexical content of the verb and (b) broad, over VP and. Finally, in Kakabe, the focus marker after the verb can signal focus over the truth value. Thus, (2.16c) would be felicitous as the answer to the question "Did he prepare the meat?" 4 [START_REF] Dik | The theory of functional grammar. No. 9 in Functional grammar series[END_REF]Watters 2010: 355). This kind of focus is also referred to as assertion focus the assertion focus [START_REF] Givón | Syntax: an introduction[END_REF]). The potential scope ambiguity is an inherent property of focus marking which has been in the center of discussions for several decades (e.g. [START_REF] Jackendoff | Semantic interpretation in generative grammar[END_REF][START_REF] Rooth | A theory of focus interpretation[END_REF][START_REF] Ladd | Intonational phonology[END_REF]. This polysemy is due to the fact that the focus-marking device is subject to structural constraints that are unrelated to information structure (Gussenhoven 2007b). In our case the constraint consists in the fact that the focus particle appears at the right edge, leaving the left edge without marking. Below I give some natural examples from the corpus. In (2.17) the lexical content of the verb sɛ ́ppi 'go on foot' is contrasted to 'going by motorbike' in the second clause, therefore, it is apparent that lè following the verb in the first clause has a narrow scope. The same is true for (2.18) with the ka perfective marker.

(2.17) focus scope over the lexical meaning of the verb 4. The scope of focus in (c) is more narrow compared to that in (a) and (b). At the same time, it should be kept in mind, that the truth-value operator, in its turn, has its scope over the whole clause. The focus on truthvalue should not be confused with the all-sentence focus of thetic statements; see [START_REF] Sasse | The thetic/categorical distinction revisited[END_REF] On the other hand, in the question-answer pair in (2.19), the truth value of the situation is at issue, thus, here we are dealing with the operator focus, and, in particular, the focus on the truth value. The assertion focus can be marked by lè following the verb also if an IO follows, in which case the IO is part of the assertion as well. For example, in (2.20) below, the right and the left context unambiguously indicated that the whole assertion 'I go to school' is in focus. Finally, the focus marker after subject can have an inferential interpretation (on the inferential meaning of focus constructions see, e.g. [START_REF] Robert | Approche énonciative du système verbal[END_REF][START_REF] Bearth | The inferential gap condition[END_REF]1997), instead of signaling subject focus. Thus, utterances with the focus particle after the subject can have the interpretations as represented in (2.21)

Operator focus and TAM in African languages

Before discussing further the Kakabe data, a few words should be said about the role of the operator focus in the morphology of African languages in general.

The expression of operator focus through verbal inflection is attested in various African languages. There are a number of descriptions of this phenomenon for Bantu languages, but also for Cushitic, Atlantic and Gur languages [START_REF] Hyman | Auxiliary Focus[END_REF][START_REF] Watters | Focus and the Ejagham verb system[END_REF][START_REF] Creissels | Africa as a morphosyntactic area[END_REF][START_REF] Robert | Focus in Atlantic languages[END_REF][START_REF] Creissels | Africa as a morphosyntactic area[END_REF] claim it to be a phenomenon typical for the African area:

A remarkable feature of African languages is the relatively high proportion of systems of verbal inflection that directly express distinctions relating to various types of focus phenomena, or interfere with other focus-marking devices. Such systems seem to be very rare outside Africa (Creissels et al. 2008: 104).

It is now commonly accepted that the conjoint/disjoint alternation, typical of Bantu languages 5 , has to do with the differences in information structure [START_REF] Hyman | Auxiliary Focus[END_REF][START_REF] Watters | Focus and the Ejagham verb system[END_REF]Güldemann 2003 among many others). Roughly speaking, it can be described as the division of verbal conjugation between [+OPF] and [-OPF] where OPF stands for operator focus. The [+OPF] form, the 'disjoint form', is usually incompatible with focus on any other constituent. Conjoint forms are used when the term focus is present in the same predication as well as in various types of subordinate clauses, see Van der Wal & Hyman (2017) for discussion.

Compared to other families of African languages, there has been relatively little discussion of the interaction between TAM categories and focus in Mande languages. The are few exceptions. First, Vydrin (2016a) explains the unexpectedly rare co-occurrence of analyses 5. The phenomenon of conjoint/disjoint alternations has a long history of description going back to Meeussen (1959), and there has been a growing interest in this phenomenon in the recent years. For references see (Van der Wal & Hyman 2017), a collective volume dedicated to the comparison of its realizations across Bantu languages.

Perfect in Maninka by describing it as a category with inherent focus. The other exception is Toura (Southern Mande) where according to [START_REF] Bearth | Constituent structure, natural focus hierarchy and focus types in Toura[END_REF]1999a) analysis, the predicative marker ké is 1) mutually exclusive with constituent focus-marking, and 2) does not appear in dependent clauses. These properties make it possible to consider it a [-OPF], or conjoint, verb form. Finally, according to [START_REF] Vydrin | Aspectual systems of Southern Mande in a diachronical perspective[END_REF], in Dan (Southern Mande), a conjoint form replaces the existential form in subordinate clauses and in utterances with term focalization. Finally, in Soninke, the verb, preceded by an interrogative word or a focalized NP, changes its tone to L (Creissels 2016).

Opposition ka/ -ta vs. báti

Let us now look at the opposition between ka 6 /-ta and báti in Kakabe, as illustrated in (2.23 a) and (2.23 b) PFV.OF meat.ART prepare The woman prepared the food.

The range of context in which ka/ -ta occurs and from which báti is systematically excluded, are described as typical for [-OPF], or conjoint verb forms (e.g. in [START_REF] Hyman | Auxiliary Focus[END_REF]. These contexts and the illustrations are listed below:

[-OPF] contexts (contexts typical for conjoint forms): clauses containing a question word (2.24 a); clauses containing a constituent focus (2.24 They went and saw nere grains, they climbed up the tree and gathered the nere grains.

Finally, the ka/-ta and báti correspond to only one negative form, the auxiliary máa. This is one more argument for describing these markers through the presence or the absence of the operator focus, alias conjoint (CJ) vs. disjoint (DJ) forms, cf.: "It is often the case that CJ and DJ correspond to one form in negation. This suggests that the CJ and DJ forms are in the same temporal-aspectual category" (Van der Wal 2017, 40).

The marker báti, reconstructed as *bán-Da (Vydrin 1999a), is attested in several Western Mande languages and is always referred to as perfect, bára ~wára in Koranko (Kastenholz 1987b), Soso, Jallonke, báda ~bára in Mainka (Vydrin 2016a) etc.

Though, of course, the analysis of the data of each of the languages would be necessary to decide whether it is perfect, or rather, a perfective with operator focus, yet the former hypothesis should not be excluded. Thus, [START_REF] Van Der Wal | What is the conjoint/disjoint alternation? Parameters of crosslinguistic variation[END_REF] notes that it is very common in the descriptions that the conjoint/disjoint form is misinterpreted as tense-aspect opposition:

Even in languages where the CJ and DJ verb forms function as pairs, in traditional grammar descriptions the difference is often described in terms of tense-aspect semantics. <...> In most cases, these tense-aspect differences are not essential to the CJ/DJ distinction, but they are used in the description simply because we are used to describe differences between tenses in temporal or aspectual terms. The tense-aspect differences reported for the CJ and DJ forms remain vague and ambivalent, and they tend to 'disappear' when used in contexts that are typical for one or the other verb form. Question-answer combinations are one such case (Van der Wal 2017: 40).

The categories ka/-ta and báti in terms of relative time have the same profile: they describe a situation which is completed before topic time, using the terms of [START_REF] Klein | Time in language[END_REF], the topic time can coincide with the utterance as in (2. Examples (2.26 a) and (2.26 b) illustrate the usage of ká and báti with reference to the past, where the topic time precedes the utterance time, the precedence is marked by nùn: Finally, both can be used with the reference to the future:

(2.27) (a) ST < TT, TT > UT; [ The auxiliary báti is often used with performative meaning. Thus, the utterance in (2.28), from a conversation inside a smithy in the Labiko village, is addressed to the smith by a man who wants to obtain the hoe in exchange to his hat, and the utterance is pronounced simultaneously with stretching out his hand with the hat. It is frequently used in combination with verbs describing different types of speech acts, e.g. wàyinɛ 'to say goodbye', tára 'to implore' with the performative meaning, see also (2.29) below. The performative usage is also attested for the perfective construction yé/ -ra in Bamana [START_REF] Idiatov | Le sémantisme des marqueurs aspecto-temporels du bambara : une tentative d'analyse[END_REF]. (2.29) Finally, the markers ka/-ta, are associated with the verbs of mental state like lɔ ́n 'know'. The markers ká/-ta, on the one hand, and báti, on the other hand, are, of course, not fully parallel in their usage. Thus, in the performative utterances the choice between ká/-ta and báti is, supposedly, defined lexically. Further investigation is necessary in order to have a more complete account of their distribution.

The opposition [+OPF] vs. [-OPF] which distinguishes báti from ka/-ta in the main clause, in the context of temporal/conditional antecedent clauses is transformed into the opposition between actual and non-actual mode of proposition, see Section 2.7.4.

Construction bi -la and the auxiliary si

Apart from the perfective category, the operator focus is also involved in the progressive construction, but in a structurally different way. The construction bi -la expresses the progressive meaning, see (2.33) bí bi be nàlà nà-la arrive-GER [Two birds are talking, at the same time] The hunter has left the ambush and is approaching.

But when bi -la (-na after N) co-occurs with the marker lè, as in (2.34 b), it does not express the progressive meaning anymore. Instead, it conveys future or habitual meaning, cf. the two example below. 7. Its origin is the locative construction, where -la goes back to a general locative postposition. This kind of nominal periphrastic origin is recurrent for a construction with progressive and imperfective meaning in Western Mande, e.g. Maninka, Susu et al. In general, it is widely attested cross-linguistically (e.g. [START_REF] Heine | World Lexicon of grammaticalization[END_REF].

(b) mùséè bi sòbéé lé tàbì-là woman.ART be meat.ART FOC prepare-GER Sbj DO V

The woman will prepare/(usually) prepares the meat. * The woman is preparing the meat.

See (2.35) from a conversation, with focus on DO and which has, clearly, not a progressive but a habitual meaning:

( [START_REF] Güldemann | Present progressive vis-à-vis predication[END_REF], elaborating the hypothesis of [START_REF] Hyman | Auxiliary Focus[END_REF], claims that the exclusively semantic definition of progressive is "deficient, because it ignores its essential pragmatic component of inherent focality". He proposes that the category of Progressive is an amalgamation of semantic and a pragmatic component: semantic (aspect) component: ongoing, continuous nature of an event pragmatic component: the immediate relevance of the state of affairs, focus of the utterance.

In the progressive, the continuous, ongoing nature of an event is that information which is viewed by the speaker as the most relevant for the addressee in a given communicative context.

Such a definition of the progressive makes it possible to account for the Kakabe data: bi -la ceases to represents the event as relevant in its continuous ongoing nature, since the focus is on the choice of a participant, and no more on the internal structure of the event.

The auxiliary si covers a range of meanings which partly overlap with the meaning of bi -la, when the latter occurs in utterances with constituent focus. The semantic field of si includes the following meanings:

(2.36) modal potentiality: deontic or epistemic possibility, desire, hope imperfective potentiality: future (2.37 a); habitual/generic (2.38 b) The illustrations of the meaning of si are given below: (2.37) A good illustration of the overlap between si and bi -la with lè in their aspectual meaning and also of their sensitivity to information is the extract in (2.38 a) and (2.38 b) below. In (2.38 a) a speaker asks his addressee what she does for living, proposing two alternatives, working in the field and catching fish, shaped in two clauses featuring bi -la markers and the focus marker. Thus, from the context it is clear that these two clauses contains VP constituent focus and that at the level of aspectual semantics they can be described as generic or habitual. In her answer in (2.38 b), NK first chooses one of the proposed alternatives, repeats the structure with bi -la and constituent focus. After a small pause, in the two following clauses, where she elaborates on her everyday work, though the aspectual construal remains the same, there is no more constituent focus, and she switches to the construction with the auxiliary si. (2.38) We labor the fields... we labor the fields, we make a vegetable garden.

To remind the reader what has been said in 2.2.2, there are contexts which exclude operator focus: relative clauses, clauses with question words, and other types of constituent focus. In these contexts the contrast between si and bi -la is along the line of the irrealis/realis opposition.

Let us look at some examples. The auxiliary si is used to convey potential or irrealis, but neither habitual nor generic when it is used in contexts excluding operator focus. The auxiliary si is typically used in relative clauses, referring to a hypothetical situation, as in (2.39 a), and in relatives denoting events in the scope of negation (2.39 By contrast, when bi -la is used in relative clauses, it conveys the meaning of a future, whose actuation is not questioned (2.40 a), or the habitual/generic meaning (2.40 b).

Modality meanings

have not yet been discussed in relation to the question of inherent operator focus. Yet, the logic of the argumentation suggests that they are good candidates for categories with inherent focus. [START_REF] Hyman | Auxiliary Focus[END_REF] suggest that all kinds of deviations from the indicative, i.e. marked aspect, marked mood, marked negation can be grammaticalized in a particular language as having inherent auxiliary focus.

Using the terms of [START_REF] Güldemann | Present progressive vis-à-vis predication[END_REF], it can be said that the potential modality category contains the pragmatic component of focality, as does the progressive. Furthermore, potential can be decomposed into this marked modality component and the irrealis meaning. When si occurs in contexts, excluding operator focus, only the irrealis component is retained, since it is not associated with operator focus. Otherwise, si conveys the modal potential meaning.

Whereas si belongs to the irrealis domain and can have marked modality meaning, the construction with bi -la belongs to the realis domain and conveys the marked aspectual meaning when the focus is on the operator value. This is visualized in Figure 2.2.

irrealis [+OPF] [-OPF] [-OPF]

[+OPF] irr + potential [+mod] si irrealis si realis ipfv + realis bi -la ipfv. + progressive [+asp] bi -la To sum up, the distribution between si and bi -la depends, first, on aspectual/modal semantics and, second, on the information structure configuration.

Cross-linguistically, habituals, generics and future occupy an intermediate position between irrealis and irrealis, in some languages they pattern with realis categories and in others with irrealis categories, see e.g. [START_REF] Palmer | Mood and modality[END_REF]; Bybee & Fleischman (1995). As has been shown, in Kakabe, these categories can be either realis or irrealis: potential future is marked by si, whereas the more certain future and generic, included in the realis category, are marked by bi -la. To cite [START_REF] Mithun | On the Relativity of Irreality[END_REF], "speakers might choose to exploit the Irrealis/Realis distinction to express varying expectations of actuation".

Particle lè as the marker of operator focus in bi -la construction in NK

As has been shown in 2.2.1, lè in post-verbal position can mark not only the constituent focus (V or VP), but also the assertion focus.

In NK, in addition to these interpretation, the post-verbal lè in bi -la construction has developed an array of modal meanings, such as menace, prediction, statement of imminent actuation. At the same time, the gerund suffix -la in this construction can fuse with the focus particle lè into -llè. The fusion is impossible, though, when the suffix is realized as -na after N, as in (2.42 a). The fused form is more frequent: -llè occurs 49 times, whereas -la lè occurs only 9 times. Importantly, this fusion cannot be accounted for as a regular elision, since, as I show in Section 4.4 vowel elision in Kakabe does not allow the deletion of the low a.

Thus, in NK, when lè follows the verb in bi -la construction, the following interpretations are possible:

(2.41) mùséè bi sòbéé tàbí-l(a) lè woman.ART be meat.ART prepare-GER FOC Sbj DO V a. The woman does prepare the meat.

[Sbj DO V] FOC truth value b. The woman will prepare the meat (for sure).

[Sbj DO V] FOC asp. + truth value c. The woman prepares the meat.

Sbj DO [V] FOC, lex. content d. The woman prepares the meat.

Sbj [DO V] FOC, lex. content

One can suppose that these additional meanings arise trough the extension of the focus scope over two operators at a time, the truth value operator and the aspectual operator of imperfectivity. We have already seen that the focus on imperfectivity gives rise to progressive meaning. So, it is not hard to imagine how modal meanings can arise, if both aspect and assertion operators are in focus: Below I give some illustrations of the possible meanings of the bi V-la lè construction in the corpus. The common component is the imminence of an event, and the difference is in the speaker's stance with regard to the event. It can be neutral, as in (2.42 a) and (2.42 c), where the speaker does not have any control over the event which is about to happen, and only expresses its imminence. Other cases feature various hues of speaker-oriented modality: the speaker is the effector of the action, and he threatens its imminent accomplishement, as in (2.42 b), or, if the event is positive for the listener, promises to accomplish it (2.42 f). Finally, in the case of directives (2.42 d) and (2.42 e), the speaker imposes an action on the listener. This diversity of meanings and pragmatic functions is not surprising for a construction with a low degree of grammaticalization, and undoubtedly, many more could be found. What I tried to show is that all these meanings have a non-neutral modality.

lè
The interest of this analysis was to show how the interplay between the constituent focus meaning and the operator focus, accompanied by partial fusion of the morphological form, gave rise to a range of modal meanings, associated with the imminent actuation of an event. ꜜyɔ ́gɔ ́llè yɔ ǵɔ-la lè pay-GER FOC When I come, I will pay you.

Non-verbal predication

According to the typology of [START_REF] Stassen | Intransitive predication. Oxford studies in typology and linguistic theory[END_REF], Kakabe is a split-language by virtue of the difference between the lexical items involved in nominal and locational predication. As can be seen on Table 2.2, Kakabe uses the (optional) copula mu for identity statements (2.43 a) and classmembership statements (2.43 b) and the copula bi for locative and existential predications, (2.43 c) and (2.43 c) respectively. See the discussion of the semantic types of intransitive predications in Stassen (1997: 11-15). I will be using the abbreviation ICM (identity/classmembership) to refer jointly to the first two semantic types of nominal predication in Kakabe, since there is no common term for these two semantic types. Property predication has no copula in the affirmative and uses the copula máa in the negative. In the affirmative, both bi and mu are optional. The presence or the absence of the copula, both bi and mu, is connected to the realization of the particle lè in the same clause. The possibility of the omission of bi, both in non-verbal and in verbal predication, is discussed in a separate section (see 2.4). For the alternation of mu with zero, see 2. [START_REF]mànsáà. autre gbɛtɛ. autre monde láhara. autrefois náanɛn. avaler kùnun; lakùnun. avaler de travers dégun. avance àwánsè. avancer madòn; yànfaya. avant hári; náa; náanɛn; nànnín; ɲáatɔ; ɲáatɔtà; sánnìn[END_REF]

(b) ǹ báàbà mú kɛ ̀ɛ̀m ɔ ́gɔ ́lè là ǹ báàbà máá kɛ ̀ɛ̀m ɔ ́gɔ ́là

My father is an old man. My father is not an old man.

(c) ǹ báàbà kééɲín ǹ báàbà máá kééɲín My father is beautiful.

My father is not beautiful.

Apart from copulas, the non-verbal predication constructions can contain the focus marker lè, postpositional phrases, and have constraints on the order of the subject and the predicate, as shown in Table 2.3 below. Location is denoted by a postpositional phrase following the subject nominal with bi/béle. By contrast, in ICM construction the order of the two nominals, the semantic subject N SBJ and the semantic predicate N PRED , is not fixed. Both the semantic subject and the semantic predicate can be expressed by the postpositional phrase with la.

The only constraint is that N PRED is always focalized. Another difference between the locational/existential and ICM constructions is that in the former the predicate part (location) can be omitted, whereas in the class-membership construction the predicate nominal is the obligatory part. In the property predication construction, a particular lexical category word is used which I will refer to as predicative. It is different from nouns, verbs and adjectives by its syntactic properties. An important characteristic of the property predication construction is the restricted use of the marker lè. First, long forms of personal pronouns (also formed with lè) do not occur with it. Second, with the exception of the comparison construction, focalization is very rare in constructions with property predicates (see 2.3.3). This is in sharp contrast with the two other non-verbal predication constructions, where lè in both functions (long form of pronouns and focalization) is frequent and is obligatory after the predicate part, except for deictic ICM constructions (see 2.3.1.2). In Section 2.3.3, I argue that this is due to a particular type of information structure, associated with these types of predicates.

Identity/class-membership constructions

As can be seen from Table 2.3, the affirmative and the negative ICM constructions are not symmetrical: the first displays more flexibility in the order of the predicate and subject nominals, and the focus particle lè is present in the affirmative, but not in the negative. In what follows I show that this difference stems from the fact that the negative copula máa is inherently focused, whereas the copula mu, used in the affirmative, does not contain predication focus, therefore predication focus has to be expressed by lè. The negative and the affirmative identification constructions differ in three aspects:

• The order of nominals with respect to mu is free, whereas máa is always preceded by the predicate nominal;

• mu is optional, whereas máa is obligatory;

• in constructions with mu, predicate nominal has to be followed by lè, whereas in the negative the predicate is followed by máa only.

The obligatory part of ICM construction is the predication. This predication is formed by a nominal (a full-fledged NP or pronoun) which has to be accompanied by an element marking predication focus, since the nominal does not contain it itself. The element marking focus in ICM construction is lè or máa. As I show in Section 2.3.3, property predicates contrast with nominals used in ICM construction in that they contain predication focus and therefore do not require any external focus marker. It is alson shown in what follows that certain types of nominals used in ICM construction contain inherent focus and therefore do not require lè in the affirmative: these are interrogative phrases and, partly, demonstratives.

Finally, the distribution of the particle lè is defined by the fact that it is polysemous between constituent focus, predication focus and the long form marker for personal pronouns.

Focus in ICM constructions and variation

There is a close link between focus and identification statements, see on this question Stassen (1997: 109):

Discourse-motivated elements such as topic markers and focus particles are more likely to appear (and are more likely to appear obligatorily) in identity statements than in other sentence types. <...> In identity statement, there is no such thing as a grammatical subject, discourse-motivated notations such as topic or focus will have to be made explicit at all times.

There is a number of languages, where predicate nominals strongly prefer the present of focus particles, as in Awtuw, a Papuan language. Focus marker is obligatory in in sentences with nominal predicates in Chemehuevi (Uto-Axtecan), Alabama (Muskogean), Somali (Cushitic) (Stassen 1997: 108), Zay (Semitic) .

In ICM constructions in Kakabe, the predicate nominal must be followed by lè, its absence is possible only when the predicate is a proper noun or a demonstrative (see 2.3.1.2). The particle lè can also be absent when one member of ICM construction is a question word. The absence of the focus marker in this case, see (2.45) below, is due to the fact that question words already contain inherent focus, therefore focalization by lè is not necessary 8 . (2.45) The order of the constituents is flexible (probably conditioned by information structure but further research is needed to find out in what way): the semantic predicate can either precede or follow the semantic subject. It can also change its position with respect to the ICM copula mu, cf. (2.46 a) 8. The focus marker is not incompatible, though, with the inherent focus of the question word, but can be an optional spelling out, see Section 2.6.2.5.

The copula mu can be absent, see (2.47 a) and (2.47 b) The function of the particle lè partly overlaps with that of the ICM copula mu. This explains why, occasionally, two particles lè can occur in one utterance. See (2.48) below, where lè focalizes the NP in the possessor position, and after ɲɔ ̀ɔɲaa 'bustle' appears with the function of the ICM copula.

One can suppose that the focus marker takes on the function of the copula when the latter is omitted. The occurrence of lè after two constituents belonging to the same clause, as in (2.48), are rare in the corpus, and are often rejected in elicitation. This can be interpreted in a way that the focus function of lè is mainly a focus marker, but is starting to develop the copula function 9 . (2.48) When the semantic subject is a pronoun, it can be either in the long form (2.49 b) or in the short form, as in (2.49 a) and (2.49 c). The same is true when the semantic subject pronoun is followed by the postposition la, see (2.46 b).

( 9. The opposite change, whereby copula becomes a focus marker, is rather widespread cross-linguistically, see [START_REF] Heine | World Lexicon of grammaticalization[END_REF]. Therefore, one could imagine, that lè is a former copula and in cases like (2.48) it appears both in its new and in its old function. Yet, this is not supported by the comparative evidence: the Kakabe focus marker lè corresponds to the proto-Mande root *ɗe which, supposedly, was a focus marker at the Proto-Mande level (Vydrin, p.c.). When the semantic predicate of the construction is a pronoun, the latter is followed by two particles lè, since with the personal pronouns the first lè creates the long form and the focalization proper is done by the second lè (see 2.6.1.7)

Demonstratives in ICM constructions

The demonstratives kɛ ̀and wò can be used after the copula mu without the postposition la. The usages with and without la are in free variation, see (2.51 a) and (2.51 b) below, utterances representing a dialog at the beginning of a tale about a goat and a hyena, when they meet and recognize each other. In (2.51 a) kɛ ̀after mu is used without a postposition, and in (2.51 b), where the hyena recognized the goat, kɛ ̀is followed by la. The demonstrative can also be preposed to the copula, e.g.: (2.53) wò wò that This is not some little dust! Apart from the possibility to omit la in the post-copula position, the ICM construction with a demonstrative can have no overt focalization of the predicate, see (2.55 a) and (2.55 b) below with the demonstrative kɛ ̀'this':

(2.55) (a) a! Tráɔ ́rɛ ̀kɛ ̀-This is Traore [seeing Traore approaching], (b) í tààtà kɛ ̀? Is he your elder brother? Thus, in ICM constructions, demonstratives display exceptional behavior compared to other nominal expression, either personal pronouns or full-fledged NPs, cf. the impossibility to use the personal pronoun à or of the full-fledged NP without the postposition la in the position after mu: (2.56) yɔ ́n mù à (lè) là * yɔ ́n mù à (lè)? 'Who is he?' who? IDENT 3SG LG OBL yɔ ́n mù kɛ ̀mùséè là?

* yɔ ́n mù kɛ ̀mùséè? 'Who is this woman?' who? IDENT this woman.ART OBL yɔ ́n mù wò (la)?

'Who is this?' who? IDENT that OBL In general, demonstratives have a special status in ICM constructions. Many languages distinguish demonstrative pronouns in verbal clauses from demonstratives in copular and nonverbal clauses Diessel (1999: 5). Apart from that, demonstratives are commonly grammaticalized into copulas which also points to the link between the two Diessel (1999: 147). Thus, the special behavior of the demonstratives wò and kɛ ̀in ICM constructions is due to their semantic and pragmatic properties.

Copula mu in construction with gerund

There are some rare occurrences in the corpus where the copula mu is used with a gerund complement which refers to a proposition under the modality of necessity (2.57 a), or obligation (2.57 The gerund suffix -la goes back to the postposition la, the same which is used in ICM construction. Thus, it is easy to see the continuity between the ICM construction and the modal construction:

(2.59) N (lè) mu N la 'X is equal to Y' → N (lè) mu V-la 'X has to do Y' Exactly the same type of construction, but with the existential copula bi instead of mu, gave rise to the imperfective construction which occupies a central position in the expression of verbal predications (see 2.3.2). On the other hand, as has been shown here, the verbal construction with the ICM copula mu is used only marginally. I leave open the question of what conditioned this difference. Another question which I have to leave without answer, is why the existential copula is the base of a construction with imperfective/progressive meaning, whereas the identification copula in the same morphological context develops is the source of a necessity modality.

Negative ICM constructions

Examples (2.60 a)-(2.60 c) illustrate the different types of negative ICM constructions. As has been already said, contrary to affirmative constructions, in the negation of identity or class-membership, there is no focus marker lè, because the focus is contained in máa. (2.60) The complementarity between the focus marker lè and the negative copula máa can be interpreted as due to the inherent focus of negation. Among with several other categories, such as marked aspect, imperative, negation is described by many authors as inherently focused, see [START_REF] Givón | Focus and the scope of assertion: Some Bantu evidence[END_REF][START_REF] Heine | Grammaticalization and Reanalysis in African Languages[END_REF][START_REF] Marchese | On assertive focus and the inherent focus nature of negatives and imperatives: Evidence from Kru[END_REF][START_REF] Hyman | The interaction between focus and tone in Bantu[END_REF]). Thus, Marchese (1983: 128) states the following about the intrinsic focus of the negative and imperative constructions: "we are dealing with an African areal feature, whereby languages overtly show assertive focus and, in a systematic and formal way, treat negatives and imperatives as having an inherent focus nature of their own".

A lexicalized use of the negative ICM construction is the expression of exclusion, as in (2.61) IDENT.NEG This is the only woman that I like. (Litt: "I don't like a woman, if it is not this woman").

Locational and existential constructions

Existential copula bi

The existential copula bi is used in the progressive construction with the gerund marker -la (-na after N) on the verb (2.62 a), in the stative-resultative construction with the suffix -nden (in CK and -len in NK and WK), see (2.62 b), and in the non-verbal locative construction, cf. To whatever station you arrive, there is water there.

Two possession constructions

The main strategy to express possession in Kakabe is a locational possessive, as in (2.64) the largest of the possessive types according to [START_REF] Stassen | Predicative possession. Oxford linguistics[END_REF]. I will refer to is as existential possession construction, EPC, by the type of copula used. Apart from that, the copula mu is used in the construction with possession meaning X poss lè tán mu (Y la), litt. "X's property is (on Y)", e.g. (2.3.2) and (2.65 b). I will refer to it as identification possession construction (IPC). The two constructions are opposed by the distribution of the information structure roles between the possessor and the possessed item. In IPC the focus is on the possessor. Thus, in (2.65 a) above, the possessor 'Fulbe' is under the contrastive focus. The out-of focus status of the possessed item also explains the fact that it can be omitted in this construction, as in (2.65 b). By contrast, in EPC the possessor is, in most cases, not in focus, as in (2.64), where the highly activated possessor is referred to by a short pronoun form.

Apart from that, IPC is opposed to EPC as more stable to temporary possession. Thus, EPC in (2.66) could not be replaced by IPC, because the possessed item wótè does not, in fact, belong to the referent of the syntactic possessor. Note also that in (2.66) the possessor is in focus, but, as has been said, IPC is ruled out for semantic reasons. Finally, in rare cases, the ICM construction can express possession also without the noun tán 'property', as in (2.67) below. More data is needed, though, to defined its semantics. (2.67)

Constructions with property predicates

Kakabe has a small group of lexemes which I will refer to as property predicates which are used as predicates without any copula in the affirmative and in the negative the copula máa (máa L in NK) is used between the subject and the predicate.

( The property predicates can also refer to the properties of an individual:

(2.70) à kɛ ́ndɛ ́'He is in good health!' à fání 'He is lying!' á kùsàn 'Good job' (he is able)! à kééɲín 'He is beautiful!'

The property predicate constructions are often used to refer to an immediate state of affairs. For example, the utterance with the property predicate à fáni which approximately can be translated as 'he is lying', is pronounced in a situation where the speaker claims his disbelief of what has been said. By contrast, in order to characterize somebody as a person who often lies, ICM construction with the nominal predicate would be used, í fòniya-fɔɔ-laa lè 'You are a liar'. In the same way, kùsan 'be good at something, be skilful', á kùsan 'he's good at it' can be pronounced to express the admiration for somebody's performance of an activity. Thus, in (2.71), from a tale, a child is listening to the song of a lizard and expressing to his mother his emotion about the song. Yet, the utterances with property predicates can also be judgements about stable properties, as in (2.72) below: (2.72) à lúúmɛ ̀kòlò 3SG market big. 'The market [of Dogomet] is big'. kàráɲɛ ̀↑dí study.ART good 'It is good to study'. I argue that property predicates have inherent assertion focus which accounts for the following distributional properties. First, the utterances with property predicates often contain various types of intensifiers and assertion focus markers, such as the assertion focus marker dɛ ́, the kóòbèn 'indeed', dóndèn 'however', hákkɛ ́ɛ̀' intensifier', the assertion focus marker náni and the truth focus marker yè (2.71), see also (2.73) There are no words to express, how beautiful she is! Second, with the exception of comparative constructions as in (2.74), focalization is very rare in utterances with property predicates. Moreover, a pronominal subject always occurs in the simple form, and never in the long form with lè. Excluding the comparative constructions with fìsa, there are only three examples in the corpus, where the subject is focalized. (2.74) là la OBL Among all the animals in the bush, the craziest is the hyena.

Alternation of the copula bi with zero

The existential copula bi balances on the edge of total disappearance due to it its pattern of allomorphs bi ~i ~b, where i is not far from zero realization (the distribution between these allomorphs is discussed in detail in Section 4.6.5). As I show in this section, apart from the segmental reduction which leaves little of the phonological substance of the marker, the danger can come also from the side of syntax. As it is argued here, the particle lè can occupy the same syntactic slot as bi and, therefore, makes the presence of the existential copula unnecessary.

In Kakabe, bi is not he only copula which alternates with zero, as has been shown earlier. In general, the possibility of zero copula for predicate nominals is common across languages [START_REF] Stassen | Intransitive predication. Oxford studies in typology and linguistic theory[END_REF]. As has been shown earlier, the ICM copula mu is, on the one hand, optional and, on the other hand, used in a construction, where the predicate part is focused by lè (as I argue, lè is absent only when an inherently focussed word is present in the same clause). By contrast, the negative ICM copula máa cannot be omitted since otherwise the negation would not be expressed and, at the same time, in the presence of máa the predicate part of the construction is not focused by lè. The absence of a separate focus marker (lè in our case) in this context can be due to the inherent focalization of negation which, according to [START_REF] Marchese | On assertive focus and the inherent focus nature of negatives and imperatives: Evidence from Kru[END_REF] is common for African language. And as for the non-negative copula mu, the possibility to omit it is related to the absence of focus in it.

The copula bi can be omitted for the same reason as mu: it is not inherently focused. In the following sections I will analyze more concretely the mutual distribution of bi and lè. It will be shown that in some contexts they are treated by grammar as belonging to the same slot, but there is a particular morphonological context, where lè cannot replace bi.

Optionality of bi

Apart from locational predications, the copula bi can also be used in progressive and stativeresultative verbal constructions, and in this case the omission is also possible (see examples in 2.3.2.1). This section explores the possibility to omit copula across all the three types of constructions.

The optionality of bi is illustrated by (2.75), where bi occurs in the first and the third clauses, but not in the last one: (2.75) bítin-la milk-GER It is her who prepares food, it is her who does the little tasks, it is her who milks the cows. Table 2.4 shows when the presence of bi is obligatory and when it is optional in the progressive, stative and non-verbal (locative and existential) constructions. The usage of the copula depends on two parameters: 1) the presence of lè in the post-subject position and 2) the transitivity of the clause, for the progressive and stative constructions.

With respect to the first parameter, it should be noted that the meaning and function of lè does not matter. As shown in Section 2.6.1.6, the marker lè can mark various types of focus after non-pronominal constituents, and after personal pronouns a single occurrence of lè marks a decrease in referent accessibility, whereas double lè marks focus. But these differences in meaning and function have no effect on the obligatory or optional character of bi. The only parameter which counts, is whether the position after the subject is occupied by lè or not, no matter its function is. The cell "bi / Ø" stands for the cases where the copula can be omitted, and "bi" for the cases when it is obligatory. The table shows that the copula becomes optional in the presence of subject focalization for all constructions. Besides, in the stative construction the copula is optional when the construction is intransitive and obligatory when it is transitive, whereas for the progressive construction it is obligatory in both cases. This distribution can be interpreted in the following way. The copula bi and the focus marker lè can both fill the post-subject slot. At the same time, constructions differ in whether this slot has to be filled or not. In the progressive and non-verbal constructions, the postsubject slot has to be filled and either lè or bi must be present. By contrast, in the stativeresultative construction, the post-subject slot has to be filled only if the construction is transitive.

The illustrations of the above said are given in the following two subsections.

Optionality of bi in the stative-resultative construction

Intransitive stative constructions (which, not surprisingly, are more numerous in the corpus: 35 transitive against 390 intransitive) are almost always used without an overt copula as in (2.76).

( In the case of intransitive stative-resultative constructions, the use of the copula bi is always allowed in elicitation, but it is rare in discourse. Out of 390 intransitive stative constructions occurring in my corpus10 , only three contain the bi copula; they are given in (2.77

The presence of post-subject lè

Examples (2.78 a)-( 2.78 e) attest that bi can be omitted when the subject is followed by lè: in the progressive construction, intransitive (2.78 a) and transitive (2.78 c), as well as in the transitive stative construction in (2.78 d) As argued earlier, the focus particle lè may take up the function of copula, therefore, the partial complementarity between lè and bi might be due to their functional overlap.

Morphonological constraints on copula omission

The possibility to omit bi, licensed by the presence of lè in the post-subject slot, is overruled by the presence of à or ànu in the DO position: if lè is present after the subject, but the object position or the position of the non-verbal predicate is occupied by the pronouns à or ànu, the overt copula is obligatory. In this case bi is merged with the pronoun and the initial consonant can be occlusive or non occlusive (see 4.6.5.1 about the allomorphs of bi). By contrast, the presence of the 2SG pronoun which is also onsetless, does not require an overt copula; compare (2.81 a) As shown in Section 4.6.2 the object pronouns à and ànu, on the one hand, and the pronoun ì, on the other hand, display different morphonological behavior with respect to the preceding auxiliary. The pronouns à and ànu almost obligatorily fuse with all the auxiliaries, whereas ì forms one syllable with the auxiliary only if its vowel is alos an i, e.g.:

ni SBJV + ì → [niː], but ka + ì → [ka i].
This leads to the following conclusion. The merger with a copula or an auxiliary has become obligatory for à or ànu in DO position and in the post-subject position in a non-verbal predication. At the same time, morphonologically, lè is not treated as a copula, therefore, it cannot merge with a pronoun.

Summary

The analysis of the mutual dependency in the distribution of bi and lè suggests that lè can be treated as a copula at the syntactic, but not at the morphonological level. Thus, two phenomena, by which lè is treated differently, have been singled out as the result of the investigation:

• the necessity for the post-subject slot to be occupied: => lè is treated as identical to bi;

• the requirement of à to merge with copula/auxiliary => lè is treated as different from bi.

Noun phrase

A noun phrase consists minimally of the head with the article. The head can be accompanied by modifiers, quantifiers, determiners. The order is represented in (2.82) below, followed by some examples.

(2.82) (Poss) (Det 1 ) N (Adj) (Num) (Det 2 ) (Quantifier) mùséénù wò fóó N that Quantifier 'all these women' mùsù tán fóó N Num Quantifier 'all the ten women' mùsù kɔ ́tɔ ́fìlà N Adj Num 'two old women' wó mùsù kɔ ́tɔ ́fìlà Det N Adj Num 'these two old women'

The plural suffix -nu is characterized by a low degree of grammaticalization. This marker attaches at the end of the NP, after the referential article, e.g. mùsù kɔ ́tɛ ̀-nù woman old-ART-PL 'old women'.

Possessive construction

Typically for Mande, Kakabe has two possessive constructions:

• alienable possession construction, with the simple juxtaposition of two NPs, (2.83 a)

• inalienable possession construction, with the linker la between the two NPs (2.83 b)

The alienable possession construction is used with body parts, most kinship terms, part-whole relationship terms, etc, cf. (2.83 a) and (2.83 b).

( The kinship terms déɲɛ ̀'child', kàyéè 'husband', mùséè 'wife' are used in inalienable construction, bítáɲɛ ̀the general term for in-law relation, sìnáà 'co-wife' can be used both in alienable and inalienable constructions.

The alienability opposition is not a purely lexical phenomenon, though. Thus, the choice between the possessive linker construction and simple juxtaposition is not always determined by the head lexeme. For example, wótè 'money' can be used in the inalienable possession construction, e.g. nìgéè wótè 'the cow's money' in the meaning 'the money received from the selling of the cow'. In speech, however, wótè occurs more often with an alienable possessor, referring to the person who holds the money. Since the discourse function of the possessor is to anchor a referent [START_REF] Langacker | Possession and possessive constructions[END_REF][START_REF] Haspelmath | Explaining article-possessor complementarity: Economic motivation in noun phrase syntax[END_REF][START_REF] Koptjevskaja-Tamm | Adnominal possession[END_REF], the more frequent use of 'money' in alienable construction, is due to the fact that, in most cases, it is more efficient to identify it through the person who holds it than through the bought object. To sum up, the association of a lexeme with a particular type of possession construction can have a semantic basis apart from being defined lexically.

Referential article

The segmental realization of the referential article -È was described in Chapter 4, see Section 4.6.4, and the tonal realization of the article is described in Chapter 3, see Section 5.9.1. NPs almost always occur with this article which corresponds to [START_REF] Greenberg | How does a language acquire gender markers[END_REF]

Bare noun

The appearance of a bare noun is, in general, due to two reasons: 1) lack of existential closure; 2) lexicalized usage.

Absence of existential closure

Bare singular in Kakabe can appear under the following operators: (a) negation, (b) modality, (c) genericity. The feature common to these three contexts is the absence of an existential closure. Apart from that, bare singulars are used in the predicative position, though they are in free variation with suffixed forms.

(2.85) (a) bìréédí béle yàn ¬∃x [bread(x), be here] bread be.NEG here 'There is no bread here (generic reading)' (b) bìréédè bélé yàn ∃x¬ [bread(x), be here] bread.ART be.NEG here 'The bread is not here (specific reading)'. vs. kérè lɔ ́gɔ ́bí ǹ nà ∃x[I need hoe(x)] 'I need the hoe'.

Lexically determined use of bare nouns

Generic nouns, or ontological-category nouns such as mɔ ̀gɔ 'person', fɛ ́n 'thing', túma 'time', kóo 'subject, topic', kán 'place' commonly occur in the bare form. There is no boundary between the bare nominals and the indefinite pronouns which originate from generic nouns. As in Section 6.5.3, the generic nouns kóo 'subject, topic', fɛ ́n 'thing' and dóo 'one', serve as the basis for the indefinite pronouns and the three polarity items.

The noun tɔ ́gɔ 'name' has no article when it is used in the construction 'to be called X', cf. (2.90) vs. (2.90), where tɔ ́gɛ ̀is used not predicatively but as an argument:

( Yet, more rarely, lɔ ́gɔ is used with the article. In the corpus 29 occurrences of it have no article and only three are combined with the article; they are given below. As can be seen, the form with the article can be used in the same context as the bare form, cf. (2.91)

Adjectives

Cross-linguistically, adjectives do not constitute a universal word class, as opposed to nouns and verbs. Besides, in languages where they are present, they often form a closed class [START_REF] Dixon | Where have all the adjectives gone? Studies in Language[END_REF][START_REF] Schachter | Parts-of-speech system[END_REF][START_REF] Wetzer | The typology of adjectival predication[END_REF]. In Central Mande languages adjectives are often absent as class or limited in number; see the discussion in Lüpke (2005: 97). Kakabe belongs to those Mande that do have a group of property words, even though a limited one, that can be distinguished on formal grounds. I use the terms adjectives for those words that are used in the attributive position within an NP, i.e. after the head noun and before the article, e.g. kùrsù sútúɲɛ ̀trousers short.ART 'short trousers'.

There is no agreement, the referential article and the number marker appears only once within the NP, after the adjective, e.g.:

(2.94) mángó mángo mango wúléɲɛ ̀nù wulen-È-nu red-ART-PL red mangoes There are 57 lexemes that are used only attributively. Apart from that, Kakabe has a group of property concept words that are used predicatively and that I refer to as property predicates, their use is described in Section 2.3.3.

The verb-adjective differentiation is weak, for example, wúlen '(be) red' is used both as a verb (2.95 a) and as an attribute in NP (2.95

Numerals

Adnominal numerals occur after the noun, e.g. wùlú fìlà 'two dogs'; wùlú sàbà 'three dogs'. (2.99a) differ from nouns, adjectives and determiners by the way they combine with the article as well as by their tonal behavior. Unlike nouns (2.99b) that in most cases occur with the referential article, numerals are mostly used without it. Unlike adjectives (2.99c), numerals do not form a tonally compact group with the noun and, again, mostly occur without the article the article. Finally, they differ from determiners (2.99a) in that the noun before the numeral is, in most cases, without the referential article. 11. These two nouns correspond to the two roots which denote 'thousand' across Mande languages.

Article in phrases with numeral

The referential article is possible in an NP with a numeral, but the conditions of the use of the article in it is different compared to NPs without numerals. If kélen L 'one' and other numerals are considered together, the article is added in only 6% of cases. This proportion is reduced to one percent if one excludes the numeral kélen L 'one'. On the other hand, if only kélen L is taken into accout, this numeral occurs with the article in 39 tokens out of 166. This relative abundance of the form with the article (kéléɲɛ ̀) is due to the fact that kélen L is used not only as a numeral. As it is common for the numeral 'one' cross-linguistically, kélen L is used in Kakabe not only to enumerate referents, but also to signal the indefinite referential status. This is, for example, the case of kéléɲɛ ̀within the NP à là dénmúsú kéléɲɛ 'one of his daughters' in (2.100):

( Besides, there are six occurrences of kéléɲɛ ̀as part of the kinship term nɛ ̀ɛ̀n ɛ ̀kéléɲɛ ̀'sibling from the same mother', where it is evidently not a numeral.

Going back to the other numerals (apart from kéléɲɛ ̀), the form with the article is likely to appear if the phrase with the numeral also contains a determiner, as the determiner wò 'this' in wò kíló lóólè 'these five kilograms' from (2.101). In this example the NP 'five kilograms' in the DO position contains no article in its first occurrence (kíló lóólú), whereas in the following utterance it does have the article -È (kíló lóólú). Importantly, an NP without a numeral would contain an article in both of the contexts.

( Creissels & Sambou (2013: 221) for Mandinka and Creissels (2009a: 107) for Kita Maninka argue that the article in the numeral phrase marks definiteness, whereas otherwise it is a referentiality marker. Yet, in the case of Kakabe it is not certain that the definiteness is responsible for the appearance of the article on the numeral. For example, neither in (2.102 a)

Numerals and the plurality marker

The plurality marker can also be present in the NP with a numeral. It can attach to the numeral only, as in (2.103 a) and (2.103 b) or both to the head noun and to the numeral, as in (2.103 c). The plurality marker is always precedes by the article. Example (2.104) contains two NPs with the numeral fìla 'two' each. In the first NP nɛ ̀ɛ̀n ɛ kélénmáànù fìláà 'the children of the same mother' the plural suffix -nu is added after the 12. Creissels & Sambou (2013: 221) mention in a footnote that in Mandinka cases can be found where a numeral occurs with the article even though the corresponding referent is not definite. According to their interpretation, this is due to the fact that the article in NPs with a numeral is being extended from definiteness contexts to being used as the maker of referentiality, the function it already fulfills in NPs without numerals. noun, whereas in the second one (bààbà kélémáá fìláànù 'the children of the same mother') it occurs after the numeral. Note that in both cases the plural marker is preceded by the article.

Complex numerals

Within a complex numeral, the combined numbers can be simply juxtaposed to the name of a unit (less then ten), as in (a), or separated by the conjunction nín 'and' (b) or by its equivalent ànín13 (c): When a compound numeral is used adnominally, the head noun occurs mostly only once, as in (2.107 a). But the it can also be repeated in the second conjunct; see (2.107 b) where sàn 'year' occurs both with the name of the tens bíílòòlù 'fifty' and with the name of the unit wɔ ́ɔ́r ɔ ́'six'.

Counting human referents

When human referents are counted, the numeral can be preceded by mɔ ̀gɔ ~mɔ ̀ɔ14 'person' functioning as a count word. The count word is not obligatory, and the numeral can be added directly to the noun of human, cf. (2.108 a) without mɔ ̀(g)ɔ and (2.108 b) with it. At the same time, the presence of mɔ ̀(g)ɔ is more frequent than its absence: the numeral is added directly to the noun referring to a human in 10 cases in my corpus against 21 cases when mɔ ̀(g)ɔ separates the noun from the numeral.

( Importantly, the combination of the count word and the numeral after it forms a tonally compact group. As it is described in Section 5.9.2.1, in a tonally compact group, tones of all non-initial elements are deleted and the tone of the first element spreads on the whole sequence. Thus, in (2.109) the numerals fìla 'two' and náani 'four' loose their tones, L and H respectively, and the L from mɔ ̀gɔ spreads on them.

( The construction with mɔ ̀(g)ɔ is also used when the human referent is represented by a personal pronoun, as in (2.111):

14. The omission of the intervocal g is possible in other occurrences of the word in other contexts as well.

(

Ordinal numbers

The ordinal numerals are formed with two suffixes -ɲɔgɔ and -nan ~-ɲan. Only -ɲɔgɔ is used in NK and WK. In CK the nan ~ɲan is in free variation with -ɲɔgɔ and the former occurs much less frequent that the latter. The ordinal number behaves as an adjective: first, an article is suffixed to it, second, it forms a tonally compact group with the preceding noun (5.9.2.1), cf. lóolu 'five' and sàba 'three' pronounced with the same tone when part of an ordinal numeral in (2. In (2.114) is given an example of an ordinal numeral formed from a complex numeral. As can be seen, one the H tone of bíi is preserved all the other tones until the L of the article are deleted:

(2.114) tèlè bíísábá nín kéléɲɲɔ ́gɛ tèle bíi L -sàba nín kélen L -ɲɔgɔ-È day ten-three and one-ORDIN-ART thirty first day

Juxtaposition and reduplication of numerals

The numerals of the same level (names of tens vs. names of tens vs. names of thousands etc.) can be juxtaposed with the meaning of more than one possibility of quantification. Thus, in (2.115) mɔ ̀gɔ ́fìlá sàbà means 'two or three people', the same way as two-three people in English can have this meaning. To express the same meaning, the numbers can be separated by the preposition háa which is otherwise used with the meaning 'until' (2.116 a) with the possible repetition of the head noun (2.116 b) Finally, in Kakabe, the distributive meaning can be rendered though reduplication, which is a way widely attested cross-linguistically [START_REF] Gil | Distributive Numerals. In: The World Atlas of Language Structures Online[END_REF]. See (2.117) We payed twenty thousand for each of them [Litt.: "We made it twenty thousand twenty thousand".

Indefinite marker and other uses of do(o)

The pronoun dó(o) which goes back to the numeral 'one', is used as a weakly grammaticalized indefinite marker when occurring in the adnominal position. The variation between the long (dóo) and the short (dó) variant is supposedly free, but more systematic investigation is needed to find out how the two variants are distributed. In the line of underlying forms in the glossed examples it is represented by dó.

In the argument position dó(o) functions as the indefinite person pronoun; this usage is described in Section 6.5.3. Apart from that, in combination with the referential article, dóè is used in contexts with more than one prominent topical referent referring to either of them.

In this alternating topic use, dóè is used adnominally and pronominally. As can be seen, it can be used with referents unknown to the hearer, or both to the hearer and the speaker. As has been said, dó(o) is not advanced in grammaticalization as an indefinite marker. Thus, only a minor part of NPs referring to previously unactivated referents are accompanied by dó(o). The adnominal dó(o) is used primarily with referents which occupy high position on the prominence hierarchy. Thus, out of 75 tokens of dó(o) NPs in the CK subcorpus, the referent of the expression is human, or a character in a tale in 59 cases, and in 10 cases it is used to denote a topic of a conversation, as yɛ ̀wtɛ ́rɛ ̀dò 'a speech' in (2.119 Compare dóènù in (2.123 a) and dóónú in (2.123 b) below, coming from the same story as in (2.122) about the fight between two groups of people from two different villages. The form with the article and the plural marker dóènù refers to the whole set of individuals (from village-one) which are contrasted with another, equally activated, set of individuals (from village-two). By contrast, the two instances of dóónú without the article in (2.123 b) refer to an indefinite number of individuals from set-one and from set-two respectively.

( From that land somebody died, and from the other land somebody died also.

Pronouns

Personal Pronouns

The paradigms of personal pronouns are given in Table 2.7 below. As can be seen, in the form of 1PL and 2PL, NK differs from CK and WK. The realization of the pronoun, segmental as well as tonal, is described in detail in Chapters 4 and 5. The same pronominal forms are used in all syntactic positions. The usage of the reflexive pronoun is limited to a particular type of subordinate clauses (discussed in Section 2.6.1.4).

Inclusive pronoun

The inclusive pronoun, ómà in CK and WK and ɔ ́mɔ ̀in NK, represents a composition of the first plural and the second plural pronouns 15 . This combination is transparent semantically. There is no morphonological fusion: the H tone on the first component is derived by the rules 15. In [START_REF] Vydrin | Impact of Pular on the Kakabe language (Futa Jallon, Guinea)[END_REF] we assume that in Kakabe the inclusive pronoun could have developed under the influence of Pular which opposes exclusive (men) and inclusive (en). Though inclusive pronouns are common in South-Western and Southern Mande, they are absent from other Mokole languages and are very marginal in the Manding group. It should also be noted that the inclusive/exclusive distinction is considered to be uncommon for Africa [START_REF] Cysouw | Inclusive/Exclusive Distinction in Independent Pronouns[END_REF]), yet, in the typological surveys, only few Mande languages are usually taken into consideration.

of the realization of L tone associated to a monomoraic morpheme, described in Section 5.7 in Chapter 5.

See (2.124) below from a conversation in NK, where the speaker is talking about the language spoken in the villages, using two instances of the inclusive pronoun:

( .6.1.4 The distribution between the reflexive and personal pronouns

As has been shown above, personal pronouns in non-subject position can be bound by the subject of the same clause. Apart from that, Kakabe has a specialized reflexive pronoun which 16. The same is found, for example, in Susu, Bamana, Maninka, Mandinka.

appears only in non-finite clauses with a relativized subject or without an overt subject: in gerund, infinitival clauses, subject relativization clauses, and nominalizations. Thus, in (2.131) below the first clause is finite, and the coreference with the subject is marked by the personal pronoun, whereas in the second, infinitival clause, it is marked by the reflexive pronoun ì: The reflexive pronoun is homonymous with the 2SG pronoun ì, therefore, there is no direct way to establish whether the reflexive pronoun can have the second person singular as antecedent. See the paradigm of the middle verb ì sìgì 'sit down' in (2.134 As already mentioned, Kakabe has zero-marked nominalization, so that the verb can be used in an argument position with its arguments preserved. In my corpus there are no examples of the reflexive pronoun used in such zero-marked nominalizations. As for elicitation, its results can be interpreted in a way that the use of the reflexive pronoun is less acceptable, compared to the other non-finite clauses listed above (relativization, infinitive, gerund clause). The reflexive pronoun use is sometimes rejected and sometimes accepted. For example, it is accepted for the middle verb ɓáarɛ 'lean', but not for the middle verb pílansɔn 'plunge (into water)'. (2.137) The middle interpretation is available only for à: the pronoun ì can have only the 2SG interpretation:

(2.131) à à 3SG bátáá báti à PRF 3SG
(2.139) à pílánsóɲɛ ̀bátí díyá à yèn He liked jumping into water.

Compared to this, the gerund clause which can be used in the same argument position as the zero-nominalization, always accepts ì as reflexive, coreferent with the PRO: The conditional máni and the subjunctive ni both introduce dependent clauses (ni has also modal usage, and then the clause where it occurs is independent, but otherwise it introduces dependent clauses, in the same way as máni).

All the above said shows that the reflexive ì in Kakabe is sensitive to how the subject is affected by the subordinate status of the clause. More precisely, it is allowed in those cases where the subordinate status of the clause affects the expression of the subject which is either phonologically absent, or bears a mark of dependency:

(2.142) Antecedent of the reflexive ì has to be the subject of a subordinate clause which is either a phonological zero, or bears a mark of subordination on itself.

Ø SBJ i or (NP)SBJ mín i ↔ ì i
The examples with the subordinated clauses with máni and ni where the subject is overt and not formally affected by the subordinate status of the clause and where the reflexive ì is marginally accepted suggest that the reflexive ì, by the extension of sensitivity to the subordinate status of the subject (2.142), is sensitive to the subordinate status of the clause as a whole, even if the subject is formally unaffected. It remains unclear why zero-marked nominalizations are a less favorable environment for the reflexive ì, compared to gerund; further study should show whether their subject positions differ also in other respects. Table 2.8 summarizes the contexts licensing the reflexive ì.

infinitival Ø SBJ i kà ì i V OK gerund Ø SBJ i ì i V-la OK relative (NP) mín i aux ì i V OK zero-nominalization Ø SBJ i ì i V-ART ?/OK finite subordinate Sbj i máni/ ni ì i V ?? finite independent Sbj i aux main ì i V NO Table 2
.8: Acceptability of the reflexive ì depending on the type of the clause I am not aware of other examples of languages outside of Mande with a pronoun specialized in marking coreference with a subordinate clause subject. Within the Mande family, a candidate for a language with such a pronoun is Koranko which also belongs to the Mokole group. Otherwise there aren't any other Mande languages with a reflexive pronoun that would have the same pattern of distribution.

Furthermore, the reflexive pronouns in the Mande languages of the Manding-Mokole group are subject to other types of constraint (different for each particular language) which on the whole gives and interesting pattern of variation. The table below compares the use of the reflexive pronoun in Kakabe and four other Manding-Mokole languages, for which the relevant information was available. In all the compared languages the reflexive pronoun is i (its tone varies across languages but the common origin is, nevertheless, certain) and coincides in form with the second singular personal pronoun 17 . All the discussed languages have the middle construction homonymous with the reflexive construction, in which the pronoun in question occurs. A detailed discussion of the use of the reflexive í in Bamana can be found in [START_REF] Vydrin | Verbes réfléchis bambara. Première partie (pronoms réflichies, groupement sémantico-syntaxiques des verbes non-réflichies)[END_REF] and (in Russian) in Vydrin (1999b). In Bamana the reflexive í can be coreferent with the third person subject only, and with the third singular more often than with the third plural. Contrary to Kakabe, there is no restriction to the syntactic type of the clause. Its usage is always optional, in the sense that í can always be replaced by the personal pronoun, 3SG à, or 3PL ù, depending on the number. The author notes that the frequency of the use of í (as 17. Most likely, the reflexive i goes back to *É at the Proto-Mande level. The second person singular pronoun is an unlikely source for a reflexive pronoun. Thus, in [START_REF] Schladt | The typology and grammaticalization of reflexives[END_REF] survey of grammaticalization sources of reflexives, the second person marker is not attested as a source of reflexive.

Person antecedent

Free variation with personal pronoun

Syntactic restrictions the on use of reflexive

opposed to the choice of the personal pronoun), first, varies across the dialects of Bamana, and, second, is used more often with some verbs than with others. The reflexive í in the possessor position is common if the head noun refers to body part and not possible if it is a kinship term (Vydrin 1999b) 22 .

In Kita Maninka, i is also used in main clauses and, again, can always be replaced by the personal pronoun. As Creissels (2009a: 162) notes, the personal pronoun is chosen more often than the reflexive pronoun.

In Mandinka, differently from Kita Maninka, Bamana and Kakabe, the reflexive pronoun can signal coreference not only with the third person, but also with the second person, singular as well as plural. Another difference with the mentioned languages is that í cannot be replaced by the personal pronoun. At the same time, the usage of í in Mandinka is restricted by the fact that it can occur only as a direct object, and is neither possible in the position of the possessor nor in the position of IO, see Creissels & Sambou (2013: 210-212). In constructions with reflexive meaning proper, i can be replaced by a personal pronoun with an intensifier.

Finally, in Koranko, according to Kastenholz (1987b), the reflexive pronoun appears in infinitival clauses, and not in main clauses 23 . Unfortunately, the author does not mention whether there are any other subordinate clauses which allow it.

As can be seen, the reflexive pronoun in Manding-Mokole is subject to various types of constraints. One can suppose that a system with the limitation of the reflexive pronoun to subordinate clauses such as found in Koranko and Kakabe, resulted from the disappearance of the specialized reflexive pronoun from the main clauses.

As stated in the title of [START_REF] Bybee | Main clauses are innovative, subordinate clauses are conservative: Consequences for the nature of constructions[END_REF] article, "Main clauses are innovative, subordinate clauses are conservative". Bybee analyses several cases of the disappearance of tense and aspect conjugation forms in the main clause. For example, in Armenian, the periphrastic progressive emerged trough replacing synthetic present tense in the main clause, but not in the subordinate clause. She arrives to the following conclusion:

Many diachronic changes occur earlier in main clauses than in subordinate clauses. The reasons suggested are that main clauses are pragmatically richer, containing the focussed information and the possibility of setting off old from new information, while subordinate clauses tend to be pragmatically more even, replaying previously presented or supplementary material (Bybee 2002: 14).

In this perspective, it is logical to suppose, for the case of Kakabe and Koranko, that a specialized reflexive marker was originally used both in main and in subordinate clauses and then was replaced by personal pronouns in the main clause. This replacement must have proceeded from the stage of free variation between the specialized reflexive and the personal pronoun in the main clause which is currently attested in such languages as Bamana and Kita Maninka. To conclude, though a reflexive marker specialized in marking coreference with a 22. The author claims that this constraint is canceled when it is coreferent with a generic subject, such as the generic mɔ ̀gɔ 'person'. Yet, here the author conflates the reflexive í and the generic í which, as he shows himself in example (31), can occur in the subject position with the antecedent mɔ ̀gɔ in a higher clause.

23. Kastenholz (1987b) refers to the reflexive pronoun as the second singular pronoun, saying that in the infinitive clause the "third person pronoun is replaced by the second person pronoun". subject of a subordinate clause seems to be uncommon cross-linguistically, nevertheless, the data of related languages where this pronoun is attested and the conservative potential of the subordinate clause attested cross-linguistically, allows us to suggest how this kind of reflexive pronoun could have evolved.

Personal pronouns as resumptive pronouns

Left-dislocated topics are common in Kakabe discourse. The dislocated NP is doubled by a pronoun which, in most cases, agrees with it in number, as in (2.143) where the dislocated plural NP déɲɛ ̀nù 'children' is repeated by the plural pronoun ànu. (2.143) Prosodically, left-dislocated topics can be either in a separate or in the same intonation phrase with the following clause. The former is the case in (2.143) where déɲɛ ̀nù is followed by a short pause and where the IP-boundary blocks the insertion of the H-tone separator (see 5. 3.4.2). By contrast, in (2.144) the NP on the left belongs to the same IP as the following clause (the tonal realization of prosodic units are described in 5. 3.4) The pronoun doubling in marked topic constructions is a well-known grammaticalization source of agreement marking [START_REF] Givón | The grammar of referential coherence as mental processing instructions[END_REF][START_REF] Siewierska | From anaphoric pronoun to grammatical agreement marker: why objects don't make it[END_REF], cf.: Topics, loosely associated with the clause < ... > become integrated into the clause as a result of the overuse of the marked topic constructions and thus the originally anaphoric pronouns become agreement markers (Siewierska 1999: 237) Colloquial French is one of the examples of such an overuse. According to [START_REF] Lambrecht | Information structure and sentence form: topic, focus, and the mental representations of discourse referents[END_REF], in utterances like Pierre il vient souvent 'Pierre comes often' the NP has lost topicality and has been reanalyzed as subject, and the pronoun il as agreement marker.

In constructions with marked topic, the topicalized NP is outside of the clause, and therefore the pronominal element is an anaphor. Anaphoric pronouns can give rise to grammatical agreement markers, when the NP loses its marked topic role and becomes part of the clause.

Since in Kakabe topic left-dislocation is common, in view of the above said, it is important to identify where this construction is located with respect to the grammaticalization cline towards grammatical agreement. A lot has been written on how to distinguish between agreement and antecedent-anaphora relations (for an overview see [START_REF] Siewierska | From anaphoric pronoun to grammatical agreement marker: why objects don't make it[END_REF]. The prosodic criterion does not give any positive result, since, as has been shown, the topical NP can be in a separate IP or in the same IP as the clause, see (2.143) and (2.144). The test which does work for Kakabe is checking the capacity of the pronominal element to double such expressions as nobody, somebody and question words. Since this expressions are unambiguously non-topical and belong to the same clause, therefore, a pronoun which doubles it necessarily belongs to the same clause. In Kakabe, such contexts are unavailable for the pronoun: (2.147) The types of person-marking systems vary across Mande languages, and the existence or absence of agreement largely correlates with the genetic grouping. As [START_REF] Konoshenko | Person and number marking in Mande languages[END_REF] has shown in her comparative study of person marking in Mande, systems with grammatical agreement are common for Southern, South-Eastern and Eastern Mande. In languages of these groups, NPs within the clause are doubled by pronominal markers which have fused with functional words (most often, auxiliaries). By contrast, in Central Mande languages, person and number markers are almost exclusively anaphoric (i.e. their antecedent cannot be in the same clause). The only contexts where some Central Mande languages admit pronominal markers controlled locally are coordination constructions. Locally-bound pronominals are found in this context in Koranko.

Let's look at coordination constructions in Kakabe. Coordination is marked by the conjunctions nín (n' before vowel) 'and': Apart from nín, the conjuncts can be linked by the connector ànín which is, originally, nín, preceded by the pronoun à, but the latter does not have the syntactic properties of the 3SG pronoun and, crucially, cannot refer to any individual. The connector ànín is obligatory, when the second conjunct appears post-verbally, as in (2.149 a) below. Besides, ànín can be used as a discursive linker between clauses, as in (2.149 b). The fact that à is not a resumptive pronoun with respect to the first conjuncts is also seen in that it does not agree with it in number. If it were the case, ànu would be used in (2.149 a) to agree with the first conjunct sòéènú fìlà 'two horses'.

( The connector ànín can also be used to coordinate NPs in the subject (2.150 a) and in the object positions (2.150 b), but in both these contexts simple nín is more frequent. Bamana and Mandinka also have the connector àni originating from the 3SG pronoun and the conjunction nin, and the distribution of àni is analogous to that of ànín in Kakabe: obligatory when the second conjunct is postverbal and optional in other positions.

To sum up, only non-local pronoun doubling is possible in Kakabe, since, as has been shown, à in ànín coordination is not a pronominal expression any more.

Long forms of personal pronouns

In general, the particle lè marks focus, see Section 2.2.1. Yet, in combination with personal pronouns, lè is used as a marker of the lower accessibility of the referent or of topic shift. As for focalization, it is done through the addition of double lè; see the following subsection (2.6.1.7). Let's look at Example (2.151) below where the form í lè is used in the subject position. It is clear that the subject is not in focus, because the two alternatives which are proposed in the question are related to the content of the predicate and not to the subject. Moreover, in the second clause the predicate is followed by lè which, not following a pronoun, is unambiguously a focus marker. It should be noted that full address forms, like the proper name Úmù Áwà in this case, are always followed by personal pronouns with lè instead of simple pronouns. I gloss the lè as LG, standing for "long form". (2.151) It should also be noted that there is a more explicit marker of contrastive topic, namely, the determiner túgun which is used more often in this context. More frequently than in the contrastive topic function, as in (2.152), the long form is used when there is a need to reinforce the reference because of some perturbation in the topic chain. In the passage, represented in (2.153), the speaker talks about his mother-in-law, designated by the 3SG pronoun. The usage of the long form in the second clause is motivated by the interference of two clauses 'thus it went on', with the impersonal subject and the temporal clause 'when the morning arrived'. Thus, this interference is even less than topic change, since neither wò nor kɛ ́nɛ ̀'morning' can be considered as topics24 .

( In my corpus, out of 111 tokens of coordination with a pronoun as the first conjunct, only in 6 cases is there a simple pronoun not followed by lè, one of them is given in (2.155) below. Otherwise, there are 32 occurrences of a pronoun as the second conjunct, and in all of them, the pronoun is followed by lè. The ability to be involved in coordination constructions is one of the criteria that opposes an autonomous pronoun from a dependent pronoun25 [START_REF] Siewierska | Person. Cambridge textbooks in linguistics[END_REF]). Thus, the rarity of simple pronouns in this context in Kakabe indicates that they are, probably, on the way to become dependent. This is confirmed by the fact that only long forms can appear in left-topic position:

(2.156) á lè wótí béláà bòlò *á wótí béláà bòlò 3SG LG money be.NEG 3SG hand As for him, he doesn't have any money.

Let's now try to define more clearly the discursive function of the form with lè, as opposed to the simple (short) pronoun. As has already been said, it has to do with the accessibility and the saliency of the referent. It is widely accepted in the literature that the choice between a less and a more elaborated forms is related to the accessibility of the referent: Minimum encoding implies that the referent is already in the forefront of the hearer's (and speaker's) consciousness ( ... ) more elaborate encoding suggests that the relevant discourse referent must be sought deeper in the memory store of the hearer (Siewierska 2004: 174).

A simple form of a personal pronoun is the minimum possible encoding of a referent in Kakabe, and the form with lè is "one step" in the direction of elaboration. The saliency of the referent is automatically lowered when he has to share the ground with other referents (cf. the factor of the "competition amount" in [START_REF] Siewierska | Person. Cambridge textbooks in linguistics[END_REF][START_REF] Ariel | Accessing noun-phrase antecedents. Croom Helm linguistics series[END_REF]. This is the case in the coordination construction, since at least two referents are present, thus the lè form is due to a lowered saliency. In (2.151), the fact that the speaker uses a full address form is by itself an indicator that the referent needs reactivation which therefore explains the need of the longer form.

I will be referring to personal pronouns with single lè in Kakabe with the neutral label 'long form' (LG in the gloss for lè following a personal pronoun). It is hard to find a name for this category which would be more explicit about its discursive function. Referring to lè after personal pronoun as topic marker would be misleading: even though the pronoun with lè is indeed the topic of the utterance, it is not "more topical" than the pronoun without this marker. Rather, if one were to choose, 'less topical', since the long form is used for slightly less salient referents, compared to the referents of simple pronouns. It is not a contrastive topic marker either, since, as has been shown, the referent does not not necessarily have one salient alternative opposed to it in the discourse context, as in (2.151), where í lè is not contrasted with any clear alternative.

'Topic shift' would be a rather good match, but this label misses cases like (2.154), where the usage of í lè is motivated not by the change of the topic (the 2SG referent was the topic in the immediately preceding clause), but rather by the necessity to share the topicality with another referent.

To sum up, the functions of the long form of personal pronouns in Kakabe cannot be pinned down as one particular topic type, but rather corresponds to a range of topical discursive roles with some minimal lowering of accessibility: topic shift, contrastive topic and shared topicality. Finally, the term 'long form' captures the commonly accepted existence of the inverse correlation between the degree of activation of a referent and the length of the form: the less a referent is activated, the longer the form [START_REF] Givón | The grammar of referential coherence as mental processing instructions[END_REF]Kibrik 2011, among many others).

The analogous set of pronouns, consisting of a simple pronoun and the particle lè in Koranko, is referred to as emphatic pronouns by Kastenholz (1987b). In Manding languages, contrary to Kakabe and Koranko, the pronominal forms which, most probably, also go back to the combination of a simple pronoun with the focus particle, are currently non-segmentable. In Mandinka [START_REF] Creissels | Le mandinka[END_REF] and Kita Maninka (Creissels 2009a) the long forms are made by the addition of -te, whereas the focus marker is le. In Bamana (see [START_REF] Dumestre | Grammaire fondamentale du bambara[END_REF]Vydrin 2017a) the long forms contain le but are non-segmentable either, e.g. nê (1SG), ê (2SG), 3SG àlê (3SG). In all the mentioned descriptions, this longer pronominal forms are referred to as emphatic.

"Emphasis" is one of the most vague and, at the same time, one of the most popular terms, used in linguistic descriptions. If one tries to find some particular substance in it, such as some type of "discourse prominence, typically either contrast and/or intensification" (Siewierska 2004: 67), then the typical example would be the English pronouns of the self paradigm, myself, yourself, herself etc. Even if the pronominal forms in Manding languages are emphatic in this sense which remains to be verified, it is evident that the pattern of usage of the Kakabe pronouns with a single lè, described above, does not match this description.

As has been shown, the Kakabe long forms of pronouns appear when the referent is slightly less activated and prominent, compared to the referent of a simple pronoun form, and the naming of this form of pronoun as "long" unambiguously refers to its phonological form 26 .

Focalization of personal pronouns

The focalization of personal pronouns is done by the addition of the second lè to the form which already has one lè. See (2.157) below, where the subjects of the two clauses are contrasted. The first, full-fledged NP is followed by one lè, and the pronominal subject of the second clause contains two lè particles: 26. A confusion is possible due to the inverse correlation between the length of the pronominal form and the saliency of the referent, mentioned above. Whereas the referent is lowered in prominence, the longer form of the pronoun is more salient itself in the sense of bigger phonological substance. Therefore, one can try to save the term "emphatic pronoun" in reference to the data discussed here by saying that emphasis refers to this phonological salience. In any case, the term "long" is preferable since it unambiguously refers to form, whereas "emphatic" can be ambiguous between phonological saliency and the saliency in the sense of activation state. In CK and WK the addition of two lè markers happens in a phonologically regular way (for the tonal realization see Section 5.7.3). By contrast, in NK the lè lè sequence has frozen into the form with elision llè. This has happened for all personal pronouns, but 1SG and 3PL pronouns. The elision is not possible in the case of 1SG pronoun, because lè is realized as dè after N. In the 3PL focus form, it is the vowel of the plural marker which has been permanently deleted, resulting in ǎn ꜜdélè. In texts, "full forms", like ì lé lè , ànu lé lè are never used. The paradigms of the long forms of personal pronouns for CK and WK, on the one hand, and NK, on the other hand, are given in The impersonal use of the second singular person, like in the English example You shouldn't drink and drive, is a cross-linguistically common phenomenon (Siewierska 2004: 212), see also [START_REF] Gast | Impersonal uses of the second person singular: A pragmatic analysis of generalization and empathy effects[END_REF] for a recent discussion. [START_REF] Creissels | The generic use of the second person singular pronoun in Mandinka[END_REF] discusses the impersonal use of ì with non-specific NP in Mandinka. He supposes that this phenomenon must be widespread for the area, but has been, so far, ignored by linguistic descriptions:

To the best of my knowledge, the situation I describe has never been analyzed before, either in Mandinka or in other languages, and none of the descriptive grammars of West African languages I have been able to consult mentions it, although it undoubtedly occurs in texts, not only in other Manding varieties (Bambara, Maninka, Dyula, etc.), but also in languages whose genetic relationship with Mandinka is, at most, very remote, for example, Wolof.

In Kakabe, there is one additional type of usage of the pronoun ì which is not mentioned by [START_REF] Creissels | The generic use of the second person singular pronoun in Mandinka[END_REF] for Mandinka. The pronoun ì can be coreferent with a distributive universal quantifier, in which case it no more has a generic reading, see (2.163 a) Generic impersonals are found in non-assertive, irrealis context, where the referent corresponds to "some unspecified or loosely specified group of individuals" [START_REF] Siewierska | Overlap and complementarity in reference impersonals: Manconstructions vs. third person plural-impersonals in the languages of Europe[END_REF]). These are the readings of ì in (2.158)- (2.162). By contrast, events in (2.163 a) and ( 2.163 b) are specific. Kála 'every' marks the distributional universal quantification 27 over a set of specific referents which is the group of people, including the speaker in (2.163 a) and the group of people gathered on the riverbank in the episode described in (2.163 a). Importantly, ì cannot signal the distributivity on its own, thus, it cannot replace kála, as shown in (2.164) below. (2.164) mà fó fàtàntà ɲɔ ́ɔ̀í tágátá ì bàtà We separated, and you went to your place. #We separated and everyone went to his place. ≠ mà fó fàtàntà ɲɔ ́ɔ̀k ála tágátá ì bàtà We separated and everyone i went to his i place.

Contrary to that, the replacement of the generic mɔ ̀gɔ by ì does not change the meaning of the utterance:

(2.165) mɔ ̀gɔ ̀táán màfítán ì mà ≈ ì táán màfítán ì mà 'You generic cannot chase them off yourself', see. (2.163 a) for glosses. Thus, ì is compatible with the distributive plural meaning, without being able to express this meaning on its own. See also (2.166) below, where the generic/distributive ì in the last clause is licensed by ɲɔ ̀gɔ ̀n in the preceding clause (ì in the preceding two clauses is the specialized reflexive pronoun homonymous to 2SG, described in Section 2.6. 1.4). This proves that the semantic component which licenses the use of ì in this case is indeed distributivity, and not universality.

27. See e.g. [START_REF] Gil | Universal Quantifiers and Distributivity[END_REF] [How children make a swing:] children attach it to a tree, and sit on it, and push each other, so that each of you swing.

To sum up, the pronoun ì can have a generic meaning on its own, as in (2.158), and can be anaphoric to an NP with generic reference. By extension of this antecedent-anaphoric relation with a generic NP, it started being used as an anaphor to distributional plural NPs. The link between generic reference and distributivity lies in the domain of modality which I do not have space to discuss here and refer the reader to [START_REF] Fintel | Epistemic Containment[END_REF] and [START_REF] Gagnon | Distributivity and modality: where 'each' may go, 'every' can't follow[END_REF].

The uses of ì described above and illustrated in (2.158)-( 2.166), and the primary usage of ì when it refers to the addressee, line up in a sequence of four stages, characterized each by different types of referentiality, represented below: Stage (1) corresponds to the participant deixis (in terms of [START_REF] Cysouw | The paradigmatic structure of person marking. Oxford studies in typology and linguistic theory[END_REF], where the pronoun has the addressee as the only reference. At Stage (2), widely attested for the 2SG person cross-linguistically, ì has generic and non-specific reference. At this stage it is no more a deictic in the strict sense of the term, since it does not point to any element in the speech situation. Neither is it a shifter, since its reference does not depend on the speech situation, see [START_REF] Gast | Impersonal uses of the second person singular: A pragmatic analysis of generalization and empathy effects[END_REF] for the discussion of the relation between 2SG deictic and the impersonal reference. At Stage (3) the pronoun is starting to be used in a context, where it is dependent in its interpretation on an NP antecedent in the subject position or as a left-dislocated topic. Importantly, this NP has to be generic, but nevertheless its interpretation domain is narrower compared to the impersonal use of 2SG. Thus, the transition from ( 2) to ( 3) is accompanied by the narrowing of referentiality: whereas at Stage (2) it refers to 'any person', at Stage (3) it refers to any person belonging to the kind denoted by its NP antecedent, e.g.'any X who does not study' in (2.161).

Finally, at Stage (4) ì extends the range of its possible contexts to utterances with a specific plural topic and a distributive quantifier. This is, again, accompanied by the narrowing of the range of possible referents, compared to the preceding stage: at (3) it was any referent of the kind X, and here it is each distinct individual of the specific set X.

As shown on the schema above, the evolution of the use of ì affects several levels: the referentiality (narrow/wide); the pragmatic type of meaning (deixis/anaphora) and the level of aspect and modality (realis/irrealis). The conclusion about the change in the referentiality is in tune with the findings of [START_REF] Gast | Towards a distributional typology of human impersonal pronouns, based on data from European languages[END_REF], who develop a semantic map of human impersonal pronouns in European languages. According to their analysis, the change in the meaning of the impersonal pronominal markers such as French on, German man, English they etc. follows a circular trajectory where the referential domain is, first, widened, and then, narrowed back.

Analogously, the referential domains of the Kakabe 2SG (as well as the Mandinka i and, supposedly, the second person singular pronoun in many other Western African languages), the meaning is also, first widened and then narrowed. The typology of [START_REF] Gast | Towards a distributional typology of human impersonal pronouns, based on data from European languages[END_REF] does not include the generic anaphoric use of the 2SG pronoun, for the simple reason that in European languages they are not attested. Thus, the example of Kakabe, as well of many other West African languages, according to [START_REF] Creissels | The generic use of the second person singular pronoun in Mandinka[END_REF], may be an interesting contribution to the theory of impersonal pronouns. The pronouns kɛ ̀and wò are mostly used in argument positions, whereas yàn, pàn and ɲɔ ́ɔ̀~ɲ ɔ are mostly used adverbially, but, occasionally, the adverbial demonstratives occur in argument position also. The demonstratives kɛ ̀and wò are also used adnominally, either before or after the head, and in both cases the noun occurs with the referential article.

Non-personal pronouns

Demonstratives and anaphors

(2.167) (a) mùséé wò ~wò mùséè 'that woman' (b) mùséé kɛ ̀~kɛ ̀mùséè 'this woman' By contrast, yàn, pàn and ɲɔ ́ɔ̀~ɲ ɔ are never used adnominally. At the same time, they often combine with the pronouns kɛ ̀and wò: kɛ̌yàn, kɛ̌pàn, kɛ ̀ɲɔ ́ɔ̀, wò yàn etc. The demonstratives wò and (much less frequently) kɛ ̀are also used as anaphors, in the sense that they primarily stand for some other expression in the discourse.

The demonstratives kɛ ̀and wò display a special behavior in ICM constructions, see 2.3.1.2. The differentiation between the pronouns kɛ ̀and wò is best accounted for in terms of the distinction between exophoric and endophoric pragmatic use. Figure 2.4 below reproduces [START_REF] Diessel | Demonstratives: form, function, and grammaticalization[END_REF] categorization which builds on [START_REF] Halliday | Cohesion in English[END_REF]. In this classification, an anaphoric referential expression keeps track of discourse participants, and is most often coreferential with prior NPs, its referent commonly persists in the subsequent discourse. On the other hand, a discourse deictic demonstrative refers to propositions and speech acts, and its referent usually does not persists in the subsequent discourse. The English it is an example of anaphor, whereas that is a discourse deictics. Exophoric deictics primarily identify a referent through the situation surrounding the interlocutors, and are often accompanied by a pointing gesture. pragmatic uses exophoric endophoric anaphoric discourse deictic recognitional Figure 2.4: The pragmatic uses of demonstratives, after [START_REF] Diessel | Demonstratives: form, function, and grammaticalization[END_REF] The demonstrative kɛ ̀is the primary exophoric deictic in Kakabe. Typically, it is used in contexts like (2.168), where it refers to a person present in the situation. (2.168) "Discourse deictic demonstratives focus the hearer's attention on aspects of meaning, expressed by a clause, a sentence, a paragraph, or an entire story" (Diessel 1999: 101). In line with that, wò is part of expressions which are regularly used when the narrator summarizes his story. It can also be used cataphorically: (2.170) Along with à, it is used as anaphor to topical NPs dislocated to the left, as in (2.172). Compared to à, wò is less frequent in this context, but regularly appears, for example, if the NP in question contains an adnominal wò, as it is the case in (2.172 Finally, the third endophoric type of use is the recognitional type. Recognitional demonstratives are only used adnominally and do not have any referent in the preceding discourse or the surrounding situation; rather, they are used to activate specific shared knowledge [START_REF] Diessel | Demonstratives: form, function, and grammaticalization[END_REF][START_REF] Himmelmann | Demonstratives in Narrative Discourse: A Taxonomy of Universal Uses[END_REF]. An example of recognitional use of wò is (2.173) below. The NP àn ná kàráꜜɲɛ ́wò 'those writings of theirs' [by which the speaker means the works of Muslim scholars] is the first mention of the referent, but the speaker construes it as something that his hearers are suppose to know, due to their religious engagement.

(

Opposition between the demonstrative wò and the 3SG pronoun à

In the section above we have identified the distinction between the wò and kɛ ̀which is the opposition between the discourse-internal type of reference and the to reference through the situation of speech. The next question is what is the demarcation line between wò and the third person singular pronoun à which can both be used as anaphors. As will be shown, the personal pronoun à can have the same two endophoric pronominal uses as wò. The personal pronoun à can be bound to an NP-antecedent (not within the same clause), and it can also refer to propositional meaning expressed in the discourse. Thus, wò and à share the roles of the discourse deictic and the anaphor. In what follows, I will first compare à and wò when they are used in anaphoric relation to an NP and have term references.

I argue that they play different roles in reference-tracking when used anaphorically. The demonstrative wò serves, first, to further integrate a new referent as a topic, after its first mention through a full-fledged NP. Second, wò is used along with à in order to keep apart two referents claiming the same position in the givenness and salience hierarchy. As for à, its referents are characterized by the highest salience and activation state which is typical of personal pronouns cross-linguistically (e.g. [START_REF] Chafe | Cognitive constraints on information flow[END_REF][START_REF] Gundel | Cognitive Status and the Form of Referring Expressions in Discourse[END_REF]. When à and wò are used with propositional reference, then the distinction between direct vs. non-direct relation between anaphor and antecedent [START_REF] Prince | Towards a taxonomy of given-new information[END_REF][START_REF] Erku | The pragmatics of indirect anaphors[END_REF][START_REF] Gundel | Demonstrative pronouns in natural discourse[END_REF]) comes into play. [START_REF] Himmelmann | Demonstratives in Narrative Discourse: A Taxonomy of Universal Uses[END_REF] points out that after the introduction of a new referent through a full NP, its second mention is, typically, a demonstrative. After that, when the referent is already well established as a topic, it can be referred to through a personal pronoun. In Kakabe wò usually fulfills the role of the second-mention anaphor.

Anaphoric use of wò and à

In (2.174) below, the elders form the Mansaya village are discussing the relationships between Kakabe and Fulbe. They say that people tend to go away from their village because of the existing tensions. The proper name Cɛ ́rnɔ ́Úsmánɛ ̀refers to a person they know, but who is mentioned for the first time in the discussion. He is first referred to with the fullfledged NP, his second mention is wò, and when he appears again in the third intonation phrase, the personal pronoun à is used. After it, another man from the village, báppá Kɛ ̀sɛ ́lìn is mentioned, with the same pattern of referential expression: full-fledged NP -> demonstrative wò -> personal pronoun à. (2.174) The demonstrative wò can be not only a second-but also a third-mention of a new referent. Let's look at the passage in (2.175). The story is about a young man, who saw a married woman and fell in love with her. In (2.175) he tells to his friend that he found out who the husband of that woman was. The first mention of the husband is thee NP káari lè 'such and such'. In the following two mentions, wò is used, after which, the topic is established, and is referred to by the personal pronoun à.

(2.175) àn táá ꜜfɔ ́ɲɲè They told me káárí lè lá mùséè mú kɛ ̀là that is the wife of a such-and-such wò mú dònséé lè là he is a hunter, wò ká kɛ ̀fɛ ́llíꜜré lè mà he does hunting for living, háa a ka kɛɛ mùséè sɔ ̀tɔ ̀and he that's how he got this woman sánòe b' à bòlò sòéènù b' à bòlò he has money, he has horses.

The second-mention wò is not a necessary stage in the introduction of a topic in the subject position, this function can be fulfilled by any description which characterizes this new topic. Thus, in (2.176) below, from a story about how the speaker went hunting with his friends, a new character, another friend of the speaker, arrives. He is mentioned by an indefinite NP, and the following intonation phrase, ǹ fílaɲɛ ̀dóè 'my other fellow', is a repetition which serves to establish this new referent. After that he is referred to by the personal pronoun.

(2.176) ǹ dɛ ̀nɲɔ ́gɛ ̀dóè tùgun nàata, Another friend of mine came, ǹ fílaɲɛ ̀dóè, my other fellow, á nààtà he came à ká làspɛ ́rɛ ̀nù jíga n bólo, and took from me the sling-shot.

The extract (2.177) is from a tale about a boy and a crocodile. Where a third character sándéɲɛ ̀'the hare' appears, the clause where he is mentioned with the full NP is followed by an infinitival clause where 'the hare' is the non-pronounced subject, and this also serves as a passage to the use of the personal pronoun.

(2.177) déndéè sɔ ̀nkɔ ̀ta [the crocodile seized him and] The boy cried à máá mɛ ̀sándéꜜɲɛ ́bòrìtà After a while, the hare came running kà nà púrúnpúrún jumping 'purun-purun' à náàtà à káá sɔ ̀kɔ ̀dáà là he came and stopped on the river bank Apart from serving as the second stage in the process of establishing a new referent as a topic, wò is used as a referential device which allows the speech act participants to keep track of two activated referents, when they replace one another in the subject position. Let's look at the passage in (2.178) which is the continuation of the same story as (2.175). The young man, having learned the name of the husband and that he can be found in the bush, goes there in order to talk to him. The young man, as the main topic, is referred to through the person pronoun à. When he finds the hunter, à ka' à tàran 'He found him', the latter is referred to with the personal pronoun à as well, but the pronoun occupies the object position, and, thanks to the difference in syntactic positions, no ambiguity arises. In the next clause, though, the hunter becomes the primary topic in the subject position, and here its anaphor switches to wò which launches the process of making it the topic. And, following the pattern described above, when the topic chain advances, the demonstrative is replaced by the personal pronoun. But this topic chain is also disrupted by the interference of yet another referent. The horse of the hunter, mentioned first with a full-fledged NP in the DO position à lá sòéè 'his horse' 28 , then by the pronoun à in the DO position of the next clause. In the following clause (e), where it becomes subject, it is referred to by the demonstrative wò. He ii had attached it iii (e) wò iii ì dámúrè là and it iii was grazing.

All the above said leads to the conclusion that, apart from the novelty of the referent, the choice of the referential device depends on what syntactic position this referential marker occupies within the clause. A possible explanation of this fact is that the syntactic position is one of the elements taken into account in the reference tracking: the difference between the syntactic positions occupied by two referents is enough to keep them apart, even if they are denoted by the same markers. Thus, the same referential device can be used for two distinct referents if they occupy different syntactic positions which also, in most cases, implies a difference in the roles within the event structure, and therefore there is no danger of ambiguous identification. On the other hand, if in a chain of utterances the subject position is to be passed from one referent to the other, in this case it is necessary to use different referential markers.

Analogously to that, in (2.179) below wò is used for a referent promoted to the subject position. The NP kàràmɔ ́kɔ ́Làmínà 'master Lamina' occupies first the object position and then is referred by wò in the following clause.

(2.179) à táátá ká í sɔ ̀kílà dáà fɛ ̀He i went and stopped by the road à kó à ì kàràmɔ ́kɔ ́Làmíꜜná kɔ ̀nɔ ̀ndèn He i said he was waiting for Master Lamina ii wò bɔ ́tá He ii went out, à t' á kò hán à tí gàsɛ ̀after he ii had finished washing 2.6.2.2.2 Propositional reference of à and wò Both wò and à can refer to a proposition, an event or a state of affairs. The difference between them consists in that the personal pronoun refers to a proposition which is directly explicited in discourse, whereas a demonstrative refers to a proposition inferred from the discourse.

In Kakabe predicates which have a valency for a propositional argument, very frequently have a dummy object à, and the content is expressed after the verb by a clause, as in (2.180 a)- (2.180 c). The use of the dummy à is motivated by the tension between the impossibility to express the propositional argument locally (a clause cannot easily fill the DO position), and the requirement to fill the position before the verb.

The pronoun à is used in the DO position, when it is coreferential with the content which is expressed directly in a complement clause after the verb. See (2. Differently from that, the demonstrative wò is used not to refer to the explicit content of the speech verb, but rather to a proposition interred from the discourse. Thus, in (2.181) The situation is reminiscent of the analysis by [START_REF] Gundel | Demonstrative pronouns in natural discourse[END_REF] concerning the use of English it and that which have a non-NP antecedent referring to a proposition. They show that it is used when the non-NP antecedent, such as a clause, is its direct referent, i.e. has the same denotation/reference, whereas the interpretation of that depends on the antecedent, but is not co-referential with it.

Third person pronoun as impersonal and low-referentiality pronoun

The pronoun à in Kakabe can function as a weak pronominal expletive (term from Gast & Haas 2011: 160-161) The subject à in such utterances is non-referential, therefore, it can be considered as an instance of impersonal construction.

The weather statements is another type of impersonal predication. According to Malchukov and Ogawa (2011: 25), weather expressions do not license any arguments which creates a tension with the requirement for the filled subject position, characteristic of some languages. English resolves it by the introduction of a dummy subject it, as in It rains. Russian, on the contrary, chooses a content subject and a dummy verb, e.g. Idet dožd' (litt. "goes rain"). With this respect, languages like English can be called 'verby', since they locate the content in the verb, whereas languages as Russian are 'nouny' because they place the content in the subject noun, see [START_REF] Ogawa | Meteorological and chronological expressions in Japanese and some other languages[END_REF]; [START_REF] Malchukov | Towards a typology of impersonal constructions: A semantic map approach[END_REF] To sum up, Kakabe is nouny with respect to weather impersonals, but it uses a dummy subject pronoun à in the case for impersonal predications with phase or epistemic modality meanings (2.184).

As for the non-referential and the low-prominence use of à, apart form the subject position (2.184), it is also possible in object position, see (2.186) below. In all these utterances, the objects refer to propositions (see also Section 2.6.2.2.2 above). Apart from that, they are redundant, because they double a proposition which is either pronounced in the previous (a) or following (b) discourse, or is inferred from the speech situation (c). As can be seen from the translations of the examples in (2.186), whereas Kakabe chooses the dummy pronoun à, English simply omits the non-referential object.

Another type of construction used when the object is not prominent and referentially low is illustrated in (2.187) (a) and (c) below. Here the object is a non-prominent argument (and not a proposition as in 2.186). It is low in prominence either because it is vague and nonimportant, as in (2.187c), or because it is redundant, being easily recovered from the context (a). As we can see, contrary to the dummy-object strategy for propositional object chosen in (2.186), in this case Kakabe chooses the nominalization strategy. Here again, English simply omits the object. To sum up, in Kakabe, a low-prominence object is either referred to by a dummy à, or is deleted through the nominalization strategy, but cannot be simply omitted. The impossibility of object omission is a systemic feature of Kakabe grammar: in this language, the object slot always has to be filled. It should be noted that, cross-linguistically, the discursive omission of objects is very common. This phenomenon is referred to as object pro-drop in the generative tradition, following [START_REF] Rizzi | Null objects in Italian and the theory of pro[END_REF], or as A-lability [START_REF] Dixon | Ergativity. No. 70 in Cambridge studies in linguistics. Cambridge[END_REF], where A stands for agent.

Thus, Kakabe can omit neither the subject, nor the object and instead, it employs dummy pronouns in both positions. English, where, contrary to the object, the subject cannot be omitted, uses expletives in the subject position, e.g. it in It means that he won't come, or locative expletives as here in Here comes the sun 29 . By contrast, in Russian subject is omissible, resulting in utterances like (2.188) In line with that, in Kakabe, where neither of the slots can be empty, the dummy pronoun is used both in subject and in object positions.

The next question is why Kakabe treats differently propositional and non-propositional arguments in the choice of anaphor. As we have seen in Section 2.6.2.2.2 above, the object slot is filled with the dummy pronoun à, when it corefers with a proposition which is directly explicited next to this subject position. In contrast to that, the referential non-salient arguments is dispensed off through the nominalization of the verb, or though passivization (zero or morphological, depending on the dialect). The answer is that the choice of pronominal expressions depends on the semantic type of the predicate's argument. This is represented on Table 2.12 below. 2.12: Nominal vs. non-nominal (propositional) antecedent and the choice of anaphor As I argue in Section 2.6.2.2.1, the pronoun used as anaphor to a nominal antecedent is, in most cases, à, and the demonstrative wò is chosen when a new referent takes the subject positions, thus, serving to keep apart two or more topical referents. When the nominal antecedent is not prominent, a detransitivizing operation is applied in order to eliminate the position: nominalization with dummy verb for the elimination of the object, and passivisation for the deletion of the subject.

When the antecedent is propositional, wò plays a different role compared to wò with a nominal antecedent. As I show in Section 2.6.2.2.2, it is used not to refer to a proposition directly expressed in discourse (either before or after), but rather to a proposition which is inferred from the adjacent clauses. The fact that the denotation of wò is not identical with the denotation of an adjacent expression and therefore caries an element of new information. Compared to that, the denotation of à is a full copy of that of its antecedent, so that the pronoun does not add any new meaning. It can be characterized as a dummy anaphor used when the real propositional complement cannot be placed in the syntactically required DO position.

Irregular long forms of anaphoric demonstratives in NK

In NK the plural forms of wò and kɛ ̀have the focalization forms wǒnꜜdélè and kɛ̌ꜜlélè, originating from the double addition of the focus particle lè.

But contrary to personal pronouns that have the long form with one lè marker and the focused form with two lè markers, the anaphors wònu and kɛ ̀nu in NK have only the double lè form, and the form with one lè does not exist. Besides, the vowel of the plural marker-nu is never realized, so that neither *wònúꜜlélè nor *kɛ ̀núꜜlélè is possible. By contrast, the singular wò and kɛ ̀combine with one lè only. As for the meaning of the lè forms of kɛ ̀and wò, it is likely that in this case it signals not only focus, but also some other type of information structure role, similar to the meaning of the long form of personal pronouns, described in (2.6.1.6). See, for example, (2.189) below, where wó lè, apparently, does not mark focus. This would partly explain the irregular behavior of lè with the anaphors in NK. At any case, considering the complex distribution of lè which in certain syntactic positions can mark not only constituent focus, but also assertion, expletive and inferential focus (see 2.2.1), a much more detailed investigation is necessary in order to understand the function of lè with anaphors, than is possible to make within this limited space.

Northern

(

Indefinite pronouns

In Section 6.5.3 I argue that the referential type is marked through the intonational H-tone raising and tonal pattern, and I discuss in detail the discursive functions of the pronouns. Here I will limit myself to reproducing the paradigm of indefinite pronouns: The marker mín L is the only expression used for questions about locations. The use of the postposition and of the focus marker is optional, see (2.190) By contrast, the use of mín L as a question word is restricted, since it rivals with the specialized question words yɔ ́nL for animates and fɛ ́nL for inanimates. In my corpus the use of interrogative mín L occurs only the possessor position and never in the subject or direct object position. It is used in (2.191 a) and (2.191 b), where fɛ ́nL and yɔ ́nL can be used also, but is rejected in (2.191 The pronoun mín L can be used in a question serving to establish the identity of a referent under discussion through a proposition which is already associated with a particular referent in the mind of the interrogator, 'X found a wife' in (2.192), rather then questioning the identity of this referent with respect to this proposition. (2.192) In the attributive position mín L can be used interrogatively only after fɛ ́nL , as in (2.193 a).

Otherwise only ɲúman 'which?' can be used, see (2.193 b).

(

Subordination and clause-linking

Defined in functional terms, subordination is the morphosyntactic expression of the link which exists between two states of affairs [START_REF] Cristofaro | Subordination. Oxford studies in typology and linguistic theory[END_REF]. These states of affairs are expressed by two predications where the first one (the main predication) is morphosyntactically more autonomous compared to the second, deranked predication (a term introduced by Stassen 1985: 76-82). A deranked form is explicitly marked as non-equal in rank with respect to a corresponding one used in an independent clause (Cristofaro 2003: 57). The deranking of the predication can be manifested in a variety of ways, cf. the scale of desententialization in [START_REF] Lehmann | Towards a typology of clause linkage[END_REF]), Generalized Scale Model inMalchukov (2004).

In Kakabe the finite categories is detached from the content verb, since in most cases they are expressed by a copula or an auxiliary in the post-subject position, see Section 2.1.4. Therefore, it makes more sense to speak about the deranking of the verbal predication construction than the deranking of a verb form.

In Kakabe, two types of deranked verbal predication can be distinguished. The first group includes verbal predications without any subject position: kà infinitives, gerund -la clauses, participial clauses with -nden ~-len verb forms and nominalizations. They follow the ergative model of argument realization: the O argument is preserved (with the exception of the -ri antipassive nominalization), and the A argument is eliminated.

To the second group of subordinate predications belong the clauses with the auxiliaries ni and máni, relativized clauses with the relativizer mín L , conditional clauses introduced by the conjunction sì and other types of adverbial clauses introduced by conjunctions. These clauses have a subject positions but cannot be used independently.

The subjectless dependent predications of the first group are embedded in the main clause in the argument, adnominal or adverbial position. By contrast, the constructions of the second group remain outside of the main clause. The only exception to it are the embedded relative clauses, yet they are very rare compared to the main, correlative strategy of relativization, as discussed in Section 2.7.5.3.2. Thus, the position of an adverb and its scope is more free in the case of a main clause followed by a dependent clause with a subject, as compared to the clause with a subjectless non-finite clause. Let's look at a complex sentence consisting of a main clause followed by a subjunctive ni clause. In this case, an adverb can occupy the position after the ni clause and have the scope either over the ni clause only or over the whole complex clause, see (2.194 a). Alternatively, the adverb can occur after the main clause and have the scope over the main clause only, as in (2.194 b). (2.194) By contrast, in the case of a main clause followed by a gerund clause, the adverb can have the scope only over the whole complex predication and cannot be placed between the two clauses:

(2.195) à kà fɔ ́lɔ ́kàrànnà kúnùn *à kà fɔ ́lɔ ́kúnùn kàrànnà à ka fɔ ĺɔ kàràn-la kúnùn 3SG PFV.OF begin run-GER yesterday He started to study yesterday.

Gerund is by far the most frequent complementation strategy (in terms of [START_REF] Dixon | Complement Clauses and Complementation Strategies in Typological Perspective[END_REF] involving same-subject complement. In (2.196) below I reproduce the semantic classification of complement-taking predicates by [START_REF] Noonan | Complementation[END_REF] and the type of clause which corresponds in Kakabe to each semantic type of the main predicate. The infinitive complement is used only with the modal verb kán 'have to', see examples in 2.7.1.3. The complements of the rest of modals and all phasals which are numerous in Kakabe are expressed by gerund clause. Besides, same-subject complements of perception predicates, see Section 2.7.1.2. The wish is expressed by a non-verbal construction with the subjunctive ni clause as complement, see Section 2.7.2.

(2.196) Semantic type of the complement-taking predicate Expression of the complement in Kakabe modals ('must', 'can', 'may', 'be able', etc.) gerund / infinitive phasals ('start', 'begin', 'stop', 'continue', etc.) gerund manipulatives ('order', 'allow', 'help', etc.) gerund / ni subjunctive clause desideratives ('want', etc.); ni subjunctive clause perception ('see ', 'hear', etc.); gerund /finite knowledge, propsitional attitude, utterance finite clause Section (2.7.1) introduces the forms used in subjectless predications. In Section 2.7.2 I describe the clauses with the marker ni which can introduce purpose clauses but is also used in clause chaining. Section 2.7.4 analyzes the adverbial clauses belonging to the temporalconditional continuum. Finally, the relativization strategies are described in Section 2.7.5. The stative-resultative participle can be used as an attribute within a noun phrase and combine with the article, see (2.197) below with the NP sòbéè yìlànnɛ ́ɛ 'the fried meat' occupying the DO position. The combination is realized as -nnɛ ́ɛ̀~-nɛ ́ɛ̀i n CK and WK and -léɲɛ ̀, déɲɛ ̀déè in NK. The allomorphy pattern is described in Section 4.3.3. (2.197)

Verb forms used in non-finite subjectless predication

Gerund

The most frequent use of the gerund form is as a part of the imperfective finite construction, see Section 2.2.4. Apart from that, the gerund forms are typically used as complement as such verbs, see an illustration in (2.200)

Infinitive

The infinitive marker kà is used in the complement clause of the modal verb kán 'have to': (2.204) The place where your horses are hidden, I will show it to you.

Finally, the forms with -dulà can occur in the argument position with the meaning 'place of an event', as in (2.214)

Zero-marked nominalization

Western Mande languages are known to have weak verb-noun differentiation, see the discussion in Lüpke (2005: 93-94). All verbs in Kakabe can be used in the argument position without the addition of any derivation marker. In this cases the verb almost always combines with the article which is a highly grammaticalized marker of referentiality, see Section 2.5.

Antipassive -ri nominalization

The antipassive nominalization suffix -ri derives nominalizations from transitive verbs and eliminates the direct object, e.g. dámu 'eat' → dámu-ri 'eating'. It is most commonly used in contexts with a generic or obvious object as the complement of the light verb kɛ ́'do', e.g. dámuri kɛ ́'eat', tábiri kɛ ́'prepare (food)', ɲìnìnkárí kɛ ́'ask [a question]', etc. Kakabe has no verb with the meaning 'want', instead, the desiderative meaning is expressed by the construction with the noun lɔ ́gɔ (CK, WK) and sɔ ́gɔ (NK): à lɔ ́gɔ bi X la ~à sɔ ́gɔ bi X la 'the wish is on X' with à coreferent to the sentential complement, see (2.218 a) Finally, ni is used in clause chain constructions which start with the temporal-conditional máni clause followed by an indefinite number of ni clauses. Such chains are used to describe a habitual actions and, more specifically, texts describing the templates of behavior in certain situations, as in (2.221)

Clauses introduced by conjunctions

Clause-final conjunctions from interrogative adverbials

Adverbial expressions that are used as question words, káamìn 'where, how', wáttòè mín 'when', kámà 'how', see Section 2.6.2.5, apart from the interrogative contexts, are widely used to introduce various types of dependent clauses. Thus, kómìn 'how' is used in as question word in (2.224 c), as a conjunction in a temporal adverbial clause in (2.224 a), and as a conjunction of complement clause of the tɔ ̀diya 'be happy' in (2.224 b fàrà? fára cut How do you measure the wood in order to cut it?

Clause-initial conjunctions

Kakabe has a small class of clause-initial conjunctions, such as fí '(in order) to', dɛ ̀pi 'since', káa 'or (in interrogative utterance), máa 'or (in affirmative utterance), háa 'until'. The clauseinitial conjunctions can combine with clause-final conjunctions, discussed in the section above. Thus, fí '(in order) to' introduces a purpose clause alone in (2.225 a), and in (2.225 The goat took the hoe and (said that he) went to the smith's place.

The sentential complements of utterance verbs, such as fɔ ́'say', kó 'say', ɲíninka 'ask' are juxtaposed to the clause with the main verb, and are represented within the main clause by the dummy pronoun à, this is described in Section 2.6.2.2.2.

Temporal and conditional clauses

An antecedent in a temporal or conditional complex sentence is "a clause whose function is to build a background space within which the main clause holds" (Dancygier & Sweetser 2005: 46). The proposition building this background space can be characterized by varying degrees of certainty. I will use the term of [START_REF] Fillmore | Epistemic stance and grammatical form in English conditional sentences[END_REF] term epistemic stance of the speaker with respect to a proposition. It describes how the speaker evaluates the relation between a proposition P and the actual world: positive epistemic stance: speaker judges P belongs to the actual world specific: P is singular and specific generic: P is generic (partly hypothetical) neutral epistemic stance: speaker does not know whether P belongs to the actual world, P is hypothetical;

negative epistemic stance: speaker judges P distinct from the actual world; P is counterfactual.

The epistemic stance parameter intersects with aspect. For example, the genericity of the proposition makes it more hypothetical. Thus, the opposition between a temporal and a conditional antecedent is rather gradual than binary, going from a more positive epistemic stance to a counterfactual. This can be seen on the example of Kakabe which has several formally distinct temporal/conditional antecedent constructions, the distribution between which can be accounted for in terms of the degree of epistemic certainty about the P in the antecedent. Table 2.17 below shows the correspondence between the formal type of the antecedent and its semantic type. The certainty of the occurrence of P in the antecedent diminishes from the top to the bottom of the table.

Antecedent markers

Epistemic stance towards P in the antecedent

Semantics

Counterfactual conditional

If it rained yesterday, we would have stayed home.

Table 2.17: Temporal and conditional constructions in Kakabe As argued in Section 2.2.3, báti is opposed to ka/-ta through the absence/presence of inherent operator focus. As can be seen from Table 2.17 above, in the context of a temporal/conditional antecedent clause, this opposition is substituted by the actuality opposition: báti is used to convey actual, realis propositions, whereas ka/-ta is used to refer to propositions disassociated from the actual world of the speaker. The conditional/temporal construction with máni is situated between the temporal constructions with báti antecedents, referring to actual completed events, and ka/ta hypothetical conditionals.

In the discussion below I proceed from the constructions describing events of epistemic certainty to counterfactuals.

Bridging construction

The antecedent with the conjunction ɓáyi and the auxiliary báti is often used as the first element in a bridging construction which Dixon (2009: 8) describes as follows: "the last part of one sentence is summarized at the beginning of the next, as an aid to discourse continuity". The extract in (2.229) below, describes a sequence of events from a narration. Each new event in the chain is rendered by the clause with -ta, in the middle of which clause (c) with báti creates a kind of short halt before continuing further.

( The ɓáyi báti antecedent is characterized by the evocative function in terms of [START_REF] Dancygier | Mental spaces in grammar: conditional constructions[END_REF]: it activates an already known event from the preceding context which is relevant for the event of the main clause.

Factual conditional

The antecedent clause with the conjunction sì 'if' and the auxiliary báti are used as the first part of relevance conditional. The sì clause expresses a situation under which the event in the apodosis is relevant (in contrast to a hypothetical conditional which describes a condition under which the consequent is claimed to hold). The relevance conditional is an instance of a factual conditional, where the proposition of the antecedent is presupposed to be true (Bhatt & Pancheva 2006: 671)

Generic

The máni auxiliary is used to introduce a background clause with a generic or a potential/future reading. Thus, it is the counterpart of the ɓáyi ... báti creating bridging construction for propositions with specific time reference. The extract in (2.231) below is an answer to a question about how women usually prepare food for the night meal during the Ramadan. In contrast to the máni constructions, sì conditionals introduce a proposition, an alternative to which is construed as possible. Even though máni clauses also construe a proposition as possible (since a future and generic contain an element of potentiality), the effectuation of the proposition is not under discussion, whereas the epistemic stance towards the sì clause in a hypothetical conditional is neutral, and both P and its alternative are equally possible.

Counterfactual conditionals

Whereas in the hypothetical conditional the antecedent proposition is hypothetical, in counterfactual conditional it is presupposed not to hold, accordingly its consequence is not realized either.

The counterfactual character of the condition is marked by nùn which otherwise signals the past time reference (see 2.1.6) See also (2.236), where nùn is used both in the protasis and the apodosis, because the latter refers to an event in the past:

(

Relativization

Main relativizing strategy in Kakabe

The main relativizing strategy used in Kakabe is the correlative relativization, illustrated by (2.237) The correlative strategy, where the relative clause is adjoined to the main clause, belongs to the more 'loose' type of association between the two clauses, as opposed to the strategy of embedding the relative clause into the main clause 30 . According to [START_REF] Lehmann | On the typology of relative clauses[END_REF], the position of the relative clause and the position of the head NP are interrelated: the clause which is linearly first normally contains the full-fledged NP which is relativized 31 . Therefore, since in the correlative strategy the relative clause is usually preposed to the main clause, in most cases it contains the head NP. In Kakabe, the reverse order of clauses is possible, though much less frequent, and, importantly, in this case the full-fledged NP is within the main clause. The head NP is repeated by a personal in the resumptive function which agrees in number with the NP in the relative clause (2.237). Finally, there is a specialized relativizer mín L which occurs after the NP within the relative clause. Yet, as I show in what follows, the specialization of this marker is not total, as there are rudimentary uses of this marker as a demonstrative pronoun.

The resumptive pronoun can be either the personal pronoun, or the demonstrative wò. Example (2.239) illustrates a free relative clause:

30. The adjoining and embedding strategies correspond to two major cognitive types that [START_REF] Kibrik | Relativization in Polysynthetic Languages[END_REF] proposes to distinguish for relative strategies: combining and inserting. The embedding strategy reflects the process of composing two propositions that existed in the speaker's memory beforehand and happened to share an argument; the inserting strategy "corresponds to a process where a referent is first conceived through its participation in a certain event, and coded by a nominalized proposition, and then this complex nomination as a single whole, is inserted into another, broader event" (Kibrik 1992, 143-144).

31. See (Lehmann 1986: 674): "While the preposed RC almost always contains the head, the postposed one contains a pronoun referring back to the head in conformity with the rules of normal interclausal anaphora". (2.239) This brings the relativization in Kakabe close to the parataxis type. Paratactic relativization differs from correlatives by the absence of a special marker in the relative clause. In parataxis, the relative construction is a juxtaposition of two clauses which can be used independently which is partly a consequence of the absence of specialized marking either in the restricting clause or in the main clause. Thus, in parataxis the association between the two clauses is even more loose than in the correlative strategy.

Yet, the Kakabe relativization cannot be considered as a case of parataxis because mín L in independent clauses is not parallel in meaning to mín L in relative clauses. This is evident for the use of mín L in interrogative utterances. As for the demonstrative mín L , its use is very restricted, and it occurs mostly in contexts with mirative and exclamative connotation as in (2.240). Thus, in relativization constructions like (2.237) The demonstrative origin of the relativizer is very common cross-linguistically, see [START_REF] Heine | World Lexicon of grammaticalization[END_REF]. Most of Manding-Mokole languages use the cognates of the Kakabe mín L relativizer, and they show different stages on the shift from the demonstrative to the relativizer. The comparison between the relativization strategies in Koayaga and Bamana can be found in [START_REF] Kuteva | The typology of relative clause formation in African languages[END_REF]. In Koyaga, a Southern dialect of the Manding cluster, mɛ ́n is freely used as a demonstrative and, at the same time, it is employed in the relative clause. Therefore, this language uses the paratactic relativizing strategy. Differently from that, mín in Bambara is used as a relativizer only. But at the same time, there are some dialects where mín is found as a demonstrative in independent clauses. Kakabe, thus, is located closer to the correlative endpoint, but is still rather flexible, allowing the constructions like (2.241) which do not comply with the syntactic restrictions of a correlative relativization construction.

Secondary relativizing strategies

Correlative with postposed relative clause

A less frequently type of correlative strategy is the one where the full-fledged NP appears in the main clause, and the relativizer occurs in situ within the relative clause, located to the right of the main clause 32 . Thus, in (2.243 a) In the classification of [START_REF] Comrie | Relativization on Subjects[END_REF] the position relativized is explicitly indicated by means of a resumptive personal pronoun. Yet, in the examples above, the relative clause contains a relativizer and not a non-specialized pronoun.

Another type, close to our case, is the relative pronoun strategy which covers cases where the full-fledged NP is inside the relative clause, as in English The tomatoes i [which i you bought] are rotten. The differing parameter is that the relative pronoun is supposed to be at the beginning of the relative clause.

Kakabe, as the most of Central Mande, is what can be called a radical in situ language: the interrogative phrases are not only allowed to be in situ, but this is actually the only possible option 33 . This suggests that Kakabe disallows the clause-initial relative pronoun, the same way as it disallows the initial interrogative phrases. Thus, we can suppose that Kakabe has relative pronoun strategy with the postposition of the relative clause with respect to the main clause.

Embedded relative clause

The strategy with internally headed relative clauses where the head is represented by a full noun phrase inside the relative clause, and has no explicit representation in the main clause, is also attested, though it is not frequent in Kakabe 34 .

( See also some examples with free relatives, with the relative clause in the postpositional phrase:

33. See, for example, the discussion of Bamana with respect to this problem within the Government-Binding theory by [START_REF] Koopman | The syntax of specifiers and heads: collected essays of Hilda[END_REF].

34. Clause-internal relatives are not not typical for Western Mande [START_REF] Nikitina | Clause-internal correlatives in Southeastern Mande: A case for the propagation of typological rara[END_REF], in Kakabe they might have appeared due to the contact with Pular, see [START_REF] Vydrin | Impact of Pular on the Kakabe language (Futa Jallon, Guinea)[END_REF]. (2.245) In all the embedded relatives that occur in my corpus, the relativized position is the subject, and since the subject occupies the rightmost position in the clause, there is no direct evidence that would make it possible to decide whether the head NP belongs to the main clause of to the relative clause. For example, the parsing in (2.244 b) above, could be either as in (2.246 a) or as in (2.246 b), where the NP belongs to the main clause. The children have eaten the cake, which they mother had made.

Accessibility hierarchy

In Kakabe all positions in the Accessibility hierarchy [START_REF] Keenan | Noun phrase accessibility and universal grammar[END_REF] 35

Part I

Segmental phonology

Chapter 3

Segmental features and phonotactic patterns 3.1 Introduction

This chapter gives an outline of the system of segmental features and the inventory of phonotactic patterns and it describes how they define the phonological shape of basic morphological units in the Kakabe lexicon. Thus, it leaves for the following chapter the dynamic aspects of segmental phonology and phonotactics, such as the realization of phonological segments in utterance. Here I describe the oppositions between phonological features, the alternations in the shape of the morphological forms and the distribution of allomorphs across dialects. I argue that Kakabe has developed a palatalization opposition with a limited scope. Palatalized consonants, as opposed to non-palatalized, originate, first, from the reinterpretation of a consonant followed by a front glide in the process of borrowing and, second, from the process of partial assimilation whereby the front feature of a vowel is transformed into secondary articulation.

Kakabe is a predominantly open-syllable language, syllables apart from CV / CVN / CVV are rare. The phonologically underspecified nasal N occupies a special place in the phonotactics of Kakabe. Apart from occupying the coda position, it can also be syllabic or form part of a complex onset. In general, the phonotactic patterns of morphemes are to a large extent conditioned by their grammatical category.

One of the general assumptions underlying the current analysis is that the origin of words and the level of their integration in the native lexicon may correlate with their phonological behavior [START_REF] Itô | The Core-Periphery Structure of the Lexicon and Constraints on Reranking[END_REF][START_REF] Chitoran | The phonology of Romanian: a constraint-based approach[END_REF][START_REF] Friesner | The adaptation of Romanian loanwords from Turkish and French[END_REF]. The idea that recently borrowed words show different phonological behavior compared to words belonging to the core part of the lexicon, seems to be commonly accepted, but, nevertheless, it rarely occupies a central place in phonological descriptions. Recent borrowings may neglect some constraints which hold for the nativized part of vocabulary and they may make use of some consonants and vowels absent in the core lexicon. This aspect is important in Kakabe, a language which has a long history of intensive contact with Pular, and which now borrows heavily from French. The current phonological description systematically drives a distinction between the phonological constraints which are effective only for the core lexicon or for both the periphery and the core part of the lexicon.

The reader should keep in mind that, in this and the following chapter, the IPA-style notation is used which differs from the transcription in the rest of the thesis. The principles of notation are explained in 1.5.

The Chapter is organized as follows. Section 3.2 introduces the vowel and consonant inventories and discusses alternations between phonemes. Section 3.3 gives an account of the possible syllable types, at the underlying level and the surface level. In Section 3.4, I discuss the particularities of the 'periphery' part of the Kakabe lexicon which includes borrowings form French and Pular.

Phoneme inventory

Vowels

The

Vowel length

Kakabe is a moraic weight-measuring language. In the autosegmental model which is used in the current description, long vowels are phonetic realization of two adjacent identical vowels belonging to the same syllable. Thus, the term "long vowel" should be read as a shortcut for "phonetically long vowel resulting from the realization of two vowels belonging to one syllable".

C V V μ μ σ → [CVː]
There is an opposition between long and short vowels in Kakabe. Length is transcribed in the practical orthography (and in the surface tone notation) by a double letter: (3.4) There are cases when i freely alternates with u in loanwords, if the source form has a final u or a final i which is not assimilated with the preceding consonant, cf. u after alveolar r and n in the Pular source form in (3.8 a) and (3.8 b) respectively, and i after the labial m in (3.8 c). The verb in (3.8 b) also attests the variation i ~u in the middle syllable. On the one hand, this can be explained as the fluctuation between the assimilation to the labial w vs. the assimilation with the alveolar n, making it analogous to the case in (3.7). It can also be compared to the cases illustrated in (3.6) where the vowel assimilates with the other u across the sonorant onset. If this is the case, then such a type of harmonization can also result in the assimilation of u to i, and not only of i to u as it is the case in (3.6). The stem-final vowel can be fronted when the derivational suffix -ya is added to it:

(3.9) wútuya ~wútiya 'be short' < wútun 'short' + ya ABST sútuya ~sútiya 'be short' < sutun 'short' fàatɔya ~fàatiya 'be crazy' < fàatɔ 'crazy' kòloya ~kòliya 'grow up' < kòlo 'big' tɔ ́ɔrɔya ~tɔ ́ɔrɛya 'suffering' < tɔ ́ɔrɔ 'suffer'.

To sum up, all the cases of variation illustrated by Examples (3.6) -(3.9) can be explained as triggered by a harmonizing tendency, either with a vowel or with a neighboring consonant.

In (3.10) póton ~póten 'field covered with high plants'.

Alternation tàran ~tɛ rɛn

The verb 'find' tàran ~tɛ ̀rɛn is very frequent in speech, since, apart from being used with its primary lexical meaning 'find', it is the main verb in the construction with evidential meaning 'it turned out that'. The total number of occurrences of the verb tàran ~tɛ ̀rɛn in my corpus is 370. Table 3 The alternation a ~ɛ for this verb is attested in the neighboring languages. Compare verbs in five other Western Mande languages, undoubtedly going back to the same protoform as tàran ~tɛ ̀rɛn in Kakabe: Vai tà'á, Lele tràn, Mandinka tàra, Maninka tɛ ̀rɛ ~tɛ ̀dɛ, Bamana tɛ ̀rɛ.

Alternation i ~u in the plural marker

The plural marker -nu can be realized as -ni before [j] or [i]: The realization of the plural marker in combination with the [i] allomorph of the copula bi is discussed in 4.6.5.5. Following the model of the 'core-periphery' organization of the lexicon [START_REF] Itô | The Core-Periphery Structure of the Lexicon and Constraints on Reranking[END_REF][START_REF] Chitoran | The phonology of Romanian: a constraint-based approach[END_REF][START_REF] Friesner | The adaptation of Romanian loanwords from Turkish and French[END_REF] where borrowings "enter the language in the periphery and then optionally to become fully or partially nativized" (Friesner 2009: 115), this consonants are restricted to the periphery part of the vocabulary. Finally, it appears at the beginning of a vowel-initial morpheme when the latter occurs in the initial position in an intonation phrase. The function of glottal stop as the default onset is described in Section 3.3.1.4. 3.2.2.1.6 The consonant h appears in borrowings from Pular, and in words which were borrowed from Arabic though other intermediate languages. (3.21)

Consonants

Consonantal free alternations

g ~j [ɟ]

The free variation g ~j is attested before a front vowel, with the more frequent variant marked with the letters "fq" in brackets: Whereas almost every stem-initial g before a front vowel can be pronounced as j, there are a lot of lexemes starting with j and a front vowel that are never pronounced with g, e.g. jíga 'take', jìgi 'go down', jíifa ~jéefa 'pocket', jèlu 'how much' etc. This asymmetry suggests that the cases of variation g ~j in non-borrowed Kakabe words represent a process of palatalization g → j and not an non-directed variation.

k ~c

The variation k ~c, mentioned at the beginning of the section is parallel to the variation g j in the sense that c has to be interpreted as a palatalization of k (Example (3.23) reproduces Examples (3.17 The status of the variation k ~c is different from g ~j. First, the palatalization k ~c is less frequent. Second, c is an independent phoneme only in expressive vocabulary or in borrowings from Pular see Section 3.2.2.1.2.

k ~s

There are two examples of free variation k ~s: kɛ ̀ɲɲa ~sɛ ̀ɲɲa 'time', bólokondin ~bólosondin 'finger'.

gb ~b

The labiovelar gb is in free variation with b, in morphemes listed in 3.24:

( Not all gb consonants alternate with b, e.g. gbàsi 'beat', gbòlo 'skin' are always pronounce with the labiovelar consonant.

g ~k

There is a small number of morphemes where g is in free variation with k:

(3.25) fàga ~fàka 'to die' sàaga ~sàaka 'sheep' gírbitɛ ~kírbitɛ 'to burrow, to muzzle' sígi ~síki ~síkki 'song'.

N ~Ø

The N coda is unstable in lexemes listed in (3.26):

(3.26) tɛ ̀gɛra(n) 'ax'; tìɲa(n) 'spoil', nɔ ̀(n) 'be able to', ŋà(n)sin 'scratch'; làtɛ ́ri(n) 'quick', ɲíɲi(n) 'search', fɔ ́lɔ(n) 'first', sɔ ̀tɔ(n) 'obtain', nàani(n) 'insult', róndi(n) 'carry on head', sàagi(n) 'return', mára(n) 'left (opposed to right)'.
Homorganic N as part of a complex onset is unstable in all original Kakabe words and often disappears in borrowings from Pular, see Section 3.3.1.5. Besides, N regularly disappears before a sonorant consonant, before pause, and in some other cases. A detailed account of the realization of N is given in Section 4.2.

g ~Ø

In some morphemes containing g in the second syllable, the velar consonant between two identical vowels can be omitted producing a long vowel: mɔ ̀gɔ ~mɔ ̀ɔ 'person', lɔ ̀gɔkun lɔ ̀ɔkun 'week'. One can suggest that the variants without g are borrowings from Maninka.

r ~l

The consonant r can be replaced by l in certain context. The first example is the nominalization suffix -ri. This suffix becomes -li after verbs ending with d, l or r: kárali 'sowing' < kára 'sow' + -ri káwandili 'advice' < káwandi 'advise' + -ri kílili 'calling' < kíli 'call' + -ri.

In (3.27) the discourse particle ári (< hári with deleted onset) is fused with the preceding word and r is realized as l because the onset of the preceding syllable is also an r, táran + ári > [táráːli] (the final i, in its turn is assimilated to the following a). There is one example of an r ~l variation within a lexical morpheme: sɔ ̀ɔrin ~sɔ ̀ɔlin 'fingernail'.

Dialectal variation between palatal consonants

The three palatal consonants j [ɟ], ɲ and y [j] stand in a relation of dialectal variation, as can be seen in Table 3.4. These consonants are the only "canonical" Kakabe palatals, as has been said above, the other two palatals, c and ƴ appear as independent phonemes only in borrowings from Pular. The three palatals are ordered on the sonority scale j [ɟ] > ɲ > y [j], the occlusive j [ɟ] being the strongest consonant and the approximant the weakest. Thus, this distribution in general can be described in geographical term as "stronger palatal consonant to the east, weaker palatal to the north-west". Thus, in the case of adjectives jɛnjɛma ~yɛnyɛma 'tall, long' and jan ~yan 'far', the stronger palatal is attested in CK and WK, in NK these adjectives are pronounced with the palatal approximant. In the case of the noun jɔ ̀n ~yɔ ̀n 'slave', the boundary is inside WK: again CK has the stronger palatal variant (a nasal ɲ this time), NK has the approximant palatal, and in WK the ɲ and y are in free variation for this verb. The verb ɲɔ ́gɔ ~yɔ ́gɔ 'pay' separates CK, where the form ɲɔǵɔ is used, from WK and NK where this verb is pronounced as yɔ ́gɔ. The interjection yɔ ́ɔ ~jɔ ́ɔ which is used to acknowledge the interlocutor's answer is attested only in CK and WK. In CK yɔ ́ɔ freely alternates with jɔ ́ɔ, whereas in WK it is pronounced only as yɔ ́ɔ.

Table 3.4 also includes the word ɲúman ~yúman where the variation between the approximant and the nasal palatal is free and, therefore, is not conditioned geographically.

The case of the determiner ɲɛ ̀tɛ ~yɛ ̀tɛ ~jɛ ̀tɛ 'self' deserves special attention. First, it establishes a direct link between all three palatals, the stop, the nasal and the approximant. The occurrence of the variant jɛ ̀tɛ [ɟɛ tɛ ] with the palatal stop in the NK represents a deviation from the tendency "more sonorant to the north, more occlusive to the east". But at the same time, this variant occurs in free variation with the approximant which is the weaker palatal and thus complies with the tendency.

The second circumstance which is of special interest in the case of this word is that along with the dialectal variation, it participates in a grammatically conditioned variation. The nasal palatal ɲ indicated in brackets is the allomorph which appears in WK and in NK in the context where it is preceded by an N coda, cf. (3.29 a).

As will be shown in Section 4.2.5, one of the morphonological characteristics of clitics and bound morphemes distinguishing them from prosodically independent lexical morphemes is that in the context of a preceding N, their initial consonants are strengthened: approximant l is turned into d, cf. (3.28 b), or into n, cf. (3.28 a), the approximant y turns in to ɲ, cf. (3.28 c).

(3.28) (a) kàntan 'guard' + la GER → [kà̰ ntà̰ nːà] (b) kùsan 'capable' + lè FOC → [kùsá̰ n dè] (c) ǹ 1SG + yen BNF → [ɲːè].
In WK the variant with the palatal nasal ɲɛ ̀tɛ 'self' appears when it is preceded by N, compare (3.29 a) where ànu 3PL + yɛtɛ 'self' is realized as [á̰ ɲːɛ tɛ], with the geminated ɲ and the nasalized a, and (3.29 b), from the same conversation where the determiner is preceded by the pronoun mà and realized with the approximant at the beginning: In NK, the morpheme in question appears in three allomorphs, yɛ ̀tɛ, jɛ ̀tɛ and ɲɛ ̀tɛ. The first two are in free variation, and ɲɛ ̀tɛ is conditioned by a preceding N, the same way as in WK.

Palatalization as a phonetic and a phonological feature

The feature of palatalization is active in different parts of the Kakabe phonetics and phonology. First, it is a contextually conditioned phonetic feature characterizing consonants before front vowels, e.g. sìgi [sʲìgʲì] 'sit'. Second, in loanwords palatalized consonants can appear before any vowels. French words containing the cluster [Cʲj] are adopted in Kakabe through the deletion of the glide. At the same time, the palatalization of of the preceding consonant is retained in Kakabe: (3.32) The deletion of the approximant [j] with the retention of the palatalization conditioned by the approximant.

Cʲj FRENCH → Cʲ KAKABE
See some examples below:

(3.33) dìmànsʲón 'dimesion' < Fr. dimension [dima̰ sʲjɔ̰ ] mékánísʲén 'car mechanic' mécanicien [mekanisʲjɛ̰ ] màtèrʲél 'equipment' matériel [mateʁʲjɛl]
This adaptation strategy results in the introduction of contextually free palatal consonants into the Kakabe phonology, see Section 3.4.5.1 for more examples and discussion. Third, palatalized consonants, not followed by any front vowel can appear as a result of hiatus resolution. When a front vowel not belonging to an auxiliary is deleted before the pronoun à 3SG, ànu 3PL or ò 2PL, the palatalization is retained, see (4.151 a) below. This process is discussed in Section 4.6.3.4.8. (3.34) In the case of the Hiatus resolution palatalization, this distribution is due to the fact that the pronouns triggering this kind of hiatus are à 3SG, ànu 3PL and ò, the 2PL pronoun or the demonstrative. Palatals in loanwords never precede the mid-low vowels ɔ and ɛ for the following reason: palatals stems from the Cj combinations in the source form and all Cjɔ and Cjɛ combinations are rendered as Cʲo and Cʲe respectively, cf. (3.33) which might be explained as the assimilation of the vowel to the palatalized consonant.

Finally, when the phonetic palatalization is at issue, consonants are palatalized before the front high and high-mid i and e but not before ɛ, a:

(3.
/ _ ɛ → [k(ʲ)] kɛ ́ɛta [k(ʲ)ɛ ːtá] become-PFV.TR
The data described here lead to the conclusion that palatalization has acquired a certain autonomy in Kakabe in two cases. First, it becomes free from the phonetic conditioning in the context of the concatenation between an onsetless pronoun and the preceding vowel. Second, this happens in borrowings when a phonological contrast between palatalized and non-palatalized consonants emerges. This can be illustrated by (3.37 a) which is not a minimal pair, yet shows that palatalization is free from phonological conditioning.

(3.37) (a) kèsʲon 'question' < Fr. question dímansʲon 'dimension' < Fr. dimension (b) kóson 'scorpion' pílanson 'plunge ' < Fr. plonger The contrast between palatals and non-palatals is not possible before i or e because the palatalization is automatic here, and, consequently, the borrowings stemming from Cje, Cjɛ and Cji coincide with the sequences Ce and Ci in non-borrowed nouns3 .

Weak consonants and consonant elision

In Kakabe the glides w and y tend to disappear in the intervocalic position with two exceptions. First, they don't disappear in the IP-initial position. Second, glides are always preserved when they are preceded by the homorganic nasal N, see Section 4.2.3. Example (3.38) contains two instances of the underlying y. The first y is intervocalic and undergoes deletion, the second y follows an underlying N and is realized at the surface level, whereas the nasal itself disappears, see Section 4.2. A similar configuration is illustrated in (3.39), where in the noun yàayɛ 'aunt' only the first y is pronounced, because it is preceded by and underlying N. At the same time, the deletion of the glide is not obligatory in the absence N. Thus, in (3.39) the glide is realized is in [jḛ ŋ], through there is no N before it. In (3.41) the whole verb yén 'see' disappears due to contraction: tɔ ́gɔndɛ ̀+ yen + an > [tɔ ǵɔ̰ ń-dèː ʔǎn] 4 . In general, the glide elision is either optional in certain context, or it is defined by a complex algorithm which remains to be unveiled. (3.41) As argued in Sections 4.2 and 4.6, N produces a strengthening effect on the following consonant. It causes the gemination of the following sonorant. The glides y and w which otherwise can disappear altogether are optionally geminated. This can also be seen in a way that N before y and w optionally assimilates with the glides which results in glide gemination, or is deleted, but in the latter case preserves the glides from deletion.

G → G ~ø / V_V NG → G ~Gː /V_V
We return to this question in Section 5.5.6.1, where the consonantal strength hierarchy is shown to affect a number of morphonological processes.

Another consonant which can be characterized as weak is h which alternates with zero in certain words, e.g, the discourse particles hári ~ári, háyi ~áyi 'even'. In general, h is a rare consonant (it occurs only in borrowings) and there is not enough data to make conclusions about its realization in different contexts.

Apart from that, consonant weakening can be restricted to certain morphological contexts. Thus, the consonant b systematically disappears in the existential copula bi, and the consonant s disappears in the potential auxiliary si, this is discussed in Sections 4.6.5 and 4.6.6 respectively.

Finally, sporadically, other consonants can also disappear, cf. (3.44 a) where l disappears at the beginning of the second focus marker, and (3.44 b), where f disappears at the beginning of the preposition fí.

Phonotactic patterns

Kakabe is a weight-measuring language (in terms of [START_REF] Hayes | Compensatory Lengthening in Moraic Phonology[END_REF][START_REF] Hyman | A theory of phonological weight[END_REF]. It makes distinction between light syllables, containing one mora, and heavy syllables, containing two moras. In Kakabe, syllables with a long vowel or a short vowel and a final consonant are treated as syllables with two moras. Mora functions as a tone-bearing unit.

In the current description I use the model of the phonotactic organization of utterance represented in (3.45), see [START_REF] Selkirk | Phonology and syntax: the relation between sound and structure[END_REF], [START_REF] Nespor | Prosodic phonology: with a new foreword[END_REF] In this and the following chapter, I discuss only the segmental processes. Prosodic constituency defines the domains in which phonological processes are applied, e.g. the assignment of the glottal stop onset to underlyingly vowel-initial morphemes at the beginning of an intonation phrase. The evidence for phonotactic structuring into moraic feet is the fact that prosodically independent words consist minimally of two moras, with the exception of monosyllabic verbs that alternate the long-vowel and the short-vowel realization, see Section 3.3.2.1.1. The metrical foot (Ft) is a prosodic constituent that intervenes between the syllable and the larger prosodic word (PW), containing those syllables (e.g. [START_REF] Liberman | The intonational system of English[END_REF]; [START_REF] Liberman | On stress and linguistic rhythm[END_REF]; [START_REF] Hyman | A theory of phonological weight[END_REF] and many others). Parsing starts from the left boundary of PW. The notion of prosodic foot was created to account for the patterns of stress assignment. But early on in the development of the metrical theory it was proposed that foot can serve as the domain conditioning segmental allophony [START_REF] Kiparsky | Metrical structure assignment is cyclic[END_REF], and in the ensuing years additional foot-based phonological patterns have been uncovered in the languages of the world (for references and discussion see [START_REF] Bennet | Foot-conditioned phonotactics and prosodic consituence[END_REF]. It has been shown that foot structure can be present in languages without phonetic stress. Kakabe is a language with moraic trochees, so that in a binary moraic foot, first mora is stronger. Another foot-based phenomenon is the allomorphy pattern of the diminutive suffix -nden, described in Section 4.3.4. Apart from that, the alignment of separating H tone can also be foot-sensitive, see Section 5.5.6.

The vowel elision of the type #CV.CV → CVC (see Section 3.3.1.1) is sensitive to the prosodic word boundary: vowels in PW-initial syllables are protected from deletion. Otherwise, PW is the domain of the segmental word-clitic adjustment described in Section 4.2.5.

In general, the phonotactic system of Kakabe is defined by a strong tendency for open syllables.

This part of the chapter gives an overview of the phonotactic patterns in simplex morphemes within the native Kakabe vocabulary. Section 3.3.1 provides an overview of the underlying types of syllables, first, the major types and then the minor types. The relation between the underlying phonotactic patterns and the types of morphological units is discussed in Section 3.3.2. Finally, Section 3.3.3 provides an account of the type of syllables which are attested in the surface realization, and which result from the interaction between morphemes.

Underlying syllables

The following types of syllables are possible in the underlying representation:

1. light open syllable CV; 2. heavy syllable with a long vowel or with a nasal coda: CVː and CVN; 3. syllable C(V) viable to nucleus deletion; 4. syllable (C)V viable to onset deletion; 5. syllabic N.

Apart from that, there are two minor syllable types which are rare in the non-borrowed Kakabe words (but common in borrowings):

1. syllables with complex onset NC; 2. syllables with the coda position filled by a geminated consonant which they share with the onset of the following syllable.

It should be underlined that this inventory concerns the underlying representation. Thus, geminates in the surface realization in Kakabe are very common, but geminates that are present at the underlying level as phonemic features occur almost exclusively in borrowings.

Below I discuss some of the underlying syllables which require special comment.

C(V) syllable (weak syllable)

In Kakabe, weak syllables, defined in (3.46) below, can undergo the reduction of its nucleus.

(3.46) Syllable C(V) is a weak syllable if it fulfills three conditions:

(a) CV is of the type SV -LOW : "sonorant (n, r, w, l or y) plus a non-low vowel" (b) CV is not PW-initial (PW-initial syllables are protected from deletion).

(c) CV is monomorphemic (non divided by a morphemic boundary).

Thus, the notation C(V) and the term "weak syllable" which I will use henceforth is a shortcut for the syllable which fulfills the conditions in (3.46) above. The nucleus deletion process which the weak syllable can undergo is formulated in (3.47) below:

(3.47) The nucleus of a weak syllable can be deleted and its onset becomes the coda of the preceding syllable, or its nucleus can be reduced to an extra-short vowel:

Optional: (C onset V) weak σ → C coda Ø or C onset V Ȃccording to (3.46) and (3.47), in Kakabe every underlying syllable, not divided by morpheme boundary, not PW-initial, and which consists of the n, l, r or y onset, and any short vowel other than a can undergo the reduction of its nucleus. The nucleus can be deleted or become extra-short: Example 3.49 illustrates the requirement for the syllable not to be PW-initial. The second syllable in the verb kɛ ̀lɛ 'quarrel' can be reduced when followed by the suffix -ta, contrary to that, the reduction of the first syllable of the verb which is PW-initial is not possible. The trochaic foot does not play any role in vowel omission described here. Thus, vowel can be omitted not only in the second syllable of PW as in (3.49), but also in the third syllable of PW which is strong in a trochaic foot, see (3.50):

(3.50) tábirilaa ~tábirlaa 'cook'.

The contrast between (a) and (b) in (3.51) and (3.52) below illustrates the effect of the monomorphemic condition formulated in (3.46c). Thus, the second syllable cannot be reduced either in bólè 'the hand' or in yɔ ́lɛ ̀'tse-tse fly', because it contains the vowel of the referential article and hence is divided by a morphological boundary. A particular case of vowel elision is the realization of focused forms of personal pronouns in NK that have frozen in the reduced form, e.g. the focused 1PL is always realized as mɔ̌llè < *mɔ ̀lè lè, see Section 2.6.1.7.

The term "weak syllable" which I use to refer to this phenomenon implies the possibility of the disappearance of the syllable as a whole, since when the nucleus is deleted, the remaining onset is resyllabified as a coda of the preceding syllable, as formulated in (3.47).

Contrary to this, the syllable with weak onset, (C)V which I discuss in Section 4.6 in Chapter 4 can lose its onset, but, in most cases, this does not lead to resyllabification (which also distinguishes the syllable with a weak onset form the onsetless syllable, see Section 4.6).

A phenomenon similar to the nucleus reduction in a weak syllable is the realization of the epenthetic vowel in borrowings. The epenthetic nucleus can also be realized as a short vowel, a super-short vowel or can be omitted, resulting in the same alternation CV ~CV ̆~C. But contrary to the nucleus reduction in a weak syllable, in the case of the epenthetic vowel, there are no restrictions either on the quality of the onset (it is not limited to n, l, r, y) or on the quality of the nucleus which can also be the vowel a, see Section 5.95.

Syllabic N

Kakabe has a syllabic N which is represented by the 1SG pronoun ǹ, illustrated in (3.54) Its syllabic character is manifest in the fact that it bears its own tone. The pronoun ǹ is realized as a syllabic N only when it occurs at the left edge of an intonation phrase. In other context ǹ is syllabified as the coda of the preceding syllable, nasalizing its nucleus, cf. (3.55 In contrast to that, when these auxiliaries combine with the 3PL pronoun in its short version, ànu > àn, the length of the vowel is preserved, and the nasal is placed in the position of the following onset: At the same time, the vowel length in this context is unstable, and is often deleted. Besides, it remains unclear, whether NC sequences should be treated as complex onsets, or whether N occupies the coda position after a long vowel, thus creating a super-heavy syllable, see Section 3.3.3.2. Under the circumstances, discussed in Section 4.2.3 N disappears before sonorants. If in the surface realization N is IP-initial, and, consequently, syllabic, its realization may differ from the realization of the coda N in that it is more resistant to deletion.

Syllables with N coda

As has been shown in Section 3.3.1, the underspecified nasal N has a special status in the phonotactics of Kakabe: it is the only phoneme that can be found in coda of an underlying syllable, form a separate syllable and create complex onset.

It assimilates with the following onset by the place of articulation and also partly by the manner of articulation. The process of assimilation is the same for N in coda position and for the syllabic N. At the same time, the assimilation is not automatic, but is defined by the boundary that separates the two syllables. The realization of N is described in 4.2.

Onsetless syllables

The case when onsetless syllables occur morpheme-internally are the sequences ɔɛ and oe, e.g. dóè 'a little', mɔ ́ɛ 'hear'. These are the only tautomorphemic vowel sequences allowed in Kakabe. The onsetless ɛ and e alternate with yi: dóè ~dóyì 'a little', mɔ ́ɛ ~mɔ ́yi 'hear', sòyi ~sòe 'dig', wóyi ~wóe ~wée 'be kneaded'.

Diachronically, yi precedes ɛ and e, cf.: Kakabe bòe ~bòyi, Mandinka bòyi, Xasonka bòyi, Nyokolo Maninka bòyi, Kakabe mɔ ̀yi ~mɔ ̀ɛ, Mandinka mòyi, Nyokolo Maninka mée, móyi.

The assimilation of i to o and ɔ by height is attested in the case of the pronoun i and the onsetless allomorphs [i] of the potential auxiliary si and the copula bi, as described in Section 4.6. Thus, the morpheme-internal onsetless e and ɛ result from the assimilation of yi to the preceding ɔ and o and the omission of y.

Onsetless morphemes include the referential article -È and the pronouns ì 2SG, à 3SG, ànu 3PL and, in NK, ɔ ̀2PL. When these pronouns occur at the beginning of a prosodic phrase, they are pronounced with a glottal stop onset. The article cannot initiate a prosodic phrase, it is always pronounced together with the preceding morpheme.

The copula bi and the potential auxiliary si can be pronounced as [i], their phonological realization is discussed in Sections 4.6.5 and 4.6.6

Morphonological constraints on the types of underlying syllables

Prosodic weight and grammatical categories

Morphemes can be subdivided into two groups according to their prosodic, phonotactic and grammatical proprieties. The first group consists of prosodically independent, prominent morphemes which include content morphemes, prominent functional morphemes and semigrammaticalized morphemes. The second group includes morphemes which are prosodically dependent and fully grammaticalized. Table 3.7 represents the phonotactic patterns of simplex morphemes of the first group compared to the phonotactic types of morphemes belonging to the second group. 3.7: Major syllable structure types of content vs. function morphemes All verbs, adverbs, adjectives belong to the first group. The second group includes verbal suffixes and prefixes, connectors, personal topical pronouns and grammatical markers, such as the plural marker, the possessive linker, the focus marker, etc.

The rest of the categories (excluding the special case of ideophones, see Section 3.3.2.3), viz. determiners, postpositions, auxiliaries and conjunctions can be either phonotactically heavy or light. This reflects the fact that these grammatical categories are often also heterogeneous with respect to the degree of grammaticalization, so that the less grammaticalized morphemes are heavy and the fully grammaticalized morphemes light. Thus, for example, the postposition búùtɔ 'inside' retains a close link to the source noun búu 'stomach' which is combined with the postposition tɔ 'in' (it can sometimes be even pronounced with the article as búè tɔ ̀), while others, as the oblique marker la are fully grammaticalized and do not keep any trace of origin 5 .

Thus, the length of the vowel in a monosyllabic morpheme reflects its grammatical category. Nouns, adjectives and adverbs consist of minimally two moras, which means that PW is subject bimoraic minimality condition, see, for example, Hyman & Mtenje (1999: 90) on the application of this condition in Chichewa.

Content morphemes

Functional morphemes

Example (3.62) lists some typical monomoraic markers. It includes topical pronouns, semantically bleached postpositions with mainly syntactic function, such as the oblique markers la and ma used in a wide range of syntactic contexts, and the postposition tɔ used in many locative constructions.

5. One more reason of the heterogeneous prosodic and phonotactic behavior of these categories (which may be linked with the first one) might be that they regroup morphemes with diverse pragmatic functions. For example, the negative auxiliaries which, by definition, are the focus center of the utterance are bimoraic, cf. the negative potential marker tée, the negative perfective marker máa, the negative existential copula béle, whereas the background auxiliaries are monomoraic, cf. the marker of the perfective ka, the existential copula bi, the potential auxiliary si, see the discussion in Section 2. The presented data is in line with the widely accepted hypothesis, according to which the process of semantic bleaching and loss of syntactic autonomy is accompanied by phonetic erosion, see, for example, [START_REF] Hopper | Grammaticalization. Cambridge textbooks in linguistics[END_REF], [START_REF] Bybee | The evolution of grammar: tense, aspect, and modality in the languages of the world[END_REF].

Vowel length

In lexical morphemes, vowel length depends on the position of the vowel within the morpheme. Long vowels do not occur in the final syllable of nominal, adjectival and verbal morphemes that have two or more syllables. The (C)VCVV phonotactic pattern is represented by morphemes whose function as left-dislocated topics. These words usually have a (C)VCVV shape and L.HL, some of them are listed in (3.65). Since a phonetically long vowel represents two tone-bearing units, at least for part of the cases, structurally, they represent two identical vowels. (3.65) Under conditions described in Section 4.6.4 a long vowel appears in the last syllable of nouns when the article is attached to it e.g.:

(3.67) dàga 'pot' -dàgáà 'pot-ART'

Length of monosyllabic verbs

Monosyllabic verbs can be realized as a light CV or as a heavy CVV syllable. They are regularly realized as CVV before the participle suffix -nden and before the derivational suffix -láa which serves to form agent nominalization from verbs:

(3.68) nàa-nden come-PC.ST láa-nden lie-PC.ST wáli-kɛ ́ɛ-laa work-do-AG 'worker' bón-dáa-laa house-make-AG 'builder' Another case when monosyllabic verbs are regularly realized as CVV is when they host a boundary tone, see Section 6.4. In all other contexts, the CV and CVV realizations are in free variation, cf. the realization of kɛ ́(ɛ) 'do' in (3.69 a) and in (3.69 b) below, with short and long vowel in almost the same context (and in the same conversation). The light-syllable realization is, in general, more frequent. More precisely, as I argue in [START_REF] Vydrina | Vowel length in the Kakabe language[END_REF], they can be realized phonetically as short, semi-long and long, with the first two types of realizations being more frequent. In the glossed examples, the line with the lexical form always features the short realization CV is given as the main allomorph.

Vowel length in monosyllabic morphemes across Western Mande

Western Mande languages vary with respect to the treatment of vowel length in their phonological systems. The summary for four of Western Mande gives an idea of the variation: Mandinka monosyllabic functional morphemes are light CV syllables; monosyllabic contents morphemes are heavy CVV syllables with the exception of six CV(V) verbs with length changing depending on the morphological context (Creissels & Sambou 2013: 27) Bamana CVV monosyllabic morphemes mostly result from the deletion of intervocalic g. e.g. táa < tága 'go', otherwise there is a tendency for the CVV vs. CV contrast to disappear (Vydrin 2017a), (Green 2010: 23-24), [START_REF] Creissels | La notion de ton marqué dans l'analyse d'une opposition tonale binaire: Le cas du mandingue[END_REF]) Kita Maninka vowel length contrast recently lost (Creissels 2009a) Koranko CV vs. CVV contrast, length is specified lexically (Kastenholz 1987b) As can be seen, the case closest to Kakabe is Mandinka, where the light syllables are associated with functional morphemes and content morphemes are obligatorily heavy syllables, if they are monosyllabic. The CV ~CVV variation is also associated with verbs, but whereas in Kakabe it characterizes the whole category of the verbs, in Maninka it is limited to six verbal lexeme: bó(ó) 'go out', fó(o) 'say', jé(e) 'see', ké(e) 'do'.

In Bamana, a long vowel in a monosyllable is stable when it results from the deletion of the intervocalic g or ɣ, e.g. tága ~táa 'go', fàga ~fàa 'die', dàga ~dàa 'pot'. Otherwise, the contrast CVV vs. CV for monosyllabic morphemes is lost (it can reappear, though when a -CV article is added, Vydrin, p.c.). Thus, [START_REF] Creissels | La notion de ton marqué dans l'analyse d'une opposition tonale binaire: Le cas du mandingue[END_REF] argue that is has disappeared in the idiolects of some speakers and is presents in the idiolects of others, see also (Green 2010: 23-24), while according to (Vydrin 2017a), long vowels in monosyllables are only derivations from VgV or long vowels in monosyllabic morphemes with expressive meaning.

In this respect, it should be noted that the deletion of the intervocalic g is much less common in Kakabe, compared to Bamana. So far, I have found only two examples of such variation: tága ~tá(a) 'go' and tɔ ́gɔ ~tɔ ́ɔ 'name'. Contrary to Bamana, the variant tá(a) of the verb 'go' shows the same variation in the realization of length as ordinary monosyllabic verbs, cf. Kita Maninka is more advanced than Bamana in the loss of the vowel length opposition: it is absent all contexts, not only in monosyllables.

In Koranko, on the other hand, the vowel length contrast is the most intact out of the languages discussed; see the minimal pairs in (3.71). Note that there is no grammatical conditioning of the vowel length, monosyllabic verbs and nouns can be either long or short.

(3.71) Koranko, vowel length minimal pairs Kastenholz (1987b: 67) wɔ ́ɔrɔ 'six' wɔ ́rɔ 'plough' (v.) tɔ ́ɔrɔ 'to be mistaken'

tɔ ́rɔ 'suffer' sóo 'firewood' só 'place' (n.) tó̰ o̰ 'cover' tó̰ 'law'
To conclude, in the languages closely related to Kakabe, the vowel length in monosyllabic morphemes is associated with the grammatical properties of the morpheme, and this contributes to the loss of long-short vowel opposition.

The abstract suffix

The suffix -ya(a) in Kakabe is a polysemous and a polyfunctional marker which serves to derive nouns from verbs and nouns or verbs from nouns. It is variably realized as CV or as CVV with the following distribution. When -ya(a) is part of a noun, the length of the vowel of the suffix differs across lexemes. It can be short (3.72a), variably short or long (3.72b) The deletion of the second a may be the effect of the lexicalization of the form with -ya(a). Thus, forms containing nominal roots which are recent borrowing which excludes lexicalization are pronounced with the long allomorph, e.g. dépite-yaa 'deputy', sɔ ́fɛrɛ-yaa, 'driver's profession'.

Another parameter is the frequency of the occurrence of the form in the speech. Thus, according to the lexical diffusion theory [START_REF] Labov | Principles of linguistic change[END_REF][START_REF] Kiparsky | The phonological basis of sound change[END_REF]), a sound change spreads from high-frequency to low-frequency forms. If we assume that the long allomorph is the primary one, then, in this perspective, it is logical that, for example, kénkele-yaa 'the state of being one-legged' (kèn 'foot' kélen 'one' -yaa) has the long allomorph, since, apparently, it is not a very frequent word. By contrast, dénbaya 'family' which contains the short allomorph of the suffix is very frequent in speech, being part of conventional greeting formulas apart from simply referring to notion which is frequently discussed.

Related to this, the words with the short allomorph may be less transparent morphologically. Thus, the meaning of dénbaya 'family' is not predictable from its components, dén 'child' and the augmentative suffix -baa 'big'. Note also, the shortening of the vowel in the suffix -baa. The noun kíilaya cannot be segmented synchronically, but it is related to common Mande root *ki 'send ', cf. kíilaa 'messenger, prophet' in Mandinka, kíla 'send, commission' in Kagoro. The fact that -yaa is underlyingly long is confirmed by the fact that when nouns withya(a) appear in the form with the diminutive suffix -nden, -ya(a) is always realized as CVV.

Compare the realization in the first columns vs. the realization before kélen 'one' and in the form with the article -È in (3.73) 'be bitter' kúna-yaa-nden kúna-ya(a)-ta báti kúna-ya(a)

'be big' kòlo-yaa-nden kòlo-ya(a)-ta báti kòlo-ya(a)

In Mandinka the correstponding suffix is a heavy syllable -yaa [START_REF] Creissels | The generic use of the second person singular pronoun in Mandinka[END_REF], in Bamana it is always short -ya. In Section 3.3.2.2.2 it was already mentioned that in Mandinka monosyllabic content morphemes are always CVV, and functional monosyllabic morphemes are CV. Thus, in this respect, Mandinka categorizes -yaa as content morpheme which is possible since it is a derivational marker. In Bamana the vowel in all monosyllabic morphemes tends to become short which explains the short vowel of ya in Bamana compared to -yaa in Mandinka and -ya(a) in Kakabe. This, and what has been said above about the realization of -ya(a) in Kakabe, leads to the conclusion that the suffix is originally long. In Kakabe it is at the stage of reduction which spreads following, first, the pattern of lexical diffusion, from more frequent to less frequent forms. Second, this reduction in Kakabe shows sensitivity to grammatical context, with the diminutive suffix -nden and the participle suffix -nden favoring long realization. In this subsection it has been shown that the suffix -ya(a) phonotactically groups together with verbs which show the same dependency between the vowel length and the morphological context. To compare the situation in Kakabe with other Western Mande languages, in Mandinka -yaa is also grouped with verbs which don't differ in this respect from monosyllabic nouns and are all CVV. In Bamana, on the other hand, all monosyllables are short, disregarding the grammatical category of the morpheme. This is summarized in Table 3 To conclude, in Kakabe monosyllabic verbs, as well as the derivational suffix -ya(a) in terms of prosodic weight are between nominal monosyllabic nouns and functional morphemes.

Apart from the instability of their length (in the case of the monosyllables), as I argue in Section 5.6.1.4 in Chapter 5, verbs often loose their lexical tone in the surface realization.

Grammatical categories with special phonotactic characteristics

The phonotactic restrictions described in this section are not applicable to intensifiers, a special category of adverbs each of which is associated with one individual verb or with a small set of verbs and enhances their meaning. They are realized at a raised pitch level ↑, see Section 6.5.

Surface syllables

In the previous sections we have discussed the inventory of the underlying phonotactic patterns (Section 3.3.1) and how these phonotactic units are organized in morphological units (Section 3.3.2). Now I will describe the phonotactic units which occur in the surface realization and provide an overview of the phonotactic units occurring in speech and their differences from the underlying syllables. The wider range of syllabic types which occur in the surface realization in comparison to underlying syllables is due to the following phonological processes:

1. fusion between open syllables with the preceding vowel (Section 4.6); 2. vowel deletion in weak syllables occurring in positions defined morphologically, rhythmically and syntactically (Section 4.4);

3. realization of the homorganic N in the coda position (Section 4.2); 4. variability in the phonological form of borrowings (Section 3.4); 5. epenthetic vowel with possible zero realization (Section 3.4.3).

Heavy syllable

Heavy syllables contain two moras and, in contrast to the light syllable, it can host two tones in Kakabe. The following types of surface heavy syllables are possible in Kakabe:

• syllables with the N coda, CVN;

• syllables with a sonorant in the coda position, resulting from vowel deletion, CVC < CVC(V);

• syllables with a geminate, CVc;

• syllables with long vowels, CVː.

Vowel length

The vowel length reflects a range of phonological phenomena:

• Length as a contrastive phonemic feature, see Section 3.2.1.0.1.

• Length as a phonemic feature conditioned morphologically: lexical monosyllabic morphemes always have a long vowel, the vowel length in this function is discussed earlier, see 3.3.2.2.

• Long vowel as a result of vowel coalescence in heteromorphemic V-V sequences, see Section 4.6.

Gemination

In Kakabe a geminated consonant occupies two positions in the syllable structure at a time.

It can occupy the coda position and the position of the following onset, as [nː] in (3.77 a).

Besides, an IP-initial nasal geminate is possible, in this case it occupies the position of the onset and the whole syllable before it. This occurs when the 1SG pronoun ǹ is pronounced IP-initially and is followed by a morpheme starting with a nasal, as in (3.77 Another important source of geminates is the reduced realization of the auxiliary báti and the negative copula béle, whereby the reduction of the second syllable (ti or le) is accompanied by the gemination of the first consonant of the syllable belonging to the next word, and here any consonant can be geminated, e.g. báti + tága 'go' → bá' tága [bá tːágá]. For details see Section 4.5.

One more source of geminates is the realization of N. When N precedes a sonorant r, w, l or y, the combination of the two underlying segments is realized as the gemination of the sonorant, see Section 4.2 for a detailed account of this phenomenon.

Super heavy syllable, complex onset or syllabic N?

There are cases when a long vowel is followed by a geminate, see the realization of lɔ ́ɔlu lè as [lɔ ːlːè] in (3.81) below (this is the result of vowel deletion described in 4.4). Since Kakabe doesn't have underlying syllables with a geminate in the onset, the only option for cases like (3.81) is to postulate the presence of a super-heavy syllable on the surface level.

On the other hand, in sequences of the type CVːN, the absence of the vowel nasalization points to the fact that N belongs to a different syllable. The sequence [aːn], as in (3.82) As it is argued in Section 3.3.1.5, there are underlying syllables with complex NC onsets, e.g. the participle [láá.ndén] 'lying', ndúguse 'young man'. One can suppose that in cases like (3.82) n after the long vowel is part of a complex onset: [jɔ ĺɛ ̀máː dóːdó tɔ ːráː.n tɔ ].

Segmental features and phonotactic patterns specific to loanwords

The two main sources of loanwords for Kakabe are Pular and French. Following the already mentioned distinction core vs. periphery vocabulary [START_REF] Itô | The Core-Periphery Structure of the Lexicon and Constraints on Reranking[END_REF][START_REF] Chitoran | The phonology of Romanian: a constraint-based approach[END_REF][START_REF] Friesner | The adaptation of Romanian loanwords from Turkish and French[END_REF], this part of the chapter describes the particularities of the Kakabe phonology restricted to the periphery part of vocabulary that contains non-nativized loanwords. It gives an account of phonological phenomena specific to the loanword vocabulary, such as high variation in the phonological representation of borrowed morphemes, deviations from phonotactic patterns applied in in the core part of the lexicon, and the presence of a number of specific phonemes, either imported with the source forms or being part of the adaptation strategy.

The phonemes specific to the loanword vocabulary were mentioned at the beginning of the chapter, in Section 3.2.2, containing the overview of the consonantal system. Here I give a more systematic description of the correspondences between the source forms and the Kakabe forms.

The description of loanword adaptation (henceforth LWA) proceeds as follows. It starts with the comparison between the Kakabe-Pular and Kakabe-French contact situation. In Section 3.4.2 I describe the adaptation of phonemes which do not exist in the Kakabe phonological system and Section 3.4.4, deals with the LWA strategies aiming at complying with the phonotactic restrictions of Kakabe. The tonal adaptation is discussed in Chapter 5.

Comparison between the adaptation of Pular and French vocabulary

In general, the Pular source forms undergo less important modification than French source forms when they are borrowed in Kakabe. Thus, as shown later, the vowel length in Pular is more or less faithfully rendered by the Kakabe vowel length. On the other hand, in French loanwords there is no systematic correspondence between the vowel length in the borrowed forms and the phonetic vowel length in the source forms. Instead, the vowel length in this case accompanies vowel epenthesis. French source forms often undergo deletion of consonants or of full syllables, this almost never happens with Pular source forms. This difference is due both to structural phonological factors and to sociolinguistic ones.

The first reason of this difference is the fact that Kakabe is closer to Pular than to French in its phonotactic system. Thus, Pular allows only sonorant in the coda of the syllable, cf. [START_REF] Diallo | Grammaire descriptive du pular du Fuuta Jaloo, Guinée[END_REF], whereas French has much less restrictions on the syllabic structure than Kakabe and Pular. As a consequence, apart from the vowel epenthesis which is the main LWA strategy and which is used for both Pular and French source forms, Kakabe also applies to French source forms minor adaptation strategies such as the deletion and the assimilation of consonants (Section 3.4.4).

The second reason is the difference in the intensity of the contact. There are twice as many borrowings from Pular than from French: out of 3100 Kakabe vocabulary units, 624 can be identified as borrowings from Pular and 257 as borrowings from French. Since the end of the 18th century Kakabe have been culturally and politically dominated by Pular speakers, and now Kakabe is a minority language geographically localized in an almost exclusively Pular area. The contact between Kakabe and Pular is characterized by widespread bilingualism, most Kakabe are fluent in Pular and use it regularly in ordinary communication. Thus, it is a joint-community contact situation (see (Thomason & Kaufman 1988: 65-67) for the criteria defining the intensity of language contact). The contact between Kakabe and French is less intense and also more recent, with only part of the Kakabe community being to some extent fluent in French, mostly due to school education. It should be mentioned that Kakabe are also exposed through French though television and radio6 .

The transfer of certain phonemes and phonotactic structures may be considered a particular case of structural borrowing as opposed to lexical borrowings: even if this transfer happens via lexical borrowing, the result is the presence of new structural elements in the phonological and phonotactic system, but only within the peripheral part of the lexicon. According to [START_REF] Thomason | Language contact, creolization, and genetic linguistics[END_REF], structural borrowings are possible in the situation of intense contact between the source language and the borrowing language. Thus, the difference in the type of contact situation between Kakabe and Pular, on the one hand, and French and Kakabe, on the other hand, might be responsible for the difference in the phonological aspects of LWA strategies.

Adaptation of vowels and consonants absent from the Kakabe phonological system

The phonological inventory of Pular is replicated directly by Kakabe. Pular does not have a single vowel that is not present in the Kakabe phonology. As for the Pular consonants, those of them which were not present in the original consonantal inventory of Kakabe, have been imported into it. Thus, borrowings from Pular have introduced implosives ɓ, ɗ, ƴ , see Section 3.2.2.

On the other hand, the French phonological system includes elements that do not have an equivalent in the Kakabe phonological system and that were not imported into Kakabe.

Adaptation of French vowels absent from the Kakabe phonology

The French vowels y, oe, ə and ø don't exist in the Kakabe phonological system. Examples (3.84

Vowel epenthesis

It is important to underline that the open-syllable requirement operates at the level of the underlying representation but not necessarily in the surface realization, as it is shown in Sec-tion 3.3. This means that the underlying representation of each morpheme consists of open syllables or CVN syllables, but if certain phonological processes apply, this gives rise to a closed syllable, cf. the vowel deletion in yɛ ̀lɛ-ta → yɛ ̀l-ta 'ascend-PFV'. Importantly, for all morphemes the full realization, yɛ ̀lɛ-ta in this case, is always possible. This discrepancy between the phonotactic principles defining the underlying representation and the surface representation have a direct effect on the phenomenon of vowel epenthesis.

With the exception of N, an epenthetic vowel (EpV henceforth) can be inserted after each consonant which would otherwise create a closed syllable (another way to deal with a closed syllable is to delete it, see 3.4.4.1). This means that all such consonants can potentially form the onset of a syllable with EpV. The realization of the EpV in speech depends on the position of the consonant on the sonority scale: the closer it is to the approximant endpoint of the sonority scale, the more frequently it is realized without EpV. Fore example, mínit(i) 'minute' and grúp(u) 'group' are more often pronounced with the final EpV than without it, whereas sɔ ̀fɛrə 'driver', or pɛ ́l(u) 'shovel' are more often pronounced without any EpV, though EpV in this position is always possible in elicitation.

EpV has the same phonotactic realization as the vowel of a weak syllable, as described in Section 3.3.1.1: it can be realized as a short vowel, as an extra-short vowel or as zero, e.g.: Qualitatively, EpV can be realized as any non-epenthetic vowel (3.88a and b) or as schwa, as dɛ ̀pánsə in (3.88c) above which is otherwise absent from the vocalic inventory of Kakabe. Thus, the LWA introduces schwa, a new element in the Kakabe vocalism, different from the consonants that are borrowed from the phonological system of the source language, such as the implosives ɓ, ɗ, ƴ.

Schwa is not necessarily always short phonetically, cf. (3.89) where it undergoes intonational lengthening: do yàn here It will take you more than two hours (Lit.: "You will make three hours and something here").

The choice of EpV is not completely random though it cannot be always predicted from the context. Theoretically, there are three strategies of choosing the quality of the epenthetic vowel, see [START_REF] Uffmann | Vowel epenthesis in loanword adaptation[END_REF]:

• default vowel insertion • vowel harmony (spreading of vocalic feature)

• consonant assimilation (spreading of feature from neighboring consonant).

In what follows it will be shown that all of the three strategies are employed, and the choice depends on the neighboring segments and on the presence of prosodic boundaries.

Vowel epenthesis and prosodic word boundaries

The realization of the EpV depends on its position with respect to the boundary of the prosodic word (PW henceforth).

Schwa is possible only as the last vocalic element within the boundaries of a PW, unless the next vocalic element is also a schwa. So, it can occur as the last segment in the prosodic word e.g. [sɔ fɛ rə ] sɔ ̀fɛr 'driver', as the last vowel before a consonant, e.g. [mɛ ːtə ŕ] mɛ ́ɛtr 'teacher', two final schwas are also possible at the end of a prosodic word, cf. [mɛ ːtə ŕə ], another possible realization of the noun mɛ ́ɛtr.

The rule concerning the position of schwa is formulated in (3.90):

(3.90) Schwa cannot be separated from PW boundary by any full vocalic element.

Thus, PW-internal epenthesis is necessarily different from PW-final epenthesis.

A borrowed noun 7 can add a variety of suffixes which can affect the realization of EpV, see (3.91) where the epenthetic vowel changes with respect to the following suffix:

(3.91) dɔ ̀ktɛrə 'doctor' + -ya ABST dɔ ̀ktɛriya 'medical studies' + -nu PL dɔ ̀ktɛ ́runu 'doctors' + -baa 'big' dɔ ̀ktɛrɛbaa 'important doctor' Table 3.10 shows the possibilities of the realization of EpV at the end of the nominal stem mɔ ̀tɛr(V Ep ) 'motor' with respect to the prosodic word boundaries which can include the plural marker -nu, the diminutive suffix -nden or an adjective, kɔ ́rɔnden 'old' in this example. As 7. Verbal suffixes are not relevant for the current discussion because borrowed verbs always end with a thematic vowel, consequently, they never have an epenthetic vowel at the end of the stem. can be seen, the schwa-realization is possible only before the numeral, since the noun and the numeral constitute each a PW and, consequently, they are separated by the PW prosodic boundary. The absence of EpV is always possible except for the form with the diminutive suffix -nden where it would create a cluster rnd. The u realization is possible when the next syllable within the same PW contains a back vowel. The two partially acceptable variants before fìla and are probably conditioned by f in the case of mɔ ̀tɛru fìla and by i in the case of mɔ ̀tɛri fìla.

EpV → ə

EpV Thus, the rules of EpV realization depend on its position with respect to the PW boundary and on the quality of the neighboring vowels and consonants. The realization of EpV in the PW-final position and the PW-internal position, with a following vowel, differs also in other aspects.

PW-final and PW-internal epenthesis

Table 3.11 summarizes the realization of EpV when it occurs PW-finally and, in the right half of the table, when EpV occurs PW-internally. As has been said before, theoretically, three strategies of vowel epenthesis are possible: default vowel insertion, vowel harmony and consonantal assimilation. The vowel harmony strategy is represented by the first line (a), the consonantal assimilation strategy by the lines (b -d) and the line (e) corresponds to the default vowel strategy, applied when any of the triggers of the other two strategies are absent. The order of rules is not random. Thus, the strategy in (a) is hierarchically higher than all the other strategies: it is always applied when the required vowel is present in the neighboring syllable (any back vowel or any labial consonant in the case of the PW-final epenthesis and u or w in the case of the PW-internal epenthesis). The consonantal assimilation strategies in (b -d) apply only if the vowel harmony is not possible. Finally, the default epenthetic vowel in (e) is assigned in the absence of conditions triggering the vowel harmony or the assimilation with the neighboring consonants.

The realizations of the EpV in the PW-final and in the PW-initial positions are equivalent in the general outline. The difference between them can be characterized by how much space they leave for the default (e) strategy after the V-harmony and the C-assimilation. The harmonic u is triggered by any back vowel within the PW in the case of the PW-final epenthesis and only by the adjacent vowel in the case of the PW-internal epenthesis. The C-assimilation is triggered by all labials, labio-dentals and all palatals PW-internally, and only by the approximants w an y in the case of the PW-internal epenthesis.

EpV in the PW-final position vs.

EpV in the PW-internal position 9. There are borrowings that seem to be exceptions to this. Thus the word pɔ ́npi 'water pump' ends with an epenthetic i, though the preceding syllable contains a back vowel and the consonant preceding EpV is p. But is seems more likely that its direct source is Pular pompi which is initially borrowed from French. (3.92)

(a) prec. V is back → u (a) prec. V = u → u → if not then: → if not then: (b) after C lab./lab.-dent. → u (b) next to w → u (c) after C palat. → i (c) next to y → i (d) after l → i ~u (d) next to l, n → i (e) → if not then: → ə (e) → if not then: → V copy 8

Morphonological status of the stem-final u as EpV

When the epenthetic u is licensed by a back vowel in the preceding syllable or by a labial consonant, cf. (3.92) and (3.93 a), it displays the same morphonological behavior as the nonepenthetic u. On the other hand, the epenthetic u which is in variation with the i realization after the consonant l (see (3.94)) behaves differently. This is manifested by the fact that when the u-realization of an EpV is licensed by a labial consonant, then the vowel is retained after the addition of the referential article (though assimilated to it by height), cf. (3.96). As shown in Section 4.6.4, non-epenthetic stem-final u is also preserved in this context. (3.96) Thus, the unstable u is, in general, not preserved when the article vowel is combined with it.

PW-internal epenthesis

When EpV occurs in the internal position in PW, the Vowel harmony strategy applies only after u (and not after all back vowels as in the case of PW-final epenthesis), and the assimilation with the consonant is triggered only by the sonorants w, y, l and n. In all the remaining types of context the default strategy is applied which in this case is the copy of the preceding or the following vowel. The default strategy in the case of PW-internal epenthesis is copying the most closed vowel from an adjacent syllable (be it the preceding or the following one), cf. (5.95). When there are two adjacent vowels, it is the higher one that is copied cf. (5.96). In speech, words with double epenthesis can be realized in a large number of ways. This is due to the fact that, as has been shown above, the quality of the epenthetic vowels depends on many aspects, such as PW boundary, the quality of the surrounding consonants and vowels, etc. Some of these possibilities are illustrated in (3.105 The realization of the epenthetic schwa complies with the rule formulated in (3.90) at the beginning of the section and reproduced here for the sake of convenience: The full spectrum of possibilities is represented in Table 3.14 (analogous to Table 3.10 earlier in the section, where the realization of PW-final EvP is discussed). It shows the realization of the noun mɛ ́ɛtV ep rV ep followed by a PW-boundary, marked by #, before the plural marker -nu and before the diminutive suffix -nden. Table 3.14 is based on my corpus data completed by elicitation from one speaker (Ansoumane Kamara). For a full and more reliable account, elicitation with a big sample of speakers or a much bigger corpus would be required. To mention just some of the uncertainties, so far, nothing can be said about the distribution between the variants mɛ ́ɛtərə# ~mɛ ́ɛtrə# ~mɛ ́ɛtər# ~mɛ ́ɛtɛrə#, the variant mɛ ́ɛtɛr-nden characterized as "bizarre" by the present speaker might be considered fully unacceptable or, on the contrary, appropriate by other speakers.

Nevertheless, some tendencies can be identified from the available data. Analogously to mɔ ̀tɛrV ep (see Table 3.10) -nu and -nden licence the uand i-realizations of EpV respectively, and schwa is not possible in this context. When EpV is realized between t and r it copies the preceding vowel, cf. line (g), unless it is realized as schwa, cf. cell (Ic).

EpV 1 -EpV 2 (I) PW-finally (II) before -nu (III) before -nden 3.4.4.3). Finally, vowel lengthening can be an addition to any of the adaptation strategies (Section 3.4.4.4).

(a) ə-ə mɛ ́ɛtərə# * * (b) Ø-ə mɛ ́ɛtrə# * * (c) ə-Ø mɛ ́ɛtər# * * (d) Ø-V mɛ ́ɛtrɛ# mɛ ́ɛtru-nu mɛ ́ɛtri-nden (e) V-Ø mɛ ́ɛtɛr# mɛ ́ɛtɛr-nu ? mɛ ́ɛtɛr-nden (f) V-ə mɛ ́ɛtɛrə# * * (g) V-V * mɛ ́ɛtɛru-nu mɛ ́ɛtɛri-nden (h) *ə-V * * *

Deletion of consonants and syllables

A consonant cluster in the source form can be simplified through the deletion of one of the consonants (on the deletion of the approximant [j] see the following subsection), see (3.107).

Sometimes the source form is simplified by the deletion of a whole syllable, see (3.108).

( There is one example where a consonant in a cluster undergoes assimilation:

(3.109) sɛ ̀ttɛɛrə 'sector' < Fr. secteur [sɛktoeːʁ].

Gemination in LWA

A voiceless stop before EpV can be geminated see (3.110), see also (3.109) in Section 3.4.4.1. It might be relevant that in French, in this position, the vowel preceding the voiceless stop is short unlike before a voiced stop 14 .

14. One can also suppose that the gemination in these examples might be the effect of an influence of the orthography, with the geminated tː rendering the double tt, and the geminated [kː] rendering the orthographic sequence qu, see, for example [START_REF] Smith | Source similarity in loanword adaptation: Correspondence Theory and the posited source-language representation[END_REF] on the effect of orthography information in loanword adaptation. At the same time, the familiarity of Kakabe with the French orthography is not very strong. Probably, the gemination happens if the voiceless stop and the surrounding vowels are not harmonized, compare grupu, búku, kúpu, míniti with no gemination vs. bɔ ́ttu and bíkki. Still, there are not enough data to confirm this hypothesis.

Nasalization in LWA

A borrowing may be integrated into Kakabe through the nasalization of the final syllable, cf. (3.111 a). This nasal can be unstable, cf. (3.111 b), (3.111 g), (3.111 h), besides, in (3.111 g) it alternates with l). As can be seen, in five cases out of the eight, a nasal coda appears at the end of a borrowing if the penultimate syllable of the source word contains a nasal coda, cf. ( 3

(f) pɔ ́ntin 'nail' < Pul. ponti(iri) (g) kɔ ́nɔndɔlu ~kɔ ́nɔndɔn 'throat' < Pul. konondol (h) fìnton ~finto'spitting cobra' < Pul. fìnto(ori).

Vowel length in LWA

Vowel length in borrowings from Pular systematically reflects long vowels of the source form, e.g.: kàatɔtáli ~kàatɔtálu 'centipede' < Pul. kaatatal.

As for the French borrowings, vowel length is related to vowel epenthesis: the insertion of an EpV is often accompanied by the lengthening of the adjacent vowel, cf. (3.112 a) and (3.112 b). The connection between the lengthening and the epenthesis is also supported by the fact that when the noun is pronounced without any EpV, the lengthening tends to be also absent, e.g. kláasə ~klás 'class', ráayi ~ráy 'rail', dàraapo ~dràpo 'flag', etc. One can suppose that the lengthening of the vowel serves to enhance the contrast between the full vowel and the EpV.

Adaptation of glides

The adaptation of glides occurring in the source forms in clusters with other consonant or in the coda position can be accompanied by two specific processes which distinguish them from the adaptation of other consonants. First, after the deletion of the glide y the palatalization of the preceding consonant is retained as secondary articulation (Section 3.4.5.1) which introduces contextually free palatalized consonants into Kakabe. Second, the deletion of a glide can be accompanied by the compensatory lengthening (Section 3.4.5.2).

Adaptation of CyV clusters and palatalization

Contrary to Pular which avoids complex onsets, French source forms can have the glide y [j] as part of a complex onset, e.g. avion, délégation, etc. Two adaptation strategies are possible in Kakabe for this type of forms. The first strategy, the vowel epenthesis, is already described in Section 3.4. The choice between vowel epenthesis, as in (3.115 a), and the glide deletion with the retention of the palatalization, as in (3.115 b), is partly conditioned by the quality of the consonant before y. After the fricatives s and z the glide is always deleted, cf. (3.116 a). After other consonants the epenthesis and the deletion strategy are in free variation or lexically bound, cf. (3.116

Adaptation of glides and compensatory lengthening

The glide can disappear and the vowel next to it can be lengthened (unless there is N in the coda and the syllable is already heavy, as in swɛ ́ndi ~sɔ ́ndi)15 , cf. (3.117).

( The approximant [j] can be eliminated without compensatory lengthening at the end of a disyllabic word:

(3.118) fàmiy ~fàmi 'family' < Fr. famille [famij] àparɛ 'photocamera' appareil [aparɛj] úti 'tool' outil [utij].

Overview of the glide adaptation

Apart from the epenthesis strategy which avoids closed syllables by creating a supplementary syllable with a glide in the onset and EpV in its nucleus, glides can be deleted. The way the deletion strategy is implemented depends on the phonotactic position of the glide in the syllable and on the phonotactic structure of the morpheme in general. This is summed up in Table 3.15. When the glide occurs in the coda position stem-internally in the source form, its deletion is accompanied by a compensatory lengthening16 (indicated by (L)). The absence of compensatory lengthening when the syllable with the coda glide is stem-final is due to the constraint on long stem-final vowels, discussed in Section 3.3.2.2. Finally, when the glide [j] follows an occlusive consonants and forms part of the onset, then [j] is deleted but it palatalizes the preceding syllable which is abbreviated as (P) in the table.

The deletion of the coda glide and the transformation of the glide [j] in the onset cluster into palatalization are unequal in their propagation scale. Whereas the first strategy is limited to a handful of borrowings, and the vowel epenthesis remains the main strategy for glides in the coda position, the latter strategy with palatalization is as frequent as the vowel epenthesis, and after some consonants it is the only strategy available. 3.15: Strategies of glide adaptation

Summary

As stated at the beginning of the section, there are some general differences between the Kakabe adaptation of loanwords from Pular and from French. It is probably due, first, to the fact that the contact situations were not the same, and, second, to the difference in the degree of similarity between the phonotactic systems, Kakabe being in several aspects closer to Pular that to French. The main adaptation strategy is vowel epenthesis which allows loanwords to comply with the open-syllable constraint of the Kakabe phonology. This strategy introduces a schwa to the vocalic system of Kakabe. The realization of schwa depends on the prosodic boundaries and on the quality of the neighboring segments. Apart from the introduction of schwa, LWA also contributes to the autonomy of palatalization as a phonological feature, by rendering [j] in onset clusters in the French source forms as palatalization.

Introduction

The way from the abstract lexical representation of a morpheme to its segmental realization in speech is a complex trajectory, shaped by a wide range of conditions and principles. Many of the processes which are analyzed in this chapter have probabilistic, rather than categorical nature, therefore the only way to account for them was to investigate the distribution of the linguistic forms in real speech. I am aiming at a model of description "in which predictable patterns are not separated from representation, where lexicon and grammar are interwoven as are the specific and the general" Bybee (2007: 7).

A surface segmental realization can differ considerably from the underlying phonological representation. Example (4.1) gives an idea of the possible distance between the two levels of representation, where only the 1PL pronoun mà does not undergo any modification on the way to the surface realization. Processes that intervene between the underlying phonological representation and the surface phonological representation of the utterance in (4.1) (the tone is not taken into account here) are listed in (4.2). The processes vary as to their optionality. For example, the rule in (4.2d) is obligatory and the assimilation between the verb and the IO pronoun in (4.2e) is optional.

In the present chapter the phonological processes are grouped into three categories: 1) the realization of the syllabic N or N in the coda position (Section 4.2), 2) the realization of syllables that can undergo reduction of the nucleus (Section 4.4) and 3) the realization of syllables with weak onsets (Section 4.6). I argue that the three processes are related through the phenomenon of consonantal strength. N has consonantal realization next to a strong onset and disappears next to a weak onset or a syllable without onset (Section 4.2). At the same time, an underlying N can have a strengthening effect on the following onset. First, the copula bi and the auxiliary si which can have obstruent or non-obstruent realization, have the stronger occlusive onsets more frequently when preceded by N (Section 4.6). The second category of morphemes whose initial onset is strengthened by N are clitics with an underlying l onset: after N they are pronounced with the n or d onset (both of which are stronger consonants than l). Further on, I claim that there are three derivational types of N characterized by different degrees of resistance to deletion. From the less resistant N to the most resistant N it goes as follows: simple N coda < N coda derived from an N(V) syllable < syllabic N. This hierarchy yields an account both for the realization of morphemes with a varying onset, and also for the variability in the survival of N before morphemes with stable onsets. Section 4.4 describes the realization of syllables that can undergo reduction, in particular N(V) syllables that give rise to the second type of nasal. Finally, there are two case studies of dialectal distribution of two groups of allomorphs. In Section 4.3 I describe the realization of the diminutive suffix -nden, and the stative-resultative participle -nden ~-len, and suggest that the phonological form of the latter could have been influenced by the allomorphy pattern of the former. Section 4.5 discusses the reduction forms of the auxiliaries báti and béle which involve assimilation of different scope in NK and WK.

Realization of N

The homorganic N in Kakabe is a phoneme with a low level of specification. It is specified only for two features: [+coda] at the skeletal tier and [+nasal] at the nasality tier. It obtains its specification on other tiers by the spread of the feature from the following consonant. If no consonant follows, it fails to be specified and is deleted.

Another circumstance which defines the realization of N in Kakabe is the ban on declining sonority between a coda and a following onset within one prosodic word: (4.3) Coda has to be more sonorant than the following onset.

To comply with this constraint, N copies the place feature from the following stop and is assimilated to a following approximant by the manner assimilation and undergoes the deletion of the nasality feature. The deletion of the nasality feature is due to the fact that nasal approximants are ruled out in Kakabe.

In this Section the realization of N is analyzed with respect to the phonological and morphosyntactic contexts. As shown in 4.2.3.3, N can be deleted after having triggered vowel nasalization before the approximants w and y. See also Section 4.6.5.6, where I show that surface n can have different phonotactic effects depending on the underlying configuration that it corresponds to: N which originally occupies the position in the coda, N which becomes a coda due to vowel elision and syllabic N. Vowel is nasalized only if the following N is in the same syllable.

Realization of N before obstruents

When N precedes an obstruent, it is realized as an obstruent nasal of the same place of articulation:

N + Labial p, b, f → mp, mb, mf N + Alveolar t, d, s → nt, nd, ns N + Palatal c, j → ɲc, nj N + Velar k, g, h → ŋk, ŋg N + Labio-velar g ͡ b → ŋ ͡ mg ͡ b Table 4.1: Realization of N before obstruents
Below the realization of N is illustrated with the example of possessive nominal groups with the 1SG pronoun ǹ for the sake of uniformity, the same mechanism is true for N in the coda position.

N → m / _ C Labial ǹ pɔ ́rɔntà → [m ̀pɔ ŕɔ̰ ńtà] 'my insult' ǹ bóè → [m ̀bóè] 'my stomach' N → ɱ / _ C Labio-dental ǹ fàsáà → [ɱ ́fàsâː] 'my vein' N → n / _ C Alveolar ǹ dáà → [ǹdâː] 'my mouth' ǹ tólè → [ǹtólè] 'my ear' ǹ síisè → [ǹsíːsè] 'my breast' N → n / _ C Palatal ǹ céecè → [ɲ ̀céːcè] 'my waist' ǹ jùséè → [ɲ ́ɟùsêː] 'my heart' N → n / _ C Velar ǹ kàawu → [ŋ ́kàːwù] 'my uncle' ǹ gòrogórè → [ŋ ́gòrògórè] 'my scratch (a scratch that I had)' ǹ háahaandɛ ̀→ [ŋ ̀háːháːndɛ ] 'my bile' N → n / _ C Labio-velar ǹ gbòléè → [ŋ ͡ ḿg ͡ bòlêː] 'my skin'

Realization of N before implosives

When N occurs before the implosives ɗ and ɓ it is realized as [n] and [m] respectively. As for the implosive itself, it often becomes a simple obstruent.

Realization of N before sonorants

N assimilates with the place of articulation of the following nasal sonorant, resulting in a geminated nasal:

(4.4) N + C [Nasal] → Cː ǹ màama → [ḿːàːmà] 'my grandmother' ǹ nɛ ̀ɛnɛ → [ńːɛ ːnɛ ] 'my mother' ǹ ŋàsíɲɛ ̀→ [ŋ ́ːàsíɲɛ ] 'my claw' ǹ ɲáà → [ɲ ̀ːâː] 'my eye'.
When N precedes a non-nasal sonorant, in some cases N fully assimilates with the sonorant which results in a geminate of the latter and the disappearance of nasality. There is a difference in phonetic behavior between the approximants w and y on the one hand, and r and l on the other hand. Contrary to the gemination of l and r which is stable and perceptually prominent, the gemination of the approximants y and w is optional and when it does occur, it is much less prominent.

Along with the disappearance of N, the other possibility is the retention of nasality. One context when the full disappearance of nasality never happens is when N is syllabic which is possible only IP-initially, see Section 3.3.1.2. When the nasality is retained it is realized as a nasal occlusive n before l and r, whereas before the approximants w and y it is mostly realized as a nasalized approximant, though the occlusive realization also occurs. When N is preceded by a vowel (which in this case is the only alternative to a pause) the realization of nasality is also different for approximants and non-approximants. Before l and r it is realized as a homorganic nasal and the nasalization of the preceding vowel, cf. (4.7 a).

In the case of w and y it is realized only as vocalic nasalization, cf. ( 4 In what follows I represent the results of the corpus investigation. The results showed that the retention of nasality varies importantly depending on the sonorant.

Realization of N before l

In the case of N occurring before l, there are 55 cases where l is geminated and nasality is deleted, and 28 cases where the nasality is preserved (in the form of a nasal consonant and the nasalization of the preceding vowel).

The nasality is retained before l only when the nasal coda is in the syllable whose onset is nasal as well, see the realization of mín L in (4.8 a), the reduced form of the conditional auxiliary máni > mán in (4.8 b), nán < náani 'four' in (4.8 d). The nasality can also be retained at the end of the suffix -nden which is an additional argument to consider that, in this suffix, n before d belongs to the onset together with d and not to the coda of the previous syllable, see Section 3.3.1.5. By contrast, N before l is not retained after NC sequences separated by the syllable boundary, as in (4.10) below. In this example, the /Nf/ sequence is divided by the syllable boundary, and the final N of fɛ ́nfɛ ̀n 'nothing' is not preserved before l. Otherwise, if there is no nasal in the onset, the nasality always disappears, e.g. in context between a noun and a verb, cf. (4.12 a), between two numerals (4.12 b), between a noun and a verb cf. (4.12 c), and also if the nasal is the only phoneme representing a morpheme, cf. the realization of the optative auxiliary ni > n in (4.12 d) , etc.

Realization of N before y [j]

There is a total of 71 occurrences of N in the context before y. Nasality is retained only in 6 cases, and it is deleted in 65 cases.

When nasality does not surface, y is geminated, cf. (4.13), (4.14), but short y also occurs (4.15). The long [jː] and the simple [j] are in free variation in this context, compare (4.14) and (4.15) where yen is pronounced with a long [jː] and then with a short [j]. (4.13) Contrary to the case of N preceding the sonorant l, when N precedes y the nasality of the onset of the preceding syllable does not play any role. For example, the relativizer mín L is realized as [míː] in all nine occurrences when it is followed by the approximant y, e.g.: In (4.17 b) there is a combination of three morphemes mín L REL + -nu PL+ nɔn DISC which gives mínːɔ ̀n through two processes: 1) the deletion of the vowel in -nu, see (4.4), and 2) the simplification of a sequence of identical consonants, nnn in this case (on the question of N deletion in consonant sequences see 3.3.1.2): minnu nɔn → minn nɔn → minːɔn.

The pronunciation of the 3PL pronoun àn in (4.17 a) is an exception: as shown in Section 4.4.5, the pronoun ànu is almost never realized in the reduced form an when it is followed by a morpheme starting with y. Therefore, the exceptional retention of n is marginal for a different, independent reason, discussed in the mentioned section.

In (4.17 c) the retention of nasality may be due to the fact that bón 'well' is an interjection which can be followed by IP-boundary. There is no special reason for the nasality realization neither (4.17 d) nor in ( 4.17 e). As for (4.17 f) the fact that N is the only phoneme in the morpheme, does not prevent it from disappearance, cf.

Realization of N before w

In the case of w the retention vs. deletion of N is less predictable compared to N before l and y.

My corpus contains 51 occurrences of N immediately preceding an onset with w (not separated from it by a hesitation pause or any other kind of pause). Nasality disappears without any trace in 36 tokens (6.129 b) -(4.19 c), in 15 tokens it is retained and realized as a nasalization of the preceding vowel.

Contrary to other sonorants, I could not identify any regularities explaining the deletion or the retention of nasality when N is realized before w. For example in (4.19 d) sàn 'buy' is pronounced without any nasalization, whereas in (4.20 a) the vowel in the same verb is nasalized.

Realization of N before r

There are only four examples of N before r in my corpus. This scarcity of occurrence is due to the marginal status of r as a morpheme-initial consonant, see 3.2.2.1. Besides, there are no lexemes with Nr in morpheme-internal position. As can be seen, in three examples out of four, the Nr combination is realized as a geminated r and the nasality does not surface, and in one occurrence (4.21 d) Nr is realized with the nasalization of the vowel and a consonantal nasal n.

Summary

To sum up, before sonorant N can be realized either with the retention of nasality or without any nasality in the surface realization which is schematized below:

1) disappearance of nasalization: VN + l, r → full assimilation of N VN + w, y → deletion / full assimilation of N 2) retention of nasality:

VN + l → Ṽn + l VN + r → Ṽn + r VN + w → Ṽ + w (VN + y → Ṽ + y).

Realization of N before vowel-initial morphemes

The realization of N before vowel-initial morphemes depends on the morphological category of the latter, as described in 4.6.1.4.

Realization of N before clitics and suffixes starting with a sonorant

When N precedes the clitics lè (focus marker), la (representing three different morphemes: the oblique marker postposition, the causative prefix and the possessive linker), contrary to the previous situations, the onset, and not the coda, undergoes assimilation:

VN + la → Vnːa VN + lè → Vndè.
Examples (4.22 a) -( 4.24 b) illustrate the simple and the nasalized pronunciation of the la, as the gerund suffix, as the possessive linker and as the causative prefix.

The gerund suffix -la:

(4.22) (a) [à bì kérènù dàlà] à 3SG bi be kéri-È-nu hoe-ART-PL dá-la fabricate-GER He is making hoes. (b) [à bì kérènù dànːà] à 3SG bi be kéri-È-nu hoe-ART-PL dán-la count-GER He is counting hoes.
The possessive linker la: Compare this with the verb lá 'put', starting with l which is not part of an affix, but part of the stem and therefore it does not change to n after a nasal: At the same time, the N coda of the postposition is not deleted after other syllables ending with a nasal, instead N in the coda before the postposition yen disappears: Finally, there are two suffixes which cause the loss of nasality. N regularly disappears before the nominalizing suffix -ri, e.g.:

kántan 'look after' + -ri → kántari 'looking after'.
The other suffix is -yaa which derives verbs, adjectives and nouns. In most cases it also causes the disappearance of N, as in (4.29 a). Yet, there are two examples in my data, where N is retained and nasalizes the following y, see (4.29 b). Thus, it behaves the same way as the postposition yen after the 1SG pronoun ǹ, illustrated in (4.27 a). Note also the compensatory lengthening in the monosyllabic root in jɔ ̀ɔya 'slavery'.

Realization of N in IP-final position

The description of the realization of N is given in Sections 4.2.1 -4.2.4. It concerns the cases where N is not separated from the following syllable by any IP boundary.

IP boundary blocks the interaction between N and the following phoneme. IP-final N is either deleted or is realized as According to [START_REF] Ohala | Coarticulation and Phonology[END_REF], "back nasals are less consonantal than front nasals". This can be seen as a phonetic motivation for the fact that [ŋ] is in free variation with zero in the IP-final position: the two realization are on the weak part of the consonantal scale.

Simplification of NNC sequences

When N follows a syllable which already has an N coda, this leads to the loss of the additional N. Thus, the 1SG pronoun ǹ does not surface in pronunciation when it occurs after an N coda and a consonant onset, compare (4.32 a) and ( 4 The deletion of the second n regularly occurs when the diminutive marker -nden or the participle suffix -nden homonymous to it follows N, as in (4.33) It should be noted that this process is not specific to the pronoun n, cf. (4.37) where the plural marker -nu (which is often pronounced without the vowel) is lost because it occupies the position between the two nasals: mín _ nɔn:

Realization of N in Manding languages

The unstable realization of N is common for Manding languages: Nasalization, especially word-final, is relatively unstable across Manding. Depending on the variety and sometimes the particular word, it may surface only in a restricted number of contexts, disappear without traces or disappear but bring about some morphonological alternations to its right (Idiatov 2012: 179).

The underlying N is regularly deleted from the surface realization before pause in the Bamana dialect of Beledugu [START_REF] Creissels | La nasalité en bambara du Beledugu (parler de Daban)[END_REF]). Underlying N is realized as an occlusive nasal before occlusive consonants and as the nasalization of a vowel before non-occlusive ones in Odienné Dioula [START_REF] Braconnier | De l'existence de trois types de nasalité à support vocalique en dioula d'Odienné[END_REF]) and in Kita Maninka (Creissels 2009a: 17) 1 . In Mandinka N is realized as a homorganic nasal before occlusives and as ŋ before vowels, glides, r, l and h (Creissels & Sambou 2013: 25). Interestingly, N can be realized as the gemination of l, at the junction between two stems forming a lexicalized compound e.g. kullíi < kǔn 'head' + líi 'shave'. According to the authors, such realization is due to the lexicalization, i.e. to the fact that the boundary between the two stems is "blurred in the speaker's mind" (2013: 26). As has been shown in this section, in Kakabe the realization as a geminated l of the underlying sequence /N+l/ is very regular, it applies always except when l belongs to a clitic and when the two morphemes are separated by a prosodic break.

The realization of N in Soninke, a Northwestern Mande language, is similar to the situation in Kakabe in that N is also realized in a special way when it precedes a sonorant: (4.38) Soninke (Creissels 2016: 22) án

2SG + àlìháala 'state' → [áŋŋàlìhàːlâ] án 2SG + rénmè 'child' → [állèmmê] án 2SG + wàttê 'illness' → [áŋŋàttê] án 2SG + yòkkê 'bagages' → [áɲɲòkkê]
Whereas in Kakabe the nasality disappears, in Soninke it spreads to the onset of the following syllable. The consonant preceded by N assimilates with it by manner of articulation and N assimilates with the consonant by place or articulation, except for r which becomes a geminated l.

To sum up, the Kakabe case is in line with the cross-Mande tendency of N to harmonize in manner and place of articulation with the segment to its right. As has been shown in this section, the realization of N depends on how it is positioned with respect to 1) morpheme boundaries 2) boundaries of the syntactic constituency and the onset of the following syllable. A similar pattern of relation between prosodic constituency and the realization of N may exist in other Mande languages as well. Thus, the realization of N in the perspective of comparative phonology-syntax might be an interesting question for further research.

Realization of the suffixes -nden and -len

This section describes the morphonological processes involving two suffixes: the diminutive suffix -nden and the suffix of the resultative participle marker which has the form -nden in CK and -len in NK and WK.

These suffixes display the array of allomorphs featuring l ~d ~nd ~nn ~n in the onset. The alternations between alveolars are common for Western Mande, especially at the beginning of functional morphemes, or morpheme internally, cf. Kita Maninka: variation t ~d ~r in foot-internal position and at the beginning of suffixes (Creissels 2009a: 14), e.g. báta ~báda ~bára 'home'. As I will argue, in Kakabe, apart from the immediate phonological context, the choice of the allomorph is determined by phonotactic properties of the stem to which the suffix is attached. The variation between alveolars, especially for grammaticalized morphemes, is common across Mande, and the description of the Kakabe case might shed light on the mechanism underlying this cross-Mande variation.

In this Section I will discuss the variants -len and -nden and propose a hypothesis about the diachronic relation between these two variants (4.3.1). Section 4.3.1 deals with the assimilation process nd > nn in the forms with the referential article which also involves resyllabification. Finally, the geminated nn, resulting from this assimilation, undergoes simplification to simple n, and this process is conditioned by the metrical properties of the preceding root (4.3.4).

Participle -len vs -nden allomorphs

In Kakabe the form of the resultative suffix depends on the dialect: -nden in CK, vs. -len in NK and WK (4.39). But after N in all three dialects the participle suffix is realized as -den:

(4.39) CK NK, WK 'cut'
CVCV tɛ ́gɛ + PC.ST tɛ ́gɛ-nden tɛ ́gɛ-len 'to germinate' CVCV fɛ ́tɛn + PC.ST fɛ ́tɛ ́n-den

The allomorph -nden in CK coincides with the diminutive marker which is the same for all dialects (4.40). The diminutive suffix has the same allomorph -den after N which is in this case due to the process of simplification of the nnd sequences which is general for Kakabe, see Section 4.2.7. If the allomorph -len of the participle is taken as diachronically primary, then -nden of CK could have appeared due to analogical change. This change is triggered by the coincidence between the realization of the diminutive marker and the participle suffix after final-N roots.

The resultative participle marker copies the model of -nden ~-den/N_ allomoprhy of the diminutive marker. As a result, the allomorph -den of the resultative participle is reinterpreted as having -nden in the non-nasal context, instead of -len. Thus, the hypothesis is that the emergence of -nden as a marker of participle in CK, was triggered by analogy between the post-N allomorph of the diminutive suffix and the resultative suffix 2 : (4.41) len > analogy to den / _N ~nden > nden noun+DIM verb+PC.ST CVCV yɛ ́gɛ-nden *tɛ ́gɛ-len > tɛgɛ-nden

CVCVN kɛ ́rɛn-den fɛ ́tɛ ́n-den

This hypothesis is supported by the fact that in CK, -nden of the participle reproduces the same irregular pattern of realization in combination with the referential article as the diminutives -nden, see Section 4. 3.2 and 4.3.4. Analogical change is understood rather largely, as a diachronic sound change which involves a relation of similarity [START_REF] Anttila | An introduction to historical and comparative linguistics[END_REF]. The scenario in (4.41) matches this definition, since it is based on the similarity between the pattern of allomorphy and the coincidence of one of the allomorphs in the post-N context. At the same time, in the literature on historical linguistics analogy is usually understood to be based on the form-meaning correspondence. An often repeated example of proportional analogy is the emergence of the past form dove. The original past tense of dive was dived, but it changed to dove under analogy with the class 2. An alternative hypothesis that one can think of is that -nden appeared due to the resyllabification of N.d separated by syllable boundary to Nd as a complex onset. Then the -nden allomorph was generalized to nonnasal contexts, e.g. fɛ ́tɛn.den germ-PC.ST was resyllabified to fɛ ́tɛ.nden and then -nden replaced -len in the oral context: tɛ ́gɛ-len → tɛ ́gɛ-nden. Yet, this kind of resyllabification leading the emergence of a complex onset is not a very common phonological process, thus, an independent reason is required to account for it.

of verbs which behave like ride : rode = dive : x (Campbell 2013: 90-91). Nevertheless, structurally, there is no reason why a pattern of allomorphs should be different in this respect from a set of markers belonging to one morphological paradigm.

The marker of the participle in Kakabe reflects a common Western Mande suffix, reconstructed as *den or *ɗen (Vydrin, p.c.). The initial d gives the reflexes r, l or n, and nd only in Kakabe; see the forms in (4.42). This confirms the assumption that -len precedes -nden etymologically.

( Similarly to Kakabe, in Mandinka and Lele the allomorph with d in the onset appears after N (though Vydrin (2009a) states that the allomorph of -rɛ after N is -ndɛn, he is not sure that n is part of the suffix or a part of the preceding root). In Bamana and Kagoro the onset of -len undergoes nasalization after N and becomes -nen. In Maninka, Kita Maninka and Koranko, the form onset is always n-initial. Apparently, this allomorph was also initially limited to post-N context, as in Bamana and Kagoro, and was then generalized to the oral context3 . Thus, the -nden form in CK appeared due to the allomorph -den common for Western Mande in this context, and then changed by analogy to the diminutive suffix.

Assimilation nd > nn in the forms with the article

The diminutive suffix has the same realization -(n)den across Kakabe dialects when it is not followed by the referential article, see (4.40) in the preceding subsection. When the diminutive suffix combines with the article, in part of NK villages and in two villages belonging to WK area (referred to as NK 1 and WK 1 , respectively) the resulting form is -ndéè (< -nden-È), whereas in CK, Kourou Pampa (WK 2 ) and Nasouroulayi (NK 2 ), another village of WK area (WK 2 ), it is realized as -nnɛ ́ɛ̀. As is shown in Section 4.6.4, VN combined with È of the article is normally realized as Vɲɛ ̀. Thus, it is common for all the dialects that the form of the diminutive suffix with the referential article is irregular: against the expected -ndeɲɛ ̀, N disappears and gives a long vowel. The difference is that, first, the assimilation nd > nn takes place in CK, WK 2 , NK 2 but not in WK 1 and NK 1 . Second, where the assimilation takes place the resulting vowel is mid-low ɛ, while in the absence of assimilation it is the mid-high e.

WK 1 , NK 1 CK, WK 2 , NK 2 DIM -nden DIM + ART -(n)nɛ ́ɛ̀-(n)déè
VCV 'medicine' bási → básí-ndéè básí-nnɛ ́ɛC VVCVCV 'goat' síikuli → sííkúlí-ndéè sííkúlí-nnɛ ́ɛC VVCV 'shell' kɛ ́ɛdɛ → kɛ ́ɛ́d ɛ ́-ndéè kɛ ́ɛ́d ɛ ́-nɛ ́ɛT
he same distribution of the assimilation nd > nn is attested for the adverbial demonstratives yàndɛ ́tɔ ~yànnɛ ́tɔ ̀'here' and ɲɔ ́ɔndɛtɔ ~ɲɔ ́ɔnɛtɔ 'there', see (4.44). Supposedly, the adverbs are fused forms containing the demonstrative yàn 'here' or ɲɔ ́ɔ 'there', respectively, as the first part, the focus marker lè, and the postposition tɔ. The two maps below compare the geographical distribution of two sets of allomorphs. The map on the left shows the distribution -len vs. -nden allomorphs for the resultativestative participle, whose diachronic relationship was discussed in the previous section, see (4.3.1). The map in the right shows the distribution of -nnɛ ́ɛ̀a nd -ndéè, the two realizations of the diminutive suffix in combination with the article. My corpus contains 332 occurrences of forms containing with /-nden-È/ and 915 tokens of the resultative marker, apart from that, I used elicitation data (the Bantaferenya village is not represented in corpus and only elicitation data is available). As can be seen on the maps, the distribution of the allomorphs of the resultative participle is geographically continuous: the boundary between the -nden and -len allomorphs goes between Labiko and Sokotoro villages which corresponds to the division between CK and WK. As for the distribution of the allomorphs -nnɛ ́ɛ̀a nd -ndéè, in the west only -nnɛ ́ɛ̀i s used, whereas in the north-east -nnɛ ́ɛ̀v illages alternate with -ndéè villages. Thus, in the NK area, Kakabe speakers from Nasurulayi use -nnɛ ́ɛ̀, whereas their neighbors living one kilometer away in Mansaya use the -ndéè allomorph. In the WK zone, in Kourou Pampa the nd has assimilated to nn, whereas in Djinkoya to the North and Labiko to the South no assimilation takes place.

At the same time, a closer investigation reveals that in Kourou Pampa the form -ndéè is also possible, but is limited to a special phonological context, and, probably, to a special genre. The subcorpus of Kourou Pampa texts contains 44 occurrences of NPs with /nden-È/, the latter is realized as -nnɛ ́ɛ̀i n forty tokens and as ndéè in four tokens. All of the -ndéè realizations come from the recording during an evening gathering, at which women were telling fairy tales to each other. As is usual for this genre, spoken parts alternate with sung passages. The four tokens with -ndée appear in the sung passages, two occurrences of kènndéè 'little foot' and two occurrences kùnndéè 'little head'. In all four cases -ndéè appears after the CVN root. Another aspect to note is that the nnd sequence is not simplified to nd as it is usually the case for nnd sequences, see Section 4.2.7. Thus, in NK and in the other two WK villages, when -nden follows N, one of the nasal is deleted, thus, giving kèn → kèndéè. When no N preceded the diminutive suffix, -nden with the article is realized as -(n)nɛ ́ɛ̀( the standard form for the village). See the half-sung utterance in (4.45) below from the storytelling, where /kùn-nden-È/ is realized as kùnndéè but the next diminutive form, /ɲáa-nden-È/ is realized as ɲáa-nɛ ́ɛ̀. It should be not by chance that this form which is apparently non-standard for the village, appears in the musical parts of stories. Fairy-tales, and especially the sung refrains in them, is an environment stimulating the usage of marked forms and forms which are considered as more archaic 4 (on marked forms and genres see [START_REF] Barber | The anthropology of texts, persons and publics: oral and written culture in Africa and beyond[END_REF], among many others).

Thus, in Kourou Pampa the form with the non-assimilated d could have been retained as a marked "archaic" form in songs, whereas in the surrounding WK villages as well as in NK it is still the standard form. It might be the case that such archaic forms are also found in marked genres in the villages of CK, a bigger corpus is needed to find it out.

Participle combined with the article

The participle suffix -nden in CK combines with the article in the same way as the diminutivenden, resulting in -(n)ɛ ́ɛ̀. As for WK and NK, when the participle suffix is -len, its combination with the article has the form -léɲɛ ̀which corresponds to the regular way of the realization of the article mentioned just above (VN + -È → Vɲɛ ̀). When -len is preceded by N and is realized with d at the beginning, N at the end of the suffix optionally disappears before the referential article. Thus, is it is realized either as -déè or as -déɲɛ ̀. This is summarized in (4.46)

Deletion of n and metrical structure of the stem

As has already been mentioned, in the form -nnɛ ́ɛ̀o ne n can be deleted. The distribution of -nɛ ́ɛ̀a nd -nnɛ ́ɛ̀a llomorphs depends, first, on the weight of the immediately preceding syllable, and, second, on foot parsing. The foot structure counts only if the syllable preceding -nden is light:

(4.48) (a) If the preceding syllable is heavy, -nden + -È is realized as -nɛ ́ɛ( b) If the preceding syllable is light, and is the second mora of a (full) foot, -nden + -È is realized as -nnɛ ́ɛ( c) After a deficient foot n is optionally deleted in the realization -nden + -È -nɛ after heavy syllable:

-nden + È → -nɛ ́ɛ̀/ (σː) _ -nnɛɛ after full binary foot: .

-nden + È → -nnɛ ́ɛ̀/ (σσ) _ -nden + È → -nnɛ ́ɛ̀/ (σː)(σσ) _ -nɛ after deficient foot: -nden + È → -nɛ ́ɛ̀~-nnɛ ́ɛ̀/ (σσ)σ _ -nden + È → -nɛ

Realization of the diminutive suffix in Western Mande

The diminutive suffix in Mande languages, apparently, goes back to the same common protoform, *den 'child', see Vydrin (2006: 95-96); Nikitina (ms.). In (4.54) below are represented the forms of the diminutive suffix in several Western Mande languages. As can be seen, in most cases the suffix starts with a nasal, whereas the reconstructed root for 'child' does not contain any nasal at the beginning. [START_REF] Vydrin | Reconstruction of the phonological type of and the noun morphology in pra-Mande[END_REF] proposes that this initial nasal is a reflex of an initial prefix with a diminutive meaning, thus, the diminutive suffix goes back to *nden DIM-child. As can be seen in ( 4.54), apart from Kakabe, the initial nd is preserved in Mandinka, Kita Maninka and Lele. In Bamana, Maninka and Kagoro there is a simple n at the beginning. In Xasonka the diminutive suffix does not have any initial nasal, one can suppose that, contrary to the other languages, it goes back *den without the nasal prefix. Finally, in Yalunka the suffix does not contain any nasal at all, and neither does the homophonous noun díi 'child'.

(4.54) Mandinka -ndiŋ Kita Maninka -ndin (Creissels 2009a: 65) Bamana -nḭ Maninka -nḛ Kagoro -no Lele -ndɛ (Vydrin 2009a: 65) Xasonka -diŋ
Yalunka -dii (Lüpke 2005: 111) As has been shown, in Kakabe, the onset of the diminutive suffix, fused with the referential article, transforms from nd to nn through assimilation, and nn transforms to n after a heavy syllable or, optionally, after a deficient foot. The -nV forms in Maninka, Bamana and Kagoro, apparently, also have evolved due to the simplification of the cluster -nd, but it is hard to tell whether any phonotactic parameters were involved in it.

Realization of C(V) syllables: vowel elision

The vowel elision, e.g. yɛ ́lɛta → yɛ ́lta 'rose', is one of the central phonotactic processes, defining the segmental and rhythmic outline of the realization of utterances. At the same time, this process is predictable only to a very limited degree which makes its description a challenging task. This section provides an attempt to figure out, what phonological or morphonological contexts make the vowel elision more probable, and also to single out cases where it has become fossilized or almost obligatory (see Ohala 1993 on the distinction between real-time and fossilized phonological processes).

One of the examples of such fossilization which has already been described in the grammar sketch (see 2.6.1.7) and is therefore not analyzed here is the realization of focused personal pronouns. To remind the reader, focused forms of personal pronouns, stemming from the combination of the simple person pronoun with two focus markers lè, in NK has been frozen in the form with the penultimate vowel elided, e.g. ǐllè 1PL.FOC < *ì lè lè. By contrast, in WK and CK this elision never takes place, e.g. only the realization ǐꜜlélè is possible. Thus, we see the rise of a fused grammatical from in NK.

Section 4.4.5 discusses the tendency to avoid vowel deletion after n before a sonorant. This might be related to the fact that N in Kakabe fully assimilates to the following sonorants, and in some cases is deleted (see 4.2.3). Thus, the avoidance of elision prevents a situation which would lead to the loss of segmental distinction.

One more factor which affects the probability of elision is the tonal context, see Section 4.4.6.

Finally, elision can combine with other phonological processes, this is described in the next section (see 4.5).

General case

Vowel elision in Kakabe is the zero realization of a mid-low, mid-high or high vowel after a sonorant consonants.

All underlying syllables of the type Sonorant (n, r, w, l and y) plus a short non-low vowel can undergo deletion of the nucleus and can be resyllabified as the coda of the preceding syllable.

The onsets with the sonorants m, ɲ and ŋ do not license vowel deletion. Elision does not happen before an intonation break or before any kind of pause. Elision is not possible before onsetless syllables and before the syllabic nasal. When a syllable with a sonorant onset precedes an onsetless syllable, the sonorant retains its position in the onset. It can fuse with the latter but does not undergo vowel reduction:

fɛ ́lɛ 'see' + à 3SG → [fɛlaː] Not possible: * fɛ ́lɛ + à 3SG → [fɛl.a] máni COND + à 3SG → [ma.naː] Not possible: * máni + à 3SG → mán.a → [maː] (deletion of N coda preceding a vowel).

Morpheme internal C(V) syllables

When the elision occurs within the boundaries of a lexical morpheme, the glide next to the vowel can end up either in the onset or in the coda.

Vowel deletion creating a coda: In contrast to that, reduction is not possible in the third light root of mísilimi 'Muslim'. It cannot be realized as *mísilmi, and màkoroni 'spagetti' cannot be realized as *makorni.

(4.
Apart from the cases of lexical variation in (4.56), deletion never creates a complex onset. The vowel after, and not before the glide, is deleted, forming a syllable with the coda, when any grammatical morpheme and most lexical morphemes are involved.

Vowel deletion at morpheme boundaries

Example (4.58) illustrates vowel deletion in a compound. The markers béle and báti are unique in that in their case t and l undergoes full assimilation with the following vowel (after the deletion of the second vowel of the marker). The realization of the reduced bé' and bá' always results in gemination, e.g. báti + C → báCː, see Section 3.3.3.1 for examples.

Verbs ending with weak syllables are often realized without their stem-final vowel before the gerund suffix -la and the intransitive perfective suffix -ta, e.g: The initial syllable in a lexical morpheme never undergoes deletion (the only exception is síyɔn ~syɔ ́n 'bucket, see Section 4.4.2). Example (4.62) shows that both the second and the third syllable starting from the beginning of the word can be reduced: The application of the elision to a sequence of two syllables both of which allow the deletion of the vowel is lexically fixed. In the sequence of two focus particles lè, only the first one can be reduced, cf. (4.63 b). In the sequence le FOC + ni SBJV it is the optative marker that can be reduced:

Clitics after nu/ ni syllables

In Kakabe clitics starting with l partially assimilate to the coda of the preceding syllable, see Section 4.2.5, e.g. fɔ ́lɔ-la start-GER vs. tólon-na 'play-GER'. When such clitics follow a morpheme in its reduced variant, they assimilate with the coda resulting from the deletion, cf. the causative prefix la-~nain (4.66 a), the gerund suffix -la ~-na in (4.66 b) and the focus maker lè ~dè in (4.66 c).

(4.66) (a) [mònêː má̰ nːámàgà] ~[mònêː mání lámàgà] mòni-È porridge-ART máni COND la-màga CAUS-move When the porridge is being stirred ... (b) [à bâː ɲìnːà] ~[à bâː ɲìnìlà] à 3SG bi be à 3SG ɲíni-la look.for-GER He is looking for it. (c) [à kâː ná̰ n dè] ~[à kâː nání lè] à 3SG ka PFV.OF à 3SG náni insult lè FOC He insulted him.
There is an occasional example where the clitic lè is realized as dè and the vowel is deleted before the sonorant l:

(4.67) [mà báá dònnà má kèɲɛ̂ːdlà] mà 2PL bi be à 3PL dòn-la transport-GER mà 1PL kèn-È-nu foot-ART-PL lè FOC la OBL
We walk on foot and carry it.

The

[dè] realization in (4.67) is special, first, in that N disappears, after having triggered the occlusive realization of lè > dè which usually does not happen:

kèɲɛːnu + lè > kèɲɛːn + lè > [kèɲɛ ːndè]
Second, the syllable de undergoes reduction even though its onset has become an occlusive, and usually the reduction in this case is not possible:

kèɲɛːn dè + la > [kèɲɛ ːdlà]
The n coda resulting from the reduction displays the same behavior as an "original" N coda: it assimilates to the onset of the following syllable:

Realization of the syllables ni/nu and the strength of the following onset

The realization of a weak syllable can be influenced by the strength of the consonant which follows it.

For example, the result of a corpus search shows that the 3PL pronoun ànu is almost never realized in its reduced form àn when it precedes a morpheme starting with y: There are 37 occurrences of ànu before y in the corpus, and it is realized only once as an, viz. in the occurrence already represented above in (4.17 a) and repeated below: Compared to this, when ànu occurs before a syllable starting with s, it is pronounced in the reduced form an in 70% of the tokens (85 times out of 122) and as ànu in 30% of the tokens (37 times out of 122).

When ànu occurs before a syllable starting with l, it is pronounced in the reduced form àn in 9 tokens and as ànu in 2 tokens.

ànu àn Total before s 37 85 122 before l 3 9 12 before y 36 1 37

Table 4.4: Reduced vs. non-reduced from This tendency to avoid vowel deletion after n before a sonorant is not limited to the realization of the pronoun ànu. Table 4.5 represents the frequency of occurrence of the reduced and the full form of the plural marker -nu before a sonorant compared to all onsets, and, in the lower part of the table the same configuration is shown for the full and reduced forms of auxiliaries máni, ni and káni.

Reduced form

Full form Total -nu PL marker before l, w, y, (r) 0 0% Out of the 17 occurrences of the reduced form of the auxiliaries máni, ni and káni before a sonorant, 16 are máni > mán and one is káni > kán. The difference between máni and káni is due to the low frequency of káni in general: káni occurs only 30 times in the whole corpus, whereas máni occurs 486 times. As for the SBJV marker ni, it is the most frequent auxiliary (1276) in the corpus and it is pronounced without a vowel in 30% of the occurrences (387).

The absence of the reduced allomorphs of ni before sonorants may be due to the fact that the whole morpheme would be lost if it were realized as a reduced form before a sonorant.

As for máni and káni, a whole syllable is lost, yet not the whole morpheme. The same difference is attested in the case of ànu and -nu.

Importantly, among the 17 occurrences in which máni is reduced before a sonorant, there are none involving the sonorant y, but only w and l (the absence of r is not pertinent in this case because this sonorant is in general very rare at the beginning of a morpheme). As shown in Section 4.2.3, sonorants, being weak consonants in general (if we consider the occlusive realization of the preceding N as an indicator of strength, see Section 4.2.3 for discussion), are different in strength compared to each other. When N precedes l, w, r, even if it is not realized as a full-fledged nasal consonant, at least, it lengthens the sonorant or is realized as a vocalic nasalization. As for the position before y, N it tends to be deleted from the surface realization without leaving any trace at all.

To sum up, the corpus data shows that the syllables nu and ni avoid reduction before the sonorants and, especially, before the approximant y. This might be related to the fact that before sonorants, especially before the approximant y, the underlying N has a weak or none surface representation. We can suppose that the reduction is avoided because otherwise it would lead to the loss of a distinctive segment.

This principle also explains the distribution of the occlusive and non-occlusive realizations of the copula (b)i and the auxiliary (s)i, as discussed in 4.6.5 and 4.6.6: when a morpheme has a variable realization (one with strong onset and one with weak onset or no onset), the stronger variant is chosen if N precedes it, because otherwise N is lost. Since the notion of consonantal weakness is scalar and not binary, this yields an account for the differences in the frequency of allomorphs before various types of sonorants.

The following section presents one more case where the reduction of the syllables nu / ni is blocked, because otherwise it would create a phonotactically undesirable situation.

Vowel elision and tone

The reduction in a C(V) syllable can be blocked by the surface tonal pattern. The C(V) syllable cannot be reduced, when it is the only high tone bearing unit for the high tone resulting from OCP (for the operation of OCP in Kakabe see Chapter 3).

The noun kàyi 'man' in Examples (4.70 -4.72) has a lexical low tone (which is underlyingly assigned to the first syllable). When it occurs before another low-tone morpheme, a delimitation H tone appears on the second syllable, cf. (4.70), and no H tone appears if a morpheme with a H tone follows, cf. (4.72). Thus, the ban on the reduction in (4.70) is due to the avoidance of two tones on syllable.

(4.70) k a L y i 'man' + f i L l a 'two' → k a L y i H f i L l a L / *k a LH y f i L l a L / *k a L y H f i L l a L (4.71) k a L y i 'man' + t a H n 'ten' → k a L y i L t a H n / OK k a L y t a H n (4.72) 'two slavemen' j ɔ L n k a y i 'slaveman' + f i L l a 'two' → j ɔ L n k a H y i H f i L l a L / OK j ɔ L n k a H y f i L l a
L At the same, time, there is no absolute ban on the association between one syllable and two tones. Compare Example (4.73), where N is the original underlying coda of the syllable which can host the high tone resulting from the OCP, and Examples (4.74) and (4.75), where the syllable ni can become a coda as a result of reduction, but only in the case when it does not host the delimitation H tone.

(4.73) j ɔ L n 'slave' + f i L l a 'two' → j ɔ L n H f i L l a L [jɔ̰ ̌m fìlà] 'two slaves'
When n is not the original coda, then the reduction is avoided:

(4.74) d o L n i 'load' + f i L l a 'two' → d o L n i H f i L l a L / *d o L n H f i L l a L [dǒ̰ m fìlà] 'two loads' (4.75) d o L n i 'load' + t a H n 'ten' → d o L n i L t a H n / OK d o L n t a H n [dò̰ n tá̰ ŋ] 'ten loads'
Thus, the surface realization where one syllable host two distinct tones is acceptable so to say, "by necessity", when it is prescribed by the underlying level, but avoided where it is possible to avoid it.

In the preceding section we have seen another example of the avoidance of reduction that otherwise would lead to a configuration which is, in principle, possible in the language, but dispreferred due to some other principles. As has been shown, the syllables nu / ni are almost never reduced when they precede a sonorant which is explained by the fact that nasal codas tend to disappear before sonorants. Thus, if the nasal can remain in the onset and thus be preserved from disappearance, the alternative where it is resyllabified as a coda is avoided.

To sum up, the avoidance of undesirable phonotactic configurations is one of the principles which underlies the realization of C(V) weak syllables.

Vowel elision and assimilation: reduction of báti and béle

Elision can combine with other phonological processes. This section analyzes the case of interaction between elision and assimilation. As has been shown in the preceding section, in general, the elision resulting in a stop in coda position is not allowed. Yet, for the focused perfective auxiliary báti elision is combined with assimilation, e.g. báti dàn \PFV.OF stop\ can be realized as báddàn. As I argue, the probability of elision depends on the phonological distance between the two consonants surrounding the target vowel, and the number of features that need to undergo the assimilation. If the consonants differ only in voicing, the elision is very frequent, contrary, for example, to the pair t and a g differing also by the place of articulation. Interestingly, NK and WK differ in what type of assimilation can be applied, general or only one-feature, and consequently, they differ by contexts that license elision. I analyze the statistical distribution of the variants of reduction of báti in the three dialects and propose a diachronic scenario leading to the attested distribution.

This Section described of the reduction of the perfective auxiliary báti (L) and the negative existential copula béle (L) followed by a consonant (the floating L is present in the form of the markers only in NK, see Section 5.8.3). The cases when they are followed by a vowel are discussed in Section 4.6.2).

Two reduction strategies are possible: the second syllable reduction and the first syllable reduction.

The reduction of the second syllable, resulting in the deletion of the final vowel and the assimilation of the last consonant of the marker to the following consonant:

(4.76) (a) báti (L) + dòni 'send' → bá' dòni [bá dːònì] NK, WK, CK (b) béle (L) + tànbi 'pass' → bé' tànbi [bé tːà̰ mbì] WK, CK
This process differs from the regular elision observed in Kakabe which was described in the Section 4.4. First, it allows the deletion of a vowel after an occlusive consonant (4.76a), whereas in regular elision this is possible only after a sonorant. Second, the reduction like in (4.76) is accompanied by assimilation of the consonant which end up in the coda (t or l) with the following consonant. Thus, in (4.76a) t assimilates to d, and in (4.76b) l assimilates to t.

The second type is the deletion of the first syllable of the marker, and it is possible only for báti. This reduction results in ti which can be further reduced to t'. Neither ti nor t' has any underlying tone.

(4.77) báti (L) + tànbi 'pass' → ti tànbi. báti (L)

+ tànbi 'pass' → ti tànbi → t tànbi [tːà̰ mbì]
The availability of the reduction strategy and the limits of its application depend on the dialect and on the marker. Table 4.6 below summarizes the conditions in which the reduction of the fist and of the second syllable of the marker can take place. As can be seen, the biggest variety of the reduction types is available for the perfective auxiliary báti in WK : it can undergo the reduction of either the first or the second syllable before any consonant. In NK báti L undergo the reduction of either the first or the second syllable, but the second syllable reduction is possible only before the alveolars t or d. This can be explained in a way that in NK t of the auxiliary can assimilate to the following consonant only by the voicing feature.

NK WK CK

Reduction

5. The opposition between total and partial assimilation is understood in the sense of [START_REF] Clements | The geometry of phonological features[END_REF], who describes partial assimilation as the spreading of the class node and total assimilation as the spreading of a feature of the root node.

Finally, in CK the second syllable can be reduced before any consonant, but the first syllable is never deleted.

As for béle, its first syllable is never deleted, otherwise, it follows the pattern of báti: its last vowel can be reduced before any consonant in CK and WK, whereas in NK this is possible only before l. Below I discuss some more examples.

Second syllable reduction in WK and CK

As has been said above, in WK and CK the second syllable can be reduced before any consonant, see 4.78 below: The negative existential copula béle is reduced in the same way, as báti:

(4.78) Reduction of báti PFV.OF in CK and WK báti + tànbi 'pass' → bá' tànbi [bá tːà̰ mbì] báti + dòni 'send' → bá' dòni [bá dːòni] báti + yɔ ́gɔ 'pay' → bá' yɔ ́gɔ [bá j(ː)ɔ ǵɔ ] báti + wúli 'get up' → bá' wúli [bá w(ː)úlí] báti + nà 'come' → bá' nà [bá nːà] báti + rátɛ 'miss' → bá' rátɛ [bá rːátɛ ] báti + gbándiya 'fall ill' → bá' gbándiya [bá g ͡ bːá̰ ndíyá] báti + háldɛ 'agree' → bá' háldɛ [bá hːáldɛ ], cf.
(4.79) béle + tága-la 'go-GER' → bé' tága [bé tːágá] béle + yɔ ́gɔ-la 'pay-GER' → bé' yɔ ́gɔ [bé jːɔ ǵɔ ], etc.
When the reduced form of báti is realized before the approximants y [j] and w, the gemination is optional.

Examples (4.80) and ( 4.81) illustrate the reduced realization of báti before the glottal stop and h, respectively. We've had some experience.

There is one example where the h instead of being geminated is preceded by a glottal stop, cf. ( 4

Second syllable reduction in NK

In NK the final vowel can be deleted only if it results in immediately adjacent consonants which are the same or differ only by [voiced] feature. Therefore, the final vowel of báti L can be deleted before t and d, but not before other consonants:

(4.83) Reduction of báti PFV.OF in NK báti L + tànbi 'pass' → bá' tànbi [bá tːà̰ mbì] báti L + dòni 'send' → bá' dòni [bá tːágá] báti L + yɔ ́gɔ 'pay' → * bá' ꜜyɔ ́gɔ báti L + bìla 'plunge' → * bá' bìla, etc.
The final syllable béle L is a sonorant with non-low vowel, therefore it allows regular vowel elision, as in (4.84). Contrary to CK and WK, the l in NK never assimilates to the following consonant. Thus, the regular vowel elision is the only available type of reduction for béle in NK.

First syllable reduction in WK and NK

As has been said, the first syllable of báti can be deleted in WK and NK: (4.86) báti (L) + bìla 'plunge' → ti bìla báti (L) + dòni 'send' → ti dòni, etc.

The already reduced ti can drop its vowel before another t which results in the gemination of t, as in (4.87) and (4.88). This reduction occurred only seven times in WK and eleven times in NK. Elicitation confirmed that it is possible only before t.

Statistics and possible diachronic scenario

Table 4.7 below shows the frequency of the allomorphs báti (L) , báti (L) and ti in WK and in NK, where both the reduction of the first syllable and of the second syllable of the auxiliary is possible.

To begin with, báti is realized in its full form in less than one third of its overall occurrences in the records: 17,2% in WK and 30,9% in NK. It should be noted that, in general, these numbers were counted on a corpus which consists mostly of conversations recorded in natural settings. It contains a number of monologues (tales or personal narratives) where the only interlocutor of the speaker is the researcher, whereas WK consists of conversations only, see Appendix C. This minor difference in the genre composition of the two sub-corpora may be responsible for the fact that in NK the proportion of the full realization of báti is slightly bigger.

Let's now look at the distribution of the ti and bá' reduced variants. Since in NK the last vowel can be deleted only before t or d, it is not surprising that the proportion of the bá' realization in this dialect is considerably smaller than that of bá' in WK: 7,2% in NK against 28,1% in WK. In WK, where both bá' and ti are possible before any consonants, ti is more frequent than bá': 31,0% of bá' and 40,8% of ti (or 44,1% if taken together with the t' realization).

WK NK

báti (L) 33 17,2% 168 30,9% bá' (L) 54 28,1% 39 7,2% ti 98 51,0% 330 60,7% t' 7 3,6% 8 1,5% Total 200 100,0% 544 100,0% Table 4.7: The distribution of báti (L) allomorphs in WK and NK As we can see, both in WK and in NK ti is the dominant allomorph, with 51,0% and 60,7%, respectively. The type of the licensing context (only before t or d vs. before any consonant) does not explain the distribution pattern as a whole. Thus, in WK ti and bá' are allowed in the same context, yet, ti is almost two times more frequent than the second syllable reduction variant bá': 51,0% and 28,1%, respectively. The distribution of báti (L) allomorphs in WK and NK One can imagine the following scenario. Previously, WK showed the same scope of assimilation as in NK: only feature assimilation by voicing was possible for t in báti, and therefore bá' occurred only before t and d. Further, the assimilation of t in báti generalized from one-feature to total, and bá' has started being used before other consonants, but it is still more frequent in the context by which it was originally licensed. At the same time, ti was specialized for context with other following consonants than t or d. Therefore, one would expect that the traces of this original distribution would be found in a lower frequency of bá' before other consonants than t and d, compared to the frequency of ti before not t or d.

A closer investigation of the examples reveals that, indeed, without being categorically opposed, bá' vs. ti are 'specialized' on different contexts. The frequency distribution shows that the presence of the following t strongly favors the realization with the deleted final vowel. In the WK subcorpus there are 20 utterances where the perfective marker is realized before t, and in none of these utterances is it realized as ti nor as báti. As can be seen on Table 4.8 below, before t the perfective marker is realized 13 times as bá' in and 7 times as t'. At the same time, in elicitation both ti and báti are allowed before t which means that, as least so far, there is no structural ban on the realization of the high i, separating two alveolars t in this morphological contexts. Though, of course, the numbers are very small, this suggests that the presence of following t creates a strong bias for the elision of the final i resulting in the gemination. 4.9: Realization of báti depending on the quality of the following consonant in NK

A closer look at the nine cases when the perfective marker is realized as ti suggest that this realization may be prompted by what happens in the left context. Six out of nine utterances are the cases when ti is preceded by n coda, as in (4.90) and (4.90) below. Thus, in this case, the reduction to t' is avoided because otherwise it would lead to a cluster of three consonants. 4.91 a), the reduction of ti to t' may be disfavored by the tonal context, similarly to what was described in the previous subsection (see 4.4.6). Thus, in (4.91 c) the vowel elision would lead to a situation where no mora is available to host H located between to Ls. To conclude, the final vowel of báti (L) has a strong tendency to drop before t, and this tendency is realized only if there are other factors which disfavor the vowel drop.

Summary

In the case of the auxiliary báti and, partly, the copula béle, elision can be combined with assimilation. The reduced realization of báti is strongly dominant over the full realization in speech everywhere in Kakabe. All dialects have the form with the deletion of the final vowel which, depending on the dialect, is able to undergo different types of assimilation. In NK and WK, apart from the elision of the final vowel, the reduction of the whole first syllable is possible, thus the first-syllable and the second-syllable reduction variants are used one along the other in speech. In NK these variants show a clear-cut phonological distribution: bá' occurs only before t and d, whereas ti is reserved for other contexts. In WK bá' is possible in all phonological contexts which is due to the fact that t in it can undergo total assimilation. Crucially, in WK, though both ti and bá' are, structurally, possible in any phonological contexts, yet, in speech bá' is more frequent before t and d, contrary to ti which almost never occurs in this position. This leads to the hypothesis that the generalization of the assimilation which t can undergo has occurred relatively recently, and therefore it is still more frequent it its original phonological context.

Realization of (C)V and V syllables

This part of the chapter is dedicated to the realization of syllables with no onset or with a weak onset which gives rise to various phonological processes (for the discussion of morpheme internal onsetless syllables see Section 3.3.1.4).

Types of weak onsets and their realization

The same morpheme can have different manners of syllabification. For example, immediately after the sentence-initial interrogative particle ɛ ̀nɛ ́ɛ̀, the 2SG pronoun ì can be syllabified either in a separate syllable as in (4.92 a), or it can be fused with the preceding particle as in (4.92 b). The third option is a fully autonomous pronunciation of the pronoun, whereby it is pronounced in a separate syllable that has a gottal stop onset which blocks the assimilation: This section is dedicated to the discussion of how different types of morphemes with a weak onset or no onset interact with the preceding segment. This issue reveals the complexity of the notion of syllable as a part of the phonological representation of a morpheme. It shows that the phonotactic specification as part of the phonological representation should be regarded as a repertoire of possible syllabic realizations, rather than one fixed type of syllable.

Types of syllabification and morpheme types

The availability of various syllabification options depends on the type of the morpheme. There are three categories of morphemes with no onset or weak onset that can interact in various ways with the vowel preceding them:

1. copulas si and bi which can have the onsetless realization i as well as the realization with an obstruent onset s or b respectively 2. vowel-initial morphemes which are realized without onset or with a glottal stop onset depending on their position with respect to the prosodic words boundary. This category includes onsetless pronouns (à, ànu, ì for CK and WK and à, ànu, ì, ò for NK) and vowel-initial lexical morphemes.

referential article is always onsetless

Table 4.10 represents the possibilities of syllabification of morphemes that have weak onsets or no onset at the beginning, and a vowel preceding it. The columns represent the types of surface realization of the underlying V 1 (C)V 2 :

V.CV the type of syllabification where the morpheme in question is realized with an onset (a glottal stop or a consonant s or b in the case of the auxiliaries si and bi respectively);

V.V type of syllabification where V 2 vowel forms a separate syllable but has no onset;

Vː type of syllabification where VV is realized as one long vowel within one syllable;

V type of syllabification where V 1 and V 2 are fused into one short vowel.

V.CV V.V Vː V V + ART - + + + V + pron à, ànu or ì V.ʔV + + - pron wò V.ʔV Vwò (+) - V + bi or si V.CV + - + V + vowel-initial word V.ʔV + (+) - Table 4
.10: Syllabification of heteromorphemic vowel sequences (any kind of vowels)

The realization of each type is described in separate subsections below. The aim of the discussion in this section is to summarize these patterns in order to reveal the common principles of syllabification, and, secondly, to reveal the association between the prosodic behavior of the morpheme and its morphosyntactic properties.

V(N)+ ART

The syllabification of the referential article -È depends on the quality of the vowel before the article, and, finally, on the tonal pattern of the noun phrase (see Sections 4.6.1.2 and 4.6.1.4).

(4.95) (a) V + ART → V.V tárawo 'road' + -È -ART → [táráwó.è] (b) V + ART → Vː gɛ ̀rɛ 'war' + -È -ART → [gɛ rɛ̂ː] (c) V + ART → V bólo + -È -ART → [bólè].
When the article is realized after VN, N is palatalized and resyllabified as the onset of the following syllable, e.g. sànsan 'fence' + -È -ART → [sà̰ nsá.ɲɛ ]. As argued in Section 4.6.4.2, the referential article is reconstructed with y and has the allomorph -(y)È which accounts for the palatalization of N.

4.96) (a) V + V pron → V.ʔV / [m ̀mánâː kílí ʔà sí nà] ǹ 1SG máni COND à 3SG kíli call à 3SG si POT nà come When I call him, he will come. (b) V + V pron → V.V / [ǹ sí jàːf ɛ ́ɛ̀m à̰ ǹ téː dàmú] ǹ 1SG si POT yàafɛ forgive ì 2SG ma to ǹ 1SG tée NEG.POT ì 2SG
dámu eat I will forgive you and I won't eat you.

V + 2PL pronoun

The realization of the 2PL pronoun is a special case because it is realized with a glottal stop when it occurs IP-initially, whereas in the IP-internal position it is pronounced with the approximant w in the onset; see 4.6.2.3 for discussion.

V + auxiliary

can be syllabified as V.CV (4.97 a), V.V (4.97 b) and V (4.97 c). The syllabification partly depends on the presence of N coda, see Section 4.6.5.

(c) V + V aux → V [àní mɔ gɛ̂ː lè tàːlà] ànu 3PL bi be mɔ ̀gɔ-È person-ART lè FOC
tà-la take-GER They take people.

V + lexical morpheme

The realization of lexical morphemes with weak onset is structurally similar to the onsetless pronouns. In principle, the same range of syllabification types, available for the onsetless pro-

4.98) (a) V + V lex → V.ʔV / [mà là ʔàpárá̰ ntɛ ̀lè kâː] mà this lè FOC àparanti-È 2SG lè POSS la apprentice-ART OBL This is our apprentice (b) V + V lex → Vː / [kɛ ː líː láːpárá̰ ntɛ ̀là] kɛ this lè FOC ì 2SG la POSS ápranti-È apprentice-ART la OBL This is your apprentice (c) V + V lex → V.V / [mà kílà̰ ndè álːà lá mà̰ nsájà là] mà 1PL kìlàn-den fear-PC.STAT állà God la POSS mànsaya-È power-ART la OBL
We fear God's power.

Yet, the frequency of each of these syllabification types is very different for the onsetless pronouns and for the vowel-initial morphemes. As shown in Section 4.6.2, the pronoun occurring after the auxiliaries si and ni is always fused with the latter. As for nouns starting with a vowel, they are almost always pronounced separately from the auxiliary, as in the surface realization, as in (4.99 a) and ( 4.99 b), and a glottal stop is present in most cases. In the following discussion the cases of vowel-initial lexical morphemes are not discussed separately, since structurally, they displays the same behavior as pronouns.

Syllabification and vowel quality

The second aspect of the realization of underlying vowel sequences is assimilation. The first factor that defines the type of assimilation is the quality of the second vowel, belonging to the potentially onsetless morpheme: a is the trigger of assimilation, the pronoun ì is the target of assimilation, and the article -È is both the target and the trigger of assimilation depending on the context. This is schematized in Table 4.11.

V 2 = a trigger of full assimilation

ni SBJV + a 3SG → [naː] V 2 = -E target of
kíli + -È → [kílè] 'egg' wáttu + -È → [wátːóè] 'time' V 2 = i target of assimilation by height kó 'say' + ì 2SG → [kóè]
Table 4.11: The direction of assimilation in V 1 V 2 depending on the quality of V 2

Secondly, the process of assimilation and the process of syllabification can influence each other, in other words, the output of the process can influence the input for the other process. This is manifested in the following:

• The regressive assimilation with a as V 2 is compatible only with the tautosyllabic realization of the type [Vː].

• By contrast, the progressive assimilation of i as V 2 co-occurs both with the tautosyllabic [Vː] and the heterosyllabic realization [V.V].

• Neither kind of assimilation takes place when the morpheme is realized with an onset. This is schematized in Table 4.12.

Vː V.V onset regressive assimilation with a as V 2 + -progressive assimilation with ì as V 2 + + progressive and regressive assimilation with -È as V 2 + + (-)

Pronoun ì

The realization of V 1 V 2 sequences with ì as V 2 is different in two aspects from what has been said about V+a sequences. The first difference, already mentioned above, is that assimilation applies to both tautosyllabic and to heterosyllabic sequences (not separated by a glottal stop). The second difference is due to the fact that since the assimilation is not complete, it can result in a sequence of non-identical vowels. In this case the sequence is re-distributed into two syllables, because Kakabe phonotactics does not allow diphthongs. Thus, for example, the combination e + i becomes ee through assimilation, and can be syllabified either tautosyllabically or heterosyllabically, whereas the combination o + i becomes "oe" through assimilation, and can be only heterosyllabic 7 .

7. One of the alternatives to this analysis is to postulate that syllabification is applied after assimilation when V 2 is not a. This analysis avoids the necessity to postulate a stage of re-syllabification, yet it forces to split the syllabification with the glottal stop assignment from the other two types of syllabification. Moreover, it widens the difference between the realization of V+a sequences versus V+i sequences. Therefore, in general, this analysis does not seem to be neither more economic nor more intuitive, and since there is no independent evidence for either, I will keep the first analysis. Postulating resyllabification also yields a unified account of the situation with the realization of the article, where [o.e] is the only heterosyllabic sequence in the resulting surface realization.

glottal

Referential article

Unlike the pronouns, the referential article -È cannot be realized with a glottal stop (since it never appears IP-initially), and the underlying VV sequence including it is always subject to assimilation.

The realization of the referential article differs in a number of aspects from the preceding two cases. The initial syllabification of V + E sequence is always tautosyllabic, and the [V.V] can only result from re-syllabification applied to vowels that remains non-identical after the application of the assimilation process.

At the same time, the article is a stronger trigger of assimilation in comparison to i. Under the circumstances described in Section 4.6.4, the ɔɛ and oe sequences including the article vowel can be assimilated to [ɛː] or [eː] respectively. Thus the underlying sequence o + E, ɔ + E or u + E in certain cases can end up in one syllable in the surface realization.

syllabification assimilation resyllabification e + E → eE → eː o + E → oE → oe → o.e → eː ɔ + E → ɔE → ɔɛ → ɔ.ɛ → ɛː u + E → uE → oe → o.e → eː a + E → aE → aː Table 4
.15: Realization of the referential article Further on, the tautosyllabic output of assimilation undergoes contraction, unless, for metrical and morphological reasons described in Sections 4.6.4 and 5.9.1 a HL tone is assigned to it.

Syll. Assim. Tone Examples

e + E → eE. → eː + L → è kére → [kérè] 'horn' + HL → êː màafe → [màːfêː] 'sauce' o + E → oE. → eː + L → è bólo → [bólè] 'hand' + HL → êː gbòlo → [g ͡ bòlêː] 'skin' → oe + HL → ó.è tárawo → [táráwòè] 'road' a + E → aE. → aː + L → à káaba → [káːbà] 'maize' + HL → âː dàga → [dàgâː]
'pot' Table 4.16: Phonotactic and tonal of the referential article 4.6.1.3 Vowel length and syllabification.

Since Kakabe does not allow superheavy syllables, when V 1 is a long vowel, the length is lost when it forms one syllable with the following vowel, e.g téː + í → [téː]. On the other hand, when it is syllabified as [V.V], the vowel length is preserved, cf. téː + ì → [téː.é], and mɔ ́ɔ 'to be ripe'

+ ì 2SG → [mɔ ː.ɛ ]. VCV V.V Vː V (contraction) Vː+ (b)i or (s)i Vː.bi Vː.si V.V - V Vː + pron à or ì Vː.ʔV Vː.V Vː - Vː + ART - V.V Vː - Table 4
.17: Syllabification of heteromorphemic Vː-V sequences

Realization of N coda before vowel-initial morphemes.

When vowel sequence is divided by an N, the realization of N depends on the syllabification of the underlying syllable and on the morphological category of the morphemes involved. Example (4.105) illustrates how VNV belonging to the same combination of morphemes (sàn 'to buy' and the pronoun àn 3PL occupying the subject position) can be realized differently within the same utterance. The sequence is realized heterosyllabically both times, but in the first instance it is separated by a glottal stop, and thus the nasal is realized as [ŋ], whereas the in the second instance there is no glottal stop onset and the nasal is not realized on the surface. Table 4.18 shows the realization of N depending on the syllabification type and the morpheme.

VCV V.V Vː V VN+ (b)i or (s)i V ̰ m.bi V ̰ n.si V.V - V VN + pron à or ì V ̰ ŋ.ʔV V.V Vː - VN + ART - V.ɲɛ - - Table 4.18: Syllabification of heteromorphemic VN-V sequences
Concerning the realization of N, the main difference is between the article and the two other cases. The N coda is realized as the palatal nasal ɲ in the onset of the syllable containing the vowel of the article (4.107). As already mentioned, the article appears in the allomorph yÈ after the nasal, see Section 4.6.4.2. (4.107)

kán 'neck' + ART → káɲɛ ̀.
As for the remaining onsetless morphemes, N is deleted from the surface realization, unless they are realized with the glottal stop onset. The behavior of the referential article in this situation is reminiscent of the realization of clitics. As has been shown in Section 4.2.5, N coda disappears before sonorants in independent morphemes, differently from that, when N occurs before a clitic, the nasality can spread to the onset of the clitic, cf. (4.108).

(4.108) bán 'finish' + -la POSS/GER → bánna ǹ 1SG + yèn BNF → ɲɲè.
Thus, the referential article, equally a prosodically dependent morpheme, also allows the spread of nasality, cf. (4.107). This confirms the hypothesis that there is a connection between the propagation of nasality onto the following morpheme to the right and the level of dependence (prosodic or/and morphosyntactic).

Examples The retention and deletion of N before lexical vowel-initial morphemes seems to be more of less equally distributed. Among the 22 occurrences of N in this context, N is realized on the surface in 12 cases and disappears in 10 cases.

Hiatus involving onsetless pronouns and auxiliaries

In the previous section I have given an overview of various aspects accompanying the realization of vowel sequences. This section and the following two sections are dedicated to the description of the realization of onsetless pronouns when they occur in the IP-internal position.

Onsetless pronouns are statistically the most important sources for the creation of an underlying vowel sequence. The current section is dedicated to the description of the realization of various combinations of morphemes with the onsetless pronoun as the second element. This phenomenon occupies a central position in the morphonology of Kakabe, due to the central position of pronouns in the grammar of the language which is reflected in their frequency. Table 4.19 gives an idea about the frequency of the pronouns in Kakabe speech, and of how widespread are the hiatus situations involving these pronouns. The first column represents the rank of the pronoun among all morphemes in the corpus as compared to the number of their occurrences in the corpus: the 3SG pronoun à is the most frequent morpheme, the 3PL pronoun ànu is the seventh and the 2SG pronoun ì is the eleventh. The second column shows the number of occurrences of the pronouns not at the beginning of an utterance, i.e. the position for potential fusion between the vowel of the pronoun with the preceding syllable. These numbers are approximate, because they are not marked very systematically in the corpus. Nevertheless it gives some idea of the importance of the phenomenon. Any syllable preceding the onsetless pronoun and not separated from it by an intonation break is a candidate for fusion, for the following two reasons:

1) All syllables end with a vowel or with an N, and N disappears if the following syllable is onsetless (I don't take into consideration the non-integrated borrowings which are presumably not very important numerically).

2) Vowel deletion is not possible before an onsetless pronoun. This suggests that hiatus resolution involving the onsetless pronouns is one of the central issues for the description of the utterance realization in Kakabe.

Strategies of hiatus resolution vary across dialects, separating NK from the two other dialects, WK and CK. In WK and CK dialects hiatus can be created by three pronouns: à, ànu or ì. In NK one more pronoun is added, the 2PL pronoun ɔ ̀. Apart from this, in the WK and CK dialects only the vowel a belonging to à and ànu is the trigger of assimilation. By contrast, ì is in most cases the target of assimilation in these two dialects. Differently from that, in NK all four pronouns à, ànu, ì and ɔ ̀play the role of assimilation triggers. Therefore, in general, the assimilation in NK is more pervasive in vowel sequences in comparison to the CK and WK dialects.

The most frequent case of a pronoun occurring inside an intonation phrase is when it occupies the DO position (or the position of the possessor inside a DO) after an auxiliary. Sections 4.6.2.1 to 4.6.2.3 provide an account of the situation in the CK and WK dialects, and Section 4.6.2.4 discusses the strategy used for hiatus resolution in NK.

The hiatus resolution involving pronouns in all other syntactic contexts is a more complex problem, involving a lot of variation due to a larger range of both the phonological and syntactic contexts involved. Considering that my corpus for NK dialect provides less possibilities for automatic search, the systematic analysis of hiatus resolution for all syntactic contexts would be very time consuming. For this reason, the data of NK is taken into consideration only in Section 4.6.3, where the realization of onsetless pronouns after other morphemes than the auxiliaries is discussed, and not in Section 4.6.3, where other contexts are discussed.

Hiatus resolution in the combination auxiliary + 3SG (CK and WK)

When in V 1 V 2 sequence V 2 is the vowel a which is the case for the 3SG and 3PL pronouns à and ànu, V 1 is fully assimilated to a. As for the vowel length, all combinations result in a long [aː]. Thus the vowel length contrast is lost between the auxiliaries máa (4.112d) and tée (4.112f) which have their own long vowel, and other auxiliaries that end with a short vowel. The tonal realization of auxiliaries merged with pronouns is described in Section 5.8.4.1, Chapter 5.

(4.112) (a) káni + à → [kánáː L ] IMP.NEG (b) ni + à → [náː L ] SBJV (c) ka + à → [káː L ] PFV.TR (d) máa + à → [máː L ] NEG.PFV (e) béle + à → [béláː L ] NEG.be (f) tée + à → [táː L ] NEG.POT
In elicitation, the pronunciation with a glottal stop in the onset of a pronoun and the full form of the auxiliary is always possible. As for the usage, the corpus data shows that the assimilation of the final vowel of the auxiliary before à or ànu is close to 100% for most auxiliaries. The combination of an auxiliary with the pronouns à or ànu occurs 1560 times in the corpus. Table 4.20 represents the quantitative distribution between the occurrences where the final vowel of the auxiliary fuses with the pronoun (full assimilation of the final vowel to the vowel of the pronoun) and the number of cases where they are pronounced separately. Apart from auxiliaries béle, tée and báti, all the other auxiliaries are very rarely pronounced separately from the pronoun, and when this is the case, they are always followed by a hesitation pause or/and a hesitation lengthening e.g.: As for the auxiliaries béle, tée, báti and káni, they can be pronounced separately from the pronoun without being followed by any hesitation pause, as in (4.114). Besides, as can be seen on Figure 4.3, the proportion of cases with the separate pronunciation for béle, tée and, to a lesser extent for báti, is not that insignificant as in the cases of other auxiliaries: 7 cases out of 61 for béle, 5 cases out of 44 for tée, 4 cases out of 153 for báti.

Fused

It The lower frequency of fusion with the pronoun in the case of tée and béle might be simply due to their final e. The slightly different behavior of báti, compared to other markers with final i, is probably due to its more recent origin as an auxiliary: which most likely originates from the verb form *bán-ta (bán 'finish' + -ta perfective intransitive marker).

Auxiliary + 2SG in CK and WK

(a) béle + ì → [béléː L ] ~[bélé.è] NEG.be (b) káni + ì → [káníː L ] IMP.NEG (c) ka + ì → [ká.ì] PFV.TR (d) máa + ì → [máː.ì] NEG.PFV (e) tée + ì → [téː L ] ~[téː.è] NEG.POT
When the 2SG appears after the auxiliary ka or máa the sequence is realized heterosyllabically and no assimilation takes place, cf. (4.117). When the pronoun ì is preceded by the auxiliaries tée or béle, the pronoun is assimilated to the vowel of the auxiliary, and it can be pronounced either in the same syllable as the (last) vowel of the auxiliary or in a separate syllable:

béle

+ ì → [bélé.è] ~[béléː L ] tée + ì → [téː.è] ~[teː L ] (4.119) [à̰ m bélé é bálúlá] ànu 3PL béle NEG.be ì 2SG
bálu-la feed-GER They don't feed you. 4.6.2.3 Pronoun ò ~wò in CK and WK CK and WK have two homonymous pronouns with the variable realization ò ~wò which is used either as the 2PL pronoun or as a demonstrative pronoun 'that' (which is used both deictically and anaphorically). In both meanings this pronoun displays the same morphonological behavior and is characterized by the same range of allomorphs. The distribution of its allomorphs depends on the position of pronoun with respect to the intonation phrase boundaries. The pronoun is pronounced with a glottal stop or with w in the onset when it is IP-initial, and it is pronounced almost exclusively with w when it is IP-internal. Compare the first and the second realizations of the pronoun (w)ò in (4.122) below. The auxiliary and the DO pronoun always belong to the same intonation phrase. Among the 102 occurrences of the 2PL pronoun and the demonstrative ò ~wò in the DO position in the corpus, only once is it realized with the glottal stop onset, see 4.123 below. The hart onset in this case might be a manifestation of an emphasis. When o ~wo occurs in the object position it is realized five times out of 336 occurrences without the onset and in all five cases it fuses with the preceding auxiliary (for the fusion between auxiliary and pronoun see 4.6.3):

Realization of onsetless pronouns after auxiliaries in NK

NK attests a different strategy of hiatus resolution for the combinations of auxiliaries with pronouns as compared to the strategy used in the Western and Central dialects.

Table 4.21 represents the realization of the auxiliaries in combination with the onsetless pronouns in NK. As can be seen, in NK the (last) vowel of the auxiliary is assimilated not only before the pronouns à and ànu, but also before the 2SG pronoun ì and before the 2PL pronoun which in NK has the form ɔ ̀(and not (w)ò as in Central and Western Kakabe). Importantly for the present discussion, the 2PL pronoun in NK differs not only by the degree of aperture from its analogue in WK and CK, but it also does not have the allomorph with the epenthetic w which in CK and WK prevents it from fusing with the preceding auxiliary.

à 3SG / ànu 3SG ì 2SG ɔ ̀2PL ka PFV.TR káː(nù) kíː L kɔ ːL máa L PFV.NEG máː(nù) míː L mɔ ːL béle L be.NEG bélaː(nu) ~báláː(nù) béliː L ~bíliː L bélóː L tée L POT.NEG táː(nù) tíː L tóː L si POT sáː(nù) síː L sóː L báti L PFV.OF bátáː(nù) bátíː L bátóː L máni L COND mánáː(nù) máníː L mánóː L káni L IMP.NEG kánáː(nù) káníː L kánóː L ni SBJV náː(nù) níː L nóː L
Table 4.21: Auxiliary + pronoun hiatus resolution in NK When V 2 in a VV sequence is the 2PL pronoun, the two vowels coalesce (partial assimilation). It results in [ɔː] when the auxiliary ends with a, and in [oː] when the auxiliary ends with the high vowels e or i.

When the 2PL pronoun occurs after an auxiliary ending with i (si, báti L , máni L , káni L , ni) this combination can be phonetically realized in three ways:

sì if ì 2SG béle L NEG.be ì 2SG dáa-È mouth-ART nɔ ́-len control-PC.STAT ì 2SG búu-È stomach-ART béle L NEG.be à 3SG kìti-len tie-PC.STAT ì 2SG béle L NEG.be ì 2SG bólo-È-nu hand-ART-PL nɔ ́-len control-PC.STAT ànu 3PL si POT ì 2SG
masɔ ̀tɔ get If you cannot control you mouth, if you cannot control your stomach, if you cannot control your hands, they will get you.

All the combinations in Table 4.21 can also be pronounced separately

[sáː] ~[sí (ʔ)à], [béláː L ] ~[bélé (ʔ)à], etc.
Table 4.22 shows the distribution of the separate and the fused pronunciation of the auxiliaries before the onsetless pronoun in NK corpus. As it can be seen, there are only isolated cases of the separate pronunciation for most auxiliaries. As in the case of CK and WK, here again tée L and béle L are the only auxiliaries that are pronounced separately in a significant number of cases: 12 out of 38 for béle L and 5 out of 31 for tée L . As for báti L , it is pronounced separately only in two occurrences out of 197. Interestingly, in NK the auxiliary báti L is often used in a reduced form ti which is absent in CK and WK. Thus the marker of perfective is prosodically weaker in NK than in CK and WK. To conclude, NK attests the universal application of V 1 deletion strategy in hiatus resolution, when an onsetless pronoun follows an auxiliary: the vowel of the auxiliary is fully assimilated to all four onsetless pronouns of the dialect.

V 1 deletion strategy is the most common hiatus resolution strategy typologically, as shown in [START_REF] Casali | Vowel Elision in Hiatus Contexts: Which Vowel Goes? Language[END_REF]. Moreover, it is especially expected if V 2 represents a morpheme consisting CHAPTER 4. SEGMENTAL AND PHONOTACTIC PROCESSES 306 only of a vowel. Thus, NK as well as WK and CK are consistent in its conformity to this cross-linguistic tendency.

Onsetless pronouns in other contexts (CK and WK)

As has been shown above, onsetless pronouns fuse with the preceding auxiliary almost always. The fusion is less pervasive in combination with other morphemes. Three factors define the realization of the onsetless pronoun and the preceding morpheme:

1. the syntactic category of the first morpheme, and consequently the type of syntactic boundary which separates the pronoun from the preceding unit;

2. the final vowel of the morpheme preceding the morpheme; The section is organized as follows. In Sections 4.6.3.1-4.6.3 I discuss the realization of onsetless pronouns in different types of syntactic contexts, where the fusion happens across different types of syntactic and prosodic boundaries. Contrary to section 4.6.2 which discussed the fusion of the onsetless pronouns with the final vowel of auxiliaries, a closed group of morphemes, here the range of morphemes with which the onsetless pronoun can fuse is almost unlimited. This gives an opportunity to systematically look at how the vowel of the onsetless pronoun are combined with various other vowels. Sections 4.6.3.4 and 4.6.3.4.8 are the illustrative part providing examples of all the possible combinations between the pronouns à, ànu and ì, on the one hand, and every of the seven Kakabe vowels.

Phrase initial operators + pronoun

Clause-initial or NP-initial operators often fuse with the pronoun immediately following them, e.g.: the conjunction sì 'if' and the initial particle hári are predominantly pronounced in their fused form, cf. The connector nín 'and' which can also be regarded as a type of phrase-initial operator, also frequently fuses with the following pronoun, e.g.: (4.130)

The realization of onsetless pronouns after the verbs

The fusion between the final vowel of the verb and the following onsetless pronoun is very widespread.

Table 4.24 compares the number of realizations of the verb in the non-fused, separate form with the fused form in two contexts. The first context is when the pronoun occupies the IO position or constitutes part of IO, and so the verb is not divided from the pronoun by a clause boundary. The next row represents the context where the pronoun occupies the subject position in a different clause (only in those cases when the subject is not preceded by a pause). The would scoop water, they would look for wood, they would do everything.

Roughly speaking, the frequency of fusion is distributed in the following manner: ~3/3: almost always between an auxiliary and a DO pronoun; ~2/3: in two thirds of the cases between the verb and an IO pronoun; ~1/3: in one third of the cases between the verb and a subject pronoun of the following clause, if they are not separated by a pause.

The merger also seems to be very frequent between a matrix verb and the pronoun occupying the position of a DO within its complement, as with the DO of the gerunds in examples (4.133 A novelty with respect to the combination with the auxiliary is the strategy with palatalization of the preceding consonant, whereby V 1 is assimilated to V 2 and leaves a trace in the form of the palatalization of the preceding consonant, this strategy has variable realizations depending on the type of the consonant, see 4.6.3.4.8. The choice between V 1 deletion or retention can be lexically specific and at the same time it can depend on the type of boundary between the morphemes. For example, the verb kɔ ́'give' never fuses with à or ànu as its indirect object, whereas fɔ ́'say' most often does.

Examples below illustrate the tautosyllabic realization of the (first) vowel of the pronoun and the (last) vowel of the preceding morpheme.

a(n) + a(nu)

In (4.136) the second instance of the verb sàn fuses with the following pronoun ànu.

ɛ(n) + a(nu)

The segments ɛ and ɛn are almost always fully assimilated to a:

ɔ(n) + a(nu).

In (4.142) ɔ at the end of the verb tɔ ́ɔrɔ 'bother' fully assimilates to a: In imperatives with a plural addressee expressed by the pronoun (w)ò and containing a third person pronoun as a DO, the vowel o of the 2PL pronoun fully assimilates to the following a resulting in [waː]:

Palatalization

As mentioned in Section 3.2.2.4, consonants are palatalized before front vowels, i, e or ɛ. When a front vowel undergoes full assimilation to the following a, the palatalization of the consonant may be retained or deleted, as represented in Table ( Whether the palatalization is deleted or retained depends on the quality of the consonant. So far I have found examples of palatalization only for the following consonants: k, g, b, r and s. Within this group, palatalization is always preserved for the velars k and g, whereas for b, r and s it i can be retained or deleted.

This difference can be explained through switching ordering of two processes: the palatalization conditioned by [+front] feature, and the assimilation of the front vowel to the following a which implies the deletion of the [+front] feature 8 .

Thus, for the velars k and g, the palatalization always precedes assimilation (4.148). Contrary to that, for consonants like the alveolars, t, l, n, assimilation precedes the palatalization (4.149), destroying its environment. Finally, for b, r, s both orders are possible, cf. ( 4 2007), this is a switch between bleeding and counter-bleeding order of rules. The assimilation rule bleeds the palatalization rule, since implies the deletion of the [+front] feature which conditions palatalization. But these two processes can be applied in the "counter-bleeding" order: palatalization precedes assimilation, and therefore the former is not canceled by the latter.

Possible combinations of i with each of the seven vowels

Table 4.27 shows the realization of vowels before the 2SG pronoun ì. This time the pronoun is the target of assimilation: ì frequently assimilates to the preceding mid-low vowel by height which gives [ɛː] and [ɔ.ɛ], and [eː] and [o.e]. This kind of assimilation is much less regular than the regressive assimilation in the case of the pronouns à and ànu. Finally when, the preceding vowel is a or u, no assimilation takes place.

V 1 V 2 Hetertosyl- labic realization Tautosyllabic realization a(n) + ì → a.i aː ~ɛː ɛ(n) ɛ.ɛ ɛː e(n) e.e eː u(n) u.i (iː) o(n) o.e - ɔ(n) ɔ.ɛ (ɛː) i(n) i.i iː

a(n) + ì

The most frequent realization of the combination is [a.i], as in (4.157). 4.6.3.5.4

ɔ(n) + ì

The pronoun vowel ì assimilates by height to the preceding ɔ:

o(n) + ì

The pronoun vowel ì assimilates by height to o:

(4.162) [ì kó è má̰ n táː brúsà tɔ ̀ɛ̀k ó è mání kɛ rɛ ɲɛ ̀jḛ ŋ] ì 2SG kó QUOT ì 2SG máni COND tága go brúsa-È bush-ART tɔ in ì 2SG kó QUOT ì 2SG máni COND kɛ ̀rɛn-È squirrel-ART yén see
You say, that when you go to the bush and when you see a squirrel... 4.6.3.5.6

u(n) + ì

The assimilation of u in is lexically specific: it is attested only in the case of the retrospective marker nùn, cf. (4.135 d) and ( 4.135 e).

Otherwise, the vowel sequence is realized as such, e.g.:

Vowel contraction with onsetless pronouns in Mande languages

Onsetless pronouns are common and open syllables are the norm across all Mande languages, see [START_REF] Davydov | Historical Morphology of Personal Pronouns in Manding[END_REF]. The hiatus caused by these onsetless pronouns is in most cases resolved by contraction, cf. Malinké Kita (Creissels 2009a: 11-12), Soninke (Creissels 2016: 27-29), Mandinka (Creissels & Sambou 2013: 30-31), Bamana [START_REF] Diallo | L'assimilation en bamanankan[END_REF]2004).

In the descriptions of Malinké Kita, Soninke and Mandinka the question of the hiatus resolution with onsetless pronouns is dealt with rather briefly. In all three cases the contraction is in general similar to what is attested in Kakabe, i.e. rather regular between the auxiliary and a DO pronoun, optional between a verb and an IO pronoun. [START_REF] Diallo | L'assimilation vocalique régressive en bamanankan[END_REF] discusses specifically the question of vowel contraction involving pronouns in Bamana. He provides a large number of examples illustrating the resolution of the hiatus, involving the onsetless pronouns ì 2SG, à 3SG, ù 3PL, the demonstrative ò, and onsetless borrowed nouns. The author discusses two main types of syntactic concatenations giving rise to a hiatus: a verb followed by an IO (onsetless pronoun or onsetless noun), and a clause-initial conjunction or discourse particle followed by a pronoun. Morphonologically the situation described by [START_REF] Diallo | L'assimilation vocalique régressive en bamanankan[END_REF] is close to what I have shown for NK: in a sequence V 1 V 2 , where V 2 is an onsetless pronoun, V 1 can be deleted before pronoun.

The question of the vowel contraction across a clause boundary is not discussed in any of theses descriptions. Neither do they discuss the question of statistical distribution of this type of contraction with respect to the different morphosyntactic contexts.

As I have shown in this section, the cross-clausal contraction is not a marginal phenomenon in Kakabe, and we may suppose that it also occurs in other Mande languages. The vowel of the article -È copies the height feature from the last vowel of the stem, unless the latter is high. If the article immediately follows high vowel, the latter is lowered to mid-high, and the article is also realized as mid-high:

Segmental realization of the referential article

-È → a / V low _ -È → ɛ / V mid-low _ -È → ɛ / N_ -È → e / V mid-high _ -È → e / V high _ V mid-high → V high / -È
The referential article has the contextual allomorph -(y)È where y does not have the properties of syllable onset and is manifested only through the palatalization of the preceding N, e.g. sún → súɲɛ ̀. [START_REF] Kastenholz | Specification and the morpheme -(y)E in Central Mande (and beyond)[END_REF] reconstructs y in the onset for the referential article for Central Mande9 . An interesting pattern of the realization of y is attested in Koranko. In this language, the palatal y surfaces after nasalized vowels (4.166a) and (4.166c) and after long high vowels ii and uu, (4.166b) and (4.166d), but not after short vowels, see (4.166g

Realization of the existential copula bi

The existential copula can be used in the progressive, in the stative and in the locative constructions, and depends on a range of syntactic factors. It can have a zero realization or an overt realization, depending on transitivity and on the presence of subject focus, see Section 2.4.

The current section analyzes the morphonological behavior of the copula. As has been shown in 4.6.1 at the beginning of this section, the copula bi can have onsetless realization i which displays phonotactic properties distinguishing it from the 2SG onsetless pronoun ì.

Here we will discuss it in more detail.

Allomorphs of bi

The existential copula bi has a wide range of possible realizations. Some of these allomorphs can be difficult to distinguish from the copula omission; this problem is discussed in Section 4.6.5.5.

The allomorphs of bi can be divided into two major groups: obstruent vs. non-obstruent bi allomorphs.

When the copula retains the obstruent onset b, it is realized as bi if the onset of the following syllable is not empty (a); when it is followed by an onsetless pronoun, it always fuses with the pronoun (b) and (c): The non-obstruent allomorph i of the copula bi can undergo assimilation after certain vowels which may result in the total disappearance of the copula from the surface realization. This should be distinguished from the optionality of the copula licensed by syntactic contexts, as described in Section 2.4.

(a) bi / _ C → [bi] [à
In this subsection I will describe the realization of the non-obstruent allomorph of bi depending on the preceding phonological and morphological context. Table 4.31 summarizes the possible realizations of the i allomorph of the copula bi.

The copula is always preceded by the subject which is most frequently a pronoun or a noun phrase which in its turn can end with an article (final a, ɛ or e) or a plural marker (final u). Apart from that, there is a number of particles that can intervene between the subject and the copula, e.g. tún 'just', fóo 'all'.

Each of the vowels corresponds to a certain morpheme terminating the subject group, and thus defining the morphological type of the subject. The second column in the table gives the gloss of the morpheme which commonly occur in the subject position and which end with the corresponding vowel. It should be noted that bare nouns almost never occur in the subject position before the copula bi (they are much more common, for example, before negative auxiliaries). Thus, the table also gives an idea of how the onsetless copula is realized in different types of common morphological contexts.

V 4.6.5.3 Contraction between i (< bi) and the ending of the subject group When i occurs after words ending with ɛ, e or i, the vowel combination can be contracted; compare the clause (a) in (4.185) where the copula is lost after nɛ ̀ɛnɛ and is realized in the three other clauses. When the vowel immediately before the copula triggers full assimilation, the sequence can be contracted to a short vowel: The question arises whether in cases like (4.186 a) - (4.190) the copula bi is present at all. There are two arguments in favor of interpreting the cases like (4.186 a) - (4.190) as the contraction of the copula with the preceding vowel and not its absence.

4.6.5.3.1 i + ì → i
As shown in Section 2.4, there are syntactic contexts where bi is optional (stative-resultative intransitive construction or when the focus particle is present in the subject group), and the examples above do not correspond to either of these cases.

Secondly, the copula disappears in the surface realization after the vowels e, ɛ and i, u all of which trigger full assimilation of the i allomorph, but never after the vowels a, o or ɔ to which it is assimilated only party.

The case with the vowel u preceding the i allomorph, as in (4.189 a)-( 4.189 c), is very telling in this situation. Here, contrary to the cases with all other vowels, the copula is the trigger of assimilation and the vowel before is the target. The vowel sequence can be realized as [u.i], [i.i] or as [i], but never as [u]. This shows that the variant with a single short vowel is the result of contraction and not of the absence of the copula.

Phonotactic differences between i of the copula and ì of the 2SG pronoun

Although it is hard to notice, the difference between the realizations of the onsetless copula [i] and the 2SG pronoun ì described in 4.6.3.4 is important. The 2SG pronoun is realized as the lengthening of the preceding vowel. The allomorph [i] of the copula is assimilated by height to the preceding vowel in the same way as the 2SG pronoun, but, contrary to the pronoun, it remains a different syllable which is manifested in a phonetically different realization.

Realization of the plural marker before the copula bi

The combination of the plural marker and the copula bi in certain circumstances gives rise to a portmanteau morpheme which cannot be analyzed as a simple addition of a regular allomorph of the copula and a regular allomorph of the plural marker.

The realizations of the combination of the two morphemes are represented in Table 4.32. It is based on a total of 229 occurrences of the -nu + bi sequences in the Kakabe corpus. This array of possibilities is due to the fact that both -nu and bi have a range of allomorphs. obstruent b non-obstruent i j Full realization:

-nu → [-nu] [nub] [nui] [nuj]
deletion of the vowel:

-nu → [n] [mb] [nːi] *[nj]
Fronting of the vowel: -nu→

[-ni] * [nib] [niji] ([ni]) [nij]

Distribution of obstruent and non-obstruent realization of bi as function of the preceding context

The realization of the onset of the copula depends on whether it is preceded by N or by a vowel. Table 4.33 shows the frequency of the obstruent and non-obstruent realizations depending on whether it occurs immediately after a vowel or immediately after a nasal. When bi follows N, it is realized with the obstruent onset [b] in 81% of the tokens and not as an obstruent in 19% of the tokens, whereas after a V coda the non-obstruent realization is slightly more frequent: 59% against 41% . i/y Total after V 41% 59% 100% after N 81% 19% 100% Total 51% 49% 100% In Section 4.2.3 we have seen another instance of N producing a "strengthening effect" on the onset of the following syllable: when an underlying N precedes a sonorant, the nasality may itself disappear, but it geminates the sonorant or prevents it from disappearing. Similarly, the onset of the existential copula is statistically "more obstruent" when it is after an underlying N. Now I will show that there is a more fine-grained correlation between the probability of the obstruent realization of bi and what N is derived from phonologically. There are three different underlying configurations which result in the surface n.

• original N coda;

• derived N coda (former N onset after which a vowel was deleted), symbolized by N(v);

• syllabic N, the 1SG pronoun ǹ.

These three configurations differ from each other, first, by the stability of the realization of the nasal element itself and, second, by how strongly they condition the obstruent realization of bi.

After the underlying syllabic N bi is always realized as an obstruent. On the contrary, the non-syllabic N and N(v) can combine with the non-obstruent allomorph of bi, but they differ in how this combination is realized. The N is lost before bi realized without an obstruent; cf. (4.199) were síyaman retains its final nasal in the surface realization, compared to (4.200) and (4.200) where síyaman is pronounced without the final nasal (see Section 4.2 for the realization of N). Compared to this, N(v) behaves in a different way. A morpheme which frequently occurs immediately before the copula bi and whose last vowel can be deleted, producing the N(v) type of nasal, is the plural marker -nu, e.g.: To sum up, segments can be arranged with respect to how they affect the realization of bi. The weakest segment is V: after vowels bi is more frequently realized non as a nonobstruent. After the original N coda bi can be also realized with and without obstruent, and in the latter case the nasal itself is lost. Then, after N(v) bi is realized mostly with an obstruent, the realization without an obstruent is also possible, but in this case the nasal is not lost but geminated. Finally, after the syllabic N bi can be realized only with an obstruent: non-obstruent realization of bi cons. strength Apart from that, the potential auxiliary has an onsetless allomorph. Compare all three realizations of the auxiliary in (4.207) and the i and si in (4.208). Thus, the copula bi and the auxiliary si coincide in this allomorph. But contrary to the copula bi, the potential auxiliary si can have non-obstruent realization only before syllables with an onset, and not before the onsetless pronouns à, ànu and ì. (4.207) If what follows, I discuss two factors that favor the non-obstruent realization of si: first, the occurrence in a partly lexicalized construction containing the auxiliary si and the verb tàran 'find' (4.6.6.1), second, the presence of the immediately preceding N, the same way as with the copula bi (4.6.6.2).

V + original N coda + (loss of N) N(v) + (gemination of N) syllabic N not possible

Auxiliary si in the construction with tàran ~tɛ ̀rɛn

The allomorph i is the default option when si is part of the construction à ì tàran ~à ì tɛ ̀rɛn (3SG POT find) with evidential meaning, illustrated in (4.209). As argued in Section 3.2.1.0.3, the distribution of the variants tàran vs. tɛ ̀rɛn is partly dialectal. The 26 occurrences of the allomorph i in this construction constitute more than one third of the 66 occurrences of the allomorph. Thus, the choice of the allomorph is to some extent conditioned by the grammatical context. As shown in Section 4.6.5 the presence of N disfavors the non-obstruent allomorph but does not ban it, and, further on, there is a more complex dependence between the underlying type of N and the relative frequency of the obstruent/non-obstruent allomorphs. At the same time, the difference between si and bi might be due to the limited data. The copula bi is, in general, three times more frequent than si: 1260 against 378 occurrences, and one can imagine that a bigger corpus would contain more si realized as i after N. In any case, the strengthening effect of N is evident both for bi and for si.

Examples (4.212) and (4.213) show that -nu + si can also be realized as [nːi] as it is the case with the copula bi, see Section 4.6.5.5.

Summary

This chapter provides an account of the main processes which define the segmental realization of the utterances and which create the bridge between the lexical representation of a morpheme and a large array of allomorphs associated with it in the surface realization.

The homorganic nasal N is one of very few phonemes which is admitted in Kakabe in the coda position. In general the realization of coda phonemes is subject to the constraint according to which coda has to be more or equally sonorant with respect to the following onset. Therefore, when the following onset is an approximant, the nasal is either totally assimilated to it or is deleted, because nasalized approximants are not possible in Kakabe. Apart from that, the realization of N depends on the type of prosodic boundary which separates it from the following onset.

Alternations between alveolars are common across Mande languages. In this Chapter I have described one case of alternation nd ~nn ~l attested for the diminutive and the resultative morphemes, -nden 1 and -nden 2 ~-len, respectively. The morphemes -nden 1 and -nden 1 display complex morphonology in combination with the referential article. The final nasal is deleted in all varieties of Kakabe and in CK and part of NK and WK villages there is also assimilation nd > nn. Moreover, when the nd > nn assimilation takes place, it can further reduce into n depending of the foot structure of the stem. I have also analyzed the dialectal distribution of the participle allomorphs -nden ~-len and proposed a hypothesis according to which -nden evolved from -len by analogy to the diminutive suffix.

Section 4.4 has provided an account of the realization of vowel elision between two consonants, and in Section 4.5 I described the case of the combination between vowel elision and assimilation in the reduction of the auxiliaries báti and béle. The auxiliary báti shows an interesting pattern of distribution of its allomorphs across dialects which, as I argue. is due to the fact that in NK the assimilation of t can be only partial, whereas in WK it has been generalized to total.

The final section describes the realization of morphemes represented by onsetless syllables or by syllables with a weak onset which can be deleted. Though onsetless syllables are rare in the lexicon, they have very high token frequency, because some of the main functional morphemes, such as personal pronouns and auxiliaries, are often represented by onsetless syllables. For this reason, the hiatus and the need to resolve it is typical for Kakabe utterances.

Chapter 5

Lexical tones

Introduction

Kakabe is a language of low tonal density. Tonal languages "can roughly be placed on a gradient of tonal density" (Gussenhoven 2004: 34), according to the number of underlying tones corresponding to the number of tone-bearing units. Languages with high tonal density exploit all or almost all tone-bearing units for tonal opposition. Thus, in Sikaritai (a Lakes Plain language of Papua) every syllable of every word is specified for L or H [START_REF] Donohue | Tone Systems in New Guinea[END_REF]. In Eton, a Bantu language, tonal density is rather high and, at the same time, segments specified for tone can undergo deletion, therefore, on various stages of tonal derivation tones can outnumber tone-bearing units:

At the end of the derivation every syllable must carry at least one tone. No special rules are needed to fulfill this requirement. Quite the contrary, sometimes Eton tonology seems to be a struggle to get every distinctive tone attached before the end of the derivation is reached (Van de Velde 2008: 50). [START_REF] Gussenhoven | The phonology of tone and intonation[END_REF] mentions that absolute tonal density is rare: "even Mandarin, where every syllable of the root is specified for tone, has root-final 'neutral', i.e. toneless syllables".

Sparse underlying tonal oppositions characterize the tonology of such languages as Japanese and Swedish 1 where only one syllable in the word, namely, the accented syllable, is specified for tone. By the density of lexically specified tones in proportion to the number of syllables, Kakabe is closer to Japanese and Swedish than to Eton. Thus, in an average Kakabe utterance, a bigger part of tones associated with syllables in the surface realization are derived by rules, compared to the number of tones stemming directly from the lexical specification. The low tonal density can, thus, be seen as the frequent absence of tonal specification of tone-bearing units in the lexicon.

A parameter related to this is the distance between underlying tones and the surface tones. If a tone-bearing unit (TBU) is not specified for tone lexically, it must acquire a tone through the application of a rule. The number and the complexity of tonal rules and, consequently, the distance between the underlying and the surface tonal representations depend, first, on the complexity of tonal sandhi, and, second, on the presence of grammatical tones and operations.

The distance between underlying and surface tones is rather important in Kakabe. The tonology of this language features such processes as H tone insertion due to Obligatory Contour Principle, floating L, deletion of tones of personal pronouns in certain context, shift of H tone to the following L-toned syllable etc. Tonal morphology is not very rich, though. One of the few processes that can be attributed to this category is the tonal compounding, whereby in a complex NP, the tones of all but the first element are deleted.

As for the basic oppositions, the tonal system of Kakabe is characterized by a three-way contrast: H vs. L vs. Ø. Underlyingly every tone bearing unit is assigned H, L or no tone at all (Ø). But at the end of the tonal derivation every tone bearing unit is linked either to H or L tone. Thus, the tree-way opposition at the lexical level gives a two-way opposition at the end of the phonological derivation (see [START_REF] Hyman | Cross-linguistic studies of tonal phenomena[END_REF] Both H and L are engaged in spreading, so they are both phonologically active, and thus opposed to the absence of tone. At the same time, only L can be floating and only L is subject to the Obligatory Contour Principle. In the languages of Manding-Mokole group in general L tends to be more active, see [START_REF] Creissels | La notion de ton marqué dans l'analyse d'une opposition tonale binaire: Le cas du mandingue[END_REF] who claim that in some Manding languages L is opposed to the absence of tone. In this respect, they are opposed to most Bantu languages where, in languages with binary privative tonal oppositions, it is usually the H tone which is marked and active [START_REF] Hyman | Cross-linguistic studies of tonal phenomena[END_REF]).

The answer to the question of the association between TBUs and tone in Kakabe is not straightforward. In general, Kakabe is a mora-counting language. Light CV syllable can host maximum one tone. On the other hand, heavy syllables, the bimoraic CVV and CVN syllable, can host two tones. Yet, this generalization, valid for the structural level, does not give an account of all processes found in realization. In realization of the tonal HL tone combination hosted by a heavy syllable, L very consistently displays the tendency to be realized as floating which for Kakabe means to shift to the right, where possible. This unwillingness of a syllable to host more than one tone can be put in relation with the unstable character of vowel length, and also with the possibility of omitting N in the coda position. This can be seen as tendency to become syllable-counting instead of mora-counting.

On the other hand, there are cases when two tones end up on one mora. This happens when a monomoraic L-toned morpheme is followed by another L and H is inserted to separate the two tones. In this situation this H is variably aligned either on the same mora with the preceding L, or it links to the following syllable. The first type of realization complies with the requirement that H separator tone has to be aligned within the domain of the first tone (see 5.5.1), but goes against the constraint which disallows for two tones to be associated with one mora. Accordingly, the second type of realization goes against the first principle but complies with the second. Finally, sometimes, the L of the monomoraic syllable is simply deleted in this case. This a situation when it is impossible to respect two principles at a time gives rise to variation.

In terms of tone, Kakabe is in many respects a typical Western Mande language, displaying phenomena found in most of them: tonal compactness for complex NPs, downdrift, variation of the type LH ~LL (which I interpret as the insertion of H Separator tone due to Obligatory Contour Principle), special tonal behavior of L on the 3SG pronoun à, and the tonal realization of the referential article.

The analysis of the realization of the referential article in Kakabe and in the related languages makes it possible to reconstruct step-by-step process of emergence of floating tone and the loss of segment. A considerable number of Western Mande languages have a referential article with L tone which has either fully or partially lost its segment. I outline a picture of the different stages of segment loss, and show that this loss follows in many cases the same pat-tern: assimilation and shift of the L to the right from a CV́V̀whose the first mora is associated with H tone.

There is a certain continuity between phonetics, intonation and tone. One of the examples is the relation which is attested to hold across languages between different types of downward trends. The declination, downdrift (also referred to as automatic downstep) and downstep (or non-automatic downstep) are commonly treated in the literature as three different stages of phonologization of the downward trends which goes from phonetic to intonation and, finally, to tone [START_REF] Gussenhoven | The phonology of tone and intonation[END_REF][START_REF] Yip | Tone. Cambridge textbooks in linguistics[END_REF]. Declination is a phonetic process of gradual lowering applied across the utterance to any tone sequence. Downdrift also involves lowering, but, crucially, applies only to a specific tonal sequence, namely the alternating HLH tones, and not, for example, to the sequence of H tones [START_REF] Snider | Phonetic realization of downstep in Bimboa[END_REF][START_REF] Connell | Downdrift, downstep and declination[END_REF]Connell , 2011, inter alia), inter alia). Downdrift is an intonational process, since it participates in the phrasing of speech flow into intonation phrases, its usual phonological domain. Downstep is the lowering of H after a covert L. Thus, it is not an utterance-level operation any more, and, contrary to downdrift, neither is it a consequence of phonological environment. Instead, downdrift is a tonal operation which can participate in distinguishing grammatical or lexical meanings.

In this description, I introduce for Kakabe the notion of Tone Leveling (5.6). This tonal process disfavors valleys in tonal sequences and occupies a central place in Kakabe tonology. In the domain of PhP, it flattens the sequences of the type HLH (where H can be repeated an unlimited number of times) into one-step descent. Its connection to downdrift is seen in the fact that the two processes are licensed by the same tonal sequence. I suggest that the process of Tone Leveling described in the current research for Kakabe is another, 'tonologized' derivation of downdrift, along with the downstep.

The Chapter is organized as follows. Section 5.2 introduces downdrift and tonal processes conditioned by the coarticulation of tone. In Section 5.3 I describe the general principles of association between the tone tier and the segmental tier. The section introduces the notion of tone-bearing unit for Kakabe, gives an overview of tonal processes in their relation to the prosodic hierarchy. Section 5.4 describes the lexical tone patterns existing in Kakabe and treats the question of how loanwords are integrated into the system of tonal classes of Kakabe. The manifestation of Obligatory Contour Principle in Kakabe and its scope is discussed in Section 5.5. Tone-leveling is the main PhP-level tonal process, and it shows a complex interplay with the Obligatory Contour Principle (5.6). A special section is dedicated to the realization of monomoraic L-toned morphemes, most of which are functional morphemes, playing central role in the Kakabe grammar, and showing a complex tonal behavior due to the insertion of H conditioned by Obligatory Contour Principle (5.7). Floating L in Kakabe can be either lexical, or it can result from the segmental merger of morphemes or from the shift of L from a CV́V̀syllable. Its realization is described in Section 5.8. The last section is dedicated to two tonal aspects of the tonal realization of the noun phrase: the realization of the NP-final referentiality marker which, as mentioned before, is becoming non-segmental, and the phenomenon of tonal compactness (5.9).

Automatic tonal processes

In this section I discuss the phonetic effects of the co-articulation of tones: the suppression of the pitch span in sequences of alternating H and L tones in Section 5.2.1, the raising of H before L in HHHL sequences in Section 5.2.2, and the falling realization of L in HL sequences in Section 5.2.3.

Downdrift

Downdrift is automatic only within the IP. It belongs to the domain of intonation, since it is involved in phrasing the speech flow into utterances. Nevertheless, I introduce it here, and not in Chapter 6, dedicated to intonation and tone, because it plays an important role in defining the outline of the tonal curve of Kakabe utterances, and it is therefore essential for the understanding of examples discussed in this chapter. Besides, downdrift is closely linked to such tonal processes discussed in this chapter as tonal leveling to which it is, at least, diachronically related.

It is triggered by HLH alternations of tones within one intonation phrase. The definition of downdrift is given below:

(5.1) In a sequence of alternating L and H tones belonging to one intonation phrase every following H is pronounced lower than the preceding one.

Downdrift should be distinguished from declination, another downtrend commonly occurring in languages, characterized as "gradual, time-dependent downsloping of the fundamental frequency across points that might be expected to be equal" (Gussenhoven 2004: 98). Contrary to downdrift, declination is applied to any tonal sequences and is best noticed on sequences of H tones which are realized with gradual lowering as the result of the application of declination. Kakabe doesn't have declination, contrary to downdrift. The reader should note that the term "downdrift" used in this study is equivalent to "automatic downstep" in the terminological tradition of Bantu studies and the general literature of phonology and intonation. The latter uses the term downstep for both the lowering of H caused by covert L (downstep) and the lowering of H caused by overt L (downdrift), distinguishing the two as non-automatic and automatic downstep.

The utterance (5.2) contains five Hs in the surface realization which are united by a common downdrift movement: each successive peak is lower than the preceding one. As for the realization of Ls in sequences under downdrift, [START_REF] Schuh | Tone rules[END_REF] claims that only H tones undergo downdrift and downstep, whereas L mostly remain at the same pitch, yet [START_REF] Laniran | Intonation in Tone Languages: The Phonetic Implementation of Tones in Yoruba[END_REF] on Yoruba and Snider (1998) on Bimboa found that L tones also lower, see [START_REF] Gussenhoven | The phonology of tone and intonation[END_REF]. In Kakabe Ls under downdrift lower as well as Hs. This is illustrated by (5.4) below. The last L in (5.4) does not follow the general lowering because of the rising intonation at the end of the utterance signaling continuation. It should be noted that, though downdrift is opposed to downstep as an automatic process to a non-automatic process, it is automatic only to a limited extent, since it depends on the boundaries of prosodic units. It is totally reset at IP boundary and, within IP, it can be partially reset at the left PhP boundary (see Section 5. 3.4.1). Apart from this, downdrift is canceled by pitch rise which precedes the H associated with pragmatically prominent elements and with the H% of the boundary tones, see Sections 6.3.1 and 6.5.1 in Chapter 6.

H-raising, automatic upstep

Kakabe has automatic upstep: in a sequence of prosodic units with H tone followed by L tone, the last H is raised:

(5.6) H H → [H ꜛH] / _ L Automatic upstep is a common phenomenon in languages which also have downstep, it is attested in Bamana, Yoruba, Kirimi, see discussion in [START_REF] Rialland | Anticipatory raising in downstep realization : evidence for preplanning in tone production[END_REF][START_REF] Snider | Tonal upstep in Krachi: Evidence for a register tier[END_REF][START_REF] Connell | Aspects of pitch realisation in Yoruba[END_REF]). It can be seen as a way to enhance the contrast between H and L which makes the both tones more perceptible. The notion of automatic upstep, equal to H-raising, is a matter of phonetic coarticulation of tones and should not be confused with the intonational upstep which serves to mark prominence.

Thus, in (5.7) the pitch is raised on the second syllable of H-toned verb tága 'go', due to the following L tone. The raising can be reiterated: if the sequence is associated with several underlying Hs and contains multiple morphological or syntactic units, H-raising can be anticipatory. In a sequence H 1 H 2 H 3 L the raising starts already from H 2 . In both (5.8) and (5.9) H tone occupies three successive syllables (highlighted on the figures below the glossed examples) and is followed by L tone. In the resulting phonetic implementation the pitch rises on the second syllable and again on the third syllable due to the automatic upstep2 .

( The locus of raising depends on how tone bearing units are grouped in syntactic or morphological units: H rises on the last syntactic or morphological unit.

(5.10) If the sequence associated with H tone(s) is morphologically or syntactically complex, H-raising applies after the last morphological or syntactic boundary within the group.

The effect of the morphological grouping can bee seen in (5.11), where both syllables of the verb súusɛ 'to dare' manifest prosodic solidarity, being pronounced at the same level and higher than the preceding auxiliary tée.

( In (5.12) the upstep follows the syntactic grouping of morphemes: F0 rises on the entirety of the combination of bi 'be' + ì 2SG + la POSS. The realization of the tonal contour in (5.13) can also be interpreted as due to syntactic grouping as well: the syllables belonging to the verb and its gerund complement are realized with H tones at the same level, whereas H of the indirect object is raised. In general, the relationship between the process of H-raising and the syntactic, morphological or prosodic grouping of segments is flexible. Besides, the upstep is frequent but not obligatory. Compare (5.11) earlier with (5.14) below, where súusɛ 'dare' is pronounced at the same pitch level as the auxiliary tée:

Falling realization of L

Kakabe displays a strong tendency for falling realization of L. This corresponds to the general tendency of the second pitch target to assimilate to the first pitch target: L realized as falling after H, H realized rising after L, see e.g. [START_REF] Ohala | Speed of Pitch Change[END_REF]; [START_REF] Xu | Pitch targets and their realization: Evidence from Mandarin Chinese[END_REF].

See Example (5.16), where the first syllable of L-toned verb bàrabara 'boil' is realized as falling. Since the transcription in the first line represents the final stage of the phonological derivation, and not the phonetic realization, the falling realization of L is not reflected in it. When the host of H is a single mora, HL sequence tends to be realized with the highest pitch at the junction of the segments bearing H and L tones respectively. Thus, in Example (5.17) the high tone of la spreads on the beginning of the nominal root so that the first syllable of nìngéè is pronounced with a falling tone. The realization of H peak between the two TBU is also illustrated by the realization of the syllables [fó má] in (5.16) above.

(5.17 The rising realization of H after L is also attested, but is less systematic compared to its counterpart, the falling realization of L. Thus, H is realized as rising on the possessive linker la in (5.17) and on ɲɔ ́ɔ 'there' in (5.18), but as a plateau on díya-la please-GER in (5.18).

The rise of H after L might be conditioned by voiced consonants in the onset of the H-bearing syllable. It is generally known that such consonants have a lowering effect on tone, see [START_REF] Yip | Tone. Cambridge textbooks in linguistics[END_REF]. Supposedly, in Kakabe depressor consonants have lowering effect on H only after a L, but this question needs further investigation.

Association between the tone tier and the segmental tier

This section introduces the principles of the association between the tonal and the phonotactic units, such as syllables and moras, and the general principles of tonal derivation. Second, it gives the outline of how the prosodic hierarchy structures the tonal realization. Compared to this more general introduction, the succeeding sections, 5.5-5.9, describe in detail the implementation of each of these tonal processes and also the tonal processes associated with particular morphological units.

Tone-bearing unit

The description of the tonology of Kakabe is made in the framework of the autosegmental approach [START_REF] Goldsmith | Autosegmental phonology[END_REF][START_REF] Leben | Suprasegmental phonolgy[END_REF] where the segmental tier is autonomous from the tonal tier. In Kakabe the tone bearing unit (TBU henceforth) is the mora: light mono-moraic and heavy bi-moraic syllables differ in the number of tones they can bear, so that mono-moraic syllables can have only one tone, but bi-moraic syllables can have two tones. In Kakabe heavy syllables consist either of a long vowel or a vowel plus a homorganic nasal. The syllabic nasal exemplified by the 1SG pronoun ǹ when it occurs at the beginning of an intonation phrase (see Section 3.3.1.2 in Chapter 3) can bear a tone as well. The possible associations between tones and segmental units are schematized in (5.19) below.

(

5.19) Possible associations between tones and moras in Kakabe

In the autosegmental representation I group together letters representing phonemes which belong to one syllable, following a widespread practice, the symbol "x" stands one mora (in some cases I also use the more explicit symbol "μ" for mora). For example, bàa 'goat' in the position before another L is pronounced with LH tone, e.g. [bàá fìlà] 'two goats', the same for [sǎn fìlà] 'two years'. (5.22) No tonal complexity principle:

A mora is associated with at most one tone at the end of the phonological derivation.

According to the formulation in (5.22), at non-final stages of tonal derivation one mora can be associated to more than one tone, but if this is the case, the tones must distribute over surrounding moras or be deleted by the end of the derivation. Such situation arises always when L-tone morpheme consisting of only one mora appears before an L tone. The strategies used to resolve this situation is discussed in Section 5.7.

The only exception to the non-complexity principle is the LH tone on monomoraic pronouns before an L-toned morpheme, but, crucially, this realization has marginal status. This LH realization exists only as a free variant along with two other possible realizations both of which respect the no-complexity principle, see (5.23) (the account of the realization of pronouns is given in Section 5.7.3). The instability itself supports the hypothesis that there is a tendency to avoid complex tone on single mora. The non-complexity principle underlies the process of the realization of the referential article, described in Section 5.9.1 and the realization of the IP-boundary tones, described in Section 6.4. Finally, as shown in Section 5.2.3, L is phonetically realized as falling after H, and H can be realized as rising after L, but phonologically they are simple L and H respectively.

Tone domain

L and H spread on all toneless syllables to the right:

LØ(Ø) → LL(L) HØ(Ø) → HH(H)
The spread continues until the next TBU with underlying L or H tone. Thus both H and L create a boundary for the spreading of the preceding tone.

I will use the term tone domain as formulated in (5.24) below.

(5.24) The domain of the tone is the mora to which tone T is associated at the lexical level and all underlyingly toneless moras to the right.

In other terms, the tone domain defines the area where the tone can spread from its original site.

For example, the verb bàrabara 'to boil' has the underlying L tone which is assigned lexically to the first syllable, and from that position spreads from the first syllable through the stem, (5.25a). When a toneless suffix is added to it, the tone spreads on it also, e.g. the perfective suffix -ta (5.25b). The same is true for H tone, see (5.25c). The notion of tonal domain plays an important role in the description of how H tone separator is aligned when it is inserted between two underlying Ls, see Section 5.5.

As will be shown in Section 5.4, TBUs which are not assigned any tone underlyingly are often the non-initial syllables of polysyllabic morphemes (5.26a), and many of functional morphemes, as the perfective suffix -ta in (5.26b) and the potential auxiliary si in (5.26c).

(5.26

) (a) bàrabara → bàràbàrà 'to cook' (b) nà + -ta → nàtà come-PFV.INTR (c) à si gbála → à sì gbálá 'It will dry'.
Tone spread to free TBUs applies at the very end of tonal derivation. Thus, it is a default process which provides a tonal realization for all TBUs which remains toneless after the application of all other tonal processes.

Floating and associated tones

The floating tone is usually defined as a tone not linked to any segment at the level of lexical representation, see [START_REF] Yip | Tone. Cambridge textbooks in linguistics[END_REF]) among many others. In Kakabe only L can float. Four types of cases can be singled out in which floating L appears in the tonal derivation:

1. Floating L as a part of the lexical form: in Kakabe H L pattern is lexically assigned to a small group of morphemes, e.g. the relativizer mín L3 ; see the list in Section 5.4.5.

2. L of the pronoun which becomes floating when the pronoun merges with the preceding syllable, e.g. báti à PFV.OF 3SG → bátaa L ; see Section 5.8.4.

3. Floating realization of the L of the article in the circumstances described in Section 5.7.3.3.

4. Delinking of L as a result of the H spread to the left: LH → L H; see Section 5.6.

Following a widely used practice, in the autosegmental representation floating L is signaled by the encircled L , as in (5.27) below.

(5.27) /mín L bàaba/ → mín bààbà 'whose father' min

× × baa × × ba × H L L → min × × baa × × ba × H L L → min × × baa × × ba × H L
The realization of floating L before another L is defined by the following principle.

(5.28) Floating L is deleted before L: L → Ø / _ L Typically for Western Mande languages, in Kakabe floating L is realized as downstep of the following H4 . But when the following H is adjacent to the boundary of a phonological phrase, it is deleted and the floating L links to the syllable which hosted the deleted H at the underlying level; this is part of the more general process whereby L spreads onto H followed by the boundary of a prosodic phrase, see Section 5.6. The realization of floating L before H is formulated in (5.29) below:

( The domain of H preceding L consists of minimally two moras, as in (5.30 aa), but it can also be much longer. Thus, in (5.30 ab) the domain of H preceding the floating L extends over the verb root (consisting of four moras), the toneless suffix and the toneless postposition fɛ. Consequently, the floating L is linked to this postposition, since it is the last mora of the domain:

(5.30) (a) (a) /mín L bólè/ → mîn bólè or mín ꜜbólè REL hand.ART 'whose hand' min

× × bo × le × H L H L → min × × bo × le × H L H L or min × × bo × le × H ꜜH L (b) (b) /à tágaman-ta à fɛ/ → à tágámántáá fɛ 3SG walk-PST.INTR 3SG with 'He walked with it' (c) a × ta × ga × man × × ta × a × fɛ × L H L → a × ta × ga × man × × taa × × fɛ × L H L → a × ta × ga × man × × taa × × fɛ × L H L
The conjunction ɓá(a) L 'since' and fí(i) L 'because' can be realized as monomoraic, but only in the case when L does not link, within the morpheme, otherwise, this would lead to the violation of the non-complexity principle. Thus, in (5.31 a) fíi L is realized with the length of 280 ms and L is linked to the morpheme itself, whereas in (5.31 b), where the floating L surfaces as downstep of the following H, the length of its surface realization is 0.90 ms.

( In Section 5.8 I describe how floating L is realized depending on whether is is followed by toneless TBUs, by H or L, or by various combinations of the three.

Prosodic hierarchy and tonal processes

The tonal processes discussed in the remainder of the Chapter (Sections 5.5-5.9) are applied within the limits of specific prosodic units. Example (5.32) illustrates the hierarchical organization of downdrift. Though there is a general lowering of H tones across the utterance, the peak in the middle partially disturbs the decline: H4 is lower than H1 and H2 but is higher than H3. The tonal contour in (5.32) reflects the fact that the utterance (5.32) contains two PhPs which are integrated into IP, a hierarchically higher prosodic unit. The subject DP ń nɛ ̀ɛ̀n ɛ ̀lá mɔ ̀gɛ ́ɛ̀n ù kà constitutes the first domain of downdrift, the VP with lexical DP kíílà lánà 'send the envoy' constitutes the second downstep group, and the whole utterance is the third prosodic domain of higher level including the two first ones. Thus, prosodic units can be organized into hierarchical structures which is reflected the way downdrift shapes the tonal contour of the utterance. Due to the downdrift, the site of linking of the first H tone in IP is the most prominent position by default. The further an element is from the beginning of IP, the less prominent it is, due to the default prosodic organization of IP. Thus, the downstep reset is a repair mechanism which adjust cases when a discursively salient element is found in a prosodically nonprominent position.

Partial downdrift reset signals discourse salience for which the presence of PhP boundary is an obligatory but not sufficient condition since PhP boundary is not always preceded by this resetting.

Partial downdrift reset typically precedes NPs in the postverbal position. This is due to the fact that, on the one hand, adverbs and indirect objects are usually "not enough" to create an independent IP since they don't have propositional content, but, on the other hand, they often contain prominent information. Thus, in (5.33) H tone on dùgéè is slightly higher than the preceding H, and in (5.34) H tone on kúrè is at the same level as the preceding H.

(5.33)

((ì ì 2SG náà ni à SBJV 3SG kɔ ́ꜜɛ ḱɔ -È back-ART má-sɔ ̀tɔ ́)PhP ma-sɔ tɔ VB.PL-get (dùgéè dùgu-È earth-ART tɔ ̀)PhP ) IP ↑ tɔ-R% in-FinR
You will get it from the earth. Left topic is one more type of constituent which, on the one hand, is non-propositional and thus tends to lean to some sequence with propositional content to create IP, and, on the other hand, is relatively salient. Downdrift reset usually separates left topic from the following clause. Thus, in (5.35) H belonging to the clause is upstepped with respect to the second H of the left-topic constituent.

( The optionality of partial downdrift reset with respect to a PhP boundary is seen by the comparison between (5.36) where the adverbial phrase is not preceded by any downdrift and (5.33) where it is. This difference is motivated by the difference in salience: postpositional phrase in (5.33) is marked as more salient as the postpositional phase in (5.36).

(5.36) ((àwà àwà well

mà mà 1PL náꜜá ni à SBJV 3SG
wá wá go bùtúgún bùtúgn again kùndààláánù kùn-dá-laa-È-nu head-make-AG-PL bàtà) PhP ) IP báta at Well, we go to hair-dressers.

Syntactic and morphological correlates of PhPs and IPs

Example (5.37) below reproduces a part of a bigger extract, discussed in Chapter 6 (see Section 6.4.1). The division into lines represents the partition into phonological phrases (PhPs), with the syntactic role of each of the phonological phrases represented to the left from the transcription.

( tɛ rɛn find When we leave, the school, the thing that we find...

Rule ordering and levels of representation

I use the rule-based derivational framework for the description of the Kakabe tonology. In this approach the surface representation is derived from the underlying form through the application of ordered rules at different stages of derivation. Thus, there the underlying level (the input) can be separated from the surface phonological representation by any number of intermediate levels resulting from the sequential application of tonal processes.

Example (5.44) below illustrates a possible progress of the tonal derivation in Kakabe.

( Thus, before the derivation is over, the tonal tier can have tones which are not linked to any segment (floating tones). And, the other way round, the prosodic tier can contain TBU which are not assigned any tone. But by the end of the derivation every TBU is assigned one tone. The application of tonal processes is ordered; see Section 5.6.3 for an illustration.

Lexical tone patterns

In Kakabe the combination of tones within the morpheme is restricted, making the notion of tonal class useful for the description of the language. This means that a simplex morpheme is associated with one of a limited number of tonal patterns. Besides, most of the content mor-phemes belong to one of the two major tonal classes, where the first syllable is assigned an underlying H or L tone. All verbs and most of nouns belong to one of the two tonal classes: H or L, see Sections 5.4.1 and 5.4.2 respectively. A small number of nouns in Kakabe are characterized by minor tonal patterns with L assigned to the non-initial syllable, see Section 5.4.8.

In the model used in the current work, a tone can link to maximum one TBU at the lexical level. The sequence of equal tone on several TBUs is always the result of tone spread from TBU with tone to toneless TBUs, see Section 5.3.2. Following this principle, tonal patterns differ from each other by the underlying tones only, and not by the number of moras or syllables that a tone is linked to. Thus, tɛ ̀ntɛní 'especially' and kàbí 'because' belong to the same tonal type LH. A lexical tone is underlyingly associated only with one TBU. When there are more TBUs than underlying tones, the surface realization results from the spread of the lexical tone to the right to toneless TBUs, see Section 5.3.2.

The distribution of tonal patterns over morphemes is partially conditioned by their morphosyntactic category. Thus, morphologically simple verbs can be only H or L. Morphologically simple nouns, on the other hand, can be L, H but can also be attributed one of a minor tonal patterns, described in Section 5.4.8. Only functional and derivational morphemes can be toneless (tonal type Ø) at the underlying level. All toneless morphemes also display the segmental word-clitic adjustment described in Section 4.2.5. At the same time not all clitics are toneless, thus the focus marker lè is L-toned.

A morpheme may have a fixed position with respect to the boundaries of an intonation unit which can have an effect on its tonal realization. Thus, interjections, due to their morphosyntactic properties, are always at the end of an intonation unit and are associated with a particular illocutionary force. For this reason, it is impossible to decide whether their tonal realization is due exclusively to their lexical tone or contains a boundary tone (see 5.4.6). Monomoraic and highly grammaticalized postpositions are underlyingly toneless, whereas less grammaticalized postposition which often can be linked to noun from which they originate, are H, L or HL.

Table 5.3 visualizes the correspondence between the lexical tonal types and the morphosyntactic categories of the morphemes that can be assigned this pattern at the underlying level. The tonal patterns are represented in decreasing order of their frequency in the Kakabe lexicon.

Type H

H is assigned only to the first mora, and the remaining moras are not specified for tone. Examples (5.45a) -(5.45c) illustrate H-toned verbs, nouns and functional morphemes respectively.

( Morphologically simple L-toned morphemes consisting of more than two syllables vary in how separating H tone is aligned on them, see Section 5.5. Nevertheless, I argue that there is no necessity to assume that it is specified lexically.

The alternation between all-L and LH realization of L-initial forms, conditioned by the right context, is common to many Central Mande, and its description has been subject to a lot of debate. [START_REF] Grégoire | Le maninka de Kankan, elements de description phonologique[END_REF]; [START_REF] Dumestre | Grammaire fondamentale du bambara[END_REF]; [START_REF] Creissels | Le mandinka[END_REF] and others describe this H as part of the underlying form. This seems to be an acceptable solution in the case of LH realization of morphologically simple forms. Yet, when any morphologically and syntactically complex forms are concerned, it becomes problematic. It would be necessary to recur to H insertion to account for the tonal realization of nominal compounds. Besides, the LH underlying approach necessitates to attribute to functional morphemes an underlying H which surfaces uniquely before another L. For these reasons, I chose to account for H as the result of tone insertion, see also the discussion on this subject in Section 5.5.2.

L of the two clause-initial L-toned conjunctions and two L-toned interjections which are listed in (5.49) below don't interact with the following L: no H tone is inserted before another L. This exceptional behavior can be associated to their extra-clausal position. The interjections jàka 'really', àwa 'well', yɔ ̀ɔ 'okay' and the conjunction kɔ ̀nɔ 'but' which can also be used as an interjection can form a separate intonation phrase. As shown in Section 5.5.8, the IP boundary blocks the interaction between Ls and no H separator is inserted. At the same time, apparently, they can also be in the same intonation phrase as the following L-toned element and not interact with the latter at the tonal level. Therefore, the absence of tonal interaction is rather their lexical property, even if it is related to their syntactic properties.

(5.49) sì conj. 'if' kɔ ̀nɔ conj./itj. 'but' jàka itj.

'really', exclamatory interjection àwa itj.

'well' yɔ ̀ɔ itj.

'okay, I see'.

The first and second person pronouns, the demonstrative kɛ ̀'this', and the focus marker lè (5.50) are monomoraic morphemes with L tone. Before another L tone they display special tonal behavior which is discussed in Section 5.7.

( The 3SG pronoun à and the infinitive marker kà differ from the other L-toned morphemes by the fact that before another L, separating H tone cannot be linked on the morpheme itself. I use underscored L to refer to this kind of L tone. In Section 5.5 it is shown that H tone is also inserted between L and L, but it can be realized only when L is followed by a toneless morpheme. It should be noted that the 3SG à displays the same tonal behavior in many of Manding languages; see [START_REF] Dumestre | Le bambara du Mali: essais de description linguistique[END_REF], Creissels (2009a: 38) and [START_REF] Creissels | La notion de ton marqué dans l'analyse d'une opposition tonale binaire: Le cas du mandingue[END_REF]. The fact that HL is associated with the adverbial position is manifest in the tonal realization dónden ~dóndèn 'a little, rather' which can be used as an adverb or as a noun or as a determiner. As an adverb it is always realized with the HL tone, as in (5.51) and (5.52) below:

Type HL

( When dóndèn is used adverbially, it can be reduplicated, expressing the meaning 'little-bylittle', in this case it is always realized as dóndèn dóndèn, with L on the second syllable of the both instances. Similarly to dóndèn ~dóndén, the allomorphs ɲɔ ́ɔ̀~ɲ ɔ ́ɔ́~ɲ ɔ 'there' are also distributed following the syntactic function of the morpheme. As an adverb, it is always realized as HL ɲɔ ́ɔ̀a nd as a determiner or a pronoun it is realized with H tone ɲɔ ́ɔ. And similarly to complex postpositions which have full and reduced variants, e.g. búùtɔ ~butɔ, it also has a reduced allomorph ɲɔ, with a short vowel and no underlying tone which occurs as a free variant both in the determiner and in the adverbial position.

Type LH

LH lexical tone is assigned to certain conjunctions, prepositions and interjections, e.g.:

(

Type H L

The morphemes with the tonal type H L (H with floating L) are listed in (5.60).

( The units like ɓá L ~ɓáà ~ɓáyì, ɲɔ ́gɔn L ~ɲɔ ́gɔ ̀n variate between HL and H L , L tone can either link to the last mora of the morpheme or it can be floating. The numerals that end with a floating L are kélen L 'one'; wɔ ́ɔrɔ L 'six'; kɔ ̀nɔntɔ L 'nine'; tán L 'ten' and mùgan L 'twenty'; see also Section 5.8.2. The realization of the floating L is described in Section 5.8. H L lexical pattern is also associated with heavy auxiliaries in NK, see Section 5.8.3.

Type L(HL) or L with boundary tone

Interjections are realized with the rising-falling LHL lexical pattern.

( At the same time, since, by definition, interjections form an independent IP and are associated with a particular type of illocutionary force, this tonal pattern can contain a boundary tone: it is likely that HL is the boundary tone ↑HL%. H is realized at the top of the pitch range (therefore the tone is automatically ↑HL). At any case, since, as has been said, the interjection forms an independent IP, and IP is always preceded by downdrift reset. See the discussion in Section 6.4.5.8 in Chapter 6.

Type Ø

Toneless morphemes receive their tones through the rules of derivation depending on the contexts, prosodic boundaries etc. A considerable part of functional monomoraic morphemes don't have any lexical tone. All light auxiliaries, the three verb prefixes (the causative marker la-, the refactive marker taand the verbal plurality marker ma-), the light postpositions and many of the suffixes belong to this type:

( It should be kept in mind that often, in descriptions of languages related to Kakabe, analogous morphemes are described as H toned, and this is explained by the fact what I treat as H inserted in the course tonal derivation (see Section 5.5), is treated there as part of the lexical form. Thus, the Kakabe oblique postposition la 1 as well as la 2 the possessive marker have analogues in many related languages, where they are analyzed as H-toned, e.g. lá with the both same meaning in Maninka, Mandinka, Xasonka and also in the most descriptions of Bamana, except for the latest publication by Vydrin (2017a). Yet, this H systematically disappears before another L, so it is rather derivational than a lexical tone. Similarly, [START_REF] Grégoire | Le maninka de Kankan, elements de description phonologique[END_REF] attributes H tone to -nú and -lá which correspond to the Kakabe plural suffix -nu and the gerund -la. She mentioned them in the discussion of whether it is justified to attribute H to such forms which manifest it only before L, see (1986: 16-17). Almost all derivational suffixes are underlyingly toneless, they are listed below:

(5.63) -kaa suffix used to form names of inhabitants -baga agent noun suffix -bɔnɔ '-less', suffix with privative meaning -laa deverbal agent nominalization suffix -nden 1 diminutive suffix -nden 2 stative participle suffix -ɲɔgɔ, -nan, -ɲan ordinal numeral suffixes Some of the derivational suffixes can be traced back to nouns. The suffix -bɔnɔ is related to the noun 'loss, misfortune', cf. bɔ ̀nɔ in Maninka, Susu, Jalonke, etc. The diminutive suffix -nden is related to dén 'child' in Kakabe representing a common Mande root present in big number of languages. These elements became suffixes though the process of NP compounding which implies the loss of the tones of all non-initial elements; see Section 5.9.2.1.

Minor tonal types of nominal roots

Unlike the two major tonal types L and H, where only the first syllable is lexically specified for lexical tone, minor tonal types are characterized by the assignment of L tone to non-initial syllables. The minor patterns are neutralized to the major tonal types L and H in numeral phrases and compounds, see Section 5.9.2.2. The morphemes with minor tonal patterns are either unmotivated reduplication forms (5.64 a), borrowings (5.64 b), or morphemes which are supposedly etymologically complex (5.64 c). In the surface realization, H separating tone appears between Ls, see the last column in (5.64 a)-(5.65) representing the citation form with the referential article -È. This is due the obligatory contour principle, see Section 5.5.

( It should be noted that there is no clear boundary between the cases like (5.64 c) and the idiomatic combinations of roots which are discussed in Section 5.9.2.1.

Nouns in (5.65) represent the sub-type HL, all borrowings from Pular which is distinguished by the fact that when they combine with the referential article -E the final L and the L of the article merge, and no separating H is inserted, see also (5.67) in Section 5.4.9 for the whole list and the discussion.

(5.65) Pular borrowings with L tone on the syllable originating from the class suffix σσσ(σ) 'shorts'

fártawàl(ì) < Pul. + -È → fártàwàlè σσσ(σ) 'centipede' káatatàl(ì) < Pul. + -È → káátátàlè σσσ(σ) 'shovel (to stir peanut)' sáaragàl(ì) < Pul. + -È → sáárágàlè.

Tonal adaptation of loanwords

In Kakabe the two main sources of loanwords are Pular and French. Loanwords follow the correspondence between lexical tonal patterns and the grammatical categories which characterize the original Kakabe words. Thus, all the verbs and the majority of nouns belong to either H or L tonal classes, adjectives, conjunctions can also be assigned HL, LH, LHL tones, as their original Kakabe counterparts:

p.c.). Nevertheless, the form of the word in Kakabe indicates that it is more likely to be a secondary borrowing from Pular, cf. Bamana ǹtúba̰ , ǹtúga̰ , ǹtúfa̰ and Pular tanbadufa.

( So far, there seems to be no regularity in the choice between L or H tonal pattern for the loanwords. However, if a loanword belongs to L class, a correlation can be found between the position of the accented syllable of the source words and the domain of H separator tone, see Section 5.5.5. Pular nouns are marked with a class suffix, but most of them can also be used in a suffixless generic form. When nouns are borrowed to Kakabe from Pular, most often, they are borrowed in this suffixless form. But in some cases (mostly, when the noun in Pular has no generic suffixless form), the suffix is preserved. If a loanword originates from a Pular noun of the class NGOL and NGAL and is borrowed with the class marker -ol and -al respectively, then the class suffix is associated with L tone, the list is given in (5.67) below. The tonal behavior of these nouns is special in that no separating H tone is inserted when they are followed by L tone, see Section 5.9.1.5.

(

Obligatory contour principle

The Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP henceforth), was formulated first by [START_REF] Leben | Suprasegmental phonolgy[END_REF], it is given in (5.68) below:

(5.68) Obligatory Contour Principle:

Adjacent identical elements are prohibited.

It was originally formulated to deal with tonal phenomena and then was extended to segments [START_REF] Mccarthy | Formal problems in Semitic phonology and morphology[END_REF][START_REF] Mccarthy | OCP effects: Gemination and antigemination[END_REF][START_REF] Yip | The Obligatory Contour Principle and phonological rules: a loss of identity[END_REF]. OCP can be seen as a particular type of dissimilation constraint which keeps the identity of phonological units. The question of keeping distinct identity is especially relevant for tone units, considering the specificity of their relationship with the segmental tier, since one underlying tone which spreads onto two TBUs can be confused with two identical underlying tones associated with adjacent TBUs. Tone languages where OCP is applied can use different types of strategies to preserve the distinctness of the tone units. The tone deletion strategy (Meeussen's Rule) is widespread among Bantu languages. The tone fusion is applied, for example, in such language as Shona, Bamilike, see Yip (2002: Section 4.10). In Kishambaa the identical H tones are downstepped [START_REF] Odden | Tonal phenomena in KiShamba[END_REF]. In Central Mande, the insertion of a different tone is a strategy, widely used to avoid OCP violation, it is attested in Bamana, Soninke, Kita Maninka and other languages (as I mention later in Section 5.5.2, the authors of the descriptions of these languages formulate it differently, but the phenomenon is largely similar to what is attested in Kakabe).

In Bantu languages, the tone which usually follows OCP constraint is in most cases H. By contrast, in those Mande language, where OCP operates at the tone level, it prohibits sequences of underlying L tones. This correlates well with the fact that, in general, in Bantu the more active tone is H [START_REF] Hyman | Cross-linguistic studies of tonal phenomena[END_REF] whereas in Central Mande it is usually L [START_REF] Creissels | La notion de ton marqué dans l'analyse d'une opposition tonale binaire: Le cas du mandingue[END_REF].

A big part of current section will be concerned with the question of how the inserted H is aligned between the two L tones. I have shown that it can be defined by morphological, semantic/syntactic or metrical aspects, Sections 5.5.3, 5.5.4 and 5.5.6 respectively. Finally, the alignment of the inserted H follows a specific pattern if loanwords are concerned, see Section 5.5.5. The question of L-toned morphemes which violate OCP principle in certain contexts is discussed in Section 5.5.7. An IP boundary blocks the interaction between L tones, as a result, no H tone is inserted between two adjacent Ls belonging to two different clauses, see Section 5.5.8. Finally, OCP violation can be avoided by the merger of two L tones. This strategy is optionally applied in NK when L-toned pronoun is followed by another L toned morpheme, see Section 5.5.9. The insertion of H when monomoraic L-toned morphemes are concerned is tightly linked to the process of Tone Leveling, and therefore it is described in Section 5.7, after the description of Tone Leveling.

Definition of OCP in Kakabe

In Kakabe OCP concerns underlying L tones. The adjacency of identical underlying tones is avoided by the insertion of H tone between the two L tones. I will henceforth refer to this H tone as H separator tone (HS tone henceforth), and the two tones that are separated by it as L 1 and L 2 .

(5.69) Obligatory contour principle in Kakabe:

Two underlying L tones have to be separated by HS

L 1 L 2 → L 1 HS L 2
The application of OCP is illustrated in (5.70) below:

(5.70) /mùsu fìla/ → mùsú fìlà 'two women' mu

× su × fi × la × L L → mu × su × fi × la × L H L CHAPTER 5. LEXICAL TONES

392

HS is linked to the underlyingly toneless TBU of the first item with the lexical tone.

(5.71) HS has to be linked within the domain of L 1 .

The domain of L corresponds to the sequence of segments on which L spreads in the absence of HS, see the definition of tone domain in Section 5.3.2. Thus, the domain of HS is included in the domain of L 1 :

(5.72

) (L 1 (HS)) (L 2 )
The alignment of HS depends the internal organization of L 1 domain in the following way:

(5.73) HS is linked to the last and hierarchically highest unit within L 1 domain, according to the hierarchy: syntactic/semantic unit > morphological unit > prosodic unit.

If the morpheme is a loanword, the alignment of HS depends on the position of the stressed syllable in the source word.

Thus, if L 1 domain consists of more than two morphemes which are divided into two syntactic or semantic groups, the domain of HS is the second of these two syntactic or semantic units. If the highest boundary within L 1 is morphological, HS links to the last morpheme. If L 1 contains no morphological boundaries but more than two TBUs, HS realization depends on the grouping of these TBUs into feet. These effects of each of these factors on HS alignment are described in the following three subsections.

OCP in Western Mande and its analysis

The phenomenon of LH ~L variation in the realization of L-initial morphemes is attested in many Western Mande languages.

In Kakabe I apply HS insertion analysis to all cases. First, the [LH] variant never appears before H. Second, there are cases when surface H cannot be explained either as the default H realization of a toneless TBU, or through the retraction of L domain because of the cases when two separate Ls link to adjacent moras, e.g. when L-toned monomoraic pronouns occur before L, e.g. \mà nà-ta\ → mǎ nàtà ~mà nátà; it is discussed in detail in Section 5.7. Finally, I posit for Kakabe the opposition H vs. L vs. Ø and the rule of automatic H and L spread on toneless syllables. In this configuration, zeros are targets of the spread of the preceding tone, instead of being realized as H by default.

With the exception of [START_REF] Vydrin | Tonal inflection in Mande languages: The cases of Bamana and Dan-Gwɛɛtaa[END_REF], in the existing literature the variation LH ~L is usually not described though the notions of OCP and HS insertion which is used in the current description. H present on L-initial morphemes before another L is treated as part of the lexical tonal pattern in [START_REF] Dumestre | Grammaire fondamentale du bambara[END_REF] for Bamana, [START_REF] Creissels | Esquisse du système tonal du korokan[END_REF] for Koro (< Maninka-Mori < Manding), [START_REF] Creissels | Le mandinka[END_REF] for Mandinka, [START_REF] Creissels | Phonologie segmentale et tonale du soninké (parler du Kingi)[END_REF] for Kankan Maninka [START_REF] Grégoire | Le maninka de Kankan, elements de description phonologique[END_REF]. For example, according to these descriptions, mùso 'woman' has LH tonal pattern, where H is deleted in mùsò tɛ ́yàn 'there is no woman here'. [START_REF] Spears | Tonal dissimilation in Maninka[END_REF] describes the variable realization of L-initial morpheme in Maninka as tone dissimilation (which is, essentially, analogous to treating it as due to OCP): H does not belong to the lexical form, and when one L-toned morphemes appears before another L-toned morpheme, H tone is inserted though dissimilation. [START_REF] Creissels | Le malinké de Kita: un parler mandingue de l'ouest du Mali[END_REF] In the case of Kita Maninka, Creissels (2009a) treats L as the marked tone opposed to a zero, and TBUs not occupied by L are by default realized as H. So, the question whether H is part of the lexical pattern or not, does not arise. At the same time, the domain of L can be different and it is specified lexically. The author signals the domain of L by underlining; this notation is reproduced in (5.74).

Kita Maninka

(5.74) Kita Maninka (Creissels 2009a)

σσ hiri → hìri 'sell' σσ kasi → kàsì 'cry' σσσ sinoko → sìnoko 'sleep' σσσ ɲininka → ɲìnìnka 'ask'
From its lexically specified domain, L spreads until the end of the morphemes, as in (5.75a) and (5.75c), where it is followed by toneless (surface H) morpheme. On the other hand, L does not spread if an L-toned morpheme follows, as in (5.75b) and (5.75d). When two L-domains are adjacent, as in (5.75d), the first L retracts.

(5.75) Kita Maninka (Creissels 2009a) (a) jankuma nani → jankuma nani → jànkùmà nání 'four cats' (b) jankuma saba → jankuma saba → jànkúmá sàbà 'three cats' (c) musu nani → musu nani → mùsù nání 'four cats' (d) musu saba → musu saba → mùsú sàbà 'three cats' Thus, there are two main differences between Creissels's analysis of LH ~L realization in Kita Maninka and my analysis for Kakabe. First, L in Kita Maninka can be link to several TBUs at the lexical level, whereas in Kakabe it is associated with one TBU only at the lexical level. Second, this domain of L can either progress or retract depending on the context, whereas L of Kakabe always (automatically) spreads.

To this difference in analysis corresponds the actual difference in the data. Unlike in Kakabe, in Kita Maninka there are contexts where L-toned morphemes can be realized with LH rising pattern even before the next H (underlyingly toneless TBU in Kita Maninka). This happens, for example, before the negative auxiliary man (5.76b). In this context surfaces the contrast between L associated only with the first syllable (5.76a) and L associated with both syllables (5.76a). Returning to the discussion of OCP, in the cases like (5.76b) the surface H cannot be related to OCP, since it appears where no demarcation is needed.

(5.76) Kita Maninka (Creissels 2009a) (a) hali man ye ye → hàlì mán yé yè 'One didn't see any donkeys there' (b) tali man la bi → tàlí mán lá bì 'One didn't tell any tales today' But the situation in Kita Maninka is even more complex than this, and there is a number of cases for which Creissels ends up using the operation H insertion. There is a minor tonal pattern where L is separately associated to two adjacent syllables, e.g. the proper name modu. This discontinuity of L association at the underlying level results in the surface realization mǒdù. LH on the first syllable results from the insertion of H which he refers to as a demarcating tone "insertions d'un haut démarcatif" (Creissels 2009a: 25).

Mandinka (Cressels and Sambou 2013)

In Mandinka, contrary to Kita Maninka, there are no arguments to treat L as marked opposed to zero9 . For items with rising LH pattern the position of H is specified lexically, cf. kàmbààné 'boy' with H appearing on the last syllable vs. màŋkááné 'amulet' with H appearing on the second syllable (Creissels & Sambou 2013: 43). In most cases, H in LH pattern does not always disappear before H: it can occasionally be preserved. The preservation of H is more likely if it is hosted by a heavy syllable. Finally, if H is hosted by more than one syllable, its preservation is normal and its deletion is exceptional. As the authors admit, additional research is needed to make statement about the realization of H as the part of LH pattern.

Soninke (Creissels 2016)

In Soninke H preceded by L can disappear before suffixes starting with H, see the disappearance of the last H in two verb roots in (5.77) below.

(5.77) Soninke (Creissels 2016: 57) bòosí 'pull out' → bòosì-ndê 'pulling out' háasìdàaxú 'envy' (v) → háasìdàaxù-ndê 'envy' (n.)

But when an L-toned root is separated from the following H by a word boundary, L cannot spread until the end of the root. Thus, in (5.78) below L does not spread on the last syllable of yàxàré 'woman' even though the latter is followed by H.

(5.78) Soninke (Creissels 2016: 33) Yàxàré má rì woman PFV.NEG come L The woman didn't come.

Koro (Creissels 1988)

In Koro H can be inserted between two L tones even if the first of the two adjacent L tones one is floating. Thus, in (5.79) below H appears after floating L of the referential article, and the author describes it as a part of the lexical form of the article. In general, in Koro tones tend to be realized more to the right than in analogous forms in other Manding languages.

One of the consequences of this is that tones which are linked in other Manding languages are often floating in Koro, cf. Bamana mùsó 'woman' vs. Koro mìsò H 'woman'. Creissels distinguishes in Koro two tonal subclasses for disyllabic L-initial morphemes: LH vs. LL H where H links to the second syllable or is floating, e.g. mìsrí 'mosque' vs. mìsò H 'woman'. In (5.79) below, following the rules described in [START_REF] Creissels | Esquisse du système tonal du korokan[END_REF]), H links to the syllable to the following syllable, and the floating L of the article is realized as downstep.

(5.79) Koro (Creissels 1988: 103) tɣá dénḭ́L ɲrìɲà → tɣá dénḭ́L H ɲrìɲà → tɣá dénḭ́L ɲríɲà → [tɣá dénḭ́ꜜɲríɲà] tɣá dénḭ́L ɲrìɲà go child-ART ask Go ask the child.

H before the floating L of the article can also be floating. In (5.80) this results in a sequence of three floating tones HLH: the first H appears between the L the noun root mìsò and the second L between the L of the article and the L of the following verb (the rules of the realization of the floating tones combine with the rule of H spread, see the article for the description).

(5.80) Koro (Creissels 1988: 103) tɣá mùsò L ɲrìɲà → tɣá mùsò HLH ɲrìɲà → [tɣá mísò ɲríɲà] tɣá mìsò H-L ɲrìɲà go woman-ART ask Go ask the woman.

It seems that HS insertion analysis would be more economical in the case of Koro, since that would permit to dispense with lexical floating H altogether. [START_REF] Rialland | Réanalyse des tons du bambara: des tons du nom à l'organisation générale du système[END_REF] Rialland & Badjimé (1989) 10 use the notion 'H liaison tone' ("ton haut de liaison"), taken up by [START_REF] Weidman | A Foot-Based Reanalysis of Edge-in Tonal Phenomena in Bambara[END_REF] and also reproduced in [START_REF] Clements | Phonology[END_REF]. Similarly to Koro, in Bamana Hs are also present only before L-toned morphemes, so HS insertion analysis would supposedly also be valid for these two cases, and it is, in fact, adopted in the most recent description of Bamana by Vydrin (2017a). [START_REF] Dumestre | Grammaire fondamentale du bambara[END_REF] considers this H a part of the lexical tonal pattern of the word. By contrast, [START_REF] Rialland | Réanalyse des tons du bambara: des tons du nom à l'organisation générale du système[END_REF] consider that this H is postlexical. The term 'H liaison tone' ("tone haut de liason") which they use is taken up by [START_REF] Weidman | A Foot-Based Reanalysis of Edge-in Tonal Phenomena in Bambara[END_REF] in their description of the realization of tones in polysyllabic Bamana nouns. According to Rialland & Badjimé, H liaison tone follows nouns, verbs, numerals and adjectives, but not functional morphemes.

Bamana and 'liaison H tone'

Another particularity of the tonology of Bamana, according to [START_REF] Rialland | Réanalyse des tons du bambara: des tons du nom à l'organisation générale du système[END_REF], is the spread of H on the following syllable. Thus in (5.81a) bá + dòn is realized as bá dôn. If the L-toned noun is monosyllabic, the H of liaison links only to the next syllable after the noun, see (5.81c) bà dôn resulting from bà + liaison H + dòn. If the noun is disyllabic, the H links both to its second syllable and to the syllable after it see (5.81c). This linking of H to the right is blocked by the L of the article, see (5.81d, f, h).

(5.81) 10. Note that "Bamana" in English correspond to French "Bambara".

Realization of nouns in Bamana before dòn and tɛ ́ [START_REF] Rialland | Réanalyse des tons du bambara: des tons du nom à l'organisation générale du système[END_REF] Contrary to Bamana described in Rialland & Badjimé (1989) 11 , in Kakabe the insertion of H is not limited to lexical morphemes. As I show in 5.7, the special tonal behavior of functional morphemes is due to the fact that they are monomoraic, but at any case, they also trigger H insertion before the following L. The linking of H to the following syllable, as in the case of Bamana monosyllabic nouns (5.81c), in Kakabe is possible with monomoraic L-toned pronouns; see Section 5.7.

To sum up, Bamana (at least, in the variety, described in [START_REF] Rialland | Réanalyse des tons du bambara: des tons du nom à l'organisation générale du système[END_REF], first, restricts the H insertion to content morphemes and, second, displays a tendency for the late linking of H tone which is also found in Koro.

Summary

All the discussed languages have LH ~L alternation for L-initial morphemes. But, differently from Kakabe, this H is not always deleted before another H: In Soninke H disappears only before H-initial suffixes, in Kita Maninka it disappears before most H-initial morphemes, and in Mandinka the preservation of H before another H is supposedly marginal. In Kakabe LH ~L surface alternation is an OCP-related phenomenon, since whenever two L-initial morphemes are adjacent, the first of them is realized as LH. But H (or the impossibility of L to spread on the last syllables in the case of Kita Maninka) is also part of the lexical pattern at least for part of the morphemes. At the same time, the example of modu → mǒdù in Kita Maninka suggests that the notion of HS insertion may be necessary at least in some cases.

In the following subsections (5.5.3-5.5.6) I show that in Kakabe the alignment of HS can be predicted from the internal structuring of the tonal domain (though when the domain of the first L tone contains multiple morpheme, it is not always predictable). At the same time, I do not exclude that the HS alignment has been lexicalized in certain sporadic cases. It should be noted that the unpredictability of the alignment of H does not preclude the analysis where this H is inserted and not specified as a part of the lexical tonal pattern of the morpheme. The lexical specification concerns the limits of L domain in the tonal derivation, and the inserted H is aligned on the remaining toneless TBUs.

Morphological grouping of TBUs within L 1 domain

In (5.82) HS is linked on the underlyingly toneless suffix -ta which is within the domain of the lexical L of yɛ ̀lɛ 'to mount'. In (5.83) HS is linked to the final syllable of the verb. In all examples of isolated words in the remainder of this section, I indicate the alignment of HS by the diacritic for H " ́" on the leftmost TBU, implying that it spreads from there to all the succeeding toneless TBUs, e.g. the notation bàrabára 'boil' means the realization [bàràbárá] before L.

In reduplicated roots HS is linked to the second element, see (5.86) below.

(

'twinkle' mɛ ̀ɲɛ=mɛ ́ɲɛ

There is one case when the linking of H does not follow the morphological boundary: HS is linked before the nominalization suffix -ri (~-ru ~-ro):

(5.87) shooting fòyíri greeting kòntóro giving a present sànbáru.

L 1 domain with more than two morphemes and HS alignment

When an L 1 domain includes more than two morphemes, the alignment of HS can be motivated by the semantic association between the morphemes in question. That is, if an L 1 domain contains morphemes A, B and C, HS would start on C if the semantic association is stronger between A and B or on B and spread on C if the semantic link is stronger between B and C than between A and B.

The alignment of HS motivated by semantic associations between morphemes is illustrated by Example (5.88) where the L 1 domain in questions is the nominalization sànsàndònkóè 'the fences building'. The roots sànsan 'fence' and dòn 'build' form one semantic which is in the scope of the nominalization marker kó and therefore HS starts on the last morpheme of the three.

( Yet, in many cases of a multi-morphemic L 1 domain, the alignment of HS is unpredictable. Thus, it is not clear why in (5.89) the derivative suffix -ya is tonally grouped with the verb root, and the stative participle suffix -len hosts HS rather than the other way round: The alignment of HS on NPs containing more than one lexical root and a diminutive suffix may also be aligned differently. HS is aligned either on the last morpheme before the article which is the diminitive suffix, as in (5.91), or earlier, as in (5.92) 12 .

For some cases the HS alignment can be explained through the semantic relationships between morphemes within the NP. In the case of the NP má dìnɲɔ ̀gɔ ̀dénmúsúnnɛ ́ɛ̀i n (5.92c), only dénmusu 'girl' is in the semantic scope of the diminutive suffix. By contrast, in jɔ ̀nmùsùndéè 'little slave-woman' (5.91c), the scope of the diminutive marker is over both 'slave' and 'woman'. HS is realized on the two adjectives, but, again, no semantic motivation for this realization can be found.

12. The distribution of the allophones (n)nɛ ́ɛ̀~( n)déè is described in Section 4.3.2 in Chapter 3.

(

HS domain in L-toned loanwords

As has been already said, the assignment of L and H in loanwords is unpredictable. However, if the loanword is polysyllabic and belongs to L tonal class, there is a correlation between the alignment of HS in L-toned loanwords and the position of the stressed syllable in the source word, either in French or in Pular.

French loanwords

Example (5.94) shows that HS is aligned with the syllable which corresponds to the last syllable in the French source word which is the stressed syllable, since stress is always final in this language.

(

Pular loanwords

In Pular the position of stress depends on the syllable weight. To begin with, there is a primary and a secondary stress in the prosodic system of Pular. The primary stress is assigned to the first heavy syllable in the word, and the weight of the syllable is defined according to the following hierarchy: CVVC > CVV > CVC > CV. [START_REF] Niang | Constraints on Pulaar Phonology[END_REF], claims that the final syllable is never stressed even if it is heavy. Contrary to this, [START_REF] Evans | Teaching Grammar of Pular[END_REF] states that if a polysyllabic noun contains a long vowel in the final syllable, then there are two stressed syllables: the first syllable and the last syllable with the long vowel, e.g. Sumayee 'Ramadan' and the toponym Dalabaa. I have only one example of a Kakabe noun borrowed from a polysyllabic Pular noun with a long final vowel, and the noun is all-H in Kakabe (the last vowel is shortened since Kakabe does not tolerate final long vowels in nominal roots): fúlawa 'village' < Pul. fulawaa.

In the absence of heavy syllables the stress is assigned to the first syllable in Pular:

(5.97) Pular stress patterns [START_REF] Downing | A Survey of Word Accentual Patterns in the Languages of the World[END_REF]: 115 < Niang 1997) aduna 'world' dadorde 'waist' tallorde 'place for rolling'

halkaade 'to perish' haalpulaarʔen 'speakers of Pulaar'.

The rise of the pitch is one of the phonetic correlates of stress in Pular (see Anyanwu 2002 for discussion). The correlation between the position of the stress in the Pular source form and the alignment of HS in the Kakabe form in formulated in (5.98a) and (5.98b) below:

(5.98) (a) If the Pular form has the primary stress on the first syllable, the corresponding Kakabe form is either L-or H-initial. If in Kakabe it gives L root, HS is aligned on the second syllable in the Kakabe form.

(b) If the Pular form has the primary stress on a non-initial syllable, the corresponding Kakabe form is L-toned and HS is aligned on the syllable which is stressed in the source form.

It should also be noted that Pular forms containing the -al class suffix result in HL pattern 13 , with L aligned on the syllable corresponding to the class suffix, e.g. káatatàl 'centipede' < Pul. kaatatal see (5.67) in Section 5.4.9 for the whole list and the discussion. Table 5.4 illustrates the fact that Pular source forms that have a long vowel in the initial syllable which is, consequently, stressed, in Kakabe become either H-toned or L-toned. But if the word in Kakabe is L-toned, the presence of a long vowel in the first syllable does predict the alignment of HS: HS starts on the second and never on the third syllable. The alignment of HS in this case follows the principle internal to Kakabe prosody: a heavy syllable is followed by a foot boundary, and HS alignment is sensitive to foot domain, see the Metrical principle of HS alignment (5.102) in Section 5.5.6. Note also the variation in tone báafàli ~bàafáli 'door' < Pul. baafal.

Metrical organization of TBUs and the alignment of HS

Surface distribution of tones can depend on metrical structure. Association of tone with feet within metrical structure have been proposed by a number of researchers [START_REF] Sietsema | Metrical Dependencies in Tone Assignment[END_REF][START_REF] Bickmore | The Use of Feet to Account for Binary Tone Spreading. Evidence from Chilungu[END_REF][START_REF] De Lacy | The interaction of tone and stress in Optimality Theory[END_REF]. Tonal feet constitute binary groupings of tone bearing units into metrical constituants. [START_REF] Leben | Tonal feet[END_REF]2003) and [START_REF] Weidman | A Foot-Based Reanalysis of Edge-in Tonal Phenomena in Bambara[END_REF] propose a footbased account of the tone assignment in polysyllabic noun roots in Bamana.

Examples (5.100a) and (5.100b) illustrate the alignment of HS depending on the phonotactic grouping of syllables into feet within the L 1 domain (in the absence of morphological boundaries inside the L 1 domain).

In (5.100a) the first syllable is heavy and therefore is followed by a foot boundary. The following two light syllables form a foot, to which HS is associated.

In (5.100b), the first two light syllables form one foot, and HS links to the second (degenerate) foot of the noun.

(5.100) (a) (bùn)(tali) (fìla)

→ bùntálí fìlà scorpion two 'two scorpions' bun

× × ta × li × fi × la × L L → bun × × ta × li × fi × la × L H L → bun × × ta × li × fi × la × L H L (b) (sàma)(ta) (fìla) → sàmàtá fìlà shoe two 'two shoes' sa × ma × ta × fi × la × L L → sa × ma × ta × fi × la × L H L → sa × ma × ta × fi × la × L H L
Besides, some lexemes manifest variation in the alignment of HS. For example, the combination of the nominal root jàmana 'land' with the referential article -È is realized either with the high tone on the second syllable (5.101 a) or on the third syllable (5.101 b and 5.101 c):

( In trisyllabic simplex morphemes with L tone, HS domain starts on the second foot, according to the following grouping:

(5.102) If all syllables are light, the foot boundary precedes the syllable with the stronger onset (Section 5.5.6.1).

If one of the syllables is heavy, foot boundary follows a heavy syllable (CVN or CVV), see Section (Section 5.5.6.2).

Onset strength

As stated above, the onset strength defines the grouping of light syllables onto prosodic feet and, therefore, the alignment of HS. Table 5.5 below represents the sonority scale, based on (Zec 2007: 178), where the strength of the phoneme grows top-down:

V low vowels mid vowels high vowels/glides y L rhotics r laterals l N nasals m, n C voiced fricatives voiced stops voiceless fricatives voiceless stops Table 5.5: Sonority scale

The variation in tonal behavior of the noun jàmana 'country', as illustrated in (5.101 b), corroborates the principle formulated in 5.102: since the onsets of the second and the third syllable are of equal strength, this word is pronounced variably either with HS on the second or on the third syllable. This situation with the placement of HS in Kakabe is akin to the effect onset sonority and complexity on the placement of stress, a phenomenon which has been discovered relatively recently; see, for example, [START_REF] Everett | On the Relevance of Syllable Onsets to Stress Placement[END_REF]; [START_REF] Gordon | A Perceptually-Driven Account of Onset-Sensitive Stress[END_REF]; Topintzi (2010); [START_REF] Ryan | Onsets contribute to syllable weight: Statistical evidence from stress and meter[END_REF]. It was first described for Pirahã, where stress falls on the heaviest syllable according to the following hierarchy: KVV > GVV > VV > KV > GV; K stands for a voiceless consonant and G for a voiced consonant [START_REF] Everett | On the Relevance of Syllable Onsets to Stress Placement[END_REF]. The correlation between the placement of stress and the type of syllable onset is also found in Russian and English [START_REF] Ryan | Onsets contribute to syllable weight: Statistical evidence from stress and meter[END_REF]. (5.103) 'cattle' σːσσ́nàafúlu 'soap' σːσσ́sàafúna

CVN and CVV syllables

The effect of vowel length in borrowings is discussed in 5.5.5.

Lexical items blocking HS insertion

As already said in Section 5.4.2, L-toned conjunctions and L-toned interjections don't interact with the following L, meaning that no HS is inserted in their L domain. Apart from that, HS cannot link either to the 3SG pronoun à or to the infinitive marker kà, and it can be realized only if à or kà are followed by a toneless morpheme. In (5.104) below no HS is inserted between the conjunction kɔ ̀nɔ 'but' and the following L of à, see Section 5.4.2. By contrast, between the 3SG à and the verb nà 'come' HS is inserted, but here it cannot be linked to it, because no toneless TBU is available. If HS cannot be linked within the L 1 domain, it is deleted. When L-toned morpheme is followed by a toneless morpheme and then by L, HS links to the toneless TBU. Thus, the potential auxiliary si is pronounced with H in (5.105a), as well as the underlyingly toneless refactive prefix tain (5.105c).

( This demonstrates that HS is inserted after L as well, but it can be realized only if there is an available structurally toneless mora. L-toned conjunctions and interjections are never followed by toneless morphemes, since the latter cannot occur clause-initially. In (5.106) and (5.107) I give graphic illustrations of the realization of kɔ ̀nɔ 'but' before L tone. As can be seen, it is realized at the same level as the following L. Example (5.107) also illustrates the same-level realization of kɔ ̀nɔ and of the following L tones (see Section 5.8.4.4 on the merger between sì 'if' and the 3SG à). It is followed by an intonation phrase starting with 3SG à and the L-toned verb, between which HS is deleted. Besides, no HS is inserted between the two intonation phrases which is discussed just below, see Section 5.5.8.

OCP and IP boundaries

Ls don't interact across IP boundaries. As stated in Section 5.3.4.2, IPs can be formed by independent clauses, adverbial expressions, left-dislocated topics. Other tonal manifestations of IP boundary is the total downdrift reset and the change of tonal register (the total raising of lowering of the tonal register) are both optional.

In (5.108) the two instances of the 3PL pronoun ànu are in the subject position and they do not interact with the preceding L belonging to the previous clause. The tone of ànu is realized, first, starting at the same level as L of the preceding clause and, second, it rises to H tone on the following auxiliary.

( Conditional and temporal clauses usually form one intonation unit with the main clause. Thus, there is HS on the final syllable of the conditional clause in (5.109) (the tone on the 3PL pronoun at the beginning of the following clause is a downstepped ꜜH which results from the left H spread onto the underlying L, see Section 5.6, this process takes place after HS insertion). In (5.111) L on the 2PL pronoun wò is considerably higher than L on the verb fàga 'die', as well as the following H is much higher than H of the preceding clause.

Tone merger in NK

Apart from HS insertion, Kakabe uses the merger of two Ls, but this strategy has a very limited scope of application and is marginal compared to the HS insertion. Tone merger is applied in two particular cases, both of which involve the referential article -È. First, the merger of two Ls happens when an L-toned bimoraic noun is preceded by a pronoun in the possessor position. Second, the merger occurs between L belonging to HL tone pattern and the article. The first case is described in the current subsection, for the description of the second case see Section 5.9.1.5.

So, in NK the linking of HS to the initial moral of the noun causes the initial L to shift to the right and to optionally merge with L of the article. This can happen when an L-toned noun is preceded by an L-toned pronoun in the position of the possessor. As discussed in Section 5.7.3 HS inserted between L of the pronoun and L of the noun, and after it links to the pronoun it optionally spreads from it to the first mora of the noun. In NK, if HS links to the noun which consists of two moras only, L of the and L of the article can merge as in (5.116a), but the realization ǐ jùséè (5.116b) is also possible. HS is inserted and links to the second mora of the nominal root. The second mora of the nominal root merges with the mora of the article (the mora of the article is not deleted because of the position of HS, see Section 5.9.1.1).

Tone Leveling

The process of Tone Leveling, already mentioned in the introduction and in the section on prosodic hierarchy (5.3.4), plays a central role in the Kakabe tonology. Tone Leveling has two manifestations: PhP-final Tone Leveling favoring PhP final falling pitch and PhP-medial Tone Leveling disfavoring PhP-medial valleys.

Definition of Tone Leveling

Final Tone Leveling

In the process of PhP-final Tone Leveling (FTL henceforth), the last H or the last sequence of H tones in a PhP is deleted if H or Hs is preceded by the sequence HL within the same PhP. Thus, it transforms the tonal sequences of the type HLH# into HL#, where # stands for PhP boundary. The number of H tones in the input is not restricted14 .

(5.119) PhP Final Tone Leveling (PhP-final H(s) deletion):

H 1-n → Ø / HL_ # PhP x x x H L H 1-n → x x x H L H 1-n
Example (5.120) illustrates the deletion of the underlying H belonging to the verb túnbɔndirɛ 'fold' under FTL:

(5.120) àn ànu 3PL

náànù ni ànu SBJV 3PL bólè bólo-È arm-ART
tùnbɔ ̀ndìrɛ túnbɔndirɛ gather They would fold their hands.

Crucially, the only obligatory part of FTL is the deletion of the last H or Hs in PhP. The L spread which is present in the case of (5.120) is not a consequence of FTL. Instead, it is a particular case of the default tone spread which applies at the final stage of tonal derivation if any toneless TBUs remain after the application of all other tonal processes (see 5.3.2). Later in the section I show that HS can be inserted after the FTL-driven deletion of the underlying H in which case no free TBUs might be available and, consequently, no tone spread would take place; see Section 5.6.3. Another type of tone which can be inserted after the application of FTL is the IP-boundary tone; see the discussion in Sections 6.4.4.5 and 6.4.5.5 in Chapter 6.

The obligatory character of FTL has two exception, both of which are related to intonation and are therefore described in the following chapter. First, FTL is overruled by listing intonation, which is described in Section 6.6.2. Second, it is blocked by pragmatically prominent items, see Section 6.5.2.

As has been said, the number of the PhP-final H tones that can be affected by FTL is not limited. The underlying Hs which undergo deletion can belong to morphemes of various grammatical categories: copulas, nouns, verbs, adverbs. This range of possibilities is illustrated in (5.121 a)-( 5.121 e). The motorbike driver didn't arrive there.

Medial Tone Leveling

PhP Medial Tone Leveling (MTL henceforth) eliminates the L valley in HLH sequences belonging to one PhP and followed by at least one L before the end of PhP.

(

Kakabe Tone Leveling in the context of other languages

Hulst & Snider (1993a) refer a process, analogous to the Kakabe Medial Tone Leveling, where a delinked L between two Hs is realized as the downstep of the latter as the "register lowering due to displaced Low" (1993a: 9).

I chose to name these process as "leveling", in order to distinguish it from two close but different phenomena: plateauing and terracing. In fact, "terracing" would be a very appropriate term, since the process in (5.119) transforms the HLH "valley" into the HꜜH or HL terrace with two levels. Yet, there is a long-standing tradition of using the term "terracing" as a cover term for several processes involving the overall modification of the register level for several tones [START_REF] Clements | The Description of Terraced-Level Tone Languages[END_REF]; see also: "Tone terracing is a term commonly used in reference to the set of interrelated phenomena known as downdrift, downstep, upstep and upsweep" (Huang 1985: 209).

Tone plateauing is attested in many tonal languages [START_REF] Hyman | Tone: is it different?[END_REF][START_REF] Cahill | More universals of tone[END_REF]. It simplifies HLH sequences through the delinking of L which results in one H plateau, or by the spread of H though the toneless TBUs until the next H which equally leads to a plateau, as in Example (5.124) from Luganda (< Bantu):

(5.124) Luganda (Hyman 2011: 501) /a-bá-tu-gul-ír-a/ → a-bá-tú-gúl-ír-à 'the ones who buy it for us' (no glosses are provided).

Thus, the difference between the process applied to HLH sequences in Kakabe and plateauing is that in Kakabe, the result is not one but two plateaus.

One more tonal process close to Tonal Leveling is that of "tone blending", described by [START_REF] Silverman | Tone sandhi in Comaltepec Chinantec[END_REF] for Comaltepec Chinantec (< Oto-Mangue). In this language the underlying HLH sequence is realized as MH. It is the mirror image of Kakabe, where HLH gives a tonal realization of the second part realized lower than the first part.

Tone Leveling and PhP boundaries

As has been said, the domain Tone Leveling, both Final and Medial, is PhP.

The effect of PhP boundaries on Tone Leveling can be illustrated by (5.125). In this example, H tone is deleted from tága-la go-GER. By contrast, the H tone of the following NP sálikɛɛ ̀'the praying' is not affected, since it is part of an adverbial phrase that projects a separate PhP. The sequence of (uninterrupted) underlying H tones at the end of a PhP behaves as one unit with respect to tone leveling. This is manifested in the principle (5.128) that formulates the impossibility to delete only part of a H tone sequence by FTL:

(5.128) No partial FTL If in a PhP-final sequence of H tones one H is deleted, the rest of H tones must also be deleted.

Thus, in (5.129) H deletes both from fɔ ́lɔta and from the gerund form kílanna. The the realization (5.129') where only H on fɔ ́lɔta is deleted is not possible:

(5. We make the porridge before (before they say) "the evening has come".

Tone Leveling and HS insertion

As has been mentioned earlier, tone spread and OCP operate at different levels of prosodic hierarchy: the domain of HS insertion is IP, whereas the domain of Tone Leveling is PhP. Two L tones within the same IP, even if they are divided by a PhP boundary, are not tolerated by OCP in Kakabe. At the same time, since Tone leveling operates at PhP level, the first of such two L tones separated by PhP boundary can be created by FTL. The relation between FTL and HS insertion is defined by the following principles:

(5.131) (a) FTL precedes HS insertion.

(b) If PhP 1 has undergone FTL and is followed by an L-initial PhP 2 , HS is inserted at the end of PhP 1 .

(c) FTL does not apply after HS insertion.

Let us look at an example. In (5.132) below the gerund form /kɔ -la/ give-GER is realized as kɔ ̀lá with LH tones.

( There are two reasons precluding the analysis of the H tone on the second syllable of kɔ ̀lá in (5.132) as the lexical tone of the verb shifting to the right. First, this analysis would make it necessary to postulate an additional tonal process, namely, the shift of the underlying H to the right for this case exclusively. Second, and more importantly, if the H tone in question were the lexical H shifting to the right, the same realization would have to be possible for the cases like (5.133) where the second PhP starts with H, yet, this realization is excluded in this context.

The alignment of HS can coincide with the initial place of association of the underlying H deleted before the insertion of this HS. Thus, the two stages of the derivation, the H deletion and the HS insertion, can go back to the same result as before their application. This happens in (5.135) below, where the H on the monbosyllabic verb bɔ ́'take' in PhP-final position is HS inserted after the deletion of the lexical H.

Variability in HS alignment

The alignment of HS applied after Tone Leveling may vary. Thus, the underlying tones from the utterance in (5.132) can also be realized with the verb from kɔ ́lá all-H, as shown in (5.136):

(5. This variability in the alignment of HS is not surprising, considering the complexity of the realization of HS in general, see Section 5.5. To remind the reader some of the factors affecting HS alignment, the latter can depend on morphological constituency, foot structure, semantic grouping of the segments within the domain of the first L tone.

HS insertion and MTL

According to the principle formulated above, HS cannot be deleted through Tone Leveling, because FTL applies only before and never after HS insertion. By contrast, MTL can follow HS insertion, and consequently, HS can spread to the left. Thus, in (5.138) HS inserted on the second syllable of tàran 'find' spreads to the left resulting in the realization ꜜtárán. Thus, the same verb dɛ ̀ɛman 'help' is realized in two almost identical contexts with MTL and without it, compare (5.141) and (5.142) respectively.

(

Medial Tone Leveling and H-raising

The same way as plain H, the downstepped ꜜH resulting from MTL and associated with multiple TBUs is subject to the phonetic raising before L. To remind what was said in Section 5.2.2, in a surface tone sequence HHL (underlyingly it can be one H which spreads over several TBUs as well as several underlying Hs), the last H is raised with respect to the preceding Hs, HHL → [HꜛHL]. See (5.143) where within the sequence hosting downstepped ꜜH [ꜜdé wálílá súúꜛmá] the tone rises on the last syllable which is immediately followed by L.

Tone leveling in other Mande languages

So far I have found two descriptions that mention tonal processes similar to the Kakabe Tone Leveling: [START_REF] Grégoire | Le maninka de Kankan, elements de description phonologique[END_REF] for Kankan Maninka and Creissels (2009a) for Kita Maninka.

Grégoire (1986)'s description of the tonal system of Kankan Maninka contains formulations to which correspond Tone Leveling in Kakabe, even though it is phrased in rather different terms. She elaborates an extensive list of rules out of which I will only reproduce several examples, and a general representation of the relevant rules.

Simplifying, Rules 55-57 can be reformulated as in (5.145) below, see (Grégoire 1986: 84-87;116). They correspond to the Kakabe FTL leading to the deletion of PhP-final H. Rules 59-64 refer to the derivation of the type LH → ꜜHH in various conditions and modalities, see (Grégoire 1986: 91-98;117). In my analysis this corresponds to MTL, or H left spread in Kakabe. In (5.147)from Kankan Maninka yěn followed by L gives ꜜyén with downstepped ꜜH.

(5.147) Kankan Maninka: LH → ꜜH / H_L (Grégoire 1986: 84) [START_REF] Grégoire | Le maninka de Kankan, elements de description phonologique[END_REF] describes the tonal processes of Kankan Maninka exclusively in terms of replacement of one tone by another, Creissels (2009a) analyses the analogous tonal processes as tonal spread. Thus, he formulates the rules as in (5.148). It should be kept in mind that in Creissels (2009a)'s analysis L is opposed to zero.

16. The full formulation is as follows: " Regle 55 : Après une pause ou une limite ## et une série tonale comprenant au moins un ton haut isolé ou non, un ton haut unique situé entre un ton bas et une limite ## devient bas " (Grégoire 1986: 116). [START_REF] Grégoire | Le maninka de Kankan, elements de description phonologique[END_REF] uses the double grid symbol ## to represent the boundary of what she calls "phrase" ("limite de phrase"). She doesn't discuss the exact prosodic or syntactic correlates for the seven types of limits that distinguished, but ##, judging by the given examples, most likely, it correspond to intonation phrase in the terminology of the prosodic hierarchy.

(5.148) L spread in Kita Maninka (Creissels 2009a: 35):

Low not separated from the following pause by any other low tone, spreads until the pause in question, whatever the distance separating the two17 .

In (5.149a) L from the second syllable of the proper name Sékù spreads until the end of the phrase, since there is no other L tone before the pause. By contrast, it does not spread in (5.149b) because of L-toned adverb bì 'today'. The limit of the spread is a syntactic boundary which is not necessarily followed by a pause "certaines frontières syntaxiques demandent l'application de cette loi même si elles ne se concrétisent par aucune pause" (Creissels 2009a: 36). Thus in (5.150) from Kita Maninka L tone spread applies at the end of the first clause which is not followed by any pause. At the same time, it remains unclear what kind of syntactic boundary is meant: "Des obsérvations complémentaires seraient toutefois indispensable pour déterminer l'étendue exacte de ce phénomène".

(5.150) Kita Maninka (Creissels 2009a (5.152) L retraction in Kita Maninka:

σσσ̀→ σ L σσ̀→ [ σ́ꜜσσ] σσ̀Lσ → σ L σ L σ → [ σ́ꜜσꜜσ]
The application of the retraction rule is illustrated by (5.153):

(5. I haven't found any other description where this kind of tonal process would be discussed for Central Mande. In general, the topics of the contextual tonal processes, the tonal realization of prosodic hierarchy and the syntax-prosody interface have received little attention in Mande studies so far. It might be the case that Tone Leveling is more common in tonal systems of Central Mande languages and in Mande in general than one can judge by the existing descriptions. The comparative study of tonal processes in Mande languages might be a promising topic of research.

Realization of monomoraic L morphemes

This section mostly deals with the realization of monomoraic L-toned morphemes when they are immediately followed by other L-toned morphemes.In this configuration the insertion of HS in most cases causes the displacement of adjacent tones. Otherwise it would come into conflict with the principle, according to which one TBU hosts maximum one tone. Three main types of contexts relevant for this case can be singled out:

• If L-toned monomoraic morpheme is in IP-initial position, HS links either to the monomoraic morpheme or shifts to the following morpheme (causing the following L to shift also). L tone is either deleted or remains on the same mora, (5.154a).

• If L-toned monomoraic morpheme is preceded by H within the same IP, HS links to to the monomoraic morpheme, L becomes floating and is realized as the downstep of HS (5.154b)

• If L-toned monomoraic morpheme is preceded by L, it becomes floating and deletes (5.154c).

(

Preceded by L

The only context when it is pronounced with H (and not an L or ꜜH) is between the 3SG pronoun à and and another L-toned morpheme, as in (5.156) below. This is the only case when lè is not preceded by H tone. The focus marker cannot occur in the initial position, and when it follows an L-toned morpheme, HS is always inserted (unless this is the 3SG à, the only morpheme with an underlying L and which can immediately precede the focus marker).

When /à lè/ is followed by a toneless morpheme and an L-toned morpheme, the latter hosts HS; cf. (5.157 a) with HS on the marker si in the surface realization and (5.157 b) without any HS on si.

Referential article and L-spread

Whereas the focus marker lè can be realized with H tone in at least one morphological context, in the case of the referential article -È there is no such context at all. It is always either preceded by an underlying H tone or, if the preceding underlying tone is L, HS is inserted between the two.

Tonal realization of L-toned pronouns

The description of the tonal realization of pronouns is divided into the following parts:

• realization of pronouns IP-initially or after L, Section 5.7.3.1

• realization of pronouns following H: optional H spread, Section 5.7.3.2

• realization of onsetless pronouns when they merge with the preceding syllable, Section 5.8.4

• realization of long form pronouns, Section 5.7.3.3.

Table 5.8 gives a panorama of the variation in the tonal realization of personal pronouns on the example of the 1PL pronoun mà and illustrates cases listed above, excluding the merger of onsetless pronouns. The first column (after the letters) represents the tonal environment.

The second column represent the tonal sequence resulting from the insertion of the pronoun, with the tone of the pronoun is bold.

( One more context of realization of the pronoun is when it is followed by the focus particle lè. This is described in Section 5.7.3.3.

Realization of pronouns IP-initially or after L

The following generalization can be formulated about the tonal realization of the personal pronouns in IP-initial position:

• Before H-toned morpheme, the personal pronoun is always realized with L tone.

• Before L tone two options are available:

the pronoun is realized with L, and H shifts on the syllable with a lexical L; -the pronoun is realized with H and the next syllable with L; -the pronoun hosts both L and H.

• When the next syllable is underlyingly toneless, the pronoun forms with it one L-tone domain.

The pairs of examples in (5.164) and (5.165) represent the realization of pronouns (noted as "pr" at the segmental level) in three types of context: 1) after pause and before L or H; 3) between a pause and a toneless morpheme; 2) between an L-toned morpheme and L or H. I postulate that the underlying tone of the pronoun is L, "pr" standing for the mora of the pronoun.

In (5.164b) the unstable association between LH and the mora of the pronoun gives three possible realizations at the end of the derivation. The pronoun can be pronounced with a rising tone, with L tone or with H tone. Thus, the instability is translated into variability in the realization. Most often H peak is realized at the junction between the pronoun and the verb, so that the pronoun is realized with the rising tone and the following syllable is realized with a falling tone.

IP-initially:

( To sum up, there can be multiple solutions to the problem of linking between the tonal and the segmental tier when the number of tones exceed the number of available TBUs. Thus, in (5.164b) both L of the pronoun and L on the following mora can yield place for the attachment of H. In (5.166b) L of the pronoun is destabilized and, consequently, it is deleted due the presence of L right before (in compliance with Simplification rule). Finally, in (5.165) the pronoun is followed by a toneless morpheme which is an appropriate site of attachment for HS.

L vs. H realization of pronouns in IP-initial position

Examples (5.167) and (5.168) illustrate the variability of the realization of the 2SG pronoun i before an L-toned morpheme. When the pronoun is pronounced immediately after pause

(5.167), it is realized with L tone, and H tone appears at the beginning of the noun. In contrast to that, in (5.168) where a vocalization precedes the pronoun, it is realized with H tone, and the noun is ꜜH (due to the backwards spread of the following H).

( In terms of the frequency of realization of different tonal variants in discourse, first, pronouns followed by L-toned morpheme are most often realized with H tone. Second, L realization is more frequent for the pronouns with deficient syllable structure: the onsetless 2SG ì and 1SG ǹ which is often non-syllabic, as in (5.169) and (5.169). Table 5.9 shows the tonal realization (H, L or LH) of the pronoun before the focus marker lè in a sample of 160 occurrences of locutor pronoun before L-toned morphemes 18 . It shows that H realization is predominant: 108 tokens out of 160, followed by 39 tokens of L realization and 13 tokens of LH realization. Importantly, the most part of L realizations belongs to the 1SG ǹ and the 2SG ì: 37 tokens out of 58. If there is no TBU after à, no HS is inserted:

(5.172) /à bòyi-ta/ → à bòyìtà 3SG fall-PFV.INTR He fell.

In Northern Kakabe (NK) the 3SG pronoun à has converged with the other personal pronouns in its tonal behavior. Below I reproduce the example with the noun nɛ ̀ɛnɛ 'mother' in combination with three different pronouns, í nɛ ̀ɛnɛ 'your mother', á nɛ ̀ɛnɛ 'his mother', mɔ ́nɛ ̀ɛnɛ 'our mother'. As can be seen, each of the three combinations displays the same high-falling contour at the transition from the pronoun to the noun:

The 3SG pronoun à in NK also follows the pattern of the tonal behavior of the 1st and 2nd person pronouns in that HS tone can altogether shift to the beginning of the following L-toned morpheme. See Example 5.173 where HS is realized on the first syllable of bàaba 'father':

Deletion of L of personal pronouns

When a personal pronoun in its simple form (i.e. without lè) is preceded within one PhP by H, the L of the pronoun optionally delinks. This can happen with pronouns in different syntactic positions: subject pronoun preceded by H-toned conjunctions, pronoun in gerund phrase preceded by a H-toned main verb, DO pronoun preceded by a H-toned auxiliary. Finally, floating L which results from the merger of an onsetless pronoun with the preceding syllable can also be deleted.

Deletion of the L of the pronoun after verbs and conjunctions

When a pronoun is preceded by H-toned conjunction or verb, their H optionally spreads on the pronoun resulting in the deletion of its L tone.

(

H L H

The delinking of L of the pronoun is also possible when the pronoun is followed by a toneless morpheme:

(5.177) /háa mà si wúli/ háá má sí wúlí ~háá mà sì wúli until 1PL POT get.up → '... and we will wake up' μ μ pr μ μ μ..

H L H

→ μ μ pr μ μ μ..

H L H

~μ μ pr μ μ μ..

H L H

The same happens if the pronoun is followed by L, see (5.178a) where H spreads onto the pronoun mà and (5.178b), where it spreads onto the pronoun and the following underlyingly toneless auxiliary. As in other cases, it alternates with variants, where H does not delink the L of the pronoun.

( show that H spread from the heavy auxiliary to the pronoun can not be predicted by tonal context. Thus, in (5.182 a) H spreads from the auxiliary máa to the pronoun mà but not in (5.182 b), where the context is almost the same.

(

Deletion of floating L of the pronoun in DO position

As shown in Section 5.8.4.1, onsetless pronouns merge with the preceding auxiliary, and their L becomes floating. The floating L of the auxiliary+pronoun combination can be deleted the same way as L of the non-merged pronoun. It mostly happens when the verb is followed by L-toned IO, as (5.183 a)-(5.183 c) below. This process can be seen as tone plateauing. The H of the verb cannot be deleted due to the fact that it is followed by the L of IO, and the H L H sequence, instead of the HꜜH realization give the H plateau.

Realization of long forms of pronouns

The tonal realization of long forms of personal pronouns (i.e. pronouns with single lè) are subject to a wide range of variation, see (5.185) below:

( When the pronoun and the focus marker are followed by H, HS after the pronoun can be linked to the pronoun, and L of the pronoun is either deleted or remains linked to it, see in (5.186) below.

(5.186) /mà lè wúli-ta/ → má lè wúlítá ~mǎ lè wúlítá 'We got up.' When the combination of the pronoun with lè is pronounced before L-toned morpheme, HS is inserted both after the pronoun and after the focus marker. As in the previous case, HS after the pronoun is linked either to the pronoun or to the focus marker.

(5.188) /mà lè jìgi-ta/ → má ꜜlé jìgìtà 'We went down. The realization [mà lé jìgìtà] where the pronoun and the focus marker are realized with L and H respectively and are followed by L-toned verb can result from two different derivations. First, H on the focus marker can be HS separating L of the pronoun and L of the focus marker, and in this case L of the focus marker becomes floating and consequently deletes due to L of the verb to its right: It should be kept in mind that there is a contrast between the 3SG à and the other pronouns, see (5.193). The fact that H surfaces in à lé jìgìtà but no H is possible in à jìgìtà, proves that this H is HS of separating the focus marker and the verb. By contrast, when a 1st or 2nd person pronoun is involved, H would surface in both cases because HS is inserted after the pronoun as well.

( Below are some illustration from the corpus. As can be seen, the realization with H realization of the pronoun and the following focus marker is possible both when the following morpheme is L-toned, in which case L of the focus marker is deleted (5.196 a), and if the following morpheme is H-toned, and the latter is realized with a downstep (5.196 b) and (5.196 c). In (5.196 d) the pronoun is realized with H, the focus marker with L and is followed by H. Finally, in (5.196 e) the focus marker is bears ꜜH, resulting from HS insertion and the floating realization of L of the focus marker.

(

Realization of floating L

In Section 5.3.3 I have already outlined the general principles of the realization of floating tones. In this section I will analyze how floating L is realized depending on the left context, 5.8.1, the realization of floating L resulting from the merger of L-toned pronouns with the preceding syllable, 5.8.4, and the realization of heavy auxiliaries in NK, 5.8.3.

Realization of floating L and the left context

Table 5.11 describes the realization of floating L depending on the right context.

By definition, the floating tone is not linked to any TBU. At the same time, if the floating tone comes from the lexicon, it is links to a morpheme, for example, the relativizer mín L is associated with the tone sequence H L . And if the floating tone is the result of some derivation, as in the combination /báti à-nu/ PFV.OF 3SG-PL → /bátaa L nu/, the L is floating to the right of the syllable /taa/ which is the result of the merger of the original.

The realization of the floating tone is defined by its position with respect to the hosting morpheme or with respect to the syllable which results from the merge. Thus, though floating L does not have any TBU as a segmental host, there is a TBU which can be described as its "gravitation center": I will be referring to it as gravitation TBU (in order not to call in the hosting TBU). The gravitation TBU is the final TBU of the morpheme associated with the floating L or the final mora of the syllable resulting from the merge. Floating L is referred to by circled L .

Table 5.11 reads as follows top-down and left-right. If the L 's gravitation TBU is immediately followed by L (closest T to the right is the next TBU and it is L), the floating L is obligatorily deleted. If the next tone is L and it is one TBU away from the gravitation TBU, the floating L is either deleted or links to the preceding (toneless TBU). If the next tone is L and is two TBUs away, floating L cannot delink, but has to link to the preceding TBU.

In case when the next tone to the right is H, the realization proceeds as follows. If H appears immediately after the gravitation TBU, floating L remains unlinked and causes the downstep of H (or causes H to delink under certain circumstances). If H is one or two TBU away, floating L has to link before it 19 .

19. At the end of IP, floating L apparently links to the final mora of the morpheme it is associated with. At the same time, it is hard to find the evidence which would directly confirm it. First, the elements with final floating L almost never occur in the utterance-final position, and I could not find any such examples in corpus. Second, as shown in Chapter 6, IP in most cases terminates with a boundary tone. Thus, the elicitation of isolated words or phrases ending with a floating tone mora would not give any answer either, since elicited examples are, as a rule, realized with boundary L% tone. (5.201) /mín L la sàmata/ → mín ná sàmàtà REL POSS shoes 'whose shoes' min

× × na × sa × ma × ta × H L L → min × × na × sa × ma × ta × H L
Alternatively, floating L links to the toneless TBU. As a result, two linked Ls are adjacent, and, following OCP, HS is inserted (HS is inserted between two Ls only if neither of them is floating). Next, following the principle according to which HS has to be linked within the domain of L 1 (see (5.71) in Section 5.5) HS links to this mora to which the floating L had linked before and L becomes floating again. Finally, floating L is realized as the downstep of HS.

(5.202) \mín L la sàmata\ → mín ꜜná sàmàtà

min × × na × sa × ma × ta × H L L → min × × na × sa × ma × ta × H LH L → min × × na × sa × ma × ta × H LH L → min × × na × sa × ma × ta × H ꜜH L CHAPTER 5. LEXICAL TONES 462
When floating L is followed by two toneless TBU and then by L, two different realizations are possible. First, L links to the first toneless TBU, and after that HS is inserted and links to the second toneless TBU, as in (5.203).

(5.203) /mín L -nu la sàmata/ → mín nù lá sàmàtà REL-PL POSS shoes 'whose(pl.) shoes' min

× × nu × la × sa × ma × ta × H L L → min × × nu × la × sa × ma × ta × H L H L
Second, L links to the second toneless TBU, HS is inserted after it, and, since there is no free TBU, HS links to the same TBU, causing L to delink and to become floating again. This floating L is realized as the downstep of the following H (5.204).

(5.204) /mín L -nu la sàmata/ → mín nú ꜜlá sàmàtà

min × × nu × la × sa × ma × ta × H L L → min × × nu × la × sa × ma × ta × H LH L → min × × nu × la × sa × ma × ta × H L H L → min × × nu × la × sa × ma × ta × H ꜜH L
Finally, in this configuration floating L cannot be deleted, as shown in (5.205):

(5.205) NOT possible: /mín L -nu la sàmata/ → *mín nú lá sàmàtà

Floating L of numerals

The numerals kélen L 'one'; wɔ ́ɔrɔ L 'six'; kɔ ̀nɔntɔ L 'nine'; tán L 'ten' and mùgan L 'twenty' end with a floating L. Compare (5.206 a) where L is aligned on the verb yén 'see', deleting its H and (5.206 b) where it is deleted before the L of sɔ ̀tɔ 'get'. The floating L of a numeral is deleted if the latter is followed by a determiner, see (5.207) where kélen L is followed be the H-toned determiner dɔ ́rɔn 'only' and the tone of the latter is not downstepped:

Tonal realization of the heavy auxiliaries in Northern Kakabe

Whereas in CK and WK the heavy auxiliaries have lexical H tone, in NK all heavy auxiliaries are also associated with a floating L. The following auxiliaries have H L pattern in NK: báti L PFV.OF, tée L POT.NEG, káni L SBJV.NEG, máa L PFV.NEG, máni L COND.

Table 5.12 represents the realization of heavy and light auxiliaries in NK compared to CK and WK. The contrast is manifest in the realization of the heavy auxiliary followed by H tone: in NK H-toned verb bɔ ́'go out' is realized L after tée L (because the floating L links to it) and in CK and WK bɔ ́preserves its H tone. After the light auxiliary the realization is the same in the three dialects.

NK CK and WK

Heavy auxiliary à téé bɔ ̀ɲɔ ́ɔ̀à téé bɔ ́ɲɔ ́ɔ̀3 SG POT.NEG go.out there 'He won't go out there.' Light auxiliary à sì bɔ ́ɲɔ ́ɔ̀à sì bɔ ́ɲɔ ́ɔ̀3 SG POT go.out there 'He will go out there.'

Merger of the pronoun with the preceding syllable

Onsetless pronouns are the main source of hiatus in Kakabe. The main strategy of hiatus resolution is the fusion of the onsetless syllable with the syllable before it. As the result of the fusion, L of the pronoun becomes floating. Chapter 2 discusses in detail the fusion of onsetless pronouns with the preceding element, see Sections 5.4.7 and 5.4.1. To briefly remind the conclusions, the onsetless pronoun is fused with the preceding auxiliary in almost all cases. When the onsetless pronoun is preceded by other morphemes (within the same IP), the fusion is less regular, but it is nevertheless very frequent. The result of the fusion is a syllable with long vowel. When the two merging syllables have an underlying L, one of Ls is deleted and the resulting heavy syllable bears a simple L, see line (c) in (5.211). When the syllable preceding L-toned pronoun is toneless or bears H lexical tone, the result is always a heavy syllable with H L tonal pattern, lines (a) and (b) below.

(5.211) (a) si

POT + à 3SG → /sáa L / (b) nín 'and' + à 3SG → /náa L / (c) sì 'if' + à 3SG → /sàa/

Merger of the auxiliary with the pronoun

In general, auxiliaries can be divided into two tonal an prosodic groups: heavy auxiliaries with H tone and two moras, and light auxiliaries with one mora and no underlying tone, see Sections 5.4.7 and 5.4.1. The contrast in tonal behavior disappears when the auxiliary occurs before an onsetless pronoun. Both light and heavy auxiliaries form with the pronoun a compound which is assigned H L tone. I will further refer to the "auxiliary + pronoun" combination as AP. The tonal realization of AP is schematized in (5.212) below:

(5.212) Auxiliary + pronoun tonal compounding:

aux + pr H/Ø L/L → H L aux pr
As has been shown in detail in Section 4.6.2, the combination of an auxiliary with the following pronoun has different outcome depending on the segmental characteristics of both the auxiliary and the pronoun. I will shortly remind the conclusions relevant for the current discussion. As can be seen, the tone of 1SG ǹ and the 3SG à always becomes floating when the pronoun merges with the auxiliary. It should be kept in mind that the variants represented in Table 5.13 can alternate with variants resulting from the deletion of L of the pronoun and which are described in Section 5.7.3.2.

The difference in the lexical tone of heavy auxiliaries in NK compared to CK and WK has no effect on the realization of the AP combination. To remind what was said in Section 5.8.3, whereas in CK and WK heavy auxiliaries bear lexical H, in NK heavy auxiliaries are assigned H L at the lexical level this presence of L limited to one dialect is reflected by the bracketed superscript L in Table 5.13. But since the pronoun bears L, the floating L of the NK heavy auxiliaries is always deleted. Thus, the tonal realization of AP including a heavy auxiliary is the same for the three dialects.

1SG ǹ 2SG ì 3SG à ni SBJV nín L níi L náa L ká
PFV.TR kán L ka ì káa L máa (L) PFV.NEG máan L máa ì ~máa i máa L béle (L) be.NEG bélen L bélee L ~béle è béláa L káni (L) SBJV.NEG kánin L kánii L kánaa L tée (L) POT 5.215) below. In the first case the pronoun merges with the auxiliary, and the result of the merger is attributed H L pattern, and the floating L is deleted, due to the adjacent L on dòni 'send'. In (5.215) HS is inserted between the pronoun and the verb, and links to the pronoun. Since L precedes the pronoun, L of the pronoun becomes floating and is deleted.

When the pronoun merges with the auxiliary, and the result of the merger is attributed H L pattern, and the floating L is deleted, due to the adjacent L on dòni 'send', as shown in (5.213).

(5.213) /à ka à dòni/ → à káá dòni 3SG PFV.TR 3SG send He sent him a

× ka × a × do × ni × L L L → a × kaa × × do × ni × L H L L → a × kaa × × do × ni × L H L L
When a pronoun not merging with the auxiliary occupies the DO position in the same tonal context, two HS tones are inserted: first, between the L of the subject pronoun and the L of the object; second, between the L of the object pronoun and the L of the verb. The second HS links to the mora of the object pronoun and the delinked L of the latter is realized as downstep.

(5.214) /à ka mà dòni/ → à ká ꜜmá dònì 3SG PFV.TR 1PL send He sent us.

a

× ka × ma × do × ni × L L L → a × ka × ma × do × ni × L H L H L → a × ka × ma × do × ni × L H ꜜH L
An alternative realization is possible where the HS is inserted only between the L and of the pronoun and the L of the verb, as shown in (5.215). It remains unclear why no HS is inserted between the subject and the DO pronouns. This realization also seems less frequent compared to the realization of the type (5.214) where, as it is expected, HS tones are inserted in the both positions. Further research is needed to establish the distribution of the two types of realization.

(5.215) /à ka mà dòni/ → à kà má dònì 3SG PFV.TR 1PL send He sent us.

a

× ka × ma × do × ni × L L L → a × ka × ma × do × ni × L L H L → a × ka × ma × do × ni × L L H L → a × ka × ma × do × ni × L H L
In the case when the floating L is followed by H-toned verb, following the pattern represented in Table 5.11 (see Section 5.8.1), the floating L of the fused AP form either links to its last mora or is realized as the downstep of the following H, see (5.216). When the auxiliary does not merge with the pronoun, L remains linked to the pronoun (5.216).

(5.216) /à ka à wúli/ → à káà wúlí ~à káá ꜜwúlí 3SG PFV.TR 3SG wake He woke him up.

a (5.217) /à máni mà wúli/ → à mání mà wúlí ~à mání má wúlí 3SG COND 1PL wake 'when he wakes us up' a

× ka × a × wu × li × L L H → a × kaa × × wu × li × L H L H → a × kaa × × wu × li × L H L H ~a × kaa × × wu × li × L H ꜜH /à
× ma × ni × ma × wu × li × L H L H → a × ma × ni × ma × wu × li × L H L H ~a × ma × ni × ma × wu × li × L H L H
(5.218) /à máni à wúli/ → à mánáà wúlí ~à mánáá ꜜwúlí 3SG COND 3SG wake 'when he wakes him up' a

× ma × ni × a × wu × li × L H L H → a × ma × naa × × wu × li × L H L L → → a × ma × naa × × wu × li × L H L H ~a × ma × naa × × wu × li × L H ꜜH
When the pronoun is followed by a L-toned morpheme, the realization depends on whether the pronoun merges with the preceding heavy auxiliary or not, cf. (5.219) vs. (5.220). When no merger takes place (5.219), HS is inserted between the L of the pronoun and the following L. This HS links to the pronoun causing the L of the latter to delink (two tones should not link to one mora) and to become floating. Finally, this floating L is realized as the downstep of HS.

(5.219) /à máni mà dòni/ → à mání ꜜmá dònì 3SG COND 1PL send 'when he sends us'

a × ma × ni × ma × do × ni × L H L H L → a × ma × ni × ma × do × ni × L H L H L → a × ma × ni × ma × do × ni × L H ꜜH L
By contrast, if the pronoun merges with a heavy auxiliary, the L of the pronoun becomes floating and is deleted, due to the presence of an adjacent L:

(5.220) /à máni à dòni/ → à mánáá dònì 3SG COND 3SG send 'when he sends us' a

× ma × ni × a × do × ni × L H L L → a × ma × naa × × do × ni × L H L L
Let's now look at the realization of the 3PL pronoun ànu preceded by an auxiliary. Tonally, it behaves as a combination of the 3SG pronoun à followed by the underlyingly toneless plural suffix -nu: thus, à merges with the preceding syllable, its L becomes floating. In accordance with the rules of floating tone realization, before H, floating L links to -nu (5.221a) and (5.222a). If L follows, as in (5.221b) and (5.222b), the floating L either deletes or links to the pronoun, and -nu hosts HS.

Preceded by a light pronoun:

(5.221) (a) /à ka ànu wúli/ → à káánù wúlí 3SG PFV.TR 3PL wake 'He woke them up.' (b) /à ka ànu dòni/ → à káánú dònì ~à káànú dònì 3SG PFV.TR 3PL send 'He sent them.'

Preceded by a heavy pronoun:

(5.222) (a) /à máni ànu wúli/ → à mánáánù wúlí 3SG COND 3PL wake 'when he woke them up' (b) /à máni ànu dòni/ → à mánáànú dònì ~à mánáánú dònì 3SG COND 3PL send 'when he sent them'

In (5.223) below the combination of the negative copula béle and the 3PL pronoun ànu is followed by the toneless postposition yen and further by L-toned retrospective particle nùn.

A HS is inserted before nùn and spreads to the left, see the autosegmental scheme below.

( As can be seen, before H-toned noun the combination is realized with HL tone, whereas before L-toned noun it is realized with all-high tone (with a higher realization of the second H before the following L, see Section 5.2.2 on automatic upstep).

Merger of the pronoun with the preceding verb

The final syllable of a verb can merge with the following pronoun, occupying the subject position of the following clause or the position at the beginning of an adverbial phrase. L of the pronoun becomes floating, as in the case of AP merger.

Examples (5.227)-(5.229) illustrate the merger of a verb form with a pronoun followed by a toneless postposition which results in the linking of the pronoun with H-toned verb before a toneless postposition, H-tone postposition and L-tone postposition respectively. In (5.227) the floating L links to the toneless postposition.

× si × ta × ga × a × tɔ × L H L → a × si × ta × gaa × × tɔ × L H L → a × si × ta × gaa × × tɔ × L H L → a × si × ta × gaa × × tɔ × L H L
In (5.228) floating L links to the final mora of the syllable resulting from the merge, because the following syllable is H-toned.

(5.228) /à si tága à búùtɔ/ → à sì tágáà búùtɔ 3SG POT go 3SG inside He will go inside it.

a

× si × ta × ga × a × buu × × tɔ × L H L H L → a × si × ta × gaa × × buu × × tɔ × L H L H L → a × si × ta × gaa × × buu × × tɔ × L H L H L
In (5.229) the floating L is deleted because it is followed by another L.

(5.229) /à si tága à kùnma/ → à sì tágáá kùnmà 3SG POT go 3SG on.top He will go on the top of it.

a

× si × ta × ga × a × kun × × ma × L H L L → a × si × ta × gaa × × kun × × ma × L H L L
The dependence between the linking of the floating L and the tone of the following element is summarized in (5.230) below:

(

Syllable merger across IP boundary

Syllable merger can happen across IP boundary. Since, as shown in Section 5.5.8, there is no contact between Ls belonging to different IPs, no HS insertion takes place in this case.

In (5.235) the 3PL pronoun ànu merges with the underlyingly toneless postposition tɔ belonging to the preceding IP. The syllable merger across IPs is a process which takes place late in the derivation of the surface form. As argued in Section 5.3.2, the default spread of H and L tone on toneless TBU happens at the end of the tonal derivation. Syllable merger takes place after the default tone spread.

( In Example (5.238) the pronoun à merges with the verb gbàsi belonging to the preceding IP:

(5.238) 3SG PFV.TR 3SG beat 3SG say à à káá ka à gbàsàà gbàsi à kó: kó He hit him and said: ...

Merger between the conjunction sì and the infinitive marker with the pronoun

When the conjunction sì 'if' combines with the pronoun, one of L tones is deleted and the resulting combination sponsors one L: this happens in the same way for 2SG ì merging with the conjunction and for 2Pl mà which does not merge with the conjunction, see (5.239) below. The result of the merger between sì an the 3SG à gives two free variants, LH and all-L.

( To prepare it and to eat it.

Tone in NP

In this section I discuss two tonal processes: the realization of the article in NP and the tone deletion in complex NPs.

Tonal realization of the article

The referential article is a suffix whose manifestation depends on the ending of the root to which it is attached. Its underlying form is the front non-rounded vowel /È/ with a low tone, with the allomorph -yÈ appearing when the root ends with a nasal coda. The segmental changes caused by the addition of the article are described in the Section 4.6.4.

If NP is H-toned, it covers the whole root until the last syllable to which the article is attached:

(5.241) fɛ ́ɛtibɔ 'clothing'

→ fɛ ́ɛ́t íbɔ ̀ɛb ón 'house' → bóɲɛ jídira 'old woman' → jídírà If NP is L-toned, HS is inserted before L of the article. The deletion or retention of the mora of the article depends on various characteristics of the nominal root, both segmental and tonal. Let's look more closely at each of the oppositions. If the final vowel of the noun is not specified for tone and does not host HS, the mora of the article is deleted, as in lines (a) and (b) above. Thus, the mora is deleted in (5.243), where the article is added to H-toned noun and in (5.245), where the article combines with L-toned noun with HS linking to the penultimate syllable of the root. By contrast, if the final mora of the root host HS (inserted before the article), the mora is retained (HS linking is described in Section 5.5):

(

5.246) dàga-È pot-ART → [dàgáà] μ μ μ L L da ga E → μ μ μ L L da gaa → μ μ μ L H L da gaa
Next, if the final vowel of the nominal root and the article vowel cannot fully assimilate20 , the mora of the article is also preserved, even if the final vowel of the root is not specified for tone and does not host HS, see (5.247). Note also that L of the article spreads on the penultimate mora in this case (the tone in the case of rounded vowel retention is discussed in Section 5.9.1.4).

(5.247) mángo-È → mángòè 'manioc'

μ μ μ μ H L man go E → μ μ μ μ H L man go e
If the nominal root ends with a nasal, the article adds a new syllable, with the nasal resyllabified as the onset of this syllable, see (5.248). At the same time, the number of moras can be reduced. Thus, in (5.248) the bimoraic syllable CVN plus the mora of the article result in the CVCV sequence of two moras.

(5.248) sún-È → súɲɛ s

u n yE μ μ μ H L σ → s u n yE μ μ μ H L σ → s u ɲ ɛ μ μ H L σ σ
If HS has to link with this last syllable, one mora is added to the new syllable, so that HS and L of the article can have a landing site each: Thus, the difference between dàgáà in (5.246) and kèɲɛ ́ɛ̀( 5.249) is that in the case of dàgáà the number of syllables remains the same when the article is added, whereas in the case of kèɲɛ ́ɛ̀a new syllable is created. But in both cases the article TBU is retained.

In Section 5.9.1.2 I show that L of the article can behave as a floating tone and, consequently, be deleted in the presence of an L in the right context. In this case the length of the final vowel is unstable.

L of the referential article as floating tone

L of the referential article can become floating. In certain cases, instead of being realized on the last mora of NP, it can link to the following segment, or be deleted if the following segment is already associated with L. The floating realization of L of the article is optional, see the referential noun forms followed by the underlyingly toneless postposition ma 'in' in (5.250), where L links either to the last mora of the noun and spreads therefrom to ma, or it links to the postposition directly.

(5.250) (a) lúu + È + ma → lóè mà ~lóé mà 'in the yard' (b) dáa + È + ma → dáà mà ~dáa mà 'at the door' (c) dùgu + È + ma → dùgéè mà ~dùgéé mà 'on the earth' (d) sàgu + È + ma → sàgóè mà ~sàgóé mà 'in the morning'

The linking of L of the article depends on the tonal pattern of the noun:

(5.251) If in the form with the article the host mora of H or HS and the host mora of L of the article are not separated by syllable onset, L of the article tends to be realized as floating.

First, L of the article can be floating if the nominal root is monosyllabic, as in (5.250a). Second, it can happen when, HS has to be associated to the final mora in an L-toned noun (for the reasons described in Section 5.5), as in (5.250c). L is almost never floating when H is linked earlier than the last syllable, see (5.254).

(5.252) sàgu + È + ma 'morning-ART on' → sàgóé mà 'in the morning'. (5.254) bàtara + -È + ma 'manioc-ART on' → bàntárà mà ?? bàntárá mà 'on the manioc' bólo + -È + la 'hand-ART on' → bólè là ?? bólé mà 'on the hand'.

Apart from this, as has been shown in Section 5.9.1.6, L of the article can be floating independently from the phonotactic structure of the noun if the latter is a borrowing, as wídiyɔ in (5.255) (reproducing Example (5.269 a) from the Section 5.9.1.6).

( Example (5.257) is a good illustration of the fact that there is a link between the floating realization of L of the article and the prosodic properties of the noun: it moves away from gbèngbe-È 'bed', from kɔ ̀rɔ-È 'rice', since HS links to the first mora of the last syllable, but remains on the last mora of wánaarɛ-È 'bedsheet' in the same syntactic context.

( Yet, as has been said at the beginning, the conditions formulated in (5.251) are necessary, but not sufficient for L of the article to become floating. Thus, in (5.258) L of the article is linked to the final mora in nìgéè 'the cow', even though it could shift to the right. The all-H realization of the final syllable of NP with the referential article occurs more often when a morpheme with underlying L follows. Since the tones of the surface realization are not marked systematically in the corpus, a statistical investigation would be very time-consuming, so, for the moment, I have to leave open the question concerning the statistics of the floating realization of the article.

Delinking L of the article and vowel length

As shown in Section 5.9.1.1, if HS inserted before the L of the article links to the last syllable of the noun form, the final vowel of the resulting form is long which allows it to accommodate the two tones. Considering that in this context L optionally float, the question arises as to whether the final vowel is still long when L of the article is floating and is not linked to the last syllable of the noun.

The answer is that both a short and a long-vowel realization is possible when L ends up to be linked outside of NP. Thus, if the article links within the last syllable, the vowel of this syllable is long, as in (5.259). But if the L of the article aligns later, then the vowel of this syllable is either long or short, cf. (5.260) and (5.261) This difference can be interpreted in the following way. When the final vowel is long and all-H (5.260), first, an extra mora is added so that both HS and L can be hosted by the last syllable of the noun. Even if in the resulting realization the final vowel of NP with the article is short, the article triggers changes in the final vowel of the nominal root (5.261). This implies that the mora deletion takes place after the article merges with the final TBU of the nominal root, as shown on the schema in (5.261).

Nominal roots ending with a rounded vowel

If the nominal root ends with a rounded vowel (ɔ, o or u), the latter is either preserved in the form with the article or is deleted depending on conditions described in Section 4.6.4 in Chapter 2. If the rounded vowel is preserved, it is realized with H tone in two cases: 1) in Ltoned noun if HS is linked to the last syllable, as in (5.263a); 2) in monosyllabic morphemes, as in (5.263b).

( → kɛ ̀ɛ̀m ɔ ́gɔ ̀ɛ̀~k ɛ ̀ɛ̀m ɔ ́gɛ 5.9.1.5

Nouns with HL lexical tone pattern

When the article is added to a noun belonging to HL class where L is associated with the penultimate syllable or any other non-initial syllable, HS is inserted on the last syllable:

(5.265) jíwòlo 'fish (sp.)' → jíwòléè állàlaso 'praying mantis' → állàlàsóè jɔ ́nkɔ ̀nkɔ 'scorpion' → jɔ ́nkɔ ̀nkɛ ́ɛg básakèrengbɛ 'monitor lizard' → gbásákèrèngbɛ ́ɛÀ special case is represented by borrowings from Pular ending with -al or -ol which in the Pular form is part of the marker of the noun class NGAL or NGOL, see also Section 5.4.9. Instead of HS insertion, in this case L associated with the last syllable of the root merges with L of the article (for the second case of the tone merger as an alternative to HS insertion, see Section 5.5.9).

(5.266) 'shorts' fártawàl → fártawàlɛ 'centipede' káatatàli → káátátàlɛ 'shovel (sp.)' sáaragàl → sáárágàlɛ 'honor' tɛ ́ddungàl → tɛ ́ddúngàlɛ 5.9. 1.6 Non-segmental marking of the referential status 5.9. 1.6

.1 Non-segmental marking of the referential status in borrowings

The referential article can have tonal manifestation only in the surface realization. As is shown in Section 4.6.4, the article does not trigger any change in the segmental form of the root if the latter ends with a, e or ɛ. Apart from this, the lack of the segmental marking of definiteness is common for non fully integrated loanwords, no matter the final segment of the borrowed noun21 . Thus, L tone is always associated with the right boundary of a full NP. In (5.267) L of the article links to the epenthetic vowel in the noun sàrzɛr(u).

( There also was a truck that had an accident.

Loss of the segment of the referential article in native NPs

Apart from non-integrated borrowing, the non-segmental realization of the article also marginally occurs with native Kakabe nouns. Such realizations occur mostly in the narratives told by Ansoumane Kamara, and in the conversations recorded in the Djinkoya village. Importantly, in the both speech of Ansoumane Kamara and in the speech of Djinkoya speaker, the segmental realization of the article is predominant.

When the segmental manifestation of the article is absent, the L tone of the non-segmental article does not differ from the L of the segmentally realized article in how it links to segments. This point is important, since, as it is discusses in the following subsection (see 5.9.1.7), in Manding language Bamana, Maninka, Koro the L of the article which has become purely tonal, links to the NP step only when followed by pause, otherwise, L it is realized as downstep of the following H, or deleted if L follows, e.g. Bamana kà dén ꜜyén 'to see the child' < dén L child.ART + yé 'see'. By contrast, the L of the non-segmentally realized article in Kakabe links to the stem when an underlying H follows, the same way as the segmentally realized article. This is illustrated in (5.271). As can be seen on the tone contour below (5.271), the L of the article links to the last mora of the noun, and is not realized as downstep of the following H. Finally, in (5.273) below, L is not linked to the noun bɔ ̀ɔbɔ 'baby', but is instead realized as the downstep of the following H, the same way as L of the article with segmental manifestation with the stems of this phonotactic and tonal profile (see 5.9.1.2).

(5.273) bɔ ̀ɔ̀b ɔ bɔ ɔbɔ-L baby-ART

ꜜmán máni COND kàsí(0.53) kàsi cry à à 3SG í bi be nààlá nà-la come-GER lè lè FOC
When the baby cries, she comes.

Tonal realization of the article in other Western Mande languages

The marking of the referential status through a segmental L-toned suffix which alternates with purely tonal realization is attested in other Western Mande languages apart from Kakabe. Below I discuss the data from five Western Mande languages, where the referential status is marked by L tone associated with some segmental feature or by a floating L only. In all these cases the NP suffix, in question is a marker far advanced in [START_REF] Greenberg | How does a language acquire gender markers[END_REF]'s definiteness cycle: it corresponds to the stage 3 (general article) with some traits of stage 4 (noun marker). I will be referring to it as referential article for all the discussed languages.

As can be seen in Table 5.16 below, the diachronic sources of the referential marker are different in the discussed languages. In Manding it originates from the demonstrative ò, in Soninke it goes back to the demonstrative nìn, and in Mokole group from neither of these two, see also the discussion of the reconstruction of the referential article in (Vydrin 2006: 209-210). Nevertheless, the phonological pattern of marking the referential status is structurally very similar in these languages. As I will show in what follows, the alignment of H correlates in the same way with the lengthening of the final vowel, as I described for Kakabe in this Section. In Mandinka, a West Manding language, the referential status is marked by -ò. As in Kakabe, it can fuse with the last vowel of the root or surface as a separate vowel. In Mandinka L of the article is realized as floating when the last syllable of the NP hosts H, cf. sùŋ-ó L 'thief' vs. búŋ-ò 'room', and bǎa L 'goat' vs. nǐyò 'part'. This, again is analogous to the mechanism attested for Kakabe. But differently from Kakabe, in Mandinka the floating realization of the article is also triggered by the segmental fusion of the marker -ò with the final vowel of the root, therefore bása + -ò → básóo L 'lizard' is realized with floating L. Contrary to Kakabe, the mora of the article is not deleted in Mandinka, see line (g) with bása 'lizard' yielding básoo L in form with the article. Interestingly, before pause básoo L is realized as básò: with all-L last syllable, bringing it closer to the Kakabe case, gbása + È → gbásà 'the lizard'.

(5.276) Realization of the referential article in Mandinka (Creissels 2013: 51)

(a) ɲàŋkátáŋ + -ò → ɲàŋkátáŋ-ò 'white rice' (b) bùntúŋ + -ò → bùntúŋ-ò 'loft' (d) búŋ + -ò → búŋ-ò 'room' (c) jíi + -ò → jíy-ò 'water' (e) nǐi + -ò → nǐy-ò 'part' (f) sǔŋ + -ò → sùŋ-ó L 'thief' súɲô# (g) básá + -ò → básóo L 'lizard' básòò# (h) bàsá + -ò → bàsóo L 'mat' bàsóò# (i) bǎa + -ò → bǎa L 'goat'
In Kita Maninka, another West Manding language, the realization of the article is purely tonal in most cases. Again, it links to the last syllable of NP if the preceding H aligns on the penultimate syllable or earlier (f-i), and is floating if the preceding H links to the last syllable (a-e). In Kita Maninka L is opposed to the absence of tone, so, in (5.277) below the absence of diacritic on the vowel means H in the surface realization.

( Interestingly, the segmental realization -ò is retained as a stylistically marked variant which occurs mostly in traditional narratives, see the discussion in (Creissels 2009a: 90).

In Bamana and standard Maninka the referential article (also originating from the same demonstrative ò) is, first, always non-segmental and, second, is always realized as floating, see [START_REF] Dumestre | Grammaire fondamentale du bambara[END_REF][START_REF] Vydrin | Cours de grammaire bambara[END_REF] for Bamana; [START_REF] Grégoire | Le maninka de Kankan, elements de description phonologique[END_REF] for Kankan Maninka), e.g. Bamana bárika L 'force', mùso L 'the woman'. L links to the last syllable of the root only before pause. Finally, in Koro not only the referential article is always floating, but also the HS before it can be realized as floating, see (5.278) below.

(5.278) Koro [START_REF] Creissels | Esquisse du système tonal du korokan[END_REF] In Koranko the referential article is marked by the suffixed -E, as in Kakabe. Kastenholz (1987b) claims that -E bears H tone 22 . Yet, the examples that he gives show the tonal realization of -E is identical to the realization of the article in Kakabe. The author uses graphic representation of pitch levels which I reproduce in (5.279)-(5.280) and give transcription in brackets based on this level representation.

In (5.279) below are given the citation forms of nouns. In all related languages the noun appears in citation in the form with the article which is expected for Koranko as well, thus, 22. [START_REF] Kastenholz | Specification and the morpheme -(y)E in Central Mande (and beyond)[END_REF] reconstructs -(Y)É as the common Central-Mande specification morpheme. Yet, the same way as in the analysis of the Koranko data in (Kastenholz 1987b), this proposition is based on the same erroneous analysis of H tone which is inserted before L of the morpheme as the part of the phonological representation of the morpheme itself. the forms in (5.279) must contain an article. As can be seen, they are realized with final L in all cases. As can be seen the final syllable of H-initial nouns is realized as HL or L and the final syllable of L-initial noun as HL.

(5.279) Koranko nouns in citation form (Kastenholz 1987b: 88- In all the other cases discussed above where the referential article has not purely tonal manifestation (Kakabe, Soninke, Mandinka and Kita Maninka), the L of the article links to the last TBU of NP, unless there is a H on the last syllable of NP. By contrast, in Koranko there is no dependency between the prosodic form of NP and the alignment of the L of the article. See Examples (5.280a)-(5.280c) below, where the H on the noun is aligned earlier than the last syllable, but the L of the article does not link to the last syllable of the noun. In Lele, another Mokole language, the referential article is -ɛ, and most probably, bears L tone: "au niveau de la réalisation, l'article porte le plus souvent un ton bas" (Vydrin 2009a: 38). In view of the claim of [START_REF] Kastenholz | Specification and the morpheme -(y)E in Central Mande (and beyond)[END_REF] 5.17: Variation in the (semi)floating realization of the referential article

To sum up, in the discussed languages the marking of the referential status reflects various stages of the phonetic erosion, where starting point is syllable of the demonstratives 23 and the most advance stage is the floating L without any segmental manifestation. As has been already said, the referential article is advanced in the cycle of grammaticalization, corresponding to the stage 2 in (5.281). This grammaticalization process is accompanied by the phonetic erosion manifested in the segmental loss (for the notion of erosion as part of grammaticalization process, see [START_REF] Bybee | Morphology: a study of the relation between meaning and form[END_REF][START_REF] Heine | The genesis of grammar: a reconstruction[END_REF]). There are two processes which accompany the grammaticalization of the article in the analyses Western Mande languages:

1. The erosion of the segmental features of the marker. In Soninke the loss of the nasal happens at the end of PhP. In Mandinka, Kakabe, Kita Maninka the segmental loss happens through the assimilation of the vowel of the article with the final vowel of the NP stem.

2. The disassociation of the L of the article from NP. The trigger of this process is, probably, the accumulation of two tones on the last syllable of NP stem. The avoidance of complex tones on one syllable causes the L of the article to move to the right. Due to this process the L of the article becomes floating.

As shown in Section 5.9.1.6, in Kakabe the non-segmental realization of the referential article is possible in recent borrowing. Apart from that, it occurs along with the segmental realization in the speech of part of the Kakabe speakers (see 5.9.1.6.2). Importantly, when the article is non-segmental in Kakabe, the tone reproduces the pattern of realization applied to L when the segmental part is present. Thus, contrary to the languages where article is always nonsegmental, L of the Kakabe article continues to link to the stem. The conclusion which can be made from this is that Kakabe shows the tendency to develop purely tonal realization of the article for all phonological contexts, but, so far, its linking strategy is different from the floating L of Manding referential article which almost always links to the right from the noun stem.

Tone in complex NPs and Numeral phrases

Tonal neutralization in compounding is common in Mande languages, for an overview and references see [START_REF] Green | Interacting tonal processes in Susu[END_REF]. There are two types of tonal neutralization in complex NPs in Kakabe: the deletion of the tone of non-initial elements in complex NPs and the neutralization of minor tone patterns on noun roots followed by a numeral.

Tonally compact group

All lexical roots (except for numerals, see 2.5.5) and derivative morphemes within one NP not separated from each other by the referential article, form a tonally compact group, defined in (5.282) below ("m" stands for 'morpheme'):

(5.282) In a tonally compact group the tones of the non-initial elements are deleted.

[m 1 m 2 m n T T T ] NP Thus, the domain of the tone of the initial element is co-extensive with the whole group, since tones of the non-initial elements are deleted.

If the initial tone is L, the insertion of HS is linked following the general rule of HS alignment (5.73) (see Section 5.5). In (5.283) the tone of the resulting compound is shown in the context before the numeral fìla 'two' where HS is manifested and before kélen 'one' where no HS appears.

( There is a number of idiomatic combinations or morphemes that form one lexeme but don't undergo the deletion of non-initial tones:

(5.285) állà-la-sòo God-POSS-horse 'praying mantis' tòti-kùngbilin frog-warthog 'porcupine' gbása-kèren-gbɛ ́ɛ lizard-squirrel-white 'monitor lizard' jíi-wòlo water-francolin 'fish (sp.)'

There is no clear-cut distinction between idiomatic combinations of morphemes that disobey the rule of tonal compactness on the one hand, and morphologically simple nouns with minor tonal pattern on the other hand, since the latter may be a combination of morphemes etymologically. Thus, there is no essential difference between cases like (5.285) and the nouns with minor tone patterns discussed in Section 5.4.8.

Tonal compactness and the neutralization of minor tonal patterns

Importantly, when a non-tonally compact NP described just above or a noun with a minor tonal pattern is followed by numeral or an adjective, the resulting constituent is tonally compact. This process is formulated in (5.286) below:

(5.286) Non-initial L within a root or a tonally non-compact NP is deleted when the root is part of a numeral phrase or a compound.

[[μ n1 μ n2 μ n3

T L L

] N ] NumP/Compound Example (5.287) shows that the tone of a noun with a minor tonal pattern or the tonal pattern of an non-tonally compact NP is neutralized to H or L through the deletion of the non-initial L tones. Thus, the nouns are pronounced with one HS before L-tones numeral fìla 'two' and as all-H or all-L before the adjective báa 'big'.

(

.3 HS alignment in numeral phrases

When L-toned nominal root occurs before L-toned numeral, HS between them tends to be aligned on the last TBU of the noun. This tendency is formulated in 5.288 below:

(5.288) In a trisyllabic L-toned noun followed by L-toned numeral HS tends to be aligned on the last syllable of the noun

[[μ (μ) μ L H ] N root ] NumP/Compound
It can counteract the principles defining the alignment of HS which were described in Section 5.5. Thus, HS is placed on the second syllable in [bàntárá] 'manioc' because the first syllable is a heavy syllable, but before a numeral with L tone it is realized as [bàntàrá]:

ban ta ra \_ fi la L H L Table 5.18 shows the alignment of HS in simplex trisyllabic nouns with an underlying L and the modification which it undergoes before an L-toned numeral, based on both explicit elicitation and corpus examples. Out of 57 nouns with HS aligned on the second syllable (according to the principles described in Section 5.5) in 51 nouns the position of HS changes to the third syllable, and only in six cases it is preserved on the second syllable. In general, the domain of HS is never larger in the position before the numeral, compared to HS domain in a noun in the form with the article. Thus, the 52 nouns with HS on the third syllable (line c) don't change the alignment of HS before the numeral.

Summary

This chapter has introduced the main elements of Kakabe phonology and the main tonal processes applied to the realization of lexical tones. Kakabe is characterized by rather low tonal density, meaning that underlyingly, segments are often not specified for tone. This is manifest in the fact that the majority of lexical items is distributed in a relatively small number of tonal patterns (Section 5.4).

Another general property of the Kakabe tonal system is that in this language the underlying tonal representation is divided from the surface realization by a considerable distance which is spanned by various types of tonal processes, to the analysis of which was dedicated the most part of the chapter.

Tonal processes are sensitive to the prosodic organization of the utterance. The smallest prosodic unit hosting tone in Kakabe is mora, though, under certain constraints, when no other TBUs are available, one mora can host two tones. At the same time, syllable is also active in some aspects of the realization of tone. Thus, albeit the association of two tones with a heavy syllable is allowed structurally, in the realization of HL sequence associated with one syllable, L displays a strong tendency to be realized as floating, and therefore after the syllable. Next, the activeness of foot in the realization of tones has already been argued by a number of authors for other Mande languages [START_REF] Weidman | A Foot-Based Reanalysis of Edge-in Tonal Phenomena in Bambara[END_REF][START_REF] Green | Prosodic phonology in Bamana (Bambara): syllable complexity, metrical structure, and tone[END_REF][START_REF] Green | Interacting tonal processes in Susu[END_REF][START_REF] Vydrin | Le pied métrique dans les langues mandé[END_REF]). As has been shown, in Kakabe, HS insertion induced by OCP is sensitive to the foot organization. Prosodic word is the domain of tonal compounding. Prosodic phrase is the domain of Tone Leveling which exists in two variants: Final Tone Leveling, HLH → HLL and Medial Tone Leveling, implying H spread to the right and L delinking, HLH → ꜜHL. Finally, the insertion of HS is blocked only if IP boundary interferes. Thus, this tonal operation belongs to IP level.

Floating tones in Kakabe are either assigned lexically or arise due to the tendency of L to delink from a syllable which already hosts a H tone. This tendency is at the core of the evolution in the realization of the referential article. Crucially, apart from Kakabe, there are several other Western Mande languages in which L of the article is realized not at the end of NP but after it, when the last syllable of the NP hosts a H tone. One can suppose therefore that there exists a tendency to avoid of complex tones on one syllable.

The emergence of the non-segmental marker of referentiality involves two parallel processes, and for both of them a starting point can be identified. The first is the disappearance of the segment itself (front vowel in Mokole and the back vowel o in Manding) which starts with the total assimilation to the lowest a and then, supposedly, spreads to higher vowels. As has been shown, though in general in Kakabe the segmental expression of the article is still present, some speakers use segmentless forms, in context where, in principle, the segment should surface. The second process is the detachment of the tone from its segmental base (L realized not on the last mora of NP but after it), the hotbed for which is the context with a H associated to the same final (or unique) syllable. It is not clear how these two processes are related. Thus, in non-nativized borrowings, where the purely tonal realization of the article is common, L, nevertheless continues to link to NP. This question remains open for further research.

Chapter 6 Intonation and intonation-related phenomena 6.1 Introduction

One of the difficulties in the description of intonation in a tone language is that there is no universal semantic criterion to distinguish between these two phenomena. Rather, they must first be differentiated on formal grounds, after which it is possible to find out what functions and meaning are associated with tone and with intonation.

To begin with, intonation involving pitch can be absent in a tonal language: the tonal curve might be defined by lexical tones only. But if tone and intonation do coexist in a language, they are opposed structurally, occupying two different levels in the phonological representation. In this case, F0 curve of the utterance results from two separate operations: the realization of the elements of the tonal register, and second, the realization of intonational operations on F0. Thus, in a tonal language it is necessary to define first whether there are any operations apart from tone which have an impact on the F0 curve.

The semantic or functional criteria can be misleading for the differentiation between tonal and intonational phenomena. For example, in a tonal language the function of signaling sentence type can be taken up by tone, whereas cross-linguistically it is commonly marked through intonation.

Kakabe has intonational operations which are phonologically distinct from tone. Downdrift which has already been discussed in the preceding section can be seen as the basic intonational operation which is superimposed on lexical tones and which participates in phrasing. Register raising is another intonational operation superimposed in Kakabe on tones. It is re-alized through the reversion of downdrift, sometimes combined with the expansion of pitch register. Register raising creates a prominence position for a category of words associated with a particular type of focus. In this function it comes very close to a grammatical marker, since, as I will show, register raising is associated with polarity items opposing them to other types of indefinite pronouns.

At the same time, sentence mode is also expressed by tonal morphemes which show the same behavior as lexical and grammatical tones and which in part of the cases combine with intonation. Thus, in general, tone and intonation in Kakabe are tightly intertwined.

This chapter presents sentence-level prosodic phenomena involving both tone and intonation. These tonal-intonational patterns can be localized at the right edge of the utterance (boundary tones and IP-final intonation) or utterance-internally, on lexemes with various focus-related meanings, finally, a tonal-intonational prosodic pattern can be realized on a whole utterance, as it is the case of multiple-negative clause construction.

The chapter is organized as follows. The first section is dedicated to the discussion of the existing theories of intonation and the discussion of the relation between intonation and lexical tone in the general phonology as well as in the literature on African languages (6.2). Section 6.3 introduces the intonational operation of register raising, discusses the intonational nature of downdrift and IP in Kakabe. After that, I analyze the realization of IP-final prosodic operations, namely, the boundary tones combined with register raising (6.4). A particularly interesting case is the realization of ↑HL% boundary tone which enters into complex relations with the lexical tones occurring at the end of the IP and the syllabic grouping of final moras, a detailed account of it is given in 6.4.5. Section 6.5.1 describes the realization of intonation and tonal patterns associated with pragmatic prominence which can occupy an IP-internal position. Since pragmatically-prominent items can be IP-medial or IP-final, apart from the raising of the pitch, their prosodic prominence is associated with downdrift reset. Finally, in Section 6.6 I discuss a tonal-intonation pattern which spans over several negative clauses.

Tone and intonation in phonological theory

Tone is defined as a phonological phenomenon based on F0 distinctions which participate in distinguishing lexical and grammatical meaning [START_REF] Hyman | Cross-linguistic studies of tonal phenomena[END_REF][START_REF] Yip | Tone. Cambridge textbooks in linguistics[END_REF] among many others). Linguistic tone should not be confused with F0, a phonetic phenomenon which can be used in a language for various functions. Intonation shares with tone its main phonetic correlate, F0, but serves a different functional domain, phrase and utterance-level meanings.

In my description of intonation I will adopt an approach (e.g. [START_REF] Inkelas | Draga Zec & Center for the Study of Language and Information[END_REF]) according to which intonation and tone are two phonologically distinct phenomena which, if they coexist in a language, occupy different tiers of phonological representation.

There has been a long debate about whether prosody, pitch distinctions in particular, should be represented through absolute and discrete, or, on the contrary, as relative and continuous entities. Since 1950s the evolution of the phonological theory was marked by the going back and forth from one position to the opposite regarding this question.

The highly influential phonological theory by [START_REF] Jakobson | Preliminaries to speech analysis[END_REF] introduced the fundamental division between segmental and prosodic features. Inherent features (vowel and consonant contrast which are definable in absolute acoustic terms) are opposed to prosodic features (pitch, stress, duration, defined only relatively to context). According to this dichotomy, intonation, as a part of prosody, was described in terms of movement of pitch, gradual oppositions, degrees of stress (e.g. [START_REF] Crystal | Prosodic systems and intonation in English[END_REF][START_REF] Bolinger | Generality, gradience and the all-or-none[END_REF][START_REF] Bolinger | Forms of English: accent, morpheme, order[END_REF][START_REF] O'connor | Intonation of colloquial English[END_REF]. For example, in Crystal's transcription each syllable is described though relationship to the preceding syllable: same level, slightly higher, slightly lower, much lower, very much higher and very much lower.

Autosegmental theory

The innovative force of the autosegmental theory of tone [START_REF] Goldsmith | Autosegmental phonology[END_REF][START_REF] Leben | Suprasegmental phonolgy[END_REF]) was, in particular, in that it reunited tone and segmental features that had been set apart just before. It applies notion of distinctive features to both tone (in level-tone Sub-Saharan languages), on the one hand and consonants and vowels, on the other hand. There is a close relationship between the analysis of segments into distinctive features and an autosegmental analysis; each feature in a language appears on exactly one tier. Autosegmental phonological approach allowed to integrate lexical tone into the core of phonological theory.

Autosegmental-metrical theory of intonation

The autosegmental phonological theory of Goldsmith and Leben and the metrical theory of [START_REF] Liberman | The intonational system of English[END_REF], [START_REF] Liberman | On stress and linguistic rhythm[END_REF] gave rise to autosegmental-metrical (AM) theory 1 , where the model based on the discrete feature representation was extended further to intonation. AM approach to intonation was first formulated by [START_REF] Pierrehumbert | The phonology and phonetics of English intonation[END_REF], and developed further in [START_REF] Beckman | Intonational structure in Japanese and English[END_REF][START_REF] Gussenhoven | The phonology of tone and intonation[END_REF]Jun 2005;Ladd 1. The term for this approach was first introduced by [START_REF] Ladd | Intonational phonology[END_REF].

CHAPTER 6. INTONATION AND INTONATION-RELATED PHENOMENA

509 2008) among others). The ambition of AM theory is to introduce intonation into the core of phonological structure, by representing intonational patterns as phonological strings of tones which are associated with metrical elements. AM is an abstract phonological model aiming to represent the contrastive elements of an intonational system. These elements are a string of tonal autosegments which associate with structural positions in metrical structure: 1) metrically prominent syllables (pitch accents) and 2) prosodic boundaries (boundary tones). The linguistically relevant points reflect pitch modulations that co-occur with prominent syllables or phrasal boundaries, see [START_REF] Arvaniti | The Autosegmental-Metrical model of intonational phonology[END_REF]. This approach took as model the autosegmental representation of tone, developed on the data of level tone Sub-Saharan languages, and, essentially, it aims to wipe out the differences between intonation and tone.

AM is currently the dominant framework for the description of intonation. It was directly adopted into intonational pragmatics [START_REF] Hirschberg | The Intonational Structuring of Discourse[END_REF], into work on syntax-prosody interface (e.g. [START_REF] Selkirk | Phonology and syntax: the relation between sound and structure[END_REF][START_REF] Selkirk | The Syntax-Phonology Interface[END_REF][START_REF] Büring | Intonation and meaning. No. 3 in Oxford surveys in semantics and pragmatics[END_REF], finally, it served as basis for the widely applied ToBI (Tones and Break indices) transcription system [START_REF] Hirschberg | The Original ToBi System and the Evolution of the ToBi Framework[END_REF]. The collective volumes (Jun 2005(Jun , 2014) ) are an attempt to create a typology of intonation within the framework of AM model and the ToBI system.

Register tier theory

Parallel to AM theory which was concerned mostly with intonation in non-tonal languages, Register Tier Theory was developed, in particular, to account for intonation related phenomena, such as downdrift in tone languages. In this approach, the idea to represent tone on a separate tier which was one of the main contributions of the autosegmental approach to the phonological theory of Goldsmith, was further developed into a more complex representation with different tone types and different tiers (e.g. Hulst & Snider 1993b;[START_REF] Snider | Tonal upstep in Krachi: Evidence for a register tier[END_REF]1999), see also overview in [START_REF] Connell | Downstep[END_REF]. For example, in register tier theory in the version by [START_REF] Hyman | Register tones and tonal geometry[END_REF], tone can link to nodes on two distinct tiers: the tier of tonal node and the tier of tonal root node, as represented (6.1) below. This framework permits the description of the cumulative nature of downdrift (automatic downstep in the terminology used in register tier theory) [START_REF] Snider | Phonetic realization of downstep in Bimboa[END_REF], and upstep [START_REF] Snider | Tonal upstep in Krachi: Evidence for a register tier[END_REF]. It is also used for the description of intonation in tone languages. For example, [START_REF] Inkelas | Draga Zec & Center for the Study of Language and Information[END_REF] represent the intonational morpheme for Hausa questions with a Register feature, [H]. [START_REF] Yip | Tonal Register in East Asian Languages[END_REF], discussing the intonation and lexical tone in Mandarin, proposes to consider the register tier as a tier which hosts intonation and insists that it is separated from the tonal tier.

A hypothesis has been articulated within this approach which puts into relation the number of level tones and the restriction on intonational operations involving tone, to which I will return later.

In general, this separate-level approach to intonation and tone contrasts with the orthodox AM theory in the version of [START_REF] Pierrehumbert | The phonology and phonetics of English intonation[END_REF][START_REF] Beckman | Intonational structure in Japanese and English[END_REF]) which is basically linear, and where all F0 phenomena are accounted for through a "flat" string of tones.

Intonation as opposed to tone

Table 6.1 below compares the characteristics of tone in a level-tone system and intonation. To begin with, tonal module operates with discrete oppositions such as High, Low, Mid. On the other hand, the realization of intonation is formulated relatively to the pitch range or to the level tones. Intonational operations can involve the expansion of pitch range, the realization of F0 at the bottom of the pitch range, or it may modify the relative realization of level tones with respect to each other, as it is the case with downdrift. Next, the phonetic correlate of tone is F0 only, whereas intonation, apart from F0, can also involve duration, intensity, rhythm and phonation. The unit on which tone is realized is either syllable or mora, as for the intonation it is realized relatively to the edge of the intonation phrase or to a prominent item within the intonation phrase. Finally, tone primarily serves to distinguish lexical and grammatical oppositions, whereas intonation signals mostly prominence and illocutionary force type of the utterance. It should be underlined that this last opposition should not be taken in absolute terms: as has already been said, 'intonational meaning' can be take up by tone, and, as I try to show later on the example of Kakabe, an intonational operation can be involved in the expression of grammatical opposition (see 6.5. To sum up, tone and intonation can be seen as two different modes of exploiting F0 in a language. Tone is associated with lexical and grammatical meanings and with prosodic units of the bottom level, whereas intonation is rather involved with clause-level meaning and higher prosodic units.

Partitioning of functional domains between tone and intonation

It is commonly accepted that tone and intonation are not mutually exclusive, but in tone languages intonation is often minimized or non-existent [START_REF] Cruttenden | Intonation. Cambridge textbooks in linguistics[END_REF][START_REF] Arvaniti | The Autosegmental-Metrical model of intonational phonology[END_REF][START_REF] Michaud | Prosodie de langues à tons (naxi et vietnamien), prosodie de l'anglais : éclairages croisés[END_REF]2008;2017;[START_REF] Michaud | Tone and intonation: introductory notes and practical recommendations[END_REF]. One of the few exceptions is the analysis of Dutch dialect of Venlo by [START_REF] Gussenhoven | The phonology of tone and intonation in the Dutch dialect of Venlo[END_REF]. In this dialect, a lexical tone contrast is combined with four intonation contours.

Certain function of the "intonational" domain can be taken up by other modules of the language: by segmental morphology, by lexical tone or by syntax. Thus, morphological ex-pression of focus and, in particular, marking of focus through verbal inflection is very common in African languages (Creissels et al. 2008: 149). Signaling question mode through interrogative particles is common in languages of the world (Dryer 2013b), both in tonal and non-tonal languages. [START_REF] Torreira | Functional trade-off between lexical tone and intonation: typological evidence from polar-question marking[END_REF] show that the use of segmental markers for polarity questions is significantly more frequent for tonal languages as compared to languages without lexical tone, which confirms the view that "the use of tonal features to mark lexical contrasts leads to a diminished functional load for utterance -level intonation".

Apart from that, functions served in other languages by intonation can be marked by (grammatical) tones. Thus, in Hausa yes/no question is marked by L tone which is added after the rightmost H lexical tone. In Luganda there is a phrase-boundary H% which acts like any other lexical H (this and other examples of tones serving phrasing, prominence marking, and sentence mode are cited in Michaud 2017: 427-428). Coexistence of tone and intonation within one language is also possible. In contrast to cases like Hausa and Luganda, where the tones with "intonational functions" are integrated into the phonological string of lexical tone, in most tonal East and Southeast Asian languages, for example, in Vietnamese and in Standard Mandarin, "intonational phenomena do not affect the phonological identity of the lexical tones. Instead, intonation is superimposed on tone sequences" (Michaud 2017: 435), the same idea about the division between tone and intonation is expressed in [START_REF] Bearth | Tonalité, déclinaison tonale et structuration du discours -un point de vue comparatif[END_REF].

Thus, it is important to distinguish the case where intonation as special phonological phenomenon coexists with the tone, from the case where the "intonational" functions are taken up by lexical tone. Following [START_REF] Michaud | Prosodie de langues à tons (naxi et vietnamien), prosodie de l'anglais : éclairages croisés[END_REF]2017), I will use the term tonal intonation to refer to cases when phrasing, prominence or sentences mode is signaled by tone proper. This means that these tones must display the same behavior, follow the same rules, as lexical tones.

The issue of the integration of intonation into the system of lexical tone is somewhat obscured in the often-cited typology of possible interactions and intonation, proposed in [START_REF] Hyman | Tonal and non-tonal intonation in Shekgalagari[END_REF] which is reproduced in (6.2) below: (6.2) accommodation: both tone and intonation are realized, perhaps, on different syllables or within intonation superimposed on lexical tone.

submission: lexical tone is overridden by intonation avoidance: intonation is minimized

The submission is clearly a case of intonational tone integrated into the tier of lexical tone, otherwise, it could not replace the lexical tone. Avoidance is the case when intonational functions are not served by F0 (they are, supposedly, delegated to morphology or syntax). The accommodation type includes both tonal and non-tonal intonation. The subtype (a) of accommodation in (6.3) below, when F0 lex tone are F0 intonation distributed over different tone-bearing units, both can be accommodated by (lexical) tone tier. Thus, Otopamean languages of Mexico "restrict their lexical tone contrasts to pre-final syllables, reserving word-final syllables for intonational contrasts" (Hyman & Monaka 2011: 267). Finally, in the subtype (b) in (6. Tone and intonation are clearly opposed in the analysis of [START_REF] Bearth | Tonalité, déclinaison tonale et structuration du discours -un point de vue comparatif[END_REF]. He distinguishes between two types of tonal languages according to how they combine tone and intonation: (i) those that stack intonation patterns over lexico-grammatical tones and (ii) those that express intonation at the periphery of the utterance, intonation does not interact with the lexicogrammatical tones. See also [START_REF] Caron | Tone and intonation[END_REF] for the discussion of these two modes of tone and intonation coexistence in Zaar, a group of Chadic languages. [START_REF] Bearth | Tonalité, déclinaison tonale et structuration du discours -un point de vue comparatif[END_REF] makes clear distinction between tone and intonation for the case of Toura:

Signifying intonation in Toura is realized as periphery intonation, namely under the shape of intonational features that, due to their peripheral position in the utterance do not interfere in any way with the tonal contour drawn from the lexicogrammatical tones (1998: 81) 3To sum up, F0 distinctions serving phrasing, signaling prominence mode of speech are more often not instances of tone. They can be identified as tone only in that particular case when such F0 distinctions behave phonologically the same way as lexical tone.

Boundary tones: tone or intonation?

Certain element of AM model prove to be useful to account for intonation which is integrated in the system of lexical tone. The notion of boundary tone transcribed as T% and first introduced in AM (first in Liberman 1975's thesis and then taken up by [START_REF] Pierrehumbert | The phonology and phonetics of English intonation[END_REF]) is established in the vocabulary of Bantu studies [START_REF] Kisseberth | Digo Tonology[END_REF] was among the first to apply it to Bantu, see also [START_REF] Kissenberth | Tone[END_REF]) among many others), as well as in the description of the tonology of other African languages. It is used to refer to the phrase-final tones which, phonologically, are on the same tier as the lexical tones. These boundary tones are introduced after lexical tones, but they follow the same rules and interact with lexical tones. Thus, AM theory contributed to the African tone studies the idea of tone which is introduced by the boundary of an intonation phrase. More generally, the advantage of AM theory is that it highlights the fact that tone can be related not only to prosodic units at the bottom of prosodic hierarchy, but also to higher units. By the definition mentioned before, tone always participates in conveying lexical meanings, but it can express any kind of grammatical meaning, and tone can also convey meanings which are cross-linguistically frequent in the domain of intonation. To continue the expression of [START_REF] Hyman | Tone: is it different?[END_REF] according to which "tone can do everything that segmental morphology can do", it can also do all what intonation can do (signal illocutionary force distinctions and phrasing).

To conclude, boundary tones are of the same phonological nature as lexical and grammatical tone, with the particularity that the TBU that they are associated with is specified as IP-final.

Research on intonation in tone languages

Intonation has been studied relatively little in African languages. A good indicator of the level of interest to that topic in African studies is that in the bibliography, dedicated exclusively to prosody and tone in Niger-Congo non-Bantu languages by [START_REF] Green | Prosody and Intonation in Non-Bantu Niger-Congo Languages: An Annotated Bibliography[END_REF], out of 125 listed works, only six have a focus on intonation. 4 .

The collective volume [START_REF] Downing | Intonation in African tone languages[END_REF] aims to fill in the gap in the description of intonation in tonal African languages. It includes the description of this topic for twelve languages. Below is the formulation of the main topics of the volume:

The studies in this volume make particular contributions to our knowledge of the role of "downtrends", changes in register and boundary tones, especially final boundary tones in the intonation of tone languages [START_REF] Downing | Intonation in African tone languages[END_REF].

Apart from this volume, "intonation in tone languages has not been studied nearly as much as in non-tonal languages, probably on the assumption that lexical and grammatical tone would override any pitch differences attributable to intonation" (Cahill 2016: 26).

None of the Mande languages are represented in [START_REF] Downing | Intonation in African tone languages[END_REF]. The only work for Mande languages where intonation discussed in detail is Mountfort (1983)'s thesis "Bambara declarative sentence intonation". Yet, it contains only the analysis of phonetic implementation of downtrends (declination, downdrift), and all the questions relating to the meaningful aspects of intonation, and the intonation system in its phonological aspect in general, remains out of the scope of the study. Apart from downdrift which is regularly discussed in Mande literature, intonation-related phenomena (boundary tones, register changes, intonation proper) are almost never mentioned in descriptions of Mande languages. The few exceptions are the discussion of intonation of Tura, a Southern Mande language [START_REF] Bearth | Etude instrumentale des tons du toura[END_REF][START_REF] Bearth | D-Operationen im Toura: Frustrativ, Anti-Frustrativ und Anti-Adjazenz[END_REF][START_REF] Idiatov | Tura [in Russian[END_REF]), the short description of intonational operation in Vai [START_REF] Welmers | A Grammar of Vai[END_REF]), the paper by [START_REF] Diané | L'interrogation en maninka de Guinée[END_REF] on the marking of interrogation in Maninka 5 and, finally, intonation is briefly mentioned in Vydrin's (2017) 5. Their conclusion is that in Maninka rising intonation is used to mark interrogation in yes/no questions.

Prosody and information structure

A final issue to be discussed in this theoretical introduction is information structure, a domain which is traditionally associated with intonation. Focus is known to affect the intonation, more specifically the pitch register, of utterances in many languages (Gussenhoven 2007b). In [START_REF] Büring | Towards a typology of focus realization[END_REF] typology of focus marking, prosodic prominence is claimed to be the universal marker of focus 6 . Yet, there is an ever-growing list of languages which are reported to have no prosodic marking of focus at all, mostly in Africa (e.g. As it has already been discussed in this chapter, apart from prosodic prominence, the inventory of focus-marking devices used across languages include syntactic dislocation, morphological marking by means of special focus marker or through the paradigm of aspectual markers which is typical of the African continent (e.g. [START_REF] Hyman | Auxiliary Focus[END_REF][START_REF] Robert | Focus in Atlantic languages[END_REF]2016;[START_REF] Schwarz | Narrative focus strategies in Gur and Kwa[END_REF]. Finally, certain African languages lack any grammatical marking of focus at all [START_REF] Aboh | Focus and grammar: The contribution of African languages[END_REF].

At the same time, focus can be taken as a larger category than contrastive and information focus. Focus can be viewed as a "multifunctional" category [START_REF] Hovarth | Focus in the Theory of Grammar and the Syntax of Hungarian[END_REF][START_REF] Giannakidou | Positive Polarity Items and Negative Polarity Items: Variation, Licensing, and Compositionality[END_REF] targeted by different focus-related categories: information and contrastive foci, interrogative phrases, polarity items 7 , etc. The common base of these categories is the lattice of alternatives against which element in focus and which makes it the informational center of the utterance. Kakabe is one more example of a language, apart from those mentioned above, where neither contrastive focus nor information focus affect prosody. At the same time, other types of focus, namely that of strong polarity items, is associated in Kakabe with prosodic prominence marking though register raising. Whereas an element in the scope of contrastive or information focus is construed against a simple set of alternatives, polarity items involve scalar endpoint which implies that their referents are construed against a hierarchically structured set of alternatives [START_REF] Fauconnier | Pragmatic Entailment and Questions[END_REF][START_REF] Krifka | The semantics and pragmatics of polarity items[END_REF][START_REF] Haspelmath | Indefinite pronouns. Oxford studies in typology and linguistic theory[END_REF][START_REF] Horn | Pick a theory (not just any theory): Indiscriminatives and the freechoice indefinite[END_REF][START_REF] Hoeksma | On the natural history of negative polarity items[END_REF]. For example, the English utterance (6.4 a) can be construed against the set of referents Mary, Peter, Michael, Anna, etc. The members of the set are arranged on a scale according 6. According to his analysis, in languages where focused constituent is accompanied by a morphological marker, the latter marks the prominence of prosodic units which he admits himself to be "highly speculative".

7. The fact that polarity items and focus in the restricted sense (informational or contrastive focus) are closely related is confirmed from the evidence from Amharic, where the morpheme -mm is used both to signal contrastive marker and to form polarity items from interrogative pronouns, see [START_REF] Demeke | The enclitic -mm in Amharic: reassessment of a multifunctional morpheme[END_REF].

to how smart they are considered to be, e.g. Paul is smarter than Mary, who is smarter than Peter, etc. By contrast, the utterance with the universal quantifier all in (6.4 b), gives rise a simple, not a hierarchically organized set of alternatives. As I argue in Section 6.5.3, within the category of indefinite pronouns, intonational register raising, on the one hand, and the H with floating L as opposed to simple H, on the other hand, serve to signal whether the pronoun gives rise to the set of alternatives against which the utterances is interpreted, and if so, whether this a simple or a hierarchically structured set.

Apart from that, register raising is related to emphatic sentence-final particles and ideophones (see 6.5.1).

Intonation in the CA approach

I will describe the function of intonational operations with the terms of conversation analysis (CA) approach. Intonation plays a central role in the organization of verbal communication. In CA approach [START_REF] Sacks | A Simplest Systematics for the Organization of Turn-Taking for Conversation[END_REF], Ochs et al. 1996, Selting & Couper-Kuhlen 2001), language is approached as "talk-in-interaction". Participants organize their interaction by distributing turns to speakers.

The starting point of this approach is the observation that verbal interaction is a surprisingly well-organized process 8 . Normally, only one participant speaks at a time and turn-taking by participant occurs mostly with minor or no gaps. This is possible due to an elaborate formal structuring of the conversation 9 . The turns which the speakers take are built from turn-constructional units (TCU), each TCU can potentially constitute one speaker turn. TCU themselves are characterized by internal structuring which allows the speech participants to predict its completion and thus, the moment where the next speaker can potentially start his turn. In other words, TCUs contain cues which signal to the participants what is expected and can be done in the ongoing conversation: 8. This concerns rather the behavioral aspect of communication, rather than the efficiency in the transmission of meanings and intentions. Well-organized communication is evolving as a fluid sequencing of gestures and phrases, whereas the conveying of the content between the states of mind of the speakers is a different question. Thus, the speaker B can very promptly respond by "yes" or "sure" to portions of discourse produced by the speaker A. At the same time, this does not imply that the speaker B is successfully analyzing all the intentions and meanings put into the utterances by the speaker A, but is rather an indication of his alertness in the process of interaction. 9. Evidently, apart from oral signals this includes visual cues, such as gestures, mimicking which remains outside of the scope of the current study.

Language, as embodied in particular sequences of interaction and through the voices of particular speakers, allows for the anticipation of possible completion before it arrives. Language thus supports a system of smooth turn transition, as well as a system in which gaps and overlaps can be deployed for strategic and meaningful interactional purposes (Ford 2001: 53) TCU has to be syntactically well-formed and it can belong to one of the four syntactic types [START_REF] Sacks | A Simplest Systematics for the Organization of Turn-Taking for Conversation[END_REF]):

Lexical TCU: e.g. "Yes", "There" Phrasal TCU: e.g. "In the basket", "Out of here" Clausal TCU: e.g. "When I am free", "If I got the job" Sentential TCU: e.g. "I am working on my thesis", "He has got my car". As for the intonation, the prosodic organization of verbal interaction got relatively less systematic attention in the framework of CA.

Couper-Kuhlen & Selting (1996: 25) describe the role of prosody in the following way:

Prosodic features <...> function as part of a signaling system which -together with syntax, lexico-semantics, kinesics and other contextualization cues -is used to construct and interpret turn-constructional units and turns-at-talk.

There are other aspects affecting the functioning of intonation contours. Thus, intonational contours specify "a relationship between propositional content and the mutual beliefs of participants in the current discourse" (Couper-Kuhlen 2015: 84). The boundary tone can express a propositional attitude, e.g. [START_REF] Ward | Implicating Uncertainty: The Pragmatics of Fall-Rise Intonation[END_REF] claim that Fall-rise intonation contributes to conveying the speaker's uncertainty. Another aspect that intonation is associated with is the information flow: intonation can contribute to signaling the distinction between theme and rheme, see [START_REF] Steedman | Information-Structural Semantics for English Intonation[END_REF]).

Tone and intonation in Kakabe: general aspects 6.3.1 IP in Kakabe

The tonal manifestation of IP, apart from boundary tones, is described in Chapter 5, see, in particular, 5.3.4. In this chapter I describe the boundary tones associated with the edge of IP and the intonational register raising which can also be associated with the right boundary of IP.

As has been said, in the description of the functioning of intonational phenomena in Kakabe I will use the notions of CA approach. In CA approach the interface between prosodic and syntactic units is mediated by turn-constructional units, and this resolves the long standing problem of the syntax-prosody interface (see [START_REF] Selkirk | The Syntax-Phonology Interface[END_REF][START_REF] Truckenbrodt | On the relation between syntactic phrases and phonological phrases[END_REF]):

The basic prosodic phrase in speech, when viewed interactively, is likely to be not the prosodic counterpart of a grammatical sentence or clause, but rather a unit defined with respect to the utterance as a turn-constructional unit, a 'phonetic chunk' which speakers use to constitute and articulate turns-at-talk. Couper-Kuhlen & Selting (1996: 16) TCU corresponds to IP. In Kakabe IP is characterized by two tonal properties: 1) it is the domain of downdrift 2) it terminates with a boundary tone. Boundary tone can occur only at the end of a IP. Intonation unit can contain multiple phonological phrases (PhPs) which are the domains of the L spread and tone-leveling.

The default IP tonal contour is characterized by the following features:

• normal pitch range;

• continuous downdrift over the whole IP;

• boundary L%.

Apart from L% IP can end with the tonal morphemes ↑HL%, (↑)H% or IP-final, stand-alone pitch rise which I mark by ↑, the same as used for register raising. As I show further, the boundary L% stands apart these three other IP-final operations, and in the way it interacts with lexical tones, it can be considered a default boundary tone (or, possibly, and intonational operation, see 6.4.2.2). The extension of the pitch span and downdrift reset are introduced with PPLs and the other three boundary tones and the IP-final register raising or (standing alone) final pitch rise: final (↑)H%, final rise ↑% and the ↑HL% boundary tone.

The partial downdrift reset which accompanies left PhP boundary never raises H to the top of the pitch range, it is discussed Section 5.3.4.1. Differently from that, ↑ realized on PPLs or as a part of the boundary tone is usually realized higher or at the same level as the first H of the IP, see Examples (6.5)-(6.6 b) in 6.3.2.

Register raising and downdrift reset

Discourse-prominence is translated in Kakabe into register raising. The latter should be distinguished from the automatic upstep of the last H in a HHL sequence, see Section 5.2.2. By contrast to automatic upstep which is case of phonetic coarticulation of tones, register raising signals pragmatically prominent part of an utterance. This kind of register raising is illustrated in (6.5), an excerpt from a conversation between a carpenter and his friend, Amadou Maka. The question pronounced by the latter has a H peak at the beginning, followed by a total downdrift reset on the last word, so that the last H tone is pronounced at the same pitch level as the first H. The adverb kóobèn has an important discursive function. It is similar to French bien and is used with with the meaning 'indeed', 'well'. It can be used as a manner adverb or as a quantifier. This is the word which is taken up by the other speaker which also points to its discourse prominence. The downdrift reset, reflecting the prominence relations as in (6.5) above, does not create a new IP, since otherwise it would be preceded by a boundary tone.

There are three ways in which the tonal space can be explored in the course of the speech being uttered: 1) normal pitch span (defined for each speaker), 2) increase of the pitch span, so that the H tone becomes higher, but the L tone remains at the same level as in the normal pitch span, 3) the raising of the register, where both H and L are higher, [START_REF] Ladd | Intonational phonology[END_REF]. The graphic representation from [START_REF] Ladd | Pitch range modelling: Linguistic dimensions of variation[END_REF] of these three regimes is given below: In Kakabe ↑H is the result of the increase of the pitch span rather than of level raising: a L after ↑H falls to the bottom of the pitch span.

Example (6.6 a) illustrates the realization of the ↑HL% boundary tone and (6.6 b), that of the ↑HL tone of the free-choice pronoun fɛ ́nfɛ ̀n 'anything'. These two utterances are pronounced by the same speaker, for whom the normal pitch range is about 90Hz-150Hz, and ↑H exceeds this span, cf. the realization of the preceding simple H in the same IP. And the L following ↑H is realized at the level of L corresponding to the normal pitch span which shows that we are dealing with the increase of the pitch span. In certain cases extra-high tone is realized only as downdrift reset without exceeding the normal pitch.

In Kakabe, the raising of the level ↑ can have three types of association: with the H tone of a PPL (see 6.5.1), with the IP-boundary H tone and, finally, it can be realized independently as intonational raising at the right edge of IP (see 6.4).

Phonetic implementation of ↑H

↑H is realized either at the top of the normal pitch span or higher than it. Thus, though the increased pitch span is not an obligatory phonetic correlate of ↑H, the downdrift reset is. Since Kakabe is a downdrift language, the top of the normal pitch range corresponds to the first H in the IP. When the IP contains an element with a ↑H the latter is realized either at the same level as the first H or higher.

Thus, the extension of the pitch span is a frequent but not obligatory phonetic correlate of ↑H. Examples 6.7-(6.10) illustrate the case when the pitch extension does take place. Thus, in (6.7) the tone on fɛ ́nfɛ ̀n 'anything' surpasses 160 Hz, whereas the normal pitch span of the speaker is 90-130 Hz. ( 6 tɛ ́ɛ̀m à tɛ ɛm a between When you've brought it there, there is nothing [to talk about] between you two.

In (6.9) ↑H as a part of the boundary ↑HL% tone and ↑H on ↑fɛ ́nfɛ ̀n are both realized in a pitch range which is larger than the normal pitch range. The utterance in (6.10) is an example of a very large rise of tone: ↑fúyi 'nothing at all' is realized with a tone almost 250Hz higher than the tone before it, whereas the usual size of excursion is between 10Hz and 30Hz 10 . The extra-raised register of fúyi affects the tones of the whole utterance. Two L tones are eliminated in anticipation of the register rise: first, the L on the focus marker lè, second the L kàran 'to study'. This kind of anticipation is not uncommon, see also (6.99) where the tone of the verb is not lowered after the DO pronoun, as expected because it is followed by the ideophone ↑fás realized in the raised register. Examples (6.11) and (6.12) illustrate the realization of ↑féw 'absolutely' both within the limits of the pitch range and surpassing it. As can be seen, compared to the highest tone in the preceding part of the clause, the tone of ↑féw can attain the level higher than the preceding H 10. Not surprisingly, such cases of extreme prosodic highlighting provoke an accordingly strong reaction of speakers. In my records, in all the cases when the speaker attains a very high pitch level (which implies the size of excursion of more than 50Hz), the listeners around start to laugh. tone (the first clause in (6.11)), it can be realized at the same level (the second clause in 6.11), finally, it can be realized slightly lower (6.12). ( 6 In (6.13) and (6.14) ↑fɛ ́nfɛ ̀n is realized within the limits of the normal pitch range, in (6.13) H on ↑fɛ ́fɛ ̀n is slightly lower than the first H or the IP, and in (6.13) it is slightly higher. But in both cases they are realized close to the top of the pitch range and also perceptibly higher than the preceding H, see the H on ɲɔ ́ɔ 'there' an bálu-len 'live-PC.STAT' accordingly.

The data

For the analysis of Kakabe intonation system I used almost exclusively the records of natural conversations, with the total duration of more than seven hours (see the texts with more than one speaker in Appendix C). Most of the records are natural conversations produced in the course of interaction between at least two speakers. All of them are audio-and video-recorded. Thus, even though I didn't carry out any systematic analysis of any non-verbal signals, this information could be useful for the better understanding of the situation of interaction between the participants of the conversation.

Every stretch of speechflow in this data has a clearly identifiable recipient who is responsible for monitoring the speech. This means that even if one person dominates the ground, he never speaks 'alone' or 'to himself': there is always a person who either answers his questions (and thus becomes the active speaker) or, if no question is asked, manifests his attention by vocalization (uh-m, awa ~'okay', ɛɛy 'yes' etc). Crucially, these tokens of attention from the recipient (the less active participant) are never random: they appear after one of the four intonation contours (discussed below), or after discourse particles (usually also hosting an intonation contour). This means that speech contains formal cues for the listeners where he is supposed to react, so that their interaction does not break down. So, natural speech is always manifestly an interaction between people, and secondly, at least some formal characteristics of the speech are designed for this interaction.

IP-final prosodic operations

In this section I will describe the realization and the functional distribution of IP-final tonal morphemes and the IP-final pitch rise. Kakabe has three IP-final tonal morphemes and final pitch rise which distinguish between illocutionary types of utterances: As can be seen, phonologically, this is a mixed group. (↑)H%, ↑HL% and L% are associated with floating moras and, as shown later in the chapter, display the behavior similar to lexical tones, in particular, the referential article. At the same time, (↑)H%, ↑HL% are associated with the raising of the pitch level which is optional of the former and obligatory for the latter. The fourth IP-final operation is manifested through the pitch rise ↑ only which is realized after the last mora, and is not associated with any TBU. In glossed examples these four IP-final operations are represented as in Table 6.3, BT stands for boundary tone, and Fin.R for final rise.

Underlying form

Referred

IP-final operation 2nd line in Example

Gloss

+ ↑ mùséè báá kòntònnà↑

The IP-final morphemes (↑)μ%, ↑μμ%, and μ% are manifested by mora augmentation of the IP-final syllable, if the final mora of the IP is associated with another underlying tone (for μμ% lengthening of the penultimate syllable is also possible, as is discussed in 6.4.5). Otherwise, when toneless moras are available at the end of the IP to which (↑)H%, ↑HL% or L% can link, the floating moras are deleted, and no mora augmentation takes place. Importantly, the addition of the boundary morphemes (↑)μ%, ↑μμ%, and μ% is preceded by Tone Leveling which can lead to the deletion of PhP-final H tone(s) 11 . In this case, if the final TBUs of the IP are 'liberated' from the underlying H tone(s), becoming available for the association of the tone of the boundary morpheme, see Sections 6.4.4.5 and 6.4.5.5 for the examples.

I will use the notation (↑)H%, ↑HL% and L% for the three boundary morphemes, though, it should be kept in mind these are morphemes which are not purely tonal, and each tone is associated with a floating mora which can be manifested in moraic lengthening.

As for the function of boundary tones, they occur in the speech flow at a point after which the interlocutor either takes her turn or pronounces a token of attention. Thus, they mark a transition relevance point in the conversation.

L% is a final intonation after which the other speaker can take her turn. When a question word is present in the utterance the IP-final L% contributes to signaling a question. The final rise ↑% can be the signal of turn-keeping or, on the contrary, they can mark a question, and thus solicit the interlocutor's entry onto the scene. (↑)H% is either a marker signaling the end of a passage with predicate negation, or a continuation marker. Finally, the bell-shaped ↑HL% final contour always signals turn-keeping: after units ending with this contour the interlocutor normally does not take his turn but expresses his acknowledgment which is taken as an encouragement to continue.

This configuration is represented in Table (6.4) where each of the boundary tones is related to one of three ways of advancing the conversation, formulated as a three-way distinction between turn-ending (final intonation), turn-yielding (question) and turn-keeping (continuation). The range of utterance types is not exhaustive, for example, I don't discuss the marking of exclamation.

Turn-end

Turn-yielding Turn-keeping L% + + (question word) -↑% -+ + (↑)H% + (negation) -+ ↑HL% --+ Table 6.4: Final contours as transition-relevance place

It should be noted that the list of functions represented in Table 6.4 is not exhaustive: apart from turn-taking, intonation patterns and boundary tones also serve to indicate the attitudes and emotions of the speaker. But, for the consideration of space I do not discuss it here.

All of the three upward final contours (↑)H%, ↑% and ↑HL% which can be referred to as 'upward' since they involve a H tone and/or a pitch rise can signal continuation and are opposed to the downward L% associated with finality. The register raising associated with final ↑H%, ↑% and ↑HL% create a peak which is higher than the last lexical tone which can be H or L, lowered by downdrift or not. The difference between the three upward IP-final operations is defined by the timing of the peak, by its closeness to the right edge of the IP. In ↑HL% the peak is hosted by the penultimate mora, in (↑)H% the peak is hosted by the last mora and in the ↑% contour the peak is aligned after the last mora (on the final part of the mora).

Example

The usage of some of these contours are illustrated in (6.16), an excerpt drawn from a conversation recorded in the Nyamayara village in December 2013. It contains a part of a dialogue between Mammadou Kamara (MK) and a young woman Noumoula Keyta (Num.K). The topic of the current stretch of conversation is the activities of women during Ramadan. In (6.16) below every PhP occupies a separate line, the beginning of the IP is marked by visible horizontal line which thus also signals the downdrift reset (for the description of the properties of PhP and IP in see Section 5.3.4 in the preceding chapter). The boundary tone at the end of IP is given in the column between the transcription and the translation. When IPs are separated by pauses and/or by tokens of attention from MK [mhm] As can be seen, the size of the IP can vary considerably. In the speech of MK five PhPs are united into the IP-2 by one boundary tone in the question of MK, whereas Num.K divides her speech in shorter IPs, consisting of one or two PhPs and only once of three PhP. It should be said that MK, who is very present in my records, has the tendency to utter IP units which generally contain more PhP than those of his interlocutors. Thus, the chunking into IP may depend on the individual preferences of the speaker. The length of PhP also varies a lot, cf. (11a) and ( 11b). Looking at the correspondence between IP and syntactic units, apart from clauses, a separate IP can be formed by a vocative phrase (1a), by an adverbial phrase (7a). Let's now look at the distribution of the boundary tones in the example. The two IP pronounced by Num.K in (6.16) end with L% which are the address and the wh-question.

Num.K starts her description with repeating the question (3a) and (4a) where ↑% is used. Boundary H or rising tone is almost universally associated with general question and with non-finality. In affirmative sentences it marks uncertainty of the speaker or the fact that his speech is not finished. [START_REF] Steedman | Information-Structural Semantics for English Intonation[END_REF] defines the role of the high boundary in English as follows: "The basic sense of high boundaries is to identify the hearer as in the speaker's view committed to the relevant information unit" (251). In line with that, in (6.16) the IPs ending with ↑% are almost all responded to by [mhm] which signals that the hearer is following to what is said.

As the ↑% , the ↑HL% boundary tone occurs in non-final clauses, and requests the confirmation of the involvement of the speaker, as can be seen they are also followed by [mhm] in (6.16).

The L% occurring at the end of (9c) is a sort of a paragraph marker: it is a preliminary stop before passing to the other part of the story, namely, to what happens in the evening. Importantly, it is followed by the longest pause in the extract.

In what follows I discuss all boundary tones, first the distinctive phonological features of the edge tone and the interaction with lexical tones, second its function in discourse.

Final L%

Realization of L%

The final L% signals finality, see Example (6.30) and (6.32) in before. Apart from that, L% occurs at the end of question that have segmental markers of interrogation: wh-questions containing a question word and alternative questions containing a special interrogative marker of the alternative question káa.

The final L% is canceled under certain conditions in IPs containing determiners fó 'all, every' and wó 'any', see Section 6.5.3.5. Related to this case, L% is absent in IP containing utterance negation, see Section 6.4.4.2.

L% is aligned on the final mora of the IP. Example (6.17a) and (6.17b) show the realization of L% tone in an all-H utterance and in an all-L utterance respectively. As can be seen, when an IP ends with a monosyllabic verb, the latter is pronounced with a long vowel, and thus L% is hosted by the second mora.

(6.17 Examples (6.19a) illustrate the realization of L% on IPs where the last lexical tone links to the third syllable from the end. If the final lexical tone is L and there is a mora available, L% attached to a final L can cause the appearance of HS, as in (6.19b). The only two monomoraic morphemes with a lexical tone which can occur at the end of an IP is the focus marker lè and the referential article -È. L% converges with the lexical L of these two morphemes, and is consequently not manifested in the tonal curve. Thus, lè or a NP with article is pronounced the same way when it is at the end of an IP with L% or when it is in the IP-internal position.

This contrasts with the situation when lè or the article hosts (↑)H%, ↑HL% or ↑%. As has been shown above, these three boundary tones are all added after the lexical L, followed by mora addition if necessary. Thus, contrary to (↑)H% and ↑HL%, L% never induces mora addition, but this is explained by the fact that, first there are no monomoraic morphemes with H tone which can occur IP-finally, and L% converges with the L on the final mora.

Another special feature of L% is that it can be blocked by the presence of a determiner with ↑H, see Section 6.5.3.5 and replaced by (↑)H% in IPs with negation, see Section 6.4.4.

Boundary L% and final lowering

Utterance-final low tone is a very common phenomenon cross-linguistically, and it occurs in all kind of prosodic systems, Japanese, English, Dutch, Yoruba among many others, see (Rialland & Aborobongui 2016: 12) for references. Final lowering is opposed to downdrift and declination, as a local phenomenon, realized on the last mora or syllable of an intonation unit (Michaud 2017: 370). The question is whether in tonal languages final lowering is part of the tonal system or, rather, belongs to intonation. Its realization varies across languages. Besides being realized as low it can also be realized as extra-low, going to the bottom of the speaker's pitch range. In Embosi (Bantu) the final lowering is realized extra-low and can be associated with devoicing (Rialland & Aborobongui 2016: 12). Final lowering can be a low plateau, as in Chichewa, or a final fall, as in Bemba and Embosi.

The reference to the bottom of the pitch range indicates that the phenomenon in question is intonational, rather than tonal, and the association with devoicing also points in this direction.

Nevertheless, as has been shown, in Kakabe IP-final L triggers the insertion of HS and, at least in these cases, it should be considered a part of the tonal system. At the same time, according to my observation, as in the mentioned case of Embosi, final lowering can be associated with devoicing. It is also not totally clear to me whether the HS insertion between this final low is obligatory or not. This is not always easy to determine due to tone-leveling, described in Section 5.6 which transforms HLHL sequence into HꜜHL and therefore can make the realization of HS less salient in the tonal curve. Thus, the tonal curve in (6.22) could be interpreted in both ways. It is possible that in Kakabe in some cases a final boundary L% is realized, and then a HS is inserted, and in others the final lowering is intonational. A more thorough analysis is needed to have a clear answer, so far, as an interim decision I describe the final lowering in Kakabe as a boundary tone

Final rise ↑%

The realization of the final pitch rise ↑% which is the simplest case among the upward final contours, since, being a purely intonational operation, it does not interfere with the lexical tones of the utterance. As to its function, final rising is used in general questions, (??), (??) and as continuation intonation (6.26).

As has been said above, ↑% is realized after the last mora. It does not need a segmental host since it is an intonational operation which is realized sequentially after the lexical tones. If we consider that tone of ↑% is a structurally different item compared to tone, this explains why it never replaces the tones.

Example (6.24) illustrates the realization of ↑% added onto a H lexical tone and Example (6.25) illustrates the realization of ↑% after a L tone. The excursion size of pitch rise may vary, cf. (6.25) with a large size of excursion, and (6.24) where the excursion smaller, I will refer to this type of boundary tone as minor ↑%.

In the case when ↑% is used to signal a theme, the difference between major vs. minor ↑% correlates with the closeness to the rheme. Example (6.26) contains five propositions conveying a sequence of events. The first four correspond to IPs ending with ↑%, and the fifth to the IP is marked as the endpoint, and as the rheme with the L%. The ↑% which immediately precedes is a major rise, much more prominent than the preceding three rises.

(6.26) mà nààlén Bààdíì↑

We came to Baadi, kà bɔ ́Bààdíì↑ and when we came to Baadi, kà nàà mìsíídè tɔ ́yàn↑ we came to the market place there, kà bɔ ́mìsíídè tɔ ̀↑ and we left the market place má tɔ ̀kèètà Pámpá yàn nà↑ and we arrive to here, to Pampa.

Apart from signaling the transmitting of the turn from one speaker to another or, on the contrary, its continuation, the final rise can also serve to signal the change or continuation of a certain type of the discussed topic. Let's look at Example (6.27) below which contains a conventional sequence of greeting-answer pairs. Importantly, in the first two pairs each turn ends with a rising pitch, whereas the last pair of turns does not have any final upward tone movement. Thus, the role of the rising movement of tone in this case is to signal the continuation of a certain "genre" of interaction, greeting in this case. (6.27) tànà máá tèlè↑ Is there no trouble? -ɛ ̀ɛ́y ì↑ -Yes tàna bélé ɲɔ ́ɔ̀l à↑ Is there no trouble there? -ɛ ̀ɛ́y ì↑ -Yes dénbáyànù kɛ ̀ndɛ ̀Are your family fine? -tànà wó béláánna -They are fine

Boundary (↑)H%

Contrary to Final Rise aligned at the end of the last syllable of the utterance, the boundary (↑)H% is realized on the entire last syllable of the utterance it is associated with. Compare (6.28) and (6.29) (the latter a reproduction of Example (6.24) already discussed earlier). In (6.28) the second syllable of the H-toned verb gbála 'dry' is realized at a higher level than its first syllable. By contrast, in (6.29) the second syllable of the H-toned verb díya 'please' is realized at the same height as its first syllable, and the rise to a higher level takes place later. Thus, the difference between Final Rise and (↑)H% is in the timing of the transition to a higher level. The two utterances also differ by illocutionary force: is a negative assertion, whereas (6.29) is a question. The alignment of (↑)H% and is described in more detail in Sections 6.4.4.4. Before that, in Sections 6. 4.4.1-6.4.4.3, I discuss the functions of the (↑)H% boundary tone.

Boundary (↑)H% as continuation marker

(↑)H% contributes to establishing a thematic relation one uttered chunk of information with respect to some further sequence. Examples (6.30)-(6.32) illustrate the use of (↑)H% in affirmative utterances where it signals that more is to follow. In (6.30) in both cases it appears at the end of a matrix clause which introduces some content: (6.30) fó mà ní wó ɲìnìnká mà náà lɔ ́n-H%, We need to ask you in order to know fɛ ́n dè máátá à sábòè là-H%, what is the reason that má lè má nɛ ̀ɛ̀n ɛ ̀kéléɲɛ ̀nù bì táálá ɲɔ ́ɔ̀l à-L% us, other brothers go there In (6.31) (↑)H% occurs at the end of two sequences setting up the scene of the main event (with chunking this introduction into three IPs): (6.31) hárì wón tùmá-H%, At that time Sɛ ́ɛ̀k ù Tùrɛ ́-H%, when Sékou Touré dɛ ̀pitɛ ́ɛ̀l è was a deputy.

In (6.32) (↑)H% serves to create coherence between three clauses: (6.32) ɓá ꜜmá lè má nɔ ̀lén ꜜdé nùn-H% You see, we were enslaved, mà kɔ ́lɔ ́nízɛ ́lén-H% we were colonized tìbáábòènù nín fúlán dè bòlò-L% by white people and by Fulbe.

The boundary (↑)H% is frequent in contrastive context, see (6.33), where it occurs at the end of the first clause which from to the second clause by one element: The conditions of the use of (↑)H% in negative utterances are formulated below:

(
1. Negation (↑)H% appears only in main non-interrogative clauses, i.e. it is NOT licensed in:

(a) interrogative utterances;

(b) subordinate utterances (relativization, conditional protasis, temporal clause, etc.);

(c) negative continuation constructions that are associated with particular intonation pattern (see Section 6.6.1).

2. Negation (↑)H% is blocked in the presence within the same IP of a pragmatically prominent lexeme hosting ↑H.

Prosodic constituency conditions:

(a) Negation (↑)H% is IP-final;

(b) Negation (↑)H% is licensed locally within the PhP: Negation (↑)H% cannot be separated from the negation operator that triggers it by a PhP-boundary.

The implementation of these conditions is discussed and illustrated in the following three subsections.

Negation (↑)H% and clause type

As stated in Condition ( 1), only declarative negation in a main clause can trigger IP-final (↑)H%. If the negation is part of an interrogative utterance, the boundary tone is defined by the type of the question and not by negation. In (6.36 a) the negation is embedded in an alternative question and in (6.36 b) in a content question. Accordingly, L% is assigned to the end of the IP in both cases which is the boundary tone pertaining to these types of questions.

(

Negation (↑)H% and lexemes hosting register raising

As argued in Section 6.5.1, Kakabe has a class of lexemes that are characterized by inherent assertion focus and which host ↑H (register raising applied to the lexical H of the lexeme). These are polarity items, the universal quantifier, the emphatic particles, e.g. ↑fó ~fó 'every'; ↑wó ~wó 'any'; ↑kóobèn 'indeed, a lot', etc. According to the condition (2) of the realization of Negation (↑)H%, when the utterance with a sentential negation contains such lexeme, the negation cannot license (↑)H%, see (6.41 a) and (6.42). Part of these lexemes are always IP-final, e.g. the ↑féw'absolutely' in (6.42). In this case the raised ↑H could, in principle, be the boundary tone of the negation and the lexeme could be underlyingly toneless. Yet, since other lexemes with a similar pragmatic profile (inherent assertion focus) host ↑H when they are IP-medial the analysis of ↑H is preferable12 . ( 6

Negation (↑)H% and prosodic boundaries

The third condition implies that in order to trigger the (↑)H% boundary tone the marker of negation must be in the last PhP of the IP, otherwise the PhP boundary blocks the boundary tone. Let's look at Examples (6.43 a)-(6.43 d), in all of which the negation markers (copulas or auxiliaries) are in the final PhP of the utterance. In (6.43 a) béle is in IP-final position, in (6.43 b) it is followed only by a verb with which it forms one PhP. Finally, in (6.43 c) and (6.43 d) the negation marker is followed by DO and a verb that are also included in one PhP in Kakabe (see 5. In a non-verbal utterance with a negative copula immediately followed by a postpositional phrase, the negation (↑)H% is present both if the postpositional phrase is pronominal (6.47 a) and when it contains a full-fledged NP, as in (6.47 a) and (6.47 b). The presence of the boundary tone in the latter case is due to the fact that the NP forms one PhP with the negative marker which immediately precedes it. This contrasts with verbal clauses (6.44) in which the negative auxiliary and the lexical verb form one PhP and the postpositional phrase with an NP forms another PhP.

Marking continuation for negative utterances

The question arises as to how continuation is signaled for negative utterances. It should be kept in mind though that sentential negation is not neutral to the structure of conversation. Sentential negation is always rhematic, and, consequently, utterances with sentential negation can hardly play a role of introductory material with respect to some further utterance. Yet, an utterance with sentential negation can be pronounced with a listing intonation and in this case ↑HL% is used: (6.48) mà yáà dònnà má kèɲɛ ́ɛ̀n dè là nɔ ̀n-L%, We brought it walking by foot ɔ ́tɔ béle-↑HL% [we had] no car, wɛ ́lɔ béle-↑HL% , no bicycle, móto béle-↑HL% , no motorcycle, mà ì táálá má kèɲɛ ́ɛ̀n ꜜdlá nùn-L% we went on foot. Cross-linguistically, tone and intonation are not often reported to be involved in marking negation. According to Dryer's (2013a) typological survey of negation constructions, there is only one language (out of 1324), namely Engenni (Edoid), where tone is the sole marker of negation. Apart from that, he mentions a few cases where negation is coded both by tone and a segmental marker. One of the few examples is Mano (Eastern Mande), where negation is coded either by a preverbal negative particle or by changing the tone on the subject pronoun. In Igbo, a Niger-Volta language H replaces the L of the auxiliary in negative utterances [START_REF] Ndimele | Negation marking in Igbo[END_REF][START_REF] Obiamalu | On the role of tone in Igbo negation[END_REF]). Outside of Africa, tone is engaged in the coding of negation in Phake, a Tai-Kadai language of Assam (India). In this language, if a verb has the second tone (High falling), it changes to rising when negated, at the same time, the rising tone on the last syllable of the sentence signals question [START_REF] Michaud | Tone in Yongning Na: Lexical tones and morphotonology[END_REF]: 430 < Morey 2008).

As for the intonational marking of negation, I am not aware of any examples except for Bobo (North-Western Mande) as described by [START_REF] Morse | A sketch of the phonology and morphology of Bobo (Upper Volta)[END_REF], where negative non-interrogative utterances have a special intonation pattern (similar to that of exclamations).

As has been shown above, in Kakabe the negation-induced H% has a limited domain of application. First, it is sensitive to the prosodic organization of the utterance. It is licensed by the presence of a negative auxiliary or copula and is blocked if this negative marker is separated from the end of IP by the PhP boundary. Second, it is not compatible with IPinternal intonational register raising which is hosted by such elements as polarity items. Third, the negation H% is overruled by boundary tones of other sentence mode operators, if the negation is embedded in an interrogative utterance. The H% of negation is overruled by other intonational operations and has to be local with respect to the negation marker by which it is licensed.

Below I consider two analysis of possible motivation of negation-related boundary H%.

Boundary H% in negation as the extension of continuation marking

The boundary morpheme H% is not specialized for negation, but serves primarily to signal continuation. The motivation for the use of the same prosodic marking for continuation and negation can probably be found in the analysis of the function of negative utterances in conversation [START_REF] Ford | At the intersection of turn and sequence: Negation and what comes next[END_REF][START_REF] Schegloff | Turn-organization: One intersection of grammar and interaction[END_REF][START_REF] Sacks | The correction-invitation device[END_REF]. In her study of negation in conversation in English, [START_REF] Ford | At the intersection of turn and sequence: Negation and what comes next[END_REF] comes to the conclusion that negative utterances are units which lack completion and therefore demand further elaboration:

Broadly speaking, the work of the negative TCU involves rejection, either rejection of an immediately prior proposition or the rejection and shifting away from a topic or sequence. The work of what follows the negative TCU is to provide a resolution of the rejection: an alternative to what came before, an account for the rejection, a modified form of agreement (e.g., to take up a proffered topic while rejecting a proposition), or a shift to another topic or sequence (Ford 2001: 60).

See also the analysis of negatively framed utterances as an environment for negative responses in [START_REF] Heinemann | Negation in interaction[END_REF].

In this perspective one can suppose that in Kakabe H% boundary tone has been extended from continuation marking to negative utterance due to the similarity of their roles in the conversation structure. At the same time, only prosodically minimal negation utterances were involved, leaving unaffected the extended negative utterances, where the PhP with negation is followed by an additional PhP within the same TCU.

This analysis is, of course, highly speculative, and it does not account for fact that the same intonational or tonal marking for continuation and negation is, supposedly, very rare typologically.

Boundary H% as part of double negation-marking construction

A possible continuation of the analysis proposed above is to consider boundary H% as the second part of a double negation-marking construction. As has been already said, (↑)H% is blocked by polarity items, compare the pairs (a) and (b) in (6.49) and ( 6 This property makes the Kakabe negative construction with H% similar to the 'French-style' double negation construction. The second part of the negation, pas, is mutually exclusive with the negative quantifiers such words as rien 'nothing', personne 'nodoby', nulpart 'nowhere' etc. This distribution is explained by the fact that pas originally belonged to the same semantic group as rien, personnne etc., namely polarity neutral emphatic markers 'even a thing', 'even a person' etc. (Van Alsenoy & van der Auwera 2014: 17-18) 13 . As discussed in (6.5.3), ↑fɛ ́nfɛ ̀n and ↑dóodò are neutral polarity items which can be used either in negative or in affirmative utterances.

The second aspect which favors the double-negation analysis is the existence of sentence final emphatic particles ↑féw, ↑fúyi which host (↑)H tone, and which are very frequent in negative utterances. Since they are always IP-final, there is no way to tell whether (↑)H is their lexical tone or whether it is the IP-final tone. These particles can be used in both negative and positive context, see (6.51 a) and (6.51 b) respectively, but in negative contexts they are more frequent. Thus, among 49 utterances with ↑féw in my corpus, 38 are negative. For more examples of negative utterances with final emphatic particles, see Examples (6.10)-(6.12) earlier in the chapter. We have finished! (completely).

The sentence-final emphatic particles, along with assertion focus markers are a common source for the second element of a double negation-marking construction, at least in Western African languages, see Beyer (2009: 205). One can suppose that (↑)H% with the floating mora is the 'less segmental' equivalent of emphatic final particles which became associated with negation.

To sum up, both the relationship of mutual exclusion with polarity items, and the structural proximity of H% with utterance-final emphatic particles can be considered as arguments to analyze the structure with the negative auxiliary or copula and the boundary (↑)H% as a double negation-marking construction. At the same time, even if it can be considered a type of double-negation construction, there are, of course, important differences with the cases referred to in this term in the literature: the prosodic nature of the second element in Kakabe and the restrictions on its appearance within one PhP with the negative auxiliary or copula.

Double-negation constructions are common in the area not far, but still not adjacent to the Kakabe zone, being more to the East. They are found in Eastern Mande, Kru, Gur and Kwa languges, see [START_REF] Kastenholz | Samogo" language islands, and Mande-Senufo (Gur) interference phenomena[END_REF][START_REF] Beyer | Double negation-marking: A case of contact-induced grammaticalization in West Africa?[END_REF][START_REF] Idiatov | Clause-final negative markers in southeastern Bamana dialects: a contact-induced evolution[END_REF]. Kakabe is not in contact with any languages with double negation, thus there is no evidence for contact influence.

To conclude, so far, there is no conclusive evidence to decide between the analysis of (↑)H% induced by negation as the extension of the continuation boundary tone, and the analysis according to which (↑)H% is rather a part of double negation construction going back to an emphatic marker.

The alignment of (↑)H%

The floating mora of the boundary (↑)H% morpheme surfaces when it is added to a mora at the end of IP which is associated with a lexical tone. Otherwise, the floating mora of the boundary (↑)H% is deleted.

Thus, in (6.52) and (6.53), the last (lexical morpheme) mora is already occupied by an underlying lexical tone, and the mora of the boundary (↑)H% is added to it which manifested in lengthening. In (6.52) the second instance of the pronoun dóè 'the other' hosts three tones: the lexical H, the L of the article and the (↑)H%. It is considerably longer compared to the first dóè which hosts only H and L, since an extra mora is added to host (↑)H%. On the contrary, in Examples (6.54)-(6.55 b) below, no lexical tone is associated with the last mora, consequently, the floating mora of (↑)H% is deleted and the tone is associated with this mora.

The utterance represented in (6.54) contains two IPs each ending with (↑)H%. In the first IP the penultimate mora is linked with lexical L and the second IP with lexical H. (↑)H% is realized as a peak which is higher than the last underlying lexical tone, see (6.54) and (6.57). At the same time, the size of the excursion of the rise varies, compare the two pairs: (↑)H% after H in (6.54) vs. (??), and (↑)H% after L (6.55 a) vs. (6.55 b). The constant part is that (↑)H% is realized at a higher level than the last lexical tone, either H or L.

Examples (6.55 a) and (6.55 b) illustrate the realization of (↑)H% after a mora with lexical L tone. As can be seen, (↑)H% does not always rise to the top of the pitch range. Monosyllabic verbs are always pronounced with a long vowel when they host the boundary (↑)H%. Yet, it is not clear whether this second mora is added because of the boundary tone or whether this mora belongs to the lexical form of the verb, since as said earlier, in general, monosyllabic verb can be pronounced either with a long or with a short vowel.

Boundary (↑)H% and Final Tone Leveling

As has already been said, Final Tone Leveling (FTL) which can lead to the deletion of PhPfinal H tone(s) (see 5.6 about this tonal process) takes place sequentially before the combination of the utterance with the IP-final boundary morphemes. Therefore, before (↑)H% is to be aligned, the end of the utterance can be freed from a lexical H(s) through FTL deletion.

In (6.58) FTL leads to the deletion of H on the perfective negative copula máa and on the verb bálu 'be alive'. After the application of FTL, boundary morpheme is added: H% links to the last TBU of the utterance, whereby the floating mora becomes superfluous and is deleted. At the end of the derivation, default tone spread applies. ( 6 The utterances in (6.60 a) and (6.60 b) end with verbs with lexical H and the negative auxiliary máa which also has underlying H. The tonal realization in both examples results from the application of FTL which deletes the H tones on the auxiliary and on the verb, after which the boundary (↑)H% is associated with the syllable of the verb. The alternative analysis according to which the last lexical H would be retained is ruled out by the obligatory character of FTL and the band on Partial FTL (5.128) described in Section 5.6.

Alignment of the ↑HL% boundary tone

The case of ↑HL% boundary tone brings to light a particularly complex mechanism of interaction between phonotactic structure, lexical tones and boundary tones, combined with an intonational operation.

Example (6.61) illustrated two possible ways of the alignment of ↑HL%. In (a) the boundary tone is aligned on the last two syllables and in (b) and (c) it is aligned on the last syllable. mà bi tùguri-È lè kɛ -la-↑HL% sàgo-È ma-↑HL% 1PL be pounding-ART FOC do-GER-HL.BT morning-ART in-HL.BT mà ni jíi-È sòri-↑HL% 1PL SBJV water-ART scoop-HL.BT We do pounding, in the morning, we scoop water.

As one can see, the ↑HL% contour can be aligned on the last syllable only, or occupy the last and the penultimate syllables. The contour ↑HL% requires two moras for its alignment, since it consists of two tones.

I analyzed the alignment of ↑HL% using a database of 312 IPs with the boundary tone in question which is the total number IPs with ↑HL% occurring in the non-monologue texts in my corpus.

The alignment of the ↑HL% contour is defined by the two following generalizations:

• HL% occupies the last two moras of the IP which can be either the floating moras of the boundary morpheme itself or the final moras of the preceding morpheme(s), or the combination of the two.

• The deletion of the final lexical tone is, in most cases, avoided. Therefore, the tones of ↑HL% are usually aligned after TBU bearing the last lexical tone in the IP.

Furthermore, the alignment of ↑HL% depends on two parameters: 1) the position of the mora with the last lexical tone in the IP 2) the grouping into syllables of the final moras of the IP (excluding the floating moras of the boundary ↑HL% morpheme). The schematic representation of the realization of ↑HL% is represented in Table 6.6. The first column represents the last one or two syllables, their weight and the position of the last underlying (non-boundary tone) which is the input to the addition of the boundary ↑HL% morpheme. The second column represents the output of the process which can differ from the first by the length of the syllables and the tonal configuration. The third column specifies by how many moras the output is longer than the input and, second, what syllable is lengthened compared to the input: the ultimate or the penultimate syllable. Thus, this column indirectly indicates whether one or both of the floating moras of the ↑HL% boundary morpheme are deleted, and where do its remaining moras land: are they added to the penultimate or to the last syllable. As we can see, no mora is added, i.e. both floating moras are deleted, when both final moras in the output are not associated with any underlying tone, lines (3a) and ( 4), e.g.: Both floating moras of the ↑HL% boundary morpheme surface in the output only in the case when the last mora is associated with a lexical tone, hence the realization lè↑éè of the IP-final focus marker lè when ↑HL% is added to it. The two-mora lengthening resulting from the addition of ↑HL% is described in detail in the following subsection (6.4.5.1). In the remaining cases one mora is deleted and one mora is retained, e.g. bàa → bà↑áà 'goat'. When the two final moras are free of lexical tone which is the case of the inputs /CVV#/, /CVCV#/, /CV̀VCV#/ both moras of the boundary morpheme can be deleted.

Input

The default strategy for the realization of the tone of ↑HL% marked as default, (df.), in Table 6.6 is its alignment on the last syllable. It is also the only option for the outputs from ( 1) trough (3b). By contrast, for the outputs of the types /CVCV#/, /CV̀CV#/ and /CV̀VCV#/, in ( 4), ( 5a) and (5b), respectively, the ↑H of the boundary morpheme can be aligned on the penultimate syllable. In the case of /CV̀CV#/ this leads to the addition of one of the two floating moras to the penultimate syllable, since otherwise the penultimate mora is already associated with a tone, e.g. fàga → fà↑ágà 'die'. In the other two cases, the penultimate mora of the output is free for the association of ↑H which gives kàlama → kà↑lámà 'ladle' and sìise → sì↑ísè 'chicken'.

As can be seen, the penultimate syllable association strategy which is possible for /CVCV#/, /CV̀CV#/ and /CV̀VCV#/ (either because its penultimate syllable is extendable or because there is a toneless mora available to host ↑H) is in variation with the default, final syllable association of both tones. As shown later, it is not clear what defines the choice between the two, supposedly, it is due to dialectal difference.

To sum up, the alignment of ↑HL% is sensitive to the prosodic structure of the end of the IP, to the presence of lexical tones and to the quality of this tones. In what follows I show that there are some exceptions to the represented mechanism where the tones of the boundary morpheme can override the lexical tones.

As I shown in Section 6.4.5.5, final syllables of the IP can be freed from the lexical H tone, due to the application of FTL, operating at the PhP level, in which case they become available for the association of ↑HL%. In the following subsections (6.4.5.1-6.4.5.4) I will show that the realization of ↑HL% also depends on the morphological properties of the IP-final elements. The remainder of the section is organized as follows. Section 6.4.5.1 describes the realization of ↑HL% in case when the penultimate or last mora is linked to the L of the article or is followed by a floating L. Finally, in Section 6.4.5.7 I discuss the question of final heavy syllable and the effect of ↑HL% on the realization of an underlyingly heavy syllable. 6.4.5.1 Lexical L on the last mora 6. 4

.5.1.1 Referential article

When lexical L is at the end of the IP, there is not a single toneless mora available to host ↑HL%, consequently, both floating moras are retained. Essentially, the lengthening resulting from the addition of the floating moras of the boundary morpheme is moraic. Thus, the duration of the final vowels of the three nouns in (6.62) clearly manifests that one mora corresponds to each tone. Accordingly, the final vowel of pɔ ́npítɛ ́rɛ ̀corresponds by its duration to three moras. And the final vowel sɔ ̀ɔsɛ + ART + ↑HL% hosts four tones: HS, the L of the article and the contour ↑HL%, and consequently comprises four moras. It remains an open question whether such vowels lasting for three and four moras and hosting three or four tones should be considered one syllable.

In pɔ ́npitɛrɛ-È-↑HL% 'potato-ART-BT' the resulting last syllable is associated with three moras, because the mora of the article is deleted (see Section 5.9. Since the first syllable of the nouns sìise 'chicken' and nìngi 'cow' is heavy, there is space for both the lexical tone of the noun and the boundary tone:

μ μ μ μ μ H ↑H L sii se → μ μ μ μ μ H ↑H L sii se → μ μ μ H ↑H L sii se μ μ μ μ μ H ↑H L nin gi → μ μ μ μ μ H ↑H L nin gi → μ μ μ H ↑H L nin gi
When ↑H% of the ↑HL% is linked to a syllable which already has an underlying tone, the ↑H% rises from the level of the lexical tone. Compare túlu in (6.63) above, where ↑H% rises from the level of the lexical H, and sìisekili in the same example, where ↑H% links to the penultimate syllable with no underlying lexical tone (the lexical tone of kíli is deleted due to the fact that it is the second element of a compound, see Section 5.9.2.1), and thus, ↑H% is realized simply as high and not as a rise. This shows that the underlying tone is preserved in the surface realization when the boundary ↑HL% is associated with the IP:

Focus marker

Apart from the referential article, the focus marker lè is the only other monomoraic morpheme with L tone which can appear at the end of an IP. In (6.64) below ↑HL% is realized on the focus marker lè, and two moras are added to it to host the three tones, the L of the focus marker and the ↑HL% of the final contour. The preservation of the L of the focus marker can also be seen from the fact that a HS is realized on the preceding two syllables.

(

Lexical L at the end of a penultimate heavy syllable.

There are two types of lexical L tone which can occupy this position: the L of the referential article and the floating L14 .

In (6.66) the penultimate syllable is mín L , a bimoraic syllable with HL tone, as expected, an extra mora is added to host the complex tone to the last syllable: As discussed in Section 5.9.1, the syllable with the article is long in two cases 1) when the article is added to a monosyllabic CVV noun 2) when HS tone is realized on the same syllable as the article. In this case ↑HL% is aligned on the last syllable which is consequently lengthened, see (6.67 a)-( 6

Adding mora to the penultimate syllable

When the penultimate syllable is associated with one lexical tone, and it is at the same time the penultimate mora of the IP, in this case↑H% can be linked to the same syllable as the lexical tone. This leads to a situation when two tones are crowded on one mora. The ways this situation is resolved depends on the morphological boundaries, and also on whether the lexical tone is H or L.

The crowding of tones on one mora is avoided when the penultimate syllable is at the edge of a morpheme. In this case a mora is added to the penultimate light syllable, and consequently, the lexical tone and ↑H% are distributed over two moras, see the autosegmental representation below.

Thus, when the L of the article occupies the penultimate light syllable of an IP, a mora is added to this syllable in order to host the first part of the ↑HL%. An extra mora is also added when the lexical L tone is linked to the penultimate mora which is the first part of a heavy syllable. In this case the syllable ends up with three moras, as in (6.71). On the other hand, if the tone is H, no mora is added.

The default strategy of the lengthening of the last syllable

Apart from the strategies described above which are sensitive to the position of the last lexical tone, its quality, the syllabic grouping of final moras, one more strategy can be applied which is not sensitive to any of these factors. Whenever the final syllable of the IP is originally light, the realization of ↑HL% can lead to the lengthening of the latter, as in (6.72): The fishing hook which he has... The distribution between the final-syllable vs. penultimate-syllable alignment of ↑HL% remains unclear. So far, no functional contrast between the two strategies has been found, neither is this difference dialectal. It can be said, though, that when (for phonotactic and tonal reasons) it is possible to distribute the ↑HL% contour over the last two syllables, it is realized on the last two syllables, rather than on one final syllable. Thus, in total, there are 145 IPs in my corpus which structurally allow ↑HL% to align on the last two syllables (i.e. cases with the final syllable not underlyingly long, no L tone on the final mora etc.). In three quarter of the tokens (109 IPs) ↑HL% is aligned on the last two syllables, and the ↑HL% is aligned on the final syllable which is lengthened for this purpose, only in 36 cases.

↑HL% and Final Tone Leveling

As has been said earlier, the boundary morphemes are added after the application of FTL (Final Tone Leveling, see Section 5.6.1). The realization of tonal morpheme ↑HL% after the application of FTL is illustrated by (6.74). In this utterance, the H of the conditional auxiliary máni and of the verb ké 'arrive' are deleted. After that, ↑HL% is added and its first tone links to the final TBU of the utterance, which is toneless. One of the floating morae becomes superfluous and is deleted. The other floating mora is added to the IP resulting in the lengthening of the last syllable of the utterance. At the end of the derivation L is associated with the two TBU which would otherwise be toneless. Compare the realization of ↑HL% in the three IPs within the utterance in (6.75). In the first and the second IPs ↑HL% is added to a syllable associated with underlying L, ròndi 'carry on head' and yàn 'here', respectively. The result is rò↑óndì and yà↑ân with the insertion of a floating mora before the final mora of the last word of the utterance. By contrast, no mora is added in the third IP, since it ends with an underlying H-toned verb whose tone is deleted before the addition of ↑HL%. We would do the smith's work.

Exceptions

There are two groups of cases when the principle according to which ↑HL% aligns after the last lexical tone is not respected: first, when the last mora of IP is linked to the lexical L and ↑H is aligned before it (Section 6.4.5.6.1), second, when ↑H replaces the lexical L or H on the penultimate mora (Section 6.4.5.6.2).

Alignment of ↑H% before the last lexical tone

The utterance in (6.78) below contains four IPs with ↑HL%. In all the four IPS the ↑H% is aligned on final syllable of the numeral preceding the focus marker which has underlying L.

( wɔ ́ɔ́↑ rɔ ́lè wɔ ɔrɔ lè ↑HL% six FOC HL.BT [They will check] whether there is one room, or if there are two rooms or if there are three rooms, or if there are six rooms ... This realization results from the following derivation. First, ↑H links to the second syllable of the nominal root which is toneless, and this leads to the deletion of the floating mora. Second, the L of the focus marker and the L of the tonal morpheme merge, and the second floating mora is deleted. Alternatively, one can suppose that the L of the focus marker deletes, and the tones of the tonal morpheme link to the two final mora which become toneless. Yet, this goes against the principle according to which lexical tones cannot be deleted, the previous analysis is preferable.

Weight of the final syllable and the alignment of ↑HL%

If the final syllable of the IP is underlyingly heavy, it tends to be realized as heavy when the IP ends with ↑HL%.

First, if the final syllable of the IP with ↑HL% is a monosyllabic CV(V) verb, the latter is always realized with a long vowel and ↑HL% is realized on this final syllable, as in (6.84) below. This is important because in general monosyllabic verbs have unstable length, see Section 3. There are only six cases when the IP ends with CVN and the ↑HL% is distributed on the last two syllables, they are listed in (6.86 a)-(6.86 f). In three of these cases N can be either preserved in the realization (6.86 a)-(6.86 d), or disappear, (6.86 e) and (6.86 f). It might be relevant that in all these cases the CVN syllabe has no underlying tone. In rare cases it occurs in the middle of an IP and in this case it has no tone, so that the tone of the preceding element spreads onto it which shows that the HL tone is not its lexical tone but the boundary ↑HL%: Other lexical items which are often associated with ↑HL% are the particles nɔn, ɔn, túgun all of which can be considered as topic-shift markers, and kɔ ̀tɛ 'now'. Thus, the realization L↑HL is frequent for kɔ ̀tɛ, cf. (6.94 a) and (6.94 b). See also the discussion about the LHL tone pattern of interjections in Section 5. 4.6

Prosody and information structure

In Kakabe, prosody is not involved in marking contrastive or information constituent focus. This type of focus which is traditionally considered as the core type of focus category is marked instead by the particle lè. For this reason, Kakabe could be included in the category of languages that do not use prosody for coding categories of information structure. Yet this conclusion would have been premature, because in Kakabe intonation and tone can express contrasts which belong to the focus category in the larger sense.

As mentioned in the introductory part (see 6.2.5), the current study follows the approach in which focus is considered as a multifunctional category which, apart from the contrastive or information constituent focus in main declarative utterances, also includes interrogative phrase focus, polarity item focus and assertions focus. All these categories can be viewed as the information center of their utterance, because they give rise to the set of relevant alternatives against which the utterance is construed.

As I argue in Section 6.5.3 within the category of indefinite pronouns, Kakabe uses prosody to signal whether the pronoun gives rise to a set of alternatives against which the utterance is interpreted, and if so, what kind of set of alternatives. Both intonation and tonal oppositions are involved in it: first, the intonational register raising and, second, the H L tonal pattern as opposed to H. Apart from that, register raising is realized on lexemes which have inherent assertion focus.

Lexical items hosting register raising

This section analyzes the association between register raising and various types of pragmatically prominent lexemes by which I mean elements associated with different focus, as described above. These include polarity items, universal quantifier, the emphatic particles which are characterized by inherent assertion focus, they are listed in (6.95) below. ( 6

IP-final ideophones, intensifiers

All these lexemes are characterized by a particular type of focus. Thus, the ↑fús L 'nothing at all' and ↑féw L 'absolutely' are a special type of quantifier characterized as 'domain wideners' [START_REF] Chierchia | Broaden Your Views: Implicatures of Domain Widening and the "Logicality" of Language[END_REF], since they trigger the widening of the domain against which a referent is interpreted. The adverbs ↑háa 'until, a lot', ↑kóobèn 'indeed, a lot' are a type of propositional quantifier with an intensifying function. On the connection between ideophones and focus see, for example, [START_REF] Alpher | Ideophones in interaction with intonation and the expression of new information in some indigenous languages of Australia[END_REF].

Adverbs with assertion focus

The adverb kóobèn is usually pronounced with register raising, as in (6.96) below. Yet, this adverb can also be realized with a simple H on the first syllable. Thus, in a negative utterance there is no register raising on the emphatic adverb kóobèn because the latter is in the scope of negation and therefore is no more the main focus of the utterance.

Ideophones and intensifiers

Intensifier is a special type adverb with emphatic meaning and very high semantic specialization to small sets of verbs or, often, individual verbs. In the clause-final position they are always pronounces with a ↑H realized in the raised register, as in (6.99) and ( 6 Intensifiers and ideophones are very close, and the latter is sometimes considered a subcategory of the former. Example (6.101) below contains two intensifiers, the first, gádágádágádá, realized with H within the normal pitch range and, the second cù↑dún is realized with a normal L on the first syllable and with a ↑H wich raises steeply from the previous syllable. In (6.103) below the ideophone wɛ ́lenwɛlen occupies the DO position and it is pronounced with the tone lower than the boundary ↑HL% on the verb after it. The whole of the second clause is realized in a lowered register, and the ideophone ndúnndun is thus pronounced with a tone considerably lower than the ideophone in the preceding clause.

Pragmatically prominent items and the blocking of Tone Leveling

Pragmatically prominent lexemes can block the application of Tone Leveling. This process is manifested through the deletion of PhP-final H tone(s) or through the delinking of a PhPmedial L tone; it is described in Section 5.6 in the previous chapter. Let's consider the realization of the universal quantifier fó(o) ~fóp(u) and its effect on Tone Leveling. Table 6.8 represents proportions of different types of its tonal realization. As can be seen, most often, it is realized at the top of the tonal register. In one third of cases, it is preceded by partial upstep (51 occurrences), in 22 tokens it is under downdrift, but with the preserved H, finally, only in two cases its H is delinked. Yet, though pragmatically prominent lexemes are realized at the top of the tone register, the raising of the register is not obligatory for their realization. Thus, in (6.106) the H on fóo is under downdrift. But even in this case the H on the quantifier does not participate in Tone Leveling: it can neither be deleted (no FTL), nor can it spread to the left itself (no MTL). in We are hungry there all that time (litt.: "We suffer all that hunger there").

Tonal realization of fó(o) ~fóp(u)

Due to its lexical meaning, in most cases, fóo hosts the main focus of the utterance. Its H tone can delink only in those rare cases when, due to a particular pragmatic or syntactic configuration, fóo is expelled from the main focus of the utterance. This happens in (6.107) where it is in the scope of negation, and the universal quantification makes part of the presupposition.

Tone, register raising and sets of alternatives

In this section I will describe three series of pronouns which are distinguished by tone and, as already mentioned earlier, they differ by the type of triggering the set of alternatives. Table 6.9 represents three series of pronouns, each is characterized by a specific prosodic pattern paired with a particular semantic type of reference. In the interrogative pronouns series mín L 'what' and yɔ ́nL 'who' represent different roots, but they fit in the paradigm in that their prosodic pattern matches the semantic type associated with this prosodic pattern in the other two series. The roots fɛ ́n and kóo are also used as nominal roots expressing generic meaning, 'thing' and 'matter, affair', respectively. The pronoun dóo 'a certain person' goes back to 'one', and, when used adnominally, it is a weakly grammaticalized indefinite marker, see Section 2.5.6 6.109 c) below illustrate the three series. Thus, the tone on fɛ ́n, see Figure (a) below, is at the same level as both the preceding H and the following H, in (b) ↑fɛ ́nfɛ ̀n is pronounced with raised H on the first syllable which is considerably higher than the H on the negative potential auxiliary tée which precedes it. Finally, in (c) fɛ ́n as an interrogative pronoun is pronounced with a simple, not raised H, and the floating L is realized on the following postposition la which is underlyingly toneless. The minor rise of tone on fɛ ́n in (6.109 c) is due to H-raising which Hs undergo before L tones (see Section 5.2.2) and, importantly, it is considerably smaller than the excursion resulting from the intonational register raising.

( I will use here the notion 'set of alternatives' or 'lattice of alternatives' as in [START_REF] Krifka | The semantics and pragmatics of polarity items[END_REF]. In Krifka's approach each utterance is a triplet of (1) foregrounded proposition, ( 2) contextual background and ( 3) the set of alternatives to the foregrounded proposition. As it is shown in the following examples, in irrealis contexts the set of alternatives is construed independently of the indefinite pronoun occurring in it. In contrast to that, the polarity items and the question words give rise to sets of alternatives against which the utterance is interpreted. The pronouns with the ↑HL tone pattern ↑fɛ ́nfɛ ̀n, ↑kóokò, ↑dóodò are best described as polarity items. They are associated with a set of hierarchically ordered alternatives, and depending on the polarity environment all the alternatives hold true or rejected. They are used both in negative and affirmative contexts. The specificity of the polarity item is that it refers to an hierarchically ordered set of items, whereas the wh-word refers to an unordered set of propositions. The elements in the utterance which trigger a set of alternatives are in focus by definition [START_REF] Krifka | The Semantics of Questions and the Focusation of Answers[END_REF][START_REF] Rooth | A theory of focus interpretation[END_REF].

Table 6.10 represents the relation between the three types of pronouns and the set of alternatives, constituting the background of the utterance in which they are used.

Construction "X ↑wó L X"

Within the construction 'X ↑wó L X' , the determiner ↑wó L plays the role of the polarity item. The construction is analogous similar in form the pronominal polarity items discussed above, since this construction also features a raised H followed by L. The place of "X" is most often occupied by a noun or an adverb (6.119), but can also be a verb form (6.121). The floating L links to the following element. Thus, in (6.120) lún ↑wó L lún is realized as lún ↑wó lùn with the floating L replacing the H of the second instance of the nominal root lún 'day' .

H and ↑HL pronouns in negative context

In this subsection I will describe the contrast between the simple H indefinite and the reduplicated ↑HL polarity items in the negative context.

In (6.116), the set of alternatives can be represented as 'they find it here, they find it there, ...', both of which are denied by the negation in the proposition. In contrast to that, in (6.122), where the H pronoun is used, the set of alternatives is construed around the time of eating, a variable which is not associated with the pronoun: 'they ate in the morning, they ate in the evening, ...', among which the first proposition 'they ate in the morning' is denied by the negation. See also (6.116) The difference in the role of the two pronouns in the construal of the set of alternatives is evident in how they used in the exclusion construction. The heavy pronoun is used in the exclusion construction as a placeholder for the excluded element. Examples (6.125 a) and (6.125 b) represent the two exclusion constructions used in Kakabe: the prepositional construction with the preposition fó 'except' and the construction where the excluded part is expressed within a conditional clause. The light pronoun is impossible in this configuration.

Interrogatives

Just as negative utterances are construed against a relevant set of propositions which are denied, interrogatives are construed against a relevant set of propositions which are possible answers. In the Alternative Semantics approach to questions [START_REF] Hamblin | Questions in Montague English[END_REF][START_REF] Karttunen | Syntax and semantics of questions[END_REF][START_REF] Krifka | The Semantics of Questions and the Focusation of Answers[END_REF], the meaning of a question is the set of propositions that answer the question. The interrogative constituent in the question is characterized by a focus feature, and the set of answers correspond to this constituent, see discussion in (Krifka 2008: 141-142).

Crucially, the light pronoun used as wh-word is tonally different from the light pronoun used in irrealis or negative context: in the former case it a H followed by a floating L, and in the latter case it is a simple H tone. In Kakabe the wh-word is often followed by the focus marker lè, so that the presence of focus in the wh-question is morphologically explicit: So far, I have not found any systematic contrast between the cases when the interrogative pronoun is used with the focus marker and when it is used without the focus marker, cf. (6.128) and (6.129 b) where the context and the propositional meaning is almost identical, but the focus marker is present in the latter and absent in the former. For Maninka, where interrogative pronouns can also occur both with and without focus marker, Diané & Vydrin (2016: 110-113) show the focus marker is used when the open proposition contained in the interrogative utterance is implied to be true. Thus, the utterance "I didn't buy anything" is acceptable as an answer to the question in (6.130a) but not in (6.130b) where the focus marker follows the interrogative phrase. The situation with the use of the focus marker might be similar in Kakabe, but so far there is not enough evidence to make any conclusions about it.

(6.
(6.130) Maninka [START_REF] Diané | L'interrogation en maninka de Guinée[END_REF] 2SG AOR thing which FOC buy What (exactly) did you buy? (the speaker is sure that the addressee has bought something).

Crucially, the absence or presence of the focus marker does not change the resulting tonal pattern associated with the wh-constituent which is HL in either case. When the focus marker is present (6.131a), the floating L is deleted before the L of lè, and when it is absent (6.131b), the floating L links to the following element. So, what is constant is the HL tonal pattern. The determiners wó 'any' and fó 'all, every' are realized with a ↑H which, unlike the other PPLs with ↑H, is not followed by a L (with the exception of the distributive construction "X wó X" discussed in 6.5.3.2). Consequently, if wó or fó is followed by a H-toned or toneless morphemes the latter are realized at the same raised level, as in (6.132) below. Importantly, the ↑H of the determiner can block the L% boundary tone: if no underlying L which cannot be deleted, intervenes between the tone of the determiner and the end of IP, L% is never realized in this context, and ↑H continues until the end of the IP, as in (6.138)-(6.141), opposed to (6.142).

Since the L of the pronoun can be deleted after a H-toned morpheme (see Section 5.7.3.2), the presence of a pronoun does not necessarily prevent the ↑H from blocking the L%. Thus, ↑H spreads until the end of IP despite the presence of the 3PL pronoun ànu in (6.133 a). Compare it to (6.133 b) containing a definite NP at the end of the IP which prevents the H to spread until the end of the IP. Contrary to (6.133 b), in 6.134 the L of the pronoun is not deleted and the boundary L% is realized. Let's now look at the meaning of the ↑wó which is a polarity item and an adnominal equivalent of the pronominal PIs ↑fɛ ́nfɛn, ↑dóodò, ↑kóokò discussed earlier in the section. It occurs most frequently in conditional protasis and in negative contexts, see Examples (6.135)-(6.137). In a conditional clause it can be used as an operator of a whole clause, see (6.135), (6.136) or as a determiner of an NP,6.137 and (6.137) The determiner fó(o) (with variants fóp, fópu) is the universal quantifier, its tonal realization is illustrated in (6.140), see also (6.132) earlier.

Whole-utterance prosodic patterns

In the previous sections we have discussed prosodic phenomena involving tone and intonation, localized at the IP right boundary or associated with lexemes characterized by various types of focus-related meanings. Here I will present two tonal-intonational patterns realized on a whole utterance: the intonation of negative continuation (6.6.1) and the listing intonation (6.6.2). Of course, many more whole-utterance prosodic patterns are to be found in Kakabe, but further research is needed to systematically describe them.

Intonation in negative continuation construction

The construction discussed in this section consists of two or more negative clauses. Prosodically the clauses of this construction are joined in one PhP phrase and the final clause is realized at a register, lower than non-final clauses. I will refer to this construction as "negative continuation construction" (abbreviated as NCC). It is analogous in meaning to the "neither ... nor" construction. In Kakabe it is expressed not with conjunctions, but uniquely through tone and intonation.

Kakabe has only sentential negation, consequently, the elements joined within the double negation construction are always negative clauses. At the syntactic level the joined elements are negative clauses differing in only one element.

The tonal outline of the constructions is defined primarily by the fact that, as has been said, the clauses are united in PhP. As argued in 5. 3.4.2, in all other cases finite clauses form a separate PhP. The prosodic merger of clauses in this constriction is a particular stylistic device which represents negative propositions as units of one list.

Apart from the unification of clauses into one PhP, the non-final clauses are realized in a higher tone register compared to the register of the final clause.

Register: Final clause is pronounced in lowered pitch register and the non-final clause is pronounced in higher pitch register.

Absence of internal PhP boundary:

The clauses are joined into one PhP clause, therefore:

1) no Tone Leveling takes place at the end of non-final clauses,

2)

HS is inserted at the end of non-final clause with last lexical tone followed by L at the beginning of the next clause.

The clauses can be separated by a short pause, and the last vowel of non-final clause(s) can be lengthened. Let's look at the examples. In (6.143) below the final element of the construction, the clause mótó béléè bóló 'you don't have a motor bike' ends with a H even tone and the final vowel is lengthened. The final clause is preceded by the lowering of the register ↓. In (6.143), the lowering of the register of the final clause is clearly seen from the fact that the H-toned noun móto 'motorbike' is pronounced with a much lower pitch that the negative existential copula bélé just before it. The L of the pronoun is deleted in the first clause but not in the second clause. This difference is explained by the fact that in the final clause L of the pronoun ì is the last L of the PhP, and, therefore, it has to spread until the end of PhP (see 5.6. 1.4). By contrast, in the initial clause, L of the pronoun can be deleted, since it is followed by a PhP-internal H tone (see 5. Examples (6.145)-( 6.147) below illustrate the realization of HS inserted at the boundary between two negative clauses, the first of which ends with a L-toned verb and the second starts with a L-toned pronoun. As can be seen, the tone of the pronoun is realized as floating, as a result of H-spread from the right (see 5.6). Note also the rise of tone towards the end of the first clause in (6.147). The pitch contrast between the two register levels may be very important, as in (6.148) and (6.147), where it exceeds 100Hz, or moderate, as, for example, in (6.149). As said above, in the final clause the terminal H tones are deleted under Final Tone Leveling, contrary to the terminal Hs in non-finals clauses. See the deletion of H on bélé in the second clause of (6.148) below, and likewise the final clause in (6.149) . To sum up, NCC construction is another example of tone-intonation cooperation in which the lowering of the tone register of the last clause is combined with the merger of clauses into one PhP which is manifest on how the lexical tones within the clauses are realized.

Listing intonation

Listing intonation is manifested in the lengthening of the last syllable of each of the listed items and by the absence of Final Tone Leveling (FTL).

The three clauses in (6.151) correspond to three listed items. As can be seen the clausefinal verbs end with a lengthened syllable and their H tone does not undergo the deletion through FTL which is otherwise obligatory at the end of a PhP.

Summary

In this Chapter, I have analyzed tonal and intonational prosodic patterns realized in three structural positions: on the right boundary of IP, on a lexical item, and finally, on the whole utterance.

Kakabe uses intonational operations on pitch level which are distinct from tone in its phonological realization. The register raising, the intonational operation which was in the focus of the investigation in the present chapter, is superimposed on tones. Importantly, register raising is found in one paradigm of IP-final prosodic operations with boundary tones. Four IP-final prosodic operations were analyzed: low boundary tone L%; final H tone with optional register raising (↑)H%; final stand-alone pitch rise ↑; and the ↑HL% boundary fall rise with obligatory register raising. Three of these operations, L%, (↑)H% and ↑HL% are associated with floating moras which can be manifest in the moraic lengthening of the final syllable of the utterance.

The tonal part of this prosodic patterns interacts with the lexical tones at the end of the same IP. At the same time, boundary tones are not subject to PhP level tonal processes, such as tone leveling which is due to the fact that they are associated at the level of IP. The realization of ↑HL% final pattern is particularly complex. This complexity is due to the fact that the two floating moras associated with each of the tones are deleted or associated with the final moras of the IP depending on the exact position of the last lexical tone of the utterance. Thus, ↑HL% is sensitive not only to the position of the last lexical tone, but also to the grouping of the last moras into syllables.

Apart from being part of IP-final prosodic patterns, the intonational register raising can be associated with a category of lexemes containing polarity items and words associated with assertion focus. Polarity items form a paradigm with two other series of pronouns in which the opposition between the polarity items, indefinite pronoun and interrogative pronouns is expressed by the contrast ↑HL vs. H vs. H L (in case of the polarity item the tonal pattern is combined with the operation of reduplication).

In the final section I described two prosodic patterns associated with a whole utterance: negative continuation intonation and the listing intonation. The prosody of the negative continuation construction includes, first, the intonational lowering of the final clause, and, second, the unification of clauses into one prosodic phrase which creates a specific pattern of tone realization within the clauses. Listing intonation is manifested in two processes: first, the lengthening of the final syllable of each sequence corresponding to a listed item, second, in the preservation of the PhP-final H tone(s) which is otherwise obligatorily deleted through Final Tone Lowering.

Chapter 7 Conclusion

This thesis has investigated the segmental and the suprasegmental levels of the Kakabe phonology, and has provided a short grammar sketch of this language, undescribed until recently.

Kakabe grammar

The grammar sketch chapter mostly focused on topics which are relatively new for Mande studies. One of the central problems in Chapter 2 was the choice between different referential devices conditioned by the organization of discourse. The demonstrative/personal pronoun opposition in discourse is one of the central issues in the study of referential devices in discourse [START_REF] Gundel | Cognitive Status and the Form of Referring Expressions in Discourse[END_REF][START_REF] Himmelmann | Demonstratives in Narrative Discourse: A Taxonomy of Universal Uses[END_REF][START_REF] Diessel | Demonstratives: form, function, and grammaticalization[END_REF]. It was shown that the choice between a demonstrative and a personal pronoun is defined, first, by the order of appearance in the discourse of different referents, second, by the ontological properties of the antecedent. Concerning the first parameter, the pronoun/demonstrative opposition serves for reference tracking, when two or more highly prominent referents are found in the discourse with a similar role. Second, the personal/demonstrative opposition proved to be sensitive to the ontological type of its antecedent, namely, to whether it is a proposition or an individual referent. I argued that, with a propositional antecedent, the personal pronoun is used as a dummy pronoun, or as an expletive. A particularity of Kakabe syntax shared with many Mande languages is the impossibility of discursive object omission [START_REF] Lüpke | Vanishing voice -the morphologically zero-coded passive of Jalonke[END_REF][START_REF] Creissels | P-lability and radical P-alignment[END_REF]) which is at the same time not that common cross-linguistically. This circumstance necessitates the use of dummy object pronoun which seems to be rather uncommon in languages freely omitting an object with redundant or non-salient referent.

Focus is often expressed morphologically in African languages. Apart from that, it is commonly involved with the TAM categories expressed by verbal morphology or auxiliary systems. The conjoint/disjoint opposition of verbal markers which is typical of Bantu languages is analyzed through information structure categories, in particular, in more recent studies [START_REF] Hyman | Auxiliary Focus[END_REF][START_REF] Güldemann | Present progressive vis-à-vis predication[END_REF]Van der Wal & Hyman 2017). The disjoint, or short form of the verb, marks operator focus, according to this analysis. The phenomenon is reported to occur outside of Bantu as well. I argue that Kakabe opposes an operator-focus perfective, where the focus is on the aspectual value itself, and a perfective, where the aspectual value is out of focus. Such analysis accounts for the distribution of the two forms with respect to constituent focus, subordinate clauses, and question words. Without displaying a consistent focus/non-focus dichotomy for the auxiliary system, as is found in many Bantu languages, Kakabe is doubtlessly a language whose verbal morphology is sensitive to information structure. The Kakabe example, thus, broadens the empirical basis in the question of the involvement of focus in the verb from morphology. It may also be the case that this phenomenon is to be found in other Mande languages as well.

Whereas in verbal predication an auxiliary can contain operator focus which implies its complementarity with constituent focus marker lè, in the identificational construction the constituent focus particle lè must follow the semantic predicate. The high frequency or even obligatoriness of focus marker in identificational constructions is commonly found across languages [START_REF] Stassen | Intransitive predication. Oxford studies in typology and linguistic theory[END_REF]). An interesting pattern of distribution is attested between this focus marker lè and the existential copula bi. The possibility to omit bi which occurs in post-subject position, depends on the the presence of the post-subject lè.

Finally, lè displays special behavior with respect to personal pronouns. Across many Western Mande languages, lè has fused with personal pronouns in a form which does not mark the focus, and is usually referred to as emphatic pronoun, whereas focalization for personal pronouns is marked by a form with a double focus marker, originally. As I argue, in Kakabe the single lè form of the personal pronoun is opposed to a simple personal pronoun as a topic with a lowed degree of saliency and accessibility.

Kakabe has a specialized reflexive pronoun ì which corefers exclusively with subjects of a dependent clauses, such as the covert subject of infinitive and gerund clauses, and is excluded from main clauses. A comparative survey of the use of cognate specialized reflexive pronouns in a number of closely related languages has shown that they recurrently display interchangeability with personal pronouns. In Koranko, a language of the same group as Kakabe, it is also limited to dependent clauses. Dependent clauses are reported to be a more conservative environment, compared to main clauses: innovations tend to be first introduced in the main clause, whereas the dependent clause can continue using an old form [START_REF] Bybee | Main clauses are innovative, subordinate clauses are conservative: Consequences for the nature of constructions[END_REF]. Thus, the reflexive pronoun in Kakabe and Kakabe, most probably, been retained only in dependent clauses, whereas in the other discussed languages it is still possible in main clauses also, but might be replaced by the non-specialized personal pronouns.

Segmental phonology

The chapters on segmental phonology described how segmental forms unfold in the real speech and what are the mechanisms of interaction between the phonotactic and segmental elements. In several cases, I analyzed the variation in the segmental realizations of certain forms in its cross-dialectal and, sometimes, cross-Mande dimension which often made it possible to propose diachronic scenario leading to the attested variation.

The allomorphy patterns of many of the functional morphemes display sensitiveness to the features of the adjacent segment which may fail to surface on the segment itself. Many of theses processes cannot be described in terms of any categorical rules, but gives a robust statistical distribution. For example, the deletion of the initial consonant of the copula bi proves to be sensitive to whether the preceding phoneme is a syllabic N, lexical N in the coda position or coda N resulting from vowel elision.

Tones and tonal processes

Kakabe distinguishes between H and L and has a limited number of allowed tonal patterns. This simple organization is accompanied by an elaborate system of tonal processes which results in a considerable distance between the underlying tonal representation and the tonal curve attested in realization.

A tonal process occupying a central place in the realization of tones in Kakabe is tone leveling. I represented it as a further phonologization of downdrift. Among the types of downtrends attested across tonal languages, downdrift can be seen as phonologization of declination, a process of phonetic order. Downdrift is more phonological since it is triggered by a specific tonal context, namely, alternating HLH [START_REF] Gussenhoven | The phonology of tone and intonation[END_REF][START_REF] Snider | Phonetic realization of downstep in Bimboa[END_REF][START_REF] Hyman | Register tones and tonal geometry[END_REF]. At the same time, downdrift belongs to the level of intonation, different from tone, since it is manifest in the modification of pitch register. Downstep is a further step in the phonologization of a downtrend, since it is no more automatically conditioned by its phonological context.

As I argue, the tonal leveling in Kakabe which is manifested either as HLH → HL or as HLH → ꜜHL is another type of the phonologization of downdrift, different from downstep. Tone leveling might be seen as resulting from the narrowing down of the domain of downdrift (from IP to PhP) which is accompanied by the shift from cumulative lowering of H tones alternating with L tones to tone delinking. The domain of tone leveling is PhP.

Kakabe has H tone insertion conditioned by OCP. The alignment of this H can be sensitive to phonotactic or morphological grouping of the segments associated with the tonal domain.

The analysis of the tonal realization of the referential article is intended as a contribution to the debate about the possible scenarios of the genesis of floating tones. One of the most often cited examples, when the phenomenon of floating tone is mentioned, is the referential article in Bamana which is realized as the downstep of the following H. In Kakabe the referential article, displaying a semantic and pragmatic pattern of use very similar to that in Bamana, can be realized either as the downstep of the following H, the same ways as in Bamana, or can link to the NP. I have shown that L has the tendency to shift to the right from a syllable which already hosts and underlying H or a H separator tone. A similar effect of H on the same syllable is found in other Western Mande languages. Thus, the genesis of a floating tone may be stimulated by the avoidance of complex tones on one syllable.

Tone and intonation

I followed the approach where tone and intonation are phonologically different, and boundary tones belong to the tonal level.

The IP-final prosodic operations found in Kakabe have mixed nature: they feature both tone and intonation. It has both IP-final tones (boundary tones), interacting with lexical tones, and intonational operations which are superimposed on tone. It was shown that boundary tones and intonation are closely linked in function and in realization. There are four IPfinal prosodic patterns, part of which are associated with floating moras: final L%, H% with optional register raising, HL% preceded by obligatory register raising and a standing alone pitch rise.

Apart from being part of IP-final prosodic patterns, the intonational pitch rise can be associated with a category of lexemes, containing polarity items and words associated with assertion focus. Polarity items form a paradigm with two other series of pronouns in which the opposition between the polarity items, indefinite pronoun and interrogative pronouns is expressed by the contrast ↑HL vs. H vs. H L (in case of the polarity item the tonal pattern is combined with the operation of reduplication).

Finally, a prosodic pattern can be associated with a whole utterance. Kakabe has a construction consisting of two or more negative clauses. At the level of prosody it includes, first, the intonational lowering of the final clause, and, second, the unification of clauses into one

Résumé en anglais

This thesis provides a corpus-based description of Kakabe, a Mande language spoken in Guinea, with a focus on phonology. It consists of a short grammatical sketch and two parts dedicated to the analysis of the segmental and the suprasegmental phonology. Segmental phonological processes can be conditioned by metrical constraints, the ban on hiatus, prosodic phrasing and morphological context. Vowel deletion and vowel assimilation which serve to resolve hiatus, apply clause-internally, as well as across clause boundaries. I also describe various strategies of loanword adaptation used in Kakabe, such as vowel epenthesis and consonant cluster simplification. Kakabe is a terraced-level tone language (H vs. L), featuring downdrift, downstep, H raising, floating L, and a number of tonal processes, such as OCP style H-insertion between two L domains, tone spread and leveling of HLH contour. As a result, the distance between the underlying lexical tones and their surface realization can be rather important. Each tonal process is applied within one particular prosodic unit. Therefore, tonal processes participate in phrasing the speech into prosodic units. Kakabe uses a number of boundary tones to signal illocutionary force of the utterance. Lexical tones and boundary tones coexists with intonational operations on the F0 curve. Intonational tone raising is associated with the H% and HL% boundary tones. Apart from that, it affects polarity items, the universal quantifier, and other pragmatically prominent lexemes, such as ideophones and intensifiers. The appendices include a Kakabe-French dictionary, comprising 3400 entries, and an oral corpus of 12 hours of various genres, transcribed, glossed and time-aligned with audio and video.

Institut National des Langues et Civilisations

Orientales

École doctorale N°265

Langues, littératures et sociétés du monde Les voyelles longues sont désignées par des lettres doubles. Lorsqu'il est suivi d'une consonne, l'élément nasal final de la syllabe s'adapte à cette consonne. Cependant, il est représenté à l'écrit invariablement par la lettre n : gbɛńkɛn 'crâne' (prononcé /gbɛŋkɛ̃/) jànfa 'trahir' (prononcé /jàmfà/) ń bàaba 'mon père' (prononcé /ḿbààbà/)

L'assimilation vocalique

Lorsqu'un mot commence par une voyelle (il s'agit surtout des pronoms personnels), cette voyelle peut assimiler la voyelle finale du mot précédent :

À sí à fɔ́ /à sáà fɔ/ 'Il le dira'. Cette assimilation est marquée par un apostrophe : À s' á fɔ́ 2.3. Le système tonal 2.3.1. En kakabé il y a un ton bas ( ̀ ) et un ton haut ( ́ ), avec un ton super-haut apparaissant dans un nombre limité de mots, cf. 2.3.3.

2.3.2.

Les parties du discours et le ton lexical : 1) Les pronoms personnels, les adjectifs attributifs et la plupart des marqueurs grammaticaux n'ont pas de ton lexical, i.e. le ton de leur prononciation est conditionné uniquement par le contexte.

2) Les noms, les verbes et les adjectifs prédicatifs possèdent soit un ton lexical haut, soit un ton lexical bas, par exemple, káá 'ruisseau' et kàà 'serpent'. Par contre, les verbes composés de plus d'un morphème peuvent aussi avoir un schème haut-bas : kɔɔĺɔ̀ 'retourner' (kɔɔ́ 'dos' + lɔ̀ 'arrêter').

3) Les adverbes, les interjections, les postpositions et les conjonctions peuvent avoir des schèmes tonaux autres que haut ou bas, par exemple, òʔóyè 'non' (interjection), álàko 'pour que' (conjonction).

À part le ton bas et le ton haut il existe en kakabé un ton super-haut ( ̋ ). Ce ton n'est attesté que pour certains idéophones et certains déterminatifs de quantification :

-idéophones : pi ̋w 'hop !' (imite un saut), taa 'pan !' (imite un coup de feu) ; tɛf 'complètement' (intensificateur pour le verbe fá 'être plein'), ki ̋i 'fermement, fort' (intensificateur pour le verbe kìti 'attacher') ; -déterminatifs de quantification : főo (quantificateur universel), wőo (quantificateur à valeur de libre choix), fűs (quantificateur négatif).

Les tons dans l'énoncé.

Les mots avec un ton lexical bas ont une variante bas-haut qui apparaît devant un autre mot à ton bas, par exemple : kàà + fìlà → kàá fìlà 'deux serpents'.

Dans les limites d'un énoncé, les tons peuvent subir un downdrift (déclinaison prosodique) : comptant à partir du début de l'énoncé, chaque ton haut précédé par un ton bas est plus bas que le ton haut précédent. L'effet ce downdrift est le plus fort sur le verbe. Il peut être interrompu par un constituent focalisé ou un mot à ton super-haut.

La prononciation est aussi influencée par les tons qui contribuent à signaler la structure de l'information et les frontières entre les constituants syntaxiques :

 Le ton bas final apparaît à la fin d'une affirmation ou d'une question partielle.  Le ton haut apparaît à la fin d'un énoncé 1) pour signaler que la parole n'est pas terminée (intonation de liste) ; 2) pour indiquer le lien entre la proposition dépendante et la proposition principale ; 3) pour solliciter l'approbation de l'interlocuteur ; 4) pour signaler une question générique.  Le ton bas initial est réalisé au début d'un énoncé indépendant si cet énoncé commence par un élément qui n'a pas de ton lexical, comme les pronoms personnels ou les préfixes.

Les tons de frontière peuvent s'ajouter aux tons lexicaux ou bien les effacer complètement.

Désignation des tons dans le dictionnaire

1. Dans une séquence de tons identiques dans un mot graphique, seul le ton sur la première syllabe est noté, par exemple : màafi mɛśɛɲɛǹu 'condiment pour la sauce', prononcé /mààfì mɛśɛɲɛǹù/.

2. Le ton marqué sur le lemme (la forme de base) est le ton lexical. Le lemme porte une marque tonale dans le cas où le ton du mot est spécifié au niveau lexical.

3. Si le mot à ton lexical bas contient plus de deux syllabes, un ton haut est noté sur la syllabe où il apparaît devant un autre ton haut, selon la règle 2.3.4., par exemple : dùgumakúlun 'train' (cf. la prononciation de ce mot dans le contexte où il se trouve placé avant un numéral à ton bas : dùgumakúlun fìla /dùgùmàkúlún fìlà/)

4. La notation des tons dans les exemples et les expressions idiomatiques représente les tons de réalisation, qui sont souvent différents des tons lexicaux, cf. 2.3.4.

Structure des entrées lexicales

Variantes de prononciation

Les variantes de prononciation sont introduits par l'abbréviation « Var.: », par exemple : àlaháttè (àlahátti) Var.: àlhátè (àlháti), àlátè (àláti). ‹pul < ar.› n. dimanche.

kánu Var.: kán. vt. vouloir ; aimer.

Les variantes phonologiques de statut secondaire apparaissent également à leur place alphabétique comme des renvois :

àlhátè (àlháti) Cf.: álahatti 'dimanche'.
En général, la variante principale est la plus neutre, c'est-à-dire celle dont la distribution est moins restreinte par rapport à celle de la variante principale. Plus précisément, le choix de la variante principale est défini par la nature de la variation phonologique.

Variantes conditionnées par le contexte phonologique

Si la distribution des variantes est expliquée à partir de l'environnement phonologique, dans ce cas la variante secondaire est celle qui peut être dérivée à partir de la variante principale en appliquant une règle phonologique. Les conditions d'utilisation de la variante secondaire sont expliquées dans le renvoi : bi Var.: y'. cop. 1) être <copule existentielle et locative, peut être omise>. y' Cf.: bi 'être' <variante facultative de la copule existentielle « bi » qui peut apparaîte devant les voyelles>.

Variantes non conditionnées par le contexte phonologique

Si la variation n'est pas conditionnée par l'environnement phonologique, la variante la plus fréquente dans le corpus (cf. Section 4 pour la description du contenu du corpus) est présentée comme variante principale. Par exemple, sachant que kìti est attesté considérablement plus souvent dans les textes que cìti, on aura : kìti Var.: cìti. ki <marqueur du perfectif intransitif affirmatif, utilisé par les jeunes dans le dialecte du nord>.

Cf.: ka.

Si le mot est un emprunt, la variante principalle est celle qui est la plus proche de la forme d'origine (sauf si les données montrent que l'autre variante est plus fréquente). Par exemple, le verbe cíkkɛ, kíkkɛ vient du poular cikkagol 'tomber de haut en bas', donc c'est la première variante qui est choisie comme principale : cíkkɛ Var.: kíkkɛ. ‹pul› 1) vi. sauter en bas, atterrir, tomber.

kíkkɛ Cf.: cíkkɛ 'tomber'.

Variante nasale des verbes causatifs.

Comme le préfixe du causatif la-change en na-après une nasale, tous les verbes causatifs ont deux variantes de prononciation. Cependant, c'est seulement la forme en la-qui est donnée dans le dictionnaire, l'autre forme étant complètement prédictible, cf. l'entrée pour le verbe lakàran avec l'exemple où ce verbe apparaît dans la forme nakàran après une nasale : láhɛ ‹pul› vi. être à bout de souffle ; être essoufflé. lájɛ vi. boîter.

Les marques dialectales

Il existe trois dialectes en kakabé : le kakabé central (c), le kakabé de l'ouest (w) et le kakabé du nord (n), cf. Section 1.

La marque dialectale a un sens exclusif : son occurrence dans l'entrée implique que cette forme ou cette signification est attestée uniquement dans le dialecte auquel la marque fait référence. Par exemple, le verbe jíga ne s'utilise que dans le dialecte du nord, et le préfixe tɔn'est attesté qu'avec certains verbes du dialecte de l'ouest :

jíga (n) 1) vt. prendre.
tɔ-(w) <variante du préfixe verbal du répétitif utilisé avec un nombre restreint de verbes dans le kakabé de l'ouest>. Cf.: ta-.

Si le mot est utilisé dans deux dialectes sur trois, il est suivi par deux marques séparées par une virgule : bólokondiɲɛ̀ (c, w) (bólokondin) Var.: bólosondiɲɛ̀ (bólosondin) (n). nr. doigt. lɔ̀ (c, w) Var.: sɔ̀ (n). 1a) vt. arrêter.

Dans le cas où un mot possède plusieurs variantes phonologiques et où la marque est utilisée après l'une de ces variantes, cette marque ne s'applique que sur la variante immédiatement devant elle. Par exemple, la variante ti du marqueur du parfait est utilisée dans les dialectes du nord et de l'ouest (et non pas dans le kakabé central), par contre la variante bá' est utilisée dans tous les dialectes du kakabé :

báti Var.: ti (n, w). pm. 1) <marqueur du parfait dans un énoncé affirmatif>.

Par contre, si un mot avec toutes ses variantes n'est attesté que dans l'un des dialectes, la même marque est mise après chacune des variantes (pour ne pas confondre avec les cas comme celui de báti) : áafiyà (w) (áafiya) Var.: àfíyà (àfiya) (w). ‹pul < ar.› n. bonheur, prospérité ; bonne santé.

Les emprunts

Les sources d'emprunts les plus importantes pour le kakabé sont le poular (pul.), le français (fr.), et dans une moindre proportion l'arabe (ar.). Les emprunts sont marqués par la mention de la langue-source entre chevrons : vr -verbe réfléchi (le complément d'objet direct est représenté par un pronom co-référent au sujet, donc un pronom de la 1 ère ou de la 2 ème personne, si le sujet est lui aussi le pronom de la 1 ère ou de la 2 ème personne, ou, dans les autres cas, par un pronom réfléchi i).

Certains verbes peuvent être employés avec des schèmes de valence différentes en préservant le même sens : mafára vt. (se) déchirer (en plusieurs endroits), fendre (une grande quantité).

La règle de notation des verbes causatifs dans le dictionnaire est expliquée à la Section 3.1.3.

Noms

Les noms en kakabé sont presque toujours utilisés dans la forme avec l'article référentiel. Cette forme, qui est aussi celle de citation est donnée au début de l'entrée. La racine sans article est indiquée entre parenthèses immédiatement après :

fɔĺɛ̀ (fɔĺɔ) n. début, commencement. bóɲɛ̀ (bón) n. 1) maison. 2) chambre.
Les noms qui peuvent se combiner avec un autre nom en fonction du possesseur par simple juxtaposition, sans marqueur la, sont dotés d'une marque nr. (nom relationnel). En fonction de leur signification, les noms relationnels en kakabé peuvent se combiner avec le possesseur soit par simple juxtaposition, soit avec le marqueur de possession, ou sans aucun possesseur. Par contre, les noms non-relationnels nécessitent toujours l'emploi du marqueur de possession, s'ils sont employés dans une construction possessive.

Les noms locatifs (n.loc.) sont ceux qui peuvent apparaître dans la position postverbale sans aucune postposition, mais qui, contrairement aux adverbes, peuvent aussi être utilisés dans la position du sujet et de l'objet direct.

Adjectifs

Les adjectifs sont dotés d'une marque signant les fonctions syntaxiques qui lui sont accessibles : adjM adjectif utilisé uniquement comme modificateur d'un nom ; adjP adjectif utilisé uniquement comme prédicat ; adjMP adjectif utilisé comme prédicat et comme modificateur d'un nom.

Les adjectifs dans la fonction de modificateur de nom n'ont pas de ton lexical : le ton du premier élément de la construction (le nom) se propage sur l'adjectif.

Pour chaque adjectif-modificateur, la forme avec l'article référentiel est donnée au début de l'entrée, suivie par la forme sans article entre parenthèses : dɔǵɔmà (dɔgɔma) Var.: dɔǵɔmaɲɛ̀ (dɔgɔman). adjM. petit.

Marqueurs prédicatifs

Les valeurs prédicatives, notamment l'aspect, la modalité, la polarité et (en partie) la structure de l'information, sont exprimées principalement par un marqueur prédicatif qui suit le sujet.

Tableau Construction négative bi + -la -progressif béle + -la -progressif négatif bi + -len -statif-résultatif béle + -len -statif-résultatif négatif

Conjonctions

On désigne par conjonctions les mots qui occupent la position initiale dans une proposition subordonnée ou indépendante, et dont la fonction est soit de servir comme connecteur entre propositions (par exemple fí 'pour que', sì 'si'), soit de définir la modalité d'une proposition indépendante (par exemple fó 'il faut que', kɔǹɔ 'mais').

Polysémie

Un mot peut avoir plusieurs sens. Le cas échéant, ils sont ordonnés selon leur proximité sémantique et séparés par un chiffre arabe suivi d'un parenthèse : dóyi adv. 1) lentement. 2) avec précaution.

dúfen 1) vi. s'éteindre. Syn.: kìnnɔǵɔ 2, sà . 4) vi. s'endormir 3) vt. cesser de faire. 2) vt. tuer.

Syn.: fàga 1, kɛlɛ 2.

Présentation du sens

Chaque sens d'un mot kakabé est représenté, autant que possible, par son équivalent français. Là où l'équivalent français n'est pas exact, ce qui est souvent le cas, il est complété par un commentaire entre parenthèses précisant le sens du mot kakabé. Des commentaires servent également à désambiguïser un éventuel équivalent français polysémique : bòntóɲɛ̀ (n) (bònton) n. grenier (à l'intérieur d'une maison). fìlijɔɛ̀ (fìlijɔɔ) n. filet de pêche (qu'on jette du bateau). Syn.: báajala.

Les commentaires grammaticaux sont donnés entre chevrons « < > » :

bi Var.: y'. cop. 1) être <copule existentielle et locative, peut être omise>. bɛǹ 1) vi. rencontrer (qn/qch -là). 2) vi. se trouver, s'avérer. Syn.: fɛẃundi 1, háwurɛ 4, tàran 1.

Relations sémantiques

Les

3.9. Les tournures phraséologiques prises au sens large, y compris les expressions plus ou moins figées, avec ou sans décalage sémantique, sont précédées de la marque « ♦ » . Elles sont introduites à la suite de la description du sens particulier que leur usage évoque : bólè (bólo) 1) nr. bras, main. ♦ k' ì bólè lákàfu • se cotiser pour qch.  mà báti má bólè làkáfu sádakà làko • Nous nous sommes cotisés pour le sacrifice. ♦ bólo kán • poignet.

3.10.

Les exemples illustratifs sont précédés de la marque «  » et sont présentés immédiatement à la suite de la description du sens particulier ou de l'expression idiomatique dont ils servent à illustrer l'usage. La traduction des exemples, précédée par le signe « • », s'aligne le plus souvent sur l'usage français, mais restent parfois délibérément proche de la syntaxe kakabé afin de clarifier l'emploi du mot illustré.

Les exemples illustratifs et les expressions idiomatiques provenant des enregistrements de textes spontanés sont suivis d'une référence au texte-source. Si la référénce est présente, la marque «  » est placée devant celle-ci et non pas immédiatement avant l'exemple, par exemple :  [Mns, disc. « affaires du village »] : à là kúmà bì bìtala • Ses paroles ont un effet, il est écouté.

La référence au texte consiste en trois parties : 1) le nom du village abrévié, 2) l'indication du genre du texte, 3) le titre du texte. La liste détaillée des textes est donnée dans la section suivante. Plusieurs enregistrements contiennent des textes de deux genres différents ; dans ce cas, les deux indications de genre sont données l'une après l'autre : [Mns, disc., conte « poulain »].

Liste des textes utilisés dans le dictionnaire

Dans le tableau suivant sont représentés les textes qui ont servi de sources pour les exemples utilisés dans le dictionnaire. Tous ces textes ont été enregistrés pendant des missions de terrain entre 2008 et 2015 3 . Ci-dessous sont donnés les titres de chaque colonne du tableau :  á bɛǹta káalisè sɔtɔla • Il lui faut gagner de l'argent. Syn.: kán, káman. 6) vi. avoir le droit.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : á lè lè bɛǹden nɔńɛ̀ mìnna, hári dún tùgun, ì lá nìngéè lè dɛ, à lá nìngi máa • C'est lui qui a le droit de boire le lait, bien que ce soit ta vache et pas la sienne. 7) vi. convenir, tomber d'accord (sur qchtɔ ). ♦ kà bɛǹ kán kélen mà • tomber d'accord.  àn báti bɛǹ à tɔ, kó àn sí bɛǹ sínàn wàllúhà tɔ̀ • Ils ont convenu de se retrouver le lendemain matin. Syn.: háwurɛ 1. 8) vi. être en bons termes, entretenir de bons rapports.  [Dgm, histp. « dans la brousse »] : má tɛrɛ mà tée bɛǹ féw • Nous n'étions pas du tout en bons termes l'un avec l'autre. 9) vi. se résoudre (problèmes, conflits).  múradɔɛ àn tɛɛma báti bɛǹ bìla vi. offenser, faire du tort à, vexer.

 dénnɛɛ̀ bá' bìla à lá kìnáànu nà • L'enfant a manqué de respect à ses parents.

bìla 1) vi. s'enfoncer, plonger, entrer.  ǹ báti bìla jéè tɔ̀ • J'ai plongé dans l'eau.  [Mns, conte « femme du chasseur »] : ànu báti bìla ɲɔgɔn nà • Ils se sont jetés l'un sur l'autre. 2) vi. intervenir.  háa bìi dískisyɔn máa bìla mà fìla tɛɛma • Il n'y a jamais eu de dispute entre nous deux. 3) vt. mettre, porter (vêtement).  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : kà sáabè bìla ì kùnma • mettre la clé dans sa poche. 4) vt. engager dans ; infliger, causer (à qui -là).  à báti kúmà bìla ǹ nà • Il m'a fait poussé à participer dans la discussion.  à báti dúmɛ̀ bìla ǹ nà • Il m'a fait mal. ♦ k' ì bólè bìla à tɔ̀ • toucher.  sì ì máa ì bólè bìla nɛgɛ gbándinnɛɛ̀ tɔ, ì m' á lɔǹ à gbándinden • Si tu ne touches pas un fer chaud, tu ne sauras pas qu'il est chaud. 5) vr. s'engager à faire.  àn k' án bìla yɛǵɛ̀ bìta kóè tɔ̀ • Ils se sont engagés à attraper du poisson. 6) vi. suivre (qnkɔ ɔma).  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : à kó, àwa, bìla ǹ kɔḿà nánì • Il a dit : « suis-moi ! ». • Va-t'en ! 2) vi. apparaître. 3) vi. se promener, sortir. 4) vt. enlever (vêtements). 5) vt. cueillir ; prendre, collecter. ♦ kà tránspɔrɛ̀ bɔ̀ • payer le transport.  kà lɛɛmúnɛ̀ bɔ̀ • cueillir les oranges. Syn.: tétti. 6) vt. donner.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : àwà bíisàba nín sàba bɔ̀ • D'accord, donne-moi trente trois mille [pour la hache].  kà wótè bɔ̀ • donner de l'argent.  [Krp, disc., hist. « histoires du passé »] : àn sí nà, àn sí mà làbɔ́ fòndo kólò, sìise kílì, nǐngì, bǎà, túlù • Ils arrivent et ils nous prennent le fonio, les oeufs, les vaches, l'huile. 7) vi. se terminer. Syn.: bán 1, kɛ́4 , tímmɛ 1. 8) vi. venir de faire <s'utilise dans la construction du passé ré-cent>.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : ǹ nà dénmusè dóè bá' sìgi fútè là, wò bɔɔnden déɲɛ̀ sɔtɔnna • Ma deuxième fille est mariée, elle vient d'avoir un enfant. 9) vt. arrêter (de faire qch).  [Dgm, histp. « ma belle-mère »] : á lè tóta tála lɔḱɔ̀ tɔ̀ kà fòrtonnɛɛǹu máyìta dóndèn-dóndèn, à bɔta ɲɔɔ, à ká kɔrɛɛ̀ máyìta bìta • Elle a commencé à aller au marché et vendre le piment, après elle a arrêté de faire ça et elle a commencé à vendre le riz. 11) vt. atteindre, arriver jusqu'à, coûter.  [Mns, conte « crocodile »] : jéè k' á bɔ́ à céecè tɔ̀ • L'eau a atteint sa ceinture.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : nìngí jêlu lè ɲɔ̀ kà? -nìngéènu bá' tán bɔ̀ • Combien de vaches y a-t-il maintenant ? -Il y a dix vaches.  à hɔɗinden yàn nɛtɔ lè, à báti kári sàba bɔ̀ • Il a habité ici pendant trois mois.  tùléè báti dàgáà bɔ̀ à tɛɛmà • L'huile a rempli la marmite jusqu'au milieu. 12) vi. ressembler (à qn/qch -mà).  ǹ ká nìngéè mín yén sóè kɔɔmà, à bɔɔnden í lá nìngéè mà • La vache que j'ai vue derrière le village ressemble à la tienne. 13) vi. avoir des variétés.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : àwa, pòrtéènu, ànu ì bɔɔlen bűyi • Le piment, il en existe de nombreuses variétés. 14) vt. libérer de.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : wò tɔdíyalen nɔǹ à ká wò bɔ̀ jɔɔyáà wɔ̀ tɔ̀ kómìn • Vous êtes contents qu'il vous ait libérés de l'esclavage. ɓúritɛ ‹pul.› vi. augmenter, faire encore ; refaire.  à báti ɓúritɛ kɔrɔ kínè dámula • Il a mangé encore du riz.  bɔ́ ǹ fáamata dɛńdɛ̀ là à báti ɓúritɛ kòliyala • Depuis que j'ai vu l'enfant pour la dernière fois, il a encore grandi. ɓúurɛ̀ (ɓúuri) ‹pul.› n. abcès, enflure. dègen 1) vt. apprendre à qn, enseigner.

C -c

2) vr. apprendre. dɛ́ Var.: dɛ. ‹pul.› prt. 1) <particule de focalisation de la valeur de vérité employée en fin d'énoncé ou après le verbe>.  ǹ bì báarala dɛ́ • Je travaille. 2) s'il te plaît ! <particule qui sert à renforcer une commande ou une demande>.  w á tà dɛ! • Prends-le!  [Krp, disc. « menuisiers »] : w' á yìta dɛ́ ǹ nà, wò ká kɛ́ gbèngbéè làdá kómìn nà • Montrez-moi, je vous en prie, comment vous fabriquez un lit comme ça.

3) <particule qui sert à nier ce qui peut être présupposé par l'écouteur>.  [Dgm, histp. « mon parcours »] : ǹ bɔɔden Dɔgɔmɛ lè, kɔńɔ ǹ béle bɔɔden Dɔgɔmɛ hɔɗɛ̀ bùtɔ dɛ, ǹ bɔɔden Jàalbandén dè • Je viens de Dogomet, mais pas du village du Dogomet, je viens de Dialbanden.  [Krp, disc., hist. « histoires du passé »] : mɔgɔ máni fàga, ì kà kán kà kìi jáamiyè tɔ̀ lè, à béle kìla bón dè là dɛ́ • Quand quelqu'un meurt, on doit le mettre dans la mosquée, il ne passe pas la nuit à la maison (comme on pourrait le croire). 4) vraiment <s'utilise pour exprimer un degré excessif d'une qualité avec des mots qui impliquent une échelle quantitative>.  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : é! kílo búyi lè dɛ́ • C'est très loin! (litt. : « Il y'a vraiment beaucoup de kilomètres ! »). dɛbɛɛ̀ (dɛbɛ) n. panier.  kà dɛbɛɛ̀ dà • tresser un panier. Syn.: ~ gbàsaká, sànkatán, sáŋasaŋa.

dɛbɛ 1) vt. tisser, tordre (une corde).

 dénnɛǹù bì jùléè dɛbɛla • Les enfants tordent une corde. 2) vt. faire une boucle. dɛbɛdɛbɛ 1) vi. se remplir (petit à petit).  ǹ báti ń ná kɔrɛɛ̀ sáakòe làfá háa à bá' dɛbɛdɛbɛ • J'ai rempli mon sac entièrement petit à petit. 2) vt. écrémer. dɛbruyɛ ‹fr.› vr. se débrouiller ; s'occuper de.

 [Nym, disc. « école »] : ǹ bí sɛǹɛ kɛɛ̀ lè là, kɔǹɔ yànka, ǹ bí ń dɛbruyɛla jùláà lè là dóndèn-dóndèn, ɓá mɔgɔ tée tó fànga báarà tún nà • Je suis agriculteur, mais maintenant je fais aussi un peu de commerce, parce qu'on ne peut pas faire que du travail physique. díya vi. être agréable ; plaire (à qn -yèn). díyadiyà (díyadiya) n. bonheur ; profit.

 [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : kà tàran à díyadiyà tɔ̀ • profiter de qch. díyamà (diyama) adjM. agréable. díyaɲɔgɛ̀ (n) (díyaɲɔgɔ) nr. ami. Syn.: jàatígi. dóè (do) dtm. 1) quant à, et l'autre <marqueur de changement du protagoniste ou de topicalisation contrastive, s'emploie avec des groupes nominaux, noms propres et pro-noms>.  í lè, ì s' á wà, ǹ dé dò, ǹ sì báara bùtun • Tu peux t'en aller, moi, je travaillerai encore.  ǹ máa dámurè mà bútun, Sɛɛkù dò m' á mà • Je n'ai pas encore mangé, quant à Sékou, lui non plus. 3) bien <focalisation de la valeur de véri-té>.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : sòbéè yìlannɛ lè tùgun dì dóndèn • La viande grillée est aussi bonne.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : à s' í tádɛɛman kómìn nà álakò ì kàn' tò wò kɔḿà? -ǎáà, ǹ yíli dóndèn mà • Est-ce qu'il va t'aider d'une façon ou d'une autre pour que tu te sortes des difficultés ? -Oui, j'espère bien.

dóndèn-dóndèn adv. 1) lentement, petit à petit, peu à peu, progressivement <peut être suivi par la postposition là>.  [Ppd, hist. « époque coloniale »] : àn tóota ɲɔɔn dɛɛtɔ̀ háa án sìyata dóndèn-dóndèn • Ils sont restés là, et petit à petit ils sont devenus nombreux.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : ànu bá' fɔĺɔ n dɛɛmanna dóndèn-dóndèn nà • Ils ont commencé à m'aider petit à petit.  [Dgm, histp. « ma belle-mère »] : à ká kɔrɔmayítà wó lè kɛ̀ háa, dóndèn-dóndèn wótè sìyayata • Elle faisait le commerce de riz pendant un certain temps et progressivement, l'argent s'est accumulé. 2) <exprime la valeur durative, itérative ou habituelle d'une ac-tion>.  [Dgm, histp. « ma belle-mère »] : á lè tóota táala lɔḱɔ tɔ̀ kà fòrtonnɛɛǹu máyìta dóndèn-dóndèn • Elle a commencé à aller au marché et à vendre du piment.  [Dgm, histp. « vieille sorcière »] : mà főo dɛǹta, kìnáànu főo, k' á lásìgi, k' à màdíya à n' á lâ mùséè, k' à màdíya dóndèn-dóndèn, dóndèn-dóndèn, háa, á jùséè májìgita • Nous nous sommes tous rassemblés, tous les vieux, nous l'avons fait s'asseoir, et nous l'avons supplié pendant un certain temps jusqu'à ce qu'il se fût calmé. 3) un à un <s'emploie dans un contexte distributif>.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : fáyida, ǹ nà dénbayanù fóo bɔɔnden á tɔ̀ wó lè tɔ̀ dóndèn-dóndèn nà, háa anu bá' fɔĺɔ n dɛɛmanna dóndèn-dóndèn nà nɔn • En fait, tous mes enfants ont grandi avec [cette nourriture], jusqu'à ce qu'ils commencent à m'aider un par un. 4) <mot discursif de focalisation de la valeur de vérité>.  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : ómò nì wò táarikànu ɔýa dóndèn-dóndèn, ɓáy háray wó lè dí ànu yèn • Racontons cette histoire un peu, comme ils ont envie de l'écouter. dóe (dóo) pron. 1a) quelqu'un <renvoie à un référent inanimé dont l'existence (dans la situation) est mise en question>.  ì bá' dóo yén kílà kùnma? • As-tu vu quelqu'un sur la route ? 1b) personne <renvoie à un référent animé dont l'existence est niée (est sous la négation soit directe sois indi-recte)>.  dóo m' á dàn lɔń, sì mànsáà sì kɛńdɛya • Personne ne sait si le chef va guérir.  [Mns, disc. « affaires du village »] : à tée nɔǹ dóo kélela à bàta • Il ne peut appeler personne à son aide [il n'a pas d'amis]. Syn.: dőodo. 1c) quelqu'un <s'utilise dans une proposition conditionnelle ou modale pour renvoyer à un référent animé dont l'existence est hypothé-tique>.  à fɔ́ dóo yèn à ní ń dɛɛman • Dis à quelqu'un qu'il m'aide.  ì máni dóo máɲìninka, à sì kílà yìta ì là • Si tu demandes à quelqu'un il te montrera la route. Syn.: mɔgɔ dó. 2) quelqu'un <renvoie à une personne spécifique mais inconnue du locuteur>.  ǹ bá' sɔńkɛ̀ mɛń bón nà, ǹ bì síkkɛla dóo í ɲɔɔ là • J'ai entendu un bruit dans la maison, je pense qu'il y a quelqu'un. 3) certain de, quelques-uns de ; un de.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : à máni mɛ́ háa, wò ì dóo máyìta? • Et après, est-ce que vous allez en vendre quelquesunes ?  [Mns, histp. « voyage »] : ♦ fɛń dóo fɛń • quoi que ce soit.

dőodo Var.: dóodo. dtm. aucun <(seulement avec la négation directe)>.  à máa báara dőodo kɛ́ • Il n'a fait aucun travail.  dàgáà dőodo béle sìginden táà kùnma • Il n'y a aucune marmite sur le feu. Syn.: fűs, wőo. dőodo Var.: dóodo. pron. 1) personne <pronom indéfini utilisé pour renvoyer au référent animé dont l'existence est niée (sous la négation directe comme indirecte)>.  dőodo máa nà • Personne n'est venu.  ǹ m' a lɔǹ sì ì sì dóodo yén kílà kùnma, ɓá súu bá' kó • Je ne sais pas si tu verras quelqu'un sur la route, comme la nuit est déjà tombée. 2) qui que ce soit <pronom dóoliɲɛ̀ dɔŕɔn 53 indéfini utilisé pour renvoyer au référent animé avec la valeur de la quantification de libre choix>.  ì máni dőodo máɲinka, à sì kílà yìta ì là • Qui que tu interroges te montrera la route.  (sì) dőodo kúsan mɔtɛr tábɛǹna, à n' á tábɛǹ • Si quelqu'un sait réparer le moteur, qu'il le répare. Syn.: mɔgɔ wőo, mɔgɔ wőo mɔgɔ. dóoliɲɛ̀ (dóolin) Cf.: ndólin 'ligne de pêche'. dúfen 1) vi. s'éteindre. Syn.: kìnnɔǵɔ 2, sà.

2) vt. tuer. Syn.: fàga 1, kɛlɛ 2. 3) vt. cesser de faire. 4) vi. s'endormir. dùgéè (dùgu) 1) n. terre , sol, surface.

 kà dùgéè sèn • creuser la terre.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : nɔńbɛ̀ wò í yɛlɛla lɔǵɛ̀ là lè, káa nɔńbɛ̀ wò y' á làla dùgéè là? • Est-ce que cette liane grimpe sur l'arbre, ou bien elle rampe sur le sol ?  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : à béle mà sí mà lá dùgéè làtoli mín nà • On n'a pas d'engrais pour fertiliser la terre. Syn.: bàngu, bàngukáli 1. 2) région, pays, terre (étendue de terrain qui est la propriété de quelqu'un, d'une commune etc.).  [Nym, disc. « école »] : dénnɛ̀ béle kɔńkɔla kóobèn nà mà lá dùgéè kɛ̀ tɔ, ɓáyi à í tɛren wúseɲɛ̀ bí, mín sì sèn • Les enfants ne souffrent pas trop de la faim dans notre région, parce il y a de l'igname sauvage qu'on peut déterrer.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : àn dé lè tàn mù dùgéè là • Cette terre leur appartient. dúlà (dúla) Var.: díyà (díya). 1) nr. place, endroit <accompagne un groupe verbal qui -dúla dun 55 exprime la localisation>.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : wò mán dòn brúsà tɔ, kúllɛǹu bɔ́ dúlà, wùléènu ì wò lè màsúnbula, k' ánù jòkki • Quand vous entrez dans la brousse, là où les animaux sauvages se montrent, les chiens reniflent un peu et se mettent à les poursuivre.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : ànu bí wòréè lála fɛɛndèn tɔ, k' à dòni sáli dúlà ɲɔɔ là, k' àn ná kàyéènu tɛren, k' á dí ànu mà • Elles mettent les noix de cola dans des calebasses, et les emportent dans l'endroit de la prière, elles cherchent leurs maris et elles leur donnent les calebasses.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : àn mán bɔ́ sáli dúlà, wò n' àn nábɛǹ • Quand ils rentrent de la prière vous les accueillez.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : wò bɔɔnden tágala kàn dúlà jàn, ǹ máa' á tága dúlà lɔń • Il est parti quelque part loin, je ne connais pas l'endroit où il est parti. 2) pp. près de, à côté de.  [Dgm, histp. « vieille sorcière »] : kámarɛɲɛ̀ dò bì mà díya nùn, mà k' á kíli, à k' á lá fìnkáarè tà, á nàta • Il y avait un jeune homme à côté de chez nous, nous l'avons appelé, il a pris son fusil et il est venu chez nous. Syn.: tɔgɔfɛ.

-dúla Var.: -díya. mrph. <marqueur de su-pin>. 1) <fait partie de la construction qui sert à exprimer une action qui se déroule au moment de la parole>.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : yànká, ń dɛ́ lá kàyéè yɛgɛ bìtadíyà • En ce moment mon mari est en train de pêcher. 2) pour <introduit une proposition subordonnée de but pour les verbes de mouvement tága 'aller', dòni 'envoyer' et wà 'aller'>.  à báti tága wáaɲɛ dúlà • Il est allé à la chasse.  ǹ báti dénnɛɛ̀ dòni jéè nàati dúlà • J'ai envoyé l'enfant pour qu'il aille chercher de l'eau.  [Dgm, histp. « vieille sorcière »] : állà lè bá' kíiti nùn, à là déɲɛ̀ kɛ̀ bálulaà máa, à máa nà bálu dúlà • Dieu a fait que son enfant ne vivra pas, il n'est pas né pour vivre (litt. : « il n'est pas venu pour vivre"). Syn.: kóè tɔ, là, kóè là. 3) pendant, à cause de, de <suit un groupe verbal qui exprime la conditions, la cause ou la manière>.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : í bàabanu, àn tɔŕɔta nùn kɛlɛɛ̀ kɛ́ dúlà • Ton père, il a souffert pendant la guerre.  tólon dúlà • pour plaisanter.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : à b' á táɲininna tólon dúlà • Il le taquine pour plaisanter.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : ɛǹɛɛ, í hàkkílè dí kàran dúlà? • Est-ce que tu réussis dans tes études ? (litt. : « Est-ce que ton esprit est bien pour les études ?").

Ɛ -ɛ

-ɛ̀ <marqueur de spécificité du référent d'un groupe nominal>. Cf.: -è. ɛɛýì Var.: ɛɛỳ. itj. oui.  ì sí tága lúumɛ̀ tɔ?ɛɛýì, ǹ sì tága • Est-ce que tu vas au marché ? -Oui, j'y vais.  ì tée tága lúumɛ̀ tɔ? -ɛɛýì, ǹ tée tága • Tu ne vas pas au marché ? -Non, je n'y vais pas. Syn.: ǎáà, hǐíì, hɔɔn, m̌ḿm̀ ; ~ féw 3. 2) enclume (dans la forge). • On n'a pas de forage -pas du tout ! -on n'a pas de mosquée -pas du tout ! -on n'a pas de marché bien fait -pas du tout !  [Dgm, histp. « ma belle-mère »] : kó à tée tága féw, à bì tóla yán dè • Elle a dit qu'elle n'y va pas, qu'elle reste là.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : ì káni kúma bàsan few! • Ne mélange pas les paroles ! 3) oui, tout à fait <s'utilise pour réaffirmer et rehausser la proposition précédente (avec une polarité positive comme négative) et dont la force illocutoire est soit interrogative soit affirmative>.  ì sì tága lúumɛ̀ tɔ? -féw, ǹ sì tága • Est-ce que tu vas au marché ? -Oui, j'y vais.  ì tée tága lúumɛ̀ tɔ? -féw, ǹ tée tága • Tu ne vas pas au marché ? -Non, je n'y vais pas.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : s' à láatɛta̋ ɲɲè, ómâ lè lè, s' à máa láatɛ̋ ɲɲè, ómâ lè lè tùgun hàray! -féw-féw-few! • Que je réussisse ou que je ne réussisse pas, on est toujours ensemble. -Tout à fait ! Syn.: ~ ǎáà, ɛɛýì, hǐíì, hɔɔn, m̌ḿm̀. fɛĺlirilaà (fɛĺlirilaa) n. chasseur. Syn.: dònso, wáaɲɛlaa, wáaɲɛrikɛɛlaa. fɛɲɛ̀ (fɛń) Var.: féɲɛ̀ (fén). n. 1) chose, objet (tout objet concret par opposition aux êtres animés) <nom générique de la catégorie des objets inanimés>. ♦ fɛń tigi • riche . [Dgm, histp. « vieille sorcière »] : á sàn sàbaɲɔǵɛ, mùsu kɔtɛ̀ fàgata, kɔǹɔ háa bìi mùsu kɔtɛ̀ là bóɲɛ̀ là, à là fɛɲɛǹù bì ɲɔɔ, mɔgɔ tée súusɛ dònna à là bóɲɛ̀ là • Trois ans après mort de la vielle femme, jusqu'à présent, ses affaires sont dans sa maison, personne n'ose y entrer. 2) quoi ? <s'utilise comme mot interrogatif dans des questions partielles pour des référents inanimés (quand la demande d'information est sur l'identité d'un référent) ; dans cette utilisation « fɛ ń » est souvent suivi par la marque de focalisation « le »>. ♦ fɛń nìn fɛń? • quoi ? <expression interrogative qui s'utilise pour l'identification d'un référent pluriel>  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : fɛń dè wó lè dònna Dɔgɔmɛ? • Qu'est-ce qui vous fait venir à Dogomet ?  ò (bì) fɛń tɔ̀ ɲɔ? • Qu'est-ce que vous faites ? ♦ fɛń nà? • pourquoi ?  ì bì díla fɛń nà? • Pourquoi est-ce que tu pleures ?  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : Dɔǹdɛ lúumɛ̀ tɔ, àn bì fɛń nìn fɛń máyìtala ɲɔɔ là? • Qu'est-ce qu'ils vendent au marché de Dondé ?  fɛń lún ómà bì? = óma í fɛń lún tɔ̀ bì? • On est quel jour aujourd'hui ?  [Dgm, histp. « mon parcours »] : ì kà fɛń kàráɲɛ̀ kɛɛ? • Qu'est-ce que tu as étudié ? Syn.: fɛń mùn. 1) quelque chose, quoi que ce soit <pronom indéfini utilisé pour renvoyer aux référents inanimés dont l'existence est mise en question>.  ɛǹɛɛ̀ à kà fɛń màyita bì? • Est-ce qu'il a vendu quelque chose aujourd'hui ? 2) rien <s'utilise dans des contextes négatifs pour référer aux unités dont l'existence est niée (sous négation directe ou indirecte)>.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : àn tée fɛń tɛren ɲɔɔ là • Ils ne trouveront rien là-bas.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : mà béle fɛń gbɛtɛ dámula ɓá hári súumayɛ̀ lè • Nous ne mangeons rien d'autre parce que c'est le Ramadan. Syn.: fɛnfɛń. 3. 3) quelque chose <pronom indéfini utilisé dans une proposition conditionnelle ou modale pour renvoyer aux référents inanimés dont l'existence est hypo-thétique>.  sì fɛń kɛta àn nà, ànu fóo sí fàga Dàlaba • Si quelque chose leur arrive, tout le monde va mourir à Dalaba.  fɛń dí ǹ mà, ǹ sì mín dàmu • Donne-moi quelque chose à manger.  à sì fɛń nàati mà n' á dàmu • Il nous apportera quelque chose pour manger. 4) animal sauvage, gibier. fí ‹pul.› conj./prep. 1) pour. ♦ fí állà • au nom de Dieu. 2) à cause de.  kɛ̀ déndè bì dìila fí á nɛɛǹɛ bát' á gbàsi • Ce garçon pleure parce que sa mère l'a frappé. ♦ fí fɛń nà? = à fí fɛń? • pourquoi ?  kàyéè bì kúllɛ̀ fàgala, fí á n' á dàmu • L'homme tue les animaux pour les manger.  ǹ báti bànáanà là jéè búutɔ̀ fí ń n' á bàrabara • J'ai mis les bananes dans l'eau pour les cuire. 3) parce que.  à bì díla fí á nɛɛǹɛ bát' á gbàsi • Il pleure parce que sa mère l'a frappé. Syn.: ɓáyri, fìná, hári 4, kɔfí, pàsé, sàbuná. fìsa adjP. être meilleur, surpasser (en qchlà ; qui/quoi -kò).  à fìsa ǹ kò bòrila • Il court plus vite que moi.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : bàntára lɔɔnɛɛ̀ nìn á bìntannɛɛ, yùmán dè fìsa dìyala ì yèn? • Entre le manioc cuit et le manioc grillé, quel est celui que tu préfères ?  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : ì là déɲɛ̀ wòn nɔǹ mùséèn' dè sìya káa kàyéèn' dè fìsa sìyáà là? • Est-ce qu'il y a beaucoup de filles ou bien il y a plus de garçons ?  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : ì n' â fɛĺɛ sì ì lá kùtaà fìsa kèeɲiyala ì dɛǹɲɔǵɛǹ fóo là kùtáà kò • Tu regardes si tes vêtements sont mieux que ceux de tous tes amis.  [Nym, conte, prov. « maudit »] : brúsa tɔ̀ fɛńnù fóo, súluku le fìsa fàatɔyáà là • De tous les animaux de la brousse la hyène est le plus fou. főo Var.: fó. ‹pul.› dtm. 1) tout le, toute la, tous les, toutes les, entier ; chaque <pronom de la quantification universelle>.  á fìsa kàyéènù fóo kó dɔɔlɛɛ̀ là • Il est le plus fort de tous les garçons. 2) quoie que, qui que <pronom du libre choix dans un contexte potentiel ou un contexte de com-paraison>.  dòktér kɛ, à sí mɔgɔ fóo dándan • Ce docteur peut soigner n'importe qui.  ì s' á wà fóo fɛ̀ sálè tɔ̀ • Tu peux venir à la fête avec qui tu veux. fòrofára vt. mélanger, faire un tourbillon. fóroɲɛ̀ (fóron) nr. coquille ; écale, carapace, glume (de céréale), coque (d'arachide).  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : wò mán nɛtɛɛ̀ wò bɔ, à y' à fóroɲɛ̀ lè bùtɔ, káa à í wò ɲàâ lè gbɛḿa? -wò y' à fóroɲɛ̀ lè bùtɔ, k' à láfàra, k' à dámu • Quand vous cueillez les graines de néré, est-ce qu'elles sont dans une gousse ou bien elles sont déjà propres ? -Elles sont dans leur coque, il faut l'enlever et la manger. fɔ́ vi. venir en absence de (qn -kɔ ḿà).

 [Mns, histp. « voyage »] : ǹ báti nà, ǹ bát' á tàran, pòrto mɔǵɔ fìlá lè fɔɔlen ǹ kɔḿà, kàyi nín mùsu • Quand je suis venu, j'ai appris qu'il y avait deux blancs qui me demandaient, un homme et une femme. « ma belle-mère »] : háa yàn káa ì máa ń nákàsi • Tu ne m'as jamais fait pleurer.  [Dgm, histp. « ma belle-mère »] : àn máa sɔńkɔ, àn máa kɛlɛ háa bìi • Ils ne se sont jamais engueulés, ils ne se sont jamais disputés. 4) pour que <introduit une subordonnée de but>.  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : ì bí Sàramúsayà tàtɛń báà kɛĺa háa, sá ì sì dóo lɔń kómìn nà • Tu te promènes beaucoup à Saramoussaya pour rencontrer des gens.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : ì lá wùléè wò, ì b' á dánkunna kámà, háa à nì déri í là, háa ì máni wúli brúsà tɔ, í lè n' á lè s' á wà, à t' á bàlan? • Ton chien, comment est-ce que tu l'élèves, pour qu'il s'habitue à toi, pour que, quand tu vas dans la brousse, il ne refuse pas d'aller avec toi ?  [Nym, disc. « école »] : gúvɛrnɛman máa má kɔ́ lɛkkɔĺ tɔ̀ bùtun, háa mà là dénnɛǹù sì tó yàn kómìn • Le gouvernement ne nous a pas construit une école, dans laquelle nos enfants pourraient rester. 5) et ; finalement, et après <introduit une subordonnée de ré-sultat>.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : háa wó bàaba tùgun k' á fɔlɔ • [D'abord c'était votre grand-père qui était le forgeron ici] Et après votre père a pris ce travail.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : táà bá' bìta, ànu bát' ánù gbála, háa kímà bát' ánù bóloka • On a allumé le feu, ils se sont séchés et ils n'avaient plus froid.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : wón dè ká yàn fɛŕti, kà sɛǹɛ wɔtɔ, háa à máta hɔɗo là • Ils ont dégagé ce terrain, ils ont labouré le champ et le village est apparu.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : àn ì tóla ɲɔgɔn sɔɔsɛ̀ wò lè tɔ, háa gbàsírè nì bɔ́ à tɔ̀ • Ils se disputent à cause de ça, jusqu'à ce qu'ils se frappent. 6) <exprime une quantité importante>.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : lɛkkɔl déɲɛ̀ bì mà bòlo yàn háa mín s' á wà mɔgɔ bíi wɔrɔwila • Chez nous il y a soixante-dix élèves.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : wònú túgún ì mɛtyɛ̀ là, an s' a wà háa mɔgɔ wɔɔrɔ • Il y a six personnes qui ont une profession.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : déɲɛǹu, ànu ɲɔɔ là háa mɔgɔ tán • Les enfants, il y en a dix.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : à máa mà tɔɔrɔ háa tèle kélen dɛ̋ • Il ne nous a pas fait souffrir, pas un seul jour. 7) pendant que.  [Mns, conte « le maudit »] : à sì tága, à nì jéè nàati, háa dóè nì bán nɛtɛɛǹu wɔtɔla • Il ira chercher de l'eau pendant que l'autre finira de décortiquer les néré. 8) même si.  [Skt, conte « voleur »] : mà í sòbéènu nàgbálala lè, mà n' á lá bɛǹtɛɛ̀ là, à tée tòli, à tée kúnaya, fɛń tée à dámu, háa à mɛta ɲɔɔ nɛtɔ • Nous pouvons sécher cette viande et la mettre sur la terrasse, comme ça elle ne sera pas pourrie et ne deviendra pas amère, même si elle reste là longtemps. 9) et, et aussi.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : fóndè, tìgáà, káabà, àn ì wó sɛǹɛla, háa kɔrɛɛ̀ • Ils plantent du fonio, des arachides, du maïs et en plus, le riz. 10) ou <dans la construction avec les numéraux>.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : grúpu fila háa sàba • deux ou trois groupes.  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : mà sí tànbi hɔɗo lóolu háa wɔɔrɔ là • Nous allons passer par cinq ou six villages. háa hàkkɛɛ̀ 78 háa Var.: haa. adv. 1) longtemps ; beaucoup.

H -h háa

 [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : wò ɲɔɔ díyanden mà yèn háa, sì mà k' á sábòe sɔtɔ • Nous serions très reconnaissantes si nous avions de l'aide pour ça.  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : àn ì láhɛla tèléè à nín kíla jáɲɛ, àn tún mádònna mà là bóɲɛ̀ búutɔ, háray àn tɔɔrɔlen háa • Ils sont à bout de souffle à cause du soleil et de la route longue, quand ils rentrent à la maison, ils souffrent beaucoup. Syn.: kóoben, dɛ. 2) un certain temps.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : à mán' mɛɛ háa, mà sì dóo máyìta • Après un certain temps nous pouvons en vendre quelques unes.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : ǹ mán nàa, ǹ mán kàran dè háa, àprɛ́ ǹ nì bɔ́ ɲɔɔ, ǹ ní tɛgɛráà tàa, ǹ n' á wà brúsà tɔ, ǹ nì fúur tɛgɛ • Quand je rentre chez moi, je révise un certain temps, après, je sors, je prends la hache et je vais dans la brousse pour chercher du bois pour faire du charbon.  [Dgm, histp. « ma belle-mère »] : à ká kɔrɔmayítà wó lè kɛ̀ háa, dóndèn dóndèn wótè sìyayata • Elle faisait le commerce de riz depuis un certain temps et progressivement, l'argent s'est accumulé. 3) longtemps et en vain.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : á nɛɛnɛ nàata, à ká jàlaà bɔ, à kà yɛǵɛ̀ yúngu háa, à máa' à yén • Sa mère est venue, elle a enlevé son foulard et elle a pêché pendant longtemps mais elle n'a rien attrapé.

háa itj. <interjection d'évaluation, exprime l'idée du degré excessif ou très élevé de qch>.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : tìbáabòe nì má màgbɛńna, káyɛǹu nà, kà má màgbɛń kɔǹpáàn nà, bíkkinù, kɛrɛyɔń, háa, kóo sìyaman àn í mà màgbɛńna • Les blancs nous aident avec les cahiers, avec l'équipement, avec les stylos, les crayons, beaucoup de choses ! ils nous donnent beaucoup de choses.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : lɛkkɔĺ údditɛta yàn, kɔǹɔ kà bɔɔ wò mà, kà kée káa, háa, à bá' rátɛ kóobèn nà • Une école a été ouverte ici, mais depuis ce temps il y a eu vraiment beaucoup de problèmes ! háahaandɛ̀ (háahaandɛ) ‹pul.› nr. bile. júggɛ ‹pul.› 1) vt. toucher avec (qch -tɔ ).  ǹ báti ǹ bólè júggɛ jínbalè mà • J'ai touché le mur avec ma main. 2) vi. être étayé par qch. 3) vt. étayer, mettre un appui à. 4) vr. s'appuyer (sur un bâton, sur ses genoux). 5) vt. fournir, livrer (chez qn).  ǹ báti kínè júggɛ à mà • J'ai livré la nourriture chez lui.  ǹ báti ɔtɛ̀ júggɛ bóɲɛ̀ mà • J'ai ramené la voiture à la maison. jùgéè (jùgu) 1) nr. ennemi. Syn.: jágu.

2) personne méchante. -leɲɛ̀ (c) (-len) -nnɛ̀ (c) (-nden) Var.: -leɲɛ̀ (-len) (n, w) ; -deɲɛ̀ (-den) . mrph. 1) <suffixe du participe statif et résultatif>.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : í bàaba wò, à bálunden yàn káa à bá' fàga? • Et ton père, est-ce qu'il est vivant ou bien il est déjà mort ?  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : wídeyɔ wò díta â mà lè, káa â y' â sànden dè? -à díinden à bólo lè • Ce téléviseur, est-ce qu'il lui a été donné ou bien il l'a acheté ? -Il lui a été donné. -ru <variante optionnelle du suffixe de nominalisation après la racine dont la dernière voyelle est « u »>.  dámuru • la nourriture. tága Var.: tá ; tán. 1) vi. aller, partir. wà (c, w) 1) vt. aller, partir <s'emploie toujours avec le pronom "à" comme objet di-rect>.  ǹ s' á wà sàgóè mà 2) porteuse (une des deux femmes qui portent la traîne de la robe de la future mariée).

S -s

wállahi itj. par Dieu, au nom de Dieu.

wàllúà (wàllua) Var.: wàllúhà (wàlluha).

W -w

wagon m. wàgóɲɛ.

Z -z

zèle m. wàkkiláarè.

zéro séro.

Alexandra VYDRINA A corpus-based description of Kakabe, a Western Mande language: prosody in grammar

Résumé

Cette thèse fournit une description du kakabé, une langue mandée parlée en Guinée, basée sur un corpus et avec un focus sur le système phonologique. Elle contient une brève esquisse grammaticale et deux parties qui portent sur l'analyse phonologique : la phonologie segmentale et la phonologie suprasegmentale. Les processus concernant les segments phonologiques peuvent être conditionnés par des contraintes métriques, par l'interdiction du hiatus, par le découpage de l'énoncé en phrases prosodiques et par le contexte morphologique. Le kakabé applique diverses stratégies d'adaptation des emprunts (principalement, du poular et du français), telles que l'épenthèse vocalique, la simplification d'agglomérations consonantiques. Le kakabé est une langue à ton (H vs. L), avec downdrift, relèvement du ton H, un ton flottant L, et un certain nombre de processus tonals, tels que l'insertion du ton H, la propagation du ton, l'aplatissement du contour HLH. En conséquence, la distance entre les tons lexicaux sous-jacents et leur réalisation de surface peut être assez importante. Chacun des processus tonals est appliqué dans une unité prosodique particulière. Par conséquent, les processus tonals participent au découpage du discours en unités prosodiques. Le kakabé comporte des tons de frontière qui servent à signaler la force illocutoire de l'énoncé. Les tons lexicaux et les tons de frontière coexistent avec des opérations intonatives sur la courbe F0. Les appendices comprennent un dictionnaire kakabéfrançais, composé de 3400 entrées, et le corpus de 12 heures de textes en kakabé, transcrits, glosés, traduits et accompagnés des fichiers vidéos et audios.

Mot-clés

mandé, langues africaines, prosodie, syllabe, tonologie, processus tonal, downdrift, ton flottant, intonation

Résumé en anglais

This thesis provides a corpus-based description of Kakabe, a Mande language spoken in Guinea, with a focus on phonology. It consists of a short grammatical sketch and two parts dedicated to the analysis of the segmental and the suprasegmental phonology. Segmental phonological processes can be conditioned by metrical constraints, the ban on hiatus, prosodic phrasing and morphological context. Vowel deletion and vowel assimilation which serve to resolve hiatus, apply clause-internally, as well as across clause boundaries. I also describe various strategies of loanword adaptation used in Kakabe, such as vowel epenthesis and consonant cluster simplification. Kakabe is a terraced-level tone language (H vs. L), featuring downdrift, downstep, H raising, floating L, and a number of tonal processes, such as OCP style H-insertion between two L domains, tone spread and leveling of HLH contour. As a result, the distance between the underlying lexical tones and their surface realization can be rather important. Each tonal process is applied within one particular prosodic unit. Therefore, tonal processes participate in phrasing the speech into prosodic units. Kakabe uses a number of boundary tones to signal illocutionary force of the utterance. Lexical tones and boundary tones coexists with intonational operations on the F0 curve. Intonational tone raising is associated with the H% and HL% boundary tones. Apart from that, it affects polarity items, the universal quantifier, and other pragmatically prominent lexemes, such as ideophones and intensifiers. The appendices include a Kakabe-French dictionary, comprising 3400 entries, and an oral corpus of 12 hours of various genres, transcribed, glossed and time-aligned with audio and video.

Figure 1 . 1 :

 11 Figure 1.1: Recording in the Nyamayara village (Central Kakabe), see text Nr. 1 in Appendix C.

Figure 1 . 2 :

 12 Figure 1.2: Recording in the Kouroupampa village (Western Kakabe), see text Nr. 34 in Appendix C.

Figure 1 . 3 :

 13 Figure 1.3: ELAN-Corpa query tool developed by Ch. Chanard.

Figure 1 . 4 :

 14 Figure 1.4: Rural radio station in Dogomet, assignment of sound directors depending of the language and the day of the week, Kakabe spelt as "KAKKABHE".

Figure 1 .

 1 Figure 1.5: Rural radio station in Dogomet: "La lecture des avis" in Pular, Maninka and Kakabe (spelt as "KAKABE").

Figure 1 .

 1 Figure 1.6: Arrival at Fello-Njandi for the Kakabe dictionary celebration, January 7th, 2015.

Figure 1 . 8 :

 18 Figure 1.8: Kakabe in the Mande language family after Vydrin & Koryakov (2017)

Figure 1 .

 1 Figure 1.9: Schematic localization of Kakabe dialects: Northern Kakabe (NK), Western Kakabe (WK), Central Kakabe (CK) and the dominant languages

  + / ɲɔ ǵɔ Ǹ/ + /jéN/ INF + each.other + see ⇓ phonological realization rules ⇓ surface phonological level features as realized in the utterance [kà ɲːɔ ǵɔ ̀jːḛ ŋ]

( 1 . 2 )

 12 [kàː sǎː nːá mùsêːnù jḛ ŋ] kà INF à 3SG sàn buy ànu 3PL la POSS mùsu-È-nu wife-ART-PL yen BNF to buy it for their wives.

  Goats are sold there, and also chicken.

  his father: "I have arrived."

( 2 .

 2 11) (a) Sɛ ́ɛ́k ù bátí jùléé kùntù Sekou PFV.OF rope.ART cut Sekou cut the rope. (b) ǹ bátí Sɛ ́ɛ́k ù là-kùntù jùléé là 1SG PFV.OF Sekou CAUS-cut rope.ART OBL I made Sekou cut the rope.

  the meat for the child. Sbj focus

Figure 2 . 1 :

 21 Figure 2.1: Focus types by scope (Watters 2010)

  He prepared the meat. Sbj DO [V] FOC (b) He prepared the meat. Sbj [DO V] FOC (c) He did prepare the meat.[Sbj DO V] Truth FOC

  , the heads of the family, do we fast? B: Yes, the heads of the family do fast.

  go out in the morning, do you sometimes fail to go to school?] I do go to school [because I understand that it is important to study].

  25 a) and (2.25 b):(2.25) (a) ST < TT, TT = UT;[+OPF]

( 2 .

 2 26) (a) ST < TT, TT < UT; [-OPF] issued on the radio and all Kakabe people learned about it.

  you this hat.

  poor people, they usually get a lot of children.

  are at school] You should listen attentively to what is told to you.

Figure 2 . 2 :

 22 Figure 2.2: The distribution of si and bi -la

Figure 2 . 3 :

 23 Figure 2.3: Meanings of the bí V-la lè constructions in NK

  -la lè CAUS-be.short-GER FOC You have to make them short [don't tell long stories]. t say "ulufite" [Pular word], you should say fall in.

( 2 .

 2 43) (a) copula mu: identity statement

  and (2.46 b) below. (2.46) (a) N SUBJ mu N PRED lè là

  sorcerer (you are a potion-maker).

  goat and the hyena met on the road, hyena said] Is it the goat? of examples for the demonstrative wò is in (2.52 a) without la, and with la in an identical context (2.52 b): you: who is it [that you want to take as wife]? a woman whom I want to marry] -Who is she?

  (2.63 a) and (2.63 b) respectively.

( 2 .

 2 62) (a) Progressive construction: Sbj bi VThey respect me and they receive me well.Locative/existential construction: Sbj bi (NP pp)

  medicine was sold], and it was me who had all the money from it [but had to give it away afterwards].

( 2 .

 2 80) (a) ǹ dé lè yáá lábòrìlà \ *ǹ dé lè á lábòrìlà \ *ǹ dé láá lábòrìlà kɛ ́lè là báá là déɲɛ ̀là / *kɛ ́lè à là déɲɛ ̀là / *kɛ ́láá là déɲɛ ̀là

  nor in(2.102 b) does the NP with the numeral and the article refer to a definite referent12 . past] during one day the food would be prepared three times.

  the relations between people there:] between the children of the same mother of between the children of the same father father.

( 2 .

 2 105) (a) Num 1 Num 2 bííꜜlóólú sàbà 'fifty three' (b) Num 1 nín Num 2 bííꜜlóólú nín sàbà 'fifty three' (c) Num 1 ànín Num 2 bííꜜlóólú ànín sàbà 'fifty three' (2.106) (a) Num 1 Num 2 kɛ ̀mɛ ̀bíílòòlù 'hundred fifty' (b) Num 1 nín Num 2 kɛ ̀mɛ ̀nín bíílòòlù 'hundred and fifty' (c) Num 1 ànín Num 2 kɛ ̀mɛ ́ànín bíílòòlù 'hundred and fifty'

  long have you been an iron monger?] -It has been 56 years.

  113 a) and (2.113 b).

( 2 .

 2 113) (a) dén lóólúɲɔ ́gɛ ̀= dén lóólúnáɲɛ ̀~dén lóólúɲáɲɛ dén lóolu-ɲɔgɔ-È child five-ORDIN-ART the fifth child (b) dén sábáɲɔ ́gɛ ̀= dén lóólúnáɲɛ ̀~dén lóólúɲáɲɛ dén sàba-ɲɔgɔ-È child five-ORDIN-ART the third child

  is heavy to carry] Two or three people would carry one rail.

  enjoyed jumping into water'.The elicitation of the same verbs with different consultants also gives varying results: the reflexive is accepted in the zero-nominalization of the same verb by one consultant and rejected by other. It should be said that a relative degree of acceptability of the reflexive ì also characterizes the clauses with the subjunctive nì and with the conditional auxiliary máni. It was mostly accepted by Mohammed Keita from the Mingiya village, but in most cases rejected by other consultants (from Dogoment, Mansaya, Wansan):(2.141) (a) reflexive ì in the conditional máni clause sits down on this chair, he will fall.(b) reflexive ì in purpose ni clause house in order to sit on the bed.

  meet-PFV.INTRThe hyena and the goat met... They will collect stories and conversations.

  with the woman and she returned to her relatives.

( 2 .

 2 178) (a) à i ká wò kílà jòkkì He i [the young man] took the road (b) háá à i táátá à i k' à ii tàràn, He i walked until he i found him ii [the hunter he was looking for] (c) wò ii b' (à lá sòéè) iii kìtìlèn kándò He ii had (his horse) iii attached in some place. (d) à ii b' à iii sàànɛ ̀lèn,

  ǹ bát' à mɔ ̀ɛ1 SG PFV.OF 3SG hear 'I understand' [as an expression of an acknowledgment of what has been said]. (b) ì bát' à yèn 1SG PFV.OF 3SG see 'Do you see? [what I'm showing/saying to you]' (c) à bát' à fɔ ̀bɔ ́yàn 3SG PFV.OF 3SG say leave here 'He said: go away!'

( 2 .

 2 187) (a) à bì dámú-rè kɛ ̀-là 3SG be eat-NMLZ.ART do-GER 'He is eating'. (b) ≠ à b' à dàmù-là 3SG be 3SG eat-GER 'He is eating it specific ' . #'He is eating'. (c) à sí kàráɲɛ ̀kɛ 3SG be study.ART do 'He studies [e.g. at school]' (d) ≠ à s' à kàràn 'He studies it specific ' #'He is studying'.

( 2 .

 2 246) (a) à jígítá kà [sòbéè mín dáá ꜜyén] tà (b) à jígítá kà sòbéè [mín dáá ꜜyén] tàIn elicitation both head-external (2.247 a) and head-internal (2.247 b) strategies are accepted for embedded relatives with relativized object.

(

( 3 .

 3 8) (a) ɓáyri ~ɓáyru 'since, because' < Pul. ɓayru (b) nɛ ́wuni ~nɛ ́wunu ~nɛ ́wini ~nɛ ́wni 'promise' < Pul. newnugol (c) àlmáami ~àlmáamu 'imam' < Pul. almaami. (d) dàmuri ~dàmuru 'eating'

( 3 .

 3 12) (a) [mɔ gɛ̂ːnì jḛ ŋ] coming.The same is true for the 3PL pronoun ànu.

( 3 .

 3 13) [wó lè bì dúbáláːní jḛ̀ ŋ]

  ) and(3.18)).(3.23) kéeki ~céeci 'waist' kímaya ~cúmaya 'to be cold' kìti ~cìti 'to tie' kɛ ̀ku ~cɛ ̀ku 'turtle' < Pul. kekuwal fɛ ̀ccɛrɛ ~fɛ ̀kkɛrɛ 'half' < Pul. fekkere sínkɛ ~since 'to found' < Pul. sincugol

( 3 .

 3 27) [ì sáː tàràːl àː díːlá tṵ ́ŋ] him crying just like this.

Figure 3 . 1 ,

 31 reproducing the relevant part of the Kakabe map 2 (see the full map in Section 1.3), visualizes this generalization.

Figure 3 . 1 :

 31 Figure 3.1: Kakabe dialects and the variation of palatals: approximant -occlusive

( 3 .

 3 29) (a) [mɔ gɛ̂ːnù bátí á̰ ɲːɛ tɛ ̀másɔ tɔ ]

( 3 .

 3 30) (a) [à sáː ɟɛ tɛ ̀làmɛ sɛ jà] kill themselves. Finally, in CK only the variant ɲɛ ̀tɛ is used both after a vowel, cf. (3.31 a) and after N, cf. (3.31 b).

( 3 .

 3 31) (a) [wò sí kùtáː sà̰ wó ɲɛ tɛ ̀jè] mɔ gɛ ːnù bì báːrálá á̰ ɲːɛ tɛ ̀làkò] mɔ ̀gɔ-È-nù person-ART-PL bi be báara-la work-GER ànu 3PL ɲɛ ̀tɛ self làko for People work for themselves.

  any of their children there?

  my aunt: ...By contrast, in (3.40) below y disappears at the beginning of the verb yén.(3.40) [ì má̰ ŋ kénːdḛ ḛ́ḛ] you seen my little feet?

( 3 .

 3 44) (a) [ì lé è fúlà là] be confounded, for God's sake.

( 3 .

 3 48) káru fìla 'two months' → [kárú fìlà] ~[kárŭ́fìlà] ~[kár fìlà].

( 3 .

 3 49) kɛ ̀lɛ 'quarrel' + -ta PFV.INTR → kɛ ̀lɛta ~kɛ ̀lta *klɛ ̀ta

(

( 3 .

 3 58) máa COP.NEG + àn 3PL + tà 'take' → [máː.ntà] tée POT.NEG + àn 3PL + tà 'take' → [táː.ntà].

( 3 .

 3 69) (a) [mà í sɛ ǹɛ ː lè kɛ ːlà]

( 3 .

 3 70 a) and (3.70 b) below.

( 3 .

 3 70) (a) [m ̀bì táːlá lè háː lɛ kːɔ ĺ ꜜbúùtɔ ] ǹ 1SG bi be tá(ga)-la go-GER lè FOC háa as.far.as lɛ ̀kkɔ ́l-È school-ART búùtɔ in I go to school.

  five thousand francs. (Litt.: "It is twenty five.")

( 3 .

 3 83) (a) [à káːn tɛ rɛ̰ ŋ] ~[à káːnŭ́tɛ rɛ̰ ŋ] ~[à káːnú tɛ rɛ̰ ŋ]

( 3 .

 3 88) (a) kɔ ́ɔlu [kɔ ːlu ~kɔ ːlŭ ~kɔ ːl] 'collar' < Fr. col (b) jámu [jám ~jámŭ ~já̰ m] 'peace' < Pul. jam (c) dɛ ̀pansə [dɛ pa̰ nsə ~dɛ pa̰ ns] 'expenses' < Fr. dépenses

( 3 .

 3 89) [ì sì lɛ ŕə ́ː sàbà nḭǹ dó̰ ndḛ ŋ kɛ ː jà̰ ŋ]

( 3 .

 3 106) Schwa cannot be separated from the right PW boundary by any full vocalic element. The realizations in (3.105 a) -(3.105 d) are licensed by this rule: two neighboring schwas PW-finally in (3.105 d), one full vowel and a final schwa in (3.105 a), one final schwa as in (3.105 b).

( 3 .

 3 110) bíkki < Fr. bic bɔ ́ttu < Fr. botte mísikki < Fr. musique fùrsɛ ́ttə < Fr. fourchette sìgaréeti ~sìgarettə ́(fìla) < Fr. cigarette

  .111 d) -(3.111 h). (3.111) (a) píyon 'lion' < Pul. piyoori (b) ràdyon ~ràdyo 'radio' < Fr. radio (c) dàgan 'arrow' < Pul. dàgawal (d) pìlansɔn 'plunge' < Fr. plonger (e) lancan 'split' < Pul. lanc-agol

(

( 4 . 2 )

 42 UR: /ma ni a fɔ anu jen/ → Application of the phonological processes:

  ǹ ɓìrɛta → [ḿɓìrɛ tà] ~[ḿbìrɛ tà] 'I am angry' pán ɗùn → [pá̰ nɗṵ ̀ŋ] ~[pá̰ ndṵ ́ŋ] 'over there'.

( 4 .

 4 5) N + C [Non-nasal, sonorant] → Cː kà ǹ róndi → [kàrːó̰ ndí] 'to carry me on the head' kà ǹ lɔ ̀→ [kàlːɔ] 'to stop me' kà ǹ wɔ ́tɔ → [kàwːɔ tɔ] 'to scratch me' kà ǹ yén → [kàjːḛ ŋ] 'to see me'.

( 4 .

 4 6) ǹ róndi → [ǹróndí] 'carry me on the head' ǹ lɔ ̀ɔnden → [ńlɔ ːndḛ ŋ] 'I stopped' ǹ wúlita → [m ̀wːúlítá] ~[w ̰ ːúlítá] 'I got up' n yàayɛ → [ɲ ́jàːyɛ ] ~[ȷ ̰ ːàːyɛ ] 'my paternal aunt'.

  .7 b).

( 4 .

 4 9) [m ̀bí sà̰ ndà̰ .ndḛ ǹ làlà wò jḛ ŋ] telling you a tale.

( 4 .

 4 10) [m ̀máː fɛ̰ ḿ.fɛ lːɔ̰ ŋ gòyì] t know anything.The presence of a nasal in the onset of the syllable to which N belongs is a necessary but not sufficient condition for the retention of nasality, cf. mán < máni in (4.11 a), mín L in (4.11 b), nín in (4.11 c), to cite some examples.

( 4 .

 4 12) (a) [mà máː f ɛ ́lːɔ̰ ŋ]

( 4 .

 4 16) [wò sì míː jìtà má là] show to us, ... The utterances in (4.17 a) represent those exceptional cases where N is retained before y [j]:(4.17) (a) [à̰ nâ̰ ːn jɔ gɔ ̀fɛ̰ ́nːà] [mḭńːɔ̰ ́n jáː hɛ ɗìlà wó̰ n ꜜdé lè jáː fàːmùlà] Those who listen, they understand it. (c) [bó̰ jà̰ ŋkáː à̰ m béláː sàːràlà jà̰ ŋkâː] ... they don't pay him now. (d) [m ̀bátí dà̰ jà̰ m bútṵ ̀ŋ]

  he sees me...

  [míː ꜜwó kɛ ːndè] mín L REL wò that kɛ ́-nden do-PC.STAT The one who has done it. (c) [bìtúgṵ ́m̀ː á wːúlí] And then again, when I get up... (d) [wò sí kùtáː sà wó ɲɛ tɛ ̀jè] clothes for yourselves. Nasality of the onset before N plays no role in its retention before w, unlike in the case with N before l, see 4.2.3.1. Here it is possible both in a syllable with a nasal consonant cf. (4.20 b) and with a non-nasal consonant, cf. (4.20 a).

( 4 .

 4 20) (a) [wò nì fɛ ɲɛ ̀dò sǎ̰ wò̰ nːà]

( 4 .

 4 21) (a) [kɛ ̀ɲɔ ǵɔ̰ ŋ kíː lè tùgù rːò̰ ndì] kɛ that ɲɔ ́gɔ ̀n like ka PST.PFV ì 2SG lè LG tugun also róndi carry.on.head A one like that carried you on his head. (b) [ì ní rːó̰ ndí háː kɔ ːdâː là] your head until the river bank. (c) [kɔ ḿíníkɛ ̀bá tːà̰ mbí nú rːádíjòè búːtɔ ] transmitted on the radio. (d) [kàlá kàː lɔ̰ ǹ ràyì kálà gbìlì] each rail is heavy.

( 4 .

 4 23) à lá kùtáà 'his clothes' mùséè lá kùtáà 'the clothes of the woman' vs. ǹ ná kùtáà 'my clothes'; dén tán ná kùtáà 'the clothes of the ten children' The causative prefix la-: (4.24) (a) [à bátí dḛ ń tá̰ nːákàrà̰ ŋ]

( 4 .

 4 25) [à bátí mà̰ ŋgó tá̰ n láː dùgéː tɔ ] mangoes down on earth. Focus marker lè: (4.26) (a) [à kà dḛ ŋ kélḛ ń dè sɔ tɔ ] FOUR children.When the benefactive postposition yen follows the 1SG pronoun ǹ, the two fuse into ɲɲe where the final nasal of the postposition is deleted (4.27 a). This contrasts with the case when of ǹ precedes the verb yén 'see' which preserves its final N, see (4.27 b).

  that to me. (b) [à bátí ǹ jḛ ŋ] ~[à bátí jːḛ ŋ] ~[à bátí jḛ ŋ]

( 4 .

 4 28) [ànù díː ɲɔ ǵɔ ̀jḛ ŋ]

(

  [ŋ]. Section 5.3.4 outlines the tonal manifestation of IP and discusses the syntactic correlates of IP in Kakabe. It is shown that, apart from clauses, separate IPs are often formed by topicalized constituents and adverbial phrases. The examples below illustrate the realization of IP-final N, with the IP boundary separating two finite clauses (4.30 a), a topic from a clause (4.30 b) and a clause from an adverbial clause (4.30 c).

( 4 .

 4 30) (a) [wò mánáː bìtà tùgṵ ̀ːŋ wò jáː májìtàlà] ) IP sell-GER And when you catch it, you sell it. (b) [wó lè kìnáːnù tùgṵ ̀ːŋ wò sí kùtáː sà̰ ŋ] parent, you can buy clothes also. (c) [wò nì fɛ ɲɛ ̀dóː sà̰ ːŋ wó̰ nːà] OBL You would buy something for them. In IP-final position N is realized the same way as before the glottal stop, i.e as [ŋ] + vowel nasalization, or N is not realized on the surface. Compare the realization without the final nasal of the adverb kómìn in (4.31 a), of the verb kàran as [kàra] in (4.31 b) and of the adverb sínàn 'tomorrow' as [sínà] in (4.31 c) and Examples (4.31 d) and (4.31 e) where N is realized as ŋ accompanied by the nasalization of the preceding vowel.

( 4 .

 4 31) (a) [mà bɔ ːnɛ ́sàràmùsàjà kómì] mà 1PL bɔ ́-nden-È leave-PC.ST-ART Sàramusaya TOPON kómìn when When we left Saramusaya ... (b) [fópù nì kúrás tà ì ní kàrà]

  32) (a) à nín bàânu [à nḭḿ bǎːnù] 'and the goats'; à nín bàntárà [à nḭḿ bàntárà] 'and the manioc'. (b) à nín ǹ bàaba [à nḭḿ bàːbà] 'and my father'.

( 4 .

 4 37) [mḭńːɔ̰ ́n jáː hɛ ɗìlà wó̰ n dè lè jáː fàːmùlà] understand-GER Those who listen, they understand it.

  yɛ ́gɛ + DIM yɛ ́gɛ-nden 'germ' (n.) CVCVN fɛ ́tɛn + DIM fɛ ́tɛ ́n-den

Figure 4 .

 4 Figure 4.1: 1) left: realization of the diminutive suffix with the article; 2) right: marker of the resultative participle

( 4 .

 4 45) [àhíwkúkú àjáwkɛ ḱɛ ́ì má̰ ŋ kṵ ̀nːdéè jḛ ŋ àhíwkúkú àjáwkɛ ḱɛ ́ì máː ɲːáánɛ ̀jḛ ŋ] , haven't you seen my little head? haven't you seen my little eyes?

( 4 .

 4 58) bólolakafu ~bóllakafu 'contributing together' < bólo 'hand' + la-CAUS + káfu 'gather'. In (4.59) the verb-final vowel is deleted before the noun, resulting in a geminate: yɛ ̀lɛ + lɔ ́gɔ → [jɛ lːɔ ǵɔ]. (4.59) [kùláà má jːɛ ̀lːɔ ǵɔ ́ɟóè kà̰ nːà] goes on the top of the tree trunk Below is the list of grammatical morphemes that frequently occur in the reduced form with the final (or the only) vowel deleted: (4.60) ni -subjunctive auxiliary; máni -conditional auxiliary; káninegative subjunctive auxiliary; -nu -plural suffix; lè -focus particle; -ri -intransitive nominalization suffix; ànu -3PL pronoun; báti -perfective operator focus auxiliary; béle -negative existential copula.

( 4 .

 4 61) kólo-la ~kólla [kólːá] grow-GER kéle-la ~kélla [kélːá] call-GER sɔ ́rita ~sɔ ́rta get.up-PFV.INTR. fɔ ́lɔ-ta ~fɔ ́lta start-PFV.INTR.

( 4 .

 4 62) bòsor-laa ~bòsori-laa 'flayer (person who flays dead animals)'; tábirilaa ~tábirlaa 'cook' kàntar-laa ~kàntári-laa 'guardian' sɔ ̀rla ~sɔ ̀ri-la wake.up-GER The deletion cannot occur in two adjacent syllables at the same time, otherwise this would lead to a branching coda which is impossible in Kakabe: (4.63) (a) fɛ ́lɛrilaa 'the one who is watching' > fɛ ́lɛrla > * fɛlrla but fɛ ́lɛ-la ~fɛ ́lla (b) [má lèl nààtà] vs. *[mall nata]

( 4 .

 4 64) (a) [í lè nːà] vs. *[íl ní nà] [mà lé ǹ sâːgí sɛ ǹɛ ː tɔ ] vs. *[màl ní sâːgí sɛ ǹɛ ː tɔ ] to the field. A vowel in IP-final position cannot be deleted, cf. (4.65 a) vs.(4.65 b) below: (4.65) (a) [à bâː fɛ lːà] He is looking at it. (b) [à kâː fɛ lɛ ] but *[à kâː fɛ l#]

( 4 .

 4 68) [mà mːá dɔ̰ ŋ] ~[mà nì má dɔ̰ ŋ]

( 4 .

 4 69) (a) [à̰ nːáːn jɔ gɔ ̀fɛ̰ ́nːà]

  of the 2nd syll.: CVCV → CVc / _ C -/ + + + (for báti and béle) Reduction of the 1st syll.: báti → ti + + -(for báti only) báti → ti → t' / _t Table 4.6: Reduction of báti and béle across the three Kakabe dialects This distribution can be interpreted as follows. If the sequence resulting from the final vowel deletion can become a geminate, then the last vowel of báti and béle can be deleted. The gemination can result from assimilation which has different scope across dialects. In WK and CK l and t which end up in the coda undergo total assimilation to the following consonant 5 . In NK only voicing assimilation is possible. Therefore: → in WK and CK báti and béle can undergo the elision of the last vowel in any context → in NK báti can undergo the elision of the last vowel only before t or d, béle can undergo the regular elision of the last vowel

  (4.81) and (4.80) báti + áwansə 'advance' → bá' áwansə [bá ʔːáwá̰ nsə ], cf. (4.80).

( 4 .

 4 80) [mà bá ʔːáwá̰ nsə ̀kàr nàːnì dì] mà 1PL báti PFV.OF áwansə advance kàri moth náani four dí give We paid the advance for four month.

( 4 .

 4 81) [má lè bá hːákːílímájà kɛ ]

( 4 .

 4 84) [ǹ bél tà̰ mbìlà ɲɔ ] ǹ 1SG béle L be.NEG tànbi-la pass-GER ɲɔ there I won't pass there There is one example in the NK corpus where bá' appears not before t or d it is represented in (4.85) below. (4.85) [màaféènù fó bá ꜜsːáːmâː tɔ] already all the sauce on it.

  to your mother's house.

  leave you the lead in the play

Figure 4 . 2 :

 42 Figure 4.2: The distribution of báti (L) allomorphs in WK and NK

( 4 .

 4 90) [ɓá wò̰ n tí tàrà̰ mːá jà̰ ŋ] ɓá when wò-nu that-PL báti PFV.OF tàran-ma find-PASS yàn When they arrived there... [à̰ n tì tɔ ɔŕ ɔ ] cases when the perfective marker is realized as ti are presented below, see (4.91 a)-(4.91 c). In (4.91 a) the retention of the vowel is due to a hesitation which is manifest in the lengthening of the vowel, hence [ti:]. In (4.91 c) and (

( 4 .

 4 91) (a) [à tíː tàléː ɟìgà kóːꜜbḛ ŋ kóːbḛ ŋ] truth and your father said the truth

( 4 .

 4 92) (a) [ɛ ǹɛ ́ː ɛ ̀hàkːílè díː nṵ ̀ŋ kàrà̰ n dúlà] in your studies? (lit. "Was your mind good for studies?") (b) [ɛ ǹɛ ː lè bábá̰ ndúr kɛ ːtá] Keyta...In both these cases ì undergoes assimilation.

( 4 .

 4 93) [ɛ ǹɛ̂ː ʔí nɛ ːnɛ ̀ɲɔ̂ː] 94) the interrogative word ɛ ̀nɛ ́ɛ̀i s itself fused with the last syllable of the adverb kɔ ̀tɛ ́ɛẁ hich precedes it, and the pronoun ì is merged with ɛ ̀nɛ ́ɛ̀: kɔ ̀tɛ ́ɛ̀+ ɛ ̀nɛ ́ɛ̀+ ì → [kɔ tɛ̂ː nɛ ː].(4.94) [kɔ tɛ̂ː nɛ ː bàːbà ʔà bálṵ ́ndé jà̰ ŋ káː á bá fːàgà] father, does he live or has he already died?

4. 6

 6 .1.1.2 V + the pronouns à, ànu or ì Three types of syllabification are possible for this combination: V.ʔV (4.96 a), V.V (4.96 b), and Vː (4.104 a). Section 4.6.2 shows that the type of syllabification depends on the syntactic boundary before the pronoun.

(

  (c) V + V pron → Vː / [fɛ̰ ḿfɛ̰ ǹ téː kɛ ́ː lá déɲɛ ̀là] with his child.

( 4 .

 4 97) (a) V + V aux → V.CV / [à̰ m bì táːlá wàyásɛ ̀là] V +V aux → V.V / [lɔ ǵɛ ̀ɛ̀f árálá mà bólò káː] being chopped by us.

  nouns and the vowel-initial lexical morphemes, namely [V.CV], [V.V] or [Vː]. Compare Examples (4.98 a) -(4.98 c) below for the vowel-initial lexical morphemes and Examples (4.96 a) and (4.104 a) for pronouns.

(

( 4 .

 4 99) (a) [ì sí ʔɔ ́tɛ ǹì jḛ ŋ] ì 2SG si POT ɔ ́tɔ-È-nu car-ART-PL yén see You can see some cars {in their village}. (b) [ì nì ʔárká̰ ɱ fîlà tùgṵ ́n sàlì ì nîː là] a prayer twice and go to bed. The syllabification of the type [Vː] for lexical vowel-initial morphemes, as in (4.98 b), is rare; 6 see also Example (4.94) where the interrogative particle ɛ ̀nɛ ́ɛ̀i s fused with the adverb kɔ ̀tɛ ́ɛp receding it. There are only two cases in the corpus where the initial vowel of a lexical morphemes triggers the assimilation of the preceding vowel and fuses with it into one long vowel, cf. nín + állà → [nâːlːà] in (4.100) and sì + állà → [sǎːlːà] in (4.101).

( 4 .

 4 100) [à nâːlːà l káː lɔ̰ ŋ] God know it.

( 4 .

 4 102) (a) [má̰ mːá lɛ ́ːráːlà] [dḛ ńːɛ ǹì wó kìtìlà lɔ ǵɛ ̀là lè kà í sìgʲáː kùmːà] it up to the tree and sit down on it. (c) [à nâː nàːtí à nâː dì fúlà bòlò] bring it and to give it to the Fulbe. (d) [m ̀ːánâː kílí ʔà sí nà] him, he will come.Below is an example of the realization of u + a.

( 4 .

 4 103) [wò ká mɔ ǹɛ̂ː làdáːnù jḛ ŋ] the porridge for them.

( 4 .

 4 104) (a) [fɛ̰ ḿfɛ̰ ǹ téː kɛ ́ː lá déɲɛ ̀là] [ì nîː fà̰ mːájígí í mɛ ːtɛ ŕnù jḛ ŋ]

  and you leave it there.

( 4 .

 4 105) [à̰ n sí gàtɔ ́sà̰ ŋ ʔà̰ n sí bɔ̰ mbɔ̰ ń sà à̰ n sí lɛ ːmúnɛ ́sà̰ ŋ] a cake, some sweets, an orange.Example (4.106) illustrates the tautosyllabic syllabification of the vowel of the verb together with the vowel of the pronoun following it and the elimination of N between the two: (4.106) [à̰ ŋ kâː sǎ̰ ː nːá mùsêːnù bòlò] for their wives.

( 4 .

 4 109 a) -(4.111 b) bellow illustrate the realization of N in the three syllabification types of VNV sequences (in addition to the examples (4.105) and (4.106) above, where this is shown on only one verb). VN + V → Vː (4.109) (a) [à ká sòbêː jḛ ŋ káːmáː káː tɔ díjà] 110) (a) bɛn + ɛkɔl [kàː bɛ ̀ɛk ɔ l kóè mà] to school... VN + ʔV → ṼŋʔV 2 (4.111) (a) [nɔ ːjâː nḭ́ ŋ ʔá̰ ŋgál] God (lit. "You give your hand to God").

Figure 4 .

 4 Figure 4.3 represents graphically the proportion of fused pronunciation of the auxiliary

Figure 4 . 3 :

 43 Figure 4.3: Hiatus resolution in the auxiliary + pronoun combination

( 4 .

 4 113) (a) [mà níː .. ʔǎn dɛ ːmà̰ wálè là ] them with their work. (b) [kìnâːnù sí .. ʔà látà̰ mbí mà jḛ ŋ] kìna-È-nu elder-ART-PL si POT à 3SG la-tànbi CAUS-pass mà 1PL yen BNF The elders can simplify it for us. (c) [ǹ nɛ̂ːnɛ ̀lè bí .. ʔà lá kùtâːnù kòːlà] my mother who washes his clothes.

( 4 .

 4 114) [kàlá bátí à nàfâː lɔ̰ m bùtúgṵ ̀ŋ] 's important for him.

  remains unclear what favors the retention, cf. (4.115 a) where béle retains its final vowel, and (4.115 b) where it loses its vowel in a similar context. Similarly, in Example (4.115 c) where the vowel in tée is retained in the first clause and assimilated in the second clause.

( 4 .

 4 115) (a) [wò bélé ʔànù máyìtàlà]They cannot sit and they cannot stand.Examples (4.116 a) and(4.116 b) show that the final vowel of tée and béle can be retained before the 3SG pronoun as well as before the 3PL pronoun.

  They say that we cannot put it there.(b) [fɛ̰ ń dè báː máːlá háː kɔ tɛ̂ː à̰ m bélé ʔà fɔ là] Why don't they say it now?

( 4 .

 4 117) [sàː ká ì tɛ rɛ ɲːɔ ː là ʔà sí nɔ ̀ɛ́ɡ ͡ bàsìlà] If he finds you there, he can beat you. If the auxiliary ends with an ì and thus V 1 and V 2 are identical (si POT, ni SBJV, máni COND, báti PFV.OF, káni IMP.NEG), the pronoun is always syllabified together with the (last vowel) of the auxiliary which gives rise to a long [iː]: (4.118) (a) [à̰ n síː dɛ ːmà̰ ŋ] [m ̀ːánîː bólókà ɲɔ ː ì téː bìlà ɟêː tɔ ̀kâː] you go, you won't plunge into the water, will you?

( 4 .

 4 120) [ì béléː kùɲɛ̂ː dáːlá wátːóè fò] t plait your hair all the time. Thus, after the auxiliary tée the vowel of the pronoun occasionally disappears, compare (4.121 a) where ì is pronounced as a separate syllable with (4.121 b) and(4.121 c) where it is contracted with [téː] and, consequently, disappears.

( 4 .

 4 121) (a) téː + ì → téː.è [ǹ téː è dámú] stumble and fall down?

( 4 .

 4 122) [ʔò ká wò tɔ díyà álːà mà̰ nsâː tùgù jè]?

( 4 .

 4 123) [ǎ̰ n dè mḭńːù bì ʔó nɔ ːlé nːṵ ̀ŋ] who used to be your governors.

( 4 .

 4 124) (a) [ǹ sóː sà̰ mbà nánì] sold it for one million francs. (d) [kà wò ká̰ nːátɛ gɛ ̀kòː kɛ ́à là sádákà là] and make a sacrifice with it.

1 .

 1 [i.ɔ], preservation of VV sequence (4.125 a); 2. [ʲoː] i results in the palatalization of the preceding consonant and ɔ is raised (4.125 b); 3.[oː] ì is assimilated and ɔ is raised(4.125 c, 4.125 d).

( 4 .

 4 125) (a) [ǹːí ɔ ̀dònì háː ɟéː tɔ ] us who have to sing your praises. (c) [ɔ ̀kánóː là déꜜɲɛ ́ɡ͡ bàsì kâː] you here but I will come back again. Another feature specific to NK is that when the auxiliary béle L combines with the pronoun à, ànu or ì, the two vowels of the auxiliary can undergo assimilation: [béláː(nù)] ~[báláː(nù)], [béliː] ~[bílíː]. Compare the three different realizations of béle L in (4.126) where it is realized as [bílíː] in combination with ì, as [báláː] when combined with à, and separately from the pronoun ì in the third instance: (4.126) [sìː bílíː dâː nɔ ːlḛ ŋ ʔì bóè báláː kìtìlḛ ŋ ì bélé ì bólènù nɔ ːlḛ ŋ ʔà̰ n síː másɔ tɔ ]

  (4.129 a) and (4.129 b).

( 4 .

 4 129) (a) [sàː ká í tɛ rɛ ̀ɲːɔ ː là à sí nɔ ̀í gbàsìlà] beat-GER If he finds you there, he can beat you (b) [hár á̰ ːn sṵ ́ndḛ ŋ mà fóː sṵ ́ndḛ ŋ] hári DISC ànu 3PL sún-nden fast-PC.STAT mà 1PL fóo UNIV sún-nden fast-PC.STAT Actually, they fast, we all fast.

( 4 .

 4 136) [àn sí gàtɔ ́ꜜsá̰ ŋ ʔà̰ n sí bɔ̰ mbɔ̰ ń sàːa̰ n sí lɛ ːmúnɛ ́sà̰ ŋ] a cake, some sweets, an orange.

( 4 .

 4 137) (a) yɛ ̀lɛ + à → jɛ lâː [wò ní jɛ lâː fɛ ̀kɔ̰ ŋkɛ ː là] the mountain with it. (b) [dóːnːí fɛ ́tâːɲːɛ tɛ ̀jḛ ǹ dó̰ ːnːí tòli] ] grow by themselves, and some of them rot. There are only three examples where à undergoes full assimilation itself. All of them are in (4.138 a) -(4.138 c).

( 4 .

 4 138) (a) [kòː kɛ̂ː là sádákà là] kà INF wo that kɛ ḿ ake à 3SG la POSS sádaka-È sacrifice-ART là OBL ... and she made a sacrifice with it. (b) [hárí fɛ̰ ́mːáː kɛ ́ːnːà] nothing happened to them. (c) [nɛ ːnɛ̌ː nḭǹ déɲɛ ̀tɛ ːmà] nɛ ̀ɛnɛ mother à 3SG nín and dén-È child-ART tɛ ́ɛ̀m a between between the child and the mother 4.6.3.4.3 e (n) + a(nu) Verb-final en fully assimilates to a of the following pronoun in (4.139 a) and (4.139 b).

( 4 .

 4 139) (a) [à̰ ː mːàː déɲːɛ ńɛ ̀jàːnù kà bólómáfɛ ĺɛ ɲɛ ̀kɛ ] They couldn't find the baby, they did some divination (b) [wǒ nḭŋ gúvɛ ŕnɛ ḿá̰ mːáː ɲɔ̂gɔ ̀jáːmà wǒ nḭń sòsétè máː ɲɔ̂gɔ ̀jâːmà] governtment, haven't you seen each other (on this question), you and the society, haven't you seen each other? The vowel of the focus marker lè disappears before a, cf. (4.140 a) and (4.140 b).

( 4 .

 4 140) (a) [à lːè dɔ ŕɔ̰ ń dáː bàːbà bòlò] the only child of his father. (b) [à ì táːlá láː ní bìlà kɔ ɛ́t ɔ ] plunges into the river. 4.6.3.4.4 i(n) + a(nu). Examples (4.141 a) and (4.141 b) illustrate the disappearance of ì and in before a: in the verb wúli 'to start', the connector nín 'and', (4.141 a), and in the verb lɛ ́ɛri 'to swing' (4.141 b).

( 4 .

 4 141) (a) [wò mánì wúláː mḭǹːà wò já̰ ːnːàː kólḛ ǹdè lákùnṵ ̀nːà] -nu grain-ART-PL lè FOC lakùnun-na take.out-GER When you want to drink it, you take out the grains. (b) [má̰ mːá lɛ ́ːráːlà]

( 4 .

 4 142) [jɔ ĺɛ ̀máː dóːdó tɔ ́ːrá̰ ːn tɔ ] didn't bother anybody among them. See also examples (4.134 a) and (4.134 b) for the full assimilation of ɔ in the postposition tɔ.

( 4 .

 4 143) [mà lá kàjêː má̰ m bâː là] mà 1PL la POSS kàyi-È husband-ART máni COND bɔ ĺeave à 3SG la OBL When my husband goes out from there... 4.6.3.4.6 o(n) + a(nu) In (4.144 a) verb-final ón fully assimilates to the following a. Example (4.144 b) illustrates the full assimilation of the last vowel of the postposition to the vowel of a pronoun: (4.144) (a) [kà ɟêː nàːtí kà làbáːmà] kà INF jíi-È water nàati bring kà INF labòn pour à 3SG ma on to bring water and to pour it on the thing (b) [í lè nì sánóè dí dóː bóláː lè ní wótè tà] tà take He gives somebody the gold and he takes the money.

( 4 .

 4 145) [wâː tó mà ní wùlêː tà] 's take a dog! (lit. "Allow it that we take a dog!")4.6.3.4.7 u(n) + a(nu) The plural marker -nu can assimilate to a or anu: (4.146) [bólókólóɲɛ̰ ̀nːà déɲɛ ǹ àː nːḭm fɛ̰ ń tígḛ ̀nːà déɲɛ̰ ǹ àːn téː ká̰ n lɛ kːɔ ĺ tɔ ̀dé] bólokolon-È-nu poor-ART-PL la POSS dén-È-nu child-ART-PL ànu 3PL nín and fɛ ́ntígi-È-nu rich-ART-PL la OSS dén-È-nu child-ART-PL ànu 3PL tée NEG.POT kán be.equal lɛ ̀kkɔ ́l shool tɔ in dé EMPH The children of poor people and the children of rich people are not equal at school. In (4.147) the verb-final u fully assimilates with the following a:

( 4 .

 4 147) [wò ká mɔ ːnéː làdáːnù jḛ ŋ] wò 2PL ka PFV.TR mɔ ̀ɔni-È porridge-ART ladú prepare ànu 3PL yèn BNF You have prepared the porridge for them.

  151 a)-(4.151 c) illustrate the palatalization of the velar k an g: (4.151) (a) [ŋ ̀kà ká̰ ŋ kà mḭŋ ꜜkʲáː jè] what I have to do for her... (b) [kàjêːnù nâ̰ ːn sṵ ́n tɛ gʲâ̰ ːn dà̰ nːà] kàji-È-nu man-ART-PL ni SBJV ànu 3PL sún fast tɛ ̀gɛ finish ànu 3PL dàn-la do.separately-GER Men break the fast separately [from women]. (c) [dḛ ńːɛ ǹì wó kìtìlà lɔ ꜜgɛ ́lá lè kà í sìgʲáː kṵ ̀mːà] dénden-È-nu childup to the tree and sit down on it. Apart from the predictable gʲ, the velar g can be palatalized as [ɟ] or [j], see (4.152 a) and (4.152 b) below.

( 4 .

 4 152) (a) [ì bá sːàːɟáː fɔ ːlà] You have returned to say it. (b) [à í sàːjáː ꜜfɔ̰ ḿfɔ ́wò mà] will return to his track. Similarly, the palatalization of k can lead a palatal [c], apart from the palatalized [kʲ] cf. (4.153 a).

( 4 .

 4 153) (a) [wò náː sḛ ŋ háː wò nì câː mà] until you can reach it. The allophones [ɟ] or [j] for g and [c] for k appear also in the ordinary palatalization context, see Section 3.2.2.2. Contrary to k and g which necessarily retain palatalization, for s, r, b I found examples with both the retention and the deletion of the palatalization in my corpus. The three pairs of examples (4.154 a)-(4.154 f) illustrate this possibility for b, s and r, respectively.

( 4 .

 4 154) (a) bɛ ̀n + à → [bʲaː] [wátːí tɔ ̀mà má̰ m bɔ ́mà ní bʲáː nːà] go out, we come across them. (b) [mà ní tà̰ mbâː là] mà 1PL ni SBJV tànbi pass à 3SG la OBL We would pass it. (c) ùnsɛ + à → [unsʲaː] / [ʔó tùmà nɔ̰ ŋ à ní ʔṵ ̀nsʲáː mà] he started growling at him. (d) [à káː g ͡ bàsàː kó] and said: ... (e) [dó̰ nːí kɔ rʲáː fàːmùlà] dó-nu some-PL ni SBJV kɔ ̀ri fail à 3SG fàamu-la understand-GER Some {people} fail to understand it. (f) [dó̰ ː ꜜnːá̰ n bòràː nːáː wà] run away. Other consonants never show the retention of palatalization after the deletion of the [+front] feature, as the consonants d, n, and l in (5.232 b)-(4.155 c).

( 4 .

 4 155) (a) di + a → daː [à̰ nːáː ꜜdá̰ ːn bòlò] to them. (c) li + a → laː [à nì údːítɛ ́mà nì júmà sálâː tɔ ] mosaque] will open and that we pray there on Friday.

( 4 .

 4 157) [mɔ gɔ ̀síjámá ì tólá ì kɔ mà] mɔ ̀gɔ person sìyaman numerous ì be tó-la remain-GER ì 2SG kɔma behind There are a lot of people behind you. In some cases ì disappears through full assimilation to a, cf. (4.158) (4.158) [ì lè bélé ɟìgìlaː bélé jɛ lɛ là] ì 2SG lè LG béle be.NEG jìgi-la go.down-GER ì 2SG béle be.NEG yɛ ̀lɛ-la go.up-GER You don't go down, you don't go up. Examples (4.159 a) and (4.159 c) illustrate the coalescence between the two vowels, a + ì → [ɛː], the second minor type of realization of the vowel sequence in question. (4.159) (a) [wò dórón dè bìlàtɛ ́ː g ͡ bàː là] wò that dɔ ́rɔn only lè FOC bìla-ta follow-PFV.INTR ì 2SG gbàa track la OBL Only he followed you. (b) [ì níː sàːrɛ ː lá kìnâː nːà] ì 2SG ni SBJV ì 2SG sàra say.good.bye ì 2SG la POSS kìna-È-nu parent-ART-PL la OBL You would say good bye to your parents. (c) [ànù fóː sí ꜜnɛ ́ː bàtà] come to your place. 4.6.3.5.3 ɛ(n) + ì (4.160) (a) [kàlà bá kːúmá kà kúmà dɛ̰ ǹdɛ ̀ɛ̀l à báːrà là] la OBL Everyone talked indirectly about their business. (b) [mà bá bːɛ ̀ɛ̀m á̰ n dàmù] that you won't eat me.

( 4 .

 4 161) (a) [ì kâː lɔ ̀ɛ̀k âː lábòjì káːmḭŋ] where you dropped it? (b) [ì má̰ m bɔ ́ɛ̀j âː wàlà sàràmúsáyà] out, you go to Saramousaya (name of a town).

( 4 .

 4 163) [f ó è náː tàbì] fó NESS ì 2SG ni SBJV à 3SG tábi cook You are obliged to cook.

( 4 .

 4 164) [sṵ ́ŋkútúɲɛ ́lè mù í lè là]

( 4 .

 4 177) (a) [wò è wúséɲɛ ̀sḛ ǹːà] wò 2PL bi be wúsen-È yam-ART sèn-na dig-GER You dig yam. (b) [mà fó è dɛ̰ ǹːà wó lè mà] mà 1PL fó UNIV bi be dɛ ̀n-la gather-GER wò that lè FOC ma at We all gather around it. 4.6.5.2.5 on + ì → o.e (4.178) (a) [fɛ̰ ń dè tóló é kɛ ĺá wò bátá jà̰ ŋ] games are played in your village? (b) [kɛ ̀bó è pá̰ ŋ káːmì] kɛ that bón house bi be pán there káamìn where that house which is over there...

  4.6.5.2.6 i + ì → i.i (4.179) (a) [hárí wò lá kìnáːnì í sɛ ǹɛ ː lè kɛ ːlá] hári PST wò 2PL la POSS kìna-È-nu parent-ART-PL bi be sɛ ̀nɛ-È field-ART lè FOC kɛ ́-la do-GER In the past, your parents worked in the field. (b) [ì ì tóːlá ì bátá lè] your place.4.6.5.2.7 ɛ + ì → ɛ.ɛ (4.180) (a) [lɔ ǵɛ ̀ɛ̀f árálá mà bóló káː] there.4.6.5.2.8 e + ì → e.e (4.181) [nḭǹgé è máyìtàlà ɲɔ ː là] sold there. 4.6.5.2.9 u + ì → i.i / u.i (4.182) (a) [dénːɛ ːnì ì tóló̰ nːá lè] dénden-È-nù child-ART-PL bi be tólon-la paly-GER lè FOC The children are playing. (b) [wònù ì láfìlìlá lè] wò-nu that-PL bi be lafìli-la throw-GER lè FOC Those are thrown away. 4.6.5.2.10 un + ì → u.i (4.183) (a) [mɔ gɛ̂ːn dè tú í nàːlà lúːmɛ ̀tɔ ] mɔ ̀gɔ-È-nu personto the market {and not the animals}. (b) [dóːnù tùgù ì tóːlá̰ ŋ ̀kɔ̂:mà] dóo-nu some-PL tùgun again ì be tó-la remain-GER ǹ 1SGkɔ ́ɔ̀m a behind Some (students) who are behind me.4.6.5.2.11 un + ì → i.i (4.184) (a) [dḛ ńːɛ̰ ǹ dè tí í kùlà wúléɲɛ ̀dámúlà] dénden-È-nu child-ART-PL lè FOC tún just ì be kùla monkey wúlen-È red-ART dámu-la eat-GER Only children eat red monkey. (b) [sà̰ ndá jùmà̰ n tùgí îː fɛ ] do you have {to tell}?

( 4 .

 4 185) a.[ɛ ǹɛ ɛ̀ʔ í nɛ ːnɛ ̀ɲɔ ] -b. [ǹːɛ̂ːnɛ ̀ɛ̀ɲ ɔ ] -c.[í bâːbà ì ɲɔ ] -d.[m ̀bâːbà ì ɲɔ ] there? b. My mother is here. -c. Is your father here? -d. My father is here.

( 4 .

 4 186) (a) [ǐ kɔ̰ ǹtɔ̰ ǹːà kámárà] ì 2SG bi be kɔ ̀nɔn-la greet-GER Kámara N.PR They call you Kamara. (b) [ǐ nàːlà kḛ̌n dè tɔ ] 5.3.2 ɛ + ì → ɛ (4.187) (a) [m ̀bâːbà í kàsìlà ǹːɛ̂ːnɛ̌kàsìlà] cry-GER My father is crying, my mother is crying. (b) [dɔ ǵɔ ḿɛ ́dábɔ ĺa dùgêː lè tɔ ] the prefecture of Dabola. 4.6.5.3.3 e + ì → e (4.188) (a) [ǹːá kàyêː bɔ ːlá jà̰ ŋ] ǹ 1SG la POSS kàyi-È be bi husband bɔ ́-la go.out-GER yàn here My husband comes from here. (b) [tíɲárè mà bòlò] tíɲari-È problem-ART bi be mà 1PL bólo hand We have a problem. 4.6.5.3.4 u + ì → i (4.189) (a) [àní mɔ gɛ̂ː lè tàːlà] ànu 3PL bi be mɔ ̀gɔ-È person-ART lè FOC tà-la take-GER They take people (b) mɛ ɛtɛru bi > [mɛ ːtɛ ŕ í] / [ì téː tólómásɔ ́ɛ̀m ɛ ́ːtɛ ́r í mḭḿ fɔ ːlá ì jḛ ŋ] won't listen to what your teacher is telling you. (c) [mḭńːí kàrà̰ nːà] mín L -nu REL-PL bi be kàran-na study-GER those who study4.6.5.3.5 un + ì → i (4.190) [wò tí wó bòrbòrlà ɲɔ ́nɛ ːtɔ ] wò 2PL tún just bi be wò 2PL bòri run bòri-la run-GER ɲɔ ́ɔ there nɛ ́tɔ ìn You just run around there.

Figure 4 .

 4 Figure 4.4 gives a graphic representation of theTable 4.33b.

Figure 4 . 4 :

 44 Figure 4.4: Realization of bi after N and after V

( 4 .

 4 198) [nḭŋgì síjámá̰ m bíː bàːbà bòlò] nìngi cow síyaman numerous bi be ì 2SG bàaba father bólo hand Your father has a lot of cows.

( 4 .

 4 199) [síjámá jâː kɛ ːlá síjámá̰ m bélâː kɛ ːlá] do-GER A lot of people do it and a lot of people don't do it.

( 4 .

 4 200) [mɔ gɔ ̀sìjàmà ì tóːlá í kɔ ːmà] behindThere are a lot of people behind you.

( 4 .

 4 201) -nu + bi → [mb] [dóːm bí kódːìwːár jà̰ ŋ] dóo-nu some-PL bi be Kóddiwwar Ivory.Coast yàn there Some of them are in the Ivory Coast. But other morphemes are possible in this context as well:

( 4 .

 4 202) náani + bi → [náːmbi] [mùsù náːm bí wò bòlò] mùsu woman náani four bi be wò that bólo hand He has four wives. The combination of the non-obstruent realization of bi and the reduced variant of nu results in the gemination of n: (4.203) [ànːí ɲɔ ǵɔ̰ ḿ bìtàlà dɔ̰ ŋ kóé lè là] ànu 3PL bi be ɲɔ ́gɔn each.other bìta-la catch-GER dɔ ̀n-kó-È dance-NMLZ-ART lè FOC la OBL They are catching each other while dancing.

( 4 .

 4 204) [kúlːɛ ǹːí nàːláː tìɲà̰ nːà] kúllɛ-È-nu animal-ART-PL bi be nà-la come-GER à 3SG tìɲan-la spoil-GER The animals come and spoil it [the harvest].

Figure 4 .

 4 Figure 4.5: Realization of bi in four contexts

( 4 .

 4 209) [à í tàrà ànì kɔ ːmà ànù bâː rò̰ ndìlḛ ŋ] carry.on.head-PC.STAT Actually, they are behind and they carry it.Out of the 28 occurrences of the construction à í tàran ~à í tɛ ̀rɛn in the corpus, si is pronounced in its full allomorph only twice and both occurrences in (4.210 a) and (4.210 b) are characterized by a deliberately slow tempo of pronunciation.

( 4 .

 4 210) (a) [dɔ ḱtɛ ŕɛ ǹù bátâː jé jànːí lːɔ ǵɔ ḱúɲɛ ̀wò tɔ ̀à sí tɛ rɛ̰ ŋ à là lúɲɛ ̀bà kːè] dɔ ́ktɛr-È-nu doctor-ART-PL báti PFVunderstood, that in one week she will die. (b) [kó à sí tɛ rɛ ŋ kò̰ ndêː lè mù ì là déꜜɲɛ ́gbàː là] that the birds are pursuing your child.

( 4 .

 4 212) [dḛ ḿ bélâːnù bòlò à̰ nːí kàsì] children and they cried.

( 4 .

 4 213) [wònːì ɟêː sɔ ràːnːì lɔ ǵɔ ́ɲínàːn sì fɛ̰ ńfɛ̰ ̀mːà] would scoop water, they would look for wood, they would do everything.

  This garden, you water it, so that it grows. See also 5.3 below with a long succession of Hs and Ls. t have any means, or their husbands don't have any means.

  àndén tɔdɛ ɛman-nden help-PC.ST sànsɛ ́ɛ́n ù↑ sànsɛ-È-nu-R% fence-ART-PL-R% Now, men don't help us with the fences.Yet, L occurring immediately after pause can disregard this pattern. If the downdrift domain starts with L, the latter is often pronounced at the bottom of the pitch range and rises steeply to the first H, as at the beginning of the utterance in (5.5). In this case the first LH rise covers the maximum span of the pitch range, within which the succeeding smaller excursions are included.(5.5) ì ì 2SG téé tée POT.NEG súúsɛ śúusɛ dare dàgáá dàga pot tòòlà tó-la leave kúꜜré kúru-È yard-ART búútɔ búùtɔ in CHAPTER 5. LEXICAL TONES 357 You wouldn't dare to leave a pot in the yard [otherwise it would be stolen]. The initial L, finally, can be realized at approximately the same level, as in (5.3). The three possible types of realization are schematized in Table 5.1 below. (a) L1 realized at the bottom of the pitch range Ex. (5.5) (c) L1 realized at the level of L2 Ex. (5.3) (b) L1 realized higher than L2 Ex. (5.4)Table 5.1: Three types of realization of the initial L

  and to go to do war in France.

  mɔ ̀ndɔ ̀là] mɔ ǹdɔ-la feed-GER A lot of people feed your dog.

  kept going to the market.

  t dare to leave a pot in the yard [otherwise it would be stolen]. Another example of a sequence of Hs are pronounced at the same level before L is given in (5.15) below: (5.15) [kà kà INF tó tó stay tólónná tólon-la play-GER tɛ ́lɛ ́fɔ ́nù tɛ ĺɛfɔ-È-nu telephone-ART-PL là] là OBL ... and to keep playing with the telephone.

  it boils, we should put spice into it.

  those cows of yours See also the descending realization of L on fìsa 'be better', tànbi 'pass' and on the last syllable of súkkárè 'the sugar' in (5.18) below.(5.18) wò wò that

  21) illustrates the realization of HL on a heavy syllable:(5.21) kùtáà cloth.ART; dáà mouth.ART. tones on one mora are in general avoided in Kakabe, this principle is formulated in (5.22) below.

  (5.23) \mà jìgi-ta\ 1PL go.down-PFV.INTR 'We went down' → (a) [mǎ jìgìtà] ~(b) [mà jígìtà] ~(c) [má jìgìtà].

  5.29) (a) Floating L is realized as the downstep of the following H, separated from PhP boundary by L: L → ꜜ / _ HL# (b) Floating L deletes the following H which is followed by PhP boundary: L H#→ L (c) Floating L links to the last mora before the PhP boundary: L #→ L

  my mother sent a messenger for her.

  búùtɔ ̀)PhP ) IP búùtɔ in You wouldn't dare to leave a pot in the yard [otherwise it would be stolen].

  is inserted between two underlying Ls, and its association with the last morpheme within the domain of the first L, see Section 5the left leads to the delinking of the preceding L, see Section 5.6. realized as the downstep of the following H. H and L spread to the right to toneless moras, see Section 5.3.2.

  accumulate-PFV.INTR Little-by-little she accumulated some money.

  alsoExamples (5.84) and (5.85) with the four-syllable verb bàrabara 'boil'.

  leader of all the women.Example (5.90) shows that the grouping cannot always be predicted from the grammatical category of the morpheme, since morphemes of the same grammatical category can be grouped differently: in (a) and (b) the verb root is grouped together with the nominalization marker -laa , and in (c) and (d) it is grouped together with the nominal root before it.(5.90) (a) kànkàyàkɛ ́ɛ́l áà kànka-ya-kɛ ́-laa-È 'thief' steal-ABST-do-NMLZ.AG-ART (b) nààfùlùkólóláà nàafulu-kòlo-laa-È 'cattle breeder' cattle-breed-NMLZ.AG-ART (c) kùndààláà kùn-dáa-laa-È 'hairdresser' head-do-NMLZ.AG-ART (d) sɛ ̀nɛ ̀wɔ ̀tɔ ̀láà sɛ ̀nɛ-wɔ ́tɔ-laa-È 'field worker' field-plough-NMLZ.AG-ART

  (5.91) (a) kùta-gbɛɛ-nden-È clothes-white-DIM-ART → kùtàgbɛ ̀ɛ̀n déè 'little white cloth' (b) màafi sɔ ̀ngɔ ̀-nden-È sauce money-DIM-ART → mààfì sɔ ̀ngɔ ̀nnɛ ́ɛ' some money for the sauce' (c) jɔ ̀n mùsù-nden-È slave woman-DIM-ART → jɔ ̀nmùsùndéè little slave-woman (5.92) (a) nɛ ̀gɛ ̀-sáákún-nden-È iron-box-DIM-ART → nɛ ̀gɛ ̀sáákúndéè little iron box (b) nɛ ̀gɛ ̀kúntú-nden-È iron piece-DIM-ART → nɛ ̀gɛ ̀kúntúnnɛ ́ɛ' a little piece of iron' (c) má dìnɲɔ ̀gɔ ̀dén-músú-nden-È 1PL friend child-woman-DIM-ART → má dìnɲɔ ̀gɔ ̀dénmúsúnnɛ ́ɛ' the girl friend our friend' In Examples (5.93 a)-(5.93 c), the L 1 domain includes one noun root and two adjectival roots.

  .105) (a) /à si bòyi/ → à sí bòyì 3SG POT fall 'He will fall' (b) /à si tága/ → à sì tágá 3SG POT go 'He will go' (c) /kà ta-bòyi/ → kà tábòyì INF REF-fall 'to fall again' (d) /kà ta-tága/ → kà tàtágá INF REF-go 'to go again'.

  adults fast the whole period.

  But if it is prepared and boiled like this...

  agrees, they would go.Analogously, in (5.110) HS is inserted between VP and the adverbial phrase that is in the same IP but in different PhPs (hence the partial downdrift reset): its hind part from the earth.As said above, apart from OCP blocking, IP boundary can be accompanied by the reset of the tone register. Thus in (5.108)-(5.113) all the tones after the clause boundary are raised to a higher level.

  has finished, and when you know that when the feast is over... In (5.112) below L of the 3SG pronoun à is realized at the same level as H of the verb báara 'to work' at the end of the preceding clause. He said that he should make it work to earn some money, didn't he?In (5.113) H on sɛ ́ɛwanden is realized considerably lower than L after it belonging to another clausehappy. Well, Numula... In (5.114) the second clause is preceded by downdrift reset (but no change of tone register) and no H is inserted between the verb sɔ ̀tɔ 'get' and the L-toned subject of the following clause nɛ ̀gɛ ́ɛ̀' the iron'. not possible [to get it for that money], the iron is expensive In (5.115) the underlyingly H verb tábi 'prepare' is realized with a surface L, due to the PhP-final H deletion (see Section 5.6) and no HS is inserted because it is separated from the following L by an IP boundary. We prepare food. Our husbands look for meat.

  (5.116) ì + jùséè → (a) ǐ jûsè ~(b) ǐ jùséè 2SG + heart.ART 'your heart'The derivations of the two variants are shown below: and links to the mora of the pronoun and spreads from there to the beginning of the nominal root (see Section 5.7.3). L of the nominal root shifts to the right and merges with L of the article. of the nominal root merges with the mora of the article, leading to the deletion of the mora of the article (see Section 5

  t eat together. (c) Two Hs deleted: copula béle + verb mánkɛ ǹ to my stepmother. (e) Three Hs deleted: copula máa + verb ké + adverb ɲɔ ́ɔ

  123) below the downstepped ꜜH on ꜜkáyéè 'the husband' results from MTL and replaces the lexical L of the noun. The latter leaves a trace in the form of the downstep.

  t have time to go praying.The association of Tone Leveling with the PhP domain is manifested through two restrictions: first, it is not possible across two PhPs (5.6.1.4.1), second, FTL has to go until the end of PhP and cannot stop earlier (5.6.1.4.2).5.6.1.4.1 No Tone leveling across PhP boundaryExample (5.126) illustrates the impossibility of Tone Leveling across the PhP boundary. The realization in ((5.126)') with H spreading from jíi 'water' to bòyita 'fell' is not possible because they are divided by PhP boundary. For the same reason, L from bòyita into the cold water. (') No FTL across PhP boundary: *(déꜜɲɛ ́bòyìtà) PhP ( jìì kímánnɛ ́ɛ̀t ɔ ̀)PhP (") No MTL across PhP boundary: *(déꜜɲɛ ́ꜜbóyítá) PhP ( jíí kímánnɛ ́ɛ̀t ɔ ̀)PhPAnalogously, in (5.127) L spreads from the 3SG pronoun à to the verb wá, but cannot spread on tólon 'have fun' which belongs to the next PhP (L cannot spread on dúlà place-ART at any case, because the latter has L on the second syllable). Young people go to have fun. (') No FTL across PhP boundary: *(dénnɛ ́ɛ́n í ꜜsáá wà) PhP (tòlòn dúlà) PhP (") No MTL across PhP boundary: *(dénnɛ ́ɛ́n í ꜜsáá ꜜwá) PhP (tólón dúlà) PhP 5.6.1.4.2 No Partial FTL

  (') Not possible: *(wò bí wò là déɲɛ ̀nù kɔ ̀lá) PhP (bóɲɛ ̀tɔ ̀)PhP H tone associated with the second syllable of the verb form kɔ ̀lá in (5.132) is not the lexical tone of the verb. Instead, the lexical tone of kɔ ́is deleted, being the last in the PhP. After that, HS is inserted to separate the L tone of the article in déɲɛ ̀nu from the first L of nìngéè. At the end of the tonal derivation, the default tone spread applies. These stages of derivation are represented below

  which can remove dirt from a person's stomach.

  136) Realization alternative to (5.132): (wò bí wò là déɲɛ ̀nù kɔ ́lá) PhP (nìngéè tɔ ̀)PhP de alignment of HS on bɔ ́lá take-GER in (5.137 a) and kɛ ̀lá do-GER in (5.137 b) below. In the first case, HS links to the both syllables of the verb form and in the second case only to the second syllable.

  139), where L of bòri 'run' is separated from L on wùléè 'the dog' by HS which spreads to the left giving ꜜbórí. monkey] will run and the dog will chase it.The tonal derivation resulting in the tonal curve in (5.140) includes the following three stages: first, the deletion of H of lá 'put' under FTL, second, the insertion of HS and, third, MTL with the delinking of L of the determiner wò 'that'.

  you do during the fast? The raising of H can also take place before a floating L realized as downstep. Thus, in (5.144) H rises on the syllable [kɔ ] before the floating L realized as the downstep of the following syllable [ꜜtɛ ] in the sequence [ꜜmá ɲááꜛkɔ ꜜtɛ ]. The L in question is the tone of the article which has become floating due to MTL. faces look beautiful.

  (5.145) At the end of a PhP boundary, H becomes L if it is preceded by at least one HL sequence within the same IP:H → L / (HL _ ) IP 16This is illustrated by (5.146), the lexically H-toned verb kín is realized with a L tone:(5.146) Kankan Maninka: H → L(Grégoire 1986: 84) [glosses and the surface transcription are mine]

  Sekù man bara ke → [Sékù màn bàrà kè] Sekou PFV.NEG work do Sekou has not worked. (b) Sekù man bara ke bì → [Sékù mán bárá ké bì] Sekou PFV.NEG work do today Sekou has not worked today.

  .154) (a) in IP-initial position: HS shifts to the following TBU or both L and HS remain linked to the monomoraic L morpheme: /mà jìgi-ta/ → mà jígìtà ~mǎ jìgìtà 1PL go.down-PFV.INTR 'We went down.' Preceded by H within the same IO: /déɲɛ ̀jìgi-ta/ → déꜜɲɛ ́jìgìtà child.ART go.down-PFV.INTR 'The child went down.' The focus marker lè is in most cases pronounced with L or as ꜜH (before L), see the three utterances in (5.155) below: the holiday [today] ...

3

 3 (5.157) (a) /à lè si bòyi/ → à lè sí bòyì 3SG FOC POT fall He will fall. Floating realization of L of lè L of the focus marker can float to the right of its host morpheme: it can cause the downstep of the following H (5.158), delink it (5.160), or be deleted in the presence of L to the right (5.159). L obligatorily floats to the right if the focus marker lè is pronounced in reduced form without the vowel, since its original TBU is deleted, e.g. (5are a few occurrences in the corpus, where L of lè behaves as a floating tone, even though the vowel is not deleted, see (5.159) and (5

  the article is realized as downstep of HS; L spreads on toneless TBUs. Example (5.162) illustrates the downstepped ꜜH realization of the syllable with the article before another just go like that [without saying goodbye]. Compare it with (5.163) below where the article is followed by the underlyingly toneless plural marker -nu, and where two realization are are possible. First, L and HS can be distributed over the two TBU (a). Second, the realization with ꜜH as in (b) is also possible, since H can spread to the left. (5.163) /bóɲɛ -nu bòyi-ta/ → (a) bóɲɛ ̀nú bòyìtà ~(b) bóꜜɲɛ ́nú bòyìta house.ART-PL fall-PFV.INTR 'The houses fell.'

  mà sí jìgì 'We will go down' When the pronoun is separated from the pause by an L-toned morpheme (5.166), HS is realized on the pronoun and L is deleted.sì má jìgìtà 'If we go down ...' CHAPTER 5. LEXICAL TONES 445

  works in the field... The two utterances in (5.169) below illustrate the configuration where the pronoun is realized with L tone, whereas HS between the pronoun and the focus marker links to the focus marker, and the L of the latter is realized as downstep of the following H.

( 5 .

 5 171) (a) /à-nu bòyi-ta/ → ànú bòyìtà 3SG-PL fall-PFV.INTR They fell. (b) /à-nu tága-ta/ → ànù tágátá 3SG-PL go-PFV.INTR They went.

  174) NP à yàaye 'his aunt' is pronounced with a peak at the junction between the pronoun and the noun, NP à bàaba 'his father' has a high peak on the pronoun and on the beginning of the noun. aunt, its his father's younger sister.The same pattern can be seen on à nɛ ̀ɛnɛ 'his mother' and à bàaba 'his father' on the figure in (5.175) below: he loved his mother, and his father he has killed him.

  .178) (a) /háa mà jìgita/ → [háá má jìgìtà] ~[háá mà jígìtà] ~[háá ꜜmá jìgìtà] '... and we went down'. (b) /háa mà si jìgi/ → [háá má sí jìgì] ~[háá mà sí jìgì] ~[háá mà ꜜsí jìgì] '... and we will go down'. The 3SG pronoun à is subject to the optional H spread as well, see (5.179 a) where L remains linked to the pronoun, and 5.179 b where L tone of the pronoun is deleted. (5.179) (a) We were afraid to open it.Example (5.180) below illustrates the case when H spread from the verb causes the delinking of the L of the pronoun à which is followed by L. 181) illustrates the deletion of L of the 2SG ì which is the subject pronoun of a dependent purpose clause: and learn a profession5.7.3.2.2 Deletion of the L of the pronoun in DO positionWhen a pronoun in DO position is preceded by H-toned heavy auxiliary, the H of the latter optionally spreads and causes the L of the pronoun to delink, Examples (5.182 a)-(5.182 d)

  it to the monkey.In (5.184) below both L of the 1SG ń and L of the 2SG ì in DO position are deleted. This might be due to exclamative intonation. "I will eat you!".

  HS links to the focus marker, whose L becomes floating and is realized as the downstep of the following H, as in (5.187).(5.187) /mà lè wúli-ta/ → mà lé ꜜwúlítá 'We got up.' ma le wu li ta L

  L and H can link to the pronoun:(5.189) /mà lè jìgi-ta/ → mǎ ꜜlé jìgìtà 'We went down.

  on the focus marker can be HS between L of the focus marker and L of the verb. L of the focus marker delinks and becomes floating as well, but it floats to the left, and deletes due to the presence of L of the pronoun to the left.(5.191) /mà lè jìgi-ta/ → mà lé jìgìtà 'We went down.' ma le ji gi taL L H L → ma le ji gi ta L L H L → ma le ji gi ta L H LSo, L of the focus marker floats either to the left or to the right. Importantly, in both cases HS is inserted only once: between L of the pronoun and the focus marker in(5.190), and between the focus marker and the verb in(5.191). The realization in (5.191) coincides with the case when the focus marker follows the 3SG pronoun à, as in (5.192) which reproduces an example from the preceding subsection. And this realization is the only available option in the case of the pronoun à.(5.192) /à lè jìgi-ta/ → à lé jìgìtà 'He went down.'

  .193) (a) (b) pron + V̀à jìgìtà mà jígìtà ~má jìgìtà pron + lè + V̀à lé jìgìtà mà lé jìgìtà ~má lè jìgìtà ~má ꜜlé jìgìtà. + V́à lè wúlítá má lè wúlítá ~má lé ꜜwúlítá.Finally, a configuration is possible where the pronoun is realized with H spreading to the focus marker and causing L of the focus marker to become floating.(5.194) \mà lè jìgi-ta\ → má lé jìgìtà 'We went down.L and H can remain linked to the pronoun (5.195) \mà lè jìgi-ta\ → mǎ lé jìgìtà 'We went down.'

  11: Realization of floating L depending on the right contact In the examples below in 5.8.1.1 and 5.8.1.2, I don't give the realization resulting from Tone Leveling (described in Sections 5.6), e.g. in (5.198) the realization [mín nà déɲɛ ] can yield to [mín ꜜná déɲɛ ] if H spread is applied, in (5.199 a) [mínnù là déɲɛ ] can be transformed to [mínꜜnú lá déɲɛ ] etc.5.8.1.1 Floating L followed by HWhen floating L is immediately followed by TBU with H, floating L is either linked to the gravitation TBU, as in (5.197 a), or is realized as the downstep of H, as in (5mín L is underlyingly toneless, floating L is always linked to it, and the relativizer is realized all-high: after mín L are underlyingly toneless, floating L can link either to the second toneless TBU as in (5.199 a), or both to the first and the second TBU following mín L as in (floating L is followed by a toneless TBU and L, floating L can also deleted:

  In (5.209 a) and (5.209 b) the floating L of the auxiliary is realized as the downstep of the following t dare to speak about it.The floating L can align on the second syllable of the auxiliary, if H follows, see the realization of the perfective auxiliary báti and the following verb júkkɛ 'suffer' in (5.210 a) and by the verb ké 'arrive' in (5right above the head.

  217)-(5.220) illustrate the realization of 3SG à and 1PL mà preceded by a Htoned heavy auxiliary. When a H-toned morpheme follows, AP combination is realized as HL or as H followed by a downstep, see (5.217) and (5.218).

  insertion of HS between pronoun ànu 3PL and the past marker nùn. realized as downstep of H. See also Examples (5.224 a) and (5.224 b) which illustrate the realization of ànu fused with the auxiliary káni and the copula bi, respectively: (5.224) (a) yɔ ́lɛ ̀nù yɔ ĺɔ-È-nu tsetse.fly-ART-PL so that the tse-tse flies don't drink their blood. 225 a) and (5.225 b) illustrate the merger of the auxiliary ni with the pronoun à which occupies the position of the possessor within the direct object of the utterance.

  226 a) and (5.226 b) H-toned verb kéle 'call' and L-toned verb kònton 'greet' are realized with the same tone. At the same time, the combination of the pronoun with the auxiliary has HL realization in (5.226 a), where the floating L is linked to the second mora of the combination, and in (5.226 b) it is realized with all-H, since L is deleted before another

  5.230) H búùtɔ 'inside' → à sì tágáà búùtɔ Ø tɔ 'on' → à sì tágáá tɔ L kùnma 'on the top' → à bì tágáá kùnmà If the verb is L-toned, HS insertion takes place before the syllables merge. 232 a)-(5.232 d) the pronoun merging with the preceding verb form occurs in the position of the possessor within an adverbial phrase. (5.232) (a) HS + L → H L the fast on his own. Examples (5.233 a) and (5.233 b) illustrate the merger of the subject pronoun with the verb of the preceding clause: out that it went bad during the journey... Examples (5.234 a) and (5.234 b) illustrate the merger of the final syllable of a verb form with a pronoun within a gerund clause.(5.234) (a) HS + L → HH L We are going to ask you.

  across the IP boundary which causes L of the pronoun to float and to be deleted due to of Donde, what do they sell there? See also (5.237) below, where L of the article shifts from the noun nìngéè 'the cow' and links to the postposition which after that merges with the pronoun of the following clause: syllables causes L of the pronoun to float and to be deleted due to the preceding L

  The infinitive marker kà merges with the 3SG pronoun à in the same way, giving either [kàà] or [kàá] before L. Thus, in (5.240 a) and (5.240 b), where kà INF + à 3SG is realized with LH before the following L-toned verbs bɛ ̀n'tell' and tùgu 'pound'. And in (5.240 c) and (5.240 d) it is realized all-L before the L-toned verb dòni 'send'.

  Figure 5.1 illustrates the tonal contours of one noun with a low lexical tone and one noun with a high lexical tone in the form with article:

  253) dùgu + È + ma 'earth-ART on' → dùgéè mà ~dùgéé mà 'on the earth'.

  the movies.The possibility of the floating realization of L tone is schematized in Table5.15 below. 15: The possibility of floating realization of L of the article Examples (5.256 a)-(5.256 c) illustrate three different ways in which L of the article can fail to link to the last mora of NP in the surface realization. In (5.256 a) L of the article becomes floating and is deleted before the following L (this is also accompanied by vowel reduction discussed in Subsection 5.9.1.3). In (5.256 b) it is linked to the following toneless auxiliary ni, in (5.256 c) L of the article replaces the underlying H tone of the verb kɛ ́'do'.

  They are looking after the cow.

  (5.259) mùsu + -È + -nu → mùséènù 'women' mora of the article cannot be deleted when the noun is monosyllabic (5.262b), or when the form with the article preserves the final rounded vowel of the root (5.262c), cf. the three examples below:(5.262) (a) mùsu + -È + -nu → mùséènù ~mùséénù ~mùsénù 'women' (b) dáa + -È + -nu → dáànù ~dáánù *dánù 'mouths' (c) sàgu + -È + -nu → sàgóènù ~sàgóénù 'mornings'

  to take the charger.In (5.268) HL is aligned with the second syllable of the noun òtɛl 'hotel'of the article can link to the following element, whereby it behaves as a floating tone. Thus, in (5.269 a) the verb fɛ ́lɛ 'watch' is realized all-L, though its underlying tone is H. As shown in Section 5.8, the contrast between underlying H and L tones disappears in surface realization when they are preceded by floating L. Accordingly, in (5.269 a) and (5.269 b), the H-tone verb fɛ ́lɛ 'watch' and the L-toned verb sàara 'pay' have the same tonal realization, since they are preceded by the floating L of the referential article. that they can pay for the movies.It should be noted that the distribution of the purely tonal vs. segmental allomorphs of the article is unstable even within the realization of one lexeme. Compare (5.270 a) and (5.270 a) below, coming from the same narrative. In (5.270 a) the form with the article of the noun àksidan 'accident' a French loanword, combines with the segmental article. In (5.270 a), in an almost identical context, the referential article is non-segmental (L of the article links to the following verb kɛ ́'do', replacing its lexical H

  the nete powder and give the grains to them.In (5.272 a) below the L of the article links to the last syllable of sɛ ́ɛran 'broom', ans is, finally, realized as downstepped H, due to the following L. In (5.272 b) L also results in a downstepped H on the last syllable of the noun stem, nɛ ̀gɛsoo 'bycicle', at the same level as the following

  16: Floating L ~V̀realization of the referential article in six Western Mande languages Let's now look at the data. In Soninke the realization of the article -Ǹ depends on the position with respect to the PhP boundary: its segmental manifestation disappears before a PhP boundary, see (5.274) below. The same ways as in Kakabe, L is floating when the last syllable of the noun hosts it, cf. yúgòn 'the man' vs. sèré-n L 'the person'.(5.274) Realization of the referential article -n in Soninke(Creissels 2016275a) and (5.275b) show that, again, the same way as in Kakabe, the floating L of the article causes the downstep of the following L and is deleted when followed by L:

( 5 .

 5 280) (a) [4431221] → [líyɛ ́ꜜdí mɔ ɛń ú yè] (Kastenholz 1987b: 115-116) líyɛ dí mɔ ̀enu ye honey(ART) pleasant person(ART)PL pp 'People like honey'. (b) [34344333]→ [à yá kùrùkúndɛ ́ꜜkɔ ŕɔ bi] (Kastenholz 1987b: 167) [334442]→ [ànù táámátóé lè] (Kastenholz 1987b: 222) ànu táamatoe lè 3PL walking(ART) aux 'They are walking'.

  article → general article → noun marker 23. The origin of the referential article in Mokole is yet to be established.

(6. 1 )

 1 Register Tier Theory[START_REF] Hyman | Register tones and tonal geometry[END_REF]): Representation of the downdrift realization of HLH sequence

(6. 4 )

 4 (a) Polarity item utterance: Paul is smarter than anyone in their class. (b) Utterance without any polarity item: Paul is smarter that all of them.

  iron, then you know indeed how to work with it? -Yes, indeed.

Figure 6 . 1 :

 61 Figure 6.1: Possible variations in span and level[START_REF] Ladd | Pitch range modelling: Linguistic dimensions of variation[END_REF]

  They don't feed you, they don't do anything.

  t study at all, the, how, that's what we know.

(

  INF 3SG wash-L.BT then 1SG POT go.out-L.BT '... and to wash it'.'Then, I will go out'. -nden-L% CAUS-be.full-PC.ST-L.BT We filled it.

  be 3SG greet-GER-L.BT 'The woman is greeting him'.Example (6.20) is another illustration of HS triggered by L%: diminish-PC.ST-L.BTThe slavery diminished.The HS inserted before L% can then undergo left spread due to Medial Tone Leveling. See (6.21), where two HS tones are inserted and both undergo left spreading, leading to the delinking of the preceding L tones, as shone on the schema below.

  H tones to the left due to Medial Tone Leveling, leading to the delinking of the preceding

  sɔ tɔ-la-L% get-GER-L.BT It can be obtained.

First

  , it may result form the IP-final L, HS insertion and the following application of tone leveling, as in (6.23 a). Second, it might be the realization of L tone lowered further by intonational lowering (6.23 b). (6.23) (a) à í sɔ ̀tɔlà → à í sɔ ̀tɔ ́là → à í ꜜsɔ ́tɔ ́là (b) à í sɔ ̀tɔ ̀là↓

  don't have any problem.

(

  is the hunter and the other one is a teacher.In (6.53) below an extra mora is added to host (↑)H% because the last mora belonging to the focus marker lè is already linked to the lexical L: how the slavery has given way.

  -H.BT At that time there was no iron.

  hide-H.BT It cannot be hidden.Compare (6.55 a) and (6.55 b), on the one hand, with (6.56), on the other hand, where the last lexical tone is H. In this case the boundary H% is realized one step higher that the lexical H

( 6 .

 6 61) (a) mà bí: tùgúꜜré lè ↑kɛ ́là [mhm] (b) sàgóè ↑máà [mhm](c) mà nì jéé sò↑ríì[mhm]

  (6.62) sɔ ̀ɔ̀s ɛ ́ɛ̀ɛ́ɛs ɔ ɔsɛ-È-↑HL% bean-ART-HL.BT pɔ ́npítɛ ́rɛ ̀ɛ́ɛp ɔ ḿpitɛrɛ-È-↑HL% potato-ART-HL.BT jàgàtóè↑éè jàgatu-È-↑HL% aubergine-ART-HL.BT [That is we grow in the vegetable garden:] beans, potato, aubergineIn the realization of sɔ ̀ɔsɛ+È+HL% 'beans-ART-HL three moras are added to the final mora of the noun root: the mora of the article and the two moras of the tonal morpheme:

  63) below illustrates how ↑HL% is aligned on IP consisting on single nouns without article. This example illustrates at a time several of tonal an phonotactic configurations discussed above. (6.63) sììsè ↑kílì sì↑ísè nì↑íngì bà↑áà ↑túlù [They would come and force us to give away fonio], eggs, chicken, cows, goats, oil.

  The thing that I'm asking you...

  Figure below Example (6.68) shows that the second vowel of kílà 'road.ART' is lengthened and the syllable bears tone both of the L of the referential article and first part of the boundary tone, whereas L% links to the postposition la. If it turns out that it went bad during the journey Analogously, in (6.69) the penultimate syllable of the utterance hosts the lexical L of the verb, and it is extended to host H in the ↑HL% boundary tone. They didn't find any job.The ↑HL% contour is aligned the same way when the focus marker lè occupies a light penultimate syllable, see (6.70) where an extra mora is added to lè: There was a chief once upon a time.

  Everyone would take his plate of rice.

  go-HL.BT But if you don't go... The lengthening of the final syllable can be the only available option to host ↑HL%. Yet, in all those cases when the prosodic structure and the position of the lexical tone allows for the alignment of ↑H% earlier than the penultimate syllable, it also allows for its alignment on the last syllable, see the two pairs of examples in (6.73 a)-(6.73 d) where the ↑H% of the contour can be pronounced either on the penultimate syllable or on the last syllable accompanied by the lengthening of the latter in the same context:

  ni ke H% links to the last TBU of the utterance which is toneless and the floating mora is deleted. on toneless TBUS at the end of the derivation. Final syllable is lengthened by one mora (belonging to the boundary morpheme).

  cut-HL.BT We carried stones, we would come there, we made coal. The examples (6.76) and (6.77) are two more illustrations of the realization of ↑HL% on the IP-final verb whose H tone has undergone the deletion. (6.76) sì sì if dɛ ́lɛ ́gásɔ ́n dɛ ĺɛgasɔn delegation nààtáà nà-ta à come-PFV.INTR 3SG ↑fɛ ́lɛ fɛ ĺɛ-↑HL% look-HL.BT If a delegation comes to look at it... (6.77) mà mà 1PL í si POT nùmùyáà nùmuya-È smithing-ART ↑kɛ ́ɛk ɛ -↑HL% do-HL.BT

  78), there are only three other examples in my corpus where ↑H ends up on a syllable preceding the syllable, associated with lexical L: (6.79) and (6.80) are also utterances with final lè, and in (6.81) ↑H is aligned before the L of the referential article. lè ↑HL% money-ART FOC HL.BT But since now there is money... (6.80) mànsáá mànsa-È chief-ART ꜜdó dó one lè↑é nùn lè nùn ↑HL% FOC PST HL.BT There was a chief once upon a time... -ART-HL.BT to lower the price of the manure 6.4.5.6.2 H% replaces lexical L Out of 23 tokens of IP with lexical L on the penultimate mora, there are only two exampleswhere lexical L is deleted to yield place to the ↑H% on the penultimate syllable, see (6.82) and (6.83) below. More data is needed to evaluate the status of the deletion of the lexical tone. Woman called Barinya took the mouse.

(

  didn't you, that you are clever.The particle nɛ often host the longer ↑HL↑H tone, as in (6.89) below: ECHO-HLH.BT [Well, since you work in the field], you're not hungry, are you? Litt.: "The hunger cannot come to take you there, can it?"See also (6.90) where nɛ hosts HL which is realized in an already raised register. It has cooled off, hasn't it?In (6.91) below is can be seen that the final H can not reach the high level: CHAPTER 6. INTONATION AND INTONATION-RELATED PHENOMENA 578 He started doing agriculture, didn't he?In (6.92) ↑HL is aligned on the penultimate and the last syllable: in (6.93), where ↑H is aligned on kɛ ̀: .BT There is our guest there, right?

  a long while.

  does not circulate well in your body...

  , he ran and fell into the river "cudun"! Ideophones in Kakabe can occur in DO position. Importantly, in this case they are pronounced with simple H and not with ↑H. Thus, in (6.102), the ideophone húù as a complement of the verb kéle 'call' in all the four instances is pronounced lower than the particle háa which introduces the second clause. he called, he called until the man answered him.

  (6.103) à à 3SG ká ka PFV.TR wɛ ́lénwɛ ́lén wɛ ĺenwɛlen ONOMAT ná↑sáà(0.23) la-sá-↑HL% CAUS-lie-HL.BT à à 3SG kà ka PFV.TR ndúnndún ndúnndun ONOMAT tè tè split CHAPTER 6. INTONATION AND INTONATION-RELATED PHENOMENA 585 She put down the [box which produced the sound] "welenwelen" and split [box which produced the sound] "ndunndun".

  The children, they don't fast all the Ramadan. Likewise, in (6.108) L of the first clause spreads onto fó, whereas in the second clause where no negation is present H of fóo is preserved. They don't want to fast during all the Ramadan, and others fast during all the period of Ramadan.

  Figure 6.2 below represents the distribution of the two series of pronouns in Kakabe: the simple-root H pronouns and the ↑HL pronouns with the reduplicated root. As can be seen, ↑HL pronouns are used in comparative context and as free-choice pronouns, whereas in the remaining part of the map H pronouns are used.

Figure 6 . 2 :

 62 Figure 6.2: Indefinite pronouns in Kakabe on theHaspelmath (1997) schema

  sit-PC.STAT My husband is sitting there all the time [selling cigarettes].

(

  3.5 Determiners wó 'any' and fó 'all'

  to the hospital and found all the medicine for her.

  all are glad. In (6.141) below the realization of the quantifier is accompanied by a very important rise, from 200Hz to 350Hz, at which level all the subsequent syllables are pronounced. All your body hurts.The utterance in (6.142) below ends with a lexical adverbial IO and therefore L% is realized on it. can go to school.

  don't have either a bicycle or a motor bike.Contrary to the pronoun internal to a non-initial clause of the construction, the L tone of a personal pronoun at the beginning of the final clause of the construction cannot be deleted, since it is preceded by the register lowering operation. t argue with each other, they didn't fight.

  We haven't studies at school and we haven't learned any trade. Neither my father nor my grandfather studied.

  There is neither water, nor a school [in the village]. NCC may contain more than two parts: see (6.149) and (6.150) below. Note also the downstepped realization of ꜜbélé mánkɛ ́lá in the first and second clauses as opposed to bèlè mànkɛ ̀là with deleted H in the final clause. There is no shortage neither of shoes, nor of clothes, nor of food. 't have any wings, I don't have any arms, I don't have any feet [from a fairy tale].

  would hurt, your head would ache, your back would ache.Analogously, in (6.152) the first and the second clauses, mà sí sɛ ̀nɛ ́ɛ́ꜜ kɛ ́: 'we work a field' and mà sì nááꜜkóé lá: 'we set up a kitchen garden' are in the scope of the listing intonation. Consequently, their last respective syllables are lengthened and final Hs are preserved. field, we have a garden with tomatoes.

  grade de Docteur de l'INALCO Discipline : Sciences du Langage : linguistique et didactique des langues Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 1. Informations générales .................................................................................................2. Transcription ; phonologie segmentale et suprasegmentale ......................................... 3. Structure des entrées lexicales .................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................... B -b ............................................................................................................................... Ɓ -ɓ.............................................................................................................................. C -c ............................................................................................................................... D -d ............................................................................................................................... Ɗ -ɗ ............................................................................................................................... E -e ................................................................................................................................Ɛ -ɛ ............................................................................................................................... F -f ................................................................................................................................ G -g ............................................................................................................................... H -h ............................................................................................................................... I -i ................................................................................................................................. J -j ................................................................................................................................. K -k ............................................................................................................................... L -l .............................................................................................................................. M -m ........................................................................................................................... N -n ............................................................................................................................. Ɲ -ɲ ............................................................................................................................ Ŋ -ŋ ............................................................................................................................ O -o ............................................................................................................................. Ɔ -ɔ ............................................................................................................................ P -p .............................................................................................................................. R -r .............................................................................................................................. S -s ..............................................................................................................................

  Le kakabé est une langue sans tradition d'écriture. L'alphabet utilisé dans le dictionnaire est basé sur l'alphabet de la langue maninka, avec quelques modifications : a b ɓ c d ɗ e ɛ f g gb h i j k l m n ɲ o ɔ p r s t u v w y ƴ z La coupe de glotte est désignée par le symbole « ʔ », par exemple : maʔánndɛ 'être très inquiet'. Elle n'a que très rarement une valeur distinctive et n'est pas prise en compte dans l'ordre alphabétique.

  lakàran vt. faire étudier, envoyer étudier.  [Krp, disc. « dans la forge »] : mà ká má là déɲɛǹ nákàràn wó lè tɔ̀ • Nous avons pu envoyer nos enfants étudier grâce [au revenu de ce travail]. Toutes les entrées avec les verbes causatifs dans le dictionnaire sont faciles à reconnaître par le fait qu'ils commencent par la syllabe la sans marque de ton. Par exemple, les verbes lakàran et lagbɛlɛya sont des verbes causatifs, contrairement aux verbes láhɛ et lájɛ dont la première syllabe fait partie de la racine et possède un ton lexical : lagbála vt. sécher.  kà sòbéè làgbála • sécher la viande.

lagbɛlɛya 1 )

 1 vt. s'opposer à, défier. 2) vt. rendre difficile. 3) vt. vendre cher.

  fɔĺɔ vi./vt. commencer. jíllɛ ‹pul.› 1) vi./vt. (se) mélanger. 2) vi. être multicolore. ɲànin vi./vt. (se) réchauffer ; brûler. tígilɛn vt./vr. (se) tourner. Si l'équivalent français est construit avec une préposition face à laquelle aucune postposition kakabé n'est indiquée, cela veut dire que le complément d'objet indirect français correspond au complément d'objet direct en kakabé. Si, par contre, un complément d'objet direct français cor-respond à un complément d'objet indirect en kakabé, celui-là est désigné par « qn » (pour les humains) ou par « qch » (pour les non6humains) : bɛǹ 1) vi. rencontrer (qn/qch -là).

3. 4 . 1 . 3 .

 413 Les formes préfixales des verbes dont le sens n'est pas complètement prédictible sont présentées dans le dictionnaire comme des entrées à part. Le ton du préfixe n'est pas indiqué dans le lemme, car il n'est pas spécifié lexicalement et change en fonction du contexte : labɛǹ 1) vt. venir à la rencontre de.

  identification et de caractérisation ; focalisateur. Les copules existentielles bi et béle sont employées également dans des propositions verbales comme auxiliaires du progressif et statif-résultatif. Elles y occupent la position d'un marqueur prédicatif : Tableau 2. Utilisation des copules 'être' dans les propositions verbales Construction affirmative

  synonymes sont précédés par l'indication « Syn.: » et dans les cas où la synonymie n'est pas complète, par la signe d'approximation « ~ » : hǐíì Var.: hǔúù. ‹pul.› itj. oui. Syn.: ǎáà, ɛɛýì, hɔɔn, m̌ḿm̀ ; ~ féw 3. Si le synonyme est lui-même polysémique, un indice numérique lui est adjoint en indice. Par exemple, le verbe fɛẃundi dans son sens numéro 1 est synonyme du verbe bɛǹ dans son sens numéro 2 : fɛẃundi Var.: fɛẃndi. ‹pul.› 1) vi. se trouver ; s'avérer. Syn.: bɛǹ 2, háwurɛ 4, tàran 1. 2) vi. être au présent.

  bàteréè (bàterí) Var.: bàtiréè (bàtirí). ‹fr.› n. pile (électrique). Syn.: kùre. báti Var.: ti (n, w). pm. 1) <marqueur du parfait dans un énoncé affirmatif>  [Nym, conte, prov. « maudit »] : à bá' tàli fìla láa mà yèn, à lá tàléè, wònu bá' díya mà yèn, kó bárika bárika à là tàléè kɛǹu mà • Il nous a raconté deux contes, ces contes, ils nous ont beaucoup plu, merci pour ces contes.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : sì ì máa fɛń dámu sàgóè mà, à sí tàran kɔńkɛ̀ bát' í bìta • Si tu n'as rien mangé le matin, tu auras faim. 2) <peut être utilisé pour exprimer une action exécutée pendant le moment de la parole>  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : ǹ bá' kɛ̀ kúfunɛ̀ dí ì mà • Je te donne ce bonnet.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : ǹ ní í dɛɛman, ǹ bá' kɛ́ yàn dí í mà • Je vais t'aider, tiens ça ! bàtu vt. adorer, vénérer, obéir.  mà bì állà bàtula • Nous vénérons Dieu. bàtuláà (bàtuláa) n. subordonné, aide ; adjoint. bé' <variante de la copul.e existentielle de la négation qui provoque la gémination de la consonne suivante ; dans le kakabé central peut être utilisé devant toute consonne, dans le ka-kabé du nord et le kakabé l'ouest s'emploie uniquement devant « t » et « d »>. Cf.: béle 'il n' y a pas'. bè (c) Cf.: bòyi 'tomber'.

  bèdóè (c) (bèdu) n. porte-monnaie. Syn.: pɔŕtɛ. béetè (béeti) ‹pul.› n. chant religieux. békkɛ̀ (békkɛ) nr. côte. Syn.: bíriƴɛ. béle (n) Var.: bál'. cop. 1) ne pas être <copul.e négative avec la valeur existentielle et locative>. ♦ tàna béle ɲɔɔ là? • Comment ça va ?  làbutáani béle mà báta • Nous n'avons pas d'hôpital.  fɛń béle ń bàaba bólo • Mon père n'a rien.  kàla béle, lɔǵɔ béle, táa béle • Il n'y a ni paille, ni bois, ni feu. 2) <marqueur négatif de l'imperfectif>.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : à ǐ mílitɛryà lè là nùn, kɔǹɔ mànsáànu dè k' á lásìgi, yànká àn bél' á sàarala • Ils étaient dans l'armée mais les autorités l'ont congédié et maintenant on ne le paie pas. 3) <fait partie de la construction négative à valeur stative et résul-tative>.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : má lè béle bɛǹden á fɛ̀ • Nous ne le méritons pas.

bɛǹ 1 )

 1 vi. rencontrer (qn/qch -là).  [Mns, conte « forgeron »] : állà mù ì bí bɛǹna hɛɛrà mà • Que Dieu te garde ! 2) vi. se trouver, s'avérer. Syn.: fɛẃundi 1, háwurɛ 4, tàran 1. 3) vi. être égal (à qch -mà).  kà bɔ́ Ɲámayarà kà nà Dɔgɔmɛ, wó lè bɛǹna kílo tán dè mà • Entre le village de Nyamayara et le village de Dogomet il y a dix kilomètres de distance. 4) vi. être réussi  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : kà bɛǹ à tɔ̀ • réussir.  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : ɲɔɔ tí bɛǹ fɛw • C'est très bien !  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : wò máni sɛǹɛɛ̀ kɛ, wò sáayɛ̀ wò là dámòe bɛǹden kóobèn, ò ní wò tɔdiya • Dans la période où vous travaillez dans le champ vous avez beaucoup de bonne nourriture et vous êtes contents. 5) vi. devoir, avoir l'obligation de.

  bɛrɛɛ̀ (n) (bɛrɛ) n. chacun.  [Mns, conte « deux co-épouses »] : bɛrɛɛ̀ mìn k' á mɔɛ báti kèwuya • Chacun qui a entendu entendu [cette histoire] est devenu plus sage. bɛrɛɛ̀ (bɛrɛ) 1) nr. mesure ; taille.  ǹ bɛrɛɛ̀ sàmatáà • ma pointure de chaussures. 2) nr./pp. qch convenable ; qch proportionné.  ǹ sí ń bɛrɛɛ̀ gɛrɛ • Je fais tout ce que je peux.  ń bɛrɛɛ̀ lè mù kɛ̀ kínè là • C'est une quantité de riz convenable pour moi.  fóo b' á bɛrɛɛ̀ làla • Chacun porte des vêtements qui lui conviennent.  k' ì bɛrɛɛ̀ dàmu = kà dámurè mà í bɛrɛɛ̀ • manger selon ses habitudes. bɛŕɛyà (bɛŕɛya) n. le peu, petite quantité.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : ǹ kà mín bɛrɛya kàran, ǹ ná nàfáà wò lè tɔ̀ • Même le peu que j'ai étudié, c'est un avantage que j'ai. bɛtɛ̀ (bɛtɛ) adjM. droit, à droite. bi Var.: y', i. cop. 1) être <copule existentielle et locative, peut être omise>.  mìsíidè bì mà là hóɗè tɔ̀ • Il y a une mosquée dans notre village.  [Dgm, histp. « vieille sorcière »] : á gbàndiyaanden, à bì bóɲɛ̀ là, à tée bɔ́ • Il est malade, il est à la maison et ne sort pas.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : dóon' tùgun bí mín têè kùtáà sɔtɔn • Il y a ceux qui n'arrivent pas à acheter de vêtements. 2) <s'utilise avec la forme gérondive du verbe dans la construction progressive>.  à tée nɔǹ nàala kɔtɛɛ, à bì wálila sɛǹɛɛ̀ tɔ̀ • Il ne peut pas venir maintenant, il travaille dans le champ. 3) <quand la copul.e est utilisée avec le gérondif dans une proposition subordonnée ou dans une proposition avec la focalisation d'un argument, elle exprime la valeur d'habituel et de futur>.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : ǹ bí yàn dè bìtala • Je prendrai celui-ci.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : sàgóè mà, ǹ máni bɔ́ mà báta, ǹ bì tála lè háa lɛkkɔĺ búutɔ̀ • Le matin, quand je pars de chez nous, je vais jusqu'à l'école.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : wò ì fɛń dè wálila súumayɛ̀ búutɛ̀ tɔ̀ wò lá kàyéènì yèn? • Qu'est-ce que vous faites pour vos maris pendant le Ramadan ? 4) <fait partie de la construction à valeur résultative et stative>.  [Ppd, hist. « époque coloniale »] : à bí bòrilen gɛrɛɛ̀ tɔ̀ • Il a fui la guerre.  à bì láanden gbèngbéè tɔ̀ • Il est couché sur le lit. bìdɔɲɛ̀ (bìdɔn) ‹fr.› n. bidon. bífɛ̀ (bífɛ) ‹fr. « buffet » › n. armoire. bíimrph. dix. bìi Var.: bì. n.loc. 1) aujourd'hui. ♦ bìi lɔɔkun • dans une semaine.  [Mns, descr. « mariage »] : bì lɔɔkun dè mù jɔńbajigà là, bì álkamisa lɔɔkùn • Le mariage aura lieu dans une semaine, le jeudi prochain. 2) au moment, alors.  [Mns, conte « deux coépouses »] : bì kɔɔmà • désormais, à partir de maintenant. bíikɔǹɔntɔ num. quatre-vingt-dix. bíilòolu num. cinquante. bíinàani num. quarante.

  bìiɲáatɔ̀ adv. maintenant, désormais.  bìiɲáatɔ̀ ǹ sí kàran kóoben • Désormais je vais m'occuper de mes études sérieusement. bíirɛn (bíirɛn) ‹fr. « burin » › n. burin. bíisàba bìta 35 bíisàba num. trente. bíisàgin num. quatre-vingts. bíiwɔrɔ num. soixante. bíiwɔrɔwila num. soixante-dix. bíkkè (bíkki) ‹fr.› n. stylo à bille.

bìta 1 )

 1 vt. attraper, saisir. ♦ k' à kúmà bíta • écouter, obéir.  ǹ bí ń nɛɛnɛ là kúmà bìta bólomaɲagantɛ̀ 36 bìtala • J'obéis à ce que dit ma mère. Syn.: cúurɛ. 2) vt. traiter, accueillir, s'occuper de  mà báti mànsáà bìta à ɲùmáà là • On a très bien accueilli le chef. 3) vt. manier, manipul.er, gérer.  ǹ b' í làlíila ì s' í là tɛĺɛfɔn bìta ɲáà mìn • Je t'explique comment tu dois manipul.er ton téléphone. 4) vi. avoir un effet.  básè báti bìta, ǹ báti kɛńdɛya • Le médicament a eu un effet, je suis guéri.  [Mns, disc. « affaires du village »] : à là kúmà bì bìtala • Ses paroles ont un effet, il est écouté. 5) vt. saisir, avoir un effet sur, s'emparer de (un état physique ou émotionnel par rapport à un être humain).  yìngóɲɛ̀ báti ǹ bìta • J'ai sommeil.  kɔńkɛ̀ báti ǹ bìta • J'ai faim. 6) vt. commencer, se mettre à.  [Dgm, histp. « ma belle-mère »] : á lè tóta tála lɔḱɔ̀ tɔ̀ kà fòrtonnɛɛǹu máyìta dóndèndóndèn, à bɔta ɲɔɔ, à ká kɔrɛɛ̀ máyìta bìta • Elle a commencé à aller au marché et à vendre le piment, après elle a arrêté de faire ça et elle a commencé à vendre du riz. bìta vi. s'allumer.  táà báti bìta • Le feu s'est allumé. bítaɲɛ̀ (bítan) nr./n. beau-parent. bítè (bíti) n. termite aillée. bítin vt. presser (pour extraire qch). ♦ kà nìngéè bítin • traire la vache.  ǹ báti káccòe bítin mɔɔnɛɛ̀ tɔ̀ • J'ai pressé un citron vert dans la bouillie. Syn.: bítin, háamɛ, madígin, tadìgin. bìyákɛ̀ (bìyákɛ) n. goyave (plante et fruit).

  Syn.: gɔỳáabɛ. bóè (bóe) Cf.: buu 'ventre'. bògórè (bògóro) ‹pul.› n. cadenas. bólè (bólo) 1) nr. bras, main. ♦ k' ì bólè lákàfu • se cotiser pour qch.  mà báti má bólè làkáfu sádakà làko • Nous nous sommes cotisés pour le sacrifice. ♦ bólo kán • poignet. 2) pp. <postposition à valeur de possession, appartenance, contrôle im-médiat>.  [Nsr, disc. « affaires du village »] : ♦ bólo fɛń • propriété.  káalisi béle ǹ bólo • Je n'ai pas d'argent.  mùsú sàba b' á bólo • Il a trois femmes. 3) pp. <s'utilise pour exprimer l'agent dans la construction passive>.  [Nym, descr. « patate douce »] : wúsen kɛńdɛ, wò tée ɲími mɔgɛɛǹu bólo, kɔǹɔ à sì ɲími kùláànu bòlo • L'igname non-mûre, elle n'est pas mangée par les gens, mais elle est mangée par les singes.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : dénnɛɛǹu, háray ànu sɛɛwanden, wótè díinden ànu bòlo ànú bâabáànu bòlo • Les enfants sont contents parce que les parents leur ont donné de l'argent. 4) <s'utilise pour indiquer la manière d'une action>.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : àn s' á wà yɛlɛ mɔgɛɛǹ' nà lɛɛmúnɛ̀ là kànkayáà bólè mà kà dó bɔ̀ • Ils grimpent dans les orangers des gens pour voler quelques oranges.  [Dgm, histp. « vieille sorcière »] : à k' á lá ɲɔ̋ gàndiyáà bòlo, sǎn fìla • Elle a passé deux ans au lit malade. bólobɔ vr. abandonner.  tàmaati kóè kɛ, ómò mò bólobɔ kɛ́ là • La culture des tomates, nous devrions l'abandonner (parce que ça ne rapporte pas d'argent).

bólokà 1 )

 1 vt. lâcher, laisser partir.  ǹ báti ǹ nà bóɲɛ̀ bólokà, à béle tágunden • J'ai laissé ma maison ouverte. 2) vr. interrompre, suspendre.

  bòlokóloɲɛ̀ (n) (bòlokólon) n. pauvre, gueux.

  w) (bólokondin) Var.: bólosondiɲɛ̀ (bólosondin) (n). nr. doigt. bólokuntè (bólokuntu) n. cussonia (espèce d'arbre). bólolakàfu Var.: bóllakàfu. vi. se cotiser.  [Skt, descr. « enterrement »] : fàmínù fóo bá' bóllakafòe máa, kà kínènu tábi • Tous les membres du famille se sont cotisés [pour la fête] et ont préparé à manger. bólomaɲagantɛ̀ (bólomaɲagantɔ) n. fripon. bòlondáà (bòlondá) nr. famille, lignée (ensemble de plusieurs familles liés par des relations familiales).

  bólosondiɲɛ̀ (n) (bólosondin) Cf.: bólokondin 'doigt'. bólotasumuɲɛ̀ (bólotasumun) n. applaudissement ; danse (accompagnée en tapant des mains).

bón 1 )

 1 vt. jeter, lancer, tirer <le point d'impact étant encodé comme complément d'objet direct>.  à báti bóɲɛ̀ bón kùréè là • Il a jeté une pierre sur la maison. 2) vt. tomber sur, atteindre.  kùréè báti wítirè bón • La pierre est tombée sur la vitre. bóɲɛ̀ (bón) n. 1) maison. 2) chambre.  bón búyi bí kɛ́ bóɲɛ̀ bùtɔ • Il y a beaucoup de chambres dans cette maison. Syn.: sàanbúru. bòn vi. se remplir.  [Dgm, histp. « Mami Wata »] : sángè bá' nà, kɔɛɛ̀ bá' bòn • Il a plu et la rivière s'est remplie.

  bóndaà (n) (bóndaa) n. 1) maison ; porte (de la maison). 2) famille, membre de famille. Syn.: báarɛnma, béngure, dénbaya, fàmi, lúu 2, gállɛ 2. bóndaalaà (bóndaalaa) n. maçon. bóndaalakaà (bóndaalakaa) n. habitant, personne (qui vit dans la maison).  bɔńdaalakaanù bì sɔńkɔla ɲɔɔ là • Les gens dans cette maison-là font du bruit.

  bòntóɲɛ̀ (n) (bònton) n. grenier (à l'intérieur d'une maison). bòéè (bòo) n. excrément. bòodáà (bòoda) nr. anus. bòosi ‹pul.› 1) vi./vt. avoir des chatons.  mà lá ɲàaréè báti ɲàari dén sàba bòosi • Notre chat a eu trois chatons. 2) vt. iron. faire vite, faire enfin.  à bòosi tɛŕiya! • Vas-y, fais vite ! bòri 1) vt./vr. courir <dans le Kakabe du centre (c) dans et le Kakabe de l'ouest (w) s'mpoloie toujours comme un verbe réfléchi, contrairement au Kakabe du nord où il est utilisé comme un verbe intransitif>.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : kùláànu y' ánù bòrila lè àn nì túnɛń wùléènu mà • Les singes courent pour se cacher des chiens.  [Mns, disc. « affaires du village »] : sì í gbàndita ɲɔɔ là, kɛ̀ lè bí bòrila í yèn • Si tu tombes malade en étant là-bas, il viendra en courant pour te chercher. 2) circuler (véhicule). bòréè (bòri) n. vitesse. bòri-bóri vi. courir de tous les côtés.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : wò s' á wà wò ní bòribórènu kɛ̀ wò ní ɲɔgɔn gbɛĺlɔn • Vous vous mettez à courir partout et à jouer au loup. bòrifɛɲɛ̀ (bòrifɛń) n. bicyclette, vélo.

  bóso vt. dépouiller (animal).

  ) n. <nominalisation du verbe bóso 'écorcher'> ; écorchement. bósorilaà (bósorilaa) Var.: bósorlaà (bósorlaa). n. écorcheur. bòyi Var.: bòe, bèe. 1) vi. tomber. 2) vi. tomber en ruines, s'écrouler, s'effondrer. bóyilɛ̀ (bóyilɛ) Var.: nbóyilɛ̀ (nbóyilɛ). n. arbre sp. bɔ conj./prep. de, à partir de.  [Mns, conte « forgeron »] : bɔ́ sàgúma háa ùráà là ǹ bí yàn • Je suis ici du matin jusqu'au soir.

bɔ́ 1 )

 1 vi. sortir, partir.  [Mns, conte « chats et souris »] : bɔ́ ɲɔɔ!

  bùtéè (n) (bùtu) n. matelas (de paille).

  bútubutu dtm. minuscule, tout petit.  ǹ báti kɔǹdéè bútubutu bìta • J'ai attrapé un tout petit oiseau.  Àlfa mù dɛńnɛ̀ bútubutu lè là • Alfa est un enfant tout petit. bùtúgun adv. 1) et alors, puis, après.  [Dgm, histp. « dans la brousse »] : mà bőlokáta táala lɛkkɔĺ là, bùtúgun, mà ì wálila tèléè tɔ́ lè • Nous avons arrêté d'aller à l'école, puis nous avons commencé à travailler la journée (plutôt que la nuit). 2) ne plus <avec la négation>.  [Dgm, histp. « dans la brousse »] : à kɛɛta jínnà là, mɔgɔ máa bùtúgun • Il est devenu un esprit, ce n'était plus personne.  [Dgm, histp. « dans la brousse »] : mà ì táala káà lè, ǹ béle fűsi yèn, ǹ béle bón yénna bùtugun, ǹ béle mɔgɔ yènna • Nous marchions ainsi dans la brousse, nous ne voyions plus de maison, nous ne voyions plus de gens. 3) d'abord.  [Dgm, histp. « dans la brousse »] : bùtúgun ǹ ká wònu lámàra, ǹ k' ánù máyìta • D'abord je les ai cachés et après je les ai vendus. bùtun Var.: bùtunna. adv. d'abord, pour le moment.  á lè béle kúnɛnden bútùn • Il n'est pas encore réveillé.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : wò ì sálila lè bùtun, sì wò ní mɔɔnéè mìn • Vous priez avant de manger la bouillie. bútunbutun adv. tout d'abord. bóè (búu) 1) nr. ventre.  [Krp, disc., hist. « histoires du passé »] : àn s' ánù kɔ̀ dámòe tɔ̀ àn sì mín là àn bóè tɔ̀ • Ils vont leur donner de la nourriture qu'ils pourront manger (litt. : « qu'il pourront mettre dans leurs ventres »). ♦ k' ì búu tà • devenir enceinte.  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : ♦ à búu mákɔrilen • Elle est enceinte. 2) nr. intérieur. 3) n. grossesse.  [Mns, conte « femme persécutée »] : ♦ kà búu sɔtɔ • tomber enceinte.  [Mns, conte « femme persécutée »] : à kì bóè sɔtɔ wò búujiga ɓa 41 tɔ, kàyéè kò à là búu máa, mùséè bɔta • La femme est tombée enceinte, mais l'homme a dit que ce n'était pas son enfant, et la femme est partie. búujiga (n) vi. tomber enceinte. búulàbórè (búulàbóri) n. diarrhée. búumatɔɛ̀ (búumatɔ) n. femme enceinte (au gros ventre). búumaya vi. grossir ; tomber enceinte. Syn.: búujiga. bùurɛɛ̀ (bùurɔ) ‹pul.› n. plante sp. (Euphorbia Kamerunica, arbuste aux épines).

  búutòli n. lâche, poltron. búutɔ̀ Var.: bùutɔ. pp. dans, dehors.  mùséènu bá' tága pùnnɛɛ̀ bɔ̀ búrusà bùutɔ • Les femmes sont allées cueillir les champignons dans la brousse.  à k' à là mùséè gbén bóɲɛ̀ bùtɔ • Il a chassé sa femme de la maison. búutɛ̀ (búutɔ) n./adv. à l'intérieur, dedans, pendant.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : àn n' á fɔ̀ àn sí má dɛɛman, kɔǹɔ à máni kée búutɔ̀ búutɔ, háray ánu má jànfala • Ils disent qu'ils vont nous aider, mais, le moment venu, ils nous trahissent.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : kìnáànù wónù bì búutɔ̀ yàn nà • Les anciens du village sont concernés par ça.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : wò ì fɛń dè wálila súumayɛ̀ búutɛ̀ tɔ̀ wò lá kàyéènì yèn? • Qu'est-ce que vous faites pour vos maris pendant le Ramadan ? bùutéè (bùutu) n. oreiller, coussin. búyi Var.: bűyi. ‹pul.› pron./dtm. beaucoup  à kà wótè búyi sàara • Il a payé beaucoup d'argent.  [Skt, conte « voleur »] : kɔtɛ ǹ dɔŕɔn máa, mà búyi lè • Maintenant je ne suis pas seul, on est nombreux.  [Skt, conte « voleur »] : à ká sòbéè fàga búyi • Il a tué beaucoup de gibier.  [Ppd, hist. « époque coloniale »] : búyi fàgata wò gɔĺlɛǹu tɔ̀ • De nombreuses personnes sont mortes à cause de ce travail.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : dɛńden kàranta bì búyi • Aujourd'hui le nombre d'enfants qui étudient est élevé.  sìiséè bá' sìya búyi à lóè tɔ̀ • Les poules sont devenues nombreuses dans sa cour. bùzi Var.: bùsi. ‹fr.› n. bougie <s'emploie sans article>. Ɓ -ɓ ɓa Var.: ɓáyi. ‹pul.› conj. 1) comme, étant donné que, parce que.  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : ì tɛŕiyata kómìn nà wőo, ì sì lɛŕu sàba nìn dònden kɛ̀ yàn, ɓáà à táganden háa kílo múgan • Même si tu vas très vite, la route te prendra trois heures et quelque, comme il y a vingt kilomètres de route.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : àn í sàlayalá kùla bítà lè là ɓá án bá' kùláà ɲími • Ils (les chiens) ne veulent plus attraper le singe, parce qu'ils ont déjà mangé un singe.  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : ń dè m' á lɔǹ, án dè lè k' a lɔń, ɓ' án dè lè nâakɔ lála • Moi, je ne le sais pas. Ce sont elles qui le savent, parce que ce sont elles qui ɓáa... ɓáa cɛkóè 42 cultivent le potager. 2) quand <s'emploie dans des propositions qui servent comme connecteurs dans la narration>.  [Dgm, hist. « sorciers de Dogomet »] : kámarɛn bòyita, ɓá à bá' bòyi, àn k' á tà, kó àn bì nàla à fɛ̀ Dɔgɔmɛ • Le jeune homme est tombé. Quand il est tombé, ils l'ont pris et sont partis avec lui à Dogomet. 3) bien que.  [Mns, conte « chats et souris »] : ɓá ń màkɔśɔlen, à tó ń ní dònden fɔ̀ ò yèn • Bien que je sois sale, permettez-moi de chanter un peu pour vous. 4) mais.  ǹ b' á fɛ̀ tágala lúumɛ̀ tɔ, ɓá nɔń ń nɛɛnɛ bì ǹ kílayanden ń màama bàta • Je voulais aller au marché, mais ma mère m'a envoyé chez ma grand-mère. 5) pour cela, pour cette raison.  sáttɛndɛnden bí mà fɛ, ɓá, kòyi mò nì wó lè yɛẃuti • Nous avons un petit problème, c'est pour cela qu'il faut en discuter. ɓáa... ɓáa Var.: báa... báa. conj. et … et <conjonction discontinue>.  [Skt, descr. « mariage »] : mɔgɛɛǹu fɔpu sí lálɔn: kìna ɓáa, dɛńden ɓáa, sùnkútuɲɛǹù ɓáa • On le fait savoir à tout le monde : aux vieux, aux enfants, aux jeunes filles.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : ì dɔǵɛǹù báa í kɔtɛɛǹù báa ì lá kìnáànu báa, ànu fóo sí nà ì báta, k' à màfɛĺɛ, sì ì kà sáli kíni ɲúmà tàbi nùn àn sì mín dàmu • Tes petits frères et petites soeurs, tes grands frères et grandes soeurs, tes parents, tous viennent chez toi pour voir si tu leur as préparé de la bonne nour-riture pour la fête et pour qu'ils en mangent. ɓáarɛ ‹pul.› vt./vr. (s')appuyer ; (s')adosser (contre qch -là).

  ɓánɔn itj. mais.  ǹ b' á fɛ̀ tágala lúumɛ̀ tɔ, ɓánɔn ń nɛɛnɛ bì ǹ kílayanden ń màama bàta • Je voulais aller au marché, mais ma mère m'a envoyé chez ma grand-mère. ɓáy Cf.: ɓá 'quand'. ɓáyita itj. Salut ! ɓáyri Var.: ɓáyru. ‹pul.› conj. 1) parce que. Syn.: ~ bàní, fí 2, fìná, hári 4, kɔfí, pàsé, sàbuná. 2) bien que.  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : fó, mà n' à tábi, ɓáyri má kɔrilen kɔf • Il faut qu'on fasse la cuisine bien que nous soyons très fatiguées. ɓìrɛ vi. être fâché.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : mò nɔń ɓìrɛtá wò là kőobèn • Nous étions très fâchés à cause de ça. Syn.: mɔńɛ. ɓɔŕni ‹pul.› vr. s'habiller. ɓɔŕti ‹pul.› vt./vr. (se) déshabiller, (se) dévêtir.

  dáamòe (n) (dáamu) ‹fr.› n. jeu de dames. dáaɲà (dáaɲa) nr. caractère (aspect typique, original de quelque chose).  màkála nìn à dáaɲà • Chacun a son caractère.  à mɛdɛnden kóoben à dáaɲà tɔ̀ • Il est très silencieux de caractère. dáarè (dáari) Var.: dáarè (dáare). n. 1) objets fabriqués, quincaillerie. 2) fabrication <nominalisation du verbe dá 'fabriquer'>. dáarikɛɛlaà (dáarikɛɛlaa) n. forgeron. dáarɔgalè (dáarɔgalu) dáati n. mari de la nièce (mari de la fille de la soeur). dáateè (dáatii) nr. barbe. Syn.: bɔɔra. dàbáà (dàba) n. houe. dàgáà (dàga) n. marmite, pot (récipient avec couvercle).

  dàgalɔɔlaà (dàgalɔɔlaa) n. cuisinière. Syn.: tábirikɛɛlaa. dàgáɲɛ̀ (dàgan) ‹pul.› n. flèche (arme). Syn.: bɛɲɛ. dáha vi. réussir, avoir du succès.  [Dgm, histp. « mon parcours »] : mɔgɔ tée dáha ì màa tɔɔrɔ, ì mán tɔɔrɔ lè, ì nì dàha • L'homme ne peut pas réussir sans avoir souffert, c'est quand on souffre qu'on réussit. dàlásè (n) (dàlási) Var.: dálasè (dálasi). ‹ar.› n. argent, monnaie. Syn.: káalisi, wóti. dàlílòe (dàlílu) ‹ar.› n. cause, raison. ♦ fɛń dàlílu? = dàlílu míniman? • pourquoi.  fɛń dàlílu bí, ì bí dònila? • Pourquoi estce que tu pars ?  ǹ bát' a dàlílòe lɔǹ • J'en connais la raison. Syn.: kùn 3, sábu 3. dàmáɲɛ̀ (dàman) n. mine, puits de mine.  ǹ bì táala dàman tɔ, Bánakɔrɔ, ǹ nì báara ɲíni • Je vais aux mines à Banakaro pour chercher du travail.

dámu 1 )

 1 vt. manger. 2) vt. surpasser.  [Mns, conte « femme du chasseur »] : dùgulá tée wó dámu • C'est un souillon sans égal.  tólon tée mín dámu lè • une fête à nulle autre pareille. Syn.: fìsaya 2, fɔĺi, tànbi 4. 2) vt. utiliser (l'argent).  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : kà sɛɛfà dàmu • utiliser les francs CFA. dámòe (dámu) n. nourriture, culture, récolte.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : tàmáatè kɛ, dámu lè mù mín ì dàmulama dúniya főo là • Les tomates, c'est de la nourriture que tout le monde mange.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : wò jéè kà dámòenu tìɲa • Cette eau [de la pluie violente] a causé des dégâts aux cultures. dámurè (dámuri) Var.: dámurè (dámuru). n. 1) <nominalisation du verbe dámu 'manger'>. 2) nourriture. dán dègen 45 dán vt. compter.  à báti nìngéènù dán • Il a compté les vaches. dàɲɛɛ̀ (dàn) n. 1) limite, frontière. 2) côté, limite.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : kàyéènù grúpu, mùséènù grúpu, kála ní sún tɛgɛ à dànma • Les hommes dans un groupe, les femmes dans un autre groupe, ils rompent le jeûne séparément. 2) nombre, quantité.  [Dgm, hist. « accident de train »] : mɔgɛɛ̀ fàgata háa, mɔgɔ m' á dàn lɔǹ • Beaucoup de gens sont mort, personne ne sais combien. dàn 1) vi. s'arrêter à, se limiter à.  sángè báti dàn kɔǹkɛɛ̀ là • La pluie s'est arrêtée à côté de la montagne.  [Nym, conte, prov. « maudit »] : sì wò kà dóo lɔń, hári wò máa dàn tàli kélen kɛ̀ mà • Si vous connaissez d'autres contes, ne vous limitez pas à celui-ci [que vous venez de raconter].  [Dgm, histp. « vieille sorcière »] : á lè tée súusɛ nàla nbɔɔnù báta, háa bìi á lè dànden lóè mà • Il n'ose pas entrer chez les jumeaux, il s'arrête toujours dans la cour. 2) vr. faire séparément.  mùséènu b' àn dànna dámurè kɛĺa • Les femmes mangent séparément. 3) vi. avoir une certaine taille, avoir une certaine dimension. dándan vr./vt. (se) soigner.  à báti mà lá nìngéè dándan • Il a soigné notre vache. dándo dtm. certains, un certain nombre de.  mɔgɛɛ̀ dándo • un certain nombre de gens. dánkà (n) (dánka) n. malédiction. dánka (n) vt. maudire. dánkatɔɛ̀ (dánkatɔɔ) n. maudit, sacré.  [Nym, conte. « hyène et bouc »] : dánkatɔɛ̀ t' á ɲɛtɛ dúleɲɛ̀ yèn, à n' á lɔǹ mín gbàa à gbàâ là • Le maudit ne peut pas voir sa propre ombre et il ne peut pas savoir qui est derrière lui. dánkun vt. entretenir, prendre soin de ; élever.  ń dè lè kà kɛ̀ lɔǵɔju dánkun, háa à kóloyata • C'est moi qui ai entretenu cet arbre jusqu'à ce qu'il soit grand.  [Krp, conte « veillée des femmes »] : ǹ máni fàga, ì nì ǹ nà déɲɛ̀ dánkun • Quand je serais morte, occupe-toi de mon enfant. dànma adv. séparément, isolément, à part.  ǹ báti ǹ là dànma • Je me suis couché à part. dántɛgɛ (n) vt. faire savoir, communiquer (à qn -yèn, mà).  ǹ báti tánàa mà là hɔɗè tɔ̀ kà mɔƴƴɛrɛǹu dántɛgɛ • Je suis rentré dans notre village et j'ai raconté les nouvelles.  ǹ báti mín tànbita dántɛgɛ ànu yèn • Je leur ai raconté ce qui s'est passé.  kà sànbárè dántɛgɛ à mà • donner un cadeau à qn.  kà kúmà dántɛgɛ à mà • communiquer l'information à qn.

  dántɛgɛ̀ (n) (dántɛgɛ) n. information ; nouvelle, actualités.  kà dántɛgɛ̀ mɛǹ • apprendre la nouvelle. Syn.: kála. dàɲáà (dàɲa) n. étain (métal). dáraadɛlè (dàráadɛli) Var.: drádɛlè (drádɛli). ‹fr. « drap de lit » › n. couverture, couvrelit. dàrapóè (dàrapo) Var.: dràapó. ‹fr.› n. drapeau. dárdɛ̀ (dárdɛ) n. génuflexion.  [Skt, descr. « sadaqa »] : kà dárdɛ sàli • faire des génuflexions (pendant la prière).

  dárijà (dárija) n. taon. dártɛ ‹pul.› vi./vt. agresser, attaquer (qn -là).  ì káni dártɛ à nà • Ne l'attaque pas ! dàtaká dèri 46 dàtaká vr. déjeuner. dàtakáà (dàtaká) n. déjeuner. dáygòe (dáygu) ‹pul.› n. lumière.  dáygòe báti bìta • La lumière s'est allumée. dè <variante du focalisateur qui apparait arpès une nasale>. Cf.: lè. dèemóè (dèemu) n. chimpanzé. dèfi vt. mettre, poser.  á dèfi ɲɔɔ • Mets-le par là. Syn.: lá 1.

dégun 1 )

 1 vt. se coincer dans la gorge.  kólè báti ǹ dégun • J'ai un os coincé dans la gorge. 2) vr. avaler de travers (qch -là).  ǹ báti ǹ dégun yɛǵɛkolè là • J'ai avalé de travers une arête de poisson. 2) vt. étrangler. dén vi. donner des fruits. déɲɛ̀ (dén) 1) nr./n. enfant, fils (par rapport à ses parents) <se combine avec le possesseur soit avec le connecteur « la » soit di-rectement>.  à (là)̀ déɲɛ̀ • son fils.  kà dén sɔtɔ • avoir un enfant.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : wò báti wó là dén jèlu dòni kàran tàla? • Combien de vos enfants avez-vous envoyé étudier ? 2) n. enfant (pas adulte).  lɛkkɔl déɲɛ̀ • écolier. Syn.: dénden, dénkayi. 3) n. fruit. dénbà (dénba) Var.: dénbatana. adjMP. allaitante (mère avec un bébé). dénbaanɛ̀ (dénbaanɛ) ‹pul.› n. paludisme. dénbaaɲumà (dénbaaɲuma) n. arbre sp. dénbaatɔɛ̀ (dénbaatɔɔ) n. 1) tête de la famille, père. 2) mère-nourrice. dénbayà (dénbaya) n. famille, membre de famille. ♦ dénbayà(nu) (bì) hɛɛrà tɔ? = tàna béle dénbayà(nu) là? = dénbayànu kɛńdɛ? • Est-ce que la famille va bien ? (salutation habituelle).  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : k' ì là dénbayà bálu • nourrir sa famille, faire vivre sa famille.  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : ì mán' táa Sàramúsaya lúumɛ̀ tɔ, ì sí kùtáà sɔtɔ ì là dénbayànu yèn? • Quand tu vas au marché de Saramoussaya, est-ce que tu peux y acheter des vêtements pour ta famille? Syn.: báarɛnma, béngure, bóndaa 2, fàmi, lúu 2, gállɛ 2. dénbaya vi. être parent, avoir des enfants. dénnɛɛ̀ (c, w) (dénden) Var.: dènnɛɛ̀ (dènden). n. 1) enfant, garçon, jeune (pas adulte). Syn.: ~ ndúguse, kàyi. 2) jeune (par opposition à une personne âgée).  [Nym, conte, prov. « maudit »] : mà b' á fɛ̀ wó ní tàli kélen dè là mǎ yên yàn nɛɛtɔ, má lè dénnɛɛǹu, mà máa mi ̋n lɔń nùn, mà n' á lɔǹ, mà n' á màanditɛ • Nous souhaitons que vous nous racontiez une histoire maintenant, pour que nous, les jeunes, apprenions et retenions ce que nous ne connaissons pas. déndeyà (déndeya) n. enfance.  [Nsr, disc. « affaires du village »] : ì nì déndè kólo déndeyà tɔ, à n' í tàkólo kɛɛmɔǵɔyà tɔ̀ • Il faut s'occuper de l'enfant pendant son enfance, pour qu'il te soutienne pendant ta vieillesse. dèndílà (dèndíla) Cf.: dìndíla 'fourmi'. dénkayè (dénkayi) n. fils.  [Krp, disc. « dans la forge »] : ǹ nà dénkayi kínà lè mú kɛ̀ là • C'est mon fils aîné. dénmusè (dénmusu) n. 1) fille (par rapport aux parents). 2) fille (personne jeune ou dènɲɛńɛ̀ dɛɛtɔ̀ 47 enfant de sexe féminin) <dans ce sens est employé le plus souvent avec le suffixe diminutif -nden>. dènɲɛńɛ̀ (dènɲɛńden) Var.: dènɲɛńen. n. bébé. dénɲɔgɔ Var.: dínɲɔgɔ. nr. cousin (du côté de la mère) <s'emploie sans article>. dèri Var.: dèr. 1) vi. avoir l'habitude (de qch -là).  à bí dèrinden kìnnɔǵɔla kóobèn • Il est habitué à dormir beaucoup. 2) vi. avoir l'expérience de faire.  ǹ máa dèri nàla Zérekore yàn nà • Je ne suis jamais allé à Nzérékoré ici. 3) vi. se passer habituellement, être usuel, être courant <s'utilise avec un sujet impersonnel pour décrire un état habituel de qch>.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : á dèrita mɔ̀ s' á sàn wúlu bíiwɔɔrɔ • Normalement nous le vendons à soixante mille francs.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : fáyida máakitè máa mála kó á dèrita kómìn • Le marché ne fonctionnait pas comme d'habitude.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : à máa déri • Ça ne se fait pas d'habitude. désere ‹fr.› vi./vt. (se) desserrer, (s')ouvrir. désyɔɲɛ̀ (désyɔn) ‹fr.› n. décision.  kà désyɔɲɛ̀ jìga • prendre la décision.

  ) aide, assistant.  [Mns, conte « deux co-épouses »] : wó lè máalama dɛɛmáɲɛ̀ màaféè là • On va faire de ça une sauce pour les aides. dɛɛman Var.: dɛɛma. vt. aider ; être utile à, servir.  ǹ bát' á dɛɛman tábirè là • Je l'ai aidée à préparer la nourriture.  wáadɔɛ báti ń dɛɛman • Le parapluie m'a été utile. Syn.: màgbɛń, nàfa 1. dɛɛmárè (dɛɛmári) n. <nominalisation du verbe dɛ ɛman 'aider'> ; aide. dɛɛtɔ̀ Cf.: nɛɛtɔ 'dans'. dɛgɛɛ̀ (dɛgɛ) n. pâte de riz (avec du sucre et de l'eau).

  dɛĺɛgasyɔɲɛ̀ (dɛĺɛgasyɔn) ‹fr.› n. délégation. dɛń ‹fr. « daim » › n. botte (type de chaussures) <s'utilise toujours sans article>. dɛǹ vi. faire ensemble, se réunir.  kà dɛǹ kínè là • manger ensemble.  kà dɛǹ báarà là • travailler ensemble. Syn.: mɛdɛǹ. dɛńdɛ vr. se frayer un chemin (jusqu'à), fendre la foule ; pénétrer, s'insérer (dans un endroit étroit).  [Nym, conte, prov. « maudit »] : ♦ kà kúma dɛńdɛ • faire des allusions ; parler indirectement.  k' ì dɛńdɛ mɔńbilè búutɔ̀ • se serrer dans la voiture. dɛǹgɛ (n) vt. surveiller. dɛǹɲɔǵɛ̀ (dɛǹɲɔǵɔ) Var.: dìnɲɔǵɔ. nr. ami.  ń dɛǹɲɔǵɛ̀ lè mù ì là • Tu es mon ami. dɛǹsɛɛ̀ (dɛǹsɛ) ‹pul.› nr. mollet. dɛpánsè (dɛpánsi) ‹fr.› n. dépense. dɛpánsi ‹fr.› vt. dépenser. dɛpí ‹fr.› conj. 1) depuis. Syn.: gìlá, ílà, kàbɔɔ, kàtáa. 2) pour l'instant.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : dɛpí, mà máa fɛń sɔtɔ àn tɔ̀ bùtun • Pour l'instant nous n'avons rien reçu de ces choses-là. dɛpitɛɛ̀ (dɛpitɛ) ‹fr.› n. député. dɛṕpi ‹pul.› 1) vt. mettre par terre, être par terre.  mùséè báti dàgáà dɛṕpi dùgéè mà • La femme a mis la marmite par terre. 2) vr. s'asseoir par terre. dɛŕefi ‹pul.› 1) vi. être négligent. 2) vt. négliger.  ànu bá' báarà kɛ̀ dɛŕefi • Ils ont négligé ce travail. dɛtɔ <la variante dɛ tɔ de la préposition nɛ tɔ est utilisée facultativement après les na-sales>. Cf.: nɛtɔ 'vers'. di ‹pul.› conj. que <conjonction qui introduit la deuxième partie d'une construction de comparaison>.  sítta ómo lá kɛ́ lúntaɲɛǹu dí kɛ́ jùlamúsènu mínnù yàn • C'est mieux avec les étrangers qu'avec les commerçantes qui sont ici. dí adjP. 1) agréable, bien.  ǹ ná mùséè, ɲàaréè d' áà yèn • Ma femme aime les chats. 2) tranchant.  kɛ̀ mùréè dì • Ce couteau est tranchant. 3) facile.  [Dgm, histp. « mon parcours »] : fóo k' á lɔn, kó kàraɲɛɛ̀ sɔtɔ máa dí • Tout le monde sait que les études, ce n'est pas facile. dí Var.: dín. 1) vt. donner (à qn -mà, fɛ , bòlo).  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : ànu máa fɛń dò dín mà fɛ̀ • Ils ne nous ont rien donné.  ǹ báti káalisè d' à bòlo • Je lui ai donné de l'argent. 2) vt. laisser faire.  [Mns, conte « chats et souris »] : dí á lè tùgun n' á sá • Laisse-le aussi chanter. Syn.: tó 3 . dì 1) vi. pleurer. 2) vi. beugler, bêler, crier (des animaux). Syn.: húunɛ, ɲúɲɛ, ɔɔli. dìbéè (dìbi) n. obscurité. dígan dóè 49 dígan (n) pp. vers, du côté de.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : àn í bóɲɛ̀ sɔla fígà tɔ̀ dígan dè • Ils vont construire des maisons en dehors du village. Syn.: télen. dígin 1) vt. serrer, presser, appuyer.  à báti ń kɔǹtɔn kà ǹ bólè dígin • Il m'a salué et m'a serré la main. 2) vt. écraser, concasser.  ǹ báti ǹ dígin ǹ bólokondiɲɛ̀ tɔ̀ báafalè là • Je me suis pinçé le doigt avec la porte.  [Dgm, hist. « accident de train »] : à bólènu fóo díginden • Ses mains sont terriblement abîmées. 3) vt. attraper.  kà bɔlɔnfɛɛ̀ dìgin • serrer la harpe [entre les jambes pour pouvoir jouer la musique]. díimɛn faire mal. Cf.: dúmɛn 'faire mal'. díinà (díina) n. foi, religion (musulmane). ♦ à ì díinà kílà kùnma • Il est croyant.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : à tée tóo, mà béle díinà tɔ, mà béle wɔńdilen kɛɛfɛɛrɔnù fɛ̀ • Ça ne peut pas continuer ainsi, qu'on ne soit ni musulmans ni chrétiens. díla Cf.: dúla 'lieu'. dìmáasè (dìmáasi) ‹pul. < fr.› n. dimanche. Syn.: àlahátti. dímin Cf.: dúmɛn 'faire mal'. dímiya vi. se fâcher.  à bá' dímiya ì mà, fí ì máa à kɔǹtɔn • Il est fâché contre toi parce que tu ne l'as pas salué. Syn.: mɔńɛ. dìnbi 1) vi./vt. (se) secouer, trembler (des objets inanimés).  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : sì à máa jìgi, í lè yɛtɛ ní yɛlɛ lɔǵɛ̀ là, ì n' á dìnbi, kùláà ní bòyi • Si [le singe] ne descend pas, tu montes toi-même dans l'arbre et tu le secoues pour qu'il tombe par terre.  yànbáà bì dìnbila fɔɲɛ̀ là • Les feuilles tremble à cause dans le vent. 2) vr. danser. Syn.: dɔǹ. dínboori (n) nr. cousin, cousine (fille/fils du frère de la mère ; fille/fils de la soeur du père) <s'emploie sans article>.

  díndilà (c) (díndila) Var.: déndilà (déndila). ‹pul.› n. fourmi sp. (petite, noire, piquante). dìngíraa (dìngíra) n. enclos (pour le bétail). Syn.: wɔrɛ. dìnkáà (dìnka) Var.: dùnkáà (dùnka). n. fosse, trou. dìnkafaraláà (dìnkafaraláa) n. fossoyeur.  mà báti sàakáà dí dìnkafaralaànù bólo • On a donné un mouton au fossoyeur. dìnɲɔǵɛ̀ (dìnɲɔǵɔ) Cf.: dɛǹɲɔǵɔ 'ami'.

dìɲɲɛ 1 )

 1 vr. tolérer, supporter, endurer. Syn.: mùɲu. 2) vi. pardonner (à qn -mà). Syn.: yáafɛ, mùɲu. díya Cf.: dúla 'endroit'.díyà (díya) n. 1) amitié. 2) plaisir, bien-être.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : kà díniya díyà dòn • profiter du bien-être.



  kàyéè dóè tɔǵɔ Nfáa mànsáà, kàyéè dóè tɔǵɔ Dúrɛmanɛ̀ • Le nom du premier homme était Nfaa-mansa et le nom de l'autre homme était Douremané. 2) un, un certain <s'emploie pour introduire dans la narration un nouveau protagoniste>.  [Dgm, histp. « mon parcours »] : ǹ tóta ń ná kàraɲɛɛ̀ kɛĺa Fàrana, állà kà ń dè bɛǹ mùséè dò mà • Pendant que j'étudiais à Faranah, Dieu m'a fait rencontrer une femme. 3) quelqu'un de, un de <s'utilise pour un référent spécifique mais inconnu du locuteur>.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : wò sí wô là nìngéè dì wò là déɲɛ̀ dò mà, máa dún wó kɔtɛɛ̀ dò • Vous donnez votre vache à un de vos enfants ou bien à un de vos grands frères. 4) aucun <avec une négation prédicative>.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : ì bíl' í dòoléè là, ì béle fɛń dò là • Si tu n'as pas d'énergie, tu n'as rien. dòftóorè (dòftóoru) Var.: dòktérè (dòkter) ; dòktórè (dòktóru). ‹pul. < fr. ; fr.› n. médecin, docteur. dògon vr./vt. (se) cacher.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : ì b' í dògonna ì n' à kì • Tu le plantes furtivement. Syn.: madògon 1, lamára, sáma 2, túnɛn 1. dòktérɛ̀ (dòkter) Cf.: dòftóoru 'docteur'.

  dóliɲɛ̀ (n) (dólin) Cf.: ndólin 'ligne de pêche'.don Cf.: dun 'quant à'.dòn vt. enclore.

dòn 1 )

 1 vi. entrer, arriver, aller à.  [Dgm, histp. « vieille sorcière »] : mɔgɔ tée súusɛ dònna à là bóɲɛ̀ là • Les gens n'osent pas entrer dans sa maison.  má dònta bólo kíni fáɲɛ̀ là • Nous sommes allés à droite. 2) vi. commencer à faire qch ; s'engager à faire qch ; s'enrôler.  kà dòn lɛkkɔĺ là • commencer l'école, être admis à l'école.  [Krp, hist. « histoires du passé »] : kà dòn làrmɛɛ̀ là = kà dòn sɛŕvisɛ̀ là • s'engager dans l'armée.  má lè tùgun, má dònta ràyi bɔ́ kɛ̂ tɔ̀ • Nous aussi, nous avons commencé à enlever les rails.  [Krp, disc. « dans la forge »] : ń dè fɔlɔta dònna fɔǵɛ̀ là ń sàn wɔɔrɔ • J'ai commencé à travailler dans la forge quand j'avais six ans. 3) vi. commencer, venir.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : sɛttɔɛ mán dòn, mà nì má dù k' á sɛǹɛ • Quand la saison des pluies arrive, on se met à être penché tout le temps à travailler dans les champs. 4) vt. faire entrer.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : ànu kà má dòn Dɔgɔmɛ kàran dúla • Ils nous ont envoyé étudier à Dogomet. 5) vt. profiter de.  à bì dúɲiya díya dònna • Il profite de ce qu'il y a de mieux au monde. dóndèn Var.: dɔńdèn. dtm./adv./pron. 1) un peu.  [Krp, disc. « menuisiers »] : áprantèn' mán nà, àn ì wálila dóndèn níi lè, àn n' á bóloka • Quand les apprentis viennent, ils travaillent un peu ici et après ils qrrêtent.  àn nì mɛ́ ɲɔɔ nɛtɔ̀ dóndèn • Qu'ils attendent un peu par-là.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : wálè dóndèn tóolen yàn • Il reste un peu de travail ici. 2) quelque chose, quelque <s'utilise pour un référent spécifique mais inconnu du lo-cuteur>.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : kɔǹɔ ɓá à í tɛren wó lè mù kìnáà lè là, wò kà dóndèn lɔǹ yàn hɔɗè là kóè tɔ̀ • Comme vous êtes une personne âgée vous devez savoir quelque chose sur les affaires de ce village.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du vil-dóndèn-dóndèn dòni 51 lage »] : kála sí dóndèn fɔ̀ • Chacun peut dire quelque chose.  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : ànu kó, ǹ ní sàndáà dóndèn dè sá yàn • Ils m'ont dit de raconter une petite histoire ici. Syn.: do 3.

  Syn.: ~ dɛ. dònéè (dòni) n. 1) fardeau ; charge, bagage.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : állà mù mò kìsila à dònéènu • Que Dieu nous libère de ces charges. 2) conséquence.  à ká gɛrɛɛ̀ mìn mà, à dònéè fóo bí á bàaba lè kùn mà • La bagarre qu'il a faite, c'est son père qui sera obligé d'en assumer les conséquences.3) propriété.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : àn ná dònéè lè kɛ̀ • C'est à eux. dòni Var.: dòn. 1) vt. porter, apporter.  [Krp, disc. « dans la forge »] : ♦ kà tɔɔrɛ̀ dòni • éprouver des difficultés.  kɛ̀ tábaalè dòni káa là • porte cette table là-bas. 2) vt. ramener, apporter, livrer.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : ǹ b' á rɔttila lè, ǹ n' á là míraɲɛ̀ tɔ, ǹ n' á dòni ǹ ná kìnáànù mà • Je mets la nourriture dans des bols pour l'apporter à mes parents. 3) vt. envoyer, dònséè dóoliɲɛ̀ 52 transporter.  [Dgm, histp. « ma bellemère »] : k' à dòni làbutáanè • envoyer à l'hôpital.  [Dgm, histp. « ma bellemère »] : á gbàndiyata, àn k' á dòni Kɔńakri lè • Elle est tombée malade et on l'a envoyée à Conakry.  [Krp, hist. « histoires du passé »] : k' à dòni kàsóè là • emprisonner. 4) vt. envoyer de la maison (à l'étranger, pour faire les études).  [Nym, disc. « école »] : wò bá' wò là dén jèlu dòni kàran tàala? • Combien de vos enfants avez-vous envoyés à l'école pour étudier ?  [Dgm, histp. « dans la brousse »] : àn k' á là sɛbɛǹu tábɛǹ, àn bát' á dòni, yàn káa káa à bí Álumaɲ • Ils lui ont préparé ses documents et l'ont envoyé à l'étranger, maintenant il est en Allemagne. 5) vt. donner, apporter, remettre, payer.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : sì mà ì sɔṕpuru tɛgɛɛ̀ là, kó mà nì wótè dòni, máá má ní bàâ dòni • Si nous allons défricher un champ [pour obtenir l'autorisation] nous sommes obligés de payer l'argent [aux Peuls] ou bien de leur donner une chèvre. dònséè (dònso) n. chasseur. Syn.: fɛĺlirilaa, wáaɲɛlaa, wáaɲɛrikɛɛlaa.dóntè (dónto) n. dette.  kà dóntè yɔǵɔ • rembourser sa dette.  ǹ nà dóntè b' í là • Tu as une dette envers moi. dòntóɲɛ̀ (dònton) Cf.: ndònton 'coq'.

  Var.: dóliɲɛ̀ (dólin). dóomɛ vt. quémander ; rendre visite (afin de manger).  à bí ǹ nà kínè dóomɛla • Il s'est fait inviter à manger chez moi. dòndéè (dóondo) pron. encore un, encore une ; un autre.  ì báti bìrɛɛdinden sàn, tága ì nì dóondo sàn • Tu as acheté trop peu de pain, va en acheter encore.  [Mns, conte « le maudit »] : à ká kìnáà là déɲɛ̀ dóondo kéle • Il a appelé un autre fils du vieillard. dóonutɔ̀ Var.: dóontɔ. adv. parfois, tantôt.  [Krp, disc. « dans la forge »] : dóon tɔ̀ mà n' á sàn wáá bíisàba, dóon tɔ̀ wáa mùgan • Parfois nous vendons [les houes] pour trente mille francs et parfois pour vingt mille francs. dòríkè (dòríki) Var.: dùríkè (dùriki). n. chemise. ♦ dòrikibáa • boubou. dòrkéè (dòrkí) Cf.: dòríki 'chemise'. dòrokéè (dòroki) Cf.: dòriki 'chemise'.

  dóyi adv. 1) lentement. 2) avec précaution. dóyidoyi Var.: dóedoe. adv. faiblement, sans effort. dɔǵɛ̀ (dɔǵɔ) nr. frère cadet, soeur cadette. ♦ dɔǵɔ káyi • frère cadet. ♦ dɔǵɔ músu • soeur cadette. dɔǵɔ adjP. petit.  à là bóɲɛ̀ dɔǵɔ • Sa maison est petite.

  dɔǵɔdenmusè (n) (dɔǵɔdenmusu) n. soeur cadette (pas mariée). dɔǵɔmà (dɔgɔma) Var.: dɔǵɔmaɲɛ̀ (dɔgɔman). adjM. petit. dɔǵɔya vi. diminuer, se réduire ; être insuffisant.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : súnbarà à nín kɔkɛɛ̀ kɔkɛɛ̀ mán bán lála à là, hári wìtamín bá' dɔǵɔya • Si on met du sel et du soumbala là-dedans, il y aura moins de vitamines. dɔĺɛ̀ (dɔĺɔ) n. alcool (toute boisson contenant de l'alcool). Syn.: bɛɛrɛ. dɔlɔgáà (dɔlɔgá) ‹pul.› n. arbre sp. (Pseudospondias Microcarpa, Anacardiaceae ; grand arbre aux feuilles larges et épaisses, à la pul.pe comestible, pousse surtout au bord des cours d'eau).

dɔlɔma

  Cf.: dɔɔlɛma 'fort'. dɔǹ vr. danser. dɔǹdúlà (dɔǹdúla) n. boîte de nuit, discothèque.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : mɔgɔ wő béle dònnà dɔǹdúlà bùtɔ • Personne n'entre dans la boîte de nuit. dɔǹkáà (dɔǹka) n. vêtement d'occasion. dɔńtɔ vt. prêter à qn.  à báti ǹ dɔńtɔ wáa lóolu là • Il m'a prêté cinq mille francs. dɔɔlɛɛ̀ (dɔɔlɛ) ‹pul.› nr. force ; énergie. ♦ k' í dɔɔlɛɛ̀ làbɔ • faire des efforts. ♦ k' í dɔɔlɛɛ̀ tìɲa • faire des efforts en vain. Syn.: fànga. dɔɔlɛmà (dɔɔlɛma) Var.: dɔĺɔmà (dɔlɔma).adjM. fort, vigoureux.

  dɔŕɔn dtm. 1) seulement, seule <s'utilise comme déterminatif d'un prédicat ou d'un argument>.  ǹ bí ń màtágamanna dɔŕɔn drɔǵu dúlà 54 tún • Je me promène tout seul.  kɛ̀ dénnɛɛǹu b' án nɛɛnɛ dɔŕɔn dè làgbíliyala • Les enfants ne respectent que leur mère.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : dóonu fóo táata bùtúgun kɔɔkɛɛ̀ mà, à tóota ń dɔrɔn ma̋ • Tous les autres sont partis en ville et je suis resté tout seul. 2) <s'emploie avec une valeur contrastive>.  [Skt, conte « Durémané »] : Nfáa mànsáà ká mùsu bɔŕɔmà dɔŕɔn tà, Dúrɛmaanɛ̀ kà mùsu kéyiɲɛ̀ dɔŕɔn tà • Nfa-mansa s'est trouvé une femme moche et Douremané s'est trouvé une femme belle. drɔǵu ‹fr.› n. herbe (narcotique) <s'emploie sans article>.

dù 1 )

 1 vi. se tordre, se déformer, n'être pas droit.  kílà báti dù • La route n'est pas droite.  bóliɲɛ̀ báti dù • La branche est tordue. 2) vt. plier. ♦ kà kúmà dù • mentir. ♦ kà kílà dù • faire un détour. 3) vr. se battre.  ànu báti ɲɔǵɔn dù • Ils se sont battus. dúba vi. bénir, faire des bénédictions, prier Dieu (pour qn -yèn). ♦ ń nɛɛnɛ nìn ń bàaba dúbata n yèn dɛ! • Dieu merci (litt. : Ma mère et mon père ont prié pour moi). dúbà (dúba) n. bénédiction ; grâce.  állà mù dúbà makàfula mà yèn • Que Dieu nous aide ! dúbalɛɲɛ̀ (dúbalɛn) n. miroir. Syn.: ndáarogalu, ɲáalankaru.

  3) nr. préfecture (chef-lieu d'un département).  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : Dɔgɔmɛ ì Dábɔlà dùgéè lè tɔ̀ • Dogomet est dans la préfecture de Dabola. 4) nr. espace pour qch.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : mà máa déri jàbáà làdála, ɓá à dùgu béle mà bòlo • Nous n'avons jamais planté de l'oignon parce que nous n'avons pas d'espace pour ça. dùguláà (dùguláa) ‹pul.› n. souillon. dùgumakúluɲɛ̀ (dùgumakúlun) n. train. dùgurɛɲɛ̀ (dùgurɛń) n. local, habitant du pays.  Dɔgɔmɛ dùgurɛɲɛ̀ lè ǹ nà • Je suis un habitant de Dogomet. dùgutáɲamakòe (dùgutáɲamaku) n. piment. dùkúmmɛ̀ (dùkúmmɛ) ‹pul.› n. attier, pommier cannelle du Sénégal (Annona senegalensis).

  dúlaà (dúlaa) Var.: sìgidúlaà (sìgidúlaa). n.loc. fois.  dúlaa fìla ǹ bá' tága Kɔńakrì • Je suis allé deux fois à Conakry. Syn.: kɛɲɲa, kóo. dúleɲɛ̀ (dúlen) nr. ombre, ombrage. dúlɛ̀ (dúlɛ) Cf.: dúulɛ̀ 'nuage'. dúmɛ̀ (dúmɛ) nr. douleur, mal.  kà dúmɛ̀ là à là  kà dúmɛ̀ bìla à là • faire mal à qn. dúmɛn Var.: dími. vt. faire mal.  ń kùɲɛɛ̀ bí ń dùmɛnna • J'ai mal à la tête. dun Var.: ɗun. dtm. 1) quant à <marqueur de la topicalisation contrastive ou de changement du topique, employé après un topique extraposé ou après une conjonc-tion>.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : ɛɛy, dóonù s' á sàara, kɔǹɔ má dùn, mà t' á sàara • Oui, les autres paient, quant à dùnbéè ɗúyitɛ 56 nous, nous ne payons pas. 2) <s'emploie souvent après les conjonctions à valeur contrastive máa 'ou', ɓá 'comme', sìnáa 'ou bien', hári 'mais' et al.>.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : wò sí wò lá nìngéè wò ɲɔɔ tàa, wò n' à díi wò là déɲɛ̀ dóo mà, máa dún wó kɔtɛɛ̀ dóo, máa dún wó nɛɛnɛ • Vous prenez votre vache et la donnez à un de vos enfants ou bien à un de vos frères aînés ou bien à votre mère. 3) bien que <utilisé au début de proposition comme conjonction avec valeur d'opposition>.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : háa kɔtɛɛ̀ à ì wó le kùnma yàn, dún án bát' anù yɛtɛ másɔtɔ • C'est toujours comme ça, bien qu'ils soient déjà devenus libres. dùnbéè (dùnbu) n. boîte (suspendue, où on garde des objets qu'il faut protéger des animaux).

  dúndu vt. bloquer (la route, le passage). dúndu (n) vr. se calmer, se taire.  ì dúndu! • Tais-toi ! dùndúɲɛ̀ (dùndun) n. tambour (de taille moyenne, joué avec un bâtonnet). dùngéè (dùngu) n. ruche.dúniyà (dúniya) Var.: dúniɲà (dúniɲa) ; dúnuɲà (dúnuɲa). n. 1) monde, univers.  [Krp, disc. « dans la forge »] : wó lè kà dúniya lásìgi • C'est comme ça que ça marche dans ce monde. 2) gens ; assemblée ; foule.  [Mns, conte « deux co-épouses »] : à táata háa sɔṕpurè tɔ, kɛ́ jàma dúniyà fɔṕu bì mɛdɛnden káamìn • Elle est venue au champ où tout le monde était rassemblé. 3) nr. grande quantité de.  à ká kɛ́ mɔgɔ dúniyà à nín nàafulu dúniyà yèn • Elle a vu cette énorme quantité de gens et de trésors. 4) vie.  ì bì fɛń mála ì là dúniyà tɔ? • Qu'est-ce que tu fais dans la vie ? Syn.: áduna, dúniya, sìi. dúnkè (dúnki) ‹pul.› n. marécage (utilisé pour la culture). dúnuɲà (dúnuɲa) Cf.: dúniya 'monde'. dùɲɛɛ̀ (dùɲɛ) n. fente ; crevasse. dùríke (dùríki) Cf.: dòriki 'chemise'. Var.: dùrikéè (orig.de: dùrikí). dúulɛ̀ (dúulɛ) Var.: dúlɛ̀ (dúlɛ). ‹pul.› n. nuage, nébulosité.  bíi dúlɛ̀ búyi bí sáɲɛ̀ mà • Il y a beaucoup de nuages dans le ciel aujourd'hui.  tèléè bì dúulɛ̀ kɔɔmà • Le soleil s'est caché derrière le nuage. dúumɛya (n) vi. faire très mal.  ń kùɲɛɛ̀ bì dùumɛyala • J'ai mal à la tête. dúwà (dúwa) 1) nr. droit, autorisation (à faire qch).  ì dúwà máa ń gbàsila • Tu n'as pas le droit de me battre. 2) nr. devoir, obligation.  à dúwa mù, káalisè sɔtɔla, à là bɛńgurè làkóo là • Il doit gagner de l'argent pour sa famille. dùwáɲɛ̀ (dùwan) n. douane. ‹pul.› vt. accompagner ; ramener (la nouvelle mariée chez ses parents après la fête de mariage). ɗɔftɛ ‹pul.› vr. être fidèle, être obéissant. ɗɔftɛ̀ (ɗɔftɔ) ‹pul.› n. obéissance, fidélité. Syn.: gbàa 3. ɗɔɔkè (ɗɔɔki) ‹pul.› n. plante sp. ɗun <marqueur de la topicalisation contras-tive>. Cf.: dun. ɗúyitɛ Var.: ɗúutɛ. ‹pul.› vt. diminuer, réduire, amoindrir.  à (sɔǹgɛɛ) ɗúyitɛ! • diminue (le prix) ! E -e -È Var.: -à. mrph. <marqueur de spécificité du référent d'un groupe nominal, s'emploie à la fin du groupe nominal, après la racine nominale ou adjectivale (si un adjectif est présent) et après certains déterminants>. éɓɓi (n) ‹pul.› vt. mesurer, quantifier. Syn.: súman 1 .

  ɛkkɔĺɛ̀ (ɛkkɔl) Cf.: lɛkkɔĺ 'école'. Var.: ɛkɔĺɛ̀ (orig.de: ɛkɔl). ɛksamɛń ‹fr.› n. examen, épreuve <s'emploie sans article>.  kà ɛksamɛń sɔtɔ • passer l'examen.

  ɛliskoptɛŕɛ̀ (n) (ɛliskoptɛŕ) ‹fr.› n. hélicoptère. ɛĺlà (ɛĺla) ‹pul. < ar.› n. mal, problème.  ngàsí, ɛĺla béle! • Bien, pas de pro-blème !  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : sì ó tànbita mò là, mò si ̋ ɛĺla sá wò mà • Si vous ne nous obéissez pas, vous aurez des problèmes (litt. : « Nous allons mettre des problèmes sur vous »).ɛḿisyɔɲɛ̀ (ɛḿisyɔn) ‹fr.› n. émission (de télévision ou de radio). ɛǹdɛŕɛ (n) Var.: ɛǹdɛr. ‹pul.› conj./prep. 1) pendant que.  [Mns, conte « deux coépouses »] : ɛǹdɛŕ àn tòota ɲɔǵɔn fɛ̀ mín fɔṕpu là, kɛ́ mùséè máa dén kélen sɔtɔ kɛ́ kàyéè yèn • Pendant tout le temps où ils ont été ensemble, cette femme n'a pas eu un seul enfant avec cet homme.  [Mns, conte « deux co-épouses »] : ɛǹdɛŕ à là wò tágà búutɔ̀ á bɛńta wò mùséè là • Pendant qu'il marchait il a rencontré cette femme. .  [Mns, conte « trois femmes »] : ɛǹdɛŕ wó mɔgɔ́ sàba búutɔ, mɔkála b' á jɛtɛ màhɔɔlinkinɛlen • Ces trois hommes étaient tous très sûrs d'eux (litt. : « Parmi ces trois hommes chacun était très sûr de lui »). 3) pendant.  [Nsr, disc. « affaires du village »] : àn nà dámòe, àn ì mín fóo dámula ɛǹdɛŕ sàn lóolu búutɔ, wò fóo bì bón kélen nà • La nourriture qu'ils allaient tous manger pendant cinq ans, était rassemblée dans une maison.  [Nsr, disc. « affaires du village »] : sì sóè tùgun báti nà, ɛǹdɛŕ tèle bíilòolu búutɔ, àn tée tèléè yèn • Quand la nuit tombe, ils ne voient plus le jour pendant cinquante jours. ɛǹɛɛ̀ itj./conj. 1) hé <marque d'interrogation utilisée au début de l'énoncé>.  ɛǹɛɛ, ì sì ɔtɛ̀ jìga? • Est-ce que tu vas prendre la voiture ?  ɛǹɛɛ, ì sí bàntárà jìga, káa ì sí kɔrɛɛ̀ jìga? • Tu prends le manioc ou le riz ?  ɛǹɛɛ̀ ì (bì) fɛń dàmula? • Qu'est-ce que tu vas manger ? 2) que.  [Dgm, histp. « enlèvement des rails »] : mâ k' áà yèn, ɛǹɛɛ̀ má dìnɲɔǵɛǹu bí fìsalá lè mà kò wótè là • Nous avons remarqué que nos amis gagnent plus d'argent que nous. ɛńfitɛ (n) ‹fr.› vt. inviter.  túlànu kà ɲàaréènu ɛńfitɛ ànu báta • Les souris ont invité les chats chez elles. ɛńpa itj. Oh mon Dieu ! ‹pul.› . ɛŕ n.loc. heure <fait partie de l'expression adverbiale de l'heure avec le nombre d'heures exprimé en français et mis avant le mot « ɛ ŕ » dans la préposition>.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : mà táata̋ dɔǹdíyà mà tóta ɲɔ́ lè tùgun háa séro ɛr • Nous sommes allés danser et nous y sommes restés jusqu'à minuit.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : trúazɛr báti ké • Il était trois heures. ɛsánsɛ̀ (ɛsans) Var.: ɛśansɛ̀ (ɛśans). ‹fr.› n. carburant, essence.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : à táta háa kíla lá, ɛsánsɛ̀ bànta mɔǹbílè bùtɔ • Il est allé jusqu'à la route et il n'avait plus d'essence dans la voiture.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : kà ɛśansɛ̀ là mɔńbilè bútɔ • approvisionner la voiture en carburant. F -f ɛỳɔɔ Cf.: yɔɔ 'd' accord'.

  fá adjP. plein, rempli.

fá 1 )

 1 vi. se remplir (de qch -là) ;.  [Skt, descr. « fête »] : mɔńbilè bì fáanden mɔgɛɛ̀ là • la voiture est remplie de gens.  sìiséè báti bóɲɛ̀ làfá • La fumée a rempli la maison. Syn.: ɲáake. 2) vi. se rassasier ; manger à sa faim. 3) venir (temps).  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : ì s' á fɔĺɔ súbakà tɔ, ì n' á wà háa mìdéè nì fà • Tu vas commencer à l'aube et tu vas marcher jusqu'à midi. fáaɗɛ ‹pul.› 1) vi. être étroit. 2) vi. être vierge (fille).

fàama 1 )

 1 vi. ne pas avoir fait depuis longtemps ; ne pas faire pour longtemps.  ǹ fáamɔndirɛ fàɲɛɛ̀ 59 báti fàama tála lúumɛ̀ tɔ̀ • Ça fait longtemps que je ne suis pas allé au marché. 2) vi. ne pas se voir pendant longtemps (avec qn -mà).  ǹ bá' fàama ì mà • Ça fait longtemps que je ne t'ai pas vu. 3) être absent, ne pas être chez soi. fáamɔndirɛ (n) ‹pul.› vi. se comprendre, s'entendre. fàamu ‹ar.› vt. comprendre ; supposer, considérer.  mínnù nɔǹ y' á hɛɗila, wón dè lè y' á fàamula, mínnù bél' á hɛɗila t' á fàamu • Ceux qui écoutent [le professeur], comprennent ce qu'il dit, ceux qui ne l'écoutent pas, ne le comprennent pas. fàanden nr. oncle paternel cadet (petit frère du père) <s'emploie sans article>. fàanéè (fàani) Var.: fàanóè (fàanu). n. tissu ; vêtement, habits. Syn.: ~ kùta, fɛɛtibɔ. fàatiyá Var.: fàatoyá. vi. devenir fou. fàatɔɛ̀ (fàatɔ) n. fou. fáfarɛ̀ (fáfarɛ) ‹pul.› n. plante sp. (plante dont les larges feuilles sont utilisées comme fourrage pour le bétail et dont la racine a des vertus curatives). fàga Var.: fàka. 1) vi./vt. mourir, tuer. Syn.: dùfen, kɛlɛ. 2) vi. s'affaiblir ; fléchir.  [Mns, conte « femme du chasseur »] : à kɛɲɛɛǹu fóo fàgata à kɔtɔ • Il a senti ses jambes fléchir. 3) vi. expirer, finir.  [Mns, conte « femme du chasseur »] : àn ní wònu yɔǵɔ, kárè máni fàga • Ils les payaient à la fin de chaque mois. fàgárè (fàgári) n. <nominalisation du verbe fàga 'tuer'> ; assassinat. fàhín Var.: fàhi ̋n. ‹pul.› adv. en plus.  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : ì n' á máyìta tùgun, fáhi ̋n, ì ní bɔbɛɛ̀ tɔbanba tùgun ì nì kée yàn • Tu dois vendre au marché, et en plus tu dois aussi porter l'enfant pour venir ici.  [Dgm, histp. « mon parcours »] : ǹ bɔta ɲɔ, ǹ tàtá Bànankɔrɔ àprɛ ǹ bɔta ɲɔ́ túgun, ǹ ká ń kùntelén fàhi ̋n tűgun Fàrana là • Je suis partie de là-bas et je suis allé à Banankoro, après je suis partie de là-bas aussi et je me suis dirigée vers Faranah. fàka mourir. Cf.: fàga 'mourir'.

  fàɲɛɛ̀ (fàn) n. long couteau, sabre. fànáà (fàna) nr. côté, pays. fànáà (fàna) Var.: sàllí fàna. n. prière du jour, après-midi.  kà fànáà sàli • faire la prière du jour.  [Skt, histp. « voyage »] : ɓá fàna bá' tànbi, mà kà mɔńbilè sɔtɔ • Vers la fin de l'après-midi nous avons trouvé une voiture. fánda vt. faire un cadeau (à celui qui part en voyage).  à báti ń fànda dòríkè tɔ̀ • Il m'a offert une chemise. fàndén Cf.: fàanden 'oncle'. fàngáà (fànga) nr. force, pouvoir.  á fàngáà kòlo = fàngáà b' á bólo • Il est fort.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : fànga báara • travail physique. Syn.: dɔɔlɛ. fàni adjP. menteur.  í fàni • Tu es menteur. fàniɲáà (fàniɲá) Cf.: fòniyá 'mensonge'. fàntáà (fànta) n. plante sp. fára (n) Cf.: fáya 'soufflet de forge'.

fára 1 )

 1 vi./vt. (se) rompre, (se) déchirer, (se) fendre, scier.  [Mns, conte « le maudit »] : kà wòréè fára • diviser une noix de cola en deux. Syn.: lafára. 2) vt. griffer (animal). Syn.: ŋànsin. fàráà (fàra) Var.: fàrannɛɛ̀ (fàrandén). n. champ, parcelle (humide, utilisé pour cultiver des plantes comme le manioc). fárafara vt. poursuivre. fáraɲɛ̀ (fáran) Var.: fàráɲɛ̀ (fàran). ‹fr.› n. franc (monnaie).

  fáranfànsin vt. expliquer.  à bát' á fáranfàsin ɲɲè mànsáà kà mín fɔ̀ • Il m'a expliqué ce que le chef a dit. Syn.: ɲáafɔ, ɲáakàran, sífa, tafɔ, ɲáasifɛ. fáranfansirè (fáranfansiri) n. explication. Fàránsè (Fàransí) Var.: Fáransè (Fránsɛ). ‹fr.› n.loc. France.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : Fàransí mɔgɛɛǹu • les Français.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : tàmaati súgè bɔɔla Fàransí tɔ, Fàransí lè mù • Les graines de tomate viennent de France, c'est la France. fàréè (fàri) Cf.: fàti 'corps'. fàríllà (fàrílla) ‹pul.› n. impôt. Syn.: sàgállɛ. fáriɲɛ̀ (fárin) Var.: fàríɲɛ̀ (fàrin). ‹fr.› n. farine.  kà fáariɲɛ̀ sógin • pétrir la pâte. fáriɲà (fáriɲa) n. manioc pilé. fármatullɛ̀ (fármatullɛ) n. arbuste sp. fárɲitɛrɛ̀ (fárɲitɛrɛ) Var.: fàrɲítɛrɛ̀ (fàrɲítɛrɛ). ‹pul.› n. coup de tonnerre ; foudre (dans le ciel).  fárɲitɛrɛ̀ báti íidɛ = fárɲitɛrɛ̀ báti málan • Il y a eu un éclat de tonnerre. Syn.: sángbalima. fártà (fárta) ‹pul.› n. cache-sexe, culotte courte (traditionnel). fas féw 61 fas ‹pul.› idéo. <intensificateur pour les prédicats avec une valeur positive>.  [Mns, conte « chats et souris »] : ò tí mò tólni fas • Vous nous avez aceuillis tellement bien ! fàsa vt. préparer, remuer (le riz, le fonio etc. dans l'eau avec la spatule). fàsáà (fàsa) nr. tendon (anat.). fàsárè (fàsári) n. <nominalisation du verbe fàsa 'remuer'>. fátà (fáta) n. rocher. fàtafíɲɛ̀ (fàtafín) n. Africain. fátaɲɛ̀ (fàtan) n. division. ♦ kìla fátaɲɛ̀ • carrefour. fàtan 1) vt./vi. (se) diviser, (se) partager.  mà báti káalisè fàtan mà ɲɔǵɔn tɛɛma • Nous nous sommes répartis l'argent. Syn.: tálan. 2) vi. ne pas être pareil, être différent.  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : à s' á tàran, á fàtanden • Ça peut être différent, ça dépend. 3) vi. terminer, cesser.  lún wőo lún a fàtanna à là wálè là trɛś ɛŕ lè • Chaque jour, il finit son travail à treize heures. fàtárè (fàtári) n. <nominalisation du verbe fátan 'diviser'> ; séparation. fàtɛ ‹pul.› vi. bouillir. fàtéè (fàti) nr. corps (la partie matérielle d'un être animé). Syn.: báli. fáwɛ ‹pul.› 1) vt. confier.  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : ♦ kà kúmà fáwɛ • raconter. 2) vr. confier (à qn -tɔ ).  ǹ báti ń ń fáwɛ ì tɔ, ǹ nà ɔtɛ̀ làkée Kónakry • Je t'ai confié ma voiture pour que tu l'emmènes à Conakry. ♦ k' ì fáwɛ állà tɔ̀ • se confier à Dieu. fáwɔɛ (fáwɔ) contribution. Var.: fáwɛ̀ (fáwɛ). fáwu Var.: fáwɛ. ‹pul.› 1) vt. mettre sur (surkùnma).  dàgáà fáwɛ táà kùnma • Mets la marmite sur le feu. 2) vt. contribuer, apporter (de la nourriture pour une fête). 3) vt. collecter ; prélever (de qn -mà).  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : kà káalisè fáwu • percevoir une amende. fáyà (fáya) Var.: fárà (fára). n. soufflet de forge.fáyida itj. 1) presque.  [Krp, hist. « histoires du passé »] : ǹ bì bíisàgiɲɛ lè tɔ̀ fáyìda • Je suis presque octogénaire.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : wɔtɛ̀ kɛɛta fáyida sàn fóó • Les élections se faisaient pendant presque toute l'année. 2) franchement, vraiment.  fáyida kɛńɛ̀ bá' bɔɔ • Il fait presque jour.  [Dgm, histp. « ma bellemère »] : ǹ kà wó lè lɔń ń nɛɛnɛ là à nín ń bàaba, fáyida • Je la considère comme ma mère et comme mon père.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : gítar kóè wò ɲɔɔ, fáyida, wò bá' màcúmaya • Jouer de la guitare, franchement, ce n'est plus à la mode. féerè (féere) n. fleur. féli vt. accuser.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : mànsáà lè béle félilama ɲɔ́ • Ce n'est pas au gouvernement qu'il faut reprocher ça. ‹pul.› . féw Var.: fɛẃ. ‹pul.› itj. 1) tout à fait, complètement <exprime un haut degré ou l'excès d'une qualité>.  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : s' ànu ká wò ɲɔɔ tùgun bɔ́ mà yèn, háray wò dí mà yèn fɛw • S'ils le font pour nous, nous serons très contents.  [Dgm, histp. « vieille sorcière »] : à k' á lá ɲɔɔ, gbàndiyáà bòlo sǎn fìla, à fàti sánsɛta fɛw • Elle a été malade pendant fewfew fɛ̀ 62 deux ans, son corps a changé complètement.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : kàyéè lè wòn' nà fɛw, bàaba • C'est ça, l'homme, mon ami !  [Nym, disc. « école »] : à ì tágala ɲáa tɔ̀ tún fɛw • Tout avance très bien.  [Krp, disc. « menuisiers »] : à báti máa wáli kɛńdɛ̀ là fɛw • C'est vraiment du bon travail ! Syn.: ~ dɛ. 2) rien du tout ! pas du tout ! <utilisé comme rehaussement d'une affirmation négative>.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : ì tée fɔŕaz yén -féw! ì tée jáamiy yén -féw! ì tée lúumɔ kélɗiden yén -féw!

4 )

 4 dès que.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : mà mán' á gàynɛ fɛw, àn n' á fɔ́ fàríla • Dès que nous avons terminé (le travail), ils disent : (payez) l'impôt !  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : kɔtɛɛ̀ sàgòe mà, súu máni kò fɛw fɛw fɛw fɛw ǹ s' í tà • Maintenant, dès que la nuit tombe, je vais te prendre.  [Ppd, hist. « époque coloniale »] : wó tùma lè mà lá kìnáà kà àn yɛtɛ sɔtɔ fúlànù bòlo fɛw fɛw fɛw • En ce temps-là nos parents sont devenus complètement libres par rapport aux Peuls. Syn.: tűn. fewfew ‹pul.› adv. complètement. fɛ́ 1) vt. souffler.  fɔɲɛ̀ b' á fɛĺa • Le vent souffle. 2) vt. tamiser, vanner (grains, pour la première fois après la récolte). Syn.: tafɛ. 3) vt. frapper (fortement).  à báti ǹ tólè fɛ́ • Il m'a flanqué une gifle.

  fɛ̀ pp. 1) avec <postposition qui exprime une valeur comitative et associative, avec des référents animés ou inanimés>.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : wó lè, dénnɛǹu, kìnamáànu sì sɔǹ wò ní dòn swáarè là, wò nì wó dɔǹ ànu fɛ? • Vous, les enfants, estce que les adultes vous autorisent à entrer dans la discothèque et à danser avec eux ?  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : ǹ ná kàyéè kà nɛtɛɛ̀ là gbànfáà tɔ, à táata à fɛ̀ kɔɛ̂ tɔ̀ à nì yɛǵɛ bìta • Mon mari met les graines de néré dans le sac et il va avec au fleuve pour pêcher.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : ǹ s' á wà ǹ ná wùléè fɛ̀ brúsà tɔ, à nì fɛńfɛn bìta ɲɲè • Je vais avec mon chien dans la brousse pour qu'il attrape quelque chose pour moi.  ɲɔǵɔn fɛ̀ • ensemble.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : wò lé lè sìgilen ɲɔǵɔn fɛ̀ • Vous habitez ensemble. 2) à côté, près de. 3) <en combinaison avec la copul.e exis-fɛccɛŕɛ̀ fɛĺlirè 63 tentielle bi exprime la valeur 'aimer, vouloir'>.  [Nym, conte, prov. « maudit »] : mà b' á fɛ̀ ì ní tàli fìla lá mà yèn háa sàba • Nous voulons que tu nous racontes deux ou trois contes.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : ì lá kàyéè b' ì fɛ? • Est-ce que tu aimes ton mari ? 4) pour <introduit le but de l'action>.  [Krp, disc., hist. « histoires du passé »] : kɛɛnù máamasɔrɔ nìn Sàati Málà, ànú gɛrɛta mànsayáà fɛ̀ • Leurs grands-parents et Saati Mala se sont battus pour le pouvoir. 5) à <introduit l'argument avec le rôle du récipient>.  [Krp, disc., hist. « histoires du passé »] : kìnáànù kà kùtáà dì ànu fɛ̀ yán nà • Leurs parents leur ont donné des vêtements. Syn.: yèn, bólo. 6) <s'utilise pour exprimer la localisation dans le temps>.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : àn s' á fɔ̀ mà nì tó ɲɔɔ ùráà fɛ̀ • Ils nous disent de rester là-bas le soir. fɛccɛŕɛ̀ (fɛccɛŕɛ) Cf.: fɛkkɛŕɛ 'moitié'. fɛɛ̀ (fɛɛ) n. 1) calebasse (plante). 2) calebasse, pot (grosse courge séchée et évidée servant de récipient). ♦ kà fɛɛ̀ ládɔǹ • tourner la calebasse pendant que la musique joue. fɛɛ̀ (fɛɛ) nr. entourage, milieu, espace autour de.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : à fɛɛ̀ mɔgɔ́ lè • C'est un homme de son milieu.  [Krp, disc. « dans la forge »] : k' à fɛɛ̀ làkɛńɛ • dégager l'espace autour de qch. fɛɛrɛɛ̀ (fɛɛrɛ) Var.: fɛrɛɛ̀ (fɛrɛ). 1) nr. moyen, possibilité (de faire qch).  à fɛɛrɛɛ̀ b' à bòlo, í sɔkila • Il a la possibilité de te mettre en prison. ♦ k' à fɛɛrɛɛ̀ mà • trouver un moyen.  ǹ sí ɔtɛ̀ fɛɛrɛ̀ sɔtɔ • J'aurai la possibilité d'acheter une voiture.  sì ǹ k' á fɛɛrɛɛ̀ sɔtɔ, ǹ sì ɔtɛ sàn • Si j'en ai la possibilité, j'achèterai une voiture. 2) nr. ruse, artifice.  [Mns, conte « faucon et tortue »] : màkála k' á fɛɛrɛɛ̀ dò lɔǹ • Chacun a sa façon de se tirer d'affaire.fɛɛru Var.: fɛɛrè (fɛɛr). ‹pul.› n. fer à repasser. Syn.: kùtapasɛfɛń. fɛɛtɛɛ̀ (fɛɛtɛ) ‹pul.› n. vanneuse (appareil servant à nettoyer les grains après le battage). fɛɛtibɔ vt. acheter des vêtements pour.  à bát ' á mùséè fɛɛtibɔ • Il acheté des vêtements pour sa femme. fɛɛtibɔɛ (fɛɛtibɔ) nr. vêtements, habits. Syn.: fàani, kùta. fɛɛya 1) vi. être léger.  kɛ̀ sàakóè fɛɛyalen • Ce sac est léger. 2) vi. s'affaiblir ; se relâcher, se décharger.  ǹ nà sáakue báti fɛɛya • Mon sac s'est vidé.  à báti fɛɛya gbádiya là • Il s'est affaibli à cause de la maladie.  jùléè báti fɛɛya • La corde s'est détendue.  à làfɛɛya jùléè yen • Détends la corde. 3) vi. ternir la réputation.  à bát' á là gállɛ̀ fɛɛya • Il a terni la réputation de sa famille. fɛḱkɛrɛ̀ (fɛḱkɛrɛ) Var.: fɛccɛŕɛ̀ (fɛccɛŕɛ) ; fɛkkɛŕɛ̀ (fɛkkɛŕɛ). ‹pul.› nr. moitié. fɛĺɛ 1) vt. regarder, voir ; visiter.  k' à fɛĺɛ fínɛtɛr là • regarder par la fenêtre. 2) vt. chercher.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : tága ɔtɛĺ fɛlɛ pán • Va là-bas chercher un hôtel. 3) vt. interroger l'avenir ; prédire.  kàramɔǵɛ̀ bát' á lá mùséè fɛĺɛ à yèn • Le marabout a prédit le nom de sa future femme.  kà kílà fɛĺɛ • faire la divination au sujet du voyage (litt. : « regarder la route »).

  fɛĺɛnnɛ̀ (fɛĺɛnden) n. petite calebasse. fɛĺɛrè fɛnfɛń 64 fɛĺɛrè (fɛĺɛri) n. <nominalisation du verbe fɛ ĺɛ 'regarder'>. 1) regard. 2) divination, bonne aventure. fɛĺɛrilaà (fɛĺɛrilaa) Var.: fɛĺɛrlaà (fɛĺɛrlaa). n. devin, diseur de bonne aventure. fɛĺli ‹pul.› vt. tirer sur.  ǹ báti sándeɲɛ̀ fɛĺli • J'ai tiré sur le lapin. fɛĺlirè (fɛĺliri) n. <nominalisation du verbe fɛ ĺli 'tirer sur'> ; coup de feu, fusillade.

fɛńdà

  Var.: fɛɛndà. pp. proche, à côté.  à báti nà bóɲɛ̀ fɛńdà • Il est venu à côté de la maison.  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : ǹ k' ánù másɔ̀ há ɲɔ́ fɛɛndà • Je les ai accompagnés jusque là-bas. fɛnfɛń fìlaɲɔǵɔ 65 fɛnfɛń pron. 1) tout, n'importe quoi, quoi que ce soit <pronom avec valeur de quantification universelle et de libre choix en référence aux objets>.  [Mns, conte « forgeron »] : ì kà fɛnfɛǹ mìn yèn, à bɔta állà bàta • Tout ce que tu vois vient de Dieu.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : fɛnfɛn í bólofɛn dè

  3) bien que, malgré.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : àn b' í tàala wò ɲàâ lè kà ì dòni fɛw, fí kɔńkɔ b' í là • Ils te prennent et t'envoient comme ça bien que tu aies faim.fíɓɛ ‹pul.› 1) vi. (se) nouer. 2) vt. s'en tenir à, rester fidèle à, respecter.  ǹ báti ǹ nà kúmà fíɓɛ • J'ai pris la décision de rester fidèle à mes mots.

  ) n. tempête, orage.  mà nì tága, fìgifígè báti yɛlɛ • On s'en va, il y a une tempête qui vient de se lever. fíimɛ ‹fr.› vt. fumer. fíimɛrè (fíimɛri) n. <nominalisation du verbe fíimɛ 'fumer'>. fìla num. deux. fílaɲɛ̀ (fílan) Cf.: fúlan 'camarade d'âge'. fílanmà (filanma) adjM. du même âge, camarade d'âge. Syn.: fúlan, màɲɔǵɔ, nbɔɔ 2. fìlaɲɔǵɔ vt. faire pour la deuxième fois. fìlfíld(u)è (fìlfildu) n. genette (mammifère carnivore de la famille des viverridés). fìlijɔɛ̀ (fìlijɔɔ) n. filet de pêche (qu'on jette du bateau). Syn.: báajala. fíɲɛ̀ (fin) adjM. noir. fín vi. noircir, devenir noir.  [Mns, conte « trois femmes »] : ♦ k' à fɔ́ à fínta k' à fɔ́ à gbɛta • ne rien dire (litt. : « dire que c'est noir et dire que c'est blanc »).  dàgáà báti lásìgi táà kùnma, à báti fín • La marmite a été mise sur le feu et elle a noirci. fìná conj. parce que.  ǹ b' á mála tún fìná tún ì dí ɲɲè • Je le fais seulement parce que tu me plais. Syn.: ɓáyri, fí 2, hári 4, kɔfí, pàsé, sàbuná. fínɛtɛrɛ, fínɛtrɛ̀ (fínɛɛtɛr) ‹fr.› n. fenêtre. fìnfan vt. éventer ; ventiler. ♦ kà kɔrɛɛ̀ fìnfan • éventer le riz (pour enlever la balle après l'avoir vanné). fìnkáarè (fìnkáari) ‹pul.› n. fusil. Syn.: màrifá. fínkɛ̀ pron. machin, truc <mot d'hésitation, utilisé quant le locuteur n'arrive pas à trouver le mot>.

  fínma adjP. noir.

  fìntóɲɛ̀ (n) (fìnton) Var.: fìntóè (fìnto). ‹pul.› n. cobra cracheur. fírɛ ‹pul.› 1) vt. traduire.  à bì Fáransɛ̀ fírɛla mà yèn kákkabɛ tɔ̀ • Il fait pour nous la traduction du français au kakabé. 2) vt. signifier.  jìgáànù bì wíirɛla kántɔ, wò b' á fírɛlen sángè sí nà • Les vautours volent haut, ça signifie qu'il y aura de la pluie. fíri Cf.: fɛŕɛ 'et encore moins'. fìrifíri vt./vt. (se) tourner. Syn.: fìrifíri, kúdukudu, táyɛlɛman, tígilɛn, yɛlɛmán, ŋɔŕɔmɔn.

fìsaya 1 )

 1 vi. être mieux, se sentir mieux.  [Dgm, histp. « ma belle-mère »] : àn k' á dòni làbutáanè kà bási főo ɲíni à yèn, à ká ǹ kíli, à kó ǹ mà, kó ǹ bá' fìsaya bìi kóobèn • Ils l'ont envoyée à l'hôpital et lui fìsayáà fófi 67 ont trouvé tous les médicaments, après elle m'a appelé et elle m'a dit : aujourd'hui je vais beaucoup mieux. 2) vi. surpasser.  à báti wótè sɔtɔ kà fìsaya ǹ kò • Il a gagné plus d'argent que moi.  ǹ báti fìsaya ì kò wálè kɛĺa • J'ai travaillé plus que toi.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : mà ì sɛbɛla lɛkkɔĺ là Ɲámayara yàn, mɔgɛɛ̀ sí nà fìsaya mɔgɔ bíinàani kò • Quand nous nous sommes inscrits à l'école de Nyamayara ici, il y avait plus de quarante personnes. Syn.: dámu 2, fɔĺi, tànbi 4. fìsayáà (fìsayá) n. santé.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : ♦ fìsayáà mákàfunden? -mɔgɔ tée yò • Comment va la santé ? -On ne peut pas se plaindre. fítà (c, w) (fíta) n. feuille (d'une plante). Syn.: yànba. fìtáarɛ̀ (fìtáarɛ) ‹pul.› 1) n. forêt (avec beaucoup de grands arbres, sombre). 2) nr. feuillage (dense).  mángo fítaarɛ • feuillage dense d'un manguier. fìtakáà (fìtakáa) n. serpent sp. (vert ; nonvenimeux).

  fítakɛndɛlamà (c) (fítakɛndɛlama) adjMP. vert (couleur). Syn.: yánbalama. fítan vt. balayer ; effacer. fítaraɲɛ̀ (fítaran) Cf.: fítiran 'balai'. fítinà (fitina) adjM. sérieux, grave (problème, guerre, dispute).  ǹ báti kɔri kɛ̀ prɔblɛm fítinà là • Je suis las de ses problèmes perpétuels.  ànu báti gbàsiri fítinà máa • Ils se sont battus gravement. fítiraɲɛ̀ (fítiran) Var.: fítirè (fítiri). n. balai. fìtírè (fìtiró) Cf.: fùturó 'crépuscule'. fìzébùlu ‹fr.› n. fusible <s'emploie sans ar-ticle>. fó conj. il faut que, il est nécessaire <introduit la proposition avec l'infinitif ou avec le marqueur prédicatif ni>.  [Dgm, hist. « sorciers de Dogomet »] : kó, fó àn ní nàa mànsáànù báta Dɔgɔmɛ • Il a dit qu'ils doivent aller voir les autorités à Dogomet.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : sàgúɛmà à í tàran kɔńkɛ̀ bát' í bìta fó í n' á ɲáa ɲínin dè ì sì mín dàmu • Le matin tu as faim et tu es obligé de chercher quelque chose à manger.  fó kà dàgáànu kò • Il faut laver les marmites. fó vi. ne pas atteindre ; rater, manquer (qchlà).  kà fóo kúlun nà • rater le train.  ǹ báti fóyi, ǹ báti fó tùláà là • J'ai tiré mais je n'ai pas atteint la souris.  à báti fó rándɛwu là • Il a raté le rendez-vous. fó conj./prep. 1) sauf, sauf que.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : mà béle mɛtyɛ kàranna, fó sɛǹɛɛ̀ • On n'apprend aucun métier sauf l'agriculture.  [Krp, disc. « menuisiers »] : ápranti béle, fó ǹ dé nìn kɛ́ lè, má lè fìla le wálila yàn dè tɔ̀ • Il n'y a pas d'assistants, il n'y a que moi et lui, on travaille tous les deux ici.  [Dgm, histp. « dans la brousse »] : má fìla dɔrɔń dè brúsà bùtɔ, fó ń bí nìngéènu nín kòndéènu mínnù kán mɛǹna • Nous étions tous les deux seuls dans la brousse, sauf que j'entendais les cris des vaches et des oiseaux qui étaient là. 2) même.  jàmáà báa bì yàn nà, fó prɛśidaɲɛ̀ báti nà • Il y a beaucoup de monde ici, même le président est venu. 3) seulement.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : kùrán nî nà fó fò fɔ́ 68 séro ɛr • Il n'y aura d'électricité qu'à minuit. fò vi. être entouré.  bóɲɛ̀ fòolen jéè là • La maison est entourée d'eau. fódi ‹pul.› vt. promettre. ♦ à báti ǹ fòdi wótè là • Il m'a promis de l'argent. fódirè (fódiri) Var.: fòdórè (fòdóri). n. promesse <nominalisation du verbe fódi 'promettre'>. fófi ‹pul.› 1) vi. se déplacer sur ses fesses. 2) vt. abattre, coucher sur le carreau. fófi ‹pul.› vt. triturer, broyer. fófirè (fófiri) n. <nominalisation du verbe fɔ fi 'triturer'> ; trituration. fòkkitɛ ‹pul.› 1) vi. partir, être prêt à partir.  ǹ báti fókkitɛ • Je vais partir.  ì bì fókkitɛla wáttu mínimàn? • Tu pars à quelle heure ? 2) commencer à.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : mànsáà fòkkitɛlen dɛḿɔkrasi lè ládònna dùgéè tɔ̀ • Le président a commencé à introduire la démocratie dans le pays. fólè (fólo) n. bas-fond (endroit rempli d'eau durant la saison des pluies).  kɔǹkɔ fólo • bas-fond des collines.  kɔɔ fólo • basfond au bord d'une rivière. fòlɛɛ̀ (fòlɔ) n. poisson sp. fóndè (fóndo) Var.: fóndè (fóndi). n. fonio. fòni adjP. menteur. fòniyáà (fòniyá) Var.: fániɲà (fániɲa). n. mensonge. fɔǹiyafɔɛ̀ (fòniyafɔɔ) n. mensonge. fòniyafɔɔlaà (fòniyafɔɔlaa) n. menteur. fónti vi./vt. (se) déployer ; couvrir.  yànbáànu bì fòntilen dùgéè mà • Les feuilles couvrent la terre.  kà wátà fónti • déployer la natte.

  fòrse ‹fr.› vt. forcer. fòrtéè (fòrto) Cf.: pòrto 'piment'. n. fótin vt. pincer.  à báti ǹ bólè fótin • Il m'a pincé le bras. fòtóè (fòto) Var.: fótè (fóto). ‹fr.› n. photo.  kà fòtéè tà • prendre une photo. főyi adv. pas du tout.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : tùbábu tèle lè má lè máa kàran főyi • A l'époque des colons nous n'étudions pas du tout. fòyi Var.: fòe. 1) vt. tirer sur (d'un fusil). 2) vt. jeter.  à báti kùréè fòyi wùléè là • Il jeté une pierre au chien. 3) vt. semer. fóyinfagà fɔɔrɛɛ̀ 69 fóyinfagà (fóyinfaga) n. sac (qu'on attache sur le ventre).  jùla mùséènu bì káalisè làla fóyinfagà tɔ̀ lè • Les vendeuses gardent leur argent dans des bourses (qu'elles portent sur le ventre). fòyírè (fòyíri) n. coup de feu, fusillade <nominalisation du verbe fòyi 'tirer sur'>. fɔ́ Var.: wɔ. 1) vt. dire, raconter (à propos de qn -yèn).  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : ♦ à tée fɔ́ • Cela va de soi (litt. : « Cela ne sera pas dit »).  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : háa à nì fɔ́ dizwit ɛŕ lè • Jusqu'à six heures.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : dénnɛǹ' dè y' á fɔla kìnáànu mà, kó w' á tó, mà ní wùléè tà, mà n' á kòlo • Ce sont les enfants qui demandent à leurs parents : « S'il vous plaît, prenons un chien à la maison pour l'éléver ! ». 2) vt. produire un son, jouer (instrument musical). ♦ k' ì bólè fɔ̀ • applaudir.  kà gítar fɔ̀ • jouer de la guitare. 3) vi. discuter.  múradòe báti fɔ́ hán à báti bɛǹ • On a discuté du problème jusqu'à ce qu'il soit résolu. 4) vt. tomber d'accord.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : mà kà wó lè fɔ̀ nánì • On le fera comme ça (on est d'accord pour ça). 5) vt. nommer (qnmà).  àn k' á fɔ́ à mà dírektɛr • Ils l'ont nommé directeur. fɔ́ (n) vi. ne pas obtenir (qch -là).  ǹ báti fɔ́ káalisè là • Je n'ai pas reçu d'argent.

  Var.: háa̋ ; hán. ‹pul.› conj./prep. 1) jusqu'à <introduit un adverbe ou une proposition adverbiale qui réfère à une limite temporelle ou à une direction dans l'espace)>.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : ì n' á wà háa kílà là • Tu dois aller jusqu'à la route.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : ǹ máni bɔ́ mà bàta, ǹ máni ń sàra, ǹ bì tála lè háa lɛkkɔĺ búutɔ̀ • Quand je sors de la maison, je dis au revoir (à mes parents) et je vais à l'école.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : mà kàranta ɲɔɔ háa sízyɛm • Nous avons étudié là jusqu'à la sixième année.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : mà nì tó bánta tɔ̀ ɲɔɔ, háa má mɛɛtɛrnù mán nà • Nous devons rester dehors, jusqu'à ce que nos professeurs viennent.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : wáttinù tɔ̀ mà sì tó lɛkkɔĺ là ɲɔɔ háa fàna • Des fois nous restons à l'école jusqu'à l'après-midi. 2) <introduit une subordonnée qui décrit la manière d'exécution ou le degré d'achèvement d'une action>.  háa ì ní bàn • jusqu'a la fin, entièrement.  [Krp, disc. « menuisiers »] : ì n' í lɔ̀ dɛ́ ì lɔǵɛ̀ fàrálà, háa ì nì bán wò fárala • Tu dois rester là pour fendre tout le bois.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : àn máa fàga, àn ká kɛlɛɛ̀ kɛ̀ háa àn bánta kɛlɛɛ̀ là • Il n'est pas mort, il a fait la guerre jusqu'à la fin.  [Krp, disc. « menuisiers »] : mà nì lɔǵɛ̀ ràbɔ háa à nì nèwu • Nous rabotons la planche jusqu'à ce qu'elle soit lisse.  mà sì gɛĺɛ háa má ɲàajéè lè nì bɔ̀ • Nous allons rire aux larmes.  mà sì kɛ́ yàn dàmu haa, mà nì kúnbaya • Nous allons manger ça jusqu'à en devenir gros. 3) <avec un déictique référant au présent, exprime la continuité d'une action ou la valeur expérientielle (le plus souvent avec la négation)>.  háa kɔtɛɛ̀ = háa yàn (wáttòe) = háa bì • 1) toujours, encore 2) une fois.  [Krp, disc., hist. « histoires du passé »] : fɛń dè b' á mála, háa kɔtɛɛ̀ àn béle kɛ̀ kúmà fɔĺa? • Pourquoi est-ce qu'ils ne parlent toujours pas cette langue ?  [Krp, disc., hist. « histoires du passé »] : nɔɔyáà háa kɔtɛɛ̀ b' án kùnma • Ils ne sont toujours pas libres.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : háa bìi wò máa fɛń máyìta à tɔ? • Vous háa háa 77 n'avez jamais rien vendu ?  [Dgm, histp.

  háajòe (háaju) ‹pul.› 1) nr. affaire, besogne.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : sì tɛrenta, háray wò là háaju sí bɛǹ wò mà, ò sí nà fɔĺa ɲɲè tún • Si votre problème est résolu, vous viendrez me le dire.  [Mns, conte « trois femmes »] : ì háaju bí kɛ̀ kàyéè mà • Tu as quelque chose à régler avec cet homme. 2) n. cérémonie, rite. háamɛ ‹pul.› vt. , essorer (linge). Syn.: bítin, madígin, tadìgin. háɓɓɛ Var.: háɓɓitɛ. ‹pul.› vt. décider, insister sur, tenir à.  ǹ k' á háɓɓɛ, mà tée kɛlɛ • J'ai décidé que nous ne devons pas nous disputer. háɓɓɛrɛ̀ (háɓɓɛrɛ) ‹pul.› nr. tas, paquet, lot. háccɛ ‹pul.› vt. s'apercevoir de, remarquer.  ǹ báti ábyɔɲɛ̀ háccɛ kántɔ̀ • J'ai aperçu un avion dans le ciel. hájjà (hájja) ‹pul. < ar.› n. femme qui a fait le hadj. hájjigà (hájjiga) n. de bonne qualité, solide.  ǹ báti sàmata hájjigà sɔtɔ • J'ai acheté des chaussures de bonne qualité. hákkɛ̀ (hákkɛ) Var.: hàkkɛɛ̀ (hàkkɛ).

  ‹pul. < ar.› n. 1) tort ; péché. ♦ hákkɛ̀ tò! • excuse-moi ! ♦ ò sì hákkɛ̀ tò! = ò nì hàkkɛɛ̀ hári 79 hákkɛ̀ tò! = ò nì hákkɛ̀ tò! • excusez-moi !  hákkɛ báà b' á bòlo • Il a de gros problèmes. 2) pour la raison (qui a causé qch de négatif).  [Mns, histp. « chasse »] : hàkkɛɛ, ń dè báti kɛɲɛ kómìn nà, wòléènu fòyi kóè là, ǹ máni kùréè mìn fòyi wőo, ǹ béle wò lè bòn • Comme j'étais pressé, chaque fois que je lançais la pierre au francolin, je le ratais. hàkkɛɛ̀ ‹pul.› itj. ainsi, tellement (particule exclamative).  hàkkɛɛ̀ ì m' á lɔǹ, ì bì mín tɔ! • Tu es tellement inconscient de ce que tu fais !  [Mns, conte « forgeron »] : í fàtiyalen nɛɛ, hàkkɛɛ! • Tu es complètement folle ! hàkkílè (hàkkíli) Var.: hákkilè (hákkili). ‹pul. < ar.› nr. intelligence, esprit. ♦ hàkkílè b' á là • Il est intelligent.  [Mns, conte « femme du chasseur »] : ♦ k' ì hàkkílè là à kò • penser à qch, s'inquiéter à cause de qch. ♦ à bì hàkkílè kàranden ɔrdinatɛŕɛ̀ mà • Il sait travailler sur l'ordinateur.  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : ♦ k' ì hàkkílè làtágaman • réfléchir. ♦ k' ì hàkkílè tò à mà • se préoccuper de qn ou de qch.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : ♦ k' ì hàkkílè bɔ́ à kóè tɔ̀ • discuter qch.  ì bél' í hákkili tòonden ì là déndènu mà • Tu ne prends pas soin de tes enfants. ♦ k' ì hàkkíli tó à kò • prêter attention à qch.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : àn n' ánù hàkkíli tó mò là kɛ̀ yɛẁtɛŕɛǹù kò • Ils doivent écouter avec attention nos discours.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : ♦ á tɛgɛnden dè à hákkilè tɔ̀ • Il n'est pas intelligent. Syn.: ~ níi.

  jɔɔman adjP. grand (Dieu).

  jɔɔyáà (jɔɔya) n. esclavage.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : à ká mà bɔ́ wò jɔɔyáà tɔ̀ • Il nous a libérés de cet esclavage. jɔppɛɛ̀ (jɔppɔ) ‹pul.› nr. poumon. jùbáadòe (jùbáado) ‹pul.› n. crête (coiffure de femme).

  kà pm. 1) <marqueur de l'infinitif>.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : wò y' à kɛĺa kámà háa à nì kɛ́ nàafúlè là? -k' à tà k' à fálin -k' à fálin sánuè wótè là káa dámuè? -k' à fálin wótè là • Qu'est-ce que vous faites pour en obtenir de l'argent ? -Prendre et échanger. -Prendre et échanger pour l'argent ou bien pour la nourriture ? -L'échanger pour l'argent.  kóyi kà tùgúrè mà! • Pile le manioc !  [Nym, disc. « école »] : fó kà wótè bɔ́ • Tu dois payer de l'argent. 2) <marqueur du séquentatif>.  ǹ báti ǹ bólè sɔḱki dìnkáà là, kà sáakòe mìn bòyita wò búutɔ̀ bɔ̀ • J'ai glissé ma main dans le trou et j'ai sorti le sac qui était tombé dedans. kaa Cf.: kii 'petit'. -káà (-kaa) mrph. <suffixe utilisé pour dériver des noms d'habitants>.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : Kɔǹakrikáa • habitant de Conakry.káa Cf.: káawu 'oncle'.

  káa adv. 1) ainsi ; maintenant <déictique adverbial de temps ou de manière>.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : nìngi wálu, ì s' a kɛɛ káa • Une grande vache, comme ça ! (litt. : « tu peux faire haut comme ça).  ó mà káni ó mà lá mɔgɛɛ̀ làfíli káa • On ne doit pas laisser ces gens comme ça. 2) en vain, inutilement, sans résultat.  mà báti lɔǵɛ̀ ɲínin káa • Nous avons cherché du bois en vain.  mà báti wáli káa • Nous avons travaillé pour rien. káa ‹pul.› conj. 1) ou <conjonction disjonctive utilisée dans les énoncés interroga-tifs>.  ì sí kɔrɛɛ̀ dámu káa káaba kínè? • Tu vas manger du riz ou de la bouillie de maïs ? 2) n'est-ce pas ?  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : ì ká wò lɔǹ káa? • Tu le sais n'est-ce pas ? 3) <particule finale emphatique ; particule de question rhéto-rique>.  [Mns, conte « deux coépouses »] : káalisènu dè tún sɔgɔ b' á là káa • Il veut avoir de l'argent ! káa kàftáanòe 91 káa pp. pendant, dans le temps de.  yàn káa • maintenant.káà (káa) n. ruisseau, rivière (petite).

  kàâ (kàa) n. serpent (générique).

  káabà (káaba) ‹pul.› n. maïs.  kà káaba kàti • récolter les épis de maïs. kàajóè (kàaju) n. arbre sp. (Boscia senegalensis).

kɔɔmà

  Var.: kɔḿà. pp. 1) derrière. ♦ à b' á kɔḿà • il le veut.  ǹ b' á kɔḿà háa ǹ n' á másɔtɔ • je veux l'obtenir.  kɔɔ kɔḿà • sur l'autre rive du fleuve.  hɔɗè kɔḿà • derrière le village.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : má sâgita tùgún mà kɔɔmà • Nous sommes retournés en arrière. 2) en l'absence de.  [Mns, conte « le maudit »] : ǹ tée kéleɲɛ̀ dàmu ì kɔḿà háa ì ní nà • Je n'en mangerai pas un seul sans toi, avant que tu n'arrives. 3) à partir de.  bìi kɔɔmà • à partir d'aujourd'hui. kɔɔmà adv. derrière.  ànu bì tóla kɔɔmà • Ils restent derrière.

  lè <la variante dè apparait après les nasales>. Var.: dè. cop./prt. 1) <marqueur de focalisation placé après le constituant focalisé>.  [Dgm, histp. « mon parcours »] : mɔgɔ tée dáha ì màa tɔɔrɔ, ì mán tɔɔrɔ lè, ì nì dàha • L'homme ne peut pas avoir du succès sans souffrir, c'est quand on souffre qu'on réussit.  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : fɛń dè wó dònna Dɔgɔmɛ, wò ì tála jùlayáà dúlà lè Dɔgɔmɛ, káa wò ì tála lúumɛ̀ lè tɔ, káa wò ì tála kàran dúlà lè • Qu'est-ce qui vous fait aller à Dogomet ? Vous allez à Dogomet pour vendre ou bien vous y allez au marché, ou bien vous y allez pour étudier ?  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : wò máni kùla wúleɲɛ̀ fàga wò í wò ɲɔɔ dámula lè káa wò í wò làfílila lè? • Quand vous tuez le singe rouge, vous le mangez ou bien vous le jetez ?  [Mns, conte « le maudit »] : ò máa ń dè lè gbàsi, ò k' ó là déɲɛ̀ lè gbàsi, ò à tó káa! • Ce n'est pas moi que vous frappez, c'est votre propre enfant que vous frappez, arrêtez-vous ! 2) <s'emploie après le prédicat dans les constructions d'identification et de caractérisation>.  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : lùumɔ báa lè, nìngéèn' í nàla lùumɛɛ̀ wò tɔ̀ à nín bàânù • C'est un grand marché, on y emmène des vaches et des chèvres.  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : Dɔgɔmɛ mù súprɛfɛtir lè là • Dogomet c'est une souspréfecture.  tòoɲáà lè wò là? • Est-ce que c'est vrai ? 3) <le marqueur peut s'ajouter deux fois à un pronom personnel : un seul marqueur « lè » en combinaison avec un pronom personnel exprime le changement du topique ou la topicalisation contrastive ; un double marqueur « lè » avec un pronom personnel exprime la focalisation contrastive>.  á lè lè mù sákkitɔɔrɛ̀ là • C'est lui le dernier.  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : ǹ b' í lè lè màɲíninkala • C'est à toi que je pose la question.  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : ń dè m' á lɔǹ, án dè lè k' a lɔń, ɓ' án dè lè nâakɔ làla • Moi, je ne le sais pas. Ce sont eux qui le savent, parce que ce sont eux qui le font. léeti ‹pul. < angl. « late » › vi. être en retard. kà léeti lɛkkɔĺɛ̀ tɔ̀ • être en retard pour l'école.  ǹ bá' léeti káraɲɛ̀ là míniti bíisàba • Je suis arrivé en retard d'une demi-heure pour le cours.

má 1 )

 1 vt. faire.  ì bì fɛń mála (ì là dúniya tɔ)?• Qu'est-ce que tu fais (dans la vie) ?  ǹ báti lɛŕ sàba má wálè là • J'ai passé trois heures au travail. ♦ wó lè b' á máala.. • c'est pour ça que… ça a fait que…. 2) vi. devenir, se faire.  à báti máa mísilimè là • Il est devenu musulman. 3) vi. se passer. Syn.: kɛ. mà pp. 1) vers, sur, dans, à <s'utilise pour exprimer différents types de localisations (des relations matérielles comme abstraites et métaphoriques)>.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : bàâ bá' kɛ́ jèlu là wò bólo lóè mà • Combien de chèvres avez-vous dans votre cour ?  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : mà nì kálè là mà ɲáakɔtɛ̀ mà • Nous mettons de l'antimoine sur nos visages.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : mà ní kùta ɲúmà wò tàa, mà n' á là mà mà • Nous prenons des beaux vêtements et les mettons sur nous.  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : mà ní má wàkkilɛ kàraɲɛɛ̀ mà • Nous devons être diligents dans nos études. 2) <s'utilise pour exprimer la localisation temporelle>.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : mà ní mà súguli sɛńk ɛŕ mà • Nous déjeunons à cinq heures. 3) <s'utilise pour exprimer la manière d'agir>.  kà tága í kèɲɛɛ̀ mà • aller à pied. 4) pour, à.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : wùléè kɛ̀ nàfáà ɲùman bì ì mà? • Quelle utilité ce chien a-t-il pour toi ?  [Nym, disc. « école »] : à kóo ɲáà gbɛlɛyata ǹ mà nùn, fɔĺɛ̀ tɔ̀ • Au début c'était difficile pour moi.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : tɔŕɔyà lè kɛĺa mà mà • Nous avons des problèmes. 5) <s'utilise pour introduire le destinataire ou le récepteur>.  k' à dòni à mà • envoyer qch à qn.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : wò báti nìngéè díi wò là déɲɛǹu mà • Vous avez donné la vache à vos enfants.  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : kó bárikà wò mà! • Merci à vous !  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : ì ní làspɛŕ tà ì n' á làfíli kùláà mà • Tu prends le lance-pierre et tu tires sur le singe. Syn.: bólo, fɛ. 6) à cause de <s'utilise pour introduire la cause d'une émotion, le stimulus>.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : wò sɛɛwanden kùta ɲúmà wò mà • Vous êtes contents à cause du joli vêtement.  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : àn tée sɔǹ àn hɛɗila àn nà mɛtɛr mà, àn í yòonden à mà

-

  nnɛɛ̀ (c) (-nden) Var.: -ndè (n, w), -nɛɛ̀ (c), -nɛ̀ (c) mrph. <avec l'article, a la forme «nnɛ ɛ̀ » (c) et « -ndè » (n) et (w)>. 1) petit (dimension) <suffixe diminutif ; peut être utilisé avec les pronoms>.  mùsunnɛɛ̀ • petite femme.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : nɛgɛɛ̀ dɔgɔ, ànden dɔǵɔ • Ce morceau de fer est petit, il est petit ! 2) petit, pas important.  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : í bìlala ì máakɔnnɛɛǹu dè gbàâ là • Tu t'occupe de tes petites affaires. 3) <suffixe à valeur péjorative>.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : jɔǹ músunnɛ̀ • femme-esclave.  [Skt, histp. « voyage »] : káarinden • une vieille voiture.

2 )

 2 vt. bouger (ses pieds). 3) aller ; aller faire <s'emploie comme le verbe principal dans une construction de but ; le but est exprimé soit par un gérondif, soit par un verbe simple ou par un verbe suivi du marqueur de supin « dúla »>.  ǹ bì tála bírɛɛdè sàn(na) • Je vais acheter du pain.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : àn tágata kɛlɛɛ̀ lè kɛ̀ Fráns • Ils sont partis faire la guerre en France.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : à kà tága kántari kɛdulà kó Láafa • Il est allé garder le champ qu'on appelle Lafa. 4) <s'emploie comme le verbe principal dans une construction pour exprimer une séquence d'événements ou d'actions, avec le verbe lexical exprimé soit par un gérondif soit par un verbe simple ou par un verbe suivi par le marqueur de supin « dúla »>.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : ànu mán dìnkáà sèn tèle kélen, tèle fìla, tèle sàba, tèle náani, àn sì tága tàbɔ́ sánòe mà ɲɔɔ là • Ils creusent pendant un, deux, trois, quatre jours et ils trouvent de l'or.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : wón dé lè tágata nà yàn sɛttɔɛ fɛ̀ • Ce sont eux qui sont venus ici pendant la saison des pluies. 5) vi. se mettre à, commencer à <s'emploie comme le verbe principal dans une construction inchoative avec le verbe subordonné exprimé soit par un gérondif soit par un verbe simple ou par un verbe suivi par la postposition « dúla »>.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : àn mán bán mɔɔnéè bùntenna kà tága kùdu gbàsi, kà súkkarè tà, kà tága mɔɔnéè làdúdulà • Quand elles finissent de piler le riz, elles commencent à faire des boules de riz, ensuite elles prennent le sucre et se mettent à préparer la bouillie. 6) vi. s'occuper de.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : ň dê béle yɛǵɛ yúngela, ǹ bì tála pótoɲɛ̀ sènna • Je ne pêche pas le poisson, je creuse pour déterrer de l'igname. 7) vi. continuer, durer.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : wò bá' tága sàn kɛmɛ là fáyìda • Ca se poursuit pendant presque cent ans. tàgállɛ̀ (tàgállɛ) ‹pul.› n. arbre sp. (Cadaba farinosa).

tágaman 1 )

 1 vi. marcher. 2) vr. se promener.Syn.: tàtɛń. tágamannaà (tágamannaa) n. marcheur, piéton.  ǹ báti tágamanna búyi yén kílà là • J'ai vu beaucoup de piétons sur la route.

  tagbàsi vt. taper sur, frapper sur, cogner. kà jìnbéè tágbàsi • jouer du djembé.  kà tàbálè tágbàsi • frapper sur la table.

2 )

 2 vt. frapper de toutes ses forces.  [Mns, disc., conte « esprit de la rivière »] : à k' á tagbɔɔ támaròe 179 tóoni, à k' á tágbàsi • Elle l'a soulevé et jeté de toutes ses forces. tagbɔɔ adjP. difficile ; désagréable.  kɛ̀ báara kóo tàgbɔɔ • ce travail est difficile. tàgun Var.: tùgun. vi./vt. (se) fermer. ♦ kà síngè jéè tàgun • se réconcilier. tahɔɗi vi. déménager.  ǹ dɔǵɛ̀ báti tahɔɗi Kɔńakri • Mon petit frère a déménagé à Conakry. tajà vr. se donner du courage, ne pas craindre.  mà ní mà tájà, mà nì bán kɛɛ là ɲínàn • Il faut faire des efforts pour qu'on finisse ça cette année.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : à kó ǹ ní ń tájà, kó ń kán kílan fűs, kó fűs kɛ̀ ǹ nà • Il m'a dit de ne rien craindre, rien ne m'arriverait.

  taká vt. enlever.  kà kùtáànù tàka sáakòe búutɔ̀ • sortir les vêtements du sac. takàfu vi. se réunir.

  takára vt. réparer (chaussures, vêtements), recoudre.  gárankɛ̀ báti ǹ ná sàmatáà takára • Le cordonnier a réparé mes chaussures. také vt. rattraper, atteindre, rejoindre. takéle vt. convoquer, appeler.  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : mànsáà b' á lá mɔgɛɛǹu tàkélelen • Le chef a convoqué ses gens.

  tán (c) Cf.: tága 'aller'.

  tán num. dix. tànáà (tàna) n. ennui, problème. ♦ tàna béle ɲɔɔ là? • Comment ça va ? ♦ tàna béle dénbayàn nà? -tàna wő béle án nà • Comment va ta famille ? -Ils vont bien. ♦ tàna wő béle yàn nà? • Comment ça va ? tànáà (tàna) nr. totem. tanàati vt. renvoyer, faire revenir.  ɔtɛ̀ báti ń tánàati • La voiture m'a ramené chez moi. tànbádufà (tànbádufa) Var.: tànbadufáà (tànbadufá). ‹pul.› n. engoulevent (espèce d'oiseau).

tànbi 1 )

 1 vi./vt. passer ; laisser derrière soi  ǹ báti tànbi ǹ dɔǵɛ̀ báta, ǹ n' á kònton = ǹ báti tànbi ǹ dɔǵɛ̀ kòntonna • Je suis passé chez mon petit frère pour le saluer.  mà báti Màmu tànbi = mà báti tànbi Màmu là • On a dépassé Mamou.  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : kà bɔ́ Ɲàmayaran kà ké Dɔgɔmɛ mà í tànbi hɔɗo lóolu háa wɔɔrɔ là • Pour venir de Nyamayara jusqu'à Dogomet nous devons passer cinq ou six villages. 2) vi. se passer, survenir.  ǹ báti mín tànbita dántɛgɛ ànu yèn • Je leur ai raconté ce qui s'était passé.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : mín tànbilen, wò báti fɔ́ yàn, à bá' tó mín fɛẃundilen • Ce qu'il y avait dans le passé a été raconté, il reste à parler de l'actualité. 3) vi. omettre, ne pas ajouter <exprime l'absence de qch>.  wò ɲɔɔ lè fìsa díyala kà tànbi sùkkárè kò • Cette chose est meilleure si tu n'y mets pas de sucre. 4) vi. surpasser (qch -kùnma, là).  [Nym, conte, prov. « maudit »] : ì kà wó lè là kóè lɔń kà tànbi kó síyaman kùnma • Tu as compris ça mieux que beaucoup d'autres choses.  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : ɲɔɔ́ lè mádònden mà là kà tànbí mâ là sùprɛfɛtír là • Ce [village] est plus proche de nous que ne l'est le centre de notre sous-préfecture. Syn.: dámu 2 , fìsaya 2 , fɔĺi. 5) vi. s'en aller. ǹ dè bá' tànbi • Je m'en vais. 6) vi. se débrouiller, s'en sortir.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : án dè sì nɔ̀ wò ɲɔ̀ máyìtala, kà dɛṕanas kɛ́ ɲɔ, ǹ ní tànbi • Ils peuvent vendre ça et m'aider pour que je m'en sorte. tánbiɲɛ̀ (tánbin) n. flûte (instrument de musique).

  tàndasáarà (tàndasáara) n. arbre sp. tándɛ̀ (tándɛ) ‹pul.› n. cour (espace entre les cases dans une concession recouvert de gravier).  mànsáà bì sìginden à là tándɛ̀ tɔ̀ yɛẁtɔŕɛ̀ là • Le chef du village est assis dans sa cour et discute des problèmes. Syn.: kúuru, lúu 1 , sùntu. tánginɛ tárɛ̀ 181 tánginɛ ‹pul.› 1) vi. espérer.  ǹ báti tánginɛ, ǹ sì wótè sɔtɔ • J'ai eu l'espoir de trouver de l'argent. 2) vt. donner de l'espoir à, promettre.  ì báti ǹ tánginɛ ì sí ń dɛɛman • Tu m'as promis que tu m'aiderais. tánkà (tánka) n. arch. pièce de 50 centimes. Syn.: káalisi, dàlási, wóti. tánkoɲɛ̀ (tánkon) ‹pul.› n. bassine. tàntan vi. se tromper.

  taɲíni vt. chercher (pour retrouver ce qui est perdu).  à bá' tága búruɲɛ̀ tɔ̀ à n' à là bàâ tàɲíni • Il est parti chercher sa chèvre dans la brousse.táɲini Var.: táɲinin. vt. taquiner.

taɲìninka 1 )

 1 vt. demander. Syn.: maɲìninka.2) vt. essayer ; vérifier (le fonctionnement). 3) vt. jouer (d'un instrument de musique).

  tárà (tara) Var.: tálà (tala). adjM. toutpuissant, bon (Dieu).  ǹ báti álla tárà màdíya, à ní ń kàntan • Je prie le bon Dieu qu'il me garde.

tára 1 )

 1 vt. demander, prier, implorer (pour qch -tɔ ).  à bát ' á bàaba tàra káalisè tɔ̀ • Il a demandé de l'argent à son père.  kà állà tàra • prier. Syn.: madíya, síntirɛ. 2) vt. chercher.  mɔgɔ fílànu táta, ànu ká mùséè tàra • Les deux hommes sont partis se chercher une femme. tàra Cf.: tàran 'trouver'. táralè (tárali) n. prière. táralikɛɛlà (táralikɛɛlaa) n. mendiant. táralilaà (táralilaa) Cf.: táralikɛɛlaa 'mendiant'. tàran Var.: tɛren. 1) vi. s'avérer, se montrer <peut être employé sans sujet>.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : sì tɛrenta ì kɛńdɛ, jéè b' í bólo, làbutáanu ì bólo, lɛkkɔĺ b' í bólo, hári kɔńtɔfili wő béle ì là bùtúgun nà • Si tu es en bonne santé, si tu as de l'eau, s'il y a un hôpital et une école, alors il n'y a aucun problème.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : wón dè ká yàn fɛŕti, yàn fóo tàranta nùn túu kélen dè • Ils ont dégagé cet endroit, ici avant il n'y avait que de la forêt.  [Krp, disc., hist. « histoires du passé »] : sì tàrant' á bá' tìɲa kílà là, háray í lè ɔǹ, ì tì wálè sɔtɔ • S'il est abimé pendant le trajet, tu auras des problèmes. Syn.: bɛǹ 2 , fɛẃundi 1 , háwurɛ 4 . 2) vt. s'avérer, se montrer. ♦ à tágata tàran • il se trouvait que.  wò k' á tàran, mɔkála báti dòn dìnkáà là • Tout à coup, ils ont tous sauté dans les trous.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : wáttinu tɔ̀ mà sì tó lɛkkɔĺ là ɲɔɔ háa fàna, àprɛ́ ì s' á tɛren tùgǔn kàran táyi mà mà ùráà fɛ̀ • Des fois on reste à l'école jusqu'à deux heures de l'après-midi, et après il y a encore des devoirs à faire. 3) vt. trouver, voir, rencontrer.  ǹ báti ǹ nà sáakòe tàran tàrawóè là • J'ai trouvé mon sac sur la route.  [Dgm, histp. « ma belle-mère »] : à kà kílà tà, á nàta mà bàta, à ká ń bàaba tàran • Il a pris la route, il est venu chez nous et il a rencontré mon père.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : ň nâàtà ň kân tɛrèn àn bá' bɔ́ tɛŕɛǹ nà • Je suis venu et j'ai vu qu'il était déjà parti du terrain. 4) vt. croire, supposer ; comprendre.  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : nɔńsiɲɛ̀ k' á tàran, s' à háwjɛta, s' à kɛɲɛta, à sí bìri • Le caméléon a compris que s'il marche vite, il va tárawòe táyi 182 s'enfoncer dans la terre. 5) vt. accueillir (les invités).

  tárawòe (tárawo) Var.: tàrawóɲɛ̀ (tàrawón).

  ‹pul. < fr. « travaux » › n. route ; rue. ♦ tàrawóè là • dans la rue. Syn.: kíla. tárbɔndirɛ vi. débattre, disputer.  [Nsr, disc. « affaires du village »] : ɓáyi kùláànu à nín wùléènu báti mɛ́ tárbɔndirɛla ɲɔǵɔn tɛɛma, ànu kó: ... • Après que les singes aient discuté avec les chiens un certain temps, ils ont dit : .... tárɛ̀ (tárɛ) n. stupéfiant, anesthésique (de plantes, utilisé pour le braconnage de poisson). ♦ kà tága tárɛ̀ tɔ̀ • pêcher en utilisant du poison.  ànu báti yɛǵɛ̀ bìta tárɛ̀ tɔ̀ • Ils ont attrapé du poisson en utilisant le stupéfiant.taróndi (c, n) porter sur la tête de nouveau. [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : mà ì sɛṕpila wó lè tɔ̀ dɛy, káaba, k' à sàn k' à tɔróndi ká nà kà í lɔ̀ k' à tűgù k' à tɔróndí tùgun kà dòni lúumɛ̀ tɔ̀ • Nous rentrons à pied [du marché] et en plus nous portions le maïs sur la tête, quand nous arrivons à la maison, nous le pilons, et après il faut le porter sur la tête de nouveau au marché. Var.: tɔróndi (w).

  tasá (n) Cf.: talá 'couvrir'.

  tasàagi vi. revenir (où -là).

tasàba 1 )

 1 vt. étendre ; redresser. 2) vt. dénouer. tàsari vi. vomir. tásè (tási) ‹fr.› n. tasse.

  tasɔtɔ vr. être disponible, avoir le temps de. ǹ máa ǹ tásɔtɔ ǹ ní nà ì báta kúnùn • Je n'ai pas eu de temps de passer chez toi hier.tasúlen vr. se reposer.

tatè 1 )

 1 vi./vt. (se) fendre ; écraser, fracasser. ♦ k' í kènkéè tate • rire à gorge déployée. 2) vi. faire mal (os).

tatɛǵɛ 1 )

 1 vt. découper. 2) vt. traverser. ♦ dúɲiyà tàtɛgɛ • vie.  ǹ nà dúɲiya tàtɛǵɛ̀ kɛ̀ tɔ, ǹ í kàranna lè • Dans la vie, je suis étudiant. tatɛń vi. se promener. Syn.: háylɛ 3 , (ma)tágaman, màyanbán. tatíggɛ vt. épouser. Syn.: jíga 2 , jɔńbaya, tà 2 , tíggɛ 1 . táwi ‹pul.› conj. et <s'utilise dans une proposition qui décrit une situation précédant aux événements de narration principale>.  [Mns, conte « chats et souris »] : ɲàaréènu fɔĺɔta nàla, táwi túlànu báti húrgɔ bélebele sà • Les chats ont commencé à arriver, et les souris avaient organisé [avant leur arrivée] un grand espac clôturé.  [Mns, histp. « voyage »] : ànu báti ǹ nàko màɲíninka, táwi ǹ bì táalen náakɔɛ tɔ̀ • Ils ont demandé si j'étais là, mais j'étais parti dans mon jardin. tawúli vi. guérir, se remettre, se rétablir. Syn.: ndíkkɛ. tay idéo. imite le son d'un choc avec une pierre. tayáagɛ Var.: tɔyáagɛ. vt. agrandir.  ǹ báti ǹ nà bóɲɛ̀ tàyaagɛ • J'ai agrandi ma maison.

tayén 1 )

 1 vt. voir de nouveau, revoir.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : mò m' án tàyen háa yàn • Depuis, nous ne les avons pas vus. 2) se rencontrer, se voir.  [Jnk, disc. « af-tayɛlɛman tɛɛ̀ 183 faires du village »] : wó lè máa nɔǹ wò ɲɔǵɔn tàyenna • Vous ne pouvez pas vous rassembler. tayɛlɛman vr. se tourner.  à b' á táyɛlɛmanna kóoben nà sóè tɔ̀ • Il se tourne tout le temps pendant la nuit. Syn.: fìrifíri, kúdukudu, tígilɛn, yɛlɛmán, ŋɔŕɔmɔn. táyi Var.: táy. itj. et, mais.  táyi káalisi béle ń bólo, ǹ bál' á dínna ì bòlo • Je n'ai aucun argent, je ne te donne rien.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : mà n' bàâ dòni, sì táyi bàa béle, mà n' bàa sɔńgɛ̀ dòni • On doit apporter une chèvre, et s'il n'y a pas de chèvre, on doit apporter de l'argent pour en acheter une. tè vi./vt. (se) fendre, (se) fracturer. ♦ kà tìgáà tè • éplucher l'arachide.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : kà wòréè tè • diviser la noix de cola en deux.  k' à kùɲɛɛ̀ tè • fracturer le crâne de qn. tée Var.: t. pm. ne … pas. 1) <marqueur de négation pour l'habituel et le générique>.  kɛ̀ mɔgɛɛǹù tée kàa tɔɔkɔlamà dámu • Ces gens-là ne mangent pas le serpent cracheur. 2) <marqueur de négation dans le futur>.  à tée tága lúumɛ̀ tɔ̀ sínàn • Il n'ira pas au marché demain.  déɲɛ̀ mán bɛń mùséè là, à tée díya à lá kàyéè yèn • Si l'enfant est une fille, son mari ne va pas être content. 3) <marqueur de négation pour le potentiel>.  ǹ tée kɛ́ kùtáà sàn, káalisi béle ǹ bólo • Je ne peux pas acheter ce tissu, je n'ai pas d'argent. tèléè (tèle) n. 1) soleil. ♦ tèléè báti bɔ́ kóobèn • Le soleil brûle fort. ♦ tèléè bì fɛtɛnna • Le soleil est en train de se lever.  tèléè bì jálbɛla • Le soleil brille.  tèléè báti bòyi • Le soleil s'est couché. 2) midi. ♦ ì ní tèle! • Bonjour ! (envers une personne). ♦ ò ní tèle! • Bonjour ! (envers plusieurs personnes / respectueux). ♦ tèléè tɔ̀ • à midi. 3) jour, journée.  tèle mínimàn à bí nàla? • Quel jour viendra-t-il ? Syn.: lún. 4) nr. époque.  Kɔǹtɛ́ tèléè mà • à l'époque de (Lansana) Conté. tèlemáà (tèlemá) n. saison sèche.  tèlemáà bát' á fɔlɔ • La saison sèche a commencé.

  télen adv. vers, du côté de <s'emploie seulement après une autre postposition ou un nom locatif>.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : kílà béle mà báta télen • Il n'y a pas de route vers chez nous.  ǹ bì tála bóɲɛ̀ là télen • Je vais dans la direction de la maison. tèlen Var.: télen. 1) vr. faire face à. Syn.: ɲáatigilɛn. 2) vi. tenir compte de. 3) vi. être honnête, être juste. tèlen vi. passer la journée. ♦ wà tèlenta? • Comment ça va ? (salutation d'aprèsmidi). ♦ ò ní tèlen! • Bonjour ! ♦ ò báti télen hɛɛrɛ̀ tɔ? • Comment ça va ? (salutation d'après-midi).  ń nɛɛnɛ báti tèlen bàntaráà bùntenna • Ma mère a passé toute la journée à piler le manioc. téllitɛlaà (téllitɛlaa) n. savant ; intellectuel, connaisseur du Coran. Syn.: kàramɔḱɔ. téru Var.: tér. ‹pul.› itj. <intensificateur pour kán égal'> ; juste, parfaitement, pile.  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : mà báti kán téru • On est parfaitement quitte.

  tɛ̀ vi. pleuvoir.  sángè bì tɛla • Il pleut. tɛddinɛ ‹pul.› vt. respecter. tɛddudè (tɛddudi) ‹pul.› nr. talon.

  ) ‹pul.› n. honneur, respect. ♦ ì là tɛddungalɛ! • Honneur à toi !  à bì tɛddungalɛ̀ bánbà yìtala mà là • Il nous montre un grand respect.tɛɛ̀ (tɛɛ) n. 1) nr. ceinture (anat.).  [Mns, disc. « affaires du village »] : ♦ k' ì tɛɛ̀ tàkiti • prendre la bonne position. Syn.: kéeki, sòoro. 2) nr. relation.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : má fìla tɛɛ̀ dì • On a de bonnes relations.  mà tɛɛ̀ júgu • On est en mauvais termes. tɛɛlà (tɛɛla) ‹pul.› n. tailleur. Syn.: káralla. tɛɛma pp. 1) entre, parmi.  à lé lè kàyéè dɔlɔma là mà tɛɛma • Il est le garçon le plus fort d'entre nous. 2) dans ; au milieu de.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : súu tɛɛma • minuit.  dénnɛɛǹu bì tólonna lúu tɛɛma • Les enfants jouent au milieu de la cour. 3) entre.  [Dgm, hist. « sorciers de Dogomet »] : àn k' à kíitè là dɔǵɛ̀ à nìn táata tɛɛma • Ils ont tranché entre le frère cadet et la soeur aînée.tɛf ‹pul.› idéo. à craquer <intensificateur pour « fá » 'être plein'>.  [Krp, conte « veillée des femmes »] : mànsáà la tɔǵɔ dáà fáanden tɛf bàtuláà là • La case du chef était remplie d'assistants. tɛfi ‹pul.› 1) vt. examiner, enquêter sur.  àn báti dénnɛɛ̀ fàgáà tɛfi • Ils ont enquêté sur la mort de l'enfant. 2) vt. se préoccuper de, faire attention à.  à bél' a tɛfilen • Il s'en fiche !  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : fí kɔńkɔ b' í là, àn béle wò tɛfilen dɛ̋ • Tu as faim, mais ils ne s'en préoccupent pas.

tɛgɛ 1 )

 1 vt. couper. 2) vi. traverser.  kà tɛgɛ kílà là • traverser la route. 3) vt. terminer. ♦ kà sún tɛgɛ • rompre le jeûne, manger à la tombée de la nuit pendant le Ramadan. 4) vt. récolter.  kà lɛɛmúnɛ̀ tɛgɛ • récolter les oranges. Syn.: sóɲi, kà. 5) vt. faire beaucoup, faire fort <verbe avec valeur d'intensification de l'action évoquée par l'objet direct>.  kà bólè tɛgɛ • applaudir fort.  kà kínè tɛgɛ • manger beaucoup de nourriture. 6) vi. sous-estimer (qn/qchtɔ ).  ì báti tɛgɛ ń tɔ̀ • Tu me sous-estimes.  ǹ bé' tɛgɛnden ì là báarà kɛ̀ tɔ, bàni főo lè máa kùsan • Je ne sous-estime pas ton travail, parce que tout le monde ne sait pas le faire.

  tɛgɛrɛɛ̀ (n) (tɛgɛrɛ) Var.: tɛgɛráɲɛ̀ (tɛgɛrán) ; tɛgɛráà (tɛgɛrá). n. hache. tɛgɛŕè (tɛgɛŕu) Var.: tɛgɛŕi. n. récolte.  kà tɛgɛŕè mà • faire la récolte. tɛlɛɛ̀ (tɛlɛ) nr. plaie sur l'orteil. tɛĺɛfɔɲɛ̀ (tɛĺɛfɔn) Var.: tálifɔɲɛ̀ (tálifɔn). ‹fr.› n. téléphone. tɛḿɛ̀ (tɛḿɛ) ‹pul.› n. tamis. tɛń 1) vt. marcher sur. ♦ kà wɛlɔ tɛń • faire du vélo. ♦ kà bàlon tɛń • jouer au football.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : ♦ kà bórè tɛń • se mettre à courir. 2) vt. battre (grain).

  tɛɲɛɛ (tɛǹ) n. 1) palmier à huile. Syn.: túgujuu. 2) ver de palmier.

  tɛńbindè (tɛńbinden) n. petit pot.tɛńburè (tɛńbure) n. blouse (de femme).

  tɛǹɛn n.loc. lundi. tɛǹgɛɛ̀ (tɛǹgɛ) n. source d'eau. tɛǹi ‹fr.› n. uniforme, tenue (d'école).

  ) n. tas, pile (de vaisselle).  kópi tɛńkɛ • assortiment de casseroles. tɛńkun adv. face-à-face. tɛǹtɛní ‹pul.› conj./adv. surtout, spécialement.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : wò lé kà ɲìn ómò yén Làgínɛ́ yàn, tɛǹtɛni ̋ Sáajɔya ómò bí yàn káamìn • C'est bien pour ceux qui sont en Guinée, surtout pour ceux qui sont à Saadioya. tɛṕpɛɲaarè (tɛṕpɛɲaari) ‹pul.› n. trèfle (couleur de cartes).

  tɛṕpɛrɛ̀ (tɛṕpɛrɛ) ‹pul.› nr. pied. tɛren trouver. Cf.: tàran 'trouver'. Var.: tɛre. tɛŕɛɲɛ̀ (tɛŕɛn) ‹fr.› n. place publique, terrain (de football).  [Skt, descr. « fête »] : dóonu n' á wà pɔɲɛɛ̀ tɔ̀ tólon dúlà, dóonu n' á wà tɛŕɛn tɔ̀ tólon dúlà • Il y a ceux qui vont faire la fête sur le pont et il y a ceux qui vont faire la fête sur la place du marché. Syn.: mìsíidɛ. tɛrɛn Var.: tɛrɛ. dtm. être dans le passé <occupe la position immédiatement après le sujet, s'emploie uniquement dans les propositions avec le copul.e bi, béle ou máa>.  bírɛɛdè tɛrɛn (bì) bóɲɛ̀ là, kɔǹɔ à béle yàn • Il y avait du pain à la maison, mais maintenant il n'y en a plus.  bìi ǹ tɛrɛn máa kɛǹdɛ • Je ne me sentais pas bien aujourd'hui.  í tɛrɛn b' á fɛ̀ kà fɛń fɔ̀ ɲɲè? • Qu'est-ce que tu voulais me dire ? Syn.: nùn. tɛŕiya vi. faire vite ; être pressé.  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : ì tɛŕiyata kómìn nà wőo, ì sì lɛŕu sàba nìn dóndèn kɛ̀ yàn • Même si tu vas très vite, tu mets trois heures et quelques pour y arriver. Syn.: híttinɛ, latɛŕiya. tɛŕiya adv. 1) vite. 2) volontiers.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : kála í wùléè tàla, káa dénnɛɛǹ' dè tún í wùléè tàla tɛŕiya? • Est-ce que tout le monde prend les chiens [pour éléver], ou bien il n'y a que les enfants qui aiment éléver les chiens ? tɛtɛkè (tɛtɛki) ‹pul.› nr. intestins. tɛtti ‹pul.› vt. cueillir (les fruits). Syn.: bɔ5. tɛẃu ‹pul.› 1) vr. faire exprès.  à báti ń tùntun, à m' á tɛẁu • Il m'a poussé sans faire exprès. 2) vr. s'en ficher.  ǹ ká ǹ tɛẁu! • Je m'en fiche ! ti (n, w) <forme réduite du marqueur du par-fait>. Cf.: báti. tìbáabòe (tìbáabu) Var.: tùbáabòe (tùbáabu).

  n. homme blanc. Syn.: pòrto. tìgáà (tìga) n. arachide. ♦ tìga gbɛĺɛn • pois de terre, pois bambara. tíggarɛ̀ (tíggarɛ) ‹pul.› n. foulard (porté par la fiancée pendant le mariage). tíggɛ ‹pul.› 1) vt. épouser. Syn.: jíga 2 , jɔńbaya, tà 2 , tatíggɛ. 2) vt. voiler la future mariée avec un foulard. tíggitɛ ‹pul.› vr. regarder vers le haut. tígi dtm. 1) même, soi-même.  ń dè tígi lè bì kɛ̀ mála • Je fais ça moi-même.  [Skt, descr. « sadaqa »] : sádakà, í ɲɛtɛ tígi lè làko, dóo làko máa • Le sacrifice c'est quelque chose que tu fais pour toi-même, pas pour quelqu'un d'autre.  [Mns, disc., conte « poulain »] : à sɔǵɔ b' á là, ó lè tígi n' á yɛẃuti • Il veut que vous précisément preniez la parole. Syn.: tígi-tigi 3 . 2) précisément, celui-ci même (devant les yeux des participants de la communica-tígè tíɲa 186 tion) <utilisé pour souligner la pertinence dé l'énoncé par l'établissement d'un lien entre la situation décrite et un référent présent dans la situation de la communica-tion>.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : ǹ m' á mɛń sì wó lè sí kúma mɛń kóobèn, ǹ bítan tígi lê màyitala • Je ne sais pas si vous avez bien compris, c'est précisément ma belle-mère qui est ici, c'est elle qui a été vendue [dans l'histoire qui vient d'être racontée].  [Skt, descr. « sadaqa »] : állà tée sádakà jàabi ɲɔńinɲɔ, lún mìn nà állà k' á jàabi wő, í lè tígi, ì s' à yèn • Dieu ne va pas te répondre immédiatement, mais peu importe le jour où Dieu répond, toimême, tu le verras.  [Mns, conte « femme du chasseur »] : ì là kɛ̀ mɔtɛ̀ tígi bɔta ɲɔ́ lè • Ta moto, qui est là-devant nous, vient de là-bas. 3) comme il faut ; vrai <caractérise le référent comme un étalon>.  [Mns, conte « chats et souris »] : bìi ó mò ní sùmun, sùmúɲɛ̀ tígi là • Aujourd'hui on va faire la veillée, une très bonne veillée !  ǹ báti kɔrɛɛ̀ tígi lè dámu • J'ai mangé du très bon riz.  [Mns, conte « forgeron »] : mísikkè lè tígi mù • C'est de la très bonne musique. tígè (tìgi) 1) nr. maître, propriétaire.  kɛ̀ sáaku tígè mín? • Où est le propriétaire de ce sac ?  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : mànsáà mù hákkili tígè lè là • Le chef est un homme d'esprit. 2) nr. celui qui a, celui avec <s'emploie pour référer à une personne par une de ses characté-ristiques>.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : ɲáa wùlen tígè, k' à ɲáà lɔ̀ kómin nà, lɔǵɛǹu bìtata • Quand celui qui a des yeux rouge a regardé sur le bois, il a pris du feu. 3) nr. parent, père, mère. Syn.: kìna 2 . tígilɛn vt./vr. (se) tourner. Syn.: fìrifíri, kúdukudu, táyɛlɛman, yɛlɛmán, ŋɔŕɔmɔn. tígi-tigè (tígi-tigi) Var.: tígi-tigi-tigè (tígi-tigi-tigi). dtm./adv. <valeur d'intensification>. 1) précisément, exactement. 2) vraiment.  [Mns, conte « chats et souris »] : tígi-tigè mà báti mà tàdíya ò yèn kóobèn nà • Vraiment, nous vous sommes très reconnaissants ! 3) même, soi-même.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : gúvɛrnɛmaɲɛ̀ tígi-tigi máa nà • Les autorités ne sont pas venues elles-mêmes, [elles ont envoyé des représentants]. Syn.: tígi 1 . tíiboɲɛ̀ (tíibon) n. case ronde. Syn.: tíimabo. tíimaboɲɛ̀ (tíimabon) n. case ronde. Syn.: tíibon. tíindɛ̀ (tíindɛ) ‹pul.› nr. front (anat.). tíirɛ ‹fr.› vt. tirer (fusil).

  tímiya vi. être salé.  kɛ́ kɔrɔ kínè tímiyanden kóoben, ǹ tée à dàmu • Ce riz est trop salé, je ne peux pas le manger. tímmɛ (n) ‹pul. < ar.› v./adjP. 1) vi. resp. se terminer, finir <peut être employé sans marqueur prédicatif>.  lɛŕɛ̀ bá' tímmɛ = lɛŕɛ̀ tímmɛ • L'heure est terminée. Syn.: bán 1 , bɔ6, kɛ4. 2) vi. mourir (récemment).

2 )

 2 tínba vt. taper, frapper (avec la paume de la main).  k' à tínba a kɔɛ̀ tɔ̀ • taper dans le dos. tínbɛ vt. fonder. tíntan vt./vr. (se) tourner. Syn.: fìrifíri, kúdukudu, táyɛlɛman, yɛlɛmán, ŋɔŕɔmɔn. tíɲa Var.: tíɲan. 1) vi./vt. (se) gâter, (se) casser.  à báti sálè tìɲa • Il a gâché la fête. tíɲarè tólè 187 vi. être inutile, être en vain.  [Nsr, disc. « affaires du village »] : àn nà yángɛ̀ tée tíɲa • Leurs souffrances ne seront pas vaines. 3) vt. jeter, gaspiller.  [Mns, conte « deux co-épouses »] : ♦ k' í deɲɛǹu tìɲa • prendre des contraceptifs.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : k' í dɔɔlɛɛ̀ tìɲan a tɔ̀ • gaspiller son énergie sur qch. 4) vt. nuire, causer des problèmes à qn.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : wónù báti mò tìɲan góyi • Ils nous ont causé des problèmes. 5) vt. empêcher de.  [Dgm, histp. « mon parcours »] : wò máa ń ná kàraɲɛɛ̀ tìɲa • [Ma maladie] ne m'a pas empêché d'étudier. 6) vt. ne pas tenir parole, ne pas tenir sa promesse, jouer un mauvais tour.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : wó t' áà tìɲa, mà máa háldɛ wó lè là • Vous n'avez pas tenu parole, ce n'est pas ça que nous avions dit. 7) vi. iron. être condamné.tíɲarè (tíɲari) n. dégâts.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : wò jéè kà tìɲárè mà • Cette eau (d'une pluie violente) a causé des dégâts. típpɛ ‹pul.› vt. déposer par terre.  kà lɔǵɛ̀ típpɛ dùgéè tɔ̀ • enfoncer le bâton dans la terre.  kɔrɛɛ̀ sáaku típpɛ yàn • Dépose le sac de riz ici. Syn.: kíkkɛ. tìso vi. éternuer. tó Var.: ló. 1) vi. rester (chez qn, quelque part).  ǹ tóta à báta tèle fìla • Je suis resté deux jours chez eux.  à bì tóonden á bàaba là kúmà tɔ̀ • Il respecte ce que son père dit.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : dóonu fóo táata bùtúgun kɔɔkɛɛ̀ mà, à tóota ń dɔrɔn ma̋ • Tous les autres sont partis en ville et je suis resté tout seul. 2) vt. laisser, ne pas prendre avec soi.  à bát' á là déɲɛ̀ tò bóɲɛ̀ là • Elle a laissé son enfant à la maison.  à kà kìló fìla tò àn tɛɛmà • Il a laissé deux kilomètres entre eux.  ǹ báti' Tìmbɔ tágà tó ɲɔɔnɛtɔ • J'ai décidé de ne pas aller à Timbo.  à dénɲɔgɛǹu k' á tó háa ùráà là • Ses amis ont décidé d'attendre jusqu'au soir. 3) vt. laisser, autoriser à. ♦ à tó! • s'il te plaît ! (formule utilisée pour demander une autorisation). Syn.: dí 2 . 4) vt. céder (pour un prix).  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : kɔtɛɛ̀ ì b' á tóólá ɲɲé jélu lá? • Tu me le donnes à combien alors ? (dans la situation de marchandage). 5) vt. arrêter (de faire qch).  [Mns, conte « le maudit »] : ò máa ń dè lè gbàsi, ò k' ó là déɲɛ̀ lè gbàsi, ò à tó káa! • Ce n'est pas moi mais votre propre enfant que vous frappez, arrêtez ! 6) vi. commencer à, se mettre à (à faire qch -infinitif) <exprime la valeur de commencement d'une action durative, habituelle ou itérative>.  [Dgm, histp. « vieille sorcière »] : à tóta á dɔǹna ɲɔɔ lè háa à kɔrita • Elle s'est mise à danser làbas jusqu'à l'épuisement.  [Dgm, histp. « ma belle-mère »] : á lè tóota táala lɔḱɔ tɔ̀ kà fòrtonnɛɛǹu máyìta dóndèn-dóndèn • Elle a commencé à aller au marché et à vendre le piment.  [Dgm, histp. « Mami Wata »] : ǹ kà lɔǵɔnnɛ̀ bìla jéè tɔ, ǹ tóta á sàmanna ǹ fɛ̀ • J'ai mis le petit bâton dans l'eau et j'ai commencé à le traîner derrière moi.  à tóta kɛ̀ kúmà fɔla • Il s'est mis à répéter ce mot. tòléè (tòli) n. engrais.  tòli sáakòe • sac d'engrais.

tòli 1 )

 1 vi. pourrir, se gâter. 2) vi. être fertilisé. ǹ nà náakɔɛ bá' tòli • Il y a de l'engrais dans mon jardin.

  ) n. boucle d'oreille. tóllandè (tóllandi) adjMP. obéissantе (femme par rapport à son mari).  mùsu tóllandè b' á bólo • Il a une femme obéissante. tólni ‹pul.› vt. recevoir, accueillir.  [Mns, conte « chats et souris »] : ànu báti ómò tólni kóobè nà • Ils nous ont très bien accueillis. tólè (tólo) nr. oreille.  [Nsr, disc. « affaires du village »] : mà tólo b' ò là • On vous écoute.  k' à tólè yánsan • frapper à la tête. tólobità (tólobita) nr. arrière-petit-fils, arrière-petite-fille.tólofarà (tólofara) n. 1) feuille de patate douce. 2) coeur (couleur de cartes).

  tólogbàsi vt. gifler. tólogbɛtɛɲɛ̀ (tólogbɛtɛn) n. sourd. tólogbɛtɛya vi. devenir sourd. tólomalɔ̀ Var.: tólomasɔ. 1) vr. écouter (qn, qch -là).  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : ì mán dòn lɛkkɔĺ là, ì tée ì tólomasɔ̀ ì mɛɛtɛr ì mín fɔlá ì yèn • Quand tu vas à l'école tu n'écoutes pas ce que le professeur te dit. 2) vr. attendre.  [Nsr, disc. « affaires du village »] : àn n' àn tólomasɔ̀ ǹ nà háa ǹ nì wálènu bàn • Ils doivent attendre que je finisse le travail.

tólomin 1 )

 1 vi./vt. (se) tordre (partie du corps ou vêtement).  ń kɛɲɛɛ̀ bá' tólomin ɔtɛ̀ tɔ̀ • Mon pied est tordu [pendand que j'étais assis d'un manière uncommode] dans la voiture.  à báti ǹ nà kɔɔlè tólomin • Il m'a pris par le col. Syn.: ŋɔŕɔmɔn. 2) vr. se tordre (de douleur). Syn.: ŋɔŕɔmɔn. tóloɲɛ̀ (tólon) n. fête ; jeu ; jouet ; divertissement, amusement.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : mɔgɔ wő béle dònnà dɔǹdúlà bùtɔ, kàà tɛren tólôn bí kàn dò • Personne ne vient à la boîte de nuit, parce qu'il y a une autre fête ailleurs en même temps.  [Dgm, hist. « sorciers du Dogomet »] : ǹ b' í dàmula lè, ǹ béle tólon dè là! • Je vais te manger, je ne plaisante pas ! (litt. : « Je ne suis pas dans un jeu »).

  tólon vi. jouer ; s'amuser. Syn.: ɲáalatɛgɛ. tólonfɛɲɛ̀ (tólonfɛn) n. 1) instrument de musique. 2) jouet. tólorè (tólore) ‹fr.› n. tôlier.

  tònbon vt. ramasser (par terre).  kà pùnnɛɛ̀ tònbon • cueillir les champignons.  ǹ ká kɔrɛɛ̀ mín nàboyí, ǹ bát' à tònbon • J'ai ramassé le riz que j'avais fait tomber.

tóngi 1 )

 1 vi. attendre.  [Nsr, disc. « affaires du village »] : àn nì tóngi ɲɲè, háa ǹ nì wálènu bàn • Ils doivent attendre que je finisse le travail. 2) vt. entraver une vache. tóngirè (tóngiri) n. attente <nominalisation du verbe tóngi 'attendre'>. tónton vt. taper. tóè (tóo) 1) nr. reste. 2) nr. résultat. tòéè (tòo) n. tô (mets à base de farine de mil ou de sorgho et d'eau).

  tóoli ‹pul.› itj. bienvenue ! tóoni vt. lever (partie du corps).  [Mns, conte « chats et souris »] : wùléè bát' á fɔɲɛ̀ tóoni • Le chien a levé la queue.  k' í bólè tóoni • agiter la main.  k' ì bóle tóoni à yèn • saluer qn d'un geste de la main. tòoɲáà (tòoɲa) n. 1) vérité, raison.  tɔɔɲáà b' ì bòlo • Tu as raison. 2) raison, argument. tòréè tɔŕɔbagatɔɛ̀ 189  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : ǹ s' í bóloka fɛẃ, sì ì ká wó tɔɔɲáà sàba fɔ̀ • Je te lasserai partir tout de suite si tu me donnes trois arguments. tòréè (tòro) n. figue. tòsáà (tòsa) n. chauve-souris. tòtéè (tòti) ‹pul.› n. grenouille. tòtíkùngbilíɲɛ̀ (tòtíkùngbilin) n. crapaud. tòtipáccalà (tòtipáccala) n. crapaud. tɔ-(w) <variante du préfixe verbal du répétitif utilisé avec un nombre restreint de verbes dans le kakabé de l'ouest>. Cf.: ta-. tɔ̀ pp. 1) dans.  à bɔɔnden kɔɛɛ̀ tɔ̀ • Il est venu de la rivière.  ɲàaréè báti dènnɛɛ̀ kín à bólè tɔ̀ • Le chat a mordu l'enfant à la main. 2) dans (du temps).  lɔɔkuɲɛ̀ tɔ̀ • dans une semaine. 3) de, parmi.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : dɛpí, mà máa fɛń sɔtɔ àn tɔ̀ bùtun • Pour l'instant nous n'avons rien reçu parmi ces choses-là.  [Nym, conte, prov. « maudit »] : yɔĺɛ̀ bá' wúli, yɔĺɛ̀ màa dóodo tɔɔrɔ àn tɔ̀ • Les mouches tsé-tsé sont parties et n'ont pas ennuyé personne parmi eux. 4) <s'emploie pour référer à l'activité principale>.  [Krp, disc. « dans la forge »] : mà ká nìngéè sɔtɔ wó lè tɔ̀ • Ce travail nous a permis d'acheter une vache (litt. : « Nous avons acheté une vache dans ça »).  [Krp, disc. « dans la forge »] : kɛǹù bí nɛgɛɛ̀ tɔ̀ lè • Ils sont forgerons (litt. : « Ils sont tous dans le fer »). tɔdɛ̀ Cf.: tɔɔdɛ̀ 'tout à fait '. tɔdɛɛman (w) Cf.: tadɛɛman 'aider'.

  tɔdíya (w) Cf.: tadíya 'être content'. tɔǵɛ̀ (tɔǵɔ) n. 1) abri (dans les champs).

  tɔśɔtɛ̀ (w) (tɔśɔtɔ) n. développement, amélioration.  [Krp, hist. « histoires du passé »] : tɔśɔtɔ bá' sɔtɔ kɔtɛɛ̀ dóndèn dóndèn, háa màsíɲɛǹù fɔlɔta nàla • Il y a eu un peu d'amélioration, on commence à avoir des machines. tránspɔrè (tránspɔru) ‹fr.› n. moyen de transport.  kà tránspɔrɛ̀ bɔ̀ • prendre un moyen de transport. tùbáabòe (tùbáabu) Cf.: tìbáabu 'homme blanc'. túg' Cf.: túgun 'aussi'. tùgáà (tùga) n. épieu (bâton gros et long garni de fer qui sert à chasser). túgan vr. être content.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : mà sí mà túgan wò fɛ̀ • Nous sommes contents de ça. tùggɛ ‹pul.› vt. s'adresser à.

  túggɔrdè (túggɔrdu) ‹pul.› n. canne, bâton. à b' á tùnganna túggɔrdè là • Il s'appuie sur une canne.

tùgu 1 )

 1 vt. piler. 2) vi. se heurter, se cogner.  ɔtɛǹu báti tùgu ɲɔǵɔn nà ǹ ɲáà tɔ̀ • Il y a deux voitures qui se sont heurtées devant mes yeux.  [Mns, conte « femme du chasseur »] : sì állà sɔta sáɲɛ̀ nín dùgéè tùguta ɲɔǵɔn nà, ǹ béle mùsu fɛ, sì kɛ́ mùséè máa • Même si Dieu fait tomber le ciel sur la terre, je ne veux aucune autre femme que celle-ci. túgujoè (túgujuu) n. palmier à huile (Elaeis guineensi). Syn.: tɛń. túgun Var.: túg. dtm. 1) aussi, en plus, encore <s'emploie après tout type de constituant : nominal, pronominal, verbal, postpositionnel, avant une voyelle la dernière syllabe peut être amuïe>.  [Ppd, hist. « époque coloniale »] : tìbáabòenu kà Sáamɔdù fàga, àwa àn yíltitɛta álmaami Búbakàr tùgun yèn, àn kà wó tùgun fàga Bɔtɔɔrɛ̀ • Les Blancs ont tué Samori. Ensuite ils se sont mis contre Boubacar et l'ont aussi tué à Botooré.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : ò là déɲɛ̀ tùgun bì mà là káɲɛ̀ kɛ̀ fɔla? • Et vos enfants parlent aussi notre langue ?  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : hári à bí tùgun, wò sì mín yìta mà là yàn dɛtɔ? • Y-a-t-il encore quelque chose que vous pouvez nous raconter ?  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : ì s' á fɔĺɔ súbakà tɔ, ì n' á wà háa mìdéè nì fá s' ì nì ké Pɔɔrɛdaka, ì n' á máyìta tùgun, fáhi ̋n ì ní bɔbɛɛ̀ tɔbànba tùgun ì ní kée yàn, jɛƴɛ tɔ̀ • Tu sors à l'aube, tu marches jusqu'à midi pour arriver à Poorédaka, en suite tu vends, et après il faut encore que tu portes ton enfant sur le dos pour rentrer à la maison le soir. 2) et, quant à <marqueur du changement du topique ou mar-tùgun tùrísè 191 queur du topique contrastif ; marqueur de passage à un autre sujet de discussion>.  bìi tùgun • et après.  dóonu túg' í wòréè làla fɛɛnden tɔ̀ • D'autres mettent des noix de cola dans des petites calebasses. 3) en arrière, de nouveau <exprime la valeur du retour en arrière, du retour dans l'état pré-cédent>.  [Dgm, histp. « dans la brousse »] : ń bòyita dùgéè mà ...> ń yɛlɛta tùgún, ǹ ká ǹ là • Je suis tombé par terre ...>, après je me suis levé et je me suis recouché.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : wátti tùgun • la prochaine fois. tùgun Cf.: tàgun 'se fermer'. tùgúɲɛ̀ (tùgun) Var.: tùgunnɛɛ̀ (tùgunden). n. butte (pour planter le manioc, patate, tomate etc.).  kà tùgun nàwúli • faire une butte.  mà báti tùgun nàwúli bàntára kóè tɔ̀ • On a fait une butte pour le manioc. túlà (túla) n. souris. túlè (túlu) n. huile, beurre. túlupiɗɛ ‹pul.› vi. être rond. tùmáà (tùma) n. temps. ♦ tùma dó • peut-être.  [Dgm, histp. « Mami Wata »] : tùma dǒ, bì sóè tɔ, ǹ sí kîìbo • Peut-être que cette nuit je vais avoir un rêve. ♦ mà bí wò tùma • À bientôt ! (à une personne). ♦ ómà bí wò tùma • À bientôt ! (à plusieurs personnes).  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : ♦ k' í tùmáà dòni • en profiter pendant sa jeunesse.  mún tùma? • quand ?  tùma wőo tùma • tout le temps. Syn.: lɔǵɛ, sáayi, wáttu 1 . tùmanin adv. quand ; pendant que.  ǹ máni ké tùmanin (nà) ǹ s' í kèle • Quand je viens, je t'appelle.  à b' á kòla tùmanin, à bì sígè lála • Il chantait en se lavant. tún Var.: tűn. prt. 1) dès que.  ì máni kɛ̀ púnnɛ̀ dámu tűn, ì sí fàga • Dès que tu manges ce champignon, tu es mort.  sángè báti fɔlɔ nàla tún, à báti nà • Dès qu'il a commencé à pleuvoir, il est arrivé. 2) <particule emphatique>.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : sì ì là dénnɛɛ, kùta ɲúmà béle à mà ɲɔɔ, à ì díla tún • Si ton enfant n'a pas de jolis vêtements, il va pleurer.  à b' à lá déɲɛǹu gbàsila tún • Il frappe trop ses enfants.  àn k' à tóo tún háa sàgóè mà • Ils l'ont laissé jusqu'au matin.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : sì tɛrenta, háray wò là háaju sí bɛǹ wò mà, ò sí nà fɔĺa ɲɲè tún • Si votre problème est résolu, vous viendrez me le dire.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : jàká à máa télen dɛ́ tún • Franchement, il n'est pas honnête ! Syn.: dɛ. 3) seulement ; seul.  [Krp, disc. « menuisiers »] : wó lè tűn dè kà kúras sɔtɔ wálè là yàndɛtɔ̀ • Vous seuls avez le courage de travailler ici.  má lè tún máa • Nous ne sommes pas seuls. tún vi. sauter.  ɲàaréè báti tún túlà kɔɔma • Le chat a sauté sur la souris. túnbɛ ‹pul.› 1) vt. être au milieu.  mɔńbilè báti kílà túnbɛ • La voiture est au milieu de la route. 2) vt. mettre à l'intérieur.  kàwótè túnbɛ sáakòe búutɔ̀ • mettre l'argent dans le sac.túnbitɛ vt. enlever ; sortir.  ǹ báti kùtáànù túnbitɛ sáakòe tɔ̀ • J'ai sorti les vêtements du sac. Syn.: ~ sóli. túnbɔndìrɛ ‹pul.› vi. (se) rassembler. túnɛn Var.: túnun. 1) vi. se cacher.  kùláàǹ bá' túnɛn wùléè là • Les singes se sont cachés du chien. Syn.: dògon, madògon

  ùráà (ùra) Var.: wùráà (wùra). n. soir (de midi à l'aube du jour suivant).  ùráà là = ùráà fɛ̀ • le soir. ústasɛ̀ (ústas) n. savant musulman, oustad (homme respecté dans la culture de l'islam).

  útè (úti) ‹fr.› n. outil ; instrument. Syn.: pyúnden. úufɛ ‹pul.› 1) vi. mûrir (pas sur l'arbre). 2) vt. laisser mûrir. úumɛ ‹pul.› vi. faire du bruit, bourdonner.  bánta báti úumɛ • On entend la pluie arriver.  màsíɲɛ̀ báti úumɛ • On entend une voiture arriver. úurɛ ‹pul.› 1) vi. sentir (bon).  dòríkè bì úurɛla sàfúnà là • La chemise sent le savon. 2) vt. parfumer.  mùséè bi bóɲɛ̀ (là)úurɛla • La femme parfume la maison. wa <forme contractée du pronom de la deuxième personne du pluriel avec le pronom de la troisième personne du singulier>. Cf.: wo + a. wá prep. de, à partir de.  [Nsr, disc. « affaires du village »] : kòyi àn nì tága ɲɔǵɔn gbàsi dúla mànsa mɔǵɔ fìla, dóè wá Kɔỳin mìsíidɛ̀ tɔ, dóè bì wá Kánkalabɛ̀ • Ils devaient se battre, ces deux chefs, l'un de Koyin, l'autre de Kankalabé. ♦ wa ... (a) nin • de … jusqu'à.  ǹ báti nà wá Kɔǹakri à nín Zɛŕɛkɔrɛ • Je suis venu de Conakry jusqu'à Nzérékoré.  [Mns, disc., conte « esprit de la rivière »] : ì n' ánu yèn gbɛɛyala wá yàn nín Mànsáyà tɔ̀ • Tu les vois briller à partir d'ici jusqu'à Mansaya.  ǹ báti wáli wá sàgòe mà kà kée mìdéè • J'ai travaillé du matin jusqu'à midi. wà Cf.: wàna 'par exemple'.

  wàkkiláarè (wàkkiláari) n. zèle ; application ; ambition <nominalisation du verbe wàkkílɛ 'faire de son mieux'>.  wàkkilari báà lè kà ń nàbɔ́ Zɛŕɛkɔrɛ̀ kà ń dòni Màn • C'est l'ambition qui m'a fait partir de Nzérékoré et venir à Man. wàkkílɛ ‹pul.› vr. s'appliquer ; faire de son mieux, travailler fort, être diligent.  à b' á wàkkílɛnden kàráɲɛ̀ là • Il travaille fort pour ses études. wálawalà (wálawala) n. tourbillon. wálè (wáli) n. travail.  wálè báti kɛ! • On a bien travaillé ! wáli 1) vi. travailler. 2) vt. travailler, gagner (de l'argent).  tígitigè lɛŕu wɔɔrɔ, mò kà wó lè wáli • Nous avons travaillé six heures exactement. 3) vt. fabriquer, faire.  [Mns, conte « forgeron »] : ò lá kɛ̀ tɔǵɛ̀ wálilen • Ta forge est bien faite.wálifɛɲɛ̀ (wálifɛn) n. matériel, instrument.

  wálikɛɛlaà (n) (wálikɛɛlaa) Var.: wálimaalaà (wálimaalaa) ; wáalilaà (wálilaa). n. ouvrier. Syn.: báaraden. wáliwalè (wáliwali) Var.: wáluwalòe (wáluwalu). n. 1) transporteur (qui transporte des charges avec un chariot).

  ‹pul. < ar.› n. matin ; prière du matin.  wàllua ma • le matin. wálè (wálu) adjMP. grand.  pìnpi wálè báti lá • Le ciel est devenu complètement noir. Syn.: baa, banba, belebele, kalaba, kólo. wáluwalòe (wáluwalu) Cf.: wáliwali 'transporteur'. wàna Var.: wà. conj. par exemple.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : hári mà ì fɛń mɛśɛnnɛ̀ dòoní sànden, wàna gàtɔ, bànána, lɛɛmúnɛ • Normalement, on a fait des petites achats, par exemple des gâteaux, des bananes, des oranges.  [Mns, descr. « mariage »] : àn n' á fɔ́ ò yèn, ómò jɔńbajiga lún sá. ò n' á fɔ, wàna bì lɔɔkun dè mù jɔńbajigà là, bì álkamisa lɔɔkun • Ils vous disent : « Il faut fixer la date du mariage ». Vous dites, par exemple, que le mariage aura lieu dans une semaine, jeudi prochain.  [Mns, histp. « voyage »] : mò tì yɛẃtɛrɛndènu búyi yɛẃuit yàn, à nín lɔǵɔ búyi, wàna jáɓɛ, wàna lɛɛmunɛ kúmè, wàna dùkúmmɛ, mò t' á fóo yɛẃuti yàn • Nous avons parlé de beaucoup de choses ici, de beaucoup de plantes, par exemple, wánayɛ wíirɛ 195 le tamarinier, le citron vert, l'arbre « dukummé », nous avons parlé de tout ça.

  wánayɛ conj. on ne peut pas, il est impossible de ; (c'est) impossible.  wánayɛ ɗún ì n' á gbàsi = wánayɛ ɗún k' á gbàsi • On ne peut pas le frapper.  wánayɛ ì n' á fɔ̀ • On ne peut pas le dire.

  wírtɛrè (wírtɛri) n. <nominalisation du verbe wírtɛ 'faire honte'>. wìtamín ‹fr.› n. vitamine <s'emploie sans article>.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : súnbarà à nín kɔkɛɛ̀ kɔkɛɛ̀ mán bán lála à là, hári wìtamín bá' dɔǵɔya • Si on met du sel et du soumbala là-dedans, il y aura moins de vitamines. wíitirè (wíitire) Var.: wíitrè (wíitre). ‹fr.› n. vitre. wíwɔrdɛ̀ (wíwɔrdɛ) n. balançoire. Syn.: lɛɛri. wìzítɛ̀ (wìzit) ‹fr.› n. consultation médicale, visite médicale.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : dòktérè dôntà bóɲɛ̀ là à tóota wìzítè kɛɛla sàlón `búutɔ̀ • Le docteur est entré dans la maison et a commencé à donner des consultations dans le salon. wò Var.: ò. pron./dtm. 1) ce, celui (soit proche de l'auditeur et loin du locuteur, soit matériellement absent) <démonstratif pronominal et adnominal, utilisé pour un référent proche de l'auditeur ; quand ce démonstratif est adnominal il peut précéder ou suivre le nom>.  à báti wó màaféè tàbi = à báti màaféè wò tàbi • Elle a préparé cette sauce. 2) <démonstratif utilisé surtout dans la narration pour référer aux entités qui n'ont pas de rapport immédiat avec la situation du discours>.  [Dgm, histp. « mon parcours »] : wáttè wò tɔ̀ k' á tɛren ǹ bí kàranna ɲɔɔ là • A cette époque j'étudiais là-bas. 3) <pronom anaphorique utilisé pour référer à l'évènement ou référent introduit dans la proposition du segment discursif précédent, s'utilise souvent comme reprise pronominale du référent introduit par une proposition relative>.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : ì kà mín fɔ, ǹ báti wó mɛń • Je comprends ce que tu as dit.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : à kà yɛǵɛ̀ yúngu háa, à m' á yèn, k' à tɛren bànbáà dò ɲɔɔ là, wó nàta k' á kùnun • Elle a essayé de pêcher le poisson mais elle ne l'a pas attrapé. Et après il y a eu un crocodile, il est venu et il l'a mangée.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : ǹ wò wɔńkè 197 nà dénmusè dóè b' á sìgi fútè là, wò bɔɔnden déɲɛ̀ sɔtɔnna • Ma deuxième fille s'est mariée et elle vient d'avoir un enfant. wò Var.: ò. pron. <pronom de deuxième personne du pluriel>. 1) vous (en s'adressant à plus d'une personne). 2) resp. vous (adressé à une personne). wő Cf.: wőo 'chaque'. wòbón idéo. pan ! (imite le bruit d'un coup). wóllè Cf.: wo + lè + lè 'forme fusionnée du pronom personnel de la première personne du pluriel suivie par deux focalisateurs'. Var.: óllè. wòléè (wòlo) Var.: wɔrɔ. n. francolin (grosse perdrix des régions tropicales).

  wòlo vi./vt. mettre bas (animaux domestiques).  mà lá nìgéè báti nìngirén fìla wòlo • Notre vache a eu deux veaux. ♦ á wólo tɛŕiya! • Vas-y, fais vite ! (litt. : « accouche vite ! »).

  wóndɛma (n) Var.: wónandɛma. ‹pul.› conj. notamment, que.  [Mns, conte « faucon et tortue »] : sègélè là mùséè báti sɛkrɛɛ̀ dò fɔ̀ á yèn, wɔńandɛma, à mán' á jìga, à b' á màla kómin • La femme du vautour lui a dit un secret : comment faire quand il prendra [la tortue]. wóndi vi. être ensemble. wónwon vi. aboyer. wőo Var.: wó. dtm. 1) n'importe quel, tout <déterminatif avec la valeur de libre choix dans un contexte conditionnel>.  [Ppd, hist. « époque coloniale »] : ì tágata káamìn wő, ì sí má là mɔgɛɛǹu yèn • Où que tu ailles, tu vas rencontrer nos gens. ♦ X+wőo+X • construction dans laquelle le pronom est placé entre deux instances d'un mot répété, exprime une valeur de quantification comme libre choix emphati-sé>.  à s' á tágaman mùsu wőo mùsu fɛ̀ • Il se promène avec chaque fille.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : ǹ ná kàyéè sìginden wő sìginden, à í sìgarɛtè lè máyìtala • Mon mari est assis là tout le temps et vend les cigarettes.  à béle wő béle káamìn nɔǹ • Il n'y a pas d'endroit où ça n'existe pas. 2) aucun.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : ǹ máa' a tága dúla wóo lɔń • Je ne connais pas du tout l'endroit où il est allé. 3) chacun, tout.  [Krp, disc. « dans la forge »] : ǹ nà kíliyan yàn wó, kɛǹ pàn mɔgɔ fìla • Chacun de ces deux hommes-là est un client à moi. wòê, wèê (wòo) n. trou, terrier. wóobè (wóobi) n. bâton (qu'on fait tourner pour touiller la sauce). Syn.: sùngbála 2 . wőowò pron. chacun.  [Krp, disc. « dans la forge »] : mín mán' á sìgi yàn, wőwò s' á dà • Chacun qui est assis ici est un [forgeron]. wòréè (wòro) n. noix de cola.  wòréè b' á là

  wɔrtɛɛ̀ (wɔrtɔ) n. faucille.  kà kɔrɛɛ̀ tɛgɛ wɔrtɛɛ̀ là • moissonner le riz à la faucille. wɔtɛ ‹fr.› vi. voter (pour -yèn).  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : jàmáà fóo wɔtɛta à yèn • Tout le monde a voté pour lui.wɔtɛ̀ (wɔtɛ) ‹fr.› n. élections.

wɔtɔ 1 )

 1 vt. gratter. 2) vt. écosser ; décortiquer ; éplucher. Syn.: kósin, màkáa, mawɔtɔ. 3) vt. labourer (le champ).  wón dè kà ya wɔỳɔ 1) vi. couler.  kɛ̀ kɔɛɛ̀ yàn bí wɔỳɔla kóobèn • Il y a un courant fort dans cette rivière. 2) vi. flotter. Syn.: núnbɛ. wŕrr idéo. imite le bruit de qch qui roule vers le bas. wúccundè (wúccundu) ‹pul.› n. injr. gredin, vaurien. Syn.: ~ fúufàfúu 1 . wúlà (wúla) n. contrée sauvage, brousse. wúleɲɛ̀ (wulen) adjM. rouge.  tàrawɔ wúleɲɛ̀ • route en terre. wùlen vi. être rouge ; rougir.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : mángòe mán mɔ, à í wùlenna lè • Quand la mangue est mûre, elle est rouge.wúli 1) vi. se lever, se réveiller.  [Dgm, histp. « Mami Wata »] : kɛńɛ̀ sì bɔ̀ tún, wò ní mɔgɔ `mágbàsi: ì wúlì, ì wúli! • Dès que le jour se lève, vous nous secouez et dites : « lève-toi, lève-toi ! ». Syn.: kúnɛn 1 . 2) vi. vouloir faire, aller faire <exprime le futur ou le potentiel>.  ǹ bì wúlinden nùn tágala lúumɛ̀ tɔ, kɔǹɔ sángè báti fɔĺɔ nàla • Je voulais aller au marché mais il a commencé à pleuvoir.  [Dgm, histp. « Mami Wata »] : ì mán wúli í láala ùráà là ì ní sáli • Quand tu vas te coucher le soir, tu dois d'abord faire une prière.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : ì mán wúli mɔɔnɛɛ̀ ládùu dúlà, ì y' á tàla yán dè • Quant tu vas préparer la bouillie de riz, prends [le sucre] ici.  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : ì máni wúli nàla ì nì wáa tán tùgun sàara • Pour rentrer chez toi, tu paies encore dix mille francs. 3) vi. partir, disparaître.  [Nym, conte, prov. « mau-wùllitɛ yàafa 199 dit »] : yɔĺɛ̀ bá' wúli, yɔĺɛ̀ màa dóodo tɔɔrɔ àn tɔ̀ • Les mouches tsé-tsé sont parties et n'ont pas ennuyé personne parmi eux.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : ǹ b' á fɛ̀ wó lè tùgun nì wúli, wo n' a wà káa là, ǹ ní mɔgɔ gbɛtɛ tùgun kíli • Je veux que vous partiez pour que j'appelle d'autres gens ici. 5) vi. échapper. wùllitɛ ‹pul.› vr. se plaindre (de qn -mà/là, à qn -bàta/tɔ ).  mà báti mà wúllitɛ ì mà mànsáà báta/tɔ̀ = mà báti mà wúllitɛ ì là mànsáà mà • On s'est plaint de toi auprès du chef. wúlu (n) num. mille. Syn.: wáa. wùléè (wùlu) n. chien. wúluwuluwulu idéo. imite le chant des oiseaux.wúntɛ vi. entrer dans la puberté (fille).

  wúntè (wúntu) n. calebasse (en forme de bouteille, utilisée comme instrument de musique).

  wúppɔɔndɛ̀ (wúppɔɔndɛ) ‹pul.› nr. vessie. wùráà (wùra) Cf.: ùra 'soir'. wúren vi. être pétri ; être mélangé.  básè báti wúren • La potion est mélangée.  kàramɔḱɔ bì bási làwúrenna • Le marabout est en train de mélanger une potion. Syn.: wóyi. wúrgɛ Cf.: húrugɛ 'clôturer'.wúrgɛ̀ (c, w) (wúrgɔ) Var.: wúrugɛ̀ (wúrugɔ) ; wúrugɛ̀ (wúrgɔ) ; húrugɛ̀ (húrugu) (n). ‹pul.› n. 1) toilettes, salle de bains, dou-chière (espace clôturé pour faire la toilette).  [Dgm, histp. « ma belle-mère »] : jéè bá' káliya, à n' á wà, à n' á kò wúrgɛ̀ tɔ̀ • L'eau est chauffée, il faut qu'elle aille à la douchière pour se laver. 2) espace clôturé (qui peut servir à différentes fins, par exemple une piste de danse).wúrugɛ Cf.: húrugɛ 'clôturer'.

  wùrundu vt. filer, tisser.  kà gáarà wùrundu • filer le fil. wúseɲɛ̀ (wúsen) Var.: wúsè (wúse). n. patate douce. Syn.: pùtɛɛtɛ. wútiya Cf.: wútuya 'être court'. wútu adjP. court ; petit.  kɛ̀ tàléè wútu lè • Ce conte est court. wútumà (wutuma) adjM. court. wútun Cf.: wútu 'court'.

wùtun 1 )

 1 vt. arracher, déraciner. ♦ kà bàntárà wùtun • récolter le manioc. ♦ fɔɲɛ̀ báti lɔǵɛ̀ wùtun • Le vent a arraché l'arbre. 2) vi. se déraciner. wútuya Var.: wútiya. vi. être court.  [Mns, disc., conte « esprit de la rivière »] : kúmà làwútuya dúla • pour faire court….  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : ♦ kà wútiya, kà yènɲiya • trembler de peur. wùya vi. se verser.  hɛńdòe, njáarɛndè báti wùya dàgáà tɔ̀ • A cause du vent, du sable est tombé dans la marmite. Cf.: bi 'être' <variante facultative de la copul.e existentielle « bi » qui peut apparaîte devant les voyelles>. -yà (-ya) mrph. <suffixe de dérivation verbale ou nominale à partir des noms et adjectifs : valeur d'état, de qualité, de processus>.  kɔŕɔya • méchanceté.  kɛńdɛya • se rétablir. yàafa Var.: yàafɛ ; yàafa. ‹pul. < ar.› 1) vi. pardonner (à qn -mà).  yàafa ǹ mà! • Pardon ! 2) vt. pardonner.  [Skt, descr. « sadaqa »] : állà ní má dɛɛman, álla ní má yàafɛ • Que Dieu nous aide et qu'il nous pardonne ! yáagɛ Var.: yáajɛ. ‹pul.› 1) vi. être long de taille, être grand de taille 2) vi. être vaste, spacieux ; devenir grand.  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : ♦ k' à hàkkílè làyáagɛ • réfléchir.  sángè báti nà, báa báti yáagɛ • Il a commencé à pleuvoir, et le fleuve s'est élargi. 3) vi. vivre une vie dissipée (jeune fille).

  yáagɛya vi. être vaste, spacieux ; devenir grand.  à là bóɲɛ̀ yáagɛyanden • Sa maison est grande. Syn.: yáagɛ. yàanɛ ‹pul.› vt. permettre. Syn.: nɛẃuni 1 , sɔǹ 1 . yáarì adv. l'année prochaine. yàayɛ ‹pul.› nr. tante paternelle. yálà (yála) n. galipette, culbute.  kà yálà fòyi • faire une culbute. yàlagéè (yàlagé) n. anacardier, noix de cajou. ‹pul.› .

  yàlan vi. tomber (fruits d'un arbre ; pluie, rosée). ♦ sángè b' á láyàlanna • Il pleut légèrement. yáltitɛ ‹pul.› vi. sortir, apparaître.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : ò nì jéè fùnfùn táà mà, sìnáà ɗùn sìiséè sì yáltitɛ yàn • Aspergez le feu avec un peu d'eau sinon il y aura de la fumée ici. yàn Cf.: jàn 'long'.yàn n./adv. <démonstratif à valeur de proximité par rapport au locuteur ; s'emploie avant ou après le mot qu'il définit>. 1) ici (proche par rapport à celui qui parle).  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : wón dè ká yàn fɛŕti, yàn fóo tàranta nùn túu kélen dè • Ils ont dégagé cet endroit ici, et ici, avant, il n'y avait que de la forêt.  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : á nàanden má kɔǹtɔnna yàn nà • Il est venu ici pour nous saluer.  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : wó lè lè mànsayanden mùséènu főo kùnma yàn dɛtɔ̀ • Ici, c'est vous qui êtes dans la tête de toutes les femmes. 2) -ci (proche par rapport à celui qui parle).  kɛ̀ yɛǵɛǹu yàn tólinden, dóonu dí ń bólo • Ces poissons-ci sont pourris, donne-m'en d'autres.

  yànbáà (n) (yànba) nr. feuille (d'une plante).

  yànbalamáà (n) (yànbalamá) adjMP. vert. Syn.: fítakɛndɛlama. yándi Var.: yándɛ. ‹pul.› itj. s'il vous plaît, s'il te plaît. yànfa adjP. loin.  ǹ nà bóɲɛ̀ yànfa yán dɛtɔ lè • Ma maison est loin d'ici.  má yânfa ǹ nà bɔɲɛ̀ là • On est loin de ma maison. yànfaya (n) vi. 1) s'éloigner. 2) vi. aller, avancer. ♦ à (bí) yànfayála? • Comment ça va ? ♦ wálè bì yànfayála? • Comment ça va ? (salutation adressée à qn qui est en train de travailler).

  ) ‹pul.› n. souffrance, effort. [Nsr, disc. « affaires du village »] : àn nà yángè tée tíɲa • Leurs souffrances seront récompensées (ne seront pas vaines).

  yángi ‹pul.› 1) vi. souffrir ; avoir des difficultés ; travailler dur et en vain.  ǹ báti yángi bɔ́ sàgóè mà háa ùráà là, ǹ máa fɛnfɛn sɔtɔ • J'ai travaillé dur du matin jusqu'au soir, mais je n'ai rien obtenu.  ǹ báti yángi kóobèn wálè là! • J'ai beaucoup souffert à cause de mon travail. 2) vt. faire travailler en vain.  à báti ǹ yángi jíi sòri kóè là • Il m'a fait puiser de l'eau pour rien.  k' ì ɲɛtɛ yángi • s'efforcer en vain.  ǹ bí ń ɲɛtɛ yángila lè í dɛɛmanna • Je n'arrive pas à t'aider. yànkáà (yànkaa) n. habitant d'ici.  ǹ báti yànkáànu kɔǹtɔn • J'ai salué les habitants d'ici. yànkáa Var.: yànka. adv. 1) maintenant.  [Dgm, histp. « vieille sorcière »] : yàn káa dén mɔgɔ wɔŕɔwila b' à bòlo • Maintenant il a six enfants.  [Dgm, histp. « mon parcours »] : ♦ yàn-káa-káa = yàn-káa-káa-káa • à ce moment-même. Syn.: kɔtɛɛ. 2) ici. -yankɛ mrph. <suffixe de dérivation : représentant d'un clan>.  Bùubuyankɛ • personne du clan de Boubou. yànnin conj. <la voyelle nasale est amuïe devant une autre voyelle qui est allongée>. 1) avant que.  yànnin ǹ ní nà ǹ k'á tàran ɔtɛ̀ bá' tága • Il s'est avéré que la voiture est partie avant que je sois arrivé.  [Mns, conte « femme du chasseur »] : yànnin ì ní wò fɔ̀ ɲɲè, ń kɔǹɔn ǹ ní kɛ̀ bòso yàn kɛǹɛn • Avant que tu me le racontes, attends que je dépouille cet [animal]. 2) d'abord.  [Mns, histp. « voyage »] : ń dè nìn Tràɔŕɛ̀ Músà, mò kó, kɔtɛɛ̀ yànnín kà lúntaɲɛǹù wɛŕni, k' ánu sáadula yìta ànu nà bùtún nà • Moi et Traoré Moussa, nous avons dit qu'il faut tout d'abord accueillir les invités et leur monter leur logement. 3) avant que. Syn.: sànnín. yánsan vt. enfoncer, ouvrir une brèche.ye prt. 1) <marqueur de focalisation contrastive de la valeur de vérité, s'utilise le plus souvent juste après que la valeur opposée soit affirmée par l'interlocuteur ou quand elle est impliquée fortement par le con-texte>.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : í lè bá' sìgi fútu là, káa í lè máa sìgi fútu là? -ǹ bá' sìgi yè • Est-ce que tu es mariée ou non ? -Je suis mariée.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : àn ní má tádɛɛman ɲɔɔ yè báaba! • Ils doivent nous aider avec ça !  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : àn n' á fɔ, àn dé lè tán mű yè • Ils disent que ça leur appartient [bien que ce soit nous qui ayons fait le travail].  [Nym, conte « Figuier »] : ń b' á fɛ, ǹ ní yɛlɛ sáɲɛ̀ mà -kò ǹ nándèn, wò káni yɛlɛ ɲɔɔ lá yè, sì mɔgɔ́ yɛlɛtá ɲɔ̀ là ì sí bòyi • Je veux monter en haut [du figuier]. -Belle-mère, ne monte pas, si tu montes tu vas tomber. 2) quand même.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : à tánbita ɲɔ́ télen, má le̋ nín móto tígè yě, má bɛntà • Il est passé par là, mais nous nous sommes quand même heurtés avec la moto. yéddi ‹pul.› vt. désobéir. yèe Cf.: hǹn 'non'.

  yèeséè (yèesi) Cf.: gɛsi 'cotonnier'. yén yílè 202 yén 1) vt. voir.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : ♦ kà ɲɔǵɔn yén à mà • se parler de qch.  [Dgm, histp. « mon parcours »] : sì ì ká í wàkkílɛ álla sí wàkkílɛ kóè kɛ̀ yén • Si tu es courageux, Dieu va le voir.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : ì máni kɛrɛɲɛ̀ yén, ì s' á fɔ̀ ì lá wùléè mà, á bìta • Quand tu vois le rat palmiste, tu dis à ton chien : « attrape-le ! ». 2) vt. trouver. 3) vt. considérer, comprendre.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : wò lé ká wô yèn kámà? • Qu'est-ce que vous en pensez ? 4) vt. faire l'amour avec, coucher avec qn. yèn Var.: ì. pp. 1) pour (qn).  ǹ báti kɔrɛ kínè tábi lúntaɲɛǹu yèn • J'ai préparé le riz pour les étrangers. 2) à (qn).  ì káni kúma kɔŕɔɲɛ̀ fɔ̀ í bàaba yèn • On ne doit pas dire des mots insultants à son père.  sàâ tée wàɲórɛ̀ kɛ́ túlà yèn • Les serpents ne font pas la chasse aux souris. 3) <indique le sujet de l'expérience>.  ɲàari dí ǹ ná mùséè yèn • Ma femme aime les chats. 4) que <indique l'objet de la comparaison>.  kɔrɛɛ̀ fìsáɲɛ̀ bàntaráà yèn • Le riz est mieux que le manioc. 5) <s'emploie dans la construction à valeur de vouloir>.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : mɔkála n' á fɔ̀ mîn b' á yèn • Chacun dit ce qu'il veut. yènɲiya vi. devenir long, devenir haut, devenir grand. yéyi ‹pul.› vt. vendre.

  yìngóɲɛ̀ (yìngon) n. somnolence, sommeil. yìngóɲɛ̀ báti ǹ bìta • J'ai sommeil.

  yírigɛ ‹pul.› vt. laver (avec une éponge).

yìta 1 )

 1 vt. montrer (à qn -là).  ì là bóɲɛ̀ yìta ǹ nà • Montre-moi ta maison. 2) vt. resp. dire. yìti vi. gonfler. Syn.: fúnun. yò 1) vi. être mécontent.  á yànfayala? -mɔgɛɛ̀ káni yò • Comment ça va ? -Je ne me plains pas.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : fìsáya mákàfunden? -mɔgɔ tée yò • Comment va la santé ? -On ne peut pas se plaindre. 2) vi. mépriser (qn -là, mà).  à bí yòonden ǹ nà • Il me méprise.  à báti yò á bàaba mà • Il a manqué de respect envers son père. yóosi ‹pul.› 1) vi. fondre (devenir complètement liquide).  kɛɲɛ̀ báti yóosi táà là • La graisse est fondue au feu. Syn.: hɔńci. 2) vi. avoir honte. yòoyáà (yòoya) n. manque de respect.

  yɔǵɔ (c) Cf.: ɲɔǵɔ 'payer'. yɔgɔ Cf.: ɲɔgɔ 'pareil'. yɔĺli ‹pul.› vt. mêler, entraîner (dans un danger, problème).

  yɔĺɛ̀ (c, w) (yɔĺɔ) n. mouche tsé-tsé. Syn.: lɔĺlɛ. yɔĺɛ̀ (c) (yɔĺɔ) n. épine (de porc-épic). Syn.: búllɛ, ŋàɲin. yɔn pron./dtm. qui ? quel ?  ó lè yàn, ò yɔń kà Mámmadù lɔǹ? • Qui parmi vous connait Mamadou ?  yɔń tùgun kà tàléè dóo lɔń à sì mín fɔ̀ mà yèn? • Qui d'autre connaît une histoire à nous raconter ?  í lè kà yɔń dè lɔń Dɔgɔmɛ? • Qui est-ce que tu connais à Dogomet ? yɔɲɛɛ̀ (n) (yɔǹ) esclave. Cf.: jɔǹ 'esclave'.

yɔǹgi 1 )

 1 vi. être accroché, être suspendu.  fìnkáarè bá' yɔǹgi jínbalè mà • Le fusil est accroché au mur. 2) vt. suspendre ; déposer en haut, mettre en haut.  ǹ báti ǹ ná kùtáànu yɔǹgi jínbalè mà • J'ai accroché mes vêtements sur le mur.  k' ì kɛɲɛɛ̀ yɔǹgi kàntɔ • lever les pieds en haut. yɔǹkáyè (yɔǹkáyi) n. Kakabé (groupe ethnique ; membre du groupe ethnique). Syn.: kákkabɛ ; kákkaɓɛ.yɔǹkúlè n. kakabé (langue). Syn.: kákkabɛ kúlè. yɔɔ Var.: ɛỳɔɔ. ‹pul.› itj. 1) <interjection d'adresse>.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : yɔɔ̀ nùméè à lɔǵɔ bí ń ná í ní kɛ̀ tɛgɛran máyìta ǹ nà • Forgeron ! Je veux que tu me vendes cette hache. 2) d'accord, alors, eh oui, ah bon <marqueur discursif qui signale la réception et la reconnaissance de la réponse de l'interlocuteur, et yɔɔli zítɔrnɛ̀ 204 en même temps prévoit le passage à la question suivante>.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : ɛỳɔɔ, ǹ b' á fɔĺa nùn, kó í lè yɛǵɛ bìta lè là • D'accord, et moi, je pensais que tu étais un pêcheur.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : ɛỳɔɔ, wùsen kúɲɛ̀ kúnkuna lè • Eh oui, la tête d'igname est amère.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : yɔɔ, ì bá' dén jèlu sɔtɔ Sàadu bàta? • [Comment s'appelle ton mari ? -Saydou. -] D'accord. Et combien d'enfants as tu fait pour Saydou?  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : yɔɔ nɛɛ? • ah bon ? Syn.: ~ àwa. yɔɔli ‹pul.› vi. se noyer, être emporté par le courant. yɔɔsitɛ (n) ‹pul.› vi. se dissoudre.

Outline of the main topics

	OF	operator focus
	OPF	Operator Focus
	ORDIN	ordinal number
	p.c. Chapter 1 personal communication
	PERS	person
	ART PFV Introduction referential article perfective
	ASR.F PFV.OF	assertion focus perfective with inherent operator focus
	BNF PhP BT PI 1.1	phonological phrase benefactive IP-final boundary tone polarity item
	C PI.DTM	consonant Polarity item determiner
	CA PL	Conversation Analysis plural
	CAUS POSS	causative possession linker
	CJ POT	conjoint form potential
	CK PRED	Central Kakabe semantic predicate (in identity statement)
	COND PST	conditional past
	DISC PST.PS	discrouse particle past-tense marker in post-subject position
	DJ PW	disjoint form prosodic word
	DO Q	direct object question word
	EPC R	existential possession construction LH tone linked to one mora
	EpV REF	epenthetic vowel the category of refactive or repeated action
	FinR resp.	IP-final pitch rise respectful register
	FTL Sbj	Final Tone Leveling subject
	SBJV	subjunctive

Table 1 .

 1 .1 below: 1: Isoglosses for the Kakabe area

	NK	WK	CK

Table 1

 1

	.2

Table 1 .

 1 3: The notation of the gemination Likewise, the vowel length in SR can also originate from different phenomena in UR, as shown in Table 1.4.

		Kakabe	UR	SR
		orthography		(IPA style)
	gemination of	jíllɛ	jílːɛ	jílːɛ ŕealization
	consonant		'follow'
	(phonological feature)
	of N before	mùgan lɔ ́ɔlu	mùgaN + lɔ ːlu	mùgà lːɔ ːlú
	sonorants		twenty + five
	vowel deletion in weak	máni lá	máni + lá	[má lːá]
	syllables	or mán lá	COND + lie	or [máni lá]
	realization of the	bá' lá	báti + lá	[bá lːá]
	auxiliary báti	or báti lá	PFV.OF + lie	or [bátí lá]
		Kakabe	UR	SR
		orthography		(IPA style)
	vowel length as a	bàaba	bàːba	bàːbà
	phonological feature		'father'
	merge of the auxiliary with	à k' à fɔ ́à ka à fɔ 'he	à kâː fɔ ŕealization
	the DO pronoun		said it'
	of the referential	dàgáà	dàga + È	dàgâː
	article		pot + ART

Table 1 . 4

 14

		IPA		Kakabe
		notation		orthography
	palatal stop	[ɟ]	→	j
	palatal approximant	[j]	→	y

: The vowel length in SR resulting from three different UR A particularly confusing case of divergence between IPA system and the Kakabe orthography is the notation of the two consonants [ɟ] and [j], since "j" is used for the palatal approximant in IPA and for the palatal voiced stop in the Kakabe orthography:

  The marker ni in finite clauses can express the hortative meaning (indirect command), see (2.7) below. In this usage it is close to the zero-imperative construction with which is also shares the negative counterpart káni.

	2.6) (a) Prohibitive singular	(b) Prohibitive plural
	ì	káni	bɔ ́wò káni	bɔ 2SG
		IMP.NEG go.out	2PL IMP.NEG come.closer
	Do not go out!		Do not go out! (to several people)
	(2.7) (a) ì	nì	bɔ ́(b) wò nì	bɔ 2SG
		SBJV go.out	2PL SBJV go.out
	Your should go out!	You (pl.) should out!

In general, ni is more frequently occurs in subordinate clauses: in purpose adverbial clauses and in complement clauses of volitional and certain modal predicates, see Section 2.7.2.

  below with nùn in the first clause but not in the following two clauses:

	(2.13) dénnɛ ́ɛd	dò	lé		nùn	à		nɛ ́ɛ̀n ɛ ǹɛ	káá	dòní	kòlòlá
	énden-È	do	lè		nùn	à		ɛnɛ	ka à	dòni	kòlo-la
	boy-ART	one	FOC	PST	3SG	mother	PFV.TR 3SG	send	bring.up-GER
	à	mààmà		bàtà
	à	màama		báta
	3SG	grandmother	at
	Once upon a time there was a boy. His mother sent him to his grandmother.
	With conditionals nùn is used to mark counterfactuality, see 2.7.4.5.
	Apart from nùn, CK dialect also uses the particle tɛ ̀rɛ occurring in post-subject position,
	e.g.:
	(2.14) ǹ	bí	tɛ ̀rɛ tɛ		kììbòlá		lè		wò	bátí	ń	nàkùnɛ ̀n
	ǹ	bi	rɛ		kìibo-la		lè		wò	báti	ǹ	la-kúnɛn
	1SG	be	PST.PS	dream-GER	FOC	that	PRF	1SG	CAUS-wake
	[That day] I was sleeping, and you woke me up.

  on the opposition between thetic and categorical statements.

	wò	yáá	sɛ ̀ppìlá			lè		nùn	káá	wò	ì	táálá
	wò	bi à	sɛ ṕpi-la			lè		nùn	káa	wò	bi	táa-la
	2PL	be 3SG	go.on.foot-GER	FOC	PST	or.INTERR	2PL	be	go-GER
	móꜜté		lè		tɔ tɔ
	móto-È		lè
	motorcycle-ART	FOC	on
	Did you go on foot or you went on motorbike?
	(2.18) wò	káá			súúsú	lè		káá		wò	ká	wò	dègèn	dè
	wò	ka à			súusu	lè		káa		wò	ka	wò	dègen	lè
	2PL	PFV.TR 3SG	suck	FOC	or.INTERR	2PL	PFV.TR	2PL	learn	FOC
	Did you inherit it or did you study it?

  . It is because the woman prepared the food [Sbj DO V] FOC expletive/inferential Examples (2.22 a) and (2.22 b) from the corpus illustrate the inferential focus and expletive focus, expressed by the focus marker in post-verbal position. He told me to put him on sticks and to carry him here], (because) the water had left him there.

	(2.21) b. (2.22) (a) kɔ ̀nɔ mùséè woman.ART FOC PFV.TR meat.ART prepare lè ká sòbéé tàbì Sbj DO V a. The woman prepared the food kɔ ǹɔ but má mà 1PL lè lè LG lé sìgìlèn lè FOC ɲɔ ́gɔ ̀n sìgi-len live-PC.ST fɛ ɲ ɔ ǵɔ ǹ each.other [I cannot give it to you for this money, it is more expensive.] But we are [Sbj] FOC DO V fɛ with neighbors! [therefore we must help each other]! (b) jéé jíi-È water-ART lè lè FOC báánù bi ànu be 3PL tólén tó-len leave-PC.ST ɲɔ ́ɔɲ ɔ ɔt here là la OBL [

  . In NK the variant ki appears in free variation with the perfective auxiliary ka, but is much less frequent than ka. According to Sanba Nyuma Keita from Sokotoro village, ki is used only by young people.

	(c) à	ká	nìngéè		mín	sàn	ànù	bátí	wò	dàmù
	à	ka	nìngi-È		mín L	sàn	ànu	báti	wò	dámu
	3SG	PFV.TR	cow.ART	REL	buy	3PL	PFV.OF	that	eat
	They have eaten the cow that he bought.
	(d) sàà		ká		nìngéè			sàn	àn	sí	wò	dàmù
	sì à		ka		nìngi-È		sàn	ànu	si	wò	dámu
	if 3SG	PFV.TR	cow.ART	FOC	buy	3PL	POT	that
	If he buys a cow, they will eat it.
	(e) àn	tágátá			àn		ká	nɛ ̀tɛ ́ɛ̀n ù	yèn,	ànú	yɛ ́lɛ ́tá
	ànu	tága-ta			ànu	ka	nɛ tɛ-È-nu	yén	ànu	yɛ lɛ-ta
	3PL	go-PFV.INTR	3PL	PFV.TR	nere-ART-PL	see	3PL	rise-PFV.INTR
	àn	ká		nɛ ̀tɛ ́ɛǹ			bɔ bɔ
	ànu	ka			ɛ tɛ-È			ṕick
	3PL	PFV.TR	nere-ART
										b);
	relative clauses (2.24 c);
	conditional clauses (2.24 d);
	default marker in narratives (2.24 e).
	(2.24) (a) ì	kà		fɛ ́n		sàn?
	ì	ka		fɛ ń		sàn
	2SG	PFV.TR		what?	buy
	What did you buy?
	(b) à	ká	nìngéè		lè		sàn
	à	ka	nìngi-È		lè		sàn
	3SG	PFV.TR	cow.ART	FOC	buy
	He (has) bought A COW.

6

  What do you eat for breakfast before going to school] Sometimes, I eat old rice.

	2.35) wáttòè	dòn	tɔ tɔ	ǹ	nì	kíní	kɔ ́ꜜtɛ ḱɔtɔ-È	lè	dàmùlà
	wáttu-È	do-n		ǹ	bi	kíni		lè	dámu-la
	time-ART	one-PL	in	1SG	be	food	old-ART	FOC	eat-GER
	[

Table 2 .

 2 .1.1. 2: Copulas depending on the type of non-verbal predication (2.44) (a) ǹ báàbà bì bóɲɛ ̀tɔ ̀ǹ báàbà bélé bóɲɛ ̀tɔ My father is in the house. My father is not in the house.

		Affirmative	Negative
	(a) Locative, existential	(bi)	béle
	(b) ICM statement	(mu)	máa
	(c) Property predication	Ø	máa
	Verbal predication	Aux/bi	béle/máa/tée

  where only lè identifies the predicate part:

	(2.47) (a) [lùùmɔ lùumɔ	báá] PRED	lè
		báa	lè
	market	big	FOC
	It is a big market.
	(b) dóè SBJ	dònséè PRED	lè	dóè SBJ	kàràmɔ ́kɛ ̀PRED	lè
	dóo-È	dònso-È		lè	dóo-È	kàramɔkɔ-È	lè
	one-ART	hunter-ART	FOC	one-ART	teacher-ART	FOC
	The one is a hunter, the other is a teacher.

  .49) (a) Pron SUBJ mu N PRED lè la

	à	mù	fúlá	lè	là
	à	mu	fúla	lè	la
	3SG	IDENT	Fulbe	FOC	OBL
	He is a Fulbe.

  .

	(2.50) ǐ	ꜜlé	ꜜlé	nùméè	là
	ì	lè	lè	nùmu-È	la
	2SG	LG	FOC	smith-ART	OBL
	It is you who is the smith.

  b).

	(2.57) (a) zàndàrmɛ ́rí	ꜜrútyè(0.5)	wǒn	dè	mù	kíítè	kɛ ̀là
	zàndarmɛri	rútye-È		wò-nu	lè	mu	kíiti-È	kɛ -la
	police			road-ART	that-PL	FOC	IDENT	judgement-ART	do-GER
	The police station [staff], they had to issue a report.
	(b) ǹ	dé	lè		mù		kóè	lákɛ ́ɛ́l á	ràdyɔ ŕàdyɔ	rírál	búꜜútɔ búùtɔ
	ǹ	lè		lè		mu		kóo-È	la-kɛ -la	ŕadio	riral
	1SG	LG	FOC	IDENT	thing-ART	CAUS-do-GER	rural	in
	dɔ ̀gɔ ̀mɛ Dɔ
	gɔmɛ
	Dogomet
	It is me who does everything at the radio station in Dogomet.
	In (2.58) below mu is has a modal meaning:
	(2.58) kòndéé		lè		mù	ì		là	dɛ ́ɲɛ dén-È	gbàâ	là
	kòndi-È		lè		mu	ì		la	gbàa-È	la
	bird-ART	FOC	IDENT	2SG	POSS	child-ART	trace-ART	OBL
	The bird is persecuting your child.

  (a) N PRED máa N SBJ là

	[má	tán] PRED	máá			dùgéè	là
	mà	tán			máa			dùgu-È	la
	1PL	porperty	IDENT.NEG	land-ART	OBL
	The land is not our property.
	(b) N PRED máa N SBJ là
	ǎn	dè		yɔ ̀nkáyè PRED	máá	àn	nà
	ànu	lè		yɔ ǹkáyi-È	máa	ànu	la
	3PL	FOC	kakabe-ART	IDENT.NEG	3PL	OBL
	They are not Kakabe.
	(c) N PRED máa DEM
	kó	kɛǩ	bɔ ̀ɔ̀b ɛ ́ɛb	[ǹ		nà	dén] PRED	máa	kɛ kɛ
	kó	ɛɛ		ɔ ɔbɔ-È		ǹ		la	dén	maa	this
	say	this	baby-ART	1SG	POSS	child	IDENT.NEG
	He said: this baby, it is not my child.
	(d) N PRED máa
	kùréé		lè		báá	bòlò	dén PRED	máá
	kùru-È		lè		bi à	bólo	dén	máa
	stone-ART	FOC	be 3SG	arm	child	IDENT.NEG
	She had a stone in her hands, it was not a child.

  Locational constructions are used to express states, emotions, but also actions, e.g.:

	nìngéé	wònù	mínnù	mú	wò	là
	nìngi-È	wò-nu	mín L -nu	mu	wò	la
	cow-ART	that-PL	which-PL	IDENT	that	OBL
	The cows that you have, ...
	2.3.2.3 Abstract locational
					Sem. role of X Sem. role of Y
	X bi Y bólo		'Y has X'	Possessor	Possessee
	X be Y hand
	X bi Y fɛ		'Y likes/loves X'	Experiencer	Stimulus
	X be Y with		= 'Y needs X'
	X bi hɛ ́ɛra tɔ		'X is fine'	Experiencer	-
	X be peace on
	X bi Y gbáa la	'X is following	Agent	Target
	X be Y trace OBL	Y'
	kɔ ́nkɛ ̀bi Y la		'Y is hungry'	Stimulus	Experiencer
	hunger.ART be Y OBL
	X lɔ ́gɔ bi Y la	'Y wants X'	X -stimulus	Experiencer
	X wish be Y OBL

Table 2 . 4

 24

			intransitive	transitive
	Progressive	Sbj Sbj lè	bi bi / Ø	bi bi / Ø
	Stative-resultative	Sbj Sbj lè	bi / Ø bi / Ø	bi bi / Ø
	Non-verbal	Sbj Sbj lè	bi bi / Ø

: Presence of overt bi in progressive, stative-resultative and non-verbal constructions

  a)-(2.77 c) below. In (2.77 c) it actually occurs twice which is possible with the past marker tɛ ̀rɛ.

	(2.77) (a) wò	fó		í	sàndén	dè
	wò	fó		bi	sàn-len	lè
	that	UNIV	be	sell-PC.ST	FOC
	All that is sold.
	(b) í ì	tɛ ̀rɛ tɛ rɛ	bì bi	táándén táa-nden	mín mín L	nà là
	2SG	PST.PS	be	go-PC.ST	REL	OBL
	Where did you go?
	(c) ì	bí	ꜜtɛ ́rɛ tɛ	bí	kììbòndèn	fɛ ́n	nà
	ì	bi	rɛ		bi	kìibo-nden	fɛ ńL	la
	2SG	be	PST.PS	be	sleep-PC.ST	thing	OBL
	What did you see in your dream?
	(d)

  and in the locative construction in (2.78 e).

	(b) í		ꜜlé	kàrànnà	mîn
	ì		lè		kàran-la	mín L
	2SG	LG	study-GER	REL
	Where do you study?
	(c) wò	lé		lè	kùrséé	sànnà	wó	ɲɛ ̀tɛ ɲɛ	yèn
	wo	lè		lè	kùrséè	sàn-na	wo	tɛ	yen
	2PL	LG	FOC	trousers.ART	buy-GER	2PL	self	BNF
	It is you who buys clothes for yourself.
	(d) àn	dé		ꜜlé	mà	blɔ ̀kɛ ̀lèn
	ànu	lè		lè	mà	blɔ ḱɛ-len
	3PL	LG	FOC	1PL	block-PC.ST
	They are blocking us.
	(e) mǎ	ꜜlé	lè	ɲɔ ́ɔɲ	là
	mà	lè		lè	ɔ ɔ	là
	1PL	LG	FOC	here	OBL
	We are here.
	The overt copula is always an available option, cf. (2.79).
	(2.79) kɛǩ	lè		bí		ń	tɔ ́dɛ ̀ɛ̀m ànnà
	ɛ this	lè		bi		ǹ	tɔ dɛ ɛman-la
		FOC	be	1SG	help-GER
	It is him who helps me.
	(2.78) (a) bàán				dè	máyìtàlà	ɲɔ ́ɔɲ	là	à	nín	sììséénù
		bàa-È-nu			lè	máyìta-la	ɔ ɔt	la	à	nín	sìise-È-nu
		sheep-ART-PL	FOC	sell-GER	here	OBL	3SG	and	chicken-ART-PL
	Sheep are sold there, as well as chicken.

  and (2.81 b) with no overt copula before ì, and (2.81 c) with the copula.

	(2.81) (a) ì		dɔ ́rɔ ́n	dè		ì	lá	sɛ ̀nɛ ́ɛs	bààràlà
	ì		dɔ ŕɔn	lè		ì	la	ɛ ǹɛ-È	báara-la
	2SG	alone	FOC	2SG	POSS	field.ART	work-GER
	You work your field alone.
	(b) kɛǩ	lè		ì		lá		àpàràntéé	lè	là
	ɛ his	lè		ì		la		àparanti-È	lè	la
		FOC	2SG	POSS	apprentice-ART	OBL
	This is your apprentice.
	(c) fɛ ́n		dè		bíí		lè	fɛ fɛ
	fɛ ń what	lè FOC	bi ì be 2SG	lè FOC	ẁ ith
	What do you want?

  general article, or stage 3 in the definiteness cycle. See(2.84), where nɛ ̀gɛsóè 'bicycle' is used with the article, though it is new and indefinite.

	(2.84) mɔ ̀yɛ ́n	dè	bélé	í	bààbà	yén	nùn	à	ní	nɛ ̀gɛ ̀sóè	sàn
	mɔ ỳɛn	lè	béle	ì	bàaba	yen	nùn	à	ni	nɛ gɛsoo-È	sàn
	means	FOC	be.NEG	2SG	father	BNF	PST	3SG	SBJV	bicycle-ART	buy
	í	yèn
	ì	yen
	2SG	BNF
	Your father didn't have money to buy you a bicycle.

  Such transitive predicates as 'look for', 'wish', 'need' can take an object lacking existential closure. In (2.88) the bare NP lɔ ́gɔ 'wood' is in the scope of the predicate ɲíni 'look for':Cf. the bare nouns vs. suffixed noun after the intentional predicate lɔ ́gɔ 'wish, need': (2.89) Bare N: [I need w [ hoe(x w )]

	Examples (2.86 a)-(2.86 b) below illustrate the bare noun in different kinds of modal environ-
	ment:
	kérí (2.86) (a) Circumstantial possibility lɔ ́gɔ ĺɔ bí ǹ nà kéri ǵɔ bi ǹ la
	àn ànu with I need a hoe. sí si hoe be	gàtɔ ǵàtɔ 1SG	sàn sàn OBL	àn ànu	sì si	bɔ ̀nbɔ ́n bɔ ǹbɔn	sàn sàn	àn ànu	sí si	lɛ ̀ɛ̀m únɛ ĺɛ ɛmunɛ sàn sàn
	3PL	POT	cake	buy	3PL	POT	candy	buy	3PL	POT	orange	buy
	[If parents give some money to the children] they can buy cakes, candies, oranges.
	(b) Obligation (deontic modality)
	mà	nì		fɛ ́n		dó		bɔ bɔ		bútùn	mà	nì	wótí	bɔ bɔ	máá	mà
	mà	ni		fɛ ń		do		ǵive	bútùn	mà	ni	wóti	ǵive	máa	mà
	1PL	SBJV	thing	one				first	1PL	SBJV	money	or	1PL
	ní		bàà	bɔ bɔ			máá	mà	ní	nìngì	bɔ bɔ
	ni		bàa	ǵive		máa	mà	ni	nìngi	ǵive
	SBJV	sheep			or		1PL	SBJV	cow
	(2.87) ì	lá			kàyéé			mù		kɛ ̀ɛ̀m ɔ ́gɔ ḱɛ lè	là
	ì	la			kàyi-È			mu			ɛmɔ ǵɔ	lè	la
	2SG	POSS	man-ART	IDENT	old.man	FOC	OBL
	You husband is an old man.
	(2.88) Bare N: 'wood' in the scope of 'look for'
	mà	bát		tágá	lɔ ́gɔ ĺɔ		ɲíní		díyà
	mà	báti		tága	ǵɔ		ɲíni		diya
	1PL	PRF	go		wood		look.for	for
	We go to look for wood.
	vs. N-ART: ('wood' has higher scope than the predicate expression 'look for').
	∃x[look for wood (x)]

[When the Fulbe come,] we are obliged to give them something: some money or a sheep, or a cow.

Bare nouns can be used as predicate expressions, e.g.

(2.87)

; more examples can be found in

(2.3.1)

. mà bá' tágá lɔ ́gɛ ̀ɲíní díyà ∃x[look for wood (x)]

  Names for elder relatives are used without article; see the list below. The elder relatives display special morphonological behavior in many Mande languages which, according to[START_REF] Vydrin | Reconstruction of the phonological type of and the noun morphology in pra-Mande[END_REF] testify for their belonging to a nominal class at some earlier stage.

	ǹ	nì			dén	lɔ ́gɛ lɔ	bɔ bɔ	ì	là
	ǹ	ni			dén	ǵɔ-È	take	ì	la
	1SG	SBJV	child	wish.ART	2SG	OBL
	So that I will relieve you of your longing to have children.
	kɛ ḱɛ	lé		lɔ ́gɛ lɔ		ꜜí	ń	nà
	this	lè			ǵɔ-È		bi	ǹ	la
		FOC	wish.ART	be	1SG	OBL
	This is what I need.
	(2.93)
	bàaba		'father'			bàrinba	'aunt (maternal uncle's
								wife)'
	nɛ ̀ɛnɛ		'mother'		mànkay(i)	'grand father'
	jàaja		'elder sister' (NK)	nɛ ̀ɛnɛdɔgɔman	'younger aunt'
								~nɛndɔgɔman
	tàata		'elder sibling' (NK)	nɛ ̀ɛnɛ kìnama	'aunt (mother's elder
								sister)'
	bàanba 'uncle (father's elder	bàaba kìnama 'uncle (father's elder
				brother), aunt (mother's elder	brother)'
				sister)' (NK)
	kàawu		'uncle (mother's brother)'	bénba	'grandfather'
	yàayɛ		'paternal aunt'	báppa	'uncle'.
	màama 'grandparent'	màamasɔrɔ	'great-grand father'
								and (2.92).
	(2.92) jíí		lɔ ́gɛ lɔ	lè		káá	bìtà
	jíi		ǵɔ-È	lè		ka à	bìta
	water	wish.ART	FOC	PFV.TR 3SG	catch
	He became thirsty.

  There are 27 words in my lexicon that can be used both in the attribute position within NP and as property predicates, i.e. as predicates without any auxiliaries in the affirmative utterances (see 2.3.3 about property predicates):

						b):
	(2.95) (a) mángòè		bátí		wúlén
	mango.ART	PFV.OF	(be)red
	The mango has become red.
	(b) à	bátí		mángò	wúléɲɛ red.ART	dàmù
	3SG	PFV.OF	mango	eat
	He has eaten a red mango.
	(2.96) (a) à	gbándí
	3SG	hot
	It is hot!
	(b) à	bí	kɔ ̀rɔ rice	gbándè	dàmùlà
	3SG	be		hot.ART	eat-GER
	He is eating hot rice.
	A number of them are formed with the suffix -ma(n) from verbs of from property predicates:
	(2.97) property predicate		attributive use
	dɔ ́gɔ			→ dɔgɔma	'little'
	bɔ ́nɔ			→ bɔnɔma	'ugly'
	gbɛ ̀lɛ			→ gɛlɛma(n)	'difficult'
	wútu			→ wútuma	'short'
	kúna			→ kúnama	'bitter'
	Two adjectives are formed from verbs:
	(2.98) property predicate		attributive use
	sìya 'be numerous' → sìyaman	numerous
	dìya 'be pleasant'	→ dìyama	pleasant

Table 2 .

 2 5 gives a list of basic numerals used in Kakabe. As can be seen, 'thousand' is denoted by two different nouns in the dialects of Kakabe: wáa in CK and wúlu in WK and NK 11 . See Section 5.8.2 on the floating L of the numerals.

	1	kélen L	21	mùgán ꜜnín kélen L
	2 fìla	30	bíisàba
	3 sàba	40	bíinàani
	4 náani	80	bííꜜwɔ ́rɔ ́wìlà
	5 lóolu 6 wɔ ́ɔrɔ L	90 100	bíikɔ ̀nɔntɔ kɛ ̀mɛ
	7 wɔ ́rɔwìla 8 ságin	200 1 000	kɛ ̀mɛ fìla wáa kélen L (CK); wúlu kélen L (WK, NK)
	9 kɔ ̀nɔntɔ L 10 tán L	2 000 10 000	wáa fìla (CK); wúlu fìla (WK, NK) wáa tán (CK); wúlu tán (WK, NK)
	11 tán ꜜnín kélèn 12 tán ꜜnín fìla	100 000 1 000 000 míliyɔn kélen L wáa kɛ ̀mɛ; (CK); wúlu kɛ ̀mɛ (WK, NK)
	20 mùgan L

Table 2 .

 2

5: Kakabe numerals Numerals

Table 2

 2

	.6 shows the number of

Table 2 .

 2 6: Proportion of numerals with the article -È in the Kakabe corpus

  In the form with the article, dóè acquires alternative topic meaning. It is used when different alternatives are singled out within an activated set of referents, as in (2.121) below: There were two people in two different villages, who were going to fight with each other.] One sent a messenger to the other one, to the other land.

	CHAPTER 2. BASIC GRAMMAR OF KAKABE		106
	Example (2.120) illustrates the use of dóo as an indefinite pronoun; for more examples, see
	Section 6.5.3.
	(2.120) à	téé				nɔ ̀n	dóó	kélélá		à	bàtà
	à	tée				nɔ ǹ	dó	kéle-la	à	báta
	3SG	NEG.POT		can	one	call-GER	3SG	at
	He cannot call anybody at his place.
	(2.121)										[There were two boys, they lived
											together <...>
											One day they went out and met a
											group of people]
	(2.122) dóè		bátí	ꜜkííláꜜyá	sɔ sɔ	dóè	tùgùn	mà	dùgéè	dóè
	dóo-È		báti	kíilaya-È	send	dóo-È	tùgun	ma	dùgù-È	dóo-È
	one-ART	PRF	envoy-ART		one-ART	again	to	land-ART	one-ART
	mà
	ma
	to
	[
											):
	(2.119) yɛ ̀wtɛ ́rɛ ỳɛ ẁtɛ ŕɛ-È	dò dó		bí bi	ǹ ǹ	bóló bólo	yàn yan	ǹ ǹ	sì si	mín mín L	fɔ fɔ śay
	speech-ART	one	be	1SG	arm	that	1SG	POT	which
	I have something to tell you.

déndéè dóè, à táátá, à ká mùséènù kɔ ̀ntɔ ̀n, The first boy went to greet the women déndéè dóè, à nàtà à ká kìnànù kɔ ̀ntɔ ̀n The other boy went to greet the old men Example (2.122) illustrates the pronominal use of dóè within the analogous function; note also the NP dùgéè dóè in the IO position.

Table 2 .

 2

			CK, WK	NK
	SG	1st	ǹ	ǹ
		2nd	ì	ì
		3rd	à	à
		refl./generic ì	ì
	PL	1st	mà	mɔ (incl.)
		1st + 2nd	ómà	ɔ ́mɔ 2nd
			(w)ò	ɔ 3rd
			ànu	ànu

7: Personal pronouns in CK, WK and in NK

  The plural, in general, can be used with singular reference to mark respect; see the nouns with the plural marker bàaba-nu in(2.126) which is used to refer to the father of the listener:In Kakabe, personal pronouns in non-subject position can be coreferential with the subject16 .Examples (2.129 a) and (2.129 b) illustrate that the use of the personal pronoun in other positions than DO can also signal coreference with the subject.Contrary to personal pronouns, the anaphoric wò can be bound only outside the clause: though à can be bound by the subject wò within the same clause, the non-subject wò cannot be bound neither by à nor by wò in the subject position within the same clause.

	CHAPTER 2. BASIC GRAMMAR OF KAKABE	109
	2.6.1.3 Binding of personal pronouns
	(2.127)		Sbj i aux pron i V
	2.124) ɔ ̀ɔ2 PL (a) à ká à kò táá báti à PFV.OF 3SG 3SG PFV.TR 3SG wash lɔ ̀n lɔ ǹ know ɔ ́mɔ ɔ-mɔ 1PL-2PL (b) ì ká ì kò kúmà à bí bàsàndèn (c) ǹ ká ǹ kò	bì bi be He i washed himself i / He i wahsed him ii kùmàlà kúma-la speak-GER kɔ ̀nɔ kɔ ǹɔ but ɔ ́mɔ ɔ-mɔ 1PL-2PL là la You washed yourself POSS I washed myself
	kúma-È It should be noted that the construction of the type in (2.127a) where the pronoun in the DO à bi bàsa-nden
	speech-ART position is occupied by a pronoun coreferent to the subject, is most frequently used to denote 3SG be mix-PC.ST
	You know, we are talking [with you], but our speech is mixed [addressed to a person intransitive volitional actions like 'run', 'dance', 'swim', etc', where no second participant
	who speaks the same language]. can be distinguished. Thus, the construction of the type in (2.127a) should be called middle-
	reflexive.
	2.6.1.2 Plural used as politeness marker (2.128) (a) à ká à bòrì He ran
	The 2PL (w)ò (CK, WK) / ɔ ̀(NK) and the 3PL ànu can be used as forms of respectful reference 3SG PFV.TR 3SG run
	to a single person.
	(b) à ká à sìgì			He sat down
	(2.125) kááwù	sállí 3SG PFV.TR 3SG sit ɔ ̀ɔ2 sì	hákkɛ hákkɛ-È	tò
	káawu	sálli			sì	tó
	uncle	muezzin	PL	POT	sin-ART	leave
	Uncle muezzin, forgive me!
	(2.129) (a) à i		ká		dòrìkéé	bìlá	à i/ii	là
	àn	kɛ ́tá 3SG	PFV.TR	ɲɔ ́ɔ̀n ɛ ̀tɔ ɲɔ mànsáà shirt.ART put 3SG	là OBL
	ànu	kɛ -ta He put on the shirt. / He put the shirt on him. ɔǹ ɛtɔ mànsa-È la
	3PL (b) à i make-PFV.INTR ká à i/ii He (respectful) became the chief of that place. there chief-ART OBL kúꜜɲɛ kò head.ART 3SG PFV.TR 3SG wash
		He i washed his i/ii head.
	(2.126) í	bààbànù	àn		tɔ ́rɔ ́tá	nùn	kɛ ̀lɛ ̀kɛ ̀dúlà
	ì 2SG (2.130) (a) wò ká à kò bàaba-nu father-PL ànu 3PL	tɔ ŕɔ-ta suffer-PFV.INTR He i washed himself i/ ii nùn PST kɛ lɛ-kɛ -dúlà war-do-place
	(b) à ká wò kò Your father, he suffered while fighting during the war. He i washed him ii/ *i (c) wò ká wò kò He i washed him ii/ *i
	The usage of plural to mark respect is rarely found Mande and is, most probably, a calque
	from Pular, see (Vydrin & Vydrina 2010).

  The use of the reflexive pronoun in any kind of finite clause in not possible in Kakabe, e.g. à in the first clause of (2.131) cannot be replaced by the reflexive pronoun: *à báti ì kèɲɛ ́ɛ̀n nàkìmà.

						kèɲɛ ́ɛ́n		nàkìmà	kìì	bóꜜlén
						kèn-È-nu	la-kíma	kà ì	bólo-È-nu
						foot-ART-PL	CAUS-be.wet	INF REFL	hand-ART-PL
	nàkìmà
	la-kíma
	CAUS-be.wet
	He wet his feet and his hands.
	The reflexive pronoun ì can have only a third-person controller, either singular (2.131) or
	plural (2.132).
	(2.132) àn	táán			sìgì	kà	ì	ɲáátígílɛ ́n	sííkúlè	là
	ànu	báti ànu	sìgi	kà	ì	ɲáatigilɛn	síikuli-È	la
	3PL	PRF 3PL	sit	INF	REFL	face	goat-ART	OBL
	They sat down and looked at the goat.
	Examples (2.133 a) and (2.133 b) below illustrate the possibility to use the reflexive pronoun
	in IO position and in the position of the possessor, respectively.
	(2.133) (a) à			tágátá			lúúmɛ lúumɔ-È	tɔ tɔ	kà	kùtáá	sàn	í	yèn
	à			tága-ta				kà	kùta-È	sàn	ì	yen
	3SG	go-PFV.INTR	market-ART	to	INF	clothes-ART	buy	REFL	BNF
	He went to the market and bought clothes for himself.
	(b) à		tágátá			lúúmɛ lúumɔ-È	tɔ tɔ	kà	kùtáá	sàn	í	lá
	à		tága-ta					kà	kùta-È	sàn	ì	la
	3SG	go-PFV.INTR	market-ART	to	INF	clothes-ART	buy	REFL	POSS
	mùséé		yèn
	mùsu-È		yen
	wife-ART	BNF
	He went to the market and bought clothes for his wife.

  ). jumped over the fire, landed down and sat down there, the hyena jumped and sat down there as well.Apart from the infinitival clauses, illustrated in (2.131)-(2.135), the reflexive pronoun can be used in gerund clauses, see(2.136 a) and(2.136 b), and in clauses with subject relativization (2.136 c).

	(2.134) 'X came and sat down'
	ń nàtà kà ǹ (*ì) sìgì	mɔ ́nàtà kà mɔ ̀(*ì) sìgì
	í nàtà kà ì sìgì			ɔ ́nàtà kà ɔ ̀(*ì) sìgì
	à nàtà kà ì/ànú sìgì	àn nàtà kà ì/ ànú sìgi
	The use of the reflexive pronoun is not obligatory, see (2.135) below where in the third clause
	the reflexive ì is used (kà ì sìgì ɲɔ ́ɔ̀) , and two clauses later the personal pronoun à is used in
	an identical context (kà à sìgì ɲɔ ́ɔ̀) :
	(2.135) sííkúlíndè			túntá		táà	làkà	kà	cíkkɛ ćíkkɛ	kà
	síikuli-nden-È	tún-ta		táa-È	làka	kà	kà
	goat-DIM-ART	jump-PFV.INTR	fire-ART	over	INF	jump.down	INF
	í	sìgì	ɲɔ ́ɔɲ	súlúkè		túntá	kàà	sìgì	ɲɔ ́ɔɲ
	ì	sìgi	ɔ ɔ	súluku-È		tún-ta	kà à	sìgi	ɔ ɔt
	REFL	sit	there	hyena-ART	jump-PFV.INTR	INF 3SG	sit	here
	The little goat (2.136) (a) Gerund complement clause
	à		báà		mìjɛ ̀lén		ꜜí	dɔ ̀nnà
	à		bi à		míjɛ-len		ì	dɔ ǹ-la
	3SG	be 3SG	decide-PC.ST	REFL	dance-GER
	He decided to go dancing.
	(b) Gerund complement clause
	à		kìtá					ì	míjítɛ ́lá
	à		kì-ta					ì	míjitɛ-la
	3SG	spend.night-PFV.INTR	REFL	think-GER
	He spent the night thinking.
	(c) Subject relativization clause
	kàyéè kàyi-È		mín mín L	ꜜbíí bi ì		tòlòmàsɔ ̀lèn tólomasɔ-len	ràdyɔ ́ɲɛ ràdyɔn-È	là la	à à	bélé béle
	man-ART	REL	be REFL	listen-PC.ST	radio-ART	OBL	3SG	be.NEG
	↑fɛ ́nfɛ ̀n	mɔ ̀ɛ̀l à
	↑fɛ ńfɛ ǹ	mɔ ɛ-la
	thing.PI	hear-GER
	The person who is listening to the radio doesn't hear anything.

  Contrary to this, pronoun ì can have only the 2SG interpretation used in the zero-nominalization with the verb pílanson 'to plunge into water':

	(ì	ɓáarɛ	míírè	là) SBJ	táà			kɔ ́ɛk	lànɔ ̀gɔ la-nɔ
	ì	ɓáarɛ	míiri-È	la	báti à		ɔ ɔ-È	ǵɔ
	REFL	lean	wall-ART	OBL	PFV.OF 3SG	back	wall-ART
	Leaning against the wall soiled his back.
	(2.138) ì		pílansóɲɛ pílanson-È	báti		díya	à	yèn
	ì			báti		díya	à	yen
	2SG/*REFL	plunge-ART	PFV.OF	please	3SG	BNF
	He liked that you plunged into water.

Table 2 .

 2

	i

9: The use of reflexive pronoun i in Manding-Mokole

  .Most often, the left-dislocated topic corresponds to the subject of the following clause, but the dislocation of arguments in other positions also occurs in my corpus, e.g. DO in (2.145 a) and the possessor in(2.145 b).Example(2.146) is the only case in my corpus where the resumptive pronoun does not agree in number with the dislocated topic NP. The absence of agreement here might be due to its low position on the animacy hierarchy, and therefore lower discourse salience of the referent, (see Corbett 2000 on this topic).

	(2.146) àn	nà	dámòènù	à		báá		tàlá	ꜜnún	àn	bóló	lè
	ànu	la	dámu-È-nu	ànu	bi à		tà-la	nùn	ànu	bólo	lè
	3PL	POSS	food-ART-PL	3PL	be 3SG	take-GER	PST	3PL	hand	FOC
	Their food, they [Fulbe] took it from them.
	(2.144) ì	lá	dénkáꜜyé		ꜜwón	àn	ní	lɛ ̀kkɔ ́l	lè	là
	ì	la	dénkayi-È		wò-nu	ànu	ni	lɛ kkɔ ĺ	lè	la
	2SG	POSS	child-man-ART	that-PL	3PL	SBJV	school	FOC	OBL
	Your boys, they are at school.
	(2.145) (a) sààfúnà		à		náà			dì	ń	nɛ ̀ɛ̀n ɛ ǹɛ	bòlò
	sàafúna-È	à		ni à			dí	ǹ	ɛnɛ	bólo
	soap-ART	3SG	SBJV 3SG	give	1SG	mother	hand
	The soap, she gave it to my mother.
	(b) bɔ ̀ɔbɛ ́ɛb	à		kěn		ɲànìndèn
	ɔ ɔbɔ-È	à		kèn-È		ɲànin-nden
	baby-ART	3SG	foot-ART	burn-PC.ST
	The baby, her foot was burnt.

  This means that in Kakabe pronouns are anaphors whose antecedent must be non-local (situated outside of the clause) and it has complementary distribution with the controller NP within the clause.

	yɔ ́n nà-tà?	*yɔ ́n à nàtà?	'Who came?'
	who come-PFV.INTR
	dóódò máá nà	*dóódò à máá nà 'Nobody came'.
	nobody PFV.NEG come

  We go to Dogomet to school.] And if it is market day, do you go to the market?

	2.149) (a) ɔ ́mɔ ɔ-		nì	tágá	sòéènú	fìlà		fɛ fɛ		ànín	sòò	dén
	mɔ 2PL-1PL	ni	tága	sòo-È-nu	fìla				à-nín	sòo	dén
			SBJV	go	horse-ART-PL	two	with	3SG-and	horse	child
	kéléɲɛ kélen-È
	one-ART
	We should go there with two horses and with one foal.
	(b) ànín	sì	lúúmɛ lúumɔ-È	bɔ ̀tà		wò	náá	wà
	à-nín	si			bɔ -ta		wò	ni à	wá
	3SG-and	if	market-ART	leave-PFV.INTR	2PL	SBJV 3SG	go
	lúúmɛ lúumɔ-È		tɔ tɔ
	market-ART	on
	[

  a lot of children, grown-up children, and he, he had no children.

	úmù	áwà				í	lè	bás		sìgi	fútu	là	káa	í	lè
	Úmù	Áwà			ì	lè	báti		sìgi	fútu	la	káa	ì	lè
	NPR	N.PROM.F	2SG	LG	PRF		sit	ransom	OBL	or.INTERR	2SG	LG
	súnkutuɲɛ súnkutun-È	lè		mù	í		lè		là?
			lè		mu	ì		lè		la
	girl-ART	FOC	IDENT	2SG	LG	OBL
	Umu Hawa, are you married or are you still an unmarried girl?
	The long form of the pronoun can be used as a contrastive topic, see á lè in the second clause
	in (2.152) below:
	(2.152) dén	báà			dínɲɔ ́gɛ dínɲɔgɔ-È	bòlò	dén	kòlòyàànɛ ́ɛ̀( 0.24)	dén
	dén	báa à					bólo	dén	kòloya-nden-È	dén
	child	big 3SG	friend-ART	arm	child	grow-PC.ST-ART	child
	béláá			lè	bòlò
	béle à			lè	bólo
	COP.NEG 3SG	LG	hand
	His friend had

  a table [at the market, to sell groceries]. And thus it went on. Early in the morning she would come to the market.Personal pronouns are almost always used with (at least one) lè in coordination construction with nín 'and'. See(2.154) below, where in the second clause the 2SG pronoun is coordinated with the 3SG pronoun and both take the form with lè, though, just before it, ì appears without lè.

	2.153) à		kà		táábálíndén	násìgì	wò	tótá	ɲɔ ́ɔ̀( 0.65)	kɛ ́nɛ kɛ
	à		ka		táabali-nden	la-sìgi	wò	tó-ta	ɲɔ ɔ	ńɛ
	3SG	PFV.TR	table-DIM	CAUS-sit	that	leave-PFV.INTR	that	light
	mànì		bɔ bɔ	á		lè		ní		nǎ		kɔ ̀ɔ̀k ɛ ́ɛk	mà
	máni		ĺeave	à		lè		ni		nà		ɔ ɔkɔ-È	ma
	COND		3SG	LG	SBJV	come	market-ART	to
	She set up (2.154) ì mání		wúlí		brúsà			tɔ tɔ	í	lè	náá	lè	sáá	wà
	ì		máni		wúli		búrusa-È			ì	lè	nín à	lè	si à	wà
	2SG	COND		get.up	bush-ART	in	2SG	LG	and 3SG	LG	POT 3SG	go
	à	táá			bàlàn
	à	tée à			bàlan
	3SG	NEG.POT 3SG	refuse
	When you go to the bush, you and him, he doesn't refuse

Table 2

 2

			.10 below:
			CK, WK	NK
	SG	1st	ǹ dé lè	ǹ dé lè
		2nd	ì lé lè	ǐ llè
		3rd	à lé lè	ǎllè
	PL	1st	mà lé lè	mɔ̌llè
	(incl.) 1st + 2nd ómà lé lè	ɔ̌ꜜmɔ ́llè
		2nd	(w)ò lé lè	ɔ̌llè
		3rd	ànú lé lè ~àn dé lè	ǎnꜜdé lè

Table 2 .

 2

10: Long forms of personal pronouns in CK, WK and in NK 2.6.1.8 Second person singular pronoun used as generic

  typical R-impersonal (reduced referetiality impersonal, a term introduced by Siewierska 2011) in Kakabe, is mɔ ̀gɔ 'man' which is frequently used non-referentially. In Kakabe the generic ì is regularly used as an anaphor to the R-impersonal mɔ ̀gɔ as in (2.159) below:In (2.160) ì in the position of the subject and in the position of the possessor within DO (with the same reference), is coreferent with the reduplication NP mɔ ̀gɔ ̀nìnfín mɔ ̀gɔ ̀nìnfín with distributional generic meaning 'any person'.

	(2.159) mɔ ̀gɔ ̀i		mán	sɛ ̀nɛ ́ɛś		bìtà	ì i	dɔ ́rɔ ́n	dè	ì i	lá	sɛ ̀nɛ ́ɛs
	mɔ gɔ		máni	ɛ ǹɛ-È		bìta	ì	dɔ ŕɔn	lè	ì	la	ɛ ǹɛ-È
	man		COND	field-ART	seize	2SG	only	FOC	2SG	POSS	field-ART
	bààràlà
	báara-la
	work-GER
	When one gets a field, does he work it alone?
	(2.160) állà	yáà	kɛ kɛ	nɔ ̀n	mɔ ̀gɔ ̀nìnfín	mɔ ̀gɔ ̀nìnfín	ì	níì	là
	álla	bi à	this	nɔn	mɔ gɔndenfín	mɔ gɔndenfín	ì	ni ì	la
	God	be 3SG		but	person	person	2SG	SBJV 2SG	POSS
	lún	sàn
	lún	sàn
	day	buy
	God made it so that each person has to pay for his day. Litt.: "(Each person) i , you i
	have to pay".
	The antecedent of the generic pronoun can be a free relative clause as (2.161) below:
	(2.161) mín mín L		ꜜmáá máa			kàrán kàran	ì ì	nì ni	mɛ ́tíyɛ mɛ tiyɛ-È	kɛ kɛ do
	which	IDENT.NEG	study		2SG	SBJV	profession
	Those who don't study [at school] should learn a technical profession.
	Example (2.162) illustrates the use of the generic pronoun in the IO position:
	(2.162) mɔ ̀gɔ		táán				màfítán	ì	mà
	(2.158) ì mɔ gɔ	nì tée ànu píríkì			tà ma-fítan ì	náá	ì	kìtì ma	ì	náá
	ì man	ni NEG.POT 3PL píriki-È		tà VERB.PL-sweep ì ni à	REFL	kìti to	ì	ni à
	2SG [Those gad-flies,] you cannot wipe them off yourself. SBJV trap-ART take 2SG SBJV 3SG tie	2SG	SBJV 3SG
	làyààgɛ la-yáagɛ
	CAUS-become.big

Kakabe is no exception, see e.g.

(2.158)

: [How does one install a trap?]: You take the trap and attach it with a rope and lay it out.

A

  of people gathered at the riverbank] Everyone i talked about his i work.

									and (2.163 b) below:
	(2.163) (a) mà	fó		fàtàntà		ɲɔ ́ɔɲ	kálá	tágátá	ì	bàtà
	mà	fó		fàtan-ta		ɔ ɔt	kála	tága-ta	ì	báta
	1PL	UNIV	divide-PFV.INTR	hat	every	go-PFV.INTR	2SG	home
	At that moment we separated, and each one went to his house.
	(b) kálá		bák		kúmá	ì	là		báárà	là
	kála		báti		kúma	ì	la		báara-È	là
	everybody	PFV.OF	speak	2SG	POSS	work-ART	OBL
	[A group

  on the notion of distributivity with respect to universal quantification.

	CHAPTER 2. BASIC GRAMMAR OF KAKABE		126
	(2.166) dénnɛ ̀n		ì	wó	kìtìlà	lɔ ́gɛ lɔ		lá	lè	kà	í	sìgáá
	dénden-È-nù	bi	wò	ka			ǵɔ-È		là	lè	kà	ì	sìgi à
	child-ART-PL	be	that	PFV.TR	tree-ART	OBL	FOC	INF	REFL	sit 3SG
	kùnma	kà	í		ɲɔ ̀gɔ ̀n	náfìlì	ì	náá	wà
	kùnma	kà	ì		ɲɔ gɔn	lafìli		ì	ni à	wá
	on	INF	REFL	the.same	throw	2SG	SBJV 3SG	go

Table 2 .

 2 11 represents the demonstrative used in Kakabe:

		> pronominal	> adverbial
		/adnominal
	proximal (closer to the speaker)	kɛ ̀yàn	káa (manner)
	medial (closer to the listener) distal	wò	pàn ɲɔ ́ɔ̀~ɲ ɔ
	used adnominally	N pron ~pron N	N pron

Table 2 .

 2

11: Demonstratives in Kakabe

  The demonstrative wò covers the endophoric pragmatic uses: discourse deictic, anaphoric use and recognitional use. It is a typical discourse deictic, being is the primary device to refer to propositions in discourse, as in (2.169) below.

	ɔ ́mɔ ɔ-mɔ 2PL-1PL	bátí báti L	kɛ kɛ this	yén yén	sìgìlén sìgi-len	ɔ ́mɔ ɔ-mɔ 2PL-1PL	tɛ ́ɛ̀m á tɛ ɛm a	yǎn yàn	bì bì
				PRF		see	sit-PC.ST	between	here	today
	We see him sitting here today among us.
	(2.169) à		nɛ ́ɛ̀n ɛ ǹɛ	káá			sɔ ̀tɔ sɔ	ŋàráá	lè	kɔ ̀tɔ kɔ	à	lè	ká
	à		ɛnɛ	ka à			tɔ	ŋàra-È	lè	tɔ	à	lè	ka
	3SG	mother	PFV.TR 3SG	get	tree-ART	FOC	under	3SG	LG	PFV.TR
	wò	lɔ ̀n
	wò	lɔ ń
	that	know
	His mother had given him birth under a the tree "ngara", he knew it.

  ).

	(2.172) píríꜜké	wò,	wò	í	lásìgìlà	kámà?
	píriki-È	wò	wò	bi	la-sìgi-la	kámà
	trap-ART	that	that	be	CAUS-sit-GER	how
	These traps, how are they installed?

Cɛ ́rnɔ ́Úsmánɛ ̀(0.24) A: And Thierno Ousmane,

	ɛ ́ɛ̀y	B: Yes
	wò bélé ꜜkónákírì	A: Is he not in Konakri?
	à ì ɲɔ ́ɔ̀l à	B: Yes, he is there.
	báppá Kɛ sɛ ́lìn	A: And Bappa Keselin
	ɛ ́ɛ̀y	B: Yes
	wó kɔ ̀tɛ ̀,	as for him
	à máá bɔ ́ɔ̀b ólo tɔ?	didn't he go away from you?
	à tì bɔ ́ɔ̀b òlò tɔ ̀B: Yes, he went away from us.

  180 a)-(2.180 c) illustrate the use of such dummy pronoun with the verb fɔ ́'say'.

	(2.180) (a) kàyéè	náá	fɔ fɔ		ì	bét	tágálá	bìì	yé
	kàyi-È	ni à	śay	ì	béle	tága-la	bìi	ye
	man-ART	SBJV 3SG		2SG	COP.NEG	go-GER	today	TRUTH.FOC
	The man says: "No, you won't go there!"
	(b) mà	náá	fɔ fɔ	à	dòní		dùgù	tígè	yèn
	mà	ni à	śay	á	dòni		dùgu	tígi-È	yen
	1PL	SBJV 3SG	3SG	transport	earth	owner-ART	BNF
	We say: carry it to the owners of the land.
	(c) à	káá	ꜜfɔ fɔ	ɲɲè	à			nàtà	kómìn	nà
	à	ka à	3SG	ǹ yen	à			nà-ta	kómìn	la
	3SG	PST.TR	say	1SG BNF	3SG	come-PST.INTR	how
	She told me how she had arrived.

  wò refers to the general content of the whole. to help us in the conflict with Keselin, but he has quarreled with my mother} That's why we didn't help you.

	(2.182) nɛ ̀ɛ̀n ɛ ǹɛ	áysátà	sì		nà	ɗóo	ɓá	à	tí	wò	fɔ fɔ
	ɛnɛ	Áysata	si		nà		ɗóo	ɓáy	à	báti	wò	śay
	mother	NOM.F	POT	come	here	as	3SG	PRF	that
	Nene Aysata will come here. She said so.
	The demonstrative wò is often used to refer to a reason which can be inferred from the preced-
	ing which can concern a rather long sequence of utterances. In (2.183) below wò represents
	as a reason an extensive section of the preceding discourse, given in the curled brackets.
	(2.183) wó	lè		ká		kɔ ̀rí	mɔ mɔ	ní	ꜜɔ ɔ2	dɛ ̀ɛ̀m àn
	wò	lè		ka		kɔ ri	1PL	ni		dɛ ɛman
	that	FOC	PST.TR	fail		SBJV	PL	help
	{You asked us

(2.181)

{The old man who is in Beseko, he said that when it comes (the problem) we should come to him, and he would help us. Either in Mamu, Kindiya or Conakry, he would be with us.} à bá' wò fɔ ̀That's what he said. 3SG PFV.OF that say In (2.182) below, wò is associated with the proposition expressed in the preceding clause, but the propositional referent of wò does not fully coincide with it.

  similar to the French il in Il semble que. See examples below: (2.184) à tárántá It turned out that ... à tárántá It is that ...

à máá mɛ ́after a while, litt.: "It didn't last".

Table 2 .

 2

				Kakabe
				SG	PL
	Simple		wò	kɛ ̀wòn(ù)	kɛ ̀n(u)
	with one lè	wǒlè kɛ̌lè -	-
	with double lè -	-	wǒnꜜdélè kɛ̌nꜜdélè
	Central Kakabe and Western Kakabe
			SG		PL
	Simple	wò	kɛ ̀wòn(ù)	kɛ ̀n(ù)
	with one lè	wǒlè kɛ̌lè wònú lè ~wǒn dè wùnú lè ~wǒn dè
	with double lè -	-	-	-

13: Paradigms of anaphors kɛ ̀and wò in NK No such irregularity is attested neither in WK nor in CK: wò and kɛ ̀combine with only one lè in the singular and in the plural:

Table 2 .

 2

14: Paradigms of anaphors kɛ ̀and wò in CK and WK

Table 2 .

 2 5 represents the interrogative pronouns which are used in Kakabe:

			indefinite	polarity items	question
			pronouns		pronouns
			H	↑HL	H L
	thing proposition/manner	fɛ ́n kóo	↑fɛ ́nfɛ ̀n ↑kóokò	fɛ ́nL mín L
	person		dóo	↑dóodò	yɔ ́nL
		Table 2.15: Three series of indefinite pronouns
	2.6.2.5 Interrogative pronouns
	Nominal	Person	yɔ ́nL (dè) mín L (dè) N	'who' 'whose'
	Nominal	Inanimate/ Proposition	mín L (dè)/ fɛ ́nL (dè)/	'what?'
			fɛ ́n mín (dè)
	Adnominal Property	ɲùman (dè) 'which'
	Adnominal Quantity	jèlu (lè)	'how much/how
				many?'
	Adverbial Location	mín L (+ pp) (lè),
	Adverbial Manner	kámà (lè),
			kómìn (nà)
			káamìn
	Adverbial Time	wáttòè mín (tɔ),
			túma mín (tɔ)
			Figure 2.5: Interrogative pronouns

  All the adverbial question words, except for kámà 'how', go back to the combination of a noun with mín L which, in some of the cases has lost its H tone:

	káamìn	< káa 'thus, this way' manner deictic
	kóomìn	< kóo generic word for 'state of affairs'
	wáttòè mín < wáttu 'time' + -È ART
	sááyè mín	< sáayi 'time' + -È ART
	tùmà mín	< tùma 'time'
	Apart from the interrogative contexts, these adverbials are widely used to introduce vari-
	ous types of dependent clauses, see Section 2.7.3.1.
	.193) (a) í ì	lè lè	níì nín ì	lá la	kàyéé kàyi-È	wò wò	ì bi	fɛ ́n fɛ ńL	ꜜmín mín L	báárálá báara-la
	2SG	LG	and 2SG	POSS	man-ART	2PL	be	what?	REL	work-GER
	You and your husband, what do you do for a living?
	(b) ì	ká	tàléè		ɲùmàn lɔ ̀n	*ì ká tàléé mín lɔ ̀n?
	ì	ka	tàli-È	ɲùman lɔ ń
	2SG PFV.TR tale-ART which? know
	'What tales do you know?'

Table 2 .

 2 16 below shows the non-finite verb forms and constructions used in subjectless predication.

	Construction	Description	Syntactic function
			within the main clause
	V-nden CK;	stative-resultative participle	adnominal
	V-len WK, NK
	V-la (-na after N) gerund verb form	argument/adverbial
	kà (DO) V	infinitive	argument/adverbial
	V (+ -È)	zero-marked nominalization	argument
		(verb combines directly with the
		referential marker -È)
	V(-ri-È)	antipassive nominalization	argument
	V-dulà	purpose predication after motion	adverbial
		verbs

Table 2

 2

.16: Non-finite verbal forms and constructions in Kakabe

2.7.1.1 Stative-resultative participle

  Adjectival use of the participle: finished, they told us that we should explain [what he had come for]. Litt: "The prayer finished, they told us: " ... "Apart from that, the participle -nden/-len is used in finite clauses with the copula bi (which can be omitted under the conditions discussed Section 2.4):

	à à 3SG He has eaten the fried meat. bás báti PFV.OF [sòbéè sòbo-È meat-ART The NP with the participle can have adverbial use, see sálè bánnɛ ́ɛ̀' the finished prayer' used yìlànnɛ ́ɛ̀]NP yìlan-nden-ART fry-PC.ST-ART dàmù dámu eat as a temporal adverb in (2.198) below: (2.198) Adverbial use NP with a participle [sálè sáli-È prayer-ART bánnɛ ́ɛ̀]NP bán-nden-È finish-PC.ST-ART àn ànu 3PL kó kó say kó kó say mà mà 1PL náà ni à SBJV 3SG ɲáákàràn ɲáakàran explain ì 2SG bí bi be bɔ ̀ɔ̀b ɛ ́ɛb ɔ ɔbɔ-È baby-ART bànbàlèn bànba-len carry.on.back-PC.ST ì ì 2SG bí bi be dɔ ̀nɛ ́ɛd ɔ ǹi-È load-ART ròndìlèn róndi-len carry.on.head-PC.ST When the payer (2.199) ì You are carrying a child on your back, you are carrying a weight on your head.

  'rearing it' is the subject in the negative existential utterance is rare in speech. Zero-derived nominalizations are more frequent in these positions.

	(2.202) modals	nɔ ́n 'can',
			kùsan 'be able',
			súusɛ 'dare'
			bɛ ̀n 'to deserve'
			sɔ ̀n 'agree'
	phasals	bán 'finish',
			fɔ ́lɔ 'start',
			kɔ ̀ri 'fail to',
			mɛ ́'to do for a long time',
			tó 'keep doing V',
			fáama 'not have done for a long time'
			sòri 'wake up early to do V'
			kí 'spend the night doing V'
				below:
	(2.200) à	bántá		yɛ ́gɛ ỳɛ	dàmùlà
	à	bán-ta		ǵɛ-È	dámu-la
	3SG	finish-PFV.INTR	fish	eat-GER
	He finished eating the fish.
	Gerunds are used as complements of perception predicates, such as yén 'see', mɛ ́n ~mɔ ́ɛ
	'hear', e.g.:
	(2.201) ǹ	kà	mótó-tíꜜgé		yén	tànbìlà
	ǹ	ka	móto-tígi-È		yén	tànbi-la
	1SG	PFV.TR	motorcycle-owner-ART	see	pass-GER
	I saw a motorcyclist passing.
	(2.203) à In (2.202) below is given the list of verbs that take complements expressed by gerund clauses. dánkúnná bélé à dánkun-la béle
	3SG	rear-GER	be.NEG
	There is no [such thing as] rearing children.

télen 'spend the day doing V' dèri 'have the habit of doing' manipulative fɔ ̀rse 'force' perception yén 'see', fɛ ́lɛ 'look' Note the vast class of phasal verbs in Kakabe which has lexicalized as verbs such concepts as fáama 'not have done for a long time', mɛ ́'to do for a long time'. By contrast, there are not many lexemes to express manipulation in Kakabe which is mostly rendered grammatically through the causativisation prefix laor through the verb fɔ ́'say'. Apart from that, with such predicates as dɛ ̀ɛman 'help', tó 'allow' which can also be considered as manipulatives, the subjunctive ni clause is used as a complementation strategy, see Examples (2.219 a) and (2.219 b) on page 148. The use of gerund in the object or subject position as in (2.203) below where à dánkunna

  When somebody dies, he [his body] has to spend the night in the mosque [and not in a house].It should be noted that the gerund form also occurs after the modal predicate kán, as in(2.205) Apart from that, the infinitive can be used in an independent utterance in which the subject is omitted due to it being obvious, easily recoverable fro the context or generic, see(2.The use of the infinitive clause can be triggered by sentence-initial operators with the meaning of necessity kóyi, fó and bɛ ́, see(2.208) below, but the subjunctive ni clause is used after such operators much more frequently, see Section 2.7.2.

	(2.209) sáákɛ ́kɛ Sáakɛkɛ (2.213) ì lá	kà	kɛ kɛ	déndéè ꜜsóénù	jìgà màràdúlà kàà	ǹ	bìlà	sáákòè nì ɲɔ ́ɔɲ	búùtɔ búùtɔ yìtá	ì
	ì		la	Sakeke	ka		this	dénden-È sòo-È-nu	jíga màra-dúla kà à	ǹ	bìla	sáaku-È ni ɔ ɔ	yìta	ì
	2SG	PFV.TR POSS	child-ART horse-ART-PL take hide INF 3SG	put place	bag-ART 1SG SBJV in	that	show
	Sakeke took the child and put him in the bag là below: là
	(2.205) ì kà 2SG	kà sáákòè		kán lákìtì	dárdɛ dárdɛ kà	fìlà tágá sàlìlà kìí	dògòn	kándò
	ì kà	ka sáaku-È		kán la-kìti		kà	fìla tága sàli-la kà ì	dògon	kándò
	2SG INF bag-ART PST.TR	ought CAUS-tie bow INF	two go	pray-GER INF REFL	cacher	somewhere
	You should make two bows [at the end of the prayer]. and tied the back and went and hid himself there
	The kà clause can be used as a complement in the position of the subject with the experi-The sequential clauses with kà can follow any type of clause, including modals and impera-ential predicate 'please': tives as in (2.210) below:
	(2.206) [kà kà INF (2.210) kùtáánù bànáánà bànaana-È banana-ART bɔ dàmù] SBJ dámu eat bɔ féw kùta-È-nu ĺeave féw clothes-ART-PL at.all I don't like to eat bananas. Take off all the clothes and put them here. máá máa PFV.NEG kàà kà à INF 3SG	dí dí please làsá la-sá CAUS-lie ɲɲè pán ǹ yen pán 1SG BNF there
	kó and (2.207 b) below: kòyì kó kòyi		kà kà		dòn dòn		àn aǹu	nà la	súsétè súseti-È	tɔ tɔ ìn	207 a)
	(2.207) (a) àn ànu say it.should.be They told to get enlisted in there association táán tée ànu kɔ kɔ ńothing INF enclose 3PL POSS	fús fús company-ART kà tɔ ̀(0.65) tɔ kà	tágá tága	tún tún	kà kà
		3PL POT.NEG 3PL	give			to	INF	go	only	INF	work
	wálí
	wáli
	INF
	The didn't give them anything. [they] just go and work!
	(b) wò wò 2PL (2.211) à bát yáá bi à be 3SG à báti 3SG PFV.OF What do you do with [the gold]? Change it for money. kɛ ̀là kɛ -la do-GER kámà kámà how -kàà kà à INF 3SG fálín fálin exchange wótè wóti-È money tágá kùtáá kòdúlà tága kùta-È kò-dulà go clothes-ART wash-place He went to wash the clothes.	là là OBL
	More rarely, the -dulà ~-diyà forms are used as adverbials with the meaning of simultaneity:
	mɔ ̀gɔ mɔ gɔ person (2.212) àn tɔ ́rɔta mání máni COND nùn fàgà fàga die kɛ ̀lɛ ̀kɛ ̀ɛ̀d úlà ì ì 2SG kà ka PST.TR (2.208) fó fó kà kà wótè wóti-È bɔ ànu tɔ ŕɔ-ta nùn kɛ lɛ-kɛ -dulà bɔ 3PL suffer PST war-do-place Ít kán kán ought kà kà INF NESS INF money They suffered while they fought. lè lè is necessary to pay money. The verb form with -dúla, apart from being used adverbially, can also occupy the position of kì kì spend.night jáámíyè jáamiye-È mosque-ART tɔ tɔ in
	FOC the argument, as in (2.213) below:

The marker kà is most often used as sequential, as in (2.209) below.

2.7.1.4 The complement clause with -dulà

The suffix -dulà ~-diyà The suffix -dulà goes back to the noun dúla 'place' combined with the referential marker -È. It is used mostly in purpose clauses after the motion verbs tága 'go', dòni 'send

' and wà 'go', etc., e.g.:

  2. Example (2.216) illustrates the use of zero-nominalization ràyì bɔ ́ɛ̀' the taking off of rails' in the subject position.

	(2.215) dɛ ̀pí	ràyì	bɔ ́ɛb		fɔ ̀lɔ ̀tà
	dɛ pí	ràyi	ɔ -È		fɔ lɔ-ta
	since	rail	take.off-ART	begin-PFV.INTR
	Since the taking off of the rails started ...
	Example (2.216) illustrates the adverbial use of the zero-derived nominalization:
	(2.216) à	dòɲɛ ́ɛd	bóɲɛ bón-È		là	à	là	kàá	kà
	à	òn-È				la	à	la	kàa-È	ka
	3SG	enter-ART	house-ART	POSS	3SG	POSS	snake-ART	PST.TR
	kílà		bìtà
	kíla-È		bìta
	road-ART	start
	Having entered the house, the snake took the way [further inside].

2.7.2 Subjunctive ni clauses

  Example 2.217 below illustrate the use of ni in a clause with purpose meaning:

	(2.217) ì		sí	mɔ mɔ	làlɔ ̀n	mɔ mɔ	ní	ꜜmɔ ḿɔ	prɛ ̀pàrɛ prɛ kóóbèn
	ì		si	1PL	la-lɔ ń	1PL	ni		1PL	parɛ	kóobèn
	2SG	POT		CAUS-know	SBJV			prepare	much
	You will let us know, so that we prepare ourselves.
	ń	kɔ ̀nɔ ̀n	ǹ	nì	lɔ ́gɔ ́ndénnú	ɲíní		yàn
	ǹ	kɔ ǹɔn	ǹ	ni	lɔ ǵɔ-nden-nu	ɲíni		yàn
	1SG	wait	1SG	SBJV	tree-DIM-PL	look.for	that
	Wait while I look for twigs.

  below, see alsoSection 2.7.4.3.

	(2.221) sálí	wáttòè		mán		ké		àn	ní	fùréé	sàlì	àn
	sáli		wattu-È	máni	ké		ànu	ni	fùru-È	sáli	ànu
	pray	time-ART	COND	arrive	3PL	SBJV	corpse-ART	pray	3PL
	náá			dònì	bɛ ́rɗɛ bɛ				tɔ tɔ
	ni à			dòni		ŕdɛ-È
	SBVJ 3SG	send	cemetery-ART	to
	When the time of the day prayer comes (mani), they pray (ni) in front of the body and
	carry (ni) it to the cemetery [burial rite].
	The use of máni → ni clause chains has been extended to simple narrative construction (with-
	out any generic or modal meaning meaning):
	(2.222) à		mánáá			bòn	kómìn	ì	ní	wòléé	yèn	bòyìlà
	à		máni à			bón	kómìn	ì	ni	wòlo-È	yén	bòyi-la
	3PL	COND 3SG	fling	when	2SG	SBVJ	francolin-ART	see	fall-GER
	mɔ mɔ	ní		wò	tónbón	mɔ mɔ		náá	sàá	mɔ mɔ	lá	sáákóè	tɔ tɔ
	1PL	ni		wò	tónbon	1PL	ni à	sá	1PL	la	sáaku-È
		SBVJ	that	take				SBJV 3SG	put	POSS	bag-ART	in
	When he shot (mani) at the bird, on could see (ni) it fall down, we picked it up (ni)
	and put (ni) it into the bag.
	In Vydrina (2014) I claims that this extension has happened through the máni → ni clause
	chains with iterative meaning as in (2.223):
	(2.223) à à		mání máni	ké ké		hɔ ́ɗè hɔ ɗo-È		mín mín L	mà mà	wó wó	à à	náá ni à	fɔ fɔ śay
	3SG	COND	arrive	village-ART	REL	to	any	3SG SBVJ	3SG
	yɔ ́n				mù			ń		nàà	là
	yɔ ńL				mu		ń		nàa	la
	who.INTERR	IDENT	1SG	mother	OBL
	Every time when he came (máni) to a village, he asked (ni): "Who is my mother"?

  ).

	(2.224) (a) Temporal adverbial clause
	à		yáá		kùdùkùdùlà	kómìn	sɔ ̀ɔ̀l ínnù	bì	wúlílá	kàá	lɔ lɔ
	à		bi à		kúdukudu-la	kómin	sɔ ɔlin-nù	bi	wúli-la	kà à	stop
	3SG	be 3SG	roll-GER		how	blade-PL	be	get.up-GER	INF 3SG
	à		kɔ ́ɔ̀m à
	à		kɔ ɔma
	3SG	behind
	While he was rolling [on the ground], the grass blades perked up behind him.
	(b) Complement clause
	wò		tɔ ̀díyálén			nɔ ̀n	à	ká	wò	bɔ bɔ	jɔ ̀ɔ̀y áá	wò
	wò		tɔ-díya-len		nɔn	à	ka	wò	ĺeave	jɔ ɔya-È	wò
	2PL	REF-please-PC.ST	but	3SG	PFV.TR	2PL	slavery-ART	that
	tɔ tɔ	kómìn
		kómìn
	in	how
	You are happy that he liberated you from this serfdom.
	(c) Interrogative
	wò		ì	lɔ ́gɛ lɔ	èɓɓìlà			kómìn	nà	ɔ ̀ɔ2	náà
	wò		bi	ǵɔ-È	éɓɓi-la		kómìn	là	ni à
	2PL	be	wood-ART	measure-GER	how	OBL	PL	SBJV 3SG

of the complex sentence (antecedent + apodosis) Analogue in English

	ɓá(yì) +	positive	Evocative in narrative:	When he arrived,
	báti	(actual specific)	tail-head construction	nobody was there
				anymore.
	sì + báti	positive (actual	Evocative construction	Since he created this
		specific)	in present	problem, it is up to him
				to resolve it.
	máni	positive (generic/	Temporal for	When holidays start,
		habitual/future)	generic-habitual or	tickets get more
			future: unconditional	expensive.
			prediction
	sì + ka/-ta	neutral	Conditional prediction	If it rains, we won't go
		(hypothetical)		out.
	sì + ka/-ta	negative
	+ nùn	(counterfactual)

  It consists of tail-head pairs, where each clause with ni is repeated by the following máni clause (accompanied by the pronominalization of the NP object of the ni clause)

	(2.231) (a) fùtúrè mán mádòn The sì clause can follow the apodosis, as in (2.234) below, but this order is less frequent. When the twilight approaches,
	(b) mà ní mɔ ̀ɔ̀n éé ꜜlájìgì (c) mà mán' áá ꜜlájìgì sí yíidɛ ýíidɛ à fɛ fɛ (d) mà náá làkìmà sì à 2SG (2.234) ì ì POT see 3SG with (e) mà mánáá làkìmá(0.32) after that we take the porridge sì állà sɔ ̀ntà after that sì állà sɔ ǹ-ta we cool it if GOD agree-PFV.INTR (f) mà ní kàyééꜜnú táà bɔ ̀we take the men's part. You will see her, if God wills.
	fùtúrè		mán	mádòn		mà		ní	mɔ ̀ɔ̀n éé	ꜜlájìgì	mà	mánáá
	fùturo-È		máni	mádòn		mà		ni	mɔ ɔni-È	la-jìgi	mà	máni à
	twilight-ART	COND	come.up		1PL	SBJV	porridge-ART	CAUS-descend
	ꜜlájìgì
	la-jìgi
	When the twilight approaches, we take the porridge.
	mà	náá			làkìmà				mà		mánáá	làkìmá(0.32)	mà
	mà	ni à			la-kíma				mà		máni à	la-kíma	mà
	1PL	SBJV 3SG	CAUS-be.cold	1PL COND 3SG	CAUS-be.cold	1PL	SBJV
	ní			kàyééꜜnú	táà	bɔ bɔ
	ni			kàyi-È-nu	táa-È		áfter
	man-ART-PL	part-ART	take
		that, we cool it off, after that, we take the men's part.
	The máni clause can also be used with future reference:
	(2.232) dóè		kó	kò	nà		mání	fàgà	ì	ní	ǹ	nà	déɲɛ dén-È
		dóo-È		kó	kó	ǹ		máni	fàga	ì	ni	ǹ	la
		one-ART	say	say	1SG	COND	die	2SG	SBJV	SBJV	POSS	child-ART
		dànkùn
		dánkun
		look.after
		She said "when I die, look after my child, I say this".
	2.7.4.4 Conditionals
	Example (2.233) illustrates the conditional proper, or the hypothetical conditional, where the
	proposition expressed in the antecedent is construed as the condition for the proposition of
	the main clause to hold.
	(2.233) sì	ǹ		ká		wò	fɔ fɔ	ò	sí	ꜜń	bólókà
		sì	ǹ		ka		wò		śay	ò	si	ǹ	bólokà
		if	1SG	PFV.TR	that			2PL	POT	1SG	leave
		If I say it, you will leave me?

  See also(2.241) below, where the first clause contains mín L and it is semantically closely linked to the following clause. It could be paraphrased as 'I bought a bicycle and clothes with the money I got'. The function of the first clause is, in fact, to highlight and describe a referent which plays a role in the event expressed in the second clause. Nevertheless, the second clause does not contain this argument, thus, it cannot be considered as case of relativization in syntactic terms.

	à à	sáà si à			mà má	à à		kà ka		mín mín L	fɔ fɔ śay
	3SG	POT 3SG	do	3SG	PFV.TR	which
	He will do what he has said.
	2.7.5.2 The status of mín L : parataxis or correlative strategy?
	Apart from being a relativization marker, mín L is also used as a question word, or as part of an
	interrogative NP (see 2.6.2.5). Furthermore, it occurs in utterances where it can be considered
	as a demonstrative, see (2.240):
	(2.240) déndè dénden-È	mîn(0.71) mín L	à à		la là	kóo kóó	tée téé	gàsɛ ǵàsɛ
	boy-ART	which		3SG	POSS	thing	POT.NEG	be.possible
	This boy, you can do nothing about him [he is uncontrollable]!
	(2.241) ń ǹ	ká ka		wótè wóti-È		mín mín L		sɔ ̀tɔ sɔ tɔ	ǹ ǹ	ká ka	nɛ ̀gɛ ̀sóé nɛ gɛsóo-È	sàn sàn	ǹ ǹ
	1SG	PFV.TR	money-ART	REL		get	1SG	PFV.TR	bicycle-ART	buy	1SG
	ká	kùtááꜜnú			sàn
	ka	kùta-È-nu			sàn
	PFV.TR	clothes-ART-PL	buy
	I got this money, and I bought a bicycle and clothes.

  this construction is somewhat problematic. It resembles the pronoun retention strategy: the full-fledged NP is in the main clause, and 32. See Creissels 2009b for examples of the same strategy applied in Kita Maninka.

vowel system of Kakabe is characterized by four levels of aperture and by the length

	kó 'say' -kɔ ́'give'
	dénɲɔgɔ 'elder brother' -dɛ ́nɲɔgɔ 'friend'
	jóo 'rightness, reason' -júu 'trunk'
	káa 'there' -kɛ ́ɛ 'this'
	kéle 'call' -kíli 'egg'
	kèn 'foot' -kìn 'bite'
	káa 'there' -kɔ ́ɔ 'back'.
	Schwa has a marginal status in the vowel system: it is one of the possible realizations of the
	epenthetic vowel which appears in loanwords. Compare (3.2 a) where the epenthetic vowel is
	a schwa and (3.2 a) where the epenthetic vowel is realized as u and i respectively. Strategies
	of loanword adaptation are discussed in Section 3.4.
	(3.2) (a) dísrikə 'district' < Fr. district
	áwansə 'advance (payment)' < Fr. avance
	(b) lámpu 'lamp' < Fr. lampe
	ráayi 'rail' < Fr. rail.
	Example (3.3) is a minimal pair attesting the existence of a contrast between the vowels i and
	u and the epenthetic vowel realized as schwa.
	(3.3) báaru 'sea' vs. báarə ~bár 'bar' < Fr. bar
	lɛ ́ɛri 'swing' vs. lɛ ́ɛrə ~lɛ ́r 'hour' < Fr. l'heure.
	opposition:
		front		back
	high	i iː		u uː
	high-mid	e eː	(ə)	o oː
	mid-low	ɛ ɛː	ɔ ɔː
	low		a aː
		Table 3.1: Vowel inventory
	Minimal pairs illustrating some of the possible oppositions between vowels are provided
	in (3.1):
	(3.1) kòlon 'mortar' -kɔ ̀lɔn 'well (with water)'

Table 3 . 2

 32 .2 below shows the number of occurrences of the two variants across Kakabe villages. As can be seen, the distribution is partly conditioned geographically. In NK only the variant tàran is used. In WK villages Kouroupampa and Labiko, again, only tàran is used, yet, in Jinkoya, the third WK village in my corpus, only tɛ ̀rɛn is used. Finally, in CK villages Sokotoro, Nyamayara and Dogomet, tɛ ̀rɛn is more frequent, but tàran occurs as well. As can be seen on the map next to the table, in general, the variant with the mid-high is more frequent in the eastern part of the Kakabe area.

		tàran tɛ ̀rɛn
	NK Mansaya	158	0
	Mingiya	6	0
	Nasyrulayi	32	0
	WK Jinkoya	0	35
	Kouroupampa 55	0
	Labiko	16	0
	CK Sokotoro	5	12
	Naymayara	25	97
	Dogomet	2	38
	Bantaferenya 1	7

: Distribution of tàran vs. tɛ ̀rɛn in Kakabe villages

Table 3 .

 3 3 represents the inventory of Kakabe consonants. When the symbol used for a consonant deviates from IPA conventions, its IPA representation is given in square brackets. The consonants in parentheses occur on the foreign non-assimilated vocabulary: they occur only in borrowings or are limited to certain word categories.

				labial lab.-dent. alveolar palatal velar lab.-velar phar. glottal
	obstruents	impl. stops fric.	-v. +v. -v. +v.	(ɓ) p b	f (v)	(ɗ) t d s (z)	(ƴ) [ʄ] c j [ɟ]	k g	gb [g ͡ b]	(h)	(ʔ)
	sonorants	nasals flap approx.		m w		n r [ɾ] l	ɲ y [j]	ŋ
					Table 3.3: Consonant inventory
	3.2.2.1 Consonants belonging to the peripheral part of vocabulary
	This subsection deals with consonants that occur in Kakabe only in non-nativized borrowings.

  Judging by the Pular source forms, this variation might be due either to palatalization, as jɛ ́ɛƴɛ borrowed from the Pular geeƴe, or to velarization, e.g. the Pular word jent-agol 'listening' resulting in Kakabe gɛ ́nti.With the exception of yáagɛ ~yaajɛ 'be spacious' the variation g ~j never occurs in the middle of a morpheme, e.g. tɛ ̀gɛra *tɛ ̀jɛra 'axe', mɔ ̀gɛ ́ɛ̀* mɔ ̀jɛ ́ɛ̀p erson-ART, nɛ ̀gɛ *nɛ ̀jɛ 'iron', sìgi *sìji 'sit', etc.

	gíi	~jíi (fq)	'water'
	gídira	~jídira (fq) 'old woman'
	gìla (fq)	~jìla	'since'	< Pul. jìlaa
	gɛ ́nti (fq) ~jɛ ́nti	'listen'	< Pul. jent-agol
	gɛ ̀rɛ (fq)	~jɛ ̀rɛ	'war'
	gɛ ́lɛ	~jɛ ́lɛ (fq)	'to laugh'
	gɛ ́ɛƴɛ	~jɛ ́ɛƴɛ (fq) 'evening'	< Pul. geeƴe
	yáagɛ (fq) ~yaajɛ	'be spacious' < Pul. yaaj-agol.

Table 3

 3

	.4 represent the list of words that attest a variation between palatals.

[ŋ ̀kà ká̰ ŋ kà mḭŋ ꜜkʲáː jè]

			Palatalization type:	Context:
		I.	Phonetic			before front vowels
							(automatic)
		II. In loanword adaptation before any vowel except ɔ and ɛ
							(lexically bound)
		III. In hiatus resolution	before the pronouns à, ànu and ò
							(morphosyntactically conditioned)
		Table 3.5: Types of palatalization and the context of its appearance
	Types (II) and (III) are discussed in 3.4.5 and 4.6.3.4.8 respectively.
	Table 3.6 represents how the three types of palatalization are distributed with respect to
	the following vowel.
					Hiatus-	Loanword	Phonetic
					resolution		Pal.	Pal.
					Pal.
				a Cʲaː ~Caː		Cʲa	*
				ɔ				*	*
				o	Cʲoː		Cʲo	*
				u				n/a	*
				ɛ				*	*
				e				Cʲe	Cʲe
				i				Cʲi	Cʲi
	ǹ	ka		kán		kà	mín L	kɛ do	à	yen
	1SG	PFV.TR	be.obliged.to	INF	REL		3SG	BNF
	... what I have to do for her...
	The three types of palatalization are summarized in Table 3.5.

Table 3 .6: Types of palatalization

 3

[háː ʔá̰ ŋ kà tɔ ́gɔ̰ ́ndèː ʔǎ̰ n dò̰

  n tɔ ǵɛ ̀wò là]

	háa	ànu	ka		tɔ ́gɔ-nden-È	yén	ànu	ni	dòn	tɔ ́gɔ-È	wò
	until	3PL	PVF.TR	smithy-DIM-È	see	SBJV	3PL	enter	smithy-ART	that
	la
	OBL
	And then they saw a smithy and entered it.
	In (3.42) yan is reduced to a (N is deleted because it immediately precedes an onsetless syl-
	lable, see Section 4.6.1.4). And a in its turn coalesces with the final vowel of the verb: fɔ ́lɔ +
	yan + o → fɔ ́lɔ a o → [fɔ ĺáː ó].
	(3.42) [wò káː ꜜfɔ ́láː jà̰ ŋ ò sɛ ṕːítá háː kḭńdíyà]
	wò	ka		à	fɔ ́lɔ	yàn	wò	sɛ ́ppi-ta	háa	Kíndiya
	2PL	PFV.TR	3SG	start	here	2PL	go.on.foot-PFV.INTR	until	TOPON
	You start off here and you walk on foot until Kindiya [name of a town].
	The deletion of [w] is illustrated by (3.43) where a whole syllable is deleted:
	(3.43) bi à wá-la → bâː wàla → [bâːlà]
	[à̰ nːà déɲɛ ǹù bâːlà]
	ànu	la	dén-È-nu		bi	à	wà-la
	3PL	POSS	child-ART-PL	be	3SG	go-GER
	Their children go away.

Table ( 3

 ( .8) provides a list of the phonotactic patterns for nouns and verbs.

	Nouns			Verbs
	CVː	kàa	'snake'	CV(ː)	fɔ ́(ɔ)	'say'
	CVN	sàn	'year'	CVN	sàn	'buy'
	CVCV	kári	'month'	CVCV	kèle	'call'
	CVːCV	káara	'shea tree'	CVːCV	sàara 'pay'
	CVCVCV	kàlamá 'ladle'	CVCVN	kàran 'study'
	CVNCVN	lúntan	'guest'	CVNCVN kàntan 'guard'
	CV.CVː.CV tùbáabu 'white man'
	(N)CVCVN (n)dólin 'hook'
	Table 3.8: Phonotactic types of simplex lexical morphemes

  , is very frequent in speech. It arises when the short version of 3PL àn (< ànu) occurs inside an intonation phrase and thus fuses with the preceding vowel, see Section 4.6.2 about the strategies of hiatus resolution. So far, I don't have arguments to decide, whether N in this case belong to a heavy onset [tɔ ːráː.n tɔ ], or is forms a separate syllable [tɔ ːráː.n. tɔ ].

	(3.82) [jɔ ĺɛ ̀máː dóːꜜdó tɔ ːráːn tɔ ]
	yɔ ́lɔ-È	máa	dóodò	tɔ ́ɔrɔ	ànu	tɔ
	tsetse.fly-ART	PFV.NEG	UNIV.HUM	bother	3PL	in
	The tsetse fly didn't bother anybody among them.
	There is a contrast in length between [kaː.n] < ka PST. + ànu 3PL, cf. (3.83 a), and [kan] < ka
	PST + ǹ 1SG, cf. (3.83 b).

Table 3 .

 3 10: Realization of vowel epenthesis with respect to the PW boundaries

			→ Ø	EpV → u	EpV → i
	before #	mɔ ̀tɛrə fìla mɔ ̀tɛr fìla	?mɔ ̀tɛru fìla	?mɔ ̀tɛri fìla
	before -nu	*	mɔ ̀tɛrnu	mɔ ̀tɛrunu	*
	before -nden *	*	*	mɔ ̀tɛrinden
	before an adj. *	mɔ ̀tɛr kɔ ́rɔnden mɔ ̀tɛru kɔ ́rɔnden mɔ ̀tɛr kɔ ́rɔnden

Table 3

 3

	.11: Realization of EpV

mà mɛ ́ːtɛ ́rì jâː ɲáːfɔ ĺ âːnù jè]

											a)-(3.105 d), coming from a conversation
	about school, on the example of the noun mɛ ́ɛtr 'teacher'.
	(3.105) (a) [ŋ ̀ká mà mɛ ́ːtɛ ́rə ̀lɔ̰ ŋ]
	ǹ	ka		mà	mɛ ́ɛtɛr		lɔ ́n
	1SG	PFV.TR	1PL	teacher		know
	I know our teacher.
	(b) [ì là mɛ ́ːtrə ̀mánîː tàkìlì à í tɛ rɛ ̀ì bì ɲɔ̂ː]
	ì	la	mɛ ́ɛtr	máni		ì	takíli		à	si	tɛ ̀rɛn	ì	bi	ɲɔ ́ɔt
	2SG	POSS	teacher	COND	2SG	call		3SG	POT	find	2SG	be	here
	When your teacher calls you, are you usually present?
	(c) [mà	mɛ ́ɛtr		bi	à		ɲáafɔ-la		ànu		yèn
	1PL	teacher		be	3SG	explain-GER	3PL	BNF
	Our teacher explains it to them.
	(d) [wò là mɛ ́ːtə ́rə ̀wò tɔ ǵɔ ́kámá lè]
	wò	la	mɛ ́ɛtr	wò	tɔ ́gɔ	káma	lè
	2PL	POSS	teacher	DEM	name	how	be
	Your teacher, what is his name?
	12. Used for naming years.
	13. t is deleted, see 3.4.4.1

Table 3

 3

	.14: Realization of forms with potential double epenthesis
	3

.4.4 Other phonotactically conditioned LWA strategies

	tion of consonants or syllables (Section 3.4.4.1) and two minor strategies: gemination (Sec-
	tion 3.4.4.2) and nasalization (Section
	Apart from the vowel epenthesis, described in Section 3.4.3 above, Kakabe applies other
	strategies which adapt loanwords to the phonotactic restrictions of Kakabe phonology: dele-

  [wò sí dà jːà̰ nːɛ tɔ ]

	wò	si	dàn	yànnɛ ́tɔ here
	2PL	POT	stop
	You will stop here.
	à	lè	nín	kàyi-È	tée		ànu	ɲɔ ́gɔ ̀n	yen
	3SG	LG	and	man-ART	NEG.POT	3PL	each.other	see
	He and the man, they won't see each other.
	(4.15) [wò téː ɲɔ ǵɔ ̀jè wó]
	wò	tée		ɲɔ ́gɔ ̀n		yén	wó
	2PL	NEG.POT	each.other	see	UNIV
	You won't ever see each other.

(4.14)

[à lè nḭŋ kàjêː téː à̰ ɲːɔ ǵɔ ̀jːḛ ŋ]

  Another case, where N nasalizes the subsequent y is ɲɛ ̀tɛ in NK and WK is discussed in Section 3.2.2.3.

4.29) (a) lúntan 'guest' + -ya → lúntayaa 'be a guest dénden 'child' + -ya → déndeyaa 'childhood' súnkutun 'young girl' + -ya → súnkutuyaa 'young age (for a girl)' ɲùman 'nice' + -ya → ɲùmayaa 'be good/wellness' jɔ ̀n 'slave' + -ya → jɔ ̀ɔyaa 'slavery' (b) kán 'place' + -ya → káɲɲa 'time, moment' fɛ ́ntan 'poor' + -ya → fɛ ́ntáɲɲa 'poverty'

Table 4 . 2 :

 42 Realization of the diminutive suffixAfter N-final stem n can be deleted to avoid nnd or nnn sequences, see(4.43). In CK, WK 2 , and NK 2 nnɛ ́ɛ̀c an be reduced to nɛ ́ɛ̀a lso in certain non-nasal contexts, this is described inSection 4.3.4.

	(4.43)

  In dén-músú-nnɛ ́ɛ̀( 4.50e), CVCV is preceded by a morphological boundary. ontrary to the metrical pattern in (4.51), in (4.52) below the stems are parsed in a way that the last light syllable of the root is not included into the preceding foot. Following Rule (4.48c), the diminutive suffix with the referential article is realized as -nɛ ́ɛ̀.

	(4.51) (σː)(σσ) táábálí	'table'	→ táábálí-nnɛ ́ɛ(
	σː)(σσ) mɔ ́nbílí	'car'	→ mɔ ́nbílí-nnɛ ́ɛ(
	σː)(σσ) bááfálí	'door'	→ bááfálí-nnɛ ́ɛ(
	σː)(σσ) fɛ ́ɛ́t íbɔ ́'clothes' → fɛ ́ɛ́t íbɔ ́-nnɛ ́ɛ(
	σː)(σσ) káálísí	'money' → káálísí-nnɛ ́ɛ(
	σσ)(σσ) bútúbútú little'	→ bútúbútú-nnɛ ́ɛ(
	σσ)(σσ) gòrògòrò 'scratch' → gòrògòrò-nnɛ ́ɛ(
	σσ)(σσ) mísílímí	'Muslim' → mísílímí-nnɛ ́ɛ(
	σσ)(σσ) sìgìdùlà	'seat'	→ sìgìdùlà-nnɛ ́ɛC
	(4.52) CV.CV.CV		(σσ)σ	súsété	'society'	→ súsété-nɛ ́ɛC
	(4.49) CVV	(σː)		sóo	'society'	→ sóó-nɛ ́ɛC
	VV	(σː)		ɲáa	'eye'	→ ɲáá-nɛ ́ɛC
	VN VN V.CV.CV V.CVN V.CV.CV VV.CV	(σː) (σː) σ(σː) (σσ)σ (σσ)σ (σː)σ	dén kèn gbólin màrìfà 'business' 'foot' 'gun' 'branch' dòròkì 'shirt' mààkò 'business' → dén-nɛ ́ɛC → màrìfà-nɛ ́ɛC → kèn-nɛ ́ɛC → dòròkì-nɛ ́ɛC → gbólín-nɛ ́ɛC → mààkò-nɛ ́ɛC
	VV.CV		(σː)σ	kììbò	'dream'
	(4.50) (a) (σσ) yɛ ́gɛ ́'fish'		→ yɛ ́gɛ ́-nnɛ ́ɛ(
	b) (σσ) bóló	'hand'		→ bóló-nnɛ ́ɛ(
	c) (σσ) fàrà	'wetland'		→ fàrà-nnɛ ́ɛ(
	d) (σσ) gbòlò	'skin'		→ gbòlò-nnɛ ́ɛ(

́ɛ̀~-nnɛ ́ɛ̀/ (σː)σ _ Forms in (4.49) below illustrate Rule (4.48a). As can be seen, n is deleted in /nden-È/ after CVV, CVN or CVC syllables. V.CV.CVN (σσ)(σː) síyaman 'numerous' → síyaman-nɛ ́ɛC V.CVC σ(σː) vílaz 'village' → víláz-nɛ ́ɛC VN.CVC (σː)(σː) dénkay 'boy' → dénkáy-nɛ ́ɛT he combination -nden + È is realized with the geminated nn after CVCV preceded by a foot or a morphological boundary. e) (σσ) dénmúsú 'young girl' → dénmúsú-nnɛ ́ɛÌ n (4.51) below -nden is preceded by a light syllable which is grouped into one foot with the preceding light syllable, therefore, again, nden-È is realized as nnɛɛ ̀. VC.CV.CV.CV (σː)(σσ)σ píblísíté 'advertisement' → píb.lísíté-nɛ ́ɛC V.CV.CV (σσ)σ báríkí 'grace' → báriki-nɛ ́ɛC V.CV.CV (σσ)σ bùrùgɛ ̀'hillock' → bùrugɛ-nɛ ́ɛC V.CV.CV (σσ)σ bògòrò 'lock' → bògòrò-nɛ ́ɛC → kììbò-nɛ ́ɛT he forms in (4.53) below illustrate a geminated nn after roots of the type (σː)σ: (4.53) CVV.CV (σː)σ póósi 'little' → póósí-nnɛ ́ɛC VN.CV (σː)σ sɔ ́ngɔ ́'price' → sɔ ́ngɔ ́-nnɛ ́ɛC VV.CV (σː)σ sáákú 'bag' → sáákú-nnɛ ́ɛC VV.CV (σː)σ báárɛ ́'bar' → báárɛ ́-nnɛ ́ɛ4

Table 4 .

 4

	70 100%	70

5: Vowel deletion before sonorants compared to non-sonorants

  .82).

	(4.82) [mà bá ʔhɔ ːlí wò là]
	mà	báti	hɔ ́ɔli	wò	la
	1PL	PFV.OF	believe	that	OBL
	We believe in it.

Table 4 .

 4 8: Realization of báti depending on the quality of the following consonant in WK In the NK subcorpus the perfective marker occurs 62 times before a morpheme starting with t. As in WK, the final i of the perfective marker tends to disappear between the two ts. Out of 62 tokens before t the perfective marker is realized without the final i 50 times (35 bá' and 15 t'), and only 12 times with the final i (3 báti L and 9 ti).

			Western Kakabe
		/ _ t / _ d other consonants Total
	báti	0	1	32	33
	bá'	13	3	38	54
	ti	0	1	70	71
	t'	7	0	0	7
	Total 20	5	158	173
			Northern Kakabe
		/ _ t / _ d other consonants Total
	báti L	3	9	156	168
	bá' L	35	3	1	39
	ti	9	24	298	330
	t'	15	0	0	8
	Total 62	36	442	544
	Table

Table 4

 4 What was said above, suggests that syllabification applies before assimilation; cf. the realization of the sequences involving a as V 2 illustrated below:

			Syllabification	Assimilation
		→	ia.	→ aː / ʲaː
	i + a	→	i.a
		→	i.ʔa
		→	ua.	→ aː
	u + a	→	u.a
		→	u.ʔa
	ɛ + a	→ →	ɛa. ɛ.a.	→ aː / ʲaː
	a + a	→ →	aː a.a
	eː + a	→ →	ea. eː.a	→ aː

.12: Types of vowel assimilation and V 2 CHAPTER 4. SEGMENTAL AND PHONOTACTIC PROCESSES 287 4.6.

1.2.1 Pronouns à and ànu

Table 4

 4

.13: Assimilation triggered by the pronouns à and ànu Below are some examples illustrating the realizations of i + a.

Table 4 .

 4 14: Assimilation involving the pronoun i

		stop assignment		assimilation		syllabification
	e + i	→ eʔi	→	ee	→	eː / e.e
	o + i	→ oʔi	→	ɔɛ	→	ɔ.ɛ
	ɔ + i	→ ɔʔi	→	ɔe	→	o.e
	a + i	→ aʔi			→	a.i

Table 4 .

 4 19: Occurrences of the onsetless pronouns in corpus

		rank by	non-initial	utterance	Total
		frequency	(not after	-initial
			pause)
	à 3SG	1	2404 (56%)	1565	3969
	ànu 3PL	7	902 (66%)	472	1374
	ì 2SG	11	855 (73%)	321	1176

Table 4

 4

	Separate	Total

.20: Hiatus resolution in the auxiliary + pronoun combination

Table 4

 4

			Reduced Full Total
	béle L	NEG.be	26	12	38
	tée L	NEG.POT 26	5	31
	si	POT	124	0	124
	bi	be	246	1	247
	máni L	COND	26	0	26
	báti L ~ti PFV.OF	195	2	197
	káni L	NEG.IMP 25	1	26
	ni	SBJV	244	3	247
	ka	INF	523	1	524
	máa L	NEG.PFV 35	0	35
	Total		1472	23	1495

.22: Hiatus resolution in the auxiliary + pronoun combination in NK

Table 4 .

 4 23 shows the occurrences of fused and separate forms for six most frequent phraseinitial operators not ending with an a before the pronouns à, ànu and ì.

	[à bàːbà náː nɛ ːnɛ ]
	à	bàaba	nín	à	nɛ ̀ɛnɛ
	3SG	father	and	3SG	mother
	her mother and her father

Table 4 .

 4 23: Realization of conjunctions before the pronouns à and ànu Though the number is not big, we can suppose that the fusion depends on the quality of the last vowel: i tends to be fully assimilated whereas o and ɔ tend to remain intact when they occur before à.Example 4.131 illustrates the fusion between the conjunction kɔ ̀nɔ 'but' and the 2SG pronoun ì, resulting in a long[ɛː]. (4.131) [kɔ ǹɛ ́ː lè bɔ ːlá sɛ tːɛ ŕ ɲámájárá lè]

	kɔ ̀nɔ	ì	lè	bɔ ́-la	sɛ ́ttɛr	Ɲámayara	lè
	but	2SG	LG	go.out-GER	seven.o.clock	Nyamayara	FOC
	But you go out from Nyamayara at seven o'clock.

Table 4

 4

		Fused Separate Total
	Verb before IO pronoun	76	27	103
	Verb before Subj pronoun	31	61	92

.24: Realization of verbs before onsetless pronouns

Table 4 .

 4 24 shows that the fusion across clause boundary is a rather common phenomenon: it happens in one third of the cases when a verb precedes an onsetless pronoun without a pause between them. Below are some examples.

	(4.132) (a) [wò mánâː lâː bá tːóː sálè mà]
	wò	máni	à	lɔ ́n	à	báti		tó	sáli-È	ma
	2PL	COND	3SG	know	3SG	PFV.OF	remain	holiday-ART	to
	When you know that the holiday is approaching...
	(b) [wò̰ nːì ɟéː sòrà̰ ːnːì lɔ ǵɔ ́ɲínà̰ ːn sì fɛ̰ ɱfɛ ̀mːá]
	wò-nu	si	jíi-È		sòri		ànu	si		lɔ ́gɔ	ɲíni	ànu	si
	that-PL	POT	water-ART	scoop	3PL	POT	wood	look.for	3PL	POT
	fɛ ́nfɛ ̀n	má
	all		do

Table 4 .

 4 a)-(4.133 c). It should be noted that examples with a DO onsetless pronoun in a complement clause immediately after a verb are not very numerous. This due to the fact that, unlike gerund clauses, where the DO is not separated from the matrix verb by any morpheme, the other two types of complement clauses have a clause-initial marker. Though there are only 17 examples of such gerund constructions, it is telling that 14 of them show a fusion between the verb and the DO pronoun of the gerund: The fusion of the onsetless subject pronouns with the preceding word Onsetless subject pronouns can also fuse with the preceding postposition which is either part of a clause-final adverbial phrase (4.134 a) or part of a left-edge topic (4.134 b). Out of 27 occurrences of the postposition tɔ, its final vowel fuses with the subject pronoun 8 times.The retrospective marker nùn can also fuse with onsetless subject pronouns; compare(4.135 a) where it is pronounced in its full form, with (4.135 b)-(4.135 e) where it fuses with the pronouns à and ì. [mɔ jɛ̰ ń dè bélé í bàːbà jé nːǎː nːɛ gɛ sóè sà ì jè] Possible combinations of à and ànu with each of the seven vowels 27 summarized the possible ways in which the pronouns à and ànu are realized after different vowels.

	(4.133) (a) súusɛ + à [mà téː súːsâː ùdːìtɛ là]
	mà	tée	súusɛ	à	údditɛ-la
	1PL	NEG.POT	dare	3SG	open-GER
	We don't dare to open it.

(4.134) (a) pp tɔ + Sbj pron ànu [à̰ nːáː wà wúlà tàː nːí kàrà̰ ɲːɔ ː là] (b) pp tɔ + Sbj pron ànu [dɔ̰ ńdɛ ̀lúːmɛ ̀tá̰ ːm bì fɛ̰ ́nːḭḿ fɛ̰ ́mːájìtàlà ɲɔ ː là]

Table 4 .

 4 25: Realization of VV sequences with a as V 2

Table 4 .

 4 4.26) below. 26: Retention and deletion of palatalization

		Context	Consonants
			affected
	assimilation with the	CʲV +front + a → Cʲaː	k and g
	retention of the palatalization	CʲV +front → CʲV -front / _ a
	of the consonant
	both the retention and the	CʲV +front + a → Cʲaː or Caː	s, r, b
	deletion of the palatalization	CʲV +front → CʲV -front / _ a
	of the consonant is possible	or CV -front / _ a
	assimilation with the deletion	CʲV +front + a → Caː	t, d, n, ...
	of the palatalization of the	CʲV +front → CV -front / _ a
	consonant

Table 4 .

 4 27: Realization of VV sequences with ì 2SG as V 2

	sì	à	máa	jìgi	ì	lè	ɲɛ ̀tɛ	ni	yɛ ̀lɛ	lɔ ́gɔ-È	la
	if	3SG	PFV.NET	descend	2SG	LG	self	SBJV	mount	tree-ART	OBL
	If it doesn't go down, you go up yourself.

I provide some examples in what follows. 4.6.3.5.1 i(n) + i (4.156) [sàː máː ɟìgíː lè ɲɛ tɛ ́ní jɛ lɛ lɔ ǵɛ ̀là]

Table 4 .

 4 28 summarizes the types of changes that final vowels or consonants of the stems undergo when the article is added. The resulting vowel is long if HL tone is assigned to it, see Section5.9.1.1for discussion.

	4.6.4.1 Overview

Table 4 .

 4

28: Change of the final vowel/syllable of NP after the attachment of the article suffix

4.6.4.2 Underlying form and reconstruction of the referential article

The underlying form of the referential article, transcribed as -È, is a front, non-high vowel, underspecified for height. Its height in the realization is defined by the final vowel of the lexical stem; it is formulated in Rule (4.165) below: (4.165) Height feature of the article:

  ).On the synchronic level, I postulate that the main allomorph does not have any onset. As argued in Section 4.2.5, if y belongs to a suffix or a clitic, the combination Ny is realized as a as a geminated palatal nasal ɲɲ, and not as simple ɲ. And in other cases N disappears or assimilates to y, see Section 4.2.3.2. Thus, the realization with a simple ɲ does not point directly to the presence of y in the onset of the article. Apart from that, y does not manifest itself in any other context in Kakabe. For these reasons, in the current description, I refer to the article as -È, without indicating the palatal onset, but I agree with Kastenholz that, etymologically, it was a syllable starting with y.4.6.4.3 Final back vowels: the general caseWhen the article is added to a stem ending with a back vowel ɔ, o or u, the resulting vowel is specified by height following Rule (4.165) formulated earlier. Apart from that, the final back vowel can be deleted. Rule (4.167) below formulates the condition in which the stem-final back vowel is deleted when the article -È is added:As said in Section 3.3.2.2, long vowels do not occur in the final syllable in polysyllabic morphemes. Thus, NP stem can end with a long vowel only of if it is a monosyllabic nominal root, as in (4.170) below, or if it ends with a monosyllabic morpheme, as in (4.171) below.

	(4.170) jɔ ̀ɔ → jɔ ̀ɛk ɔ ́ɔ → kɔ ́ɛ̀' mɔ ̀ndɔ → mɔ ̀ndɔ ́ɛ̀~m ɔ ̀ndɛ ́ɛ̀' ball, handfull' hamac' 'back' wɔ ̀rtɔ → wɔ ̀rtɔ ́ɛ̀~w ɔ ̀rtɛ ́ɛ̀' sickle'
	(4.167) Back vowel deletion búu → bóè màrijáawɔ → màrìjááwɔ ̀ɛ̀~m àrìjááwɛ ̀'spider' 'stomach'
	sùu → sòê lɔ ́gɔ → lɔ ́gɛ ̀~lɔ ́gɔ ̀ɛ̀' tree' A stem-final back vowel preceded by another back vowel is deleted when article is 'corpse' added to it: kóo → kóè sòo → sòê 'thing' 'horse'. dínɲɔgɔ → dínɲɔ ́gɔ ̀ɛ̀~d ínɲɔ ́gɛ ̀'friend'
	V back → Ø / V back _ È (4.171) nɔ ́gɔ → nɔ ́gɔ ̀ɛ ~nɔ ́gɛ ̀'dirt'
	In (4.168) the stem-final back vowel is preserved because is not preceded by any other back 'tree trunk' lɔ ́gɔ-júu tree-trunk → lɔ ́gɔ ́jóè vowel: 'mango tree' mángo-júu mango-trunk → mángójóè
	(4.168) ɔ → ɔɛ fɛ ́ɛtibɔ → fɛ ́ɛtibɔ ̀ɛ 'thicket along the river bank' kɔ ̀ɔ-túu 'clothes'	river-thicket	→ kɔ ̀ɔ̀-tóè
	u → oe sànaku → sànakóè 'nostril' sún-woo 'joking kin' nose-hole	→ sún-wóè
	o → oe mángo → mángòe 'a thing related to writing' wíndɛ-kóo 'mango' (4.166) Koranko Kastenholz (1986: 99) 'thing with corn' káaba-kóo	write-NMLZ corn-NMLZ	→ wíndɛ ́kóè → káábákóè
	(a) fḭ̀'black' (b) líi 'honey' 'tree trunk' (c) sṵ ́'nose' a person with goiter' (d) sùu 'corpse' Example (4.169) below illustrates the deletion of the back vowel preceded by another → fḭỳɛ kɔ ̀nkɔ-tɔɔ hunger-ATTR → kɔ ̀nkɔ ̀tɔ ́ɛ' → líyɛ fɔ ̀ɔrɔ-tɔ ́ɔ goitre-ATTR → fɔ ̀ɔ̀r ɔ ̀tɔ ́ɛ' → sṵ ́yɛ breast-feeding mother' dànka-tɔ ́ɔ breast.feeding-ATTR → dànkàtɔ ́ɛ' → sùyɛ (e) bɔ ́'bamboo' → bɔ poor person' tɔ ́ɔrɔ-baga-tɔɔ problem-AG-ATTR → tɔ ́ɔ́r ɔ ́bágátɔ ́ɛ' back vowel in a different syllable. ɛ (f) fóo 'failure' → fóe (g) kú 'tail' → kúi (4.169) o → ø fóndo → fóndè kólo → kólè the thing with the market' dénba-tɔɔ family-ATTR → lúúmɔ ́kóè 'fonio' 'bone' 'obsessed with devil' jínná-tɔɔ devil-ATTR → jínnátɔ ́ɛ4
	gbòlo → gbòléè súnbo → súnbè .6.4.4 Rounded vowel preservation: rules and exceptions 'skin' 'container'
	u → ø There is a number of exceptions to Rule (4.167), most of which are obvious borrowings: túlu → túlè 'oil'
	dùgu → dùgéè (4.172) (a) lɔ ̀kɔ → lɔ ̀kɔ ́ɛ̀' plantain' (sort of banana) 'earth'
	lóolu → lóólè lábbɔɔru → lábbɔ ́ɔ́r è (b) tàksimoto → tàksìmòtóè 'motorcycle-taxi' 'five' 'spear'
	ɔ → ø (c) fòto → fòtóè 'photograph' bɔ ̀ɔbɔ → bɔ ̀ɔ̀b ɛ ́ɛj ɔ ̀lɔkɔ → jɔ ̀lɔ ̀kɛ ́ɛh 'chain' (d) ndɔ ̀ɔku → ndɔ ̀ɔ̀k óè 'duck'
	úrgɔ → húrgɛ súnsunkɔ	'toilet'
	→ súnsúnkɛ múllɔ 'moustache'
	→ múllɛ ̀'baby' 'bracelet'

The two back vowels, referred to in Rule

(4.167)

, can be either in two separate adjacent syllables, as in

(4.169)

, or in two the same syllable, forming a phonetically long vowel, as in (4.170) and

(4.171)

.

(e) bá(h)aru → báhárè 'sea' (f) sàaru → sààréè 'cemetery' Besides, some nouns have variants with and without a rounded vowel: (4.173) mɔ ̀gɔ → mɔ ̀gɛ ́ɛ̀~m ɔ ̀gɔ ́ɛ̀' man' fìlfildu → fílfíldòe ~fílfíldè 'genetta (animal)' wòo → wòê ~wèê 'hole, burrow'.

Table 4 .

 4 bí mà fɛ ĺɛ ĺá] 'He is looking at us'.[à bí fɛ ĺɛ ĺá] 'He is being watched'. [à bí ʔàbíyɔ ɲɛ ̀fɛ ĺɛ ĺá] 'He is looking at the airplane'. 29: Realization of bi with the retention of the obstruent onsetThe deletion of the obstruent onset gives the realization represented in Table4.30. The copula with the onsetless allomorph fuses with the 2SG pronoun which results in [iː] (b), and when the copula occurs before the pronouns a and anu, it is is realized as the approximant y [j] (c).

	(b) bi + i	→ [bíː]	[à bîː fɛ ĺɛ ĺá]	'He is looking at you'.
	(c) bi + a	→ [báː]	[à bâː fɛ ĺɛ ĺá]	'He is looking at him'
			[à báːnù fɛ ĺɛ ĺá]	'He is looking at them'.
	(a) bi / _ C → [i]	[à í mà fɛ ĺɛ ĺá]	'He is looking at us'.
			[à ì fɛ ĺɛ ĺá]	'He is being watched'.
			[à bí ʔàbíjɔ ɲɛ ̀fɛ ĺɛ ĺá] 'He is looking at the airplane'.
	(b) bi + i	→ [íː]	[à îː fɛ ĺɛ ĺá]	'He is looking at you'.
	(c) bi + a	→ [jáː]	[à jâː fɛ ĺɛ ĺá]	'He is looking at him'
			[à jáːnù fɛ ĺɛ ĺá]	'He is looking at them'.

Table 4 .

 4

30: Realization of bi with the deletion of the obstruent onset 4.6.5.2 Assimilation between i (< bi) and the ending of the subject group

Table 4 .

 4

					1	example of	VV
						common (final)
						morpheme of the
						subject group
					ɛ	ART	ɛ.ɛ	~ɛ
					e	ART, FOC	e.e	~e
					u	PL	u.i ~i.i	~i
					o	2PL, fóo UNIV	o.e
				a(n) ART/ 3SG/1PL	a.i
				ɔ(n)	ɔn, nɔn DISC	ɔ.ɛ
					i(n)	2SG, mín L REL	i.i	~i
				u(n)	túgun, tún	u.i ~i.i	~i
				o(n)	o.e
	mà	bi	sɛ ̀nɛ-È		lè	kɛ ́-la
	1PL	be	field-ART	FOC	do-GER
	We work in the field.
	(b) [nàfâː ì búːtɔ ̀ɲɔ ː là]
	nàfa-È		ì	búùtɔ	ɲɔ ́ɔt	là
	profit-ART	be	inside	here	OBL
	There is profit in it.
	4.6.5.2.2 an + ì → a.i
	(4.175) [mɔ gɔ ̀sìjàmà ì tóːlá í kɔ ːmà]

31: Realization of VV sequences with i < bi as V 2 4.6.5.2.1 a + ì → a.i (4.174) (a) [mà.í sɛ ǹɛ ː lè kɛ là]

Table 4

 4 The non-compositional allomorphs are[nːi] and [ni]. To account for this gemination one can postulate that underlyingly the copula has an onset:

	nu + bi → nu +.i → n + .i → nːi
	The realization [ni], as in (4.196) has to be considered as a fused form of the plural marker
	because this form signals both grammatical values.
	(4.196) [ǹːá mɔ gɛ ːnì brúsà lè tɔ ]
	ǹ	la		mɔ ̀gɔ-È-nu	bi	brúsa-È	lè	tɔ
	1SG	POSS	person-PL	be	bush-ART	FOC	in
	My family lives in the bush.
	4.6.5.5.1 Examples
	(4.197) (a) -nu + bi → [nubi]
	[wò lá kàjéːnù bí wò tɔ dɛ ːmà̰ nːà]
	wò	lá		kàyi-È-nu		bi	wò	tɔdɛ ̀ɛman-la
	2PL	POSS	husband-ART-PL	be	2PL	help-GER
	Your husbands help you.
	(b) -nu + bi → [mb]
	[dó̰ ːm bí kódːìwár jà̰ ŋ]
	dóo-nu	bi	Kóddiwar		yàn
	some-PL	be	Ivory.Coast	there
	Some of them are in the Ivory Coast.
	(c) -nu + bi → [nu.i]
	[wònù ì láfìli-lá lè]
	wò-nu	bi	lafìli-la		lè
	that-PL	be	trow-GER	FOC
	Those are thrown away.
	(d) -nu + bi → [nːi]
	[à̰ nːí ɲɔ ǵɔ̰ ḿ bìtàlà dɔ̰ ŋ kóè lè là]
	ànu	bi	ɲɔ ́gɔn	bìta-la	dɔ ̀n-kó-È	lè	la
	3PL	be	each.other	catch-GER	dance-NMLZ-ART	FOC	OBL
	They are catching each other while dancing.

.32: Possible realizations of -nu PL + bi 'be'

Table 4 .

 4 33: Realization of bi after N

Table 4 .

 4 34 (one sub-table with absolute number and the other with percentage) represents the statistics of the realization of bi after four types of syllable endings: syllable ending with a vowel (V), syllables ending with an "original" N coda, syllables ending with an N(v) coda and the syllabic nasal, noted as |N| in the table. It shows that there is mutual dependence between the realization of the coda and the following onset.

	V 389 78 N N(v) |N| 58 121 i/y 551 53 b 10 0 Total 940 131 68 121	V b 41% 60% 85% 100% N N(v) |N| i/y 59% 40% 15% 0%

Table 4 .

 4 34: Realization of bi after four types of codas

Table 4 .

 4

35: Consonantal strength and the realization of bi 4.6.

6 Reduced form of the auxiliary si

	(4.206) [sì	álːà	kìtìtà	mà	sí bóɲɛ si sɔ ̀tɔ ̀]
	sì	állà	kìti-ta	mà		bón-È	sɔ tɔ
	if	God	judge-PFV.INTR	1PL	POT	house-ART	get
	If God wills, we will get a house.
	The marker of potential is normally realized as [si] before consonants (4.205, 4.206) and [s]
	before onsetless pronouns.
	(4.205) [tèléː tɔ ̀kṵ ̀ŋgbólóɲɛ ǹù sì nàː fàrâː tɔ ]
	tèle-È		tɔ	kùngbólon-È-nu		si		nà	fàra-È	tɔ
	day-ART	in	warthog-ART-PL	POT	come	field-ART	in
	During the day warthogs use to come to the field.

  [mà í kɛ rɛ ɲɛ ̀bìtà mà ì gà̰ mbɔ ɛ̀b ìtà mà í wòlêː bìtà mà ì bḛ ńtérè bìtà] At this market] corn is sold, fonio is sold, peanuts are sold, unpounded rice is sold, we buy all this and tie them up and carry them.

	mà	si	kɛ ̀rɛn-È		bìta	mà	si		gànbɔ-È	bìta	mà	si
	1PL	POT	squirrel-ART	catch	1PL	POT	pigeon-ART	catch	1PL	POT
	wòlo-È		bìta	mà	si		béntere-È	bìta
	francolin-ART	catch	1PL	POT		bird.sp-ART	catch
	We would catch squirrels, we would catch pigeons, we would catch the francolin
	birds, we would catch the birds bentere.
	káaba-È	si		mayìta	fóndo-È	si		mayìta	tìga-È	si	mayìta	kɔ ̀rɔ
	corn-ART	POT	sell		fonio		POT	sell	peanut-ART	POT	sell	rice
	báta-È			si		mayìta	mà	si		wò	fó	sàn	kà	à	kìti	kí
	not.pounded-ART	POT	sell	1PL	POT	that	all	buy	INF	3SG	tie	hard
	kà	à	róndi
	INF	3SG	carry.on.head
	[The potential auxiliary is realized as i in 51 cases out of 536:
					Full form si/s Reduced form i Total
	Realization of si:		469				67	535
						88%				12%

(4.208)

[káːbà sì májìtà fó̰ ndè ì májìtà tìgâː sì májìtà kɔ rɔ ̀bátà ì májìtà mà ì wò fóː sàŋ kǎː kìtì ↑kí kàː ró̰ ndì]

  Realization of the auxiliary si after NAnother parameter which influences the realization of the potential auxiliary is the phonological context: the presence of N immediately before the auxiliary prevents s from disappearing, just as in the case of bi. In all the 140 occurrences which contain si preceded by N the form is pronounced with s in the onset, and, consequently, N is always realized as [n], as in(4.211)

	4.6.6.2 below:
	(4.211) [í lè tùgṵ ̀n sì bɔ ́wò lúɲɛ ]
	ì	lè	tùgun	si	bɔ ĺeave	wò	lún-È
	2SG	LG	again	POT		that	day-ART
	And you will go out this day.
						Full form si onsetless form i Total
	Realization of si in total		322	66	378
							85%	15%
	Realization of si in the			2	26	28
	construction à (s)i tɛ ̀rɛn

  for the discussion of the possible types of tonal oppositions):

	Underlying phonological representation → Surface phonological representation
	(input of tonal derivation)		(end of tonal derivation)
	H vs. L vs. Ø		→ H vs. L
	Minimal pairs:
	H		L
	kɔ ́nkɔ 'hunger' vs.	kɔ ̀nkɔ 'mountain'
	báa	'river'	bàa	'goat'
	káa	'river'	kàa	'snake'

  You wouldn't dare to leave anything made of iron [otherwise it would be stolen].

	5.11) [ì	téé	ꜛsúúsɛ śúusɛ	nɛ ̀gɛ ǹɛ	fɛ ́nꜜfɛ ́n	bólókàlà]
	ì	tée		gɛ	fɛ ńfɛ ǹ	bólokà-la
	2SG	POT.NEG	dare	iron	thing	leave-GER

Table 5

 5

	.2 represents the association between

Table 5 .

 5

2: Prosodic units as domains of tonal processes

5.3.4.1 PhP and partial downdrift reset

As said in Section 5.2.1, downdrift is constrained by the boundaries of prosodic units. It is reset at IP boundary and within IP it can be partially reset at the PhP boundary, depending on the discourse salience of the corresponding segment of the utterance.

  In Section 6.6 I describe a construction in which several negative clauses are joined in one PhP. As it is shown, this merger of clauses in this case is a particular stylistic device which represents negative propositions as units of one list.If the finite clause is independent, it is preceded by IP boundary which implies PhP boundary and blocks LL contact as well as LHL contact. Dependent clauses create a PhP boundary only which blocks LHL contact only, see Section 5.3.4. Utterance in (5.42) contains two clauses projecting separate PhP, the second of which is preceded by partial downdrift.

	5.37) In (5.38) are listed the syntactic correlates of PhP. These are constituents which minimally Extract from a conversation (Nyamayara, December 2013) (a) wó lè left-disl. topic As for you, total D 5 reset (b) súúmáꜜyɛ ́mán dòn finite clause when Ramadan begins partial D reset (c) wò ì fɛ ́n dè wàlìlà finite clause what do you do total D reset (d) súúmáꜜyɛ ́búútɛ tɔ ̀adv. phrase during Ramadan no D reset (e) wò lá kàyéènì yèn adv. phrase for your husbands? no D reset project a PhP, but can also project a separate IP. (5.39) (ɛ ̀yòò) IP ɛ ỳoo DISC (àwà) IP àwa well ((ǹ ǹ 1SG bátáꜜá báti PFV.OF lɔ ́n) PhP à 3SG (nùmùlá lɔ ń know kàmàrà) PhP ) IP Nùmula NOM.F Kàmara NOM Well, I see, Numula Kamara 5. D stands for downdrift. àwa well (wòléé wòlo-È franconlin-ART ꜜdó do one lè) IP lè FOC (à à 3SG wíirɛ-ta wíirɛ-ta fly-PFV.INTR brúsà búrusa-È bush-ART tɔ) IP tɔ in Example (5.41) illustrates an adverbial phrase (which is also a left dislocated topic) preposed to the verbal predication, and projecting a PhP on its own. (5.41) (wò wò that sóè sóo-È village-ART búꜜútɔ ́)PhP búùtɔ in (mɔ ̀gɔ mɔ gɔ man síyámán síyaman numerous nàtà) PhP nà-ta come-PFV.INTR In that area, a lot of people came (5.42) Partial upstep preceding the second clause ((wò wò 2PL ì bi be wúséꜜɲɛ ẃúsen-È sweet.potato-ART sènná sèn-la dig-GER wò wò 2PL náà ni à SBJV 3SG dàmù) PhP dámu eat ꜛ(káá káa or.INTERR wò wò that wáttòè wáttu-È time-ART bát báti PFV.OF tànbi) PhP ) IP tànbi pass Do you dig sweet potato to eat, or this time has passed? The utterance in (5.43) contains one IP united by downdrift with three PhPs, main clause, adverbial phrase, and the dependent clause. (5.43) ((ì ì 2SG bátáà báti à PFV.OF 3SG lɔ ̀n) PhP lɔ ń know (ɲɔ ́ɔɲ ɔ ɔ that nɛ ́tɔ ̀)PhP nɛ tɔ in (má mà 1PL lé lè LG ꜜbáh báti PFV.OF hákkílímáyà hákkilimaya-È experience-ART kɛ ̀)PhP ) IP kɛ do (mà mà 1PL mán máni COND bɔ ́)PhP bɔ ĺeave (lɛ ̀kkɔ ́l lɛ kkɔ ĺ-È school-ART là) PhP la OBL (wáttòè wáttu-È time-ART mín mín L which tɔ ̀)PhP tɔ in (mà mà 1PL kà ka PFV.TR which 6. (5.40) (àwà) IP Well, there was a francolin [bird species] who flew into the bush. mín mín L tɛ ̀rɛ ̀n) PhP
	You know, in this question, we have experience

(5.38) Adverbial and postpositional (or prepositional) non pronominal phrases, finite clauses 6 , left-dislocated topics, interjections.

According to this, adverbs, e.g. kóobèn 'a lot', dóndèn 'a little', káà 'there', usually form a separate PhP. Conjunctions and prepositions introducing clauses or adverbial phrases are usually preceded by a PhP or IP boundary respectively, e.g. káa 'or', kó quotative, fó modal conjunction, fó 'except for', háa temporal conjunction 'until' or adverb 'for a long time'. It should be noted that in Kakabe all morphemes that function as prepositions can also introduce clauses, i.e. all prepositions are also conjunctions, but not all conjunctions can function as prepositions. Finally, interjections, e.g. ɛ ̀ɛ́y ì 'yes', àwa 'well, okay', káà and nɛ ́ɛ̀' isn't it?', ngàsí 'fine', usually form an independent IP. See àwa and ɛ ̀yoo in (5.39) and (5.40) below.

Note also the PhP containing the address Nùmula Kàmara in (5.39) and PhP formed by the left-dislocated topic phrase wòléè do lè in (5.40).

Table 5 .

 5 3: Morphosyntactic categories and lexical tone patterns

	Tonal pattern	Morphosyntactic category
	H	verbs, nouns, conjunctions, heavy
		auxiliaries, etc.
	L	verbs, nouns, functional morphemes, etc.
	HL	adverbs, interjections, conjunctions,
		postpositions; minor tonal pattern for
		nouns
	LH	conjunctions, prepositions and
		interjections
	H L	numerals, determiners, etc.
	L(HL)	interjections
	Ø	functional and derivational morphemes
	discontinuous L minor tonal pattern for nouns

  Lexical H tone is assigned to all heavy (bi-moraic) auxiliaries in CK and WK. In NK all the heavy auxiliaries have the tonal form H with a floating L, see Section 5.8.3.

	(5.46) CK, WK	NK
	máa		máa L negative perfective auxiliary
	tée		tée L	negative potential auxiliary
	báti		báti L perfective [+OF] auxiliary
	máni		máni L conditional auxiliary
	5.4.2 Type L
	(5.47) σ	nà(a)	'come'	verb
	σσ	bìta		'catch'	verb
	σσːσ tàlancan 'split'	verb
	σ	bàa		'goat'	noun
	σσ	dɔ ̀ɔlɛ	'force'	noun
	σːσσ jànpata 'snail'	noun
	σσ	ɲɛ ̀tɛ		'self'	determiner
	σː	nùn		retrospective marker-1 determiner
	5.45) (a) σ σσ	lá tɛ ̀rɛ		'lie' retrospective marker-2 determiner
	σσ To this tonal class also belong the postpositions which are historically derived from the com-tága 'go'
	σσσ tágaman 'walk' bination of an L-toned nominal root and a simple postposition:
	(b) σ σσ (5.48) complex pp. báa dɔ ́gɔ σσσ sádaka kènna < kèn 'river' noun 'younger sibling' 'foot' + la OBL pp. 'alms' kùnma < kùn 'head' + ma 'on' σσσσ káwutali 'neighbor'. kùntɔ < kùn 'head' + tɔ 'on'
	(c) σ fó	modal sentence-initial marker 'it is necessary that'
	σ fí		preposition/conjunction 'until'
	σ kó	quotative marker.
	σ háa preposition/conjunction 'until'

L links to the initial mora of morphemes belonging to the tonal type L. Before another L tone items of this tonal type are realized as LH (and monomoraic morphemes as H in certain circumstances), because a separating H tone is inserted between tow L tones, see Section 5.5. Some examples of L-toned verbs, nouns and determiners are given in (5.47) below.

  The tonal pattern HL is common for adverbs, interjections, conjunctions.To this tonal class also belong the postpositions which are historically derived from the combination of an H-toned noun denoting a body part and a simplex postposition. The variants with the alignment of L on the second or on the third mora, e.g. búùtɔ ~búutɔ ̀'inside', are in free variation. The toneless allomorph with the reduced first vowel (for those postposition whose first part originates from a CVV noun), e.g. butɔ is due to the form reduction as part of the grammaticalization process.

	búùtɔ ~búutɔ ̀butɔ 'inside'	< búu 'stomack' tɔ 'in'
	tɛ ́ɛ̀m a ~tɛ ́ɛmà	tɛma 'between'	< tɛ ́ɛ 'waist'	ma 'on'
	kɔ ́ɔ̀m a ~kɔ ́ɔmà	kɔma 'behind'	< kɔ ́ɔ 'back'	ma 'on'
	kânma ~kánmà	'on (a surface)' < kán 'neck'	ma 'on'
	~kanma
	ɲáàtɔ ~ɲáatɔ ̀ɲatɔ 'in front of'	< ɲáa 'eye'	tɔ 'in'
	bútùn		adv.	'yet'
	bútúgùn ɲáàkɔtɔ		adv. 'in front of'	'at first' < ɲáa 'eye'	kɔtɔ 'under'
	sɛ ́rùn		adv.	'last year'
	kúnùn		adv.	'yesterday'
	kámà		adv.	'how'
	kómìn		adv.	'where'
	dóndèn ~dóndén adv./dtm.	'a little bit'
	ɲɔ ́ɔ̀~ɲ ɔ ́ɔ́~ɲ ɔ		adv./dtm./pron. 'there'
	ɲɔ ́ɔ̀l a ~ɲɔla		adv.	'there' < ɲɔ ́ɔ 'there' + la OBL
	sánnìn		conj./prep.	'starting from'
	áwà ~àwa		itj.	'well'
	fáyidà ~fáyìda	itj.	'almost/indeed'
	jɔ ́ɔ̀~y ɔ ́ɔ̀i tj.	'okay, I see'
	yándì		itj.	'please!'
	tóolì		itj.	'wellcome!'

  When an epenthetic vowel is inserted before the syllable which hosts HS, it is included in the domain of HS, under the condition that it is not the first vowel in the word, seeSection 3.4.3 in Chapter 1 for the description of vowel epenthesis in loanwords. Compare (5.95a) where the epenthetic vowel (highlighted in bold) precedes the vowel corresponding to the stressed vowel in French and (5.95b) where it does not.When the epenthetic vowel precedes the host of HS but is the first vowel in the word, then it can be realized either with H or with L, cf. (5.96a) and (5.96b).

	(5.95) (a) ràdíyon ~ràdyón 'radio'	< Fr. radio
	àbíyɔn ~àbyón	'plane'	< Fr. avion
	sɛ ̀kɛ ́rɛ ~sɛ ̀krɛ ́'secret'	< Fr. secret
	pàsɛ ́kɛ ~pàskɛ ́'because'	< Fr. parce que
	mètíye		'profession' < Fr. métier
	(b) àparantí 'apprentice' < Fr apprenti
	dàraapɔ ́'flag'		< Fr. drapeau
	kɛ rɛyɔ ́n 'pencil'	< Fr. crayon
	(5.96) (a) f áran		'franc (money)' < Fr. franc
	Fárans		'France'	< Fr. France
	míliyɔn ~mílʲon 'million	< Fr. million
	(b) f ɛ rɛ ́n	'brake'		< Fr. frein
	kìlíyan 'client'		< Fr. client
	pìrí	'price'		< Fr. prix
	kìlási	'(glass) bottle' < Fr. glasse
	pìnɛ ́'tyre'		< Fr. pneu
	5.94) wìtamín ~vìtamín kìlé 'screw driver' < Fr. clé 'vitamine' < Fr. vitamine
	fɛ ̀rmɛtír		'fastening'	< Fr. fermeture
	prɛ ̀sidán ~prɛ ̀zidán 'president'	< Fr. président
	fòtográfu		'photographer' < Fr. photographe
	dɛ ̀lɛgasʲón		'delegation'	< Fr. délégation
	dìmasʲón		'dimesion'	< Fr. dimension
	ɔ ̀perasʲón		'operation'	< Fr. opération
	prɛ ̀zantasʲón		'presentation' < Fr. présentation
	dàraapó ~dràpó	'flag'	< Fr. drapeau

Table 5 .

 5 13. With the exception of báafàli ~bàafáli 'door' < Pul. baafal which is either H or L. 4: Trisyllabic Pular loanwords with first long vowel Forms in (5.99a) and (5.99a) below illustrate the principle (5.98b) : Pular forms with the second stressed syllable (stressed since its heavy) give the Kakabe L-tone morphemes with HS appearing on the second syllable.

		Kakabe	Pular		Kakabe	Pular
		/H/ or /HL/			/L/
	'March'	máarasi	< maarasi	'calf'	bɔ ̀ɔbɔ ́ti	< booboti(hol)
	'aluminium' báafata	< baafata	'old man' kìikála	< kiikalajo
	'goat'	síikuli	< siikuli	'thunder' fàrɲítɛrɛ < farɲitere
	'antelope'	tɔ ́ɔgɛrɛ	< toogere	'orange'	lɛ ̀ɛmúnɛ < leemune
	'onion'	jáabɛrɛ	< jaabeere	'market' màakíti < maakiti
	'mosque'	jáamiye	< jaamiʔu	'door'	bàafáli	< baafali
	'crab'	gɛ ́ɛgɛre	< geegere
	'centipede'	káatatàl	< kaatatal
	'table'	táabàli	< taabal
	'door'	báafàli	< baafali

Table 5 .

 5 6 below compares the syllable onsets of trisyllabic nouns with LLH and LHH patterns before another L. As can be seen, the domain of HS starts after a stronger onset.

		LLH			LHH
	'porcupine'	bàlamá l-m	'genet'	fìlfíldu lf-ld
	'ashes'	bùgutá	g-t	'lizard'	sàgári g-r
	'cashew'	yàlagí	l-g	'punishment' sɔ ̀gɔ ́rɔ g-r
	'shirt'	dòrokí	r-k	'hawk'	sɛ ̀gɛ ́lɛ	g-l
	'basket'	gbàsaká s-k	'burial'	sùtúra t-r
	'bitter tomato' jàgatú	g-t	'hat'	kùffúnɛ ff-n
	'chain'	jòloké	l-k
	'louche'	kàlamá l-m
	'lizard'	mùlukú l-k
	'shoe'	sàmatá m-t
	'earth worm'	tɔ ̀nɔkɔ ́n-k
	'spatula'	wèlegɛ ́l-g
	'to entrust'	kàrifá	r-f
	'to develop'	sàbatí	b-t
	'to turn'	yɛ ̀lɛmán l-m

Table 5

 5

.6: LHH vs. LLH and the syllable onsets

Table 5 .

 5 7 shows that nouns with CVN as the first syllable are realized with LHH pattern, and nouns with CVN as the second syllable are realized with LLH pattern.Long vowels are rare in polysyllabic morphemes which are not borrowings from Pular or French. There are only two such words with underlying L tone, they are given in (5.103) (sàafúna is actually from Arabic, but this is a relatively ancient borrowing).

		LHH		LLH
	'manioc'	bàntára	'plant sp.' fɔ ̀rɔndɔ 'scorpion'
		bùntáli	'coffin'	gbàlangá
	'genet'	fìlfíldu	'to fling' cùrunkán
	'cola (tree)' gùnbánbe	'to roll'	wìrindí
	'trunk'	kànkíra	'spin'	wùrundú
	'mosquito' sɔ ̀nsɔ ́li
	'stone'	sìnkúru
	'whisk'	sùngbála
	'ant'	sìnsíla
	'to sleep'	kìnnɔ ́gɔ
	Table 5.7: Alignment of HS and CVN syllable
	5.5.6.3 Vowel length

  By contrast to FTL which applies always when there is a \HLH#\ sequence, MTL is optional. Compare the pronunciation of mɔ ̀ɔnéè 'the porridge' in (5.130 a) and (5.130 b), two utterances pronounced by the same speaker one after the other. In (5.130 a) the underlying L on the first syllable of mɔ ̀ɔnéè undergoes MTL and is consequently realized as the downstep of H, whereas in (5.130 a) L remains linked to the initial TBU of the noun 15 .

	The child started crying little by little.
	(') *(dénɲɛ ̀nnɛ ̀fɔ ̀lɔ ̀tà kílánná) PhP (dóndèn dóndèn) PhP
	5.6.2 Optionality of MTL
	(5.130) (a) fùturéꜜé		mán	máꜜdón	mà	ní	ꜜmɔ ́ɔ́n éé	ꜜlájìgì
	fùturó-È		máni	madòn	mà	ni	mɔ ɔni-È	la-jìgi
	twilight-ART	COND	approach	1PL	SBJV	porridge-ART	CAUS-descend
	When the twilight approaches, we take the porridge.
	(b) mà	ní		mɔ ̀ɔ̀n éé		ꜜládù	náámìn	ànù	fɔ fɔ	fùtúrè	báf
	mà	ni		mɔ ɔni-È		ládù	náamìn	ànu	śay	fùturó-È	báti
	1PL	SBJV	porridge-ART	prepare	when	3PL	twilight-ART	PFV.OF
	fà
	fá
	fill
	129) (dénɲɛ ̀nnɛ dénden-È	fɔ ̀lɔ ̀tà			kìlànnà) PhP		(dóndèn	dóndèn) PhP
			fɔ ĺɔ-ta			kílan-la			dóndèn	dóndèn
	child-ART	start-PFV.INTR	be.afraid-GER	little	little

  : 36) /Sekù ko musa ye# ko hantà be nà#/ → Sékù kò mùsà yè kó Hántà bé nà MTL in Kakabe is mirrored by the retraction of L in Kita Maninka. As shown in 5.152, if two adjacent syllables associated to underlying L, the first L retracts and becomes floating:

	(5.151) Kita Maninka (Creissels 2009a: 36)
	/#à man bara ke#/ → à màn bàrà kè ~à mán bárá ké
	à	man	bara ke
	3SG PFV.NEG work do
	He has not done any work.
	Sekù	ko	musa ye	ko hantà be	nà
	Sekou FOC Musa come say Fanta IPFV come
	Sekou told Moussa that Fanta would come.
	Contrary to Kakabe, in Kita Maninka L can also spread until the end of the prosodic unit,
	even if this L is not preceded by any H. Yet, whereas L spread is obligatory if H is present
	before L, in the opposite case it is optional, see (5.151) below.

Table 5 .

 5 8: Realization of the tone of the pronouns with the floating L

	a) #_ L	→ RL ~HL	mǎ jìgìtà ~má jìgìtà	'we went down'
		~LH		~mà jígìtà
	(c) # _ H	→ LH		mà wúlítá	'we woke up'
	(e) # _ ØL → LHL		mà sí jìgì	'we will go
					down'
	(d) # _ ØH → LLH		mà sì wúlí	'we will wake
					up'
	(h) L _ L	→ LHL		sì má jìgìtà	'if we go down'
	L _ H	→ LLH		sì mà wúlítá	'if we wake up'
	(f) H _ L	→ HHL ~HꜜHL háá má jìgìtà ~háá ꜜmá	'and we went
				jìgìtà	down'
	(g) H _ H	→ HLH ~HHH	háá mà wúlítá ~háá má	'and we woke up'
		HꜜHH		wúlítá	háá
				ꜜmá wúlítá
	(j) H _ ØL → HLHL	HHHL	háá mà sí jìgì ~háá má sí	'and or we will
				jìgì	go down'
	(i) H _ ØH → HHLH	HLLH	háá má sì wúlí ~háá mà sì	'and we will
			HHHH	wúlí	wake up'
				~háá má sí wúlí
	# _ lé L	RꜜHL ~LHL	mǎ ꜜlé jìgìtà ~mà lé jìgìtà	'WE went down'
		~HHL	HꜜHL	~má lé jìgìtà ~má ꜜlé
				jìgìtà
	# _ lé H → RLH ~LHꜜH	mǎ lè wúlítá ~mà lé	'WE woke up'
		~HLH	HHꜜH	ꜜwúlítá ~má lè wúlítá	má
				lé ꜜwúlítá

Table 5 .

 5 10 below shows the statistics of the spread of H from the pronoun to the focus marker. As can be seen, the spread of H from the pronoun to lé causing L of the latter to shift to the right is the minor option: 13% of spread against 87% when H does not spread on the focus marker.

	5.196) (a) má		lé		nùmù	déꜜɲɛ ́n	dè
	mà		lè		nùmu	dén-È-nu	lè
	1PL	LG	smith	child.ART-PL	FOC
	We are smith's children.
	(b)
	má	lé		ꜜtéé	sɔ ̀n
	má	lè		tée	sɔ ǹ
	1PL	LG	NEG.POT	agree
	We didn't agree.

Table 5

 5

.10: Spread of H from a locutor pronoun to the focus marker

Table 5 .

 5 12: Heavy and light auxiliaries in NK vs. CK and WK Below I give some examples illustrating the realization of the heavy auxiliaries in NK. In CHAPTER 5. LEXICAL TONES 464 (5.208) the floating L of the auxiliary báti L links to the verb bɔ ́'go out', and H of the verb deleted.

	(5.208) ànù ànu	bátí báti L	fɔ ̀lɔ fɔ ĺɔ	bóɲɛ ̀nù bón-È-nu	sɔ ̀là sɔ -la	ɲɔ ́ɔɲ ɔ ɔt
	3PL	PFV.OF	start	house-ART-PL	build-GER	here
	They started building houses there.

  First, the merger into one syllable can happen only if the pronoun is onsetless or if it is the 1SG pronoun ǹ represented by the syllabic nasal. Second, syllables can merge only if full assimilation takes place. And since in Kakabe certain vowels do not assimilate in quality with the preceding vowel, this can prevent the syllable fusion, e.g. ka PFV.TR never merges with the 2SG ì. Essentially, though the vowel sameness (original, e.g ka + à, or resulting from assimilation, e.g. béle + ì → bélee L ) is necessary for syllable merger, the contrary is not true. The vowel of the pronoun ì can assimilated by the preceding syllable but remain in a separate syllable, e.g. béle + ì → [bélee] or [béle è]. The 1SG pronoun ǹ becomes the coda of the previous syllable (no assimilation is required since it is a consonant).Let's now look at what happens with the tones. The syllable merger causes L of the pronoun to float to the right. Table5.13 below represents the paradigm of the AP combinations.

Table 5 .

 5 Table5.14 represents various oppositions defining whether the mora of the article is deleted or retained. 14: Cases of retention and deletion of the mora of the article

	mora deleted		mora retained
	(a) gbása → gbásà	'lizard'	dàga → dàgáà	'pot'
	(b) bàntara → bàntárà 'manioc'	bàlama → bàlàmáà 'porcupine'
	(c) bólo → bólè	'hand'	mángo → mángòè	'mango'
	(d) sún → súɲɛ ̀'nose'	kèn → kèɲɛ ́ɛ̀' foot'
	(e) kɔ ́ɔ → kɔ ́ɛ̀' back'	kɔ ̀ɔ → kɔ ̀ɛ́ɛ̀' stream'

Table

  , Vydrin hesitates with attributing L tone to the article in Lele, but considering what has been said just above about Koranko and the analysis of Kastenholz, and the actual L-toned realization of the article in Lele which follows from the cited statement, one can conclude with a high degree of certainty that in the group of Mokole the referential article is L-toned.Table5.17 below summarizes the discussion above.

		Kankan	Koranko Kita	Kakabe Soninke Mandinka
		M, Bmn,		Maninka
		Koro
	I. dependency	-	-	+	+	+	+
	between H
	alignment in NP
	and the linking of
	L
	II. article is	-	+	(+)	+	+	+
	manifested both
	tonally and
	segmentally
	III. L always	+	+	-	-	-	-
	floating (never
	links to the last
	TBU of NP,
	unless before
	pause)

  5.283) (a) nìngi mùsu náani 'four female cow' → nìngìmùsù náani

	L	L	H		L	H
	nin gi mu su naa ni	→ nin gi mu su naa ni
	(b) nìngi mùsu fìla 'two female cows' → nìngìmúsú fìlà
	L	H L			L	H	L
	nin gi mu su fi la	→ nin gi mu su fi la
	Some more examples of compounds are given in (5.284) below:
	(5.284) (a) dònso	+ kàyi	→ dònsò káyí fìlà	dònsòkàyì kélén
		'hunter'		'man'	'two hunters'	'one hunter'
	(b) nìngi	+ báa	→ nìngìbáá fìlà	nìngìbàà kélén
		'cow'			'big'	'two big cows'	'one big cow'
	(c) fóndo	+ kólo	→ fóndókóló fìlà	fóndókóló kélén
		'fonio'			'grain'	'two fonio grains' 'one fonio grain'
	(d) kɔ ̀rɔ	+ kólo	→ kɔ ̀rɔ ̀kóló fìlà	kɔ ̀rɔ ̀kòlò kélén
		'rice'			'grain'

'two grains of rice' 'one grain of rice'

  3).

		tone in level-tone	intonation/tonal
		systems	operations
	type of F0-related	oppositions between	pitch movement
	oppositions	absolute values, e.g. H	(upwards, downwards),
		vs. L vs. Mid	operations with pitch
			range
	phonetic exponents	F0 (pitch)	F0 (pitch), intensity,
			phonation type,
			duration, rhythm,
			formant (other than F0)
			patterns 2 , etc.
	Primary unit of	syllable/ mora	edge of intonation
	association on the		phrase or pragmatically
	segmental tier		prominent unit within
			intonation phrase
	Primary semantic and	lexical and	phrasing, marking of
	functional domain	grammatical	prominence,
		distinctions	illocutionary force
			(sentence mode)
	Table 6.1: Typical properties of tone and intonation

  sketch on Dan (Southern Mande).

	4. See the list below:
	1. Rialland, Annie, and Stéphane Robert. "The Intonational Pattern of Wolof." Linguistics 39, no. 5 (2001):
	893-939.
	2. Wiesemann, Ursula. "Tone and Intonation Features in Fon." Linguistique Africaine 7, 1991.
	3. Dakubu, Mary Esther. "Prosodic Features of the Gurene Verb." Gur Papers 7 (2006): 16-27.
	4. Laniran, Y. "Intonation in Tone Languages: The Phonetic Implementation of Tones in Yoruba." Ph.D.
	dissertation, Cornell University, 1992
	5. Clark, Mary Morris. "A Dynamic Treatment of Tone: With Special Attention to the Tonal System of
	Igbo." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Massachusetts, 1978.
	6. Mountford, Keith William. "Bambara Declarative Sentence Intonation." Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana Uni-
	versity, 1983.

  Zerbian 2008; Robert & Rialland 2001, see the overview in Rialland & Aborobongui 2016) but also outside of Africa (e.g. Yukatek Maya, Gussenhoven & Teeuw 2008, Karitiâna, a Tupian language, Valin 2015).

  In (6.8) below ↑H is at the beginning of the second IP is considerably higher than the ↑H as part of the ↑HL% boundary tone at the end of the preceding IP.

	(6.8) ì	mánáá		dònì	ɲɔ ́ɔɲ		là	↑túgùn(0.31)	↑fús	ꜜbélé	wò
	ì	máni à		dòni	ɔ ɔt		la	túgun-↑HL%	↑fús	béle	wò
	2SG	COND 3SG	send	here	OBL	TOP.SH	NPI	be.NEG	2PL
	.7) à	téé	kúmá(0.2)	↑fɛ ́nfɛ ̀n
	à	tée	kúma		↑fɛ ńfɛ ǹ
	3SG	POT.NEG	talk		thing.PI
	[She couldn't dress herself, she couldn't eat,] she couldn't speak. [She couldn't do]
	Nothing at all.

  A subordinate clause with negation can belong to the same IP as the main clause, and it is the latter that defines the boundary tone of the whole. Thus, in (6.37) the conditional protasis clause sààn máá gbɛ ́ɛ́t úgún 'if it is not clean' belongs to the same IP as the main clause after it, and the IP in question ends with L%:When the subordinate clause with negation projects a separate IP, again, it does not end with H%. In (6.39) the conditional protasis with negation is separated by IP boundary from the following main clause and it hosts the ↑HL% boundary tone which marks continuation: H% is present in negative utterances that make part of what I refer to as negative continuation construction, e.g. (6.40). It represents a complex utterance uniting two or several negative clauses and characterized by a particular intonation contour the realization of which is described in Section 6.6.1.

	(6.39) sìì		máá			mɔ ̀n↑dɔ ́ɔ̀( 0.32)	à	máá	ꜜɲín	ì
	sì ì		máa à			mɔ ǹdɔ-↑HL%	à	máa	ɲìn	ì
	if 2SG	NEG.PFV 3SG	give.a.handfull-HL.BT	3SG	NEG.PFV	be.good	2SG
	6.36) (a) wò wò 2PL lá la-H% LOC-H.BT sí si POT kàràndén kàranden If you don't feed the dog, it's not good for you [because the dog won't get used to mɔ ̀gɔ mɔ gɔ man kàràndén kàranden learned sɔ ̀tɔ sɔ tɔ obtain kóòbèn kóoben many káá káa or wò wò 2PL máá mɔ ̀gɔ mɔ máa PFV.NEG gɔ man tɔ-L% ꜜsɔ ́tɔ sɔ you].
	learned Did you get a lot of educated people or didn't you get any educated people? get-L.BT (b) fɛ ́n fɛ ń thing dè lè FOC báà bi à be 3SG màlà má-la do-GER háá háa until kɔ ̀tɛ kɔ tɛ now àn ànu 3PL bélé béle be.NEG ꜜá à 3SG fɔ ́là fɔ -la-L% say-GER-L.BT Why don't they still speak it [the language]? Finally, no Negation (↑)(6.40) ɓáà nɛ ̀gɛ ̀sóó béléé bóló:(0.2) ↓mótó bélèè bòlò
	ɓáyì		nɛ gɛsoo	béle ì			bólo		mótó	béle ì	bólo
	DISC	bicycle	be.NEG 2SG	hand		motorbike	be.NEG 2SG	hand
	Well, you don't have either a bicycle or a motor bike.
	(6.37) sààn		máá		gbɛ ́ɛǵ		túgún	ì	náán	ꜜtɔ ́ꜜnáátí	túgùn
	sì ànu	máa		bɛ ɛ		túgun	ì	ni ànu	tɔnàati	túgun-L%
	if 3PL	NEG.COP	be.clean	again	2SG	OPT 3PL	REP-carry	again-L.BT
	If they are not clean, you have to carry it again.
	In (6.38) the conditional protasis clause with negation follows the IP and there is no H% tone
	either:
	(6.38) kɛ ḱɛ	lè		ǹ	nà	ápáránꜜté		lá	sì	kɛ ḱɛ	ꜜyán	bélé
	this	lè		ǹ	la		áparanti-È		là	sì	this	yàn	béle
		FOC	1SG	POSS	apprentice-ART	LOC	if	that	COP.NEG
	yàn
	yàn-L%
	that-L.BT
	This one is my apprentice it that here is not present.

Table 6

 6

	.5 below compares the means of signaling of finality vs. continuation for affirmative
	and negative utterances.
		final continuation
	affirmative L% H%, ↑HL%
	negative	H% HL%
	Table 6.5: Signaling of continuation vs. finality for affirmative and negative utterances

  The ↑HL% is added to the final lè the same way as in (6.64) in six other utterances in the database, they are listed below:

	(6.65) (a) sì	wò	báà		ròndìlà		wò	kùɲɛ ́ɛ̀n	tɔ tɔ	lè↑éè
	sì	wò	bi à		róndi-la		wò	kùn-È-nu	lè-↑HL%
	if	2PL	be 3SG	carry-GER	2PL	head-ART-PL	on	FOC-HL.BT
	If you carry it on your heads ...
	(b) ànì	yáà		fɔ ̀là		lè↑éè
	ànu	bi à		fɔ -la		lè-↑HL%
	3PL	be 3SG	say-GER	FOC-HL.BT
	They say that ...
	(c) àn	í	nààlà		háá	máánún	dè↑éè
	ànu	bi	nà-la			háa	Máamun	lè-↑HL%
	3PL	be	come-GER	until	Mamou	FOC-HL.BT
	They come until Mamou.
	(d) ɓá	ꜜɔ ́ꜜmɔ ɔ-	lè	báà		fɔ ̀lɔ ̀lén	dè↑éè
	ɓáyì	mɔ 2PL-1PL	lè	bi à		fɔ ĺɔ-len	lè-↑HL%
	since			LG	be 3SG	start-PC.STAT	FOC-HL.BT
	Since we have started it...
	6.64) báyꜜrí	ń	ná		kàyéé		kɛ ̀mɔ ́gɔ ḱɛ	lè↑éè
	báyrì	ǹ	la		kàyi-È			ɛmɔgɔ	lè-↑HL%
	DISC	1SG	POSS	man-ART	old.person	FOC-HL.BT
	My husband is an old person.

  3.2.2.1. Second, if the final syllable is of the type CVN, the underlying N is in most cases preserved and ↑HL% is realized on this CVN syllable (in general N is unstable and is not always realized at the end of an IP, see Chapter 2, Section 4.2). There are 62 tokens of IPs ending with underlying CVN syllables. In 56 cases out of this ↑HL% is aligned on this last syllable, as in

	(b) háráy	wó	lè		ꜜmùséènù	tù↑gûn
	háray	wo	lè		mùsu-È-nu	túgun-↑HL%
	DISC	2PL	LG	woman-ART-PL	again-HL.BT
	Well, and as for you, women ....
	(c) ì		ì	búúmákɔ ̀rì↑lên
	ì		bi	búu-ma-kɔ ri-len-↑HL%
	2SG	be	be.pregnant-HL.BT
	You are pregnant
	(d) màsáà		dóó	lè	nù↑ûn
	mànsa-È		dóo	lè	nùn-↑HL%
	chief-ART	one	FOC	PST-HL.BT
	There one [person] once upon a time [beginning of a tale]
	(e) ǹ ǹ		sì si		mín mín L	fɔ fɔ śay	ò ò	↑yên yen-↑HL%
	1SG	POT	REL	2PL	BNF-HL.BT
	[Listen] what I will tell you: "...
	(6.84) sàmáà					mànì	↑kéè
	sàma-È					máni	ké-↑HL%
	rainy.season-ART	COND	arrive-HL.BT
	When the rainy season arrives ....
	(6.85 a)-(6.85 e) below.
	(6.85) (a) sì	kàyéènù		máá	sɔ ̀↑ɔ̂n
	sì	kàyi-È-nu		máa	sɔ ǹ-↑HL%
	if	man-ART-PL	PFV.NEG	agree-HL.BT
	If men don't agree ...

Table 6 .

 6 7 below represents the number of the four types of tonal realization of the echoquestion marker nɛ. As can be seen, the most often it hosts the ↑HL tone or the more complex ↑HL ↑H tone.

	IP final, hosts ↑HL	↑nɛ ́ɛ̀4 2
	final, hosts ↑HL	↑nɛ ́ɛ̀( ↑ɛ ̀) 36
	IP-final, hosts L% , ↑H is hosted by the preceding syllable ↑_́nɛ ̀4
	not IP-final, toneless	nɛ	3
		Total	87
	Table 6.7: Tonal realization of the echo-marker nɛ

  .100) below.

	(6.100) kàà		tákò(0.58)	háà	gbɛ ̀tà	↑pɔ ́s
	kà à		ta-kò		háa à	gbɛ -tá	↑pɔ ś
	INF 3SG	REF-wash	until 3SG	become.clean-PFV.INTR	INTSF
	.
	(6.99) ò	tí	mɔ mɔ	tólní	↑fás
	wò	báti	1PL	tólni	↑fás
	2PL	PFV.OF	welcome	INTSF
	You have welcomed us very well!

.. and she washed it until in became completely clean.

  See (6.105) where H of the quantifier is not deleted (the L of the 1SG pronoun ǹ is here subject to optional deletion, see 5.7.3.2).

	(6.105) à	kà		kóè		↑fóó	kɛ ḱɛ	ɲɲé
	à	ka		kóo-È		fóo	do	ǹ yen
	3SG	PFV.TR	thing-ART	UNIV	1SG BNF
	She did everything for me.
		At the top of tonal register	97	56,39%
		Preceded by partial upstep	51	29,65%
		Under (full) downdrift	22	12,79%
		H delinked			2	1,16%
		Total			172	100%
	Table 6.8: Tonal realizations of the universal quantifier fó(o) ~fóp(u)
	The quantifier can be preceded by the general raising of the tone register as in (6.104).
	(6.104) hárí	ì	bálòè	↑fópú	bíí	dúmɛ ́lá
	hári	ì	bálu-È	fópu	bi ì	dúmɛ-la
	DISC	2SG	body-ART	all		be 2SG	hurt-GER
	All your body hurts.

  in the grammar sketch. The polarity items are reduplicated roots, whereas indefinite pronouns and interrogative focus pronouns are simple roots.

		indefinite	polarity items	question
		pronouns		pronouns
		H	↑HL	H L
	thing proposition/manner	fɛ ́n kóo	↑fɛ ́nfɛ ̀n ↑kóokò	fɛ ́nL mín L
	person	dóo	↑dóodò	yɔ ́nL
	Table 6.9: Three series of indefinite pronouns
	Examples (6.109 a)-(

  , containing a contrasted pair of propositions.

	(6.123) (a) à		téé		bɔ bɔ		à	téé	kúmá	↑fɛ ́nfɛ ̀n
		à		tée			ǵo.out	à	tée	kúma	↑fɛ ńfɛ ǹ
		3SG	POT.NEG			3SG	POT.NEG	speak	thing.PI
	She cannot go out, she cannot speak, nothing at all.
	(b) ì		téé			súúsɛ śúusɛ	↑fɛ ́nfɛ ̀n	fɔ ́lá	ì	táà	yìtà
	ì		tée					↑fɛ ńfɛ ǹ	fɔ -la	ì	tée à	yìta
	2SG	POT.NEG	dare	thing.PI	say-GER	2SG	POT.NEG 3SG	show
	↑dóodò		là
	dóodò		la
	PERS.one	OBL
	You don't dare to say anything, you cannot show it to anybody.
	On the other hand, the two contrasting alternatives 'we' vs. 'him' in (6.124) do not involve
	the pronoun fɛ ́n.
	(6.124) mà	téé			fɛ ́n	fɔ ́ɔf		à	lè	túgún	téé	fɛ ́n	fɔ ́(0.15)
	mà	tée			fɛ ń	ɔ śay	à	lè	tugun	tée	fɛ ń	fɔ śay
	1PL	POT.NET	thing			3SG	LG	again	NEG.POT	thing.one
	kàlà	ní			bìlà		í		là		kílà	gbàá	là
	kàla	ni			bìla		ì		la		kíla-È	gbàa-È	là
	every	SBJV	go.into	2SG	POSS	road-ART	trace-ART	OBL
	We wouldn't say anything and he didn't say anything either, everyone continued his
	way.
	(6.122) hári		ànù	máá			fɛ ́n		dámú	sàgóè	mà	náá	àn
	hári		ànu	máa			fɛ ń		dámu	sàgu-È	ma	náa	ànu
	DISC	3PL	PFV.NEG	thing	eat	morning-ART	on	before	3PL
	náà			wà
	ni à			wá
	SBJV 3SG	go
	They didn't eat in the morning, before going [to school].
	See also (6.123 a) and (6.123 b), where the alternative to fɛ ́nfɛ ̀n is explicit in the preceding
	text.

  They don't eat anything apart from the palm oil and butter from their cow.The light pronoun can appear in the exclusion construction only if it is not associated with the

	excluded element:
	(6.126) àn	téé				fɛ ́n		wálí	àn	ɲɛ ̀tɛ ɲɛ	yèn	fó	àlkámísà
	ànu	tée				fɛ ń		wáli	ànu	tɛ	yen	fó	àlkamisa
	3PL	POT.NEG	work	thing	3PL	self	BNF	except	Thursday
	They could work for themselves only on Thursday.
	Indefinite pronouns can be used with modifiers which is impossible for the reduplicated pro-
	nouns, whereas heavy pronouns are incompatible with modifiers, as in (6.127) below:
	(6.127) fɛ ́n	sɛ ́ɛ́w á		bíì			là
	fɛ ń	sɛ ɛwa	bi ì			la
	thing	joyful		be 2SG	OBL
	You are glad. Litt.: A joyful thing is on you.
	6.125) (a) à			bélé		mà	bàlùlèn	↑fɛ ́nfɛ ̀n	nà	fó	kɔ ̀rɔ kɔ
	à			béle		mà	bálu-len	↑fɛ ńfɛ ǹ	là	fó	ŕɔ
	3SG	be.NEG	1PL	feed-PC.ST	thing.PI	OBL	except	rice
	He doesn't give us anything to eat except for rice.
	(b) án		dè		bèlè			↑fɛ ́nfɛ ̀n	dàmùlà(0.31)	sì	túlú	wúléɲɛ ẁúlen-È	náàn	ná
	ànu		lè		béle			↑fɛ ńfɛ ǹ	dámu-la	sì	túlu	nín ànu	la
	3PL	LG	be.NEG	thing.PI	eat-GER	if	oil	red-ART	and 3PL	POSS
	nìngè				túlè			máà
	nìgi-È			túlu-È		máa
	cow-ART		oil-ART	PFV.NEG

  .

	(6.135) mà	mání		wúlí	↑wó			àn	ní	má	gbàsì	ꜜmà	mání	wúlí
	mà	máni		wúli	wó				ànu	ni	mà	gbàsi	mà	máni	wúli
	1PL	COND	get.up	PI.DTM	3PL	SBJV	1PL	beat	1PL	COND	get.up
	↑wó		àn		ní		má		lásààgì	kɔ ́ɔ̀m à
	wó		ànu	ni		mà		la-sàagi	kɔ ɔm a
	PI.DTM	3PL	SBJV	1PL	CAUS-return	back
	Whenever we raise our heads, they beat us, whenever we advance, they make us step
	back.
	(6.139) hárí	kɔ ̀ntɔ ̀fìlì	↑wó			bélé	é	lá
	(6.136) kɛ kɛ that hári DISC mán máni kɔ ǹtɔfili mín ↑wó fɔ fɔ mín L śay problem PI.DTM	↑wó(0.40) béle ↑wó be.NEG	ǹ ì ǹ 2SG	bì la bi OBL wó wò	lè lè	gbàà gbàa	là la
	COND You don't have any worries. REL PI.DTM	1SG	be	that	FOC	trace	OBL
	Whatever she tells me, I follow her.
	(6.137) ì	mání		ké		gárú			↑wó	lá	jéè	bì
	ì	máni		ké		gáru			↑wó	la	jíi-È	bi
	2SG	COND	arrive	train.station	PI.DTM	OBL	water	be
	There is water at any station where you arrive.
	fɛ ́n	fɛ ́n		fɛ ́n	↑wó			fìsà	sɛ ̀nɛ ̀kɛ ́ɛs	kò
	fɛ ń	fɛ ń		fɛ ń	wó			fìsa	ɛ ǹɛ-kɛ -È	ko
	thing	thing	thing	PI.DTM	better	field-work-ART	about
	Anything is better than work in the field.
	Examples (6.138) and (6.139) illustrate the usage of the determiner wó in negative context:
	(6.138) àn	téé			sɔ ̀n	lɔ ̀gɔ lɔ	↑wó	ní	kí
	ànu	tée			sɔ ǹ		ǵɔ	↑wó	ni	kí
	3PL	POT.NEG	agree	tree	PI.DTM	SBJV	plant
	They don't allow [us] to plant any tree.

Name of the village Sub-prefecture Prefecture Dominant language number of inhabi- tants

			Alexandra VYDRINA
	A corpus-
	Name of the Name Nr. Genre Nr. Genre Nr. Genre	Sub-prefecture Prefecture Initials Village Sex Languages Dominant Dial. Village Main Year Topic Dial. Village Main Year Topic Dial. Village Main Year Topic	number of Year Year	Duration Duration Duration
	village				speakers speakers speakers	language spoken apart	inhabi-of of
						from Kakabe	tants birth record
	Digui Saganagola Oumou	Cakanokola	UD	Ditinn Ouré Kaba Sokotoro Central Kakabe Dalaba Mamou f Pular, Kuru-Wure-Kaba Central Kakabe Central Kakabe	200 700 1969
	Doumbouya 17 story 27 personal 34 conversation WK Krp. CK Nym. CK Dgm.	Mam.C; Al.K; AC Am.M; MDj;	Maninka Maninka 2013 Conversation with 2015 How teenagers took 2013 About the life in the	00:16:52 00:10:49 00:12:25
	Dalato Waledian Mamadou		Mafara Ouré Kaba Mam.C Nyamayara Sol.M; Alf.M Dalaba Mamou m Dj.K	Kuru-Wure-Kaba Pular children about their 150 100 1986 off rails to sell them past and about the
	Mansadaka Camara			Ouré Kaba	Mamou	Maninka or Wure-Kaba games in the bush 300 in the village of the relations between
	Sanbaflaya Bilalé Condé 18 story		Ouré Kaba Bil.C Nyamayara CK Nym. Mam.C; Mamou m	Kakabe Wure-Kaba Pular, French 2013 About an orphan < 1996 narrator Kakabe and Fulbe	00:19:11
	Madina Baalen Mammadou 28 personal 35 conversation WK Krp. Mafara Ouré Kaba Mam.T Nyamayara Alf.M CK Dgm. AC Am.M; Ibr.S; Dalaba Mamou m	Kuru-Wure-Kaba Pular, French and a fig tree 1995 < 2015 How the narrator 300 2013 Smiths work and	00:06:02 00:12:06
	Koulounda Tounkara 19 story		CK	Maninka or Wure-Kaba Mam.C; Ker.S 2013 Short stories and Ouré Kaba Mamou < Nym. saw Mami Wata, the Nb.K et al. talk about their work	00:08:17
	Sitakoto Babandour Keïta Bab.K Nyamayara Ouré Kaba 36 conversation, Krp. Bat.C; Ays.S; Mamou m	Kakabe Wure-Kaba Pular riddles water spirit, in his < 1985 2013 Women telling	00:24:30
	Sébékoto Ousmane Camara Ou.C Ouré Kaba Nyamayara 20 personal CK Skt. ABD story Dj.C; Mar.K Mamou m	Wure-Kaba Pular 2008 About the narrator's < 1948 dream stories to each other	00:05:15
	Wure-Kaba 6 Tonfili Binta Sidibé 29 personal		Ouré Kaba Bin.S Nyamayara CK Dgm. AC	Mamou f	Wure-Kaba Pular trip from Sokotoro < 1996 2015 How the narrator at a night gathering	00:10:22
	Kouloumou Fatoumata 37 conversation WK Lbk. Ouré Kaba Fat.C Nyamayara Am.M; BSD; Mamou f	Wure-Kaba Pular to the Nzerekore < 1988 and his friend went 2013 About the life in the	00:14:46
	Name of the village Dionson Camara 21 personal Banekoto Hawa Sidibé Faaboliya Kadjel Keïta 30 personal Kaba Ninagbé Boubakar Condé Bb.C Sub-prefecture Prefecture Ouré Kaba Mamou CK Dgm. BK MYD; SC Ouré Kaba Mamou Haw.S Nyamayara f Ouré Kaba Mamou Kad.K Nyamayara f CK Dgm. AC Ouré Kaba Mamou Ouré Kaba Mamou Nyamayara m 22 personal CK Dgm. ST 38 conversation WK Lbk. BSD; Sar.C Seeliya Ouré Kaba Mamou Noumoula Keïta Nm.K Nyamayara f Portofita Ouré Kaba Mamou Boubakar Titi Tt.K Nyamayara m Doullemba Ouré Kaba Mamou Keïta 23 personal CK Dgm. AC 31 personal CK Dgm. AC Ngilleya Ouré Kaba Mamou Alfa Amadou Al.K Nyamayara m Sogoroya Sokoreya Ouré Kaba Mamou Solo Mammadou Sol.M Nyamayara m Abd.C; ASK; Keïta 24 personal CK Dgm. AC 39 conversation WK Jnk. Am.M;	Dominant language Wure-Kaba 2013 How the narrator < to live on a isolated past and about the number of Wure-Kaba < Pular 2002 went to Faranah to farm in the bush relations between inhabi-Wure-Kaba Pular 1996 study medicine 2015 About a train Kakabe and Fulbe tants Pular, Wure-Kaba Pular 2001 2013 About the narrator's accident which 2013 Conversation in the 3 000 Wure-Kaba Pular 1992 work at the radio occurred close to the smithy between the Wure-Kaba Wure-Kaba Pular 1995 station narrator's village smith and his clients 1 100 Wure-Kaba 2013 How two sorcerers 2015 How the who want to buy 1 100 Wure-Kaba Pular ate their relatives grandmother of the hoes 150 Wure-Kaba Pular 2004 sorcerer, narrator's burnt when she was past and about the 1 500 2013 About an old narrator got foot 2013 About the life in the	00:05:30 00:05:40 00:01:33 00:12:56 00:11:20 00:03:25 00:11:59 00:48:34
	Bokouréto Camara Alpha Mamadou Bogoréto 25 personal	Ouré Kaba HAC; Idr.K; Mamou Alf.M Nyamayara m CK Dgm. AC Djer.K; MSK;	Wure-Kaba neighbor a baby relations between 500 Pular 2001 2013 About the narrator's Total CK corpus Kakabe and Fulbe	00:20:57 4:51:32
	Mansara-kourou Bary Diandian Fodedougou Mammadou Camara 32 conversation WK Krp. Ouré Kaba Mar.C; Mou.K Mamou Ouré Kaba Mamou Ouré Kaba Mamou Mam.D Nyamayara m et al. Am.M; Nb.K narrative Kerno Siré Ker.S Nyamayara m 26 personal CK Dgm. AC Western Kakabe Pular Wure-Kaba mother-in-law Wure-Kaba Wure-Kaba 1934 company selling 50 their work and talk Kakabe in Poredaka 300 worked in a 2013 Carpenters show settlement of 1 000 Pular, French 1996 2015 How the narrator 40 hist. WK Ppd. FK 2013 About the	00:09:11 00:26:39 00:22:23
	6. Main consultants: Doumbouya				medical appliances about it Total WK	02:46:38
	• Djedi Diallo, secretary of the Portofita district; 33 conversation WK Krp. Am.M; Dj.K;	2013 Old women talk subcorpus	00:09:47
					Western Kakabe	about their everyday
					Northern Kakabe	life

• Kadé Ali Mansaré, chief of Sogoroya;

• Mammadu Savane and Sékou Sissé, inhabitants of the Ouré Kaba village.

based description of Kakabe, a Western Mande language: prosody in grammar

  RésuméCette thèse fournit une description du kakabé, une langue mandée parlée en Guinée, basée sur un corpus et avec un focus sur le système phonologique. Elle contient une brève esquisse grammaticale et deux parties qui portent sur l'analyse phonologique : la phonologie segmentale et la phonologie suprasegmentale. Les processus concernant les segments phonologiques peuvent être conditionnés par des contraintes métriques, par l'interdiction du hiatus, par le découpage de l'énoncé en phrases prosodiques et par le contexte morphologique. Le kakabé applique diverses stratégies d'adaptation des emprunts (principalement, du poular et du français), telles que l'épenthèse vocalique, la simplification d'agglomérations consonantiques. Le kakabé est une langue à ton (H vs. L), avec downdrift, relèvement du ton H, un ton flottant L, et un certain nombre de processus tonals, tels que l'insertion du ton H, la propagation du ton, l'aplatissement du contour HLH. En conséquence, la distance entre les tons lexicaux sous-jacents et leur réalisation de surface peut être assez importante. Chacun des processus tonals est appliqué dans une unité prosodique particulière. Par conséquent, les processus tonals participent au découpage du discours en unités prosodiques. Le kakabé comporte des tons de frontière qui servent à signaler la force illocutoire de l'énoncé. Les tons lexicaux et les tons de frontière coexistent avec des opérations intonatives sur la courbe F0. Les appendices comprennent un dictionnaire kakabéfrançais, composé de 3400 entrées, et le corpus de 12 heures de textes en kakabé, transcrits, glosés, traduits et accompagnés des fichiers vidéos et audios.

	Mot-clés

mandé, langues africaines, prosodie, syllabe, tonologie, processus tonal, downdrift, ton flottant, intonation

  -u ............................................................................................................................. W -w ........................................................................................................................... Y -y ............................................................................................................................. Z -z ..............................................................................................................................Les informations sur le nombre de locuteurs et la distribution géographique des dialectes kakabé ont été recueillies au cours d'une enquête dans le Fouta-Djalon en décembre 2014. À partir des enquêtes faites auprès des habitants des villages appartenant aux différentes zones géographiques (dix villages au total) une base de données a été créée, qui contient une liste des villages kakabé avec le nombre approximatif de leurs habitants. Ces données ont servi à la création de la carte de distribution de la langue kakabé1 .En dehors des dialectes du kakabé, la carte montre la distribution du kourou-maninka et du ouré-kaba, sur lesquels des informations ont aussi été recueillies pendant l'enquête de 2014. Par contre, le mogofin, étant localisé dans la Guinée maritime, n'est pas présent sur cette carte, qui n'inclut que la région du Fouta-Djalon. Le kakabé de l'ouest (localisé entre le village Djinkoya au nord et le village de Sarakatiya au sud) et le kakabé central sont marqués sur la carte avec la même couleur (orange), différente de celle utilisée pour le kakabé du nord (jaune). Ceci est justifié par le fait que le kakabé de l'ouest et le kakabé central forment un continuum linguistique aussi bien que géographique, tandis que le kakabé du nord est distancié par rapport aux deux autres dialectes.

	nr.	nom relationnel
	Nsr num.	village de Nasouroulayi Liste des abréviations numéral
	adj. Nym	adjectif village de Nyamayara
	adjM. péj.	adjectif utilisé uniquement comme modificateur péjoratif
	pl.	d'un nom pluriel
	adjP. pp.	adjectif utilisé uniquement comme prédicat postposition
	adjMP. Ppd	adjectif utilisé comme prédicat et comme modifi-village de Popodara
	prep.	cateur d'un nom préposition
	adv. prov.	adverbe proverbe (genre de texte utilisé comme source des
	anat.	terme anatomique exemples)
	angl. pron.	emprunt à l'anglais pronom personnel
	ar. pul.	emprunt à l'arabe emprunt au poular
	arch. qch	archaïque quelque chose
	(c) qn	Kakabé central quelqu'un
	Cf.: quot.	se reporter à : quotatif
	conj. sp.	conjonction espèce de
	conn. Skt	connecteur village de Sokotoro
	cop. Syn.	copule synonyme
	descr. Var.:	description, narratif procédural (genre de texte variante de prononciation
	vi.	utilisé comme source des exemples) verbe intransitif
	disc. vr.	discussion, conversation (genre de texte utilisé verbe réfléchi
	vt.	comme source des exemples) verbe transitif
	dtm. (w)	déterminatif Kakabé de l'ouest
	euph.	euphémique
	f. 	genre féminin
	fr.	emprunt au français
	hist.	histoire (genre de texte utilisé comme source des
		exemples)
	histp.	histoire personnelle (genre de texte utilisé comme
		source des exemples)
	idéo.	idéophone
	injr.	injurieux
	iron.	ironique
	itj.	interjection
	Jnk	village de Djinkoya
	Krp	village de Kouroupampa
	Lbk	village de Labiko
	m.	genre masculin
	Mns	village de Mansaya
	mp.	marqueur prédicatif
	n.	nom
	(n)	kakabé du Nord
	n.loc.	nom locatif

T -t .............................................................................................................................. U Index français -kakabé ...................................................................................................

  1) vt. attacher. cìti Cf.: kìti 'attacher'. Si le mot n'est pas suffisamment fréquent dans le corpus pour pouvoir comparer la fréquence de ses variantes, la variante principale est la première dans l'ordre alphabétique : málan Var.: mɛĺɛn. vi. éclater. mɛĺɛn Cf.: málan 'éclater'. L'emploi d'une variante peut être restreint à un des dialectes ou à un groupe social :

.1.1. Comportement tonal et longueur vocalique.

  fáljitɛ Var.: fálgitɛ. ‹pul.› vt. corriger. fàmi Var.: fàmiy. ‹fr.› n. famille, membre de famille <s'emploie sans article> dàlílòe (dàlílu) ‹ar.› n. cause, raison. La forme d'origine est indiquée s'il y a une différence importante entre le mot en kakabé et le mot-source : kàlikíle Var.: kálikile. ‹fr. « calculer » › vt. calculer. dɛń ‹fr. « daim » › n. botte. dáraadɛlè (dàráadɛli) Var.: drádɛlè (drádɛli). ‹fr. « drap de lit » › n. couverture, couvre-lit. Certains mot qui ont servi de source d'emprunt au kakabé ont eux-mêmes été empruntés à une source reconnaissable, qui, en dehors des langues déjà mentionnées, peut aussi être l'anglais (angl.) ou le soussou. La source initiale est indiquée après le signe « < » : kàftáanòe (kàftáanu) ‹pul. < ar. ou fr. < ar.› n. boubou ndɔɔkóè (ndɔɔku) ‹pul. < angl.› n. canard. mìsíidè (mìsíidi) Var.: mìsírè (mìsíri). ‹pul. < ar.› n. place (publique). dìmáasè (dìmáasi) ‹pul. < fr.› n. dimanche. súururɛ̀ (súururɛ) ‹pul. < soussou « suri » › n. île. Certains mots appartiennent à deux parties du discours, en d'autres termes ils peuvent être employés dans des contextes grammaticaux qui sont typiques de plus d'une partie du discours. Ces mots sont dotés d'une double marque de partie du discours, par exemple : búyi Var.: bűyi. ‹pul.› pron./dtm. beaucoup. ɲáatɔ̀ adv./pp. avant, devant, en avant. fí ‹pul.› conj./prep. 1) pour. 2) à cause de. Si le verbe est précédé d'un groupe nominal possédant l'article référentiel, ou bien d'un objet direct pronominal dans une proposition finie (qui contient un sujet), il est prononcé le plus souvent avec un ton bas, quel que soit son ton lexical. Les verbes monosyllabiques (sans suffixe) sont prononcés avec une voyelle brève. La voyelle devient longue si le suffixe du participe statif-résultatif -nden (-len dans le kakabé du nord et le kakabé de l'ouest) s'attache à la racine verbale, par exemple : nàanden < nà 'venir' + -nden.

	3.4.1. Verbes
	3.4
	3.4. Parties du discours
	Chaque lexème est doté d'une désignation indiquant la partie du discours, dont voici la liste :
	adj.	adjectif
	adv.	adverbe
	conj.	conjonction
	conn.	connecteur
	cop.	copule
	dtm.	déterminatif
	idéo.	ideophone
	itj.	interjection
	mp.	marqueur prédicatif
	n.	nom
	n.loc.	nom locatif
	num.	numéral
	pp.	postposition
	prep.	préposition
	pron .	pronom personnel
	quot.	quotatif
	v.	verbe
	Les morphèmes non-autonomes, mrph, sont pris en considération au même titre que les par-
	ties du discours.

Les deux autres formes suffixales des verbes monosyllabiques, le perfectif intransitif à suffixeta et le gérondif à suffixe -la, sont le plus souvent prononcées avec une voyelle brève, mais l'allongement de la voyelle (moins important que dans le cas de la forme résultative) peut apparaître facultativement. 3.4.1.2. Valences du verbe. Pour chaque sens du verbe, le schème de valence est indiqué. Il s'agit principalement de transitivité : vi -verbe intransitif (sans complément d'objet direct) ; vt -verbe transitif (avec un complément d'objet direct) ;

  Var.: hándɛ. ‹pul.› vi. s'inquiéter.  ǹ nà dɛɲɛ̀ ánndɛ̀ bì ǹ nà • Je m'inquiète pour mon fils. Syn.: áanɛ, hámmi, máapɛ. ánniyɛ ‹pul.› vt. décider, avoir l'intention.  ǹ b' á ánniyɛlen, ǹ sì tága • J'ai décidé de partir. ♦ kà sádakà ánniyɛ • formuler le veu pour lequel on fait le sacrifice. (àsɛẃɛ) n./n.loc. samedi. Syn.: símiti. (àtáaya) ‹pul.› n. thé (« malien/mauritanien »).  àtáayà máa ɲìn kɛńdɛyà yèn • Le thé malien n'est pas bon pour la santé.átalè (átale) Var.: àtéle (àtélè). ‹fr.› n. atelier. ‹pul.› vt. garder, faire paître.  ǹ ná sɛǹɛɛ̀ áynɛ ɲɲè • Garde mon champ pour moi. Syn.: kántan 1. (bàa) n. chèvre, cabri, viande de chèvre. báa... báa Cf.: ɓáa... ɓáa 'et ... et'. (bàla) n. porc-épic. Syn.: sáŋaldɛ. bàlamáà (n) (bàlamá) Cf.: bàla 'porc-épic'. (bàlɔnsú) ‹fr.› n. football (jeu). bálòe (bálu) n. nourriture, subsistance. ♦ k' á bálòe tà • nourrir, assurer la subsistance.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : à lé lè mà bálòe tànden yànka • C'est lui qui nous nourrit maintenant. bálu 1) vi. être en vie.  sì dámòe máa, mɔgɔ tée bálu • S'il n'y a rien à manger, l'homme ne peut pas vivre.  ǹ báti yɛǵɛ̀ báluleɲɛ̀ sàn • J'ai acheté un poisson vivant.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : ɲɔɔ nɔǹ káɲɲà, àn nɛɛǹɛ bàlulen, àn bâàba bàlulen • A cette époque leur mère et leur père étaient encore vivants. 2) vi. se nourrir, gagner sa vie.  [Krp, disc. « dans la forge »] : à sí sɛǹɛɛ̀ kɛ, à sì dáarè kɛ, mɔgɔ í bálula wó lè tɔ, sòmáa à tée bɛń • Il laboure le champ, il fait de la quincaillerie, c'est comme ça que l'homme gagne sa vie, sinon ça ne marche pas. 3) vi. manger (comme alimentation quotidienne).  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : ǹ dè bálulen fóndè là ǹ bàta, í lè bálulen kɔrɛɛ̀ là ì bàta • Moi, je ne mange que du fonio et toi, tu ne manges toujours le riz. 4) vt. faire vivre, nourrir.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : k' ì là dénbayà bálu • nourrir sa famille, faire vivre sa famille. (banba) ‹pul.› adjM. grand, gros.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : pìnpitɛɛri bánbà • une grosse pomme de terre. Syn.: baa, belebele, kalaba, kólo, wálu. bànbáà (bànba) n. crocodile. bànba Var.: bànbu. vt. porter sur le dos.  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : dɔǹi b' í kùn tɔ, bɔɔbɔ, ì b' á bànbalen • Tu as une charge sur ta tête, et l'enfant tu le portes sur ton dos. bànbajɔɲɛ̀ (bànbajɔń) n. petit crocodile. 1) vi. être oisif. 2) vi. être criminel. Var.: ɓánì. conj. parce que. Syn.: ɓáyri, fí 2, fìná, hári 4, kɔfí, pàsé, sàbuná. bànjéè (bànji) n. vin de palme. bántà (bánta) n. 1) jour (le clair du jour).  bántà báti káa • Le jour a commencé.  bántà bì mɛĺɛnna • Il y a des éclairs dans le ciel.  bántà bì màlamálala • Il y a du tonnerre. 2) dehors.  bántà kà ɲìn yánka • Maintenant il fait bon dehors.  mà b' à dámula bánta tɔ̀ • Nous mangeons dehors. (báraasi) Var.: bàraz. ‹fr.› n. barrage, point de contrôle <s'emploie sans article>. bàrabára vi./vt. cuire (du riz -pour la première fois, avant d'être pilé). bàrabárà (bàrabára) n. riz cuit (pour la première fois, pas encore prêt à être mangé).  ǹ báti bàrabárà là tèléè là • J'ai mis le riz, cuit pour la première fois, au soleil. bàráɲɛ̀ (bàran) n. pince (de crabe). Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : mà y' á bárikè lè tɔ̀ • Nous leur sommes reconnaissants pour ça.  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : wò béle mâ tɔɔrɔla kóobèn, állà nìn kìnáànù bárikè • Nous n'avons pas beaucoup de problèmes avec ça, grâce à Dieu et grâce aux vieux.  álà nín kìnáànù bárikè, nín mà là kàyéèn nà bárikè • grâce à Dieu, aux vieux et à nos maris. bàriki ‹ar.› prep. grâce à.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : bàriki állà • grâce à Dieu. bàrinba nr. tante (femme d'oncle maternel). 1) pp. chez.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : làbutáani béle mà bàta • Nous n'avons pas d'hôpital dans notre village. 2) nr. place, endroit.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : à káa bàtáà yìta ǹ nà • Il m'a montré sa maison.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : wò lé sí ómò báta bántɛ • Cela nous apportera des bénéfices. bàtáà (bàta) n. instrument de musique sp.

	1. Référence utilisée dans le dictionnaire pour renvoyer au texte 2. Zone dialectale à laquelle appartient le village 3. Nom du locuteur 4. Année d'enregistrement du texte 5. Description du contenu du texte Tableau 3. Textes utilisés comme sources des exemples 1 2 3 4 Skt, conte « Duréma-né » centre Oumou Doum-bouya 2008 conte sur deux hommes et une 5 femme qu contestaient entre eux Skt, conte « chimpanzés » centre Alfa Bakar Doumbouya 2008 conte sur la création des chimpan-zés Skt, descr. « ma-riage » centre Alfa Bakar Doumbouya 2008 description de l'organisation et de la célébration d'un mariage Skt, conte « vo-leur » centre Alfa Bakar Doumbouya 2008 conte sur un garçon qui a volé de la viande à ses amis Skt, descr. « sa-daqa » centre Alfa Bakar Doumbouya 2008 description du rite de sacrifice Skt, descr. « fête » centre Alfa Bakar Doumbouya 2008 description d'une fête de village Skt, descr. « en-terrement » centre Alfa Bakar Doumbouya 2008 description du rite d'enterrement Skt, histp. « voyage » centre Alfa Bakar Doumbouya 2008 récit sur le voyage fait par le narra-teur pour venir à Nzérékoré Skt, descr. « chasse » centre Alfa Bakar Doumbouya 2008 description de la chasse aux anti-lopes Mns, conte « crocodile » nord Samba Nyouma Keïta 2009 conte sur le crocodile et le garçon Mns, conte « forgeron » nord Samba Nyouma Keïta 2009 conte sur le bouc, la hyène et le forgeron Mns, histp. « voyage » nord Samba Nyouma Keïta 2009 récit sur le voyage fait par le narra-teur pour venir à Nzérékoré Mns, conte « chats et sou-ris » nord Samba Nyouma Keïta 2009 conte sur les chats et les souris Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes » nord Samba Nyouma Keïta et al. 2010 conversation entre les habitants du village ; contes Mns, hist. « Bayima-nu » nord Samba Nyouma Keïta 2010 histoire de l'arrivée de la famille Bayima dans le village Mns, conte « le maudit » nord Mamadou Condé 2010 conte sur un garçon qui ne respecte pas ses parents ni les anciens Mns, conte « faucon et tor-tue » nord Mamadou Condé 2010 conte sur la tortue et le faucon Mns, conte « femme persécutée » nord Adama Sédibé 2011 conte sur une femme persécutée qui a été séparée de son enfant Mns, disc., conte « esprit de la rivière » nord Samba Nyouma Keïta et al. 2011 conversations entre les habitants du village ; conte sur une fille et l'esprit de la rivière Mns, disc. « af-faires du vil-lage » nord Samba Nyouma Keïta et al. 2011 discussion sur les affaires du vil-lage Mns, descr. « mariage » nord Mamadou Condé 2011 description de l'organisation et de la célébration d'un mariage Mns, conte « femme du chasseur » nord Mohammed Ca-mara 2011 conte sur un homme qui est tombé amoureux de la femme du chasseur Mns, disc., conte « poulain » nord Maliké Sédibé et al. 2011 conversations entre les habitants du village ; conte sur un roi et son poulain Mns, conte « deux co-épouses » nord Mamadou Boyi Condé 2011 conte sur la rivalité entre deux coé-pouses Mns, conte « trois femmes » nord Mamadou Boyi Condé 2011 conte sur trois hommes qui ont épousé des femmes de leurs propres familles Mns, histp. « chasse » nord Mamadou Condé 2011 récit sur la chasse aux oiseaux à laquelle le narrateur a participé Nsr, disc. « af-faires du vil-lage » nord plusieurs habi-tants de Nasuru-layi et de Man-saya 2011 conversation entre les habitants du village Nym, disc. « école » centre plusieurs habi-tants de Nya-mayara 2013 conversation sur l'école avec des lycéens du village Nym, disc. « vie des femmes » centre plusieurs habi-tants de Nya-mayara 2013 conversation sur la vie quotidienne des femmes Nym, disc. « Ramadan » centre plusieurs habi-tants de Nya-mayara 2013 conversation avec un jeune homme et une jeune femme sur la célébra-tion de la fête du Ramadan Nym, disc. « marché voi-sin » centre plusieurs habi-tants de Nya-mayara 2013 conversation avec des adolescents du village sur le marché voisin Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants » centre Mamadou Cama-ra et trois enfants 2013 conversation sur les jeux des en-fants et la chasse, contes racontés par les enfants Nym, conte « figuier » centre Alpha Mamadou Bari 2013 conte sur une orpheline et un fi-guier, raconté par un enfant Nym, conte, prov. « maudit » centre Kerno Amadou Camara et Mama-dou Camara 2013 des contes et des proverbes récités par un adolescent Nym, descr. « patate douce » centre Mamadou Cama-ra 2013 description de la préparation et de la consommation de la patate douce Krp, disc. « me-nui-siers » ouest plusieurs habi-tants de Kourou-pampa 2013 les menuisiers montrent leur travail et parlent de leur vie Krp, disc. « vie des femmes » ouest plusieurs habi-tants de Kourou-pampa 2013 les vielles femmes du village par-lent de leur quotidien Krp, disc., hist. « histoires du passé » ouest plusieurs habi-tants de Kourou-pampa 2013 les anciens du village racontent des histoires du passé et discutent sur les relations avec les Peuls Krp, disc. « dans la forge » ouest plusieurs habi-tants de Kourou-pampa 2013 conversation dans une forge sur le travail des forgerons Lbk, disc. « af-faires du vil-lage » ouest plusieurs habi-tants de Labiko 2013 les anciens parlent de la vie du village et des relations avec les Peuls et racontent des histoires du passé Lbk, disc. « dans la forge » ouest plusieurs habi-tants de Labiko 2013 conversation dans une forge sur le travail des forgerons Jnk, disc. « af-faires du vil-lage » ouest plusieurs habi-tants de Djinkoya 2013 les anciens (hommes et femmes) parlent de la vie du village et des relations avec les Peuls Ppd, hist. « épo-que coloniale » ouest Foula Keïta 2013 Foula Keïta raconte les événements de l'époque coloniale liés à l'histoire de son village Dgm, histp. « mon parcours » centre Bintou Camara 2013 Bintou Camara, animatrice à la radio de Dogomet, raconte l'histoire de ses études Dgm, hist. « sor-ciers de Dogo-met » centre Ansoumane Ca-mara 2013 histoire de sorcellerie à Dogomet Dgm, histp. « vieille sor-cière » centre Ansoumane Ca-mara 2013 histoire sur une vieille sorcière qui était la voisine du narrateur Dgm, histp. « ma belle-mère » centre Ansoumane Ca-mara 2013 histoire sur la belle-mère du narra-teur Krp, conte « veillée des femmes » ouest femmes de Do-gomet 2013 femmes du village de Kouroupam-pa se racontent des contes la nuit Mns, disc. « agricul-ture » nord Samba Nyouma Keïta 2013 discussion sur les affaires de l'agriculture Krp, disc. « dans la forge » ouest plusieurs habi-tants de Kourou-pampa 2013 conversation dans une forge sur le travail des forgerons Dgm, histp. « Mami Wata » centre Ansoumane Ca-mara 2015 récit d'un rêve sur l'esprit de l'eau Mami Wata Dgm, histp. « dans la brousse » centre Ansoumane Ca-mara 2015 histoire sur le narrateur et son ami qui sont allés vivre dans la brousse Dgm, histp. « travail et acci-dent » centre Ansoumane Ca-mara 2015 récit sur le travail du narrateur dans une société de commerce et l'accident de voiture qui lui est arrivé pendant son travail Dgm, histp. « en-lèvement des rails » centre Ansoumane Ca-mara 2015 récit sur l'enlèvement du chemin de fer par les jeunes et les enfants du village du narrateur Dgm, hist. « ac-cident de train » centre Ansoumane Ca-mara 2015 histoire sur un accident de train qui s'est produit à côté du village du narrateur. A -a à pron. il, elle <pronom de la troisième per-sonne du singulier>. á Var.: a. itj. <interjection exclamative>. -à <marqueur de spécificité du référent d'un groupe nominal>. Cf.: -è.  à báti áanɛ à là déɲɛ̀ yèn • Il s'inquiète à cause de son fils.  à bì áanɛlen, à káni léeti • Il a peur qu'il soit en retard. Syn.: ánndɛ, hámmi, máapɛ. ábbɛrɛ̀ (ábbɛrɛ) ‹pul.› n. grain (céréale). àbiyɔɲɛ̀ (àbiyɔń) Var.: àbyɔɲɛ̀ (àbyɔn). ‹fr.› n. avion. Syn.: sánmakulun. àdún conj. 1) avant que, cependant. 2) mais.  ǹ b' á fɛ̀ tágala lúumɛ̀ tɔ, àdún ń nɛɛnɛ bì ǹ kílayanden pɔńpè tɔ̀ • Je veux aller au marché, mais ma mère m'envoie à la pompe. pour <conjonction qui introduit des subor-données de but ou de cause>.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : wò kà dóonu túgun nádòn nùn métyè là álakò àn sì bálu kómìn nà? • Est-ce que vous avez envoyé les autres (enfants) aussi apprendre un métier pour qu'ils aient de quoi vivre ?  [Nym, disc. 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 « Ramadan »] : ì sì bɔ́ wò lúɲɛ, ì n' á wà àlamáanè àrjánnà mɔgɔ gbɛtɛǹu báta, álakò, ì n' àn nà kínè métti • Ce jour-là tu vas chez d'autres gens pour partager leur repas.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : à s' í tádɛɛman kómìn nà álakò ì kàn' tò wò kɔḿà? • Est-ce qu'il va t'aider d'une façon ou d'une autre pour que tu te sortes des difficultés ? àlamáanè (àlamáani) ‹pul.› n. amende. àlánsàra ‹pul. < ar.› n. après-midi (l'heure de la troisième prière). forge-ron »] : állà mù ì bɛǹna hɛɛrà mà • Que Dieu te garde !  állà mù ì n' á tàran ì lá mɔgɛɛǹù bì hɛɛrà tɔ̀ • Que Dieu fasse que tous tes proches aillent bien. ♦ fí állà • au nom de Dieu.  állà kóo wó ɲáa • A tes souhaits ! (prononcé quand quelqu'un éternue). állalasòe (állalasoo) n. mante religieuse. állè Cf.: a + lè + lè 'forme fusionnée du pronom personnel de la troisième per-sonne suivi par deux focalisateurs'. àlmáami Var.: àlmáamu. ‹pul. < ar.› n. imam <s'emploie sans article>. Syn.: ìmáamu. álmaamiyà (álmaamiya) n.loc. pays des Ka-kabé.  ǹ bì tála álmamiyà, álmaamiyakaànu bì sìginden mín nà lè • Je vais dans le pays des Kakabé, là où les Kakabés habitent.  álmaamiya kúlè • la langue des Kakabé. álmaamiyakaà (álmaamiyakaa) n. Kakabé (groupe ethnique ; membre du groupe eth-nique). ánɛksɛ̀ (ánɛksɛ) ‹fr.› n. annexe (d'un bâti-ment). engrais. ánnabi ‹pul. < ar.› n. prophète <s'emploie sans article>. ánparantè (ánparanti) Cf.: apranti 'apprenti'. ánpul.ɛ̀ (ánpul.) ‹fr.› n. ampoule, lampe (élec-trique). ánsenkɔnbataɲɛ̀ (ánsenkɔnbatan) ‹fr.› n. vété-ran, ancien combattant. ànu báakɛ ànu Var.: àni. pron. 1) ils, elles, eux <pronom de la troisième personne du pluriel>. 2) <pronom honorifique de la troisième personne du singulier ou pluriel>. àpárɛ̀ (àpárɛ) ‹fr.› n. appareil, instrument. áprantè (ápranti) Var.: ánparantè (ánparanti). ‹fr.› n. apprenti. àrjánnà (àrjánna) Cf.: àljánna 'paradis'. Var.: àrijánnà (àrijánna). àrsíkɛ̀ (àrsíkɛ) ‹pul. < ar.› n. chance, bonne fortune. ‹pul.› . àwa Var.: itj. bon, alors, voilà ; ainsi <signale la réception des paroles de l'interlocuteur>.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : sì wó káa kànu, wò bí ó sùlen nɔń háa sínàn, wò sí ń nà kèrindéè làban -àwa, ǹ n' á làban • Si vous voulez, vous vous reposez jusqu'à demain et après vous me ferez une houe. -D'accord, je te la fe-rai. Syn.: módi, ngàsí ; ~ yɔɔ 2. àwánsè (àwánse) ‹fr.› n. avance, paiement provisionnel.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : má tɛrɛ bì bóɲɛ̀ dóo lúɛnden ɲɔɔ, mà bá' àwánsɛ̀ kár náani dî • Nous avons loué une maison là-bas et nous avons payé quatre mois d'avance. B -b bá' Cf.: báti 'variante du marqueur du parfait qui provoque la gémination de la consonne suivante ; dans le kakabé central peut être utilisé devant toute consonne, dans le ka-kabé du nord et le kakabé l'ouest s'emploie uniquement devant « t » et « d »'. bà (n) prt. <particule employée facultative-ment à la fin d'une question indirecte>.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : sì dóo nàata í dɛɛman, ì k' á kóo dámu mín tɔ̀ bà, kàranbáganu í wò fóo jíga án n' á wíndɛ • Un homme lettré est capable de noter s'il y a des gens qui sont venus l'aider et com-bien d'argent il a dépensé. báà (baa) adjM. grand.  kɔńkɔ báà b' á là • Il a très faim. Syn.: banba, belebele, kalaba, kólo, wálu. báà (báa) n. fleuve, rivière. báaba itj. <forme d'adresse à un homme ou à un garçon>. bàaba Var.: bàa. ‹pul.› nr. père <s'emploie sans article>. ♦ bàaba kélen • frère / soeur de même père. báafalè bálòe báafalè (báafali) ‹pul.› n. porte, battant de la porte. Syn.: dáa 3. báafatà (báafata) ‹pul.› n. aluminium. báajalà (báajala) n. filet (de pêche). Syn.: fìlijɔɔ. báakɛ adv. beaucoup ; longtemps.  ǹ béle mɛńna yàn nɛɛtɔ̀ báakɛ (lè) • Je ne resterai pas ici longtemps.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : fáyida àn í sɛɛfa lè dàmula ɲɔ̀ báakɛ̀ • Ils utilisent beaucoup les francs CFA là-bas. Syn.: bántɛ. báakinaman nr. oncle (frère aîné du père) <s'emploie sans article>. bàanba nr. 1) oncle (frère aîné du père) <s'emploie sans article>. 2) tante (grande soeur de la mère). Syn.: nɛɛnɛkinama. báarà (báara) n. travail. báara 1) vi. travailler.  [Dgm, histp. « mon parcours »] : ǹ bì báarala mà là rádyo kɛ̀ là yàn nɛtɔ̀ • Je travaille ici, à notre station de radio. 2) vt. travailler sur qch.  kà sɛǹɛɛ̀ bàara • labourer le champ.  ǹ báti kári fìla bàara • J'ai travaillé pendant deux mois. 3) vr. resp. travailler. báaradeɲɛ̀ (báaraden) n. ouvrier. Syn.: wálikɛɛlaa. bàarénnɛ̀ (bàarénden) ‹fr. « bar » + -nden suffixe du diminutif› n. bar (lieu où l'on consomme des boissons).  [Skt, descr. « fête »] : bàarénnɛǹù fɔṕ fáanden mɔgɛɛ̀ là • (Le jour de la fête) tous les bars sont remplis de monde. báarɛɲɛ̀ (báarɛn) nr. parent (consanguin). ♦ báarɛnkayè • frère (de la même mère). ♦ báarɛnmusè • soeur (de la même mère). báarɛnmà (báarɛnma) n. famille, membre de famille. Syn.: béngure, bóndaa 2, dénbaya, fàmi, lúu 2, gállɛ 2. báarè (báaru) Var.: báharè (báharu). ‹pul.› n. mer. bátà (báata) Var.: báata musè (báata musu). ‹pul.› n. femme bien-aimée, femme préfé-rée. bábòe (c) (bábu) n. dromadaire. Syn.: cápurta. bàda Var.: bàdabadabada. idéo. imite une course rapide. -bagà (-baga) mrph. <suffixe qui forme des noms d'agents>.  [Mns, disc. « agricul-ture »] : kàranbága • connaisseur.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : dáabaga • celui qui sait parler. bákɛ ‹pul.› 1) vi. prendre, trouver (un moyen de transport).  kà bákɛ ɔtɛ̀ tɔ̀ • prendre une voiture. 2) vt. mettre ; faire entrer (dans un moyen de transport).  kà sáakòe bákɛ ɔtɛ̀ tɔ̀ • mettre le sac dans la voiture.  à báti ǹ bákɛ ɔtɛ̀ tɔ̀ • Il m'a fait prendre la voiture. Syn.: labákɛ 1. bál' (n) <variante de la copul.e négative exis-tentielle « béle » qui peut être utilisé de-vant la voyelle « a »>. Cf.: béle 'ne pas être'. bàlan vi. refuser (qch -mà). bàlánsè (bàlánsi) ‹fr.› n. balance (appareil qui sert à peser). bálè (báli) nr. corps (la partie matérielle d'un être animé). bálimati adjP. nu.  à bálimati • Il est nu. bálimateè bànba bálimateè (bálimatii) nr. poil. Syn.: fátimatii. bàlíɲɛ̀ (bàlin) n. palmier sp. bàlɔɲɛ̀ (bàlɔn) ‹fr.› n. ballon (à jouer).  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : ♦ kà bàlɔɲɛ̀ gbàsi • jouer au football. báɲɛ̀ (bán) ‹fr.› n. banc. bán 1) vi. se terminer, finir.  tèlemáà báti bán • La saison sèche est finie.  [Nym, conte « Figuier »] : tòro mɔɛ̀ bâ' bà' dùgéè mà, kó ń b' á fɛ, ǹ ní yɛlɛ sáɲɛ̀ mà • Il n'y a plus de figues mûres par terre, je veux monter en haut. Syn.: bɔ́6 , kɛ́4 , tímmɛ 1. 2) vi./vt. finir, achever.  ǹ báti bán ǹ nà wálè là = ǹ báti ǹ nà wálè bàn • J'ai ter-miné mon travail. 3) vi. avoir déjà fait, avoir finalement fait, avoir quand même fait <exprime l'accomplissement d'une ac-tion si l'accomplissement même a été mis en question par la discussion précédente ou par le contexte>.  ǹ báti bán kɛ́ fáamula • J'ai compris ça, finalement.  [Skt, conte « chimpanzés »] : ɓá ò bá' bán bìtala, mà káni yɛǵɛǹu tíɲan tűn, máa má n' á dámu • [Dieu a interdit d'attraper le poisson, mais] comme le poisson est dé-jà attrapé, nous ne devons pas le jeter juste comme ça, nous allons le manger.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : súnbarà à nín kɔkɛɛ̀ kɔkɛɛ̀ mán bán lála à là, hári wìtamín bá' dɔǵɔya • [Quand la bouillie est prête, il faut y ajouter du sel et du soumbala, mais] Si on met du sel et du soumbala là-dedans, il y aura moins de vitamines. 4) vi. <s'emploie dans la narration pour faire le passage entre les événements>.  [Nym, conte « Figuier »] : sìnáà dóè fàgata, à tóota dénden fìla mà, kà kínè tàbi háa â bànta • Une des co-épouses était morte et l'autre est restée avec deux en-fants et une fois elle a préparé à manger.  [Nym, conte « Figuier »] : àn ká tòréè dámu háa àn bànta, àn táta • Ils ont mangé des figues puis ils sont partis. 5) vi. mourir. 6) vt. dépenser, passer (temps).  ǹ báti lɛŕ fìla bàn ǹ nà wálè là • J'ai passé deux heures à travailler. bànánà bàrabárà bànánà (bànána) Var.: bànáanà (bànáana). n. banane (fruit). ♦ bànaana kéenɛ̀ • banane déjà grande mais pas mûre. ♦ bànaana kíinɛ̀ • banane plantain. bánbarà (bánbara) n. Bambara (groupe eth-nique ; membre du groupe ethnique ; langue). bànbárè (bànbári) n. <nominalisation du verbe bànba 'porter sur le dos'> ; portage sur le dos. bándiyà (bándiya) ‹fr. « bandit » + -ya› n. criminalité, banditisme. singe sp. bánfarè (bánfaru) n. oisif ; fainéant. bánfaruyà (bánfaruya) n. paresse, oisiveté.  à bì bánfaruyà tɔ, ɓáyi káalisè b' á bàaba bólo • Il ne fait rien parce qu'il a de l'argent. bàngáɲà (bàngáɲa) n. raphia (palmier four-nissant une fibre textile). Syn.: lɛbɛ. bàngiɲágiɲɛ̀ (bàngiɲágin) n. arbre sp. bàngóè (bàngu) n. minerai, terre (retournée pendant le bêchage). Syn.: dùgu 1, bàráadà bàta • Ce bruit l'a fait tressaillir.  àn bá' dáà kònkon tún, ǹ bá' bára wúlila • Ils ont bárikè (bárike) ‹ar.› n. arbre sp. (Berlinia grandiflora). bátà bɛ́ bátà (bata) adjM. non battu, non dépiqué, non pilé (des céréales, grains etc.). ♦ dáa báta bàngukáli 1. bàngugbɛɛ̀ (bàngugbɛɛ) n. argile (blanche). bánè (báni) ‹pul.› n. bois rouge (Pterocarpus erinaceus, bois rose d'Afrique). Syn.: gbɛɛ, kɛɲɛ 2. bàntáɲɛ̀ (bàntan) n. fromager. bántɛ vt. promouvoir, apporter du bien à qn.  ǹ bí kɔrɛɛ̀ lè sɛǹɛla wó lè sì ǹ bántɛ • Je plante du riz, parce que cela me rapportera du profit. bántòe (bántu) n. condiment sp. (boule d'arachide pilée avec de la viande ou pois-son ajoutée à la sauce pour en relever la saveur). báppà (báppa) ‹pul.› nr. oncle (jeune frère du père). bára vi. maigrir.  à bì báranden • Il est maigre. Syn.: mɛśɛya, gbɛtɛn 2. plu, merci pour ces contes. ment, tressaillir.  kɛ̀ sɔńkɛ̀ bát' á làbara contes, ses contes, ils nous ont beaucoup bára 1) vi. sauter, sursauter, se lever rapide-qch -mà) <toujours précédé de la con-bárika wó mà, mà nì dénnɛ̀ dònu tùgun wònu bá' díya mà yèn, kó bárika bárika à féticheur. là tàléè kɛǹu mà • Il nous a raconté deux básikɔrɔntigè (básikɔrɔntigi) n. guérisseur, dit »] : à bá' tàli fìla láa mà yèn, à lá tàléè, le froid. maintenant.  [Nym, conte, prov. « mau- kíma básè • moyen de protection contre nous allons appeler les autres enfants 2) protection ; amulette ; moyen contre. kéle • Arrêtez-vous ici, merci pour ça !  kà básè bɔ̀ • produire des médicaments. básè (bási) n. 1) médicament ; remède. « marché voisin »] : wò sí dàn yàn nɛtɔ, kò kàftáanu, wáranba, dòroki báa. bien aimé ton histoire.  [Nym, disc. comme vêtement de dessus). Syn.: • Merci, frère Doumbouya, nous avons boubou (grande tunique flottante, portée bárika, mà bá' mà tàdiya wò lá tàléè kɛ̀ là bàsɛɲɛ̀ (n) (bàsɛn) Var.: bàsɛn bámako. ‹fr.› n. « maudit »] : kɔtɔ́ Dùnbúyà, kò bárika, bàsan vi. (se) mélanger (avec qch -là). jonction kò 'que'>.  [Nym, conte, prov. bárminɛ ‹pul.› vt. blesser. bàntárà (bàntára) n. manioc. bárayà (báraya) ‹pul.› n. pantalon (large, por-té par les griots). bárè (bári) ‹fr.› n. cantine ; gargote, petit res-taurant. bárijelòe (bárijelu) circonciseur. Var.: bárjelòe (bárjelu). blesser (involontairement). bárika Var.: àlbárika. ‹ar.› itj. merci ! (pour  [bárme ‹pul.› 1) vi./vt. être blessé. 2) vr. se couleur que la terre). mantique> ; gratitude, reconnaissance. dùgu 1, bàngu. 2) serpent sp. (de la même relationnel soit comme un nom autosé-bàngukálè (bàngukáli) n. ‹pul.› 1) terre. Syn.: frappé à la porte et je me suis levé rapide-ment. 2) vi. réussir rapidement. bàráadà (bàráada) ‹ar.› n. théière. • muet, celui qui n'a pas de bouche. bárikè (báriki) 1) nr. bénédiction.  állà nì bárikè là ì tɔ! • Que Dieu te bénisse ! 2) n./pp. <s'emploie soit comme un nom  fóndi báta • fonio non dépiqué.  tìga báta • arachide en coque.

ǎáà Var.: áʔá. itj. oui.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : ì lá kàyéè fɛɛtibɔɛ sànna ì yèn kóobèn? -áàá, à í fɛɛtibɔɛ sànna, sàmatáà béle mánkɛla, kùtáà béle mánkɛla, ǹ bálòe bèle mànkɛla • Est-ce que ton mari t'achète suffisamment de vêtements ? -Oui, il le fait, il y a assez de chaussures, il y a assez de vêtements, il y a assez de nourriture. Syn.: ɛɛýì, hǐíì, hɔɔn, m̌ḿm̀ ; ~ féw 3. áafiyà (w) (áafiya) Var.: àfíyà (àfiya) (w). ‹pul. < ar.› n. bonheur, prospérité ; bonne santé.  [Krp, disc. « menuisiers »] : ♦ àfíyà mákàfulen? • Comment ça va ?  [Krp, disc. « menuisiers »] : ó tí wàli sàn tán nìn lɔɔlu, kɔǹɔ ò tì àafiya báà yèn à búùtɔ? • Vous avez travaillé pendant quinze ans, et est-ce que ça vous a apporté de la prospérité ? Syn.: hɛɛra, jámu. áanɛ ‹pul.› vi. s'inquiéter (de qn/qch -yèn). àdúnà (àdúna) ‹pul. < ar.› n. 1) vie. ♦ sì ì là àdúnà kà ɲìn, ì s' á wà áljannà tɔ̀ • Si ta vie est bonne, tu iras au paradis. 2) monde. ♦ kà ádunà tò • resp. mourir. àfɛŕɛ̀ (àfɛŕɛ) ‹fr.› n. 1) affaire, histoire. 2) secret. àksidáɲɛ̀ (àksidán) Var.: àsidáɲɛ̀ (àsidán). ‹fr.› n. accident.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : kà àksìdân kɛ̀ • avoir un accident.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : mɔgɔ tée àsidan súfà wò kɛ́ à nì bɔ́ wò tɔ̀ • Personne ne peut survivre à un accident pareil. àláajè (àláaji) Var.: àlahájè (àlaháji). n. hadji, pèlerin (personne qui a fait le pèlerinage à La Mecque). àlaháttè (àlahátti) Var.: àlhátè (àlháti), àlátè (àláti). ‹pul. < ar.› n. dimanche. Syn.: dìmáasi. álàko Var.: álakò. ‹pul. < ar.› conj. pour que ; àlárbà (àlárba) ‹pul.› n.loc. mercredi.  ǹ sì tága lúumɛ̀ tɔ̀ àlárba • D'habitude je vais au marché le mercredi.  ǹ sì tága lúumɛ̀ tɔ̀ àlárba tɔ̀ • J'irai au marché mercredi. àlbárika Cf.: bárika 'merci'. àlɓuránà (àlɓurána) Var.: àlʔuránà (àlʔurána). n. Coran. àlhátè (àlháti) Cf.: álahatti 'dimanche'. àliyatíimà (àliyatíima) ‹pul. < ar.› n. orphelin, orpheline. àljánnà (àljánna) Var.: àrijánnà (àrijánna). ‹pul. < ar.› n. 1) paradis. ♦ állà mù mà dònna àljánnà tɔ̀ • Que Dieu nous donne la chance d'entrer au paradis. 2) oiseau sp. àlkámisà (àlkámisa) ‹pul. < ar.› n.loc. jeudi. állà Var.: àlláhu. n. Dieu. ♦ kà állà bìta • croire en Dieu.  [Mns, conte « Álumaɲ n.loc. Allemagne. àmíini Var.: àmíina. itj. amen. ànɛɛ̀ (n) Var.: àn'. itj. <particule utilisée pour s'adresser à qn>. àngréè (àngre) Var.: ángérè (àngére). ‹fr.› n. ánndɛ àsɛẃɛ̀ àsidáɲɛ̀ (àsidán) Cf.: àksídan 'accident'. àtáayà áyi Cf.: háyi 'même'. áynɛ bàâ bágè (bági) n. tissu, pagne.

bàláà bàlɔnsúè bánbà bàndóè (n) (bàndo) Var.: bándoorè. ‹pul.› n. bánfaruya báni báraasè bàta bàtáà (bàta) nr. nombril.

  bélebelè (belebele) adjM. grand, fort, intense. bélè (béli) Cf.: gbéli. n. papaye. bénbà (bénba) nr. grand-père. ♦ bénba bàaba • arrière-grand-père. Syn.: mànkay. (béntere) n. oiseau sp. bɛ́ Cf.: gbɛ́ 'être propre'. bɛ́ (n) conj. il faut que, il est nécessaire que <introduit un impératif direct ou indirect>.  [Mns, conte « femme du chasseur »] : ɓá àn tì háldɛ, bɛ́ án n' á mà, ànu kà mín fɔ̀ • Comme ils avaient fait un arrangement, il fallait qu'ils fassent ce qu'ils avaient dit. Syn.: fó, kóyi 2 , máa. bɛɛ̂ (bɛɛ) n. sexe féminin. bɛɛrɛɛ̀ (bɛɛrɛ) ‹pul. < fr.› n. alcool (toute boisson contenant de l'alcool). Syn.: dɔĺɔ. Cf.: gbɛlɛ 'difficile'. bɛli vr. resp. se coucher. bɛĺnɛ vt. enterrer, mettre au tombeau. Syn.: bìri 1, lawàttinɛ, madògon 2, sùturá 2, wáttinɛ. bɛɲɛ̀ (bɛń) ‹fr.› n. benne. bɛǹ (n) vt. ne pas partager avec qn (qch -tɔ ).  à báti dɛńdɛǹù bɛǹ kínè tɔ̀ • Il n'a pas laissé de nourriture pour les enfants.

	bènbéè bènbéè (bènbi) lit. Cf.: gbèngbi 'lit'.	bɛrɛɛ̀
	béngurè (n) (béngure) ‹pul.› n. famille, membre de famille. ♦ béngurè(nu) (bì) hɛɛrà tɔ? • Est-ce que la famille va bien ? Syn.: báarɛnma, bóndaa 2, dénbaya, fàmi, gállɛ 2, lúu 2.
	(bɛǵgurubaggɛ) bɛńgurubaggɛ̀ (bɛńgurubaggɛ). adjMP. pas Var.: bɛǵgurubaggɛ̀ mûr. Syn.: kɛńdɛ.
	33

bénterè bɛlɛɛ̀

(bɛlɛ)

  • Le conflit entre eux s'est résolu. bɛǹɛɛ̀ (bɛǹɛ) n. sésame (plante).

	bɛṕ bɛṕ idéo. boum !	bìla
	bɛŕɗɛ̀ (bɛŕɗɛ) ‹pul.› n. cimetière. Syn.: gàburúso, sàaru.
	bɛńgurubaggɛ Cf.: bɛǵgurubaggɛ 'pas mûr'.
	bɛńi Var.: bɛń. ‹pul.› itj. vraiment !
	bɛǹtɛɛ̀ (bɛǹtɛ) n. terrasse (sur le toit ; on y
	sèche légumes, viande etc.).
	bɛɲɛɛ̀ (bɛɲɛ) n. flèche (arme). Syn.: dágan.
	34

  (bín) n. herbe ; paille. ♦ bín bóɲɛ̀ • maison au toit de paille. ♦ bín dòni • meule. Syn.: sólin, sɔɔrin. bíngà (bínga) n. 1) spatule (pour distribuer la nourriture solide, comme le riz).  mùséè bì kínè rɔttila bíngà là • La femme répartit la nourriture avec une spatule. 2) rame.  kúluɲɛ̀ bì lábòrila bíngà lè là • C'est avec une rame qu'on conduit une pirogue. bíniirè (bíniiri) Var.: bìníirè (bìníiri). ‹pul.› n. bouteille. Syn.: kìlási. bìntan 1) vi./vt. brûler.  mà là bóɲɛ̀ bá' bìntan • Notre maison est brûlée.  búruɲɛ̀ bì bíntanna • La brousse est en feu. 2) vi./vt. (se) griller, (se) cuire (au feu).  sòbéè bì bìntanna táà kùnma • La viande se cuit au feu. (bìrɛɛdi) ‹pul.› n. pain. bìri 1) vt. enterrer. Syn.: bɛĺnɛ, bìri 1, lawàttinɛ, madògon 2, sùturá 2, wáttinɛ. 2) vi. tomber (dans un trou).

		bìlekáabarà (bìlekáabara) n. guérisseur. Syn.: bìle.
		bíllalɛ̀ (bíllal) ‹pul.› n. serpent sp. (vert, ha-
		bite dans les arbres).
		bìntárè (bìntári) n. <nominalisation du verbe
		bìntan 'brûler'> ; incendie.
		bíɲà (bíɲa) n. corne (d'un animal). Syn.: gàláaɗi, kére.
		bìríɲɛ̀ (bìrin) n. billon (pour planter le ma-nioc, patate, tomate etc.). Syn.: túgun.
	bìlakórè (bìlakóro) n. incirconcis (peut être utilisé comme une insulte envers un	bíriƴɛ̀ (bíriƴɛ) Var.: bírƴɛ̀ (bírƴɛ). ‹pul.› nr. côte. Syn.: békkɛ.
	adulte).
	bìléè (bìle) n. guérisseur, sorcier.

bíɲɛ̀ bìɲɛɛ̀ (bìɲɛ) n. balle (projectile).

bìrɛɛdè

  bɔbɛɛ̀ (bɔbɔ) Cf.: bɔɔbɔ 'bébé'. (-bɔnɔ) mrph. sans ; ne contenant pas de.  kɛ̀ kínè máafibɔnɛ̀ lè mù kɛ̀ • Ce riz est sans sauce.  káalisibɔnɔ • sans argent.  [Mns, disc., conte « poulain »] : fɛńbɔnɔ • pauvre, gueux.  nɛɛnɛbɔńɔ • orphelin. bɔǹɔ adjP. laid. bɔńɔmà (bɔnɔma) adjM. laid. bɔɛ̀ (bɔɔ) Cf.: nbɔɔ 'jumeau'. bɔɛ̀ (bɔɔ) n. terrier, trou. bɔɔbɛɛ̀ (bɔɔbɔ) Var.: bɔbɛɛ̀ (bɔbɔ). ‹pul.› n. bébé, nouveau-né. bɔɔbɔtè (bɔɔbɔti) ‹pul.› n. veau.  mà lá nìngéè báti bɔɔbɔtéè sɔtɔ • Notre vache a accouché d'un veau. Syn.: nìngirɛń. (bɔttu) ‹fr.› n. botte (type de chaussure). brùɛtè (brùɛti) ‹fr.› n. brouette. brúsà (brúsa) Cf.: búrusa 'brousse'. (n) Var.: bűdɛ. ‹pul.› idéo. <intensificateur pour les verbes synonymiques « mákun », « mɛ dɛ », « tàdé » 'se taire'>. bùgéè (bùgu) n. hutte (de berger). bùgu vr. se pencher.  à báti a bùgu dàgáà jíga kóè là dùgéè là • Il s'est penché pour prendre la marmite sur le sol. bùgutáà (bùgutá) nr. cendre. Syn.: tàadúgu. búkè (búku) ‹pul. < angl. « book » › n. livre. vt. taper, frapper fort.  kà tàabálè búlan • taper sur la table de toutes ses forces.  ànu bát' ànu ɲɔǵɔn búlan • Ils se sont tapés. 2) vt. battre avec un bâton.  à báti káà búlan • Il a battu le serpent avec un bâton. búlansɛ̀ (búlansɛ) ‹fr.› n. boulanger. búllɛ̀ (búllɛ) ‹pul.› n. épine (de plante). bùlɔɲɛ̀ (bùlɔn) ‹fr.› n. boulon. bùlubúlè (bùlubúlu) n. gros.  à báti má bùlubúlu là • C'est devenu un gros. bùlubúlu vi. être très gros. búnà (búna) n. coton (fibre du cotonnier). vt. couvrir.  ǹ báti ǹ bùtin bútinfɛɲɛ̀ là • Je me suis couvert avec la couverture. bútinfɛɲɛ̀ (bútinfɛn) n. couverture.

	bɔǹbɔ bɔǹbɔ vt. frapper. búnbuɲɛ̀ búnbuɲɛ̀ (búnbun) n. bombax (Bombax cos-tatum, espèce d'arbre tropical). bɔǹbɔɲɛ̀ (bɔǹbɔn) ‹fr.› n. bonbon (confiserie).  kà bɔǹbɔɲɛ̀ ɲími • manger des bonbons. bɔǹfɛɛ̀ (bɔǹfɔ) n. sac de chasse (porté en ban-doulière). bùntálè (bùntáli) n. scorpion. Syn.: kóson. bùnten vt. piler. búɲà (búɲa) nr. foie. bùrugɛɛ̀ (bùrugɛ) n. butte, tertre (légère élé-vation de terrain). búruɲɛ̀ (búrun) n. contrée sauvage, brousse. Syn.: búrusa.	búruɲɛ̀ wùléènù mán fɛɲɛ̀ yèn, mà n' á fɔ̀ àn mà: á bùurɛɛ̀ bìla! • Quand les chiens voient l'animal, nous leur crions : suis-le ! 2) fruits sau-vages.  mà máa dámurè kɛ̀ káawőkán, mà kà brùsutɔfɛɲɛ̀ dó lè dàmu • Nous n'avons mangé nulle part, nous n'avons mangé que quelques fruits sauvages. brùsatɔtúlà (brùsatɔtúla) n. rat rayé, souris rayée africaine (Lemniscomys barbarus).
	bùrunbúruɲɛ̀ (bùrunbúrun) Var.: búruguruɲɛ̀ (búrugurun). n. poussière.  bùrunbúrun búyi bí kílà là • Il y a beaucoup de pous-
	sière sur la route.
	búrusà (búrusa) Var.: brúsà (brúsa). n.
	1) contrée sauvage, brousse (formation
	végétale	principalement	composée
	d'herbes et d'arbustes ; contrée sauvage).
	Syn.: búrun. 2) village (par rapport à la ville).  [Dgm, histp. « mon parcours »] :	Syn.: líwuru.
	búrusa bára béle ǹ nà • Je ne sais pas faire
	le travail du village.
	bùrúutè (bùruutu) ‹pul.› n. ver de Guinée,
	filaire de Médine (Dracunculus medinen-
	sis).
				bɔćɔllà (bɔćɔlla) n. arbre sp.
				bɔɛdɛɛ̀ (bɔɛdɛ) Var.: bɔɔdɛɛ̀ (bɔɔdɛ). n. oi-
				seau sp.
	brùsatɔfɛɲɛ̀ (brùsatɔfɛń) Var.: brùsatáfɛɲɛ̀ (brùsatáfɛn). n. 1) animal sauvage de  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : brousse.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : í dònna lè brúsà tɔ̀ tún, ì nì kɛ̀ fɛɲɛǹù yèn • Dès que tu entres dans la brousse, tu vois les animaux sauvages.	bɔfɛɛ̀ (bɔfɔ) ‹pul.› n. forêt. bɔĺiɲɛ̀ (bɔĺin) Cf.: gbɔĺin 'branche'. bɔlɔɲɛ̀ (bɔlɔn) n. 1) harpe (instrument de mu-sique). 2) griot, joueur de harpe. bɔlɔnfɔɔlaà (bɔlɔnfɔɔlaa) n. joueur de harpe. Syn.: bɔlɔn 2. bɔń vi. se verser ; se renverser ; déborder.  mùséè bì búnà bɔĺa gɛséè là • La femme cueille le coton du cotonnier. búnban vr. nager.
			39 40

bɔńɛ̀ bɔɔdɛɛ̀ (bɔɔdɔ) Cf.: bɔɛdɛ 'oiseau sp.'. bɔɔkéè (bɔɔki) Cf.: bɔɔki 'babouin'. bɔɔráà (bɔɔra) nr. barbe. Syn.: dáatii. bɔɔrè (bɔɔri) n. arbre sp. bɔɔtɛ̀ (bɔɔtɔ) n. 1) injr. testicule. 2) petit sac. bɔŕɔma Cf.: bɔńɔma 'laid'. bɔttè bűdu búlan bútikɛ̀ (bútikɛ) n. boutique. bútin bùtɔ Cf.: búutɔ̀ 'dans'.

  ̋w idéo. hop ! (imite un saut). cáwudɛ̀ (cáwudɛ) n. citron vert. Syn.: káccu. céeci (n) Cf.: kéeki 'ceinture'. céeci vt. attraper par la taille. cɛ Cf.: kɛ 'ce'. cɛkóè (cɛku) Cf.: kɛku 'tortue'. cíkkɛ Var.: kíkkɛ. ‹pul.› 1) vi. sauter en bas, atterrir, tomber sur la terre.  sáakòe bá' cíkkɛ • Le sac est tombé par terre.  ǹ bá' cíkkɛ • J'ai sauté en bas. 3) vt. mettre par terre. cìti Cf.: kìti 'attacher'. có itj. bof (son qui exprime le mépris). Var.: cɔŕɔcɔrɔ. idéo. ploc ! (imite le bruit de l'eau qui tombe en gouttes). Var.: cúbɛ. ‹pul.› vt. mesurer un empan. (cúdaarɛ) ‹pul.› n. joyau, bijou. cúddè (cúddi) ‹pul.› n. nuage, brouillard (du matin).  sàgóè mà cúddè sí dùgéè súumɛ • Le matin, le brouillard couvre la terre.  mà tée nɔǹ bóɲɛ̀ yénna cúddè là • On ne peut pas voir la maison à travers le brouillard. cùdűn (n) Var.: cùrún. idéo. plouf ! (imite la chute dans l'eau). cúkkɛ̀ (n) (cúkkɛ) Var.: cúkɛ̀ (cúkɔ). ‹pul.› n. vi. être au complet.  ǹ ná kàyéènù máa dáafa • Je n'ai pas tous mes cahiers avec moi.  ǹ nà wótè máa dáafa • Je n'ai pas suffisamment d'argent. 2) vt. ajouter, cmpléter. Syn.: layáagɛ, makàfu, sàagi 3. dáagbolè (dáagbolo) nr. bord (d'une table ; d'une rivière, d'un fleuve etc.). Syn.: dáagbolo, dáa 4, fɔńgɔ, gbɛĺɛɛma. dáajeè (dáajii) nr. salive.

	càccarɔɛ̀ càccarɔɛ̀ (càccarɔ) ‹pul.› n. francolin (grosse perdrix des régions tropicales). cándan idéo. plouf ! cápurtà (n) (cápurta) n. dromadaire. Syn.: bábu. dáafa dáafa 1) dáalawulenfɛɲɛ̀ (dáalawulenfɛn) n. rouge à lèvres.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : kà dáalawulenfɛɲɛ̀ là • mettre du rouge à	dáajeè cúccurè (cúccuru) ‹pul.› n. femme (pas ma-riée). dàɲɛɛ̀
	lèvres.
		arbre sp.
	cɔńcɔlɔn vi. bondir, sursauter.	cúuraarè (cúuraari) ‹pul.› n. brouillard ; har-mattan (vent chargé de poussière en pro-
		venance du Sahara).
	cùɓálè (cùɓálu) ‹pul.› n. empan, largeur de	cúurɛ vt. saisir, emporter.  kòndéè báti ǹ nà kínè cúurɛ • Un oiseau a emporté ma nour-riture. Syn.: bìta 1.
	main (mesure de longueur).
	D -d
	dá 1) vt. créer ; fabriquer. ♦ dáamansa • créateur, Dieu.  k' à kùɲɛɛ̀ dà • tresser les cheveux.  kà bóɲɛ̀ dà • construire une maison. Syn.: ladá, laɲìɲa, lɛśɛ 2, séɲɛ.	de son bavardage. 3) n. porte. Syn.: báafali. 4) nr. bord. Syn.: dáagbolo, fɔńgɔ, gbɛĺɛɛma. 5) nr. début, commencement. dáà (dáa) nr. prix.  à dáà gbɛĺɛyata kóobèn
	2) vt. réparer.	• Il est devenu très cher.
	dáà (dáa) 1) nr. bouche. 2) n. parole.  à dáà báti ǹ nábìla • J'ai des problèmes à cause	dáabìta vt. commencer.  kà wáli dáabìta • commencer à travailler. Syn.: fɔĺɔ.
	43 44

càrakpi cɔɔrà (cɔɔra) ‹pul.› n. exorcisme. cɔŕr (n) cúɓɛ cúdaarɛ̀ cúmaya Cf.: kímaya 'devenir froid'. cùrűn Cf.: cùdűn 'plouf !'. cùrunkan Var.: tùrunkan. vt. jeter (avec force). dàamɛɛ̀ (dàamɛ) ‹pul.› n. punaise (de lit).

  fálà (fála) Var.: fálaɲɛ̀ (fálan). n. poignée, anse, manche (en bois). Var.: fàléè (fàli). n. âne. fàljɛ (n) ‹pul.› vi. se tromper. fáljitɛ Var.: fálgitɛ. ‹pul.› vt. corriger. fáltɛ (n) ‹pul.› vt. se souvenir de.  ǹ bí kɛ́ sàndáà fáltɛla • Je me souviens de ce conte. Syn.: jàntɔ, máandɛ. (fámmɛ) ‹pul.› n. cavité, grotte. fàɲɛɛ̀ (fàn) n.n.loc. endroit, côté, environs ; direction.  mà báta fàn nà, báarà bì ɲɔɔ • Il y a du travail par chez nous.  mà là bón fàn kélen báti bòyi, ɓá à báti kɔtɔya • Une partie de notre maison est tombée parce qu'elle est devenue vieille. fàɲɛɛ̀ (fàn) n. 1) forge (atelier). Syn.: tɔǵɔ 2.

	fàmmájigi			fátà
	báarɛnma, béngure, bóndaa 2, dénbaya, gállɛ 2, lúu 2.
	fàmmájigi 1) vr. respecter, avoir du respect
	(pour qn -yèn). 2) vr. demander pardon (à
	qn -yèn).  ǹ báti ń fàmmájìgi ì yèn • Je
	t'ai demandé pardon.
	fálen (n) changer. Cf.: fálin.
	fálin	Var.:	fálen.	1) vi. changer.
	2) vt. échanger.  [Nym, disc. « vie des
	femmes »] : ǹ bí pɔtɛɲɛ̀ sènna brúsà tɔ̀ ǹ n' á fàlin fóndè là • Je cherche de l'igname
	sauvage dans la brousse pour l'échanger
	contre du fonio.
	fàlíɲɛ̀ (n) (fàlin) fáltondirɛ ‹pul.›	vi. se	comprendre,
	s'entendre.
	fàmi Var.: fàmiy. ‹fr.› n. famille, membre de
	famille <s'emploie sans article>.  [Skt,
	descr. « enterrement »] : fàmínù fóo bá' bóllakafòe máa, kà kínènu tábi • Tous les
	membres de famille se sont cotisés [pour
	la fête] et ont préparé à manger. Syn.:
	60

fálgitɛ Cf.: fáljitɛ 'corriger'.

fàléè (n) (fàli) Cf.: fàlin 'âne'.

fámmɛ̀

  • Tout t'appartient.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : fɛnfɛn, má lè lè ɲɔɔ là • Quoi qu'il arrive, on est là.  [Krp, disc., hist. « histoires du passé »] : wòn nì jéè sɔri, àn nì lɔǵɔ ɲíni, àn sì fɛnfɛn mà • Ils puisent de l'eau, ils vont chercher du bois, ils font toutes sortes de choses.  mà kà fɛnfɛǹ sɔtɔ mà lá kàyéènù bàríkè • Tous ce que nous avons, c'est grâce à nos maris. 2) rien <s'utilise dans des contextes négatifs pour référer aux objets dont l'existence est niée>.  ǹ máa fɛnfɛn mɛń • Je n'ai rien entendu. Var.: fíri. vt. sans parler de, et encore moins.  [Mns, conte « femme persécutée »] : wò n' á fɛŕɛ ... • sans parler de….  kɛɲɛɛ̀ sì tága, wò n' á fɛŕɛ ɔtɛ̀ • On peut y aller à pied, ou bien sûr en voiture. fɛrɛɛ̀ (fɛrɛ) Cf.: fɛɛrɛ 'possibilité'. fɛŕɛɲɛ̀ (fɛŕɛn) adjM. fendu ; découpé.  lɔǵɔ fɛŕɛn • bois fendu. fɛŕɛɲɛ̀ (fɛŕɛn) nr. jumeau.  ǹ fɛŕɛɲɛ̀ lè mù à là • Il est mon jumeau. Syn.: nbɔɔ, syùtádɛ. fɛrɛn ‹fr.› n. frein <s'emploie sans article>. fɛrmɛtirè (fɛrmɛtir) ‹fr.› n. fermeture éclair. fɛtɛɲɛ̀ (fɛtɛn) nr. germe. fɛtɛn vi. pousser. ♦ tèléè bì fɛtɛnna • Le soleil se lève. fɛẃundi Var.: fɛẃndi. ‹pul.› 1) vi. se trouver ; s'avérer.  à ì fɛẃundinden Kìndiya • Il est à Kindia maintenant.  mà ì fɛẃundinden sáayi míniman mà kɛ? • Il est quelle heure maintenant ?  mà bì fɛẃnudinden sɛńk ɛŕ lè • Il est cinq heures maintenant. Syn.: bɛǹ 2, háwurɛ 4, tàran 1. 2) vi. être au présent.

	Syn.: fűs.
	fɛǹsɛń vt. étaler, étendre.  à b' á lá kùtáànu fɛǹsɛń, à ní gbàla • Il étend ses vêtements
	pour qu'ils sèchent.  [Dgm, histp. « tra-
	vail et accident »] : ǹ kà tàbálè dó ɲíni, kà básènu fɛǹsɛń tàbálè kùnma • J'ai trouvé
	une table et j'ai étalé les médicaments des-
	sus.
	fɛńtaɲà (fɛńtaɲa) n. pauvreté.  fɛńtaɲà lè ǹ nà • Je suis pauvre.

fɛŕɛ

   [Mns, conte « le maudit »] : mùséè kɛ̀ báti fɔ́ à kɔḿà, kà fɔṕu dámu • Cette femme est venue en son absence et a tout mangé. fɔǵè (fɔǵi) n. pus. fɔĺi vi. surpasser, excéder.  ì báti ǹ fɔĺilen dɔlɛɛ̀ là • Tu es plus fort que moi. Syn.: dámu 2, fìsaya 2, tànbi 4. fɔĺɛ̀ (fɔlɔ) Var.: fɔĺɔɲɛ̀ (fɔlɔn). adjM. 1) premier.  á lè lè mù à fɔĺɛ̀ là • C'est lui qui est premier.  ǹ báti ɔtɛ fɔĺɛ̀ jíga • J'ai pris la première voiture. Syn.: fɔlɔfɔlɔ. 2) ancien, précédent.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : à là súnkutun fɔĺɔɲɛ̀ • son ancienne copine. fɔĺɔ vi./vt. commencer. Syn.: dáabìta. fɔĺɛ̀ (fɔĺɔ) n. début, commencement.  [Dgm, histp. « enlèvement des rails »] : fɔĺɔ̀ tɔ́ nùn, ì sí nɛgɛɛ̀ yén bèeden sùntéè tɔ̀ • Avant, on pouvait trouver du fer laissé comme ça dans la cour. fɔĺɔ-fɔlɛ̀ (fɔlɔ-fɔlɔ) adjM. premier.  báti ɔtɛ fɔĺɛ̀ jíga • J'ai pris la première voiture. vi./vt. être plat ; aplanir, niveler. fɔńfɔɲɛ̀ (fɔńfɔn) nr. piste, trace.  wùléè báti kúlà fɔńfɔɲɛ̀ yèn • Le chien a flairé la trace du singe. Syn.: gbàa 1. fɔńfɔnnɛ̀ (fɔńfɔnden) n. serpent sp. vi. respirer. Syn.: nílafɛ. fɔɔrɛɛ̀ (fɔɔrɔ) ‹pul.› n. goitre. fɔɔrɔfɛɲɛ̀ (fɔɔrɔfɛn) Var.: fɔɔrfɛɲɛ̀ (fɔɔrfɛn). Var.: fów. pron. tous, tout. fɔrɔndɛɛ̀ (fɔrɔndɔ) ‹pul.› n. plante sp. (Maeru oblongifolia). fɔrsɛɛ̀ (fɔrsɛ) ‹fr.› n. travaux forcés. fɔtɛ̀ (fɔtɔ) n. pénis. Syn.: fɔɲɔ 2. Fránsɛ France. Cf.: Fáransɛ 'France'. fúbbɛ (n) ‹pul.› vr. nager. Syn.: búnban. 1) vi. se défaire, se dénouer.  bàâ báti fúlen jùléè là • La chèvre s'est détachée de la corde. ♦ állà bát' a àrsíkè làfúlen • Dieu lui a donné de la chance. 2) vt. lâcher, faire sortir (de qch -tɔ ). fùnfun vt. pul.vériser.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : ò ní jéè fùnfun táà mà dóndèn • Aspergez un peu le feu d'eau. fúnun vi. gonfler.  wòséè bì bɔla háa ń kèɲɛɛ̀ bì fùnunna • Mes pieds gonflent à cause de la chaleur. Syn.: yìti. fùréè (fùre) n. cadavre. Syn.: sùu. Var.: fűyi. ‹pul.› pron. rien <s'utilise dans des contextes négatifs pour référer aux unités dont l'existence est niée>.  ǹ máa fűs fɔ̀ á yèn • Je ne lui ai rien dit. Syn.: fɛnfɛn ; fɛnfɛn 2. fútè (fútu) Var.: mùsu fútu. ‹pul.› n. 1) mariage.  kà sìgi fútè là • être mariée. 2) dot, compensation (l'argent et d'autres biens matériels donnés par le mari aux parents de la mariée). (fúufàfúu) n. 1) vaurien, nul, zéro.  í lè fúufàfúu lè là! • Tu es nul ! Syn.: ~ wúccundu. 2) nul. ♦ màamarén fúufàfúu • arrière-arrière-petit-fils m. fùuɲɛɛ̀ (fùuɲɛ) Var.: fúuɲɛ̀ (fúuɲɛ). ‹soussou « fuuɲe » ou pul.ar « fuuɲere » › n. ananas (fruit et plante). fúur ‹fr.› n. <s'utilise toujours sans article>. 1) four. 2) charbon.  dénnɛɛǹu bì fúur lála • Les enfants fabriquent le charbon. 3) bois (utilisé pour la fabrication du charbon).  kà fúur tɛgɛ • ramasser du bois (pour la fabrication du charbon). Fúuta n. Fouta-Djallon. fúutà (fúuta) Cf.: mángofuuta 'mangier'. fúutɛ 1) vi. relâcher. 2) vi. échapper. fúùúu idéo. imite le son de la chute à partir d'une hauteur élevée. fúyantɛ̀ (fúyantɛ) adjMP. faible. Syn.: jáasata. Syn.: kúuru, luu 1 , sùntu, tándɛ. 2) famille, membre de famille. Syn.: báarɛnma, béngure, bóndaa 2, dénbaya, lúu 2. gànbóè (gànbo) n. pigeon. ‹pul.› . gbànbokúrà (gànbokúra) n. pigeon vert. n. gare <s'emploie sans article>. gàsɛ ‹pul.› 1) vi. être possible ; devoir (modalité épistémique et déontique).  sángè sì gásɛ nàla • Il est possible qu'il se mette à pleuvoir.  à sì gásɛ báarala • Il doit travailler. 2) vt. être bien fait, être acceptable.  wálè báti gásɛ • Le travail est bien fait !  déndɛ̀ mín, à lá kò tée gásɛ • Ce garçon, c'est un vaurien. 3) vi. se réaliser, terminer.  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : mò má nɔń kɔtɛɛ, à tí gàsɛ • Allons-y maintenant, tout est fini.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : kí yàn bá' gásɛ dáala • Cette [houe] est déjà faite. 4) mériter (qch -fɛ ).  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : mà tée gàsɛ wó fɛ̀ • Nous ne méritons pas ça. gàsí Cf.: ngàsí 'd'accord'. gàto ‹fr.› n. gâteau <s'utilise sans article>. gáwrè (gáwru) ‹pul.› n. petit mil. Syn.: sàaɲe. gàynɛ Var.: gɛɛnɛ. ‹pul.› 1) vt. terminer, finir.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : yàn káa kɔtɛɛ̀ mà báti júlirdɛ̀ lálɔ, mà bát' á gàynɛ • En ce moment, nous avons terminé de construire la mosquée. 2) <crée le passage d'une action à l'autre>.  [Mns, conte « deux co-épouses »] : à bá' tága, à t' á là sɔṕpurè tɛgɛ, à bát' á gàynɛ, à t' á bìntan, à t' á gàynɛ, à bát' à dòn, à t' á gàynɛ • Il est allé et il a défriché le terrain, après, il l'a brûlé, après il l'a clôturé. 3) vt. réussir, avoir de la chance.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : s' àn k' á gàynɛ, kànkíran hàjjíga kɛ̀ bòlo • S'ils ont de la chance, ils vont avoir un bon coffre.  [Krp, disc. « dans la forge »] : mín béle kàranden tée á gàynɛ • Celui qui n'a pas fait d'études ne réussira pas dans la vie. gàzwál Var.: gázwaru. ‹fr.› n. gasoil, diesel <s'utilise sans article>. gbá Cf.: ɓá 'comme'. gbàâ (gbàa) 1) nr. trace. ♦ k' à gbàâ lá • être au début de qch.  ǹ báti kùlumaséènù kèn gbáà yèn búruɲɛ̀ tɔ̀ • J'ai vu des traces d'animaux sauvages dans la brousse. Syn.: fɔńfɔn. 2) nr. poursuite, quête, recherche.  kà bìla á gbàâ là • suivre qn.  à bí wò gbàâ là • il le poursuit.  kà tága á gbàâ là • aller pour prendre qch, aller chercher qch.  mɔḿbili fìla bì ɲɔǵɔn gbàâ là • Les deux voitures se suivent. 3) nr. obéissance.  à bí wò gbàâ là • il lui obéit.  [Dgm, histp. « ma belle-mère »] : à mán mín fɔ́ ɲɲè wőo, ǹ b' á lè lè gbàâ là • Quoi qu'elle me dise, je lui obéis. Syn.: ɗɔftɔ. gbàadóɲɛ̀ (gbàadón) n. préparation (cuisine). Syn.: já 1, jáarɛ, kènke 1, lílɛ. 3) vi. se tendre (queue d'animal). adjP. absent ; faible (utilisé avec les noms désignant un état ou force naturelle).  kúran gbáli, kúran gbáli máa, ì sì wáli • Qu'il y ait de l'électricité ou non, tu vas travailler.  sángi gbáli • Il n'y a pas de pluie.  tèle gbáli • Le soleil ne brûle pas.  kɔńkɔ gbáli • Personne n'a faim ici. gbáɲɛ̀ (gbán) nr. joue. Syn.: kènke. gbán vi. sauter, se jeter (à qch/qn -kùnma). gbándè (gbàndi) adjMP. 1) chaud. 2) malade. gbàndi 1) vi. se chauffer. 2) vi. être malade, tomber malade.  à bí gbàndinden • Il est malade. Var.: bɛ. 1) vi. être blanc. 2) vi. être propre. 3) vi. être nu. 4) vi. être clair, être compréhensible. 5) vi. dire la vérité (à qnyèn).  ǹ gbɛɛta ì yèn • je t'ai dit la vérité. (gbɛɛ) n. dehors.  mà bɔ́ gbɛɛ̀ mà • Sortons dehors. Syn.: bánta 2, kɛɲɛ 2. (gbɛlɛn) Var.: gbɛlɛnkála. nr. jambe (du genou jusqu'au pied). gbɛĺɛya 1) vi. être tendu, être serré.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : mà n' á kìti háa à ní gbɛlɛya gbɛn • Nous les attachons très fermement. 2) vr. être entêté, obstiné, têtu, opiniâtre. ♦ k' ì gbɛlɛya à là kóè là • s'obstiner dans ses propos. 3) vi. être cher, coûteux. gbɛĺlɔ-gbɛllɔɛ (gbɛĺlɔ-gbɛllɔ) n. jeu des attrapettes (jeu de poursuite répandu parmi les enfants). (gbɛtɛ) adjM. autre. gbɛtɛn 1) vi. tarir, s'évaporer. 2) vi. maigrir, perder du poids. Syn.: bára, mɛśɛya. gbílè (gbíli) adjMP. lourd. gbíliya vi. devenir lourd, être lourd. gbíliyà (gbíliya) n. honneur, renom, considération.  [Mns, conte « chats et souris »] : ó là gbíliya • En votre honneur ! gbíliya vt. respecter, obéir, honorer. adjP. désagréable.  à là kúma gbɔ́ ɲɲè • Je n'aime pas ce qu'il dit.  lɛɛmúnɛ kúmɛ gbɔ́ ɲɲè • Je n'aime pas les citrons. vi. déplaire (à qn -yèn).  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : mà fóo jùséè gbɔɔyanden mà ɲɔǵɔn yèn • Nous sommes tous fâchés les uns contre les autres.  à kà mín máa báti gbɔɔya ànu yèn • Ils n'ont pas aimé ce qu'il a fait. Var.: gbùgbas. vr. nager. Var.: jɛɛƴɛ̀ (jɛɛƴɛ). ‹pul.› n. Var.: jɛńti. ‹pul.› vt./vr. écouter. Var.: jɛrɛ. 1) vi. lutter, se débattre. 2) vi. lutter, essayer, chercher à obtenir, travailler à ; tenter ; faire des efforts.  ǹ gɛrɛta háa ǹ kà káalisè sɔtɔ • J'ai fait des efforts pour trouver de l'argent.  [Dgm, hist. « accident de train »] : à bí gɛrɛla à sí yɛlɛ ɲáà mìn lɔɔpɛɛ̀ bùtɔ • Il essaie de sortir de la terre mouillée. 3) se disputer, se quereller, se brouiller. Syn.: kɛlɛ 1, ɲáagàsi, wáddɛ. Var.: jìlá. ‹pul.› conj. depuis.  gìlá bánta káta, súlukè máa kée yàn? • Est-ce que l'hyène n'est pas venue depuis ce matin ? gíɲɛ vi. être heureux ; être content. gírbitɛ Var.: kírbitɛ. vt. gratter, creuser (d'un animal).  wùléè bi dùgée gírbitɛla • Le chien creuse la terre. Syn.: páyita. Var.: glísè (glísi). ‹fr.› n. patin. (gósi) ‹pul.› n. bouillie de riz. gòyi Var.: gòe ‹pul.› prt. <particule de focalisation de la valeur de vérité employée en fin d'énoncé>.  [Krp, disc. « affaires du village »] : dénden dè ǹ ná gòyi, ǹ máa fɛnfɛǹ lɔń gòyi • Je suis jeune, je ne sais rien.  [Dgm, hist. « sorciers de Dogomet »] : ǹ b' ì kínna lè gòyi, kó ǹ b' ì kínna lè! • Je vais te mordre ! Je vais te mordre ! Syn.: dɛ. gɔńbɛ̀ (gɔńbɛ) nr. épi. (n) (gwɛkɛ) Cf.: gɔɔki. n. babouin. gwɛḱè (n) (gwɛḱi) n. cercueil. Syn.: gbálanga.

	fɔɔféè  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : fɔɲɛ̀ bá' mánkɛ dɔńden pìnɛɛ̀ ɲáatɔtà tɔ̀ • Le pneu avant n'est pas suffisamment gonflé. fɔɔféè (fɔɔfi) nr. odeur, flair.  wùléènù báti kùláà fɔɔféè tà • Les chiens ont senti l'odeur des singes. fúufàfóè • le crépuscule tombe.  [Mns, conte « chats et souris »] : kà fùtúrè sàli • faire la prière du soir. gárde gárde ‹fr.› vt. garder, surveiller, veiller sur. gáarù (gáaru) Var.: gár. ‹fr.› n. station (de transport en commun). gbàlangáà gbàlangáà (c, w) (gbàlangá) Var.: bànlangáà (bàlangá). n. cercueil. (strychnos spinosa). gbɛĺɛɛmà gbɛĺɛɛmà (gbɛĺɛɛma) n.loc. bord (d'un fleuve, d'une rivière). Syn.: dáagbolo, dáa 4, fɔńgɔ. gɛɛƴɛ̀ gùdrɔɲɛ̀ gùdrɔɲɛ̀ (gùdrɔn) ‹fr.› n. route goudronnée, gɛɛƴɛ̀ (gɛɛƴɛ) soir ; prière du soir (vers 21 h). gɛĺɛ Cf.: jɛĺɛ 'rire'. goudron. gúlendè (gúlendi) Cf.: ngúlendi 'chaleur'. gbɛĺɛmaɲɛ̀ (gbɛlɛman) adjM. difficile. gbɛĺɛɲɛ̀ (gbɛlɛn) adjM. difficile.  [Krp, disc. « menuisiers »] : wáli gbɛĺɛɲɛ̀ lè • C'est un gùndéngulè (gùndéngule) n. arbre sp. travail difficile. gɛrɛɛ̀ (gɛrɛ) n. 1) conflit, dispute ; guerre. 3) bruit. gùnbánbè (gùnbánbe) n. cola (arbre). ♦ gùnbanbe yánba • pique (couleur de cartes).	fùuɲɛɛ̀ gàsɛ fúurɛlabɛ̀ (fúurɛlabɛ) n. maladie sp. (pro-voque le gonflement des jambes). gbáli gbɛĺɛya gbásakèrengbɛɛ̀ (gbásakèrengbɛ) Var.: ngbásakèrengbɛɛ̀ (ngbásakèrengbɛ). n. margouillat (lézard). gbàsi 1) vt. frapper.  kà jìmbéè gbàsi • jouer du djembé. 2) vi. heurter ; frotter.  mɔńbilè bá' gbàsi nɛgɛsóè là • La voiture a touché le vélo. 3) vt. bâtir, construire. • D'accord, la faucille, je t'en forge une palmier). forge »] : àwa, wɔrtɛɛ, ǹ s' á gbàsí kɔtɛɛ̀ (résultant d'une descente maladroite du 4) vt. forger (métal).  [Lbk, disc. « dans la gɛrɛ gbɛrsɛɛ̀ (gbɛrsɛ) Var.: gɛŕzɛ. n. guerzé, kpelle (groupe ethnique ; membre du groupe eth-nique ; langue). gùndéngulè háa gùndo vi. parler en privé, parler de façon confidentielle. góogè (góogo) n. arbuste sp. (Rotula aquati-ca). gùndóè (gùndoo) n. secret. gòrogórè (gòrogóro) nr. écorchure, éraflure gòrogóro (n) vi. rouler (d'un objet d'une forme irrégulière). Syn.: kúdukudu, tállɛ, (gúvɛrnɛman) Var.: gúvɛrnɛmaɲɛ̀ gùvɛŕnɛmaɲɛ̀ (gùvɛŕnɛman). ‹fr.› n. admi-wìrindí. nistration ; gouvernement.
	maintenant. gbàsírè (gbàsíri) n. <nominalisation du verbe gbàsi 'frapper'> ; coups. fúrnɛ̀ (fúrnɔ) ‹fr.› n. fourneau (fatapera, petit gbòléè (gbòlo) nr. peau (d'homme, d'animal, fourneau en fer utilisé pour préparer la nourriture). fùrɲáà (fùrɲa) n. deuil (d'une femme pour G -g fɔɔrɔtɔɛ̀ (fɔɔrɔtɔ) n. goitreux, malade ayant un n. instrument de musique sp. goitre. d'un fruit).
	fɔỳɔɲɛ̀ (fɔỳɔn) ‹pul.› n. 1) fourré ; brous-sailles. 2) compost. fɔýɔndɛ̀ (fɔýɔndɛ) n. pantalon (porté avec le grand boubou). fúbbɛlaà (n) (fúbbɛlaa) n. nageur. fúgà (fúga) n. région sauvage, clairière (es-pace dégagé). fúlà (fúla) n. 1) Peul (groupe ethnique ; membre du groupe ethnique ; langue). 2) patron, chef. fúlaɲɛ̀ (fúlan) Var.: fílaɲɛ̀ (fílan). nr. cama-rade d'âge, ami, copain. Syn.: fílanma, màɲɔǵɔ 2, nbɔɔ. fúlawà (fúlawa) ‹pul.› n. village. Syn.: hɔɗo, sàa, sóo. gábbòe (gábbu) n. banane sp. (espèce douce et petite). gàbuntáɲè (gàbuntán) nr. aile. Syn.: kàntaptán. gàbúrè (gàbúru) ‹pul. < ar.› n. tombe. Syn.: sàadúla. gàburúsè (gàburúso) Var.: gàbrúsè (gàbrusó). n. cimetière. Syn.: bɛŕɗɛ, sàaru. gádagada Var.: gádagadagada. idéo. vite-vite ! gàláaɗè (gàláaɗi) ‹pul.› nr. corne (d'un ani-mal). Syn.: bíɲa, kére. gàlbɔɔbɛ̀ (gàlbɔɔbɔ) n. arbre sp. gbàndibagatɔɛ̀ (gbàndibagatɔ) n. malade. gbàndiyáà (gbàndiyá) n. maladie.  gbàndiyáà bát' a lábòyi • Il est tombé malade. Syn.: kìtayá. gbàndiyá vi. être malade, tomber malade. gbànfáà (gbànfa) n. sac (porté sur le dos ou sur l'épaule). gbàngbáɲɛ̀ (gbàngban) n. poussière.  gbànbáɲɛ̀ bì wúlila • La poussière se lève. gbàngban vt. taper ; clouer, fixer avec des clous, réparer.  à báti tólè gbàngban ɲɲè bóɲɛ̀ là • Il m'a fixé la tôle sur le toit de la maison. gbásà (gbása) Var.: ngbásà (ngbása). n. lé-zard sp. gbàsakáà (gbàsaká) n. corbeille, panier (en raphia). Syn.: ~ dɛbɛ, sànkatán, sáŋasaŋa. gbɛĺlɔn vt. jouer au jeu du loup.  dénnɛǹu bì ɲɔǵɔn gbɛllɔnna • Les enfants jouent au jeu du loup.  ǹ bát' í gbɛllɔn • Je t'ai at-kɛlɛkɛɛlaa. gɛŕezɛ̀ (gɛŕzɛ) Cf.: gbɛŕsɛ 'guerzé'. gɛséè (c) (gɛsi) Var.: yèeséè (yèesi). n. coton-nier (plante de coton). trapé. gbɛĺun vi. sangloter (femme). gídirà (gídira) vieille femme. Cf.: jídira 'vieille femme'. gbɛḿa adjP. propre.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : wò mán nɛtɛɛ̀ wò bɔ, à y' à fóroɲɛ̀ lè bùtɔ, káa à í wò ɲàâ lè gbɛḿa? • Quand vous cueillez les graines de néré, est-ce qu'elles sont dans une gousse ou bien elles sont déjà propres ? gbɛn idéo. fermement, fortement.  kà sàmatáà kìti gbɛn • attacher les chaus-sures fermement.  k' ì sìgi gbɛn • s'asseoir fermement. gbɛńkɛɲɛ̀ (gbɛńkɛn) Var.: kùngbɛńkɛn. nr. crâne. gírigiri vi. descente de traîneau (jeu d'enfants).  dénnɛǹu ì gírigirila kɔǹkɛɛ̀ là • Les enfants glissent en descendant la pente.	fɔĺɔtɔ mɔgɛɛ̀ (fɔĺɔtɔ mɔgɔ) Var.: fɔĺɛtɔ mɔgɛɛ̀ (fɔĺɛtɔ mɔgɔ). n. homme des anciens temps, premier homme. fɔńgɛ̀ (fɔńgɔ) n. bord (d'un fleuve ou d'une rivière). Syn.: dáagbolo, dáa 4, gbɛĺɛɛma. fɔɲɛ̀ (fɔɲɔ) n. 1) nr. queue (d'animal). 2) nr. pénis. Syn.: fɔtɔ. fɔɲɛ̀ (fɔɲɔ) n. 1) vent (mouvement de l'air).  fɔɲɔ í tɛgɛla • Le vent souffle. 2) air. son mari). fùrɲatɔɛ̀ (fùrɲatɔ) n. femme en deuil (pour son mari). fùrsɛtè (fùrsɛti) ‹fr.› n. fourchette (ustensile de table). fùtéè (fùtu) ‹pul.› n. parent (de côté de la femme). fùtúrè (fùtúro) Var.: fìtírè (fìtíro). ‹pul. < ar.› n. crépuscule, le temps de la prière du soir.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : fùtúrè báti fà gállɛ̀ (gállɛ) ‹pul.› n. 1) cour, concession (l'ensemble de bâtiments appartenant à une famille). gàngúrà (gàngúra) ‹pul.› n. termite (petite et rouge). gáɲɛ ‹fr.› 1) vi. gagner (dans un jeu ; contre qn -kùnma).  à báti gáɲɛ tóloɲɛ̀ tɔ̀ ǹ kùnma • Il m'a battu au jeu. 2) vi. être ad-mis ; passer l'examen.  mà lúppɛtà, mà máa gáɲɛ • Nous n'allions pas en classe, et nous ne sommes pas passés dans l'année suivante. gàráà (gàra) n. indigo (plante). gàránkɛɛ̀ (gàránkɛ) n. cordonnier. gàrázɛ̀ (gàraz) ‹fr.› n. garage. Syn.: tàbíri, kùridon. gbàakúrè (gbàakúru) n. pierres du foyer (sur lesquelles on pose la marmite pour prépa-rer la nourriture). gbàatásà vr. être suivi par ses frères, soeurs (dans l'ordre de naissance).  ǹ báti ń gbàatásà mɔgɔ́ fìla là • Après moi, il y a eu encore deux enfants dans notre famille. gbàkakɛńkè (gbàkakɛńke) nr. pommette. gbálà (gbala) adjM. sec.  lɔǵɔ gbála • arbre mort.  yànba gbálànù bì mɛɲɛmɛɲɛla ń kèɲɛɛǹu kɔtɔ • Il y a des feuilles séchées qui bruissent sous mes pieds. gbála 1) vi. sécher (pour un objet inanimé). 2) vr. se sécher (personne ou animal). gbɛɛ̀ (gbɛɛ) Var.: bɛɛ̀ (bɛɛ). adjMP. 1) blanc (couleur). 2) luisant. gbɛɛgbɛɛ̀ (gbɛɛgbɛɛ) n. feu, petite flamme ; lumière. gbɛɛyáà (gbɛɛya) n. honnêteté. gbɛlɛ Var.: bɛlɛ. adjP. 1) difficile. 2) entêté, têtu. 3) dur. 4) cher, coûteux.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : nɛgɛɛ̀ sɔǹgɛɛ̀ gbɛlɛ • Le fer coûte cher. gbɔɛlɛ̀ (gbɔɛlɛ) n. arbre sp. gbɔĺiɲɛ̀ (gbɔĺin) Var.: bɔĺin. nr. branche (d'arbre). gɔɔkéè (gɔɔki) Var.: bɔɔkéè (bɔɔki). n. ba-bouin. gɔỳáabɛ̀ (gɔỳáabɛ) ‹pul.› n. goyave (plante et fruit). Syn.: bìyákɛ. grɛfindeɲɛ̀ (grɛfinden) ‹fr.› adjMP. greffé (mangue). grúpè (grúpu) ‹fr.› n. groupe (ensemble de choses, d'animaux ou de personnes) <peut être rédupliqué pour exprimer un sens dis-gbùgbas idéo. plouf ! glouglou ! (bruit d'eau, de nage). géyi vt. posséder. gɛɛgɛrè (gɛɛgɛre) ‹pul.› n. crabe. gɛɛnɛ Cf.: gáynɛ 'terminer'. tributif>.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : à ì grúpè ládɛǹna, àn n' á dɛɛman à lá sɛǹɛɛ̀ kɛĺa • Il rassemble des gens pour qu'ils l'aident à cultiver son champ.  ànu bì grúpu grúpè láanden • Ils se sont divisés en groupes. gùbáà (gùba) n. robe sp.
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fɔńdindirɛ fɔɔfi fɔp fúlen fűs fúufàfóè fűyi (n) Cf.: fűs 'rien'.

gáarà (gáara) n. fil ; ficelle. gáaradaalaà (gáaradaalaa) n. tisserand. gáarè (gáare) Cf.: gáara 'fil'. gàrwatír gbáli gbáyi Cf.: gbén 'chasser'. gbélè (gbéli) Var.: bélè (béli). n. papaye. ♦ gbéli láanden • potiron, citrouille. gbén Var.: gbáyi. vt. chasser. gbèngbéè (gbèngbi) Var.: bènbéè (bènbi). n. lit. gbɛ́ gbɛɛ̀ gbɛlɛɲɛ̀ gbɛtɛ̀ gbóngbon (n) Cf.: wónwon 'aboyer'. gbɔ́ gbɔɔmà (gbɔɔma) adjM. désagréable. gbɔɔya gbùgbási gɛńti gɛrɛ gɛrɛfɛɲɛ̀ (gɛrɛfɛń) Var.: kɛlɛfɛn. n. arme. gɛrɛlikɛɛlaà (gɛrɛlikɛɛlaa) n. guerrier. Syn.: géè (gíi) n. eau. Cf.: jíi 'eau'. gìlá glìs gósè gwɛkɛɛ̀

  itj. <marque d'une pause d'hésitation>. íidɛ ‹pul.› vi. tonner ; gronder, vrombir. (jàaɲɛ) n. fumier, bouse de vache. Var.: gɛĺɛ ; jálɛ. vi. rire. jɛńdɛ̀ (jɛńdɛ) n. hache (petite hache pour tailler des jeunes pousses d'arbre). (jɛrɛ) Cf.: gɛrɛ 'guerre'. n. guerre. jɛtɛ (n) soi même. Cf.: ɲɛtɛ 'soi-même'. (n) 1) vt. prendre.  [Mns, conte, disc. (jígabaga) 1) nr. porteur.  ǹ bí ǹ ná dònéè jígabagà ɲìnila • Je cherche quelqu'un pour porter mes bagages. 2) nr. mari, époux.  Músà mù Fántà jígabagà là • Moussa est le mari de Fanta. Syn.: kàyi 2. jìgiya 1) vi. être hébergé. 2) vt. héberger, loger.  à báti ń jìgiya à báta • Il m'a hébergé chez lui. Syn.: wɛŕni, lajìgiya. jíhaadè (jíhaadi) ‹pul. < ar.› n. djihad. jéè (jíi) Var.: géè (gíi). n. eau, liquide. (jínbali) ‹pul.› n. mur (d'un bâtiment). (jínnatɔɔ) n. possédé par l'esprit. jíɲɛ ‹pul.› vr. se réjouir, être content, être heureux.  [Skt, conte « chimpanzés »] : àn b' án jíɲɛǹden àn nà sáakòe bá' fá tɛf yɛǵɛ̀ là • Ils étaient contents parce que leurs sacs étaient remplis de poisson. Syn.: tadíya. • Et maintenant, en ce moment, est-ce que tu as un métier ou bien est-ce que tu fais du commerce, ou bien tu continues toujours l'agriculture ? 3) vt. tomber d'accord, suivre le conseil de.  [Mns, disc. « affaires du village »] : s' à kà mò jɔḱki.. • S'il suit notre conseil.... 4) vt. faire pareil que qn. 5) vt. chasser dehors.  ǹ báti ɲàaréè jɔḱki bóɲɛ̀ búutɔ • J'ai chassé le chat à l'extérieur de la maison.  [Mns, disc. « affaires du village »] : mò fő sí kàfu à fɛ̀ mò ní mùséè jókki • Nous allons nous réunir tous avec lui pour chasser cette femme dehors. 6) se moquer. jɔḱkitɛ ‹pul.› vt. amener, aller chercher. Syn.: jíga 2 , tà 2 , tatíggɛ, tíggɛ 1 (man with respect to a woman). itj. alors. Cf.: yɔɔ 'alors'. jɔɛ̂ (jɔɔ) n. 1) hamac.  àn bì búumakɔrinnɛ̀ dònila jɔɛ̂ tɔ̀ làbutáanè tɔ̀ • Ils transportent la femme enceinte à l'hôpital dans un hamac. 2) filet (avec lequel des femmes font la pêche ; filet de pêche avec lequel la rivière est barrée pour attraper du poisson).

	hàkkilimayáà (hàkkilimayá) n. expérience, connaissance. ♦ kà hàkki-limayáà kɛ̀ hári main après midi, quand j'aurais fini de travailler.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : mín ká kánkàyáà kɛ̀ tɔǵɛ̀ là hára à bá' tìɲá • Si quelqu'un vole quelque chose de la forge, il est condamné. hári ‹pul.› conj. 1) et, mais <introduit une proposition contrastée avec la proposition précédente>.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : mà ní mà súguli súbakà mà, sàgóèma hári mà ì má là súumayɛ̀ kɔńtinɛla lè • Nous mangeons à l'aube, mais le matin, nous reprenons le jeûne.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : ì mán' í là dénnɛ̀ dòni, hári á béle, ì s' á tò káamìn • Tu envoies ton en-fant [à l'école], mais tu n'as pas les moyens qu'il y reste. 2) même.  [Dgm, histp. « dans la brousse »] : hári kɛɛǹu, àn í bèela lè, jínnatɔɛǹ dè • Même les hommes tombent, parce qu'ils sont possé-dés par l'esprit.  [Dgm, histp. « dans la brousse »] : hári wó dôntà fùtúrò lè mà, wò lá nìngéè sì sàn • Même si vous venez (au marché) le soir, votre vache sera ven-due. 3) bien que, et pourtant.  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : fó í n' á tàbi, ì n' á gàynɛ wó súu tɛɛma, hári í bálè fɔpu bí dúmɛla • Tu es obligée de faire la cuisine jusqu'à minuit, bien que tout ton corps te fasse mal. 4) <exprime la valeur du pas-sé> ; avant, dans le passé.  [Krp, disc. « menuisiers »] : hári fɔĺɛ̀ tɔ̀ mà ì dònna tɔǵɛ̀ là lè, kɔǹɔ kɔtɛɛ̀ mà ì kɛɛ sànna lè • Avant, nous allions dans la forge, mais maintenant nous l'achetons.  [Krp, disc., hist. « histoires du passé »] : mà í pɔɔrɛɛ̀ sírɛ, mà í nùmúyà kɛɛ, hári mà ì wò főo mála lè nùn • Nous incisions le caout-chouc, nous faisions de la forge, avant, háwujɛ à n' á gɛrɛ hári fɛń máa kɛ́ àn nà • Il fait attention pour que rien ne leur arrive. 8) <s'emploie dans les interrogations>.  wò ɲɔɔ gùdrɔń dè láanden káa hári tàrawɔ wúleɲɛ̀ lè káa? • Est-ce que la route est goudronnée ou bien c'est une route en terre ?  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : hári à bí tùgun wò sì mín yìta mà là yàn dɛtɔ? • Y-a-t-il encore quelque chose que vous pouvez nous raconter ? háwujɛ Var.: háwjɛ. ‹pul.› vi. être pressé, se dépêcher.  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : nɔńsiɲɛ̀ k' á tàran, s' à háwjɛta, s' à kɛɲɛta, à sí bìri • Le camé-léon a compris que s'il marche vite, il va s'enfoncer dans la terre. Syn.: kɛɲɛ. háwurɛ Var.: háwritɛ. ‹pul.› 1) vt. convenir, aller bien avec, être convenable. Syn.: bɛǹ 7 . 2) rencontrer par hasard, tomber sur (qn -mà). 3) se passer avec succès.  tóloɲɛ̀ háwurɛta • La fête s'est bien passée. 4) s'avérer.  [Mns, conte « deux co-épouses »] : wò tì dén kélen sɔtɔ à yèn, wò háwrɛta dén kàyi mà • Elle a eu un enfant avec lui, c'était un garçon.  [Mns, conte « femme du chasseur »] : wò háwritɛta tàláata lún • C'était mardi. Syn.: bɛǹ 2, fɛẃundi 1, tàran 1. 5) vi. tomber d'accord.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : mò máa hàwrɛ pìréè lè mà • Nous ne sommes pas tombés d'accord sur le prix. 6) vi. être standard, avoir la taille normale.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : kì mùrubá máa háwrɛ, kìnamúrè lè • Ça n'a pas les dimen-sions d'une machette, c'est un couteau. háwurɔndirɛ ‹pul.› vi. se rencontrer par ha-sard.  mò báti háwurɔndirɛ lúumɛ̀ tɔ̀ hìkkɛ hìkkɛ ‹pul.› vi. être à côté l'un de l'autre. hìlayá vt. attirer (dans un piège). híli adjP. attendant avec impatience.  ǹ híli lúntan mà • J'attends un invité. híli vi. attendre, avoir hâte de. hín (n, w) ‹pul.› pron. ce. ♦ hín dɛ̋ • C'est bien ça ! Vraiment, c'est ça ! (s'emploie comme réaffirmation en réponse à l'expression de l'étonnement de l'adressé).  [Krp, disc., hist. « histoires du passé »] : jáamuyè là kőò, hín mà tɔɔrɔlen kőobèn kőobèn • La question de la mosquée, ça nous agace beaucoup.  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : bín ná kàyéè nùmu máa, à n' á sàn, hín ná kàyéè nùmú lè, à n' á dà • Si le mari de la femme n'est pas un for-geron, il l'achète [la houe pour sa femme], si le mari de la femme est un forgeron, il la fabrique. Var.: yíin dɛ. hínnɛ ‹pul. < ar.› vi. s'occuper de, être occupé par.  dèpí ń nàata, ǹ bì hínnala ǹ nà báarà là • Depuis que je suis venu, je m'occupe de mon travail. Syn.: jíndɛ. híttinɛ ‹pul.› vt. faire vite. Syn.: latɛŕiya, tɛŕiya. hǹn Var.: yèe. itj. non ! hóllandɛ̀ (hóllandɛ) ‹pul.› n. champ, plaine (humide, cultivée pendant la saison sèche et recouverte d'eau stagnante pendant la saison des pluies). hɔɗi ‹pul.› vi. habiter, loger, vivre.  à bì hɔɗilen Kónakrì lè • Il habite à Conakry. Syn.: ~ lóze ; sìgi 4 . hɔɗè (hɔɗo) ‹pul.› n. village. ♦ hɔɗè kína • la personne la plus âgée et la plus respectée du village. Syn.: fúlawa, sàa, sóo. húrugɛ húrugɛ Var.: húrgɛ ; wúrugɛ. ‹pul.› vt. clôturer, entourer (d'une palissade). húu idéo. ohé ! <s'utilise avec les verbes kéle 'appeler' et là 'mettre' comme objet di-rect>.  à kó: húu • il a crié « ohé ! ».  kà húu lá = kà húu má • crier pour con-voquer les gens.  à bì húu kélela • Il crie « ohé ! ». I -i háldɛ ‹pul.› vi. se mettre d'accord sur qch, • avoir de l'expérience.  kɛ̀ mɔǵɔ, hàkkilimayáà búyi y' à bòlo • Cet homme, il a beaucoup d'expérience dans ce travail. s'entendre sur qch, convenir de, tomber d'accord (avec qn -fɛ ). hámmi ‹pul. < ar.› vi. être préocucupé, s'inquiéter (pour qn/qch -yèn).  ǹ báti hámmi ì yèn • Je m'inquiète pour toi.  ǹ hámminden, sì ǹ sì báarà sɔtɔ • Je m'inquiète de savoir si je vais obtenir ce travail. Syn.: áanɛ, ánndɛ, máapɛ. hándɛ Cf.: ándɛ 's'inquiéter'. háray Var.: hára. ‹pul.› conj. 1) donc, évi-demment, apparemment (mot discursif qui indique que l'énoncé actuel a été déduit à partir de l'énoncé précédent).  à báti nà láw, háray à máa wáli bìi • Il est revenu tôt ; cela veut dire qu'il n'a pas travaillé aujourd'hui.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : háray ànu sɛɛwanden, wótè díinden ànu bòlo ànú bâabáànu bòlo • Evidemment, ils sont contents parce que leurs parents leur ont donné de l'argent.  [Mns, conte « chats et souris »] : sì ì kà lúntaɲɛ̀ kéle ì bàta, ì máa sùmun, háray ì m' í tàdíya • Si tu as appelé des invités chez toi et que tu ne t'occupes pas d'eux, cela signifie que tu es mécontent. 2) pour que.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : ànu k' á làkíma, háray mà máa mà dáànu bìntan • Ils le refroidissent, pour que nous ne nous brûlions pas la bouche. ‹pul.› 3) au moment (dans le fu-tur) où <introduit une proposition qui fait référence à un événement accompli dans le futur ou dans un monde potentiel>.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : ǹ sí nà sínàn tèléè tɔ̀ hára ń báti bɔ́ wálè tɔ̀ • Je viendrai de-háwujɛ nous faisions tout ça. 5) parce que <intro-duit une proposition explicative>.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : dénnɛǹ' dè tée sɔǹ à fò sùnná, hári tóloɲɛ̀ wàranden • Les en-fants ne veulent pas jeûner, parce qu'ils aiment trop s'amuser.  [Nym, disc. « Ra-madan »] : sàgúɛma háray mà bèle fɛń gbɛtɛ dámula ɓá hári súumayɛ̀ lè • Le ma-tin nous ne mangeons rien d'autre parce que c'est le jeûne. Syn.: ɓáyri, fí 2, fìná, kɔfí, pàsé, sàbuná. 6) donc, alors, c'est pour ça que <introduit une proposition qui est déduite de la proposition précédente>.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : làbutáànu b' í bólo, lɛkkɔĺ b' í bólo, hári kɔńtɔfili wő béle ì là bùtúgun nà • S'il y a un hôpital et une école, alors, il n'y a aucun problème.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : ɓá sálè ɲáaɲaà y' à tɔ, hári mà ì wò tágamaɲɛǹu kɛĺa • Comme c'est la fête, on fait des promenades.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : kɔkɛɛ̀ mán bán lála à là, hári wìtamín bá' dɔǵɔya • Si on y met du sel, il y aura moins de vitamines.  [Nym, disc. « Ra-madan »] : sì ì là dɛńnɛɛ, kùta ɲúma béle à mà ɲɔɔ, máa kùta béle à bòlo, hári ì s' á tàran hári à í díla tún • Si ton enfant n'a pas de bon vêtement ou bien s'il n'a pas de vêtement, il va pleurer. 7) <dans la construction avec la marque perfective de la négation « máa » exprime le veux ou le but d'éviter un évènement>. ♦ hári + máa • pour ne pas.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : ǹ b' á fɛ́ mà n' á főo fɔ́ mà là kákkabɛ kúlè kɛ̀ tɔ, hári í máa fáransɛ wőo bìla à là • Je veux qu'on dise tout dans notre langue, le kakabé et que tu n'utilises aucun mot fran-çais.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : hín • Nous nous sommes rencontrés au marché par hasard. háyfɛ ‹pul.› vi. être léger. háyfinɛ ‹pul.› vi. salir la réputation. Syn.: fɛɛya. háyi Var.: áyi. ‹pul. < ar.› conj./prep. même <s'emploie devant le nom>.  bɔfɛɛ̀ mìn mà là hɔɗè kɔḿà, mà sì háyi sɛǹbáà yén ɲɔɔ là • Dans la forêt derrière notre village, on peut voir même un éléphant.  háyi jíi béle ǹ bòlo • Je n'ai même pas d'eau.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : álla máa bóo lákan, ì báti háyi kɛ́ bólosondiɲɛǹu yèn? kɛń béle kànden • Dieu n'a pas tout fait pareil, regarde juste ces doigts ! Ils ne sont pas identiques. háylɛ ‹pul.› 1) vt. agiter ; faire signe (de la main). 2) vr. tourner. 3) vr. se promener. Syn.: (ma)tágaman, màyanbán, tatɛń. hé Var.: h ̀h́. itj. <interjection exclamative>. héndòe (héndu) ‹pul.› n. vent.  héndòe bát' a fɔĺɔ • Le vent s'est levé. Syn.: fɔɲɔ. hɛɗi ‹pul.› vt. écouter. hɛɛrà (hɛɛra) n. bonheur, félicité, paix, bonne santé.  dɛńbayànu bì hɛɛrà tɔ? • Ta fa-mille va bien ?  [Mns, conte « forge-ron »] : állà mù, ì bì bɛǹna hɛɛrà mà • Que Dieu te garde ! Syn.: àfíya, jámu. hɛɛrɛ̀ (hɛɛrɛ) ‹pul.› nr. foie (d'un animal). hɛɛrɔrɛ ‹pul.› vi. hériter. hɛńɛ vt. persuader. hɛŕɛ bonheur. Cf.: hɛɛra 'bonheur'. hɛtti Var.: hɛttinɛ. ‹pul.› 1) vi. échapper (à qn -bólo). 2) vt. récupérer. hǐíì Var.: hǔúù. ‹pul.› itj. oui. Syn.: ǎáà, ɛɛýì, hɔɔn, m̌ḿm̀ ; ~ féw 3. húulɛ hɔĺli ‹pul.› 1) vt. resp. raconter. 2) vt. saluer. 3) vt. montrer. Syn.: yìta. hɔĺlitɛ ‹pul.› vt. annoncer, dire. hɔńci ‹pul.› vi. fondre (devenir complètement liquide). Syn.: yóosi. hɔńɔndɛrɛ̀ (n) (hɔńɔndɛrɛ) ‹pul.› nr. gorge. Syn.: kɔńɔndɔlu. hɔɔli Var.: hɔĺli. ‹pul.› 1) vi. avoir confiance (en qn -là).  ǹ báti hɔɔli, állà bi • Je crois que Dieu existe.  [Mns, disc., conte « poulain »] : à kó mànsáà mà: ì lá sòofáà, ì bì hɔĺlilen min nà, wò kélè • Il a dit au roi: appelle un assistant à toi en qui tu as confiance. 2) vi. respecter (qui -là).  ǹ bá' hɔɔli ń bàaba là • Je respecte mon père.  ǹ báti hɔɔli dònséèn' nà jùséè y' ánù bòlo • J'ai un respect pour les chasseurs, ils sont courageux. hɔɔlinkinarè (hɔɔlinkinari) n. aplomb, assu-rance, confiance (en soi). hɔɔlinkinɛ ‹pul.› vt. avoir une grande con-fiance en soi. Syn.: mahɔɔlinkinɛ, mahɔɔli. hɔɔn itj. oui. Syn.: ǎáà, ɛɛýì, hǐíì, m̌ḿm̀ ; ~ féw 3 . húnnabìta 1) vt. faire écho, faire chorus ; ponctuer le discours (du griot ou de celui qui raconte en prononçant « naamu » de temps en temps).  à b' á húnnabitala ɲɲè • Il fait écho à mon discours. 2) vt. répondre (à une salutation).  à báti ń kɔǹtɔn, ǹ bát' à húnnabita • Il m'a salué et je lui ai répondu. húnnɛ ‹pul.› vt. être capable. húpputɔɔndɛ̀ (húpputɔɔndɛ) ‹pul.› nr. vessie. húrgɛ̀ (húrgɔ) Cf.: wúrgɔ 'toilettes'. jà hǔú Cf.: hǐíì 'oui'. húulɛ ‹pul.› vt. viser (qch/qn -mà).  à báti làspɛŕɛ̀ húulɛ kɔǹdɛɛ̀ ma • Il a visé l'oiseau avec un lance-pierre. húunɛ ‹pul.› vi. beugler. Syn.: dí 2, ɲúɲɛ, ɔɔli. i se <pronom réfléchi utilisé seulement dans certaines propositions subordonnées>.  [Mns, disc. « affaires du village »] : á lè ká kùréènù jìga, à táta kà í sɔ̀ kíla dáà fɛ̀ • Il a pris les pierres et s'est mis à côté de la route.  [Nym, conte, prov. « maudit »] : kàlá bá' kùma ì là báarà là • Chacun par-lait de son travail. ì pron. 1) tu, toi, ton. 2) tu, on <pronom im-personnel>.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : mɔgɔ káni tága sàli dúla ì máa sún tɛgɛ, ì kán' í dù, ì ɲáalamiliɲɛ̀ káni í bìta • On ne doit pas aller prier avant de déjeuner, pour qu'on ne tombe pas, pour qu'on n'ait pas de vertige.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : mín mân kàran, ì tée nímisa, főpu ní kúras tâ ì ní kàran • Celui qui étudie, ne le regrette pas, chacun doit prendre courage et étu-dier. i <variante réduite de la copul.e existentille « bi »>. Cf.: bi 'être'. i <variante réduite du marqueur pédicatif « ni »>. Cf.: ni. i <variante réduite du marqueur pédicatif « si »>. Cf.: si.  fárnitɛrɛ̀ bì íidɛla • Le tonnerre gronde. íidè (íidi) ‹pul.› n. Ramadan ; prière (pendant la fête du Ramadan). ílà ‹pul. < ar.› conj. depuis, après que.  ílà ǹ k' á kì lúumɛ̀ tɔ, à máa nà • Depuis que je l'ai envoyé au marché, il n'est pas revenu. Syn.: gìlá, kàbɔɔ, kàtáa, dèpí. íllè Cf.: i + lè + lè 'forme fusionnée de la focalisation du pronom de la deuxième personne du singulier'. ìmáamòe (ìmáamu) ‹pul. < ar.› n. imam. Syn.: álmaami. írtɛ ‹pul.› vt. déterrer ; découvrir, déraciner. ísiɲè (ísin) ‹fr.› n. usine. ìttóè (ìttu) ‹pul.› nr. paiement, contribution, impôt. Syn.: ~ fàríla, sàgállɛ. jà jálɛ J -j jà (c) Var.: njà (w) ; ɲà (n). 1) vi. se sécher ; devenir dur. Syn.: gbála 1, jáarɛ, kènke 1, lílɛ. 2) vi. s'évanouir.  [Dgm, histp. « dans la brousse »] : ♦ kà jà ì là • s'évanouir. jáa Var.: jà. ‹pul.› itj. ah ! jáabɛrɛ̀ ‹pul.› n. taro (Colocasia esculenta, tubercule comestible). jàabi ‹ar.› vt. répondre.  ì máa ǹ jàabi • Tu ne m'as pas répondu. Syn.: labìta. jàabírè (jàabíri) nr. réponse <nominalisation du verbe jàabi 'répondre'>. jáarɛ ‹pul.› vi. louer, glorifier, faire l'éloge de, chanter la prière.  mùséènu bì jàarɛla jáamiyɛ̀ tɔ̀ • Les femmes chantent la prière dans la mosquée. jáasata adjP. faible.  [Skt, conte « Duréma-né »] : à n' á fɔ: ì lè jáasata lè • Il a dit: tu es faible. Syn.: fúyantɛ. jáasɛ Var.: jáasa. ‹pul. ; pul.› vi. être faible. jàatɛýà (jàatɛýa) n. niveau ; mesure. Syn.: jàtɛ. jàatígè (jàatígi) nr. ami. Syn.: díyaɲɔgɔ. jàatigiya vi. être ami (avec qn -fɛ ). jàbáà (jàba) n. oignon. ♦ jàba yánba • feuille d'oignon. ♦ jàba nɛɛnɛ • bulbe d'oignon. jàbéè (jàbi) n. henné (poudre). jáɓalè (jáɓali) ‹pul.› nr. resp. part, partie (par-tie d'un tout attribuée à quelqu'un).  ǹ jáɓalè dí ǹ bòlo = ǹ táɲɛ̀ dí ǹ bòlo • Donne-moi ma part. Syn.: náa, sìgidúla, tán. jáɓɓulè (jáɓɓule) Var.: jáɓɛ̀ (jáɓɛ). ‹pul.› n. tamarinier (arbre). jáɓɛ ‹pul.› vt. accueillir. Syn.: labɛǹ, tɔĺni. jàgatóè (jàgatú) Var.: jàkatóè (jàkatú). n. au-bergine africaine. jàgíɲɛ̀ (c) (jàgin) Var.: jàginsáɲɛ̀ (jàginsán). nr. nageoire. jágòe (jágu) nr. ennemi. Syn.: júgu. jágumantɛ̀ (jágumantɔ) n. méchant.  á lè mù mùsu jágumantɛ̀ • C'est une femme mé-chante. jàkáà (c, w) Var.: jàkɛ (n). ‹pul.› itj. vraiment, en fait <interjection emphatique>.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : mà bát' á lɔń jáka, mɔgɔ mán' kàran dè, nàfáà sìya • Nous savons que, vraiment, c'est seulement si tu étu-dies, que tu auras du succès dans la vie.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : má lè, mà ì sìkkɛla àn í má dɛɛmanna lè, jàká àn í má hàkkílè lè tíɲa, mà máa fɛnfɛn lɔǹ • Nous pensions qu'ils nous aidaient, mais en fait ils nous obscurcissaient l'esprit, et nous n'en savions rien.  [Lbk, disc. « af-faires du village »] : jàká à máa télen dɛ́ tún • Franchement, il n'est pas honnête !  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : jàkɛ fús, tòoɲa máa • En fait, ce n'était pas vrai du tout. jàkatóè (jàkatú) Cf.: jàgatú 'aubergine'. jàláà jèlu jàláà (jàla) n. foulard (de tête).  mùséè báti jàláà kìti à kùɲɛɛ̀ tɔ̀ • La femme a attaché le foulard autour de sa tête. jàláà (jàla) n. parasite sp. (qui cause des maux de ventre). jàlbɛ ‹pul.› 1) vi. luire (se dit de la lune, des étoiles, d'une lampe, mais pas du soleil).  bóɲɛ̀ bùutɔ jàlbɛnden • Il y a beaucoup de lumière dans la maison. 2) vi. devenir propre. jálɛ Cf.: jɛĺɛ 'rire'. jàllɔnkɛɛ̀ (jàllɔnkɛɛ) n. Djallonké (groupe ethnique ; membre du groupe ethnique ; langue). jàmáà (jàma) n. 1) réunion, foule, assemblée, monde.  jàmáà báti nà • Les gens sont ar-rivés. ♦ kà jàmáà bɔ̀ • faire venir du monde. 2) fête, cérémonie.  jàmáà bì ǹ bòlo • Je fais une fête chez moi. jàmáanòe (jàmaanu) ‹pul.› n. génération.  Sɛɛkù Tùréè jàmáanu • la génération de l'époque de Sékou Touré. jàmánà (jàmaná) n. pays, région. jámòe (jámu) Var.: jám. ‹pul.› n. paix, bon-heur, bonne santé. ♦ ì b' í jámu tɔ? = jám b' í bálè tɔ? • Comment vas-tu ? ♦ ǹ bí ǹ jámu tɔ̀ • Je vais bien, merci. ♦ jám kùn mà • tranquillement, paisiblement.  [Mns, conte « chats et souris »] : mà tée fátan jámu kùnma yàn bì • On ne se quittera pas en bons termes aujourd'hui.  jám béle ɲɔɔ là • Il y a des perturbations là-bas. Syn.: àfíya, hɛɛra. ján 1) vi. être allongé, être renversé (couché sur le dos). 2) vr. se coucher (sur le dos). jèléè jìgi jìgi jɔḱki jɔḱkitɛ jùlayáà, jùláà jáɲɛ̀ (jàn) Var.: yan. adjMP. 1) long ; haut. 2) loin.  à jàn yàn nɛtɔ • C'est loin d'ici. jánaabà (jánaaba) ‹ar.› n. souillure (dans le sens religieux).  kà jánaabà mà • se souil-ler.  k' ì kò jánaabà là • se purifier de la souillure au moyen d'ablutions. jànbóè (jànbu) nr. nom de clan ; clan. Syn.: kɔǹtɔŕi 2. jànfa vt. trahir, tromper. jànfáà (jànfa) n. trahison ; traîtrise. jànjaya vi. être long ; être de grande taille. jànpátà (jànpáta) n. escargot. jántilimaanɛ̀ (jantilimaanɛ) adjM. célibataire, pas mariée (seulement pour une femme). jàntɔ 1) vr. se souvenir (de qn -kò).  ì máni tága ì n' í jàntɔ ǹ kò • Quand tu partiras, pense à moi. Syn.: jàntɔ, fáltɛ. 2) vt. penser à ; ne pas oublier (qn). jàra Cf.: jàta 'lion'. járaɲɛ̀ (jaran) adjM. sec.  bìrɛɛdi járan • pain sec. jáarɛ vi. se sécher. Syn.: gbála 1, kènke 1, lílɛ. jàsin vt. creuser.  [Ppd, hist. « époque colo-niale »] : àn dé lè ká wò tàrawɔɛ̀ jàsin àn bólè là • Ils ont creusé ce chemin avec leurs propres mains. Syn.: sèn, sòyi. jàtáà (jàta) n. lion. Syn.: pyón. jàtɛɛ̀ (jàtɛ) nr. nombre, quantité.  mɔgɛɛ̀ jàtɛ jèlu lè mù yàn? • Combien de personnes y a-t-il ici ? jéefà (jéefa) Var.: jéefà (jíifa). nr. poche (vê-tement).  [Dgm, histp. « dans la brousse »] : ń ka̋ mángo kélen bɔ́ mà là mángo jóè là, ǹ k' á bìla ǹ jéefà tɔ̀ • J'ai ramassé une mangue de notre manguier et je l'ai mise dans ma poche. jèléè (jèli) n. griot. Syn.: ɲàmakála. jèléè (jèli) nr. sang. jèlu pron./dtm. combien ? <mot d'interrogation sur la quantité; peut être rédupliqué quand il s'agit de plusieurs ob-jets>.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : nìngí jèlu lè bì ì bòlo? • Combien de vaches as-tu ?  wò í sànna jèlujelu là? • Combien chaque chose coûte ?  ì ká bànánà sàn jèlu lè là? • Combien as-tu payé pour les bananes ?  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : kérè jèlu lè? -bíilòolu lè • Combien coûte la houe ? -C'est cin-quante mille francs. jɛńjɛmà (n) (jɛnjɛma) Var.: yɛńyɛmà (yɛnyɛma). adjM. haut. jɛǹjɛya vi. 1) être long, être haut. 2) s'étirer (être humain). 3) être éloigné.  ǹ bì tágala káa mìn jɛǹjɛyanden • Je vais loin. jíba vt. planter. jíɓɛ ‹pul.› 1) vi. être étonné, se demander, ne pas comprendre comment.  ǹ bì jíɓɛnden, à ká kɛ̀ má kámà • Je me demande com-ment il a fait ça. 2) vt. étonner (par un événement). jíɓinɛ ‹pul.› vt. étonner (par une personne). jídirà (jídira) Var.: gídrà (gídra). n. péj. vieille ; mégère. « veillée des hommes »] : ♦ kà jíga à tɔ̀ • se mettre à courir.  [Mns, descr. « ma-riage »] : wòro tán fɔĺɛ, àn n' àn jìga, àn n' àn dòni dénmusè kìnáànu bàta • Ils pren-nent les dix premières noix de cola et les apportent chez les parents de la future ma-riée. Syn.: tà 1 . 2) épouser.  [Mns, conte « femme persécutée »] : à ká mùsu mɔǵɔ sàba jíga • Il a marié trois femmes. Syn.: jɔńbaya, tà 2 , tatíggɛ, tíggɛ 1 . 3) vt. comprendre. 4) vi. s'enfuir. 5) vt. noter, enregistrer. jìgáà (jìga) n. vautour. jìgárè (jìgári) n. mariage heureux <nominali-sation du verbe jìga 'prendre'>.  kà jìgárè sɔtɔ • être heureux en ménage. jìgi 1) vi. descendre.  [Nym, disc. « Rama-dan » ; Gnm, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : ♦ kà jìgi kà yɛlɛ • se balader, circuler ; courir dans tous les sens.  [Skt, descr. « fête »] : ùráà fɛ̀ ì s' á yèn kámarɛɲɛǹu jígi nín yɛlɛla tárawɔɛ kùnma • Le soir, tu peux voir les jeunes se balader sur la route.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : dàmáɲɛ, kà dìnkáà sèn, kà jìgi dùgéè kɔtɔ, k' à fɛĺɛ sì ì sì sánòe yèn • La mine, c'est là où on creuse un trou et où on descend sous la terre pour chercher de l'or.  [Mns, conte « femme du chasseur »] : kà jìgi sòéè kùnma • descendre de cheval.  [Mns, conte « faucon et tortue »] : sègélè jìgita, à ká cɛkóè jíga • Le faucon est descendu et a pris la tortue. 2) vi. venir ; arriver à.  [Dgm, histp. « mon parcours »] : ǹ bɔta Syn.: míiri. lée des hommes »] : kɔtɛ háray ò b' à jókkila yàn, háa ǹ nì nà, ǹ béle mɛĺa Dàbɔla, ń jìgita Fàrana • Je suis partie de Dabola et je suis arrivé à Faranah. 3) vi. s'arrêter, descendre (d'un véhicule).  [Skt, histp. « voyage »] : má náàta háa Máamu, má jìgita • Nous sommes arrivés à Mamou et nous sommes descendus là-bas.  [Skt, histp. « voyage »] : má jìgita ɲɔ́ nɛɛtɔ, sòfɛŕè táata dámurè kɛdula • Nous nous sommes arrêtés là-bas et le chauffeur est allé manger. jìgi vi. être circoncis. jígiɲɛ̀ (jigin) adjM. raide, escarpé. jígirà (jígira) ♦ kà nɔń jéè là • savoir nager.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : jíisaɲɛ̀ • année avec beaucoup de pluie. jíidiìsáà (jíidiìsá) n. oiseau sp. jíifà (jíifa) Cf.: jéefa 'poche'. jíikankà (n) (jíikanka) n. libellule. jíitɔminaɲɛ̀ (jíitɔminan) n. hippopotame. jìkkɛɛ̀ (jìkkɛ) Var.: jíkkɛ. n. 1) espoir, espé-rance. 2) économies ; épargne.  kà jìkkɛɛ̀ màra • faire des économies.  káalisi jíkkɛ̀ jìla Cf.: gìla 'depuis'. jíllɛ ‹pul.› 1) vi./vt. (se) mélanger.  kà jéè jíllɛ̀ bɛɛrɛ̀ là • mélanger de l'eau avec de la bière. 2) vi. être multicolore. sorti plus tard et il a poursuivi les enfants dans la brousse.  ǹ k' á jókki, mà táta sommes allés dans la 2) vt. continuer.  [Mns, conte, disc. « veil-Fántà jɔńbaya • Moussa a marié Fanta. jɔńbaya (c) ‹pul.› vt. épouser.  Músà kà brousse. • Elle est mariée. brúsà tɔ̀ • Je suis parti avec lui et nous ment pour une femme). ♦ à bì jɔńbayà tɔ̀ jɔńbayà (jɔńbaya) ‹pul.› n. mariage (seule-bì ǹ bòlo • J'ai des économies. jìnbéè (jìnbe) n. djembé (espèce de tambour). jìnbikɔtɛ̀ (jìnbikɔtɔ) n.loc. espace à l'extérieur de la maison près du mur (sous le bord de la toiture). jíndɛ ‹pul.› vi. s'occuper de, s'affairer. Syn.: hínnɛ ; ~ dɛbruyɛ. jínnà (jínna) Var.: gínnà (gínna). ‹pul. < ar.› n. esprit, génie, démon (être surnaturel doué de pouvoirs magiques). jókkɛ̀ (n) (jókkɛ) nr. coude, articulation (des os). Syn.: nùngan. jónbè (jónbo) ‹pul.› n. barbe du maïs. jóo nr. justice, raison (le fait d'avoir raison jɔḱki Var.: jókki. ‹pul.› 1) vt. suivre, aller avec qn ; traquer.  [Nym, conte, disc. tɔ̀ là, kà dénnɛɛǹu jɔḱki brúsà tɔ̀ • Il est jɔńbajigà (jɔńbajiga) n. mariage.  [Skt, conte « voleur »] : wò bá' bɔ́ kɔḿà riée. rent les traces des animaux et les traquent. jɔńbà (jɔńba) ‹pul.› n. fiancée, nouvelle ma-masúnbula, k' ánù jókki • Les chiens flai-peut pas étudier le Coran. « jeux des enfants »] : wùléènu ì kúllɛǹu lè káyi tée àlɓuránà kàran • Un esclave ne  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : jɔǹ jɔɲɛɛ̀ (n) (jɔǹ) Var.: yɔɲɛɛ̀ (yɔǹ). n. esclave. • C'est moi qui ai raison. • fermer le portail par une chaîne. dans une discussion).  jóo bí ń dè lè là • Continuez [à raconter les contes], je re-jɔńgallɛ̀ (jɔńgallɛ) n. chef de famille. viendrai bientôt.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : jɔńjɔɲɛ̀ (jɔnjɔn) adjM. en bon état, bien. kɔtɛ bí yàn kómìn kàa, mètyéè b' í là káa í jɔǹjɔŕè (jɔǹjɔŕi) n. danse sp. (dansée au ma-jùlayáà lè là, káa í sɛǹɛɛ̀ wò lè jókkinden chaîne.  kà bóndaà tàgun jɔlokɛɛ̀ là wùléè là • attacher le chien avec une riage devant la mère de la mariée). háa yàn? jɔlokɛɛ̀ (jɔlokɔ) n. chaîne. ♦ kà jɔlokɛɛ̀ là jɔńkɔǹkɛɛ̀ (jɔńkɔǹkɔ) Var.: jɔńkɔǹk (jɔńkɔǹkɔn). n. scorpion sp. (gros).
	80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88

ì Cf.: yèn 'pour'. íbrɛ n.loc. avril. íhin jàaja (n) ‹pul.› nr. soeur aînée. jáamiyè (jáamiye) Var.: jáamuyè (jáamuye). ‹pul. < ar.› n. mosquée. Syn.: júlirdɛ. jàaɲɛɛ̀ jɛĺɛ jɛrɛɛ̀ jíga jígabagà jínbalè jínnatɔɛ̀ jɔɔ

  Il a vu cette fille, son image l'a marqué, il était très ému et il a commencé à invoquer le nom de Dieu.  [Mns, conte « forgeron »] : ♦ ń jùsée béle sàanden • Je ne suis pas à l'aise, je suis préoccupé. ♦ í jùséè báti gbàla • Tu es fâché.  [Dgm, histp. « vieille sorcière »] : ♦ í jùséè (má)jìgita • Tu t'es calmé. 2) nr. courage, vaillance. ♦ jùséè y' à bólo • Il est courageux.  á jùsu bí • Il est courageux. (jùugbólo) nr. fesse. Syn.: jùu 2. júundɛ vt. faire ensemble.  kà kínè júundɛ • manger ensemble.  mà báti wálè júundɛ • On a décidé de travailler ensemble. júurɛ ‹pul.› vi./vt. verser, faire couler ; couler. Nyamayara en 2002.  [Krp, disc. « menuisiers »] : wò ká wó dègen kámà? • Comment avez-vous appris ça ?  [Nym, disc. « école »] : àn máa fàga, àn ká kɛlɛɛ̀ kɛɛ háa àn bánta kɛlɛla • Il n'est pas mort il a fait la guerre jusqu'à ce qu'elle soit finie.ká vi. 1) commencer (jour ; lumière du jour).

	júkkɛ ka júkkɛ ‹pul.› vi. être handicapé ; souffrir. handicapé, il ne peut pas travailler. júurɛnden yàn • Il y a de l'eau qui coule  à júkkɛnden, a tée nɔǹ wálila • Il est ici.	júurɛ kàajóè dispersé ici.  ì báti túlè júrɛjurɛ yàn fóo tɔ̀ ~ júnjun. • Tu as répandu de l'huile partout ici. Syn.:
	jùláà (jùla) n. commerçant, marchand, ven-deur. Syn.: yéyirikɛɛlaa, màmayitariláa. jùlaya vi. faire du commerce, vendre.  àn ì tála jùlaya dúlà lè Dɔgɔmɛ • Ils vont à Do-gomet pour faire du commerce. jùlayáà, jùláà (jùlayá) n. commerce.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : à táta Kɔǹakri, à ká jùlayáà bìta • Il est parti à Conakry et a commencé à faire du com-merce. júlirdɛ̀ (júlirdɛ) Var.: júlurdɛ̀ (júlurdɛ). ‹pul.› n. mosquée. Syn.: jáamiye. júllɛrɛ̀ (júllɛrɛ) ‹pul.› n. chaise. Syn.: sìgidúla, yɛŕɛkuntu. jùléè (jùlu) n. corde, ficelle. ♦ jùlu kólo • ficelle. jùlu vt. prêter ; emprunter.  ń jùlu wáa fìla, ǹ ní sàmatáà sàn • Prête-moi deux mille K -k jùséè (jùsu) 1) nr. coeur, siège de sentiments.  [Mns, conte « femme du chasseur »] : ♦ í jùséè tɛgɛta • éprouver une émotion vio-lente, être très ému.  [Mns, conte ka Var.: ki. pm. <marqueur du perfectif af-firmatif, s'utilise seulement avec les « femme du chasseur »] : à báti dénmusè verbes transitifs>.  [Nym, disc. yèn, dénmusè yéɲɛ̀ à ɲáadeɲɛ̀ là, á jùséè « école »] : mà ká kàráɲɛ̀ làfɔĺɔ Ɲàmayara àndɛḿildɛ̀ • Nous avons commencé à étu-tɛgɛta, à síntirɛta • jùsusáà (n) (jùsusáa) n. inquiétude.  [Mns, conte « forgeron »] : jùsusáa béle bánden ń jùséè búutɔ̀ • Je suis encore angoissé. dier à  bánta báti ká • Il fait jour maintenant. ♦ k' à bólè kà • lâcher. 2) vi. être absorbé par le sol (pluie).  sángè báti ká • La terre
	francs pour que j'achète des chaussures. júlurdɛ Cf.: júlirdɛ 'mosquée'. ɲámaku. jùnjáà (jùnja) ‹pul.› n. gingembre. Syn.: du vendredi. júma ‹pul. < ar.› n.loc. 1) vendredi. 2) prière a séché après la pluie. kà vt. récolter, moissonner.  kà kɔrɛɛ̀ kà • moissonner le riz.	wàgon júu fìla • deux wagons.  [Dgm, histp. « accident de train »] : jòê (jùu) 1) n. tronc (d'arbre). Syn.: jùugbólo. 2) nr. fesses, derrière. 3) nr. <mot utilisé pour compter les objets allongés>.
	júnjun vt. disperser, répandre, verser, étaler (une matière sèche).  kà kɔɔkɛɛ̀ júnjun kínè tɔ̀ • saler la nourriture.  kà njáarɛndè júnjun dùgéè mà • répandre du sable par terre. Syn.: ~ júrɛjurɛ. jùrɛ vt. tromper, décevoir. júrɛjurɛ Var.: júrujuru. vt./vi. se disperser, se diffuser, se répandre. júrɛjurɛnden yàn • Il y a du sable qui est  kɛɲɛkɛɲɛ̀	jùguyáà (jùguya) n. mal (ce qui est suscep-tible de nuire, de faire souffrir).  ǹ bá' màaféè júurɛ kɔrɛ kínè tɔ̀ • J'ai versé de la sauce sur le riz.  jéè júurɛ ɲɲè yàn, ǹ ní ǹ bólè kò • Verse-moi de l'eau pour que je me lave les mains.  jéè bì
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jùugbólè

  1) vi. se rassembler, se réunir.  ànu báti kàfu míraɲɛ̀ là • Ils se sont rassemblés autour du plat (pour manger). ♦ k' à bólè làkáfu • collecter de l'argent ; aider collectivement. ♦ mà báti mà bólè làkáfu sádakà làko • Nous avons collecté de l'argent pour le sacrifice.  mà báti mà bólè làkáfu mànsáà báta wálè là • Nous nous sommes réunis pour les travaux dans la maison du chef. 2) vt. donner, faire un cadeau (à un groupe de gens).  à báti má kàfu káalisè tɔ̀ • Il nous a donné de l'argent. Syn.: kɔ. Var.: kálabaa. ‹pul.› pron. chacun ; tout le monde.  kála báti nà • Tout le monde est venu.  [Skt, descr. « fête »] : kála nì plásɛ ɲíni, à ì tólonna káà mìn • Chacun cherche la place où il va s'amuser. (kále) ‹ar.› n. mascara, antimoine. (kàmíyɔn) Var.: kàmyɔɲɛ̀ (kàmyɔn). ‹fr.› n. camion. Syn.: bɛń. káɲɛ̀ (kán) 1) nr. cou. ♦ k' à kàn tɛgɛ • égorger, tuer. ♦ lɔǵɛ̀ kàn • cime d'un arbre.  kólo bá' sàkkɛ́ à kàn • Il a un os coincé dans la gorge. 2) nr. langue. 3) nr. n.loc. endroit.  àn' í kàn kélen dè • Ils habitent dans le même endroit.  à hɔɗinden kàn dóo, kɔǹɔ ǹ m' á lɔń • Il habite quelque part mais je ne sais pas où exactement. kánba vi. comploter, avoir de mauvaises intentions.  à báti kánba à là mùséè yèn, à s' á gbàsi • Il a de mauvaises intentions envers sa femme, il va la frapper.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : àn máni rèɲyɔɲɛ̀ làsigi ɲɔ àn ì kánba ɲɔǵɔǹ mà • Quand ils font des réunions, ils complotent pour faire du mal aux gens. kándaà (kándaa) n. pile ou face (jeu). (kánkɔɔma) nr. nuque. kánmà Var.: kànma. pp. 1) sur (personne ou arbre).  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : tèlé fìla ǹ bì mángo jóè kànma • J'ai passé deux jours assis sur l'arbre. 2) pour.  ǹ bì tála kɔɛ̂ tɔ̀ yɛǵɛǹù (lè) kánmà • Je vais au fleuve pêcher du poisson. 1) vt. protéger les plantations.  kà kòndéènu kántan • protéger le champ des oiseaux. Syn.: áynɛ. 2) vt. garder ; avoir l'oeil sur qn, sur qch.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : ♦ à béle wò kàntan mò yèn mín nà • Notre joie est sans limites.  kà sɛǹɛɛ̀ kántan • surveiller le champ.  kà sáakòe kàntan • avoir l'oeil sur le sac. 3) vt. faire paître, garder (le bétail). káɲɲa adjP. égal (par rapport à qn/qch -là).  lɔǵɔ fìla kɛ̀ káɲɲa • Ces deux arbres ont la même taille.  Áli káɲɲa lè Músa là • Ali a le même âge que Moussa. (káɲɲɛ) ‹pul.› n. or (métal). Syn.: sánu. kàpóè (kàpo) ‹fr.› n. capot (de voiture). (kàran) n. 1) étude.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : dénnɛǹu fóo, mà bát' ànu bìla kàraɲɛɛ̀ là álako àn ní kàran • Nous avons envoyé tous les enfants à l'école pour qu'ils étudient.  [Dgm, histp. « mon parcours »] : ǹ ká dóktɛrya káraɲɛ̀ kɛ̀ • J'étudiais la médecine. 2) leçon, cours.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : í máni sìgi yàn lɛŕ fìla kàraɲɛɛ̀ là, sì ì máa fɛń dàmu sàgóè mà, à í tàran, kɔńkɛ̀ bát' í bìta • Quand tu passes deux heures en cours, si tu n'as rien mangé le matin, tu as faim. kàran Var.: kàra. 1) vt. étudier, lire.  [Nym, (kàrne) ‹fr.› n. carnet. kárɲasè (n) (kárɲasi) n. minibus. káro ‹fr.› n. carreau (couleur des cartes). kártɛ̀ (kártɛ) ‹fr.› n. cartes (à jouer).  kà kártɛ̀ tólon • jouer aux cartes. kàrtɔɲɛ̀ (kàrtɔn) Var.: kártɔɲɛ̀ (kártɔn). ‹fr.› n. carton, boîte (en carton). káròe (káru) Var.: kárè (kári) ; kár. n.loc. lune ; mois <s'utilise pour référer à la date>. ♦ kári lɔta • le mois suivant. ♦ kári gbɛ́ • pleine lune.  káròe jàlbɛnden • La lune luit. ♦ káru nàma • nouvelle lune.  kúnùn tɛrɛn káròe tèle bíi sàba là • Demain on était le 30. conj. depuis.  kàtáa ń dònta lɛkkɔĺ tɔ, ǹ bá' kàran kóoben • Depuis que je suis entré à l'école, j'ai beaucoup appris. káti vt. casser, briser (en deux).  k' à bólè káti • se casser le bras. kàtéè (kàti) n. gale. Syn.: kàba. kátimurè (kátimuru) n. couteau pliant. kàtun vi. brûler (nourriture). káwandi 1) vt. conseiller  à báti ń káwandi • Il m'a donné un conseil. Syn.: wàajɛ, làlí. 2) vt. persuader, convaincre ; inciter.  wò kánú kàwandi dóndèn dóndèn háa ànú dìɲɲɛta • Il parlait avec eux pour les convaincre, et au final ils ont accepté d'accorder leur pardon. Var.: kéldi. ‹pul.› 1) vi. être important  [Skt, descr. « mariage »] : kóo kélɗinden dè jɔńbayà là • Le mariage, c'est quelque chose d'important. 2) vi. être utile, rapporter bien, être avantageux.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : sɛŕùn ǹ k' á mɔɛ ì ká pònpitɛɛrè sà, ɛǹɛɛ̀ wónu kélɗita nùn? • J'ai entendu dire que l'année dernière tu as planté des pommes de terre, est-ce que ça a bien marché ? 3) vi. être solide, fiable.  kɛ̀ mɔńbilè báti kélɗi • Cette voiture a été bien réparée. vi. être pressé, se dépêcher.  ǹ bì kɛɲɛlen, ɔtɛ̀ káni ǹ tò • Je me dépêche pour que la voiture ne parte pas sans moi.  í lè kɛɲɛlen tún • Tu es toujours pressé.  ǹ báti sɔfɛŕɛ̀ làkɛɲɛ • J'ai pressé le chauffer de partir.  [Krp, disc. « dans la forge »] : ♦ wà kɛɲɛta • Bonjour ! Syn.: háwujɛ. kɛɲɛkɛɲɛ̀ (kɛɲɛkɛɲɛ) n. sable (substance). vt. empaqueter, emballer, envelopper.  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : káabà sì máyìta, fóndè ì máyìta, tìgáà sì máyìta, kɔrɔ bátà ì máyìta, mà ì wò fóo sàn, k' à kìti ki ̋i k' à róndi • On vend le maïs, le fonio, l'arachide, le riz non-pilé. Nous achetons tout ça, nous faisons un paquet avec et le portons sur la tête. 4) vt. attraper, saisir.  [Mns, conte « crocodile »] : dénnɛɛ̀ ká mɛɛkɔ lɔǵɛ̀ kìti, k' á bìta, k' á tábìta • Le garçon a attrapé la branche d'un tamarinier [pour ne pas tomber dans l'eau] et la tenait. Syn.: cúurɛ, bìta 1. 4) vr. se parer, s'habiller bien.  ì bát' í kìti kùta kɛńdɛ̀ là • Tu t'es bien habillé. kìtéè (kìti) n. fagot, charge, gerbe.  kɔrɛ́ kíti • gerbe de riz.  lɔǵɔ kíti • fagot de bois. wò lè k' á máa ànu kó hɔɗè mà Cɔŕɔ • C'est pour ça qu'ils ont appelé le village « Tchoro ». 3) que.  [Mns, conte « crocodile »] : wó lè tɔǵɔ kó jànfaà • On appelle ça une trahison.  [Skt, descr. « enterrement »] : àn béle wò ɲɔɔ tàla lè dɛ, kó àn ní fùréènù tála kómìn • Il n'est pas enterré de la même manière que les autres.  [Dgm, histp. « mon parcours »] : fóo k' á lɔn, kó kàraɲɛɛ̀ sɔtɔ máa dí • Tout le monde sait que les études, ce n'est pas fa-(kòlo) adjMP. gros, grand, important. Syn.: baa, banba, belebele, kalaba, wálu. kòlo 1) vt. élever (animaux ou enfants).  [Mns, disc. « affaires du village »] : à là kóo dí jàmáà yèn ɲɔɔ • Il plaît aux gens ici.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : má lè mù dénden dè là, má lè máa kóo síyaman lɔń yàn hɔɗè la kóè tɔ̀ • Nous sommes jeunes et nous ne connaissons pas grand chose sur le village.  [Mns, histp. « voyage »] : k' à là kóo fɔ̀ • parler de qch.  à báti tàléè fɔ̀ nɔńsiɲɛ̀ là kóo tɔ̀ • Il a raconté une histoire sur le caméléon. ♦ nìn kóo • environ, à peu près.  kɛmɛ nìn kóo • à peu près cent. 3) fois.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : tèle kéleɲɛ̀ tɔ̀ tábirè sì kɛ́ kóo sàba • Pendant une journée la nourriture est préparée trois fois. Syn.: dúlaa, kɛɲɲa. Cf.: kómìn 'quand'. kópè (kópi) ‹pul.› n. casserole. kóri vi. être enceinte (au stade initial, quand ça ne se voit pas encore).  à kórinden kári fìla • Elle est enceinte de deux mois. kòsin vt. écosser, éplucher.  kà káabà kòsin • écosser les épis de maïs. Syn.: ~ màkáa, mawɔtɔ 2, wɔtɔ 2. kósoɲɛ̀ (kóson) n. scorpion. Syn.: búntali. kòtocálè (kòtocále) n. arbre sp. adv. <intensificateur pour kɔ ri 'être fatigué'>.  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : fó, mà n' à tábi, ɓáyri má kɔrilen kɔf • Il faut que nous fassions la cuisine, bien que nous soyons très fatiguées. kɔfí conj. 1) parce que, comme.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : kɔfí ń dè béle yàn gòyi, ǹ bì Kɔǹakri, ànu ká ǹ kèle • Comme je n'étais pas ici (j'étais à Conakry), ils m'ont appelé. Syn.: ɓáyri, fí 2, fìná, hári 4, pàsé, sàbuná. 2) <particule emphatique>. (kɔńkɔ) n. faim.  kɔńkɛ̀ b' á là • Il a faim.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : sì ì máa fɛń dàmu sàgúèmà à sí tàran kɔńkɛ̀ bát' í bìta • Si tu n'as rien mangé le matin, tu vas avoir faim à ce moment-là.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : kɔńkɛ̀ bì mà ɲáà gbàâ là • Nous avons faim. Syn.: kɔɔjɔ. kɔńkɔn vi. frapper à la porte.  kà bɔǹdáà kɔńkɔn • frapper à la porte.  sì tɛǵɛ sɔǵɛ̀ b' í là kɔɛɛ̀ tɔ, ì tée nɔɔ jíi là, ì báti nà háa kɔɔ dáà là, ì sí kɔńtɔfili • Si tu veux traverser une rivière et que tu ne sais pas nager, quand tu es au bord d'une rivière, tu es désespéré. Syn.: lúumɔ, màakiti. 2) ville.  ǹ bì tála kɔɔkɔ ma • Je vais en ville. kɔɔkɛɛ̀ (kɔɔkɔ) n. sel (substance). kɔɔlɔ̀ vr. retourner, revenir. Syn.: sàagi. kɔɔlè (kɔɔlu) ‹fr.› nr./n. col (partie de vêtement).  dórikè kɔɔlè = dórikè là kɔɔlè • col de chemise.

	káa-kaa-kaa adv. exactement comme ça ; en ce moment même. kàakún vi. bailler. kàalɛɛ̀ (kàalɛ) n. perroquet. Syn.: sɔɔrɔ. káalisè (káalisi) n. argent, monnaie. Syn.: dàlási, wóti. káamìn adv. où, comment, quand (à la fin d'une proposition subordonnée).  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : ǹ ná wùléè máni ń yén káamìn wőo à sí à fɔɲɛ̀ lafìrifíri, à ní nà ǹ mà • Chaque fois que mon chien me voit, il remue la queue et court vers moi.  [Krp, disc., hist. « his-toires du passé »] : ì mán táa káamìn kùɲɛɛ̀ bì ɲɔɔ • Où que tu ailles, il y aura un pa-tron. káarà (n) (káara) n. karité (arbre).  káara túlu • beurre de karité. káarè (káari) ‹pul.› pron. untel, une telle per-sonne, quelqu'un. káarè (káaru) Var.: káarè. ‹pul. < fr.› n. voi-ture, automobile. Syn.: mɔńbili, ɔtɔ. káatatalè (n) (káatatalu) Var.: kàatɔtálè (kàatɔtáli). ‹pul.› n. mille-pattes. káawőokán Var.: kánwőokán. adv. 1) partout.  gàngúrànu bì káawőokán • Il y a des fourmis partout. 2) nulle part <en contexte négatif>.  ǹ béle táala káawőokan • Je ne kàféè kɛla kàdó lè là • A Mamou ça coûte vingt cinq mille francs mais ici nous le faisons gratuitement. kàféè (kàfe) ‹fr.› n. café, thé (toute boisson à l'eau chaude). kàftáanòe (kàftáanu) ‹pul. < ar. ou fr. < ar.› n. boubou (grande tunique flottante portée comme vêtement de dessus). Syn.: wáranba, bàsɛn, dòroki báa. káhè (káhe) ‹pul.› n. acajou ou quinquina du Sénégal. kákkabɛ̀ (kákkabɛ) Var.: kákabɛ̀ (kákabɛ). ‹pul.› n. kakabé (groupe ethnique ; membre du groupe ethnique ; langue). Syn.: álmaamiyakaa, yɔǹkáyi, yɔǹkúlè. kálà (kála) n. arc (arme). kálà (kála) nr. nouvelles, information.  ǹ máa ǹ dɛǹɲɔǵɛ̀ kálà lɔń • Je n'ai pas de nouvelles de mon ami.  kàbí à táata, ǹ kàman báarala yàn • C'est la huitième année que je travaille ici. 2) vi./vt. suffire, rassem-bler, accumuler.  wótè báti kámali mɔńbili sàn kóè là • Il y a maintenant assez d'argent pour acheter une voiture. kàman adjP. être obligé de.  sínàn ń kàman kà nà sàgóèmà = sínàn ń kàman nàla sàgóèmà • Je dois venir demain matin. Syn.: kán, bɛń 5. kámarɛɲɛ̀ (kámarɛn) Var.: kàmárɛɲɛ̀ (kàmárɛn). n. jeune homme ; jeune et vi-goureux. kámarɛnsinbà (kámarɛnsinba) n. adulte. voix.  [Dgm, hist. « accident de train »] : k' ì káɲɛ̀ làbɔ • lever la voix (pour se faire entendre).  [Dgm, histp. « vieille sor-cière »] : mà ká sàagáà kàn mɛń kàsila bóɲɛ̀ búutɔ̀ • On a entendu le mouton crier à l'intérieur. kán vi. devoir.  ì ká kàn ì nì tága lɛkkɔĺɛ̀ tɔ̀ • Tu dois aller à l'école.  [Krp, hist. « his-toires du passé »] : mà là jáamiyè káydè, mà kà kán k' á lábɛǹ • Nous devons nous occuper des documents de la mosquée.  [Krp, hist. « histoires du passé »] : mɔgɔ máni fàga, ì kà kán k' á kì jáamiyè tɔ̀ lè, à béle kìila bón dè • Quand quelqu'un est mort il (son corps) doit passer la nuit dans la mosquée, il ne peut pas passer la nuit dans une maison. kànkáɲɛ̀ kànkáɲɛ̀ (kànkan) n. voleur. Syn.: sòon, kànkayakɛɛlaa. kánkawőokánkan adv. partout. Syn.: káawőokan. kànkayáà (kànkayá) n. vol. kànkayakɛɛláà (kànkayakɛɛláa) n. voleur. Syn.: kànkan, sòon. kànkiráɲɛ̀ (kànkirán) Var.: kànkírà (kànkíra). n. caisse, coffre, malle (en métal). ♦ ǹ báti n ná kùtáànù là kànkírà búutɔ • J'ai mis mes vêtements dans la malle. kánnà pp. sur (personne ou arbre).  [Dgm, histp. « vieille sorcière »] : dòrikí bél' a kán nà • Elle avait pas de vêtements sur elle. kánnabilà (kánnabila) nr. personne qui donne de l'eau à un nouveau-né pour la première fois.  ǹ báaba dínɲɔgɛ̀ lè mù ǹ kánnabilà là • Celui qui m'a donné de l'eau pour la première fois est un ami de mon père. kánnabɔ vr. faire signe.  sínàn ǹ sí ǹ kánnabɔ ì mà • Demain je te ferai signe. kánnatɛgɛ vt. égorger.  kà sìiséè kánnatɛgɛ • égorger une poule. kànpatáɲɛ̀ (kànpatán) nr. aile. Syn.: gàbuntán. kánsà (n) (kánsa) ‹pul.› n. plateau (petit pla-teau au sol pierreux où on peut cultiver l'arachide et le fonio). káɲɲa  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : sɛǹɛkɛ káɲɲà, àn bí sɛǹɛɛ̀ lè kɛla • Pendant la pé-riode de travaux agricoles ils travaillent aux champs. 2) nr. quantité.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : wó lè nìn án dè kàɲɲa, yɔń dè fìsa sìyáà là? • Êtes-vous plus nombreux qu'eux ? káɲɲaya vi. être plat ; être de même dimen-sion.  kà dùgéè làkáɲɲaya • 1) aplanir la terre, 2) diviser la terre en deux parties égales. káppɛ̀ (káppɛ) ‹pul.› n. igname. Syn.: kúu, pɔtɛn, pùrɛ. kárà (kára) nr. resp. bouche. kára vt. coudre. kàrahán ‹pul.› conj. avec peine, difficilement.  [Mns, disc. « affaires du village »] : sì mò fő k' á jókki, kàrahán à nì tó yàn • Si nous tous, nous la chassons, ça sera diffi-cile pour elle de rester ici.  [Krp, disc. « dans la forge »] : mà máni dón lún dóon tɔ, kàrahán mà n' á sɔtɔ • Parfois, quand nous travaillons nous ne gagnons presque rien. káralè (n) (kárali) n. <nominalisation du verbe kára 'coudre'> ; travail à l'aiguille, ouvrage (de couture). kárallaà (kárallaa) n. tailleur. kàramɔɛ̀ (kàramɔ) Cf.: kàramɔḱɔ 'savant'. kàrífa kàrífa ‹ar.› vt. confier.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : ǹ bá' mɔńbilè sòki, kó, ǹ bát' á kàrifá ń dìnɲɔǵɛ̀ dóo là • J'ai fermé la voiture et l'a laissé à un de mes amis pour qu'il la surveille. kàsáà (n) (kàsa) Var.: kàsángɛ̀ (kàsángɛ). ‹pul.› n. linceul.  kà kàsáà sà fùréè mà • mettre le corps dans le linceul. kàsi vi. pleurer. kásiyà (kásiya) ‹pul.› n. acacia. kàsóè (kàso) n. prison.  kà dòn kàsóè là • aller en prison.  [Dgm, hist. « accident de train »] : kà bìla kàsóè là • mettre en prison. kàsolamɔǵɛ̀ (kàsolamɔǵɔ) n. prisonnier.  à bì dámurè màla kóobèn, kɔǹɔ à bì máanden, ì kó kàsolamɔǵɛ̀ • Il mange beaucoup mais il est maigre comme un prisonnier. kátà (káta) n. malheur, mésaventure.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : ♦ kà káta lákìti • épargner du malheur.  ǹ báti kátà sɔtɔ bìi, ǹ nà wóti báti sàma • Il m'est arrivé ké ké vi. arriver.  mà kéta yàn nɛtɔ àlánsara wáatòe • Nous sommes arrivés ici le soir.  sínàn nɔn kéta, a dɛǹɲɔǵɛǹù nàta a yen • Le jour suivant est arrivé, et ses amis sont venus chez lui. céecè (kéeki) Var.: céecè (céeci). ‹pul.› nr. rein, ceinture. kèeɲíɲɛ̀ (kèeɲin) Var.: kèeyíɲɛ̀ (kèeyin) ; kèeyeɲíɲɛ̀ (kèyeɲin). adjMP. beau, joli, bien. kéle Var.: kíli (c). 1) vt. appeler, convoquer.  [Skt, conte « voleur »] : mànsáà k' á kèle à là tándɛ̀ tɔ̀ • Le chef l'a convoqué à sa cour.  [Nsr, disc. « affaires du village »] : mò b' ánù kélelen ómò bàta yàn • Nous les avons invités chez nous.  [Mns, conte « deux co-épouses »] : dɛɛmáɲɛ̀ kéletama sàgúmà lè • On a convoqué les aides le matin. 2) vt. téléphoner, appeler.  à ká ń kíli, kà tɛren à bì Kɔńàkri • Il m'a télépho-né, il est à Conakry. 3) vt. crier, produire un son.  [Mns, conte « femme du chas-seur »] : à bì húu kélela, à bì húu kélela, háa kàyéè ká jàabírè mà • Il criait « ohé » et finalement l'homme lui a répondu. 4) vt. accepter, tomber d'accord. kènna kènna pp. près de, à côté de.  ǹ bí ń lɔɔnden ɔtɛ̀ kènna • Je me suis arrêté auprès de la voiture. kèntéè (kènte) n. mil. kérè (kére) nr. corne (d'un animal). Syn.: bíɲa, gàláaɗi. kére (n) ‹pul.› conj. est-ce que ? <particule interrogative utilisée au début d'une ques-tion générale ou alternative>.  kére, ì báti fɔḱkitɛ? • Est-ce que tu t'en vas déjà ?  kére, à báti kɔrɛɛ̀ sàn káa káabà? • Est-ce qu'il a acheté du riz ou du maïs ? Syn.: ɛǹɛɛ. kérè (kéri) Var.: kɛŕɛ̀ (kɛŕɛ). n. houe. kèwu adjP. futé, malin, rusé ; prudent.  sánnɛ kèwu kùláà kò • le lapin est plus malin que le singe.  á kèwu, à tée káalisi búyi dɛṕansi • Il est prudent, il ne dépense pas beaucoup d'argent. kèwuyáà (kèwuya) n. ruse. kèwuya 1) vi. être rusé, se montrer plus rusé, être malin.  à bì kèwuyalen • il est malin.  à báti wɔlɔ kèwuyaléɲɛ̀ fàga • Il a tué un francolin rusé. 2) vi. devenir plus sage ; gagner de l'expérience.  [Mns, conte « deux co-épouses »] : bɛrɛɛ̀ mín k' á mɔɛ báti kèwuya • Chacun qui a entendu cette histoire est devenu plus sage. 3) vi. grandir (à l'époque de -mà).  ń kɛẁuyata lè Kɔńtɛ tèle mà • J'ai grandi à l'époque de (Lansana) Conté. Syn.: kóloya. kéyeɲin Cf.: kéeɲin 'beau'. kɛ̀ Var.: kì. pron./dtm. ce, celui-ci (proche du locuteur) <démonstratif pronominal et ad-nominal ; quand ce démonstratif est utilisé avec un nom, peut précéder ou suivre le nom ; s'utilise pour référer aux entités qui kɛɛdɛ̀ kɛɛdɛ̀ (kɛɛdɛ) ‹pul.› n. coquille, coquillage (enveloppe dure d'un mollusque). ♦ kà kɛɛdɛ gbàsi • lire l'avenir dans les coquillages.  kàramɔǵɛ̀ bì kɛɛdɛ̀ gbàsila • Le marabout lit l'avenir dans les coquil-lages. kɛɛkɛ vi. pousser des cocoricos. kɛɛmɔǵɛ̀ (kɛɛmɔǵɔ) n. vieillard, ancien (du village). Syn.: kìikála, kìna 1 , mɔgɔbáa. kɛɛmɔgɔyà (kɛɛmɔgɔya) n. vieillesse. kɛkɛɛ̀ (kɛkɛ) n. attiéké (couscous de manioc). kɛḱkɛrɛ vi. pousser des cocoricos. kɛkóè (kɛku) Var.: cɛkóè (cɛku). ‹pul.› n. tortue. kɛlɛɛ̀ (kɛlɛ) n. conflit, dispute ; guerre. Syn.: gɛrɛ. kɛlɛ 1) vi./vt. se disputer ; faire la guerre avec.  Fántà nín Úmù kɛlɛnden • Fanta et Oumou se sont disputées.  Fántà bí kɛlɛla Úmù fɛ̀ • Fanta est en colère contre Ou-mou.  Kɔtdiwar bì Líberyà kɛlɛla = Kɔtdiwar nín Líberyà bí kɛlɛla = Kɔtdiwar bí kɛlɛla Líberyà fɛ̀ • La Côte d'Ivoire est en guerre avec le Libéria. Syn.: gɛrɛ 1, ɲáagàsi, wáddɛ ; gɛrɛ, ɲáagàsi, wáddɛ. 2) vt. tuer. Syn.: fàga 1, dùfen 2. kɛlɛkɛɛlaà (kɛlɛkɛɛlaa) n. guerrier. Syn.: gɛrɛlikɛɛlaa. kɛlɛtu Var.: kɛlɛt. idéo. <intensificateur pour « fá » 'être plein (de monde)'> ; complè-tement.  ń nàta, ǹ k' á tàran kúurè báti fá kɛlɛt mɔgɛɛ̀ là • Quand je suis arrivé j'ai vu que la cour était complètement bondée. kɛmɛ num. cent. kɛɲɛ̀ (kɛń) n. graisse (animal).  kɛɲɛ̀ báti kɛǹɛń kɛǹɛń adv. 1) d'abord, en attendant. 2) parfois. kɛɲɛ̀ (kɛɲɛ) Var.: kɛńɛ̀ (kɛńɛ). n. 1) lumière (du soleil). ♦ kɛɲɛ̀ bá' bɔ́ ì mà • Tu t'es le-vé tard, (litt. : « Le soleil s'est levé sur toi »).  kɛɲɛ̀ bɔta • Le jour s'est levé. Syn.: bánta 1. 2) dehors.  dénnɛǹu bì tólonna kɛɲɛ̀ mà • Les enfants jouent de-hors. Syn.: bánta 2, gbɛɛ. Syn.: njáarɛndi. kɛɲɲáà (kɛɲɲa) Var.: kɛɲamáà (kɛɲamá) ; sɛɲɲáà (sɛɲɲa). 1) n. fois.  ǹ bá' tága Kɔńakri kɛɲɲá fìla • Je suis allé deux fois à Conakry. Syn.: kóo, dúlaa. 2) nr. choix. kɛŕɗɛ̀ (kɛŕɗɛ) n. bourrelet (de gras sur la peau). kɛrɛbɛɛ̀ (kɛrɛbɛ) nr. plaie. Syn.: tɛlɛ. kɛŕɛɲɛ̀ (kɛŕɛn) n. ligne (de pêche). kɛrɛɲɛ̀ (kɛrɛn) n. rat palmiste. ♦ sánma kɛrɛn • écureuil arboricole.  kɛrɛɲɛ̀ mán' ì kìn, ì káni sɔǹ jèléè nì dùgéè màga • Si le rat palmiste te mord il ne faut pas laisser le sang couler par terre. kɛŕɛndɛn vi. siffler. kɛrɛyɔɲɛ̀ (kɛrɛyɔń) n. crayon. kɛrɔɔnà (kɛrɔɔna) ‹pul.› n. harpe (instrument de musique des Peuls). kɛśyɔɲɛ̀ (kɛśyɔn) ‹fr.› n. question. kìibóè kìibóè (kìibo) n. rêve, songe.  ǹ báti kìibo ɲúman yén • J'ai fait un rêve agréable.  [Dgm, histp. « Mami Wata »] : ǹ bí ń ná kìibonnɛɛ̀ dò fɔla ò yèn • Je vais vous ra-conter un rêve que j'ai eu. kìibo vi. rêver.  [Dgm, histp. « Mami Wa-ta »] : ǹ kíibɔɔnden dè lún dóo Màamí Wàtáà là • Un jour, j'ai vu Mami Wata dans mon rêve.  [Dgm, histp. « Mami Wata »] : ǹ kîibòta, ǹ dê à nín ń bâabà, mà bì bɔɔla sɛǹɛɛ̀ tɔ̀ • J'ai vu dans mon rêve que mon père et moi étions en train de par-tir du champ. kìidéè (kìidi) ‹pul.› n. arbre sp. kìikálà (kìikála) ‹pul.› n. vieillard, ancien du village.  hɛɛrɛ̀ díilama kìikálànu lè mà • Normalement, le foie est donné aux vieillards. Syn.: kɛɛmɔǵɔ, kìna 1 , mɔgɔbáa ; kɛɛmɔǵɔ. kíilayà (kíilaya) n. 1) envoyé, messager.  ǹ báti kíilaya lɔ́ à mà • Je lui ai envoyé un messager. 2) commission. kíilaya Var.: kílaya. 1) vi. partir (faire une commission). 2) vt. expédier, envoyer (faire une commission). kíilè (kíile) n. arbre sp. kìiman vr. dîner. kìimáɲɛ̀ (kìiman) n. dîner, repas du soir. kíità (kiita) adjM. gros. kíiti ‹pul.› 1) vi. décider.  állà bá' kíiti mà ní ɲɔgɔn yén • Dieu a voulu qu'on se voie.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : sì állà kíitita, mà sì bóɲɛ̀ sɔtɔ • Si Dieu le veut, on aura une maison. 2) vi. être jugé.  mà bá' kíiti sárya là • On nous a jugés selon la loi. kílilolè phonique et j'ai dit d'amener cet homme à la gendarmerie.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : à kà kíllè kɛ, dènmúsè nín kámarɛɲɛ̀ dó nàta mà gbáà là • Il a fait un appel téléphonique et une fille et un jeune homme sont venus nous chercher. kílilolè (kílilolo) nr. testicule. kíliyaɲɛ̀ (kíliyan) ‹fr.› n. client, acheteur.  [Krp, disc. « dans la forge »] : kɛ́ yàn tùgun, wò là kíliyaɲɛ̀ lè kɛ̀ là, káa wò báarɛɲɛǹ dè kɛ̀ là? • Et celui-là, est-il votre client ou bien est-il de votre famille ? kíllè (kílli) Cf.: kílili 'appel'. kìlli ‹pul.› vt. chatouiller. kìllírè (kìllíri) n. <nominalisation du verbe kìlli 'chatouiller'> ; chatouillement. kílo Var.: kìlo. ‹fr.› n. kilomètre <s'emploie sans article>. kímà (kima) adjM. froid.  ǹ báti jíi kímà mìn • J'ai bu de l'eau froide.  jéè kímanden • L'eau est froide. kímà (kíma) n. froid (température basse).  kímà báti ǹ bìta • J'ai froid.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : ànu bát' ánù gbàla, háa kímà bát' ánù bòloka • Ils se sont séchés et finalement ils se sont ré-chauffés. kìma 1) vi. devenir froid, se refroidir. 2) vi. se mouiller.  sángè báti ń gbàsi, ǹ ná kùtáànù báti kìma • Je suis parti sous la pluie et mes vêtements sont mouillés. 3) être paisible, être tranquille, être calme.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : ànu béle sɔǹna dùgéè nì kìma • Ils n'y a pas de paix dans le pays à cause d'eux. kìnnɔǵɛ̀ kìnnɔǵɛ̀ (kìnnɔǵɔ) n. sommeil.  ǹ ná kìnnɔǵɛ̀ kó kó quot. 1) produire un son, émettre un son kòlóɲɛ̀ kòlóɲɛ̀ (kòlon) n. mortier. kóobèn marque de possession « la » est obliga-kɔbɔkɔbɛ̀ • Nous nous sommes rassemblés et nous kɔńpirimè kɔńpirimè (kɔńpirime) ‹fr.› n. comprimé, yɛǹyɛyata • J'ai dormi longtemps. kínpà (kínpa) ‹pul.› n. couteau, coupe-coupe, machette (pour le défrichement, court et large). kìnpáà (kìnpa) n. oryctérope (mammifère fourmilier). kírbitɛ Cf.: gírbitɛ 'creuser'. kírɗɛ ‹pul.› vt. amuser, faire rire.  kɛ̀ kúmà báti ǹ kírɗɛ • Ce discours m'a fait rire.  ǹ bì kírɗɛlenma • Ça me fait rire. kísan adv. 1) tout de suite ; déjà.  tága ì ní kɛ̀ má kísan! • Va et fais ça tout de suite ! 2) en même temps.  [Nsr, disc. « affaires du village »] : ànu kó kísàn kà tóloɲɛ̀ fɔĺɔ • Ils ont dit de commencer la fête tout de suite. kísi Var.: lakísi. 1) vi. se sauver, survivre (qch -mà).  à lá gbàndíyà béle makílanden, à sì kísi • Sa maladie n'est pas grave, il va survivre. 2) vt. protéger, sauver (de qch -mà).  állà báti ń kísi wò kìtayáà mà • Dieu m'a sauvé de cette maladie. kìsi n. Kissi (groupe ethnique ; membre du groupe ethnique ; langue) <s'utilise sans article>. kìtayáà (kìtayá) n. maladie.  állà ómà kísila wó kìtaya kóroɲɛǹù mà • Que Dieu nous garde de ces maladies graves !  wò kìtayáà màkílanta • Cette maladie est grave. Syn.: gbàndiyá. kìti Var.: cìti. 1) vt. attacher.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : lɛɛri wò, ǹ k' á lɔǹ, dénnɛǹ ì wó kìtila lɔǵɛ̀ là lè, kà í sìgi á kùnma • La balançoire, je connais, les en-fants l'attachent à un arbre et s'assoient là-dessus.  [Mns, conte « femme du chas-<introduit la base de comparaison>.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : ♦ kő kó là • quoi qu'on en dise. ♦ ì kó • comme.  à mɛśɛn ì kó sàagíraɲɛ̀ • Il est maigre comme un clou (litt. : « comme une aiguille »). 2) nommer (qn, qch -mà).  [Mns, hist. « Bayima-nu »] : cile. 5) <s'utilise dans une construction d'identification >.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : àn mán táa wáli tɔ, kó dénbatɔ nùn, àn ì dìnkáà lè sènna, àn nì bɔɔbɔ sìgi ɲɔɔ • Quand elles allaient tra-vailler, si c'était des femmes-nourrices, elles creusaient un trou dans la terre pour y mettre le bébé. kò pp. 1) de.  ǹ bá' ɲìnan wótè kò bóɲɛ̀ là • J'ai oublié l'argent à la maison. 2) <introduit la base de comparaison> ; que, par rapport à.  mìnaɲɛɛ̀ fìsa nìngéè kò vítamin nà • Il y a plus de vitamines dans la viande d'antilope que dans celle de vache.  ì kà kán mɔgɛɛ̀ mìn kína ì kó gbíliyala • On doit respecter son aîné. 3) dans, après.  míniti bíisàba kò sòbéè bá' mɔ́ • La viande sera prête dans trente minutes. kò vi. tomber (pour la nuit uniquement). toire ; si le possédé est un nom, la marque sommes partis. pilule. kólonizɛ ‹fr.› vt. coloniser. kòlonkálaɲɛ, kòlonkálè (kòlonkálan) n. pi-lon. kòlórè (kòlóri) n. élevage (du bétail) <nomi-nalisation du verbe kòlo 'élever'>. kólorilà Var.: kólorlà (kólorla). n. éleveur. kòloya vi. grandir (d'un être humain) ; gros-sir. kòloyáà (kòloyá) nr. enfance (période). kómìn Var.: kóomìn. adv. 1) où, comment <adverbe relatif pronominal qui sert à in-troduire des propositions subordonnées>.  kómìn wóo • n'importe comment. 2) d'une façon ou d'une autre <s'utilise pour référer à une manière d'agir spéci-fique mais inconnu du locuteur>.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : à s' í tádɛɛman kómìn nà álakò ì kàn' tò wò kɔḿà? • Est-ce qu'il va t'aider d'une façon ou d'une autre pour que tu te sortes des difficultés ? 3) puisque. 4) tellement.  à bát ' a tàdíya kómìn! • Il est tellement content ! 4) si, en cas.  [Skt, descr. « enterrement »] : mɔgɛɛǹu sìyanden kómìn, àn bì sòbéè tàfátanna wò ɲàâ lè • S'il y a beaucoup de monde, c'est comme ça que la viande est distribuée. kònde Var.: kòndéè (kòndi). n. oiseau (géné-rique). kònditéè (kònditíi) nr. plume (d'oiseau). kóngi (n) vi. resp. parler. kóngolè (n) (kóngol) ‹pul.› n. resp. parole ; discours.  ń bàabanu bì kóngolè yìtala • Mon père est en train de parler. de possession est optionnelle>. ♦ kóè là • pour <introduit un argument avec valeur considérablement.  [Nym, conte, prov. « maudit »] : ♦ kóobèn nà! • Exactement ! C'est vrai ! (exprime l'accord par rapport à ce qui est dit).  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : í lè máa Sàramúsaya lɔǹ kóobèn nà • Tu ne connais pas très bien [le village de] Saramoussaya.  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : mín bì fɔĺa ì yèn, ì n' í tólomasɔ kóobèn • Ecoute bien ce qu'on te dit.  [Dgm, histp. « ma belle-mère »] : ǹ bá' fìsaya bìi kóobèn • Aujourd'hui je vais beaucoup mieux.  [Dgm, histp. « ma belle-mère »] : à bá' gbàndiya kóobèn • Elle est tombée gravement malade.  [Nym, conte, prov. « maudit »] : ò k' á lɔń, brúsatɔfɛnnù sìya kóobèn nà • Vous savez, il existe divers types d'animaux sauvages là-bas. kɔjɔbɔ vr. petit-déjeuner. kɔḱɔ vi. mûrir. Syn.: mɔ. kɔlɔɲɛ̀ (kɔlɔn) n. puits.  kà kɔlɔɲɛ̀ sòyi moutons pour les empêcher d'entrer dans les champs).  bàâ bì kɔĺɔnbà láanden • La chèvre a une entrave autour du cou. Syn.: kɔĺɔngà (n) (kɔĺɔnga) ‹pul.› nr. resp. oeil. kɔḿà Cf.: kɔɔmà 'derrière'. kɔmafɛĺɛ vr. regarder en arrière. kɔmɛɛ̀ (kɔmɛ) n. sot, imbécile. kɔń vt. empêcher d'obtenir ; être égoïste. d'obtenir de l'argent. ciers de Dogomet »] : à wúlita k' á lɔ́  à báti wótè kɔń ǹ mà • Il m'a empêché • Qu'il rentre bien !  [Dgm, hist. « sor-vière »] : állà mà ì n' í kɔɔ sàgi hɛɛrà fɛ̀  [Mns, disc., conte « esprit de la ri-kɔɛ̀ (kɔɔ) nr. dos. ♦ k' ì kɔɔ sàgi • rentrer. kɔɲɔɲɛ̀ (kɔɲɔn) n. plante sp. kɔɲɛɛ̀ (n) (kɔɲɔ) nr. resp. main. Syn.: sɔɔkɛ. kòloman. l'entendront ! mɔɛ • Salue-les de ma part ! -Ils • Dieu merci ! ♦ ánu kɔǹtɔn! -ànu s' á kɔǹtɔn Var.: kònton. vt. saluer. ♦ állà kɔǹtɔn! tour de cou des vaches, des chèvres et des kɔńtɔfilè (kɔńtɔfili) n. problème, souci. kɔĺɔnbà (kɔĺɔnba) n. entrave (bâton fixé au-nio. • creuser un puits. qu'il lui a dit de séparer le sable et le fo-kɔǹti ‹fr.› vt. compter ; considérer, prendre en considération. kɔńtɔfili 1) vi. désespérer ; abandonner l'espoir.  à báti kɔńtɔfili wáli sɔtɔ kóè là • Il a perdu l'espoir de trouver un emploi. nìn njáarendè fàta • Il l'a désespéré parce kɔńtɔfili, ɓáy à bát ' á fɔ̀ à mà à nì fóndè 2) vt. réduire au désespoir.  à bát ' à de but>. kóobèn Var.: kőobèn. n./adv. très, beaucoup, kɔbɔkɔbɛ̀ (kɔbɔkɔbɔ) ‹pul.› n. aubergine. kɔćcè (n) (kɔćci) Var.: kɔćcurè (kɔćcuru). ‹pul.› n. gravier (petit cailloux).  déndènu kɔǹsɔkánsà (kɔǹsɔkánsa) n. pangolin. kɔńtɛ̀ (kɔńtɛ) n. amateur.  bánana kɔńtɛ̀ • amateur de bananes. bì tàanden kóccè tɔ̀ • Les enfants sont par-tis chercher du gravier. kɔduudè (n) (kɔduudu) n. plante sp. kɔǹtɛɛ̀ (kɔǹtɛ) ‹fr.› n. recensement, dénom-brement.  sɛŕùn àn báti kɔǹtɛɛ̀ kɛ̀ Láginɛ̀ búutɔ̀ • L'année dernière ils ont fait un re-censement en Guinée.	vais nulle part. 3) où <utilisé comme pro-nom relatif>.  ǹ m' áà lɔǹ, ǹ kà lɔǵɔnnɛ̀ làbe kàwóokàn • Je ne sais pas où j'ai lais-sé tomber ce petit bout de bois. kàawu <s'emploie sans article>. Var.: kàa. ‹pul.› 1) nr. oncle (maternel). 2) nr. neveu (enfant de la soeur). 3) nr. ; mari de nièce (mari de la fille de la soeur). kàbáà (kàba) n. teigne. kàbankúɲɛ̀ (kàbankún) Var.: kàbakúɲɛ̀ (kàbakún). nr. épaule.  [Dgm, hist. « sor-ciers de Dogomet »] : à wúlita k' á lɔ́ kámarɛɲɛ̀ kɔɛ̀ mà, k' á bìta á kàbakún fìla • Elle est venue derrière le jeune homme et l'a attrapé par les épaules. kàbí ‹pul.› conj. parce que, puisque, car, comme.  kàbí mà fɔĺɔta báarala yàn, mà máa gbɛĺɛya yén • Comme nous avons commencé à travailler ici, nous n'avons eu aucun problème.. Syn.: bàní, ɓáyri, fí 2, fìná, hári 4, kɔfí, pàsé. kàbɔɔ prep. depuis, à partir de.  kàbɔɔ ... kà ké = kàbɔɔ ... kà tága = kàbɔɔ ... kà dòn = kàbɔɔ ... háa • à partir de … jusqu'à.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : kàbɔɔ Ɲámayara kà ké Dɔgɔmɛ • à partir de Nyamayara jusqu'à Dogomet.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : kàtáa ì dònta lɛkkɔĺ là, bàaba, kàbɔɔ wò tɔ, kà ké yàn nɛtɔ, á sàn jèlu lè wò là? • Entre le moment où tu es entré à l'école et maintenant, mon ami, ça fait combien d'années ? Syn.: gìlá, ílà, kàbɔɔ, kàtáa, dɛpí. káccòe (káccu) ‹pul.› n. citron vert (fuit). kàdo ‹fr.› n. cadeau, gratuit.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : Máamùn, wáa mûgan `lôolu lè, kɔǹɔ yàn nɛtɔ̀ mà b' á kàman bél' á kálà mà • Depuis qu'il est parti je n'ai pas de nouvelles. Syn.: dántɛgɛ. kála vt. supposer.  ì bí nìngi kélen kála sànna jèlu là? • Tu penses que tu pourras vendre une vache pour combien ? kàláà (kàla) n. 1) tige, bâton ; bâtonnet. 2) manche. kálabà (kalaba) adjM. grand.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : mùru kálabà • grand couteau. Syn.: baa, banba, belebele, kólo, wálu. kálabantɛ̀ (kálabantɔ) n. débrouillard, rou-blard. kàlamáà (kàlamá) n. louche (instrument pour prélever un liquide). ♦ kà kálè tɛgɛ à ɲáà tɔ̀ • mettre du mascara sur ses cils. kálɛfur ‹fr.› n. carrefour. Syn.: kílakun. kàlikíle Var.: kálikile. ‹fr. « calculer » › vt. calculer. káliya vi. se chauffer. kámà (kama) adjM. entier, pas pilé (riz, ara-chide etc.). kámà adv. comment ; pourquoi <adverbe interrogatif de manière>.  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : ì tɔǵɔ kámà? • Tu t'appelles comment ?  kɛ̀ másiɲɛ̀ bì wálila kámà? • Comment fonc-tionne cette machine ?  wó lè kámà • Voilà la raison.  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : wó lè káma nɔńsiɲɛ̀ tágamanta dóyi • C'est pour ça que le caméléon marche lentement. kámali 1) vi. se compléter, achever ; passer.  sàn ságin bí kámalila, kàbí ǹ fɔĺɔta kànkiráɲɛ̀ kán ‹pul.› adv. <particule emphatique utilisée à la fin d'une phrase>.  [Jnk, disc. « af-faires du village »] : mà tɔdíyalen kán! • Nous sommes très contents ! kán vi. être égaux.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : wònu fóo sí kán lɛkkɔĺ tɔ̀ • Dans le cadre scolaire, ils sont égaux, ils ont les mêmes résultats. káni Var.: kán. pm. <marqueur négatif du subjonctif et de l'impératif>.  [Skt, conte « chimpanzés »] : állà kó, dóodo káni tága yɛǵɛ bìtala símitɛ̀ tɔ̀ • Dieu a dit de ne pas aller pêcher samedi. kànka vt. voler, dérober (qn/qch). kànkalibáà (kànkalibá) n. kinkéliba (Combre-tum micranthum, arbuste dont les feuilles séchées sont consommées en tisane). kànkan 1) vt. barrer, mettre en travers.  kà kílà kànka • barrer la route. 2) vi. se coincer, se bloquer dans.  bàâ báti kànkan sànsáɲɛ̀ tɔ, à tée nɔǹ bɔĺa • Le bouc est res-té coincé dans la clôture, il n'arrive pas à en sortir. Syn.: sákkɛ. káɲɲa kántarè (kántari) n. <nominalisation du verbe kántan 'garder'> ; garde.  kà kántarè mà sɛǹɛɛ̀ tɔ̀ • garder le champ (pour que les animaux et les oiseaux ne mangent pas la récolte). kántarikɛɛlaà (kántarikɛɛlaa) n. gardien. Syn.: kántarilaa, sóori. kántarilaà (n) (kántarilaa) n. gardien. Syn.: kántarikɛɛlaa, sóori. kántɔ n.loc. dessus, sommet.  [Skt, descr. « fête »] : ì s' á yèn mɔńbilènu í nàla àn fáanden tɛf ! búutɔ wő, kántɔ wő, fő fáanden • [Le jour de la fête] tu vas voir les voitures arriver. Elles sont pleines à craquer, partout en haut, partout en bas tout est plein. kántɔɲɛ̀ (kántɔn) ‹fr.› n. canton (circonscrip-tion administrative). kánu Var.: kán. vt. vouloir ; aimer.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : sì wò k' á kànu, wò sí nà sínàn • Si vous voulez, vous pou-vez venir demain. káɲɲa adv. ici. káɲɲà (káɲɲa) Var.: káɲɲɛ̀ (káɲɲɛ). 1) pp. pendant, dans la période de.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : yàn káɲɲa • maintenant.  [Krp, hist. « histoires du passé »] : ɲɔɔ káɲɲa • à cette époque. kàrtɔɲɛ̀ kàramɔgɔlɛḱkɔlɛ̀ (kàramɔgɔlɛḱkɔl) n. professeur (d'école). kàramɔḱɛ̀ (kàramɔḱɔ) Var.: kàramɔɛ̀ (kàramɔ). n. 1) savant ; marabout. 2) maître, maître d'école, enseignant. kàráɲɛ̀ (kàran) n. pou (d'habit). disc. « école »] : kà mɛtyɛ̀ kàran • acquérir une profession.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : kà àlɓuránà kàran • étudier le Coran. 2) vi. étudier, aller à l'école.  [Dgm, histp. « mon parcours »] : ń nɛɛnɛ máa kàran, ń bàaba máa kàran • Ma mère n'est pas allée à l'école, mon père n'est pas allé à l'école non plus. 3) vt. étudier à.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : kà lɛkkɔĺɛ̀ kàran • étudier à l'école. kàranbagatɔɛ̀ (kàranbagatɔ) Var.: kàranbágà (kàranbága). n. lettré, instruit. kàranbɔĺɛ̀ (kàranbɔĺɛ) Var.: káranbɔlɛ̀ (káranbɔlɛ). ‹pul.› n. stylo. Syn.: kàranbɔńden. kàranbɔńnɛ̀ (kàranbɔńden) n. stylo. kàrífà (kàrífa) ‹ar.› n. confiance. kèeɲíɲɛ̀ une mésaventure aujourd'hui : j'ai perdu mon argent. káta vi. se vanter. ♦ à sì káta à là mɔńbilè físa bòréè là • Il se vante que sa voiture est la plus rapide. káwandilè (káwandili) n. <nominalisation du verbe káwandi 'conseiller'> ; conseil, avis.  à báti káwandilè dí ǹ mà • Il m'a donné un conseil. káwőokán Cf.: káawőokán 'partout'. káwutalè (káwutali) ‹pul.› nr. voisin.  ǹ báti ǹ káwutalè kɔńtɔn • J'ai salué mon voisin. Syn.: sìgiɲɔǵɔ. káydè (káydi) ‹pul. < ar.› n. papier, docu-ment. Syn.: sɛbɛ. kàyɛɛ̀ (kàyɛ) ‹fr.› n. cahier. kàyi Var.: kàyéè (káy). n. 1) homme ; gar-çon ; mari. Syn.: mɔgɔ 1 . 2) mari, époux. ♦ kàyéènu • mari et ses frères cadets. Syn.: jígabaga 2 . kére  yéyirekɛlà báti wáa fìla kéle fùuɲɛɛ̀ là • Le vendeur a accepté de vendre l'ananas pour deux mille francs. kéleɲɛ̀ (kélen) adjP. même ; identique.  kɛ̀ kùta fìla kélen máa • Ces deux tissus ne sont pas les mêmes. kélen num. un, une. kélenmà (kelenma) adjM. identique, égal, même.  ànu bí kùta kélenmaànu sàanden • Ils portent les mêmes vêtements. kélerè (kéleri) Var.: kíllè (kílli). n. <nomina-lisation du verbe kéle 'appeler'>. 1) appel.  mànsáà báti kélerè mà à báta • Le chef a appelé tout le monde chez lui. 2) appel té-léphonique.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : ǹ ká kíllè kɛ, ǹ kó àn ní kàyéè lánà zándarmɛri là • J'ai fait un appel téléphonique et j'ai dit d'amener cet homme à la gendarmerie.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : à kà kíllè kɛ, dènmúsè nín kámarɛɲɛ̀ dó nàta mà gbáà là • Il a fait un appel téléphonique et une fille et un jeune homme sont venus nous chercher. kèɲɛɛ̀ (kèn) Var.: kɛɲɛɛ̀ (kɛǹ). n. pied, jambe ; patte (d'un animal). ♦ ì kèɲɛɛ̀ mà • à pied.  ì kèn gbɛɛ̀ là • pieds nus.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : ♦ k' ì kèn nátùgu • trébucher.  [Mns, conte « femme du chasseur »] : ♦ k' ì kèɲɛɛ̀ látànbi à kɔɔma • coucher avec qn (vulgaire). kènkéè (n) (kènke) nr. joue. ♦ k' ì kènkéè tàte • rire très fort, rire à gorge déployée. Syn.: gbán. kènke (n) 1) vi. se sécher. Syn.: gbála 1, já 1, jáarɛ, lílɛ. 2) vi. se tendre (queue d'animal). kènkóndiɲɛ̀ (kènkóndin) nr. orteil. kɛkɛɛ̀ ont un rapport immédiat avec la situation du discours>.  sàagáà kúlè lè kɛ̂ • C'est la voix de la brebis.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : kɔtɛɛ̀ nɔǹ ń dè nìn kɛ́ lè jɔǹ nà, í lè lè fúlà là • Et maintenant, lui et moi, nous sommes des esclaves, c'est toi qui es le chef.  kɛ̀ lɔǵɔ déɲɛ̀ tɔǵɔ lè káppɛ̀ • Le nom de ce légume est igname.  lɔǵɛ̀ máa sìya mà lá jàmanáà kɛ̀ tɔ̀ • Il n'y a pas beaucoup de bois dans notre région.  [Nym, conte, prov. « maudit »] : kó bárika bárika à là tàléè kɛǹu mà • Merci pour ces contes ! kɛ́ (c, w) 1) vi. se faire, devenir.  [Skt, conte « chimpanzés »] : àwa, dèemóènu kɛta wò ɲàâ lè dúniyà bútɔ̀ • Alors, c'est comme ça que les chimpanzés sont apparus dans le monde.  [Skt, conte « chimpanzés »] : àn ì tágala kómìn, àn í kɔtɔyala wò ɲàâ háa àn kɛta dèemóè là • Pendant qu'ils mar-chaient, ils se courbaient petit à petit jus-qu'à ce qu'ils se soient transformés en chimpanzés. 2) vt. faire.  kà wálè kɛ̀ • travailler. 3) vi. passer (du temps).  lɛŕ sàba báti kɛ̀ • Trois heures sont passées. 4) vt. passer (temps).  ǹ báti lɛŕ sàba kɛ̀ ɲɔɔ là • J'ai passé trois heures là-bas.  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : ì tɛŕiyata kómìn nà wőo, ì sì lɛŕu sàba nìn dònden kɛ̀ yàn, ɓáà à táganden háa kílo múgan • Même si tu vas très vite, la route te prendra trois heures et quelques, comme il y a vingt kilomètres de route. 5) vt. uriner, déféquer. 6) vt. iron. produire enfin. kɛɛ̀ (kɛɛ) n. monsieur (forme d'adresse à un homme âgé). kɛɲɛ kɛń Var.: kɛn. ‹pul.› adv. <intensificateur> ; complètement ; totalement ;.  í tòoɲa kɛń • Tu as complètement raison.  kà kɛńdɛya kɛn • se rétablir complètement.  ń kùtáà máa gbála kɛń • Mon vêtement n'a pas en-core séché complètement. kɛǹbóè (kɛǹbu) n. charbon (de bois). kɛńdà (kɛńda) ‹pul.› n. graine de néré (utilisé pour faire le condiment soumbala).  [Mns, disc. « affaires du village »] : ♦ à ɲáajéènu sì kɛńda kò • Il a fondu en larmes, (litt. : « On pourrait laver les grains de néré avec ses larmes »). kɛńdɛ̀ (kɛńdɛ) adjMP. pas mûr, vert.  kɛ̀ mángòe kɛńdɛ lè • Cette mangue n'est pas mûre.  ǹ báti mángo kɛńdɛ̀ ɲími • J'ai mangé une mangue verte. Syn.: bɛǵgurubaggɛ. kɛńdɛ̀ (kɛńdɛ) adjMP. 1) sain ; bien.  [Skt, conte « voleur »] : à máa kɛńdɛ • Il ne se sent pas bien.  [Skt, descr. « chasse »] : sòbo kɛńdɛ lè mìnaɲɛɛ̀ là • La viande d'antilope a bon goût. ♦ ì kɛńdɛ? • Comment vas-tu ? 2) vrai, juste.  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : à là fɛĺɛrè kɛńdɛ • Sa prédiction s'est avérée juste.  [Mns, conte « faucon et tortue »] : tòoɲa kɛńdɛ̀ • pure vérité. 3) bon. kɛńdɛya vi. 1) guérir. 2) se réaliser. kɛńdɛya n. santé. kɛńɛ̀ (kɛnɛ) adjM. clair.  [Jnk, disc. « af-faires du village »] : fàtima kɛńɛ̀ • peau claire. kɛńɛ̀ (kɛńɛ) Cf.: kɛɲɛ 'lumière'. kɛńɛ vi. se dégager, devenir propre. kìibo kɛtújànkumà (kɛtújànkuma) n. arbre sp. ki (c, w) Cf.: kɛ 'celui'. ki <marqueur du perfectif intransitif affirma-tif, utilisé par les jeunes dans le dialecte du nord>.  [Mns, conte « femme persécu-tée »] : mùsu mɔgɔ fíla kì déɲɛ̀ sɔtɔ, à tóota kéleɲɛ, wò ɲɔ́ máa dén sɔtɔ • Deux épouses [parmi les trois du héros du conte] ont eu chacune un enfant, et la troisième n'en a pas eu. Cf.: ka. kí vt. expédier, envoyer (faire une commis-sion).  ǹ bát' à kí lúumɛ̀ tɔ̀ • Je l'ai en-voyé au marché. kí vi. passer la nuit ; faire pendant la nuit. ♦ wà kíta? • Vous avez bien passé la nuit ? ♦ ì báti kí hɛɛrà tɔ? • Tu as bien dormi ? (salutation du matin). ♦ ì bì kíila mín nà? • Où est-ce que tu habites ? (litt. : « Où est-ce que tu passes la nuit ? »).  à báti kì ǹ báta • Ila passé la nuit chez moi.  [Mns, conte « forgeron »] : sángè kìita nàla bìi • Il a plu cette nuit. kí vt. planter, cultiver.  Fúutà, lɛɛmúnɛ̀ bì kíila búyi • Dans le Fouta-Djalon, on plante beaucoup d'orangers. Syn.: lán, tùtu. kìdakídà (kìdakída) n. phacochère. kii (n) Var.: kaa. dtm. petit <demande que le nom défini par l'adjectif ait un suffixe di-minutif>.  ǹ báti dòrikínden kíi sàn • J'ai acheté une petite chemise. kíi Var.: ki ̋. idéo. 1) autant <adverbe démons-tratif avec valeur emphatique>.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : dóndèn ki ̋ • Petit comme ça ! 2) fermement, fort <intensifi-cateur pour le verbe « kìti » 'attacher'>. kíllè kíitè (kíiti) ‹pul.› n. jugement, décision.  [Dgm, hist. « sorciers de Dogomet »] : kà kíitè là • juger.  ǹ bì kíitè là í sɔǹ nàko • Je te juge sur ton comportement. kíkkɛ Cf.: cíkkɛ 'tomber'. kílà (kíla) n. 1) chemin ; route. ♦ kà kílà bìta • se mettre en route. Syn.: tàrawó. 2) voyage.  à báti má lá kílà làdíya • Il a rendu notre voyage agréable. Syn.: wàyas. 3) fois, temps.  [Mns, conte « chats et souris »] : kɛ̀ kílà mà, ǹ béle mɛla yàn • Cette fois je ne resterai pas longtemps ici. kílakuɲɛ̀ (kílakun) n. carrefour. Syn.: kálɛfur. kílan vi. avoir peur (de qn/qch -là).  kànkaɲɛɛǹu kílanden mà lá wùléè là • Les voleurs ont peur de notre chien.  ì n' í làmaga tűn, à nì kílan, à n' á dògon • Dès que tu bouges un peu, il a peur et il se cache. kílantɛyà (kílantɛya) n. peur, crainte.  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : állà là kílantɛyà • crainte de Dieu.  ǹ ná kìnáànù là kílantɛyà lè k' á kɛ̀ ǹ máa í gbàsi • Je ne t'ai pas frappé parce que j'avais peur des parents. kìlásè (kìlási) Var.: klásè (klási). n. bouteille. Syn.: bíniiri. kílaya Cf.: kíilaya 'envoyer'. kìléè (kìle) ‹fr.› n. tournevis. kíli (c) appeler. Cf.: kéle 'appeler'. kílè (kíli) n. oeuf. kílilè (kílili) Var.: kíllè (kílli) ; kìliléè (kìlilí). n. appel téléphonique.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : ǹ ká kíllè kɛ, ǹ kó àn ní kàyéè lánà zándarmɛri là • J'ai fait un appel télé-kírɗɛ kímaya Var.: cúmaya. 1) vi. être froid. 2) être calme.  ì cúma-yanden bìi • Aujourd'hui tu es calme. kín vt. mordre. kínà (kìna) adjMP. aîné.  ǹ dénɲɔgɛ̀ kìna ǹ kò • Mon ami est plus âgé que moi.  ǹ báti ń kɔtɛ kínà kɔǹtɔn • J'ai salué l'ainé de mes frères. kìnáà (kìna) n. 1) vieillard, personne âgée, ancien du village. Syn.: kɛɛmɔǵɔ, kìikála, mɔgɔbáa. 2) parent, père, mère. Syn.: tìgi 3. 3) adulte, tête de la famille.  [Mns, disc. « affaires du village »] : ì tì má kìnáà là, ì tì má dénbaatɔ là • Tu es devenu adulte, tu es devenu le chef de la famille. kìnamáɲɛ̀ (kìnamán) n. plus âgé. kìnáànɛ̀ (kìnanden) n. vieux. Syn.: kɛɛmɔǵɔ, kìikála, kìna. kìndoliɲɛɛ̀ (kìndólin) n. hameçon. Syn.: ndólinkun, ndólinmɛlɛn. kínè (kini) adjM. droit (opposé à gauche). kínè (kíni) Var.: kínɛ̀ (kínɛ). n. nourriture ; repas. ♦ kɔŕɛ kínè • repas de riz. kínikini vi. avoir pitié (de qn -mà).  ó mà kínikini ɲɔǵɔn mà • Ayons pitié l'un de l'autre.  [Dgm, histp. « ma belle-mère »] : à tée dámurè kɛɛ, fó kàséè tún, à tóta wó lè tɔ, háa à dínɲɔgɛ̀ kínikinita à mà • Il ne mangeait pas, il pleurait tout le temps, cela continuait jusqu'à ce que son ami eût pitié de lui. kìnnɔǵɔ 1) vi. dormir. ♦ í kìnnɔgɔta (nùn) kóobèn? • As-tu bien dormi ? (salutation du matin). 2) vi. s'éteindre. Syn.: dúfen 1, sà. kó seur »] : à k' à là sòéè kìti ɲɔɔ là lè • Il a kòloyáà kò vt./vr. (se) laver.  kà kùtáà kò • laves les kóè kòní (n) ‹pul.› conj. n'est-ce pas ? <particule kɔf kőokò Var.: kóokò. pron. quoi que, n'importe kɔǹtɛɛ̀ kɔńbè (kɔńbi) n. rosée.  kɔńbè báti yàlan kɔrɛɛ̀ kámarɛɲɛ̀ kɔɛ̀ mà, k' á bìta á kàbakún fìla attaché son cheval là-bas.  [Mns, conte « deux co-épouses »] : ànu k' á bìta, k' á kìti tùgáà là • Ils l'ont attrapée et attachée à un pieu. Syn.: lála. 2) lier, attacher.  àn báti kànkáɲɛ̀ bólènu kìti • Ils ont lié les mains du voleur.  [Skt, descr. « enterre-ment »] : àn bì fùréè mɔŕɔmɔrɔla lè wáatà mà kóobèn, kà jùléè kìti à mà • Ils embal-lent bien le corps dans une natte et l'attachent.  kà kùnkíti kìti • attacher le foulard autour de la tête. 3) kìtírè (kìtíri) n. <nominalisation du verbe kìti 'attacher'> ; attachement. kláasè (kláasi) Cf.: klási 'classe'. klàsɛ ‹fr.› vr. se diviser (en groupes).  à mán ké mìdi mà, fɔṕ n' án klásɛ • A midi, tout le monde se divise en groupes. klásè (klási) Var.: kláasè (kláasi). ‹fr.› n. classe (à l'école). vêtements.  [Dgm, hist. « ma belle-mère »] : sàgóè mà, à s' á tɛren à là jéè bá' káliya, à n' á wà, à n' á kò wúrgɛ̀ tɔ̀ • Le matin, quand l'eau est chauffée elle va se laver dans la douche. kòli ‹fr.› vt. coller, faire adhérer.  kà sàmatáà kòli • réparer les chaussures avec de la colle. kòliya vi. devenir gros ; grandir. kólè (kólo) n. léopard. kólè (kólo) 1) nr. os. 2) nr. noyau (partie cen-trale et dure).  kà nìngéè kòlo • élever des vaches. 2) vt. éduquer, élever.  à béle kòlonden • Il est mal élevé. kòlobálè (kòlobáli) adjMP. mal élevé ; ma-lappris.  à bála' á fɛ̀ kùmala dénden kòlobálè fɛ̀ • Il ne veut pas parler avec ce jeune mal élevé.  á kòlobali • Il est mal élevé. kòlobáliya vi. être mal élevé. kólofɛɲɛ̀ (kòlofɛń) n. bétail. kòlomáɲɛ̀ (kòloman) n. entrave (bâton fixé autour du cou des vaches, des chèvres et des moutons pour les empêcher d'entrer dans les champs). Syn.: kɔĺɔnba. kóloɲɛ̀ (kólon) adjMP. vide.  ǹ báti sáakòe kóloɲɛ̀ jíga, ǹ ní bàntárà mìn bì sɛǹɛɛ̀ tɔ̀ lá á tɔ̀ • J'ai pris un sac vide pour y mettre le manioc qui est dans le champ.  sáakòe kólon dè • Le sac est vide. ♦ à búutɔ̀ kólon dè • Elle n'est pas enceinte. utilisée au début d'une question rhéto-quelle situation, chaque fois <pronom de • La rosée s'est déposée. • Elle est venue derrière le jeune homme et rique>.  [Mns, disc., conte « poulain »] : ànu kó: kòní mànsáà là sòo déɲɛ̀ lè tòolen, wò máa fàga? • Ils ont dit : « le poulain du roi n'est pas mort, n'est-ce pas ? ».  kòní ń dè lè tán mù? • C'est à moi, n'est-ce pas ? kònton Cf.: kɔǹtɔn 'saluer'. kòntóri Var.: kòntórè (kòntóro). n. salutation <nominalisation du verbe kɔ ńtɔn 'sa-luer'>.  kà kɔǹtɔŕè mà • saluer. 2) nom clanique. Syn.: jànbu. -koè (-koo) mrph. 1) <suffixe de nominalisa-tion à valeur de but>.  à bát' á náaɗɛ kùréè fɛ, wùléè bónkoè là • Il a soulevé une pierre pour la jeter sur un chien.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : dònkóè wúlù tán tán tán • L'entrée coûte dix mille francs chacun.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : wò lá kàyéènu béle wò tádɛɛmanna sànsan dònkóè là? • Est-ce que vos maris ne vous aident pas à faire des clôtures ? 2) <dérive des noms au sens propositionnel à partir des noms d'objet>.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : í lè tùgun fɛń dè? -tɛgɛrankóè lè • Et toi, qu'est-ce que tu veux ? -J'ai besoin d'une hache (litt. : « C'est l'affaire de la hache »).  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : kɛǹu fóo nàlen kérikoè lè là • Elles sont toutes ve-nues pour [acheter] des houes. kóè (kóo) n. 1) chose, phénomène.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : kóo béle sábu béle mìn mà • Rien n'est sans raison. 2) affaire, sujet, thème <tête du groupe nominal ou pronominal exprimant l'objet de discus-sion ; si le possédé est un pronom, la kóyi (n) Var.: kóe conj. 1) pour que ; c'est pour ça que… <introduit un énoncé dé-pendant avec une valeur de but>.  ànu k' á nàati yàn, kóyi à nì wáli ànu yèn • Ils l'ont apporté ici pour qu'il travaille pour eux. 2) il faut que, il est nécessaire que <introduit un impératif direct ou indirect>.  kóyi kà tùgúrè mà! = kóyi ì ní tùgúrè mà! • Pile le manioc !  [Mns, disc. « agri-culture »] : àn kó kòyi kà dòn àn nà súsetè tɔ̀ • Ils ont dit d'entrer dans leur associa-tion. Syn.: bɛ, fó, máa. kɔ́ vt. donner à (quoi -tɔ ).  [Mns, conte « le maudit »] : ♦ állà kán' à kɔ, à s' á mà kómìn • Que le diable l'emporte !  ì mán bɛǹ tàralikɛɛlaà là, ì n' á kɔ̀ fɛń tɔ̀ • Si tu vois un mendiant, il faut lui donner quelque chose.  à báti mà kɔ́ káalisè tɔ̀ • Il nous a donné de l'argent. Syn.: káfu 2. kɔ́ vt. ramasser.  [Mns, disc. « agricul-ture »] : ómò kà ɲɔǵɔn kɔ́ yàn, mò tágata kɔǹɔntɔ num. neuf. kɔńɔkonɔɲɛ̀ (kɔńɔkonɔn) n. collier. hɔńɔndɛrɛ. (kɔńɔndɔn) (c, w). ‹pul.› nr. gorge. Syn.: kɔńɔndɔlè (kɔńɔndɔlu) Var.: kɔńɔndɔɲɛ̀ • J'ai attendu pendant une heure. kɔǹɔn vt. attendre.  ǹ báti lɛŕu kélen kɔǹɔn emphatique>.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : ɛ! kɔǹɔ kɛ̀ fálaɲɛ̀ kèeɲín yè • Cette poignée est quand-même très jo-lie ! Syn.: ye. kɔǹɔ conj. 1) mais. 2) <exprime une valeur kɔńɛ̀ (kɔńɔ) n./pp. 1) dans. 2) estomac. kɔǹkɔtakólè (n) (kɔǹkɔtakólo) Var.: kɔǹkɔtɔkólè (kɔǹkɔtɔkólo). n. hyène. kɔǹkɔtɔɛ̀ (kɔǹkɔtɔ) n. affamé. kɔǹkɔtɔɲáarè (kɔǹkɔtɔɲáari) n. panthère. kɔńnantɛ̀ (kɔńnantɛ) n. jaloux. libre choix ou de la quantification univer-selle référant aux événements>.  kőokó mán kɛ, ǹ s' í dɛɛman • Quoi qu'il arrive, je t'aiderai. kɔńi (n) vt. resp. manger. kɔńkɔ vi. avoir faim.  [Mns, conte « femme persécutée »] : ómò ì kɔńkɔlen • Nous l'a attrapé par les épaules. kɔɛ̀ (kɔɔ) n.nr. écorce. kɔɛ̂ (kɔɔ) n.loc. rivière ; ruisseau. avons faim avoir faim. kɔǹkɛɛ̀ (kɔǹkɔ) n. montagne. ♦ kɔǹkɛɛ̀ kùn • sommet de la montagne. kɔɔjɛ̀ (kɔɔjɔ) n. faim.  kɔɔjɔ báà báti ǹ bìta • J'ai très faim. Syn.: kɔńkɔ. kɔɔkɛɛ̀ (kɔɔkɔ) n. 1) marché (quotidien, per-manent).
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kàfu kála kálè kàmíyɔɲɛ̀ kàn kánkɔɔmà kántan káɲɲɛ̀ kàráɲɛ̀ kàrnéè kàtáa kélɗi kɛɲɛ kólè kóomìn kɔf kɔńkɛ̀

  kɔɔɲáà (kɔɔɲa) n. affaire.kɔɔtɔjíi n. eau de la rivière. vi. être fatigué. ♦ à búu mákɔrilen• elle est enceinte. 2) vi. échouer, ne pas pouvoir faire.  ǹ báti kɔri wò dámula • Je ne peux pas manger de ça.  ǹ báti kɔri kìnnɔǵɔla • Je n'arrive pas à m'endormir.  ǹ bí kɛɲɛĺen, ǹ báti kɔri kúmala • Je suis pressé, je ne peux pas discuter maintenant.kɔŕikɔri vi. se rouiller.kɔrɛɛ̀(kɔrɔ, kɔrɛ). n. riz. kɔŕɔmɛ̀ (kɔŕɔmɛ) Var.: kɔŕmɛ̀ (kɔŕmɛ). ‹pul.› nr. sabot (d'un animanl). kɔŕɔɲɛ̀ (kɔŕɔn) Var.: kɔŕɛ̀ (kɔŕɔ). adjMP. 1) mal, mauvais.  kɛ̀ mɔgɛɛ̀ kɔŕɔn, jànfa mɔǵɔ lè • Cet homme est méchant, c'est un traître. 2) vieux, délabré, caduc. kɔŕɔyà (kɔŕɔya) n. méchanceté ; mal.  kà kɔŕɔyà máa a nà • faire du mal à qn. ♦ kà kɔŕɔyà bíta • devenir méchant. (kɔtɔ) ‹pul.› 1) nr. frère (ainé). 2) nr. ami. Syn.: jàatígi. 3) nr. frère ! <s'itulise pour s'addresser à un homme plus agée>. kɔtɔ n.loc. 1) sous.  kàâ bì gbèngbéè kɔtɔ • Il y a un serpent sous le lit.  [Nym, conte « Figuier »] : àn táata nɔǹ, àn kéeta tòréè kɔtɔ káamìn • Ils sont partis et venus sous l'arbre. 2) affaire, sujet, thème.  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : ì káni tànbi kɔtɔ ɲɔɔ là= ì káni tànbi kɔtɔ • On ne parle pas de ce qui doit être caché. (litt. : « On ne passe pas en bas »).  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : lɛkkɔĺ kàraɲɛɛ, à là kɔtɔ gbɔɔ, à là kɔtɔ dí • Les études, c'est en même temps difficile et facile. 3) devant, auprès de.  [Mns, conte « chats et souris »] : túlànu kà kínènu nàati, àn k' á lásìgi ànu kɔtɔ • Les souris ont apporté de la nourriture et l'ont placée devant eux. Syn.: tɔgɔfɛ. 4) pendant (période de temps).  kà fáran wáa bíisàba dɛṕansɛ kárè kɔtɔ • dépenser trente-mille francs par mois. (kúlu) 1) nr. son, voix, musique. vi. parler (avec qn -fɛ ). 1) vi. se placer, entrer.  mà fóo kúnta ɔtɛ̀ tɔ̀ • Nous sommes tous entrés dans la voiture. 2) vi. être bon pour la santé ; faire du bien (à qn -tɔ ).  kɛ̀ kínè báti kún à tɔ̀ • Cette nourriture lui a fait du bien. 3) vi. être géré par, être enduré par.  [Mns, disc. « affaires du village »] : à fó sí kún ì tɔ, sì í hàkkílè b' í kùɲɛɛ̀ láfòolen • Tu vas te débrouiller avec tout ça, si tu es intelligent. kùɲɛɛ̀ (kùn) 1) nr. tête, crâne ; partie supérieure.  [Dgm, histp. « dans la brousse »] : ♦ í kùn fɛ̀ • seul. ♦ k' à tɛgɛ á kùɲɛɛ̀ tɔ̀ • parler avec qn d'une manière irrespectueuse. ♦ k' à kùɲɛɛ̀ sì • célébrer la cérémonie d'imposition du nom.  kúlà báti yɛlɛ lɔǵɛ̀ kùɲɛɛ̀ tɔ̀ • Le singe est monté dans l'arbre. ♦ kùɲɛɛ̀ tée dà kùn tígè kɔḿà • On ne coiffe pas la tête en l'absence du propriétaire de la tête.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : ♦ tèléè bátì kéè kùn tɔ̀ • Le soleil est au zénith (litt. : « Le soleil est sur la tête »).  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : dɔǹi b' í kùn tɔ, bɔɔbɔ, ì b' á bànbalen • Tu as un fardeau sur ta tête, et l'enfant, tu le portes sur ton dos. 2) nr. approche, arrivée ; début.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : sɛttɔ kúɲɛ̀ • l'approche de la saison des pluies. 3) nr. cause, raison.  á fàga kùɲɛɛ̀ mù gbàndiyà lè là • La cause de son décès est la maladie. Syn.: sábu. 4) nr. mesure, unité.  [Krp, disc., hist. « histoires du passé »] : àn n' á fɔ̀ ì ní kǔn sàba máa kùn náani súmàn • Ils te disent de mesurer trois ou quatre mesures [de riz à donner comme im-pôt]. kúna adjP. amer. Syn.: kúmɛ. kùnáà (n) (kùna) Var.: kúnà (kúna). n. lèpre. Syn.: wúli 1. 2) vi. être né.  má lè kúnɛnden kà kɛ́ tàran • Nous sommes nés et nous avons hérité de ça. 3) vi. être cultivé ; être bien instruit. kúnfa vi. être curieux.  ǹ kúnfanden í nɛɛnɛ là • Je suis curieux de voir ta mère. (kúnkuna) adjMP. amer.  bàntara kúnkunà tée dàmu • On ne mange pas le manioc amer. Syn.: kúna. kùnma pp. 1) sur <s'utililise pour exprimer la position supérieure, avec ou sans contact ou la supériorité>.  dàgáà bì táà kùnma • La marmite est sur le feu.  ǹ bí ń lɔɔnden ɔtɛ̀ kùnma • Je suis assis sur le toit de la voiture.  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : wò lé lè mànsáyalen mùséènù fóo kùnma yàn dɛtɔ̀ • C'est vous qui êtes en tête de toutes les femmes ici.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : kà tá nɛgɛsóè kùnma • se (n) vi. être curieux de savoir, ne pas être au courant, ne pas savoir.  à bì kúnpanden fɛń máata • Il n'est pas au courant de ce qui s'est passé. kùnsígè (kùnsígi) nr. cheveux.  á kùnsigi bì fɛtɛnna tɛŕiya • Ses cheveux poussent vite. kùnséè (kùnsíi) Var.: bɔɔbɔ kúnsi. nr. baptême (rasage de la tête de bébé avec imposition du nom). kùntélen vr. se diriger (vers -mà).  ǹ bí ń kùntelenna kɔkɛɛ̀ mà • Je me dirige vers le marché.  ǹ bí ń kùntelenna bɔĺa hɔɗè là • Je me dirige vers la sortie du village. Syn.: kùndi. kùntígè (kùntígi) nr. patron, chef. Syn.: ɲáatɔbaga, ɲáatasoo, pàtrɔń, sɛfu. kùntɔ pp. au-dessus de.  kòndéènù bì wíirɛla lɔǵɛ̀ kùntɔ • Les oiseaux volent au-dessus des arbres. (kúɲɛ) nr. odeur.  bánanà kúɲɛ̀ bí nàla ǹ mà • Je sens l'odeur de la banane. kúɲɛ vi. sentir.  sòbéè báti kúɲɛ wùléènu là • Les chiens ont senti la viande. (kùran) ‹fr.› n. électricité. Syn.: táa 2. kúrasɛ̀ (kúras) ‹fr.› n. courage.  kà kúras tà • prendre courage.  [Krp, disc. « menuisiers »] : wó lê tűn dè kà kúràs sɔtɔ wálila yàndɛtɔ -ɛɛy, má lè fìla pɛt lè yàn • C'est seulement vous qui avez le courage de travailler ici ! -Oui, Il n'y a que nous deux ici. kùréè (kùre) n. pile (électrique). Syn.: báteri. kúrè (kúri) ‹pul.› n. cuisine. kùrséè (kùrsi) Var.: kùrséè (kùrsu). n. pantalon ; culotte. Syn.: kùrti, pàntalɔń. kùrtéè (kùrti) n. 1) pantalon. Syn.: kùrsi. 2) euph. pénis.  [Mns, conte « femme du chasseur »] : ♦ kùrtéè fàganden à là • Il est impuissant. la Var.: na. conn. <marqueur de génitif des noms auto-sémantiques ; peut être suivi de focalisateur>.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : mò lá lè kìnáànu • nos parents. la-Var.: na-. mrph. <marqueur de causatif>. -la Var.: -na. mrph. <marqueur de gérondif>. lá (c, w) Var.: sá (n). 1a) vi. être couché, se coucher, se trouver. ♦ kà lá à là • être sûr de qch.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : ànu máa lá à là sì ń dè lè, kó mɔtɔ tée àsidán súfà wò kɛ́ à nì bɔ́ wò tɔ • Ils n'étaient pas sûrs que ce fût moi parce que l'homme ne peut pas survivre à un accident pareil. 1b) vt. mettre, poser.  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : mà nì búumatɔè lá jɔɛn' tɔ̀ k' à róndi làbutáanè tɔ̀ • Nous devons mettre la femme enceinte dans un hamac et l'emmener à l'hôpital.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : ì ní dàgáà lɔɔ kà jéè láa dàgáà tɔ, kà súkkarè lá ɲɔɔ, kà mɔɔnéè kùdéènù tàa, k' à lá k' à làmága • Tu mets la marmite sur le feu, tu y ajoutes du sucre, tu prends les boules de farine, tu les y mets aussi et tu remues. Syn.: dèfi. 1c) vr. être couché, être au lit, aller se coucher.  [Dgm, histp. « vieille sorcière »] : kámarɛɲɛ̀ táta à bàta k' á là • Le jeune homme est rentré se coucher chez lui.  [Dgm, histp. « vieille sorcière »] : à k' á là ɲɔ̀ gbàndiyáà bòlo sàn fìla • Elle est restée malade au lit pendant deux ans.  [Dgm, histp. « Mami Wata »] : ì mán wúli í láala ùráà là ì ní sáli • Quand tu vas te coucher le soir, tu dois faire une prière d'abord. 2) vt. chanter, jouer (un morceau de musique).  kà sígè là • chanter. 3) vt. organiser.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : kà swáarè là • organiser une soirée de danse. 4) vt. planter, cultiver. (n) (láaki) ‹pul.› n. serrure (sur la porte). láalà (láala) Var.: lálà (lála). n. hochet, castagnettes (instrument de musique fabriqués aves des petites calebasses).  kà láala gbàsi • jouer des castagnettes. làaréè (làare) ‹pul.› n. arbre sp. (caoutchouc). (lábbɔɔru) ‹pul.› n. lance, javelot. labɛǹ 1) vt. venir à la rencontre de. vt. 1) faire sortir, sortir. 3) sortir, proposer.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : sì ǹ máa wòre sɔtɔn, ǹ nì jíi kímà làbɔ • Si je n'ai pas de noix de cola, je sors de l'eau froide [pour servir aux invités]. 3) enlever, emporter.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : fɛnfɛn mìn ì bón kɔǹɔ, àn n' á làbɔ • Ils enlèvent tous ce qu'il y a dans la maison. 1) vt. produire. Syn.: dá. 2) vt. refaire. vt. préparer (bouillie mɔ ɔni). lafá 1) vt. remplir.  kà syɔɲɛ̀ làfa jéè là • remplir le seau avec de l'eau. 2) vi. se remplir avec du monde.  [Dgm, histp. « ma belle-mère »] : ǹ táata, ǹ k' á tɛren mà báta làfáaden • Quand je suis arrivé, j'ai vu qu'il y avait beaucoup de monde chez nous. Làginɛ ‹fr.› n.loc. Guinée. láhara Var.: láakarà (láakara). ‹ar.› n.loc. outre-tombe, autre monde. ♦ kà láharà mága • mourir.  ń bàaba bì láharà • Mon père est décédé. vt. mêler, mélanger. Syn.: latàran. lakámali vt. accumuler, rassembler ; compléter, achever.  ì bí sàn ságin nákamalila Làgínɛ̀ • Tu as déjà passé huit ans en Guinée.  mà báti mà là wótè làkámali • Nous avons recueilli suffisamment d'argent. lakànka vt. accuser de vol. lakàran vt. faire étudier, envoyer étudier.  [Krp, disc. « dans la forge »] : mà ká má là déɲɛǹ nákàràn wó lè tɔ̀ • Nous avons pu envoyer nos enfants étudier grâce [au revenu de ce travail]. Var.: nàko. pp. 1) pour.  ǹ bì báarala ǹ ɲɛtɛ làko • Je travaille pour moi.  ǹ báti wáa fìla yɔgɔ kɔrɛɛ̀ làko • J'ai payé deux mille francs pour le riz. 2) à cause de, parce que.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : dòonu í ɲɔɔ̀ àn ì wò kɛɛla̋ kɔɔjɛ̀ lè làko • Certains le font, parce qu'ils ont faim. lakùdu vt. faire une boule, donner la forme d'une boule. Syn.: lamɔǹdɔ. lakùnun vt. avaler.  ǹ bá' básè làkunun • J'ai avalé le médicament. Syn.: kùnun. lakúɲɛ vt. sentir.  ǹ báti sòbéè làkuɲɛ, kɔǹɔ ǹ k' á tàran à bá' tóli • J'ai senti l'odeur de la viande et je me suis rendu compte qu'elle était pourrie. lalá vt. mettre. Syn.: lá 1. lála Cf.: láala 'hochet'. lála vt. attacher. Syn.: kìti, sáanɛ. làlí vt. conseiller <nàlí après les nasales >.  ǹ bát' í làlí ì nì tága kàran dúla • Je te conseille d'aller étudier. Syn.: káwandi, wàajɛ. lalɔ̀ vt. construire, installer.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : á bàaba ká sùlɛɛ̀ làlɔ • Son père a fait un fourneau. Syn.: lɔ̀6 . lalɔń vt. informer. vt. entendre. Syn.: mɛń. lamɛńen vt. allumer.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : kà mòtérè làmɛnen • allumer le moteur. lámmɛ ‹pul.› vi. être amer (fruits).  ǹ báti lɛɛmunɛ lámmɛleɲɛ̀ dámu • J'ai mangé une orange amère. lamɔǹdɔ vt. faire une boule, donner la forme d'une boule. Syn.: lakùdu. lámpòe (lámpu) ‹pul.› n. lampe.  kà lámpòe yɔǹgi • visser l'ampoule à la lampe. (lànsɛɛti) ‹pul. < fr.› n. rasoir.  à k' á kùɲɛɛ̀ síi lánsɛtè là • Il s'est rasé la tête avec le rasoir. Syn.: rɔswáru, sìrifé. laɲígin Var.: laɲɛǵin. vt. mouiller ; ramollir.  sángè báti ǹ ná kùtáà làɲígin • La pluie a mouillé mes vêtements.  ǹ báti kùtáànu làɲɛǵin jéè tɔ, nɔǵɔ ní bɔ́ • J'ai trempé les vêtements dans l'eau pour enlever la boue. laɲíni vt. provoquer, taquiner, harceler. (lármɛ) ‹fr.› n. armée. Syn.: mílitɛrya. lasìgi 1) vt. faire s'asseoir.  [Dgm, histp. Syn.: sìgi 2. 3) vt. établir, organiser, installer.  [Ppd, hist. « époque coloniale »] : án nàata nɔǹ Fúutà, àn k' àn ná mànsáyà lásìgi • Ils sont venus au Fouta-Djalon et ils y ont établi leur pouvoir.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : mà sì pírikè lásìgi, à ní wòléè bìta • Nous allons installer un piège pour qu'elle attrape le francolin.  àn ká fɔrsɛɛ̀ lásìgi Fúutà • Ils ont introduit les travaux forcés au Fouta-Djalon. 4) vt. congédier, révoquer.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : à ǐ mílitɛryà lè là nùn, kɔǹɔ mànsáànu dè k' á lásìgi • Il était dans l'armée mais les autorités l'on congédié. lasíya vt. produire en grande quantité. vt. donner de l'espoir à.  ì báti ǹ nàtánginɛ ì sí ń dɛɛman • Tu m'as promis que tu m'aiderais. Syn.: tánginɛ. latàran (n) vt. mélanger.  kà fáriɲɛ̀ nìn kúmè látàran = kà fáriɲɛ̀ látàran kúmè là • mélanger la farine avec le miel. latélen 1) vt. aller vers, aller en direction de. Var.: latɛŕin. adjMP. vite.  ǹ báti ɔtɛ̀ làtɛŕin sàn • J'ai acheté une voiture rapide.  kɛ̀ ɔtɛ̀ làtérin • Cette voiture est rapide. ‹pul.› adv. tôt.  ǹ báti kúnɛ láw • Je me suis réveillé tôt. làwáli vt. remercier (pour qch -là ou tɔ ).  [Mns, conte « deux co-épouses »] : wò wúlita, kó à bì tála à ní mɔgɛɛǹu nàwáli dɛɛmáɲɛ̀ là • Elle s'est levée pour aller saluer les gens pour leur aide. lawàttinɛ Var.: wàttinɛ. ‹pul.› vt. enterrer. Syn.: kíilaya. 2) vt. chasser.  [Nym, conte, prov. « maudit »] : à fɔɔnden dè, yɔĺɛ̀ tée làwúli ɲɔ́ nɛtɔ • On dit que c'est impossible de chasser les mouches de làbas. 3) vt. faire se lever.  [Dgm, histp. « vieille sorcière »] : ì b' á làwúlila lè • Il faut la faire se lever (elle ne peut pas se lever elle même). vt. lever.  kà kùréè láyɛlɛ dùgéè kùnma • soulever la pierre du sol.  [Dgm, histp. « ma belle-mère »] : k' à láyɛlɛ mɔńbilè tɔ̀ • faire monter dans la voiture. layìta Cf.: yìta 'montrer'.

	kɔɔtóè (kɔɔtúu) n. forêt ; fourré (au bord d'une rivière). kɔrɛɛ̀ (kɔrɛ) Cf.: kɔrɔ 'riz'. kɔŕɛɲɛ̀ (kɔŕɛɲɛ) Var.: kɔrɲɛɛ̀ (kɔrɲɛ). ‹fr.› n. charnière, gonds (de porte). kúdukudu kɔtɔmà (n) (kɔtɔma) adjM. vieux. kɔtɔya 1) vi. se courber (d'un homme). 2) vi. vieillir. krétyeɲɛ̀ (krétyen) ‹fr.› n. chrétien. kùday adv. pour toujours.  à bá' tága Sɛǹɛgal kùday • Il est parti au Sénégal pour toujours. kùdu 1) vt. frapper, donner un coup de poing.  à báti ń kùdu ǹ ɲáà tɔ̀ • Il m'a donné un coup de poing dans l'oeil. 2) vi. être en boule . kùdu n. louche. kùdéè (kùdu) n. 1) poing, noeud, balle, boule.  kà kùdéè làfúlen • dénouer un noeud. kún  jìmbéè kúlè • le son d'un tambour.  ǹ báti ǹ dɔǵɛ̀ kúlè mɔɛ kànɗɔ • J'ai entendu la voix de mon jeune frère quelque part. 2) langue <dans ce sens s'emploie seule-ment avec le nom concret d'une langue, sinon le mot kúma est utilisé>.  Kákkabɛ kúlè • la langue kakabé.  à tée nɔń Kákkabɛ kúlu là • Il ne parle pas la langue kakabé. kúlumasè (kúlumasi) n. animal sp. (sauvage). kúluɲɛ̀ (kúlun) n. 1) pirogue, bateau.  kà kúluɲɛ̀ lanúnbɛ = kà kúluɲɛ̀ sòri • mener un bateau. 2) train. kúlunborilaà (kúlunborilaa) n. conducteur de train, conducteur d'un bateau. kúmà (kúma) n. parole ; mot ; langue. ♦ kà kúmà lɔ̀ mɔgɛɛ̀ mà • s'adresser à qn. kúmalajɔɛ (n) (kúmalajɔ) n. bavard, babillard.  à mú kúmalajɔ lè là • Il est bavard. kùmandáɲɛ̀ (kùmandán) ‹fr.› n. commandant. kúmandɛ ‹fr.› vt. commander, diriger.  kàramɔgɔ lɛḱkɔlɛ̀ lè bì lɛkkɔĺènù kúmandɛnden • C'est l'enseignant qui di-rige les élèves. kúmandɛmaɲɛ̀ (kúmandɛman) ‹fr.› n. ordre, prescription.  á lè kúmandɛmaɲɛ̀ báti síya ǹ kùnma • Il m'a donné trop d'instructions. kúmɛ̀ (kúmɛ) adjM. amer. Syn.: kúna. kùmmasa vr. être fidèle.  í kùmmasa ì lá kàyéè yèn • Sois fidèle à ton mari. kúmè (kúmu) n. miel. kúmukolè (kúmukolo) n. abeille. kùnma kúnamà (kunama) adjM. amer.  ǹ báti bási kúnamà dámu • J'ai avalé un médicament amer. kúnànkúnaɲɛ̀ (kúnànkúnan) nr. vésicule bi-liaire. kúnaya vi. 1) être amer.  [Skt, conte « vo-leur »] : mà í sòbéènu nàgbálala lè, mà n' á lá bɛǹtɛɛ̀ tɔ, à tée tòli, à tée kúnaya • Nous pouvons sécher cette viande et la mettre sur la terrasse, comme ça elle ne se-ra pas pourrie et elle ne deviendra pas amère. Syn.: kúmuya. 2) être trop salé ; être trop sucré ; être amer (nourriture ou médicaments).  màaféè kúnayanden kɔɔkɛɛ̀ tɔ̀ • Il y a trop de sel dans la sauce.  súkkara kúnayanden kàféè tɔ̀ • Il y a trop de sucre dans le café. kúnbà (kúnba) adjMP. gros (pour une per-sonne). Syn.: bélebele. kùndaaláà (kùndaaláa) n. coiffeuse. kùndi vr. faire face ; se diriger, s'acheminer (vers -mà). Syn.: kùntelen. kúnɛn Var.: kúnun. 1) vi. se réveiller. ♦ ì kúnɛnta • depuis la naissance. ♦ ì báti kúnɛn hɛɛrɛ̀ tɔ? • As-tu bien dormi ? (salu-tation du matin). kùngbɛĺɛɲɛ̀ (kùngbɛĺɛn) Var.: kùnbɛĺɛɲɛ̀ (kùnbɛĺɛn). nr. genou. kùréè kúntu vt. découper, couper. kúntè (kúntu) nr. morceau. ♦ bìrɛɛdi kúntè • morceau de pain. kúnun Cf.: kúnɛn 'se réveiller'. kúnùn adv. hier. kùnun vt. avaler. Syn.: lakùnun. kúnùnko adv. avant-hier. kúnùntako adv. il y a trois jours. kúpu ‹fr.› n. coupe, compétition (de sport) <s'utilise sans article>. kűr idéo. imite une course rapide. kúyɛrè kùrundáà (kùrundá) ‹pul. < soussou› n. 1) bague ; anneau.  à í kùrundáà búyi sàanden • Elle porte beaucoup de bagues. 2) roue. kùsan adjP. 1) capable, habile.  ń kùsan ɔtɛ̀ làborila • Je sais conduire la voiture.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : àn n' á fɔ́ án dè kùsan násè wíndɛla • Ils disent que c'est eux qui savent comment écrire un texte magique.  [Krp, disc. « menui-siers »] : wó kùsan á yìtala mà là, wò ì lɔǵɛ̀ éɓɓila kómìn nà ò n' á fára? • Pouvez-vous nous montrer comment vous mesurez le bois pour le scier après ? 2) habile, doué.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : á kúsàn dè! • Ils a du talent ! 3) <exprime la possibilité situationnelle>.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : ómò kùsan dànna yàn bì háa wátti tùgun • Nous pou-vons nous arrêter ici jusqu'à la prochaine fois. kùtáà (kùta) n. vêtement ; tissu.  [Dgm, histp. « ma belle-mère »] : ♦ k' à kùtáà tà • organiser la fête d'initiation de qn. ♦ kùtakaramásin • machine à coudre. Syn.: fàani, fɛɛtibɔ. kùtakaramásíɲɛ̀ (kùtakaramásin) n. machine à coudre. kútaɲɛ̀ (kutan) adjM. nouveau ; frais (ali-ments). kùtapasɛfɛɲɛ̀ (kùtapasɛfɛń) n. fer à repasser. kùtéè (kùtu) n. victoire.  kà kùtu sɔtɔ à mà • remporter une victoire sur qn. kútukutè (kútukutu) n. oiseau sp. kútukutukutu idéo. imite le braillement des oiseaux. kóè (kúu) n. igname. Syn.: káppɛ, pɔtɛn, pùrɛ. láakè kúyɛ̀ (kúyɛ) n. protection (magique contre les voleurs). kúyɛrè (kúyɛri) ‹fr.› n. cuiller. L -l kɔri 1) kɔŕta vt. lever, hausser. ♦ k' í kúlè kɔŕta kɔri • hausser la voix. kɔsɛɛ̀ (kɔsɛ) n. cochon (domestique). kɔtɛɛ̀ Var.: kɔtɛ. adv./conj. 1) maintenant <peut occuper la position immédiatement après le marqueur prédicatif>.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : ànu máni kɔtɛ kílo kélen péesi (...) • Et alors, une fois qu'ils ont pesé un kilogramme (...). 2) alors.  [Krp, disc. « menuisiers »] : sì ò ká nɛgɛɛ̀ sɔtɔ, kɔtɛɛ̀ wó kùsan wò wálila kóobèn • Si vous avez du métal, vous pourrez bien travailler avec ça (avec la planche). kɔtɛ̀ (kɔtɔ) adjM. vieux.  à báti ɔtɔ kɔtɛ̀ sàn • Il a acheté une vieille voiture. kùdugbási 2) <s'utilise pour compter les objets ronds>.  à dɔŕɔn bá' mángo kúdu tàn dàmu • Il a mangé dix mangues à lui tout seul. kùdugbási vt. faire des boules.  kà mɔɔnɛ kùdugbási • faire des boules de fonio. kúdukudu adv. imite le son d'un objet qui roule. kúdukudu 1) vi. rouler.  bálóɲɛ̀ bì kúdukudula kílà là • Il y a un ballon qui roule sur la route. Syn.: kúdukudu, tállɛ, wìrindí. 2) vr. se tourner (êtres animés).  k' ì kúdukudu gbèngbéè tɔ̀ • se retourner dans le lit. Syn.: fìrifíri, kúdukudu, táyɛlɛman, tígilɛn, yɛlɛmán, ŋɔŕɔmɔn. kúdukudumà (kúdukuduma) n. nasse (pour la pêche). Syn.: sólogo. kùffúnɛ̀ (kùffúnɛ) ‹pul.› n. chapeau (d'homme). kùkunáati Cf.: kùukunáati 'cocotier'. kúlà (kúla) n. enclos (pour chèvres et mou-tons). kùláà (kùla) n. colobe, singe africain (colo-bus) colobus (monkey). ♦ kùla wúlen • colobe rouge. kùlakɛŕɛɲɛ̀ (kùlakɛŕɛn) n. colobe vert, colobe vrai (singe). kùlaléntɛɲɛ̀ (kùlaléntɛn) n. pont de liane. Syn.: ɲɛǹkɛtɛń. kúlɛ vi. sonner, émettre un son (être humains, objets inanimés). kùlɛɛr ‹fr.› n. couleur, teinte, ton <s'emploie sans article>.  à lá dùríkè bì kùlɛɛr ɲùmán dè là? • De quelle couleur est sa chemise ? kúllɛ̀ (kúllɛ) ‹pul.› n. animal sauvage (géné-rique). kúmuya kúmuya vi. être amer.  màaféè kúmuyanden • Cette sauce est amère. kùngbɛńkɛɲɛ̀ kùngbɛńkɛɲɛ̀ (n) (kùngbɛńkɛn) Cf.: gbɛńkɛn 'crâne'. kùngbíliɲɛ̀ (kùngbílin) Var.: kùngbóloɲɛ̀ (kùngbólon). n. phacochère. kùnkítè (kùnkíti) n. foulard. déplacer en vélo. 2) chez, vers, avec <s'utilise pour introduire un objet ou une personne qui sert comme point d'orientation de l'action d'un agent ex-primée par le sujet>.  [Dgm, histp. « vieille sorcière »] : kàâ lè dònden mà lá sàagáànu kùnma kúlà búutɔ̀ • Il y a un ser-pent qui s'est glissé parmi nos moutons.  [Dgm, histp. « ma belle-mère »] : mɔgɛɛ̀ főo nàata kà kàsí ǹ kùnma • Tout le monde est venu pleurer avec moi.  ǹ bá kàsi, mɔgɛɛǹ nadɛǹtá ń kùnma • Je me suis mis à pleurer et les gens se sont rassemblés au-tour de moi.  à bí mɛtyɛɛ̀ kùnma • Il a une profession. kùnnasítè (kùnnasíte) n. foulard de tête. kúnpà (kúnpa) nr. curiosité, ignorance.  k' ì kúnpà bɔ̀ • apprendre les nouvelles.  k' à kúnpà bɔ̀ • donner des nouvelles à qn. kùráà kùráà (kùra) ‹pul.› n. néflier (espèce de petits arbres fruitiers de la famille des Rosa-cées). kúru Cf.: kúrumaninka 'kourou-maninka'. kúrè (kùru) n. 1) pierre, caillou. 2) balle, pro-jectile. kùru (n) vt./vr. (se) plier ; (se) courber. kúrubà (kúruba) nr. groupe (ensemble de choses, d'animaux ou de personnes). Syn.: jàma. kùrukɛĺɛɲɛ̀ (kùrukɛĺɛn) Var.: kùrkɛĺɛɲɛ̀ (kùrkɛĺɛn). n. coupe-coupe ; machette (couteau long). kűrukurukuru Var.: kűrr. idéo. imite la vi-tesse d'un mouvement. kúrumanɛ̀ (n) (kúrumanɛ) adjMP. multico-lore. kúrumaninkà (kúrumaninka) n. Kourou-Maninka (groupe ethnique ; membre du groupe ethnique ; langue). kùukunáatè kùukunáatè (kùukunáati) Var.: kùkunáatè (kùkunáati). ‹pul.› n. cocotier. kúurè (kúuru) Var.: kúrè (kúru). ‹fr.› n. cour (espace autour d'une maison). Syn.: lúu 2, sùntu, tándɛ.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : kà pònpitɛɛrè sà • cultiver des pommes de terre. Syn.: kí. 5) vt. mettre (des vête-ments). 6) vr. être en charge de. là Var.: nà. pp. 1) <exprime toutes sortes de localisations>. Syn.: ~ bólo 1, fɛ̌1 , kǔn. 2)  [Nym, disc. « école »] : à báti bɔ́ lármɛ̀ là • Il a démissionné de l'armée. 3) <s'utilise dans la construction d'identification>.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : wó bàaba mù mílitɛr lè là • Votre père est un militaire.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : wò mú mɔgɔ bàa là • C'est un homme important. 4) <introduit l'instrument>.  ságarè báti ń gbàsi à fɔɲɛ̀ là • Le varan m'a frappé avec sa queue. -laà (-laa) Var.: -naà (-naa). mrph. <suffixe de formation de nom d'agent à partir d'un láafɛɲɛ̀ labɔ́ verbe>.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : súprɛfɛḱtírè fɔṕpu tàmaatisálaà lè mù • Dans toutes les sous-préfectures, on cul-tive des tomates (litt. : « Toutes les sous-préfectures sont des producteurs de to-mates »). láafɛɲɛ̀ (láafɛn) n. lit. Syn.: gbèngbé. láakarà (láakara) ‹pul. < ar.› n. Cf.: láhara 'd'outre-tombe'. láatɛ ‹pul.› vi./vt. 1) gagner (toutes sortes de biens, matériels et immatériels). 2) s'accomplir, se réaliser.  ǹ nà kúmà báti láatɛ • J'ai tenu ma promesse.  k' ì là kúmà làláatɛ • tenir sa promesse.  mà lá prɔgrám báti láatɛ • Notre plan s'est réali-sé. labákɛ 1) vt. mettre ; faire entrer (dans un moyen de transport).  kà sáakòe làbákɛ ɔtɛ̀ tɔ̀ • mettre le sac dans la voiture. 2) vt. payer le transport pour.  à báti n nabákɛ ɔtɛ̀ tɔ̀ • Il m'a payé le transport. labálu 1) vt. nourrir, faire vivre.  [Krp, disc. « menuisiers »] : ǹ bí ǹ nà déɲɛǹ' nàbálula ɲɔɔ là • J'arrive à nourrir mes enfants grâce à ce [métier].  dùgu ɲúmà bì mɔgɛɛǹu làbálula • La terre fertile nourrit les gens. 2) vt. élever. ♦ állà mù dénnɛǹu nábàlula • Que Dieu nous aide à élever les enfants. labán vt. terminer, achever.  [Dgm, histp. « Mami Wata »] : wò m' á sɔǹ ǹ ní ń ná kìibó làban • Vous ne m'avez pas laissé voir le rêve jusqu'à la fin.  [Dgm, histp. « dans la brousse »] : sì má dɛǹta kínè là, mà sì ɲɔǵɔn gbàsi, mà mà y' á lâbànna kɛlɛɛ̀ lè là, mán tága lɔǵɔɲin díyà, mà y' á lâbànna kɛlɛɛ̀ lè mà • Quand nous man-gions ensemble, nous nous battions et nous finissions par nous disputer, quand nous allions chercher du bois, nous finis-sions par nous disputer. ♦ kà próblem lábɛǹ • résoudre le pro-blème.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : àn mán bɔ́ sáli dúlà, wò n' àn nábɛǹ • Quand ils rentrent de la prière vous les accueillez. 2) vt. travailler (un matériel). 3) vt. calculer.  [Mns, disc. « agricul-ture »] : àn ní wò fɔṕu lábɛn kà á sɔǹgɛɛ̀ lɔǹ • Ils calculent tout ça et fixent le prix. labìla 1) vt. enfoncer, plonger.  ǹ báti syɔɲɛ̀ lábìla jéè tɔ̀ • J'ai plongé le seau dans l'eau. 2) vt.vt. créer des problèmes à qn. labìta vt. enlever ; prendre (qch à qn -bólo).  kànkáɲɛǹù báti káalisè làbita à bólo • Les voleurs lui ont pris son argent.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : dóon í nàala sɛɛfà lè tɔ, ǹ dé tɛrɛ m' â lɔǹ, mɛ̌ àn kò kó ń n' á lâbìta, ǹ tóot' á làbitala • Il y'avait des gens qui venaient avec des francs CFA, et moi, je ne connaissais pas cette monnaie à cette époque-là. Mais on m'a dit de les prendre et j'ai commencé à le faire. labìta vt. répondre (à un appel). Syn.: jàabi. labòri lagbɔɔya labòri 1) vt. faire courir. 2) vt. conduire (un véhicule).  kà mɔńbilè làbori • conduire la voiture. labòyi Var.: labòe 1) vt. abattre (des arbres pour nettoyer le terrain pour culture).  [Nym, disc. « école »] : ì ní dɛɛmárè tàrá kà í dɛɛman lɔǵɛ̀ lábòyila • Tu demandes aux aides de t'aider à abattre les arbres. 2) laisser tomber, faire tomber. 3) vt. accoucher. làbɔń vt. jeter, verser. làbutáanè (làbutáani) Var.: làbitáanè (làbitáani). ‹pul. < fr.› n. hôpital, dispen-saire.  k' à dòni làbutáanòe tɔ̀ = k' à là làbutáanòe tɔ̀ • envoyer à l'hôpital. Syn.: tàdá. ladègen vt. imiter.  á béle wő, á béle mín `nádègenna • Il a fait tout son possible, litt. : « Il n'y a rien qu'il n'ait essayé de faire ». ladɛǹ vi./vt. (se) rassembler, (se) réunir. ♦ kà táà ládɛǹ • allumer le feu.  ɓá ǹ bá' kàsi, mɔgɛɛǹ' nádɛǹtá ń kùnma, kó fɛń dè máanden? • Quand j'ai commencé à pleu-rer, les gens se sont rassemblés autour de moi et ont demandé : « Qu'est-ce qui s'est passé ? ». ladíya 1) vt. faire plaisir à ; rendre content ; plaire à.  à báti ń nàdiya, à báti ń sànba kùta námà tɔ̀ • Il m'a fait plaisir, il m'a of-fert un nouveau vêtement. 2) vt. aiguiser, tailler, rendre tranchant.  ǹ ná mùréè làdíya ɲɲè • Aiguise-moi ce couteau. lafára vt. rompre, déchirer, fendre, scier (bois). Syn.: fára. lafɛ́ (n) vt. insulter. lafɛ́ vt. souffler.  kà táà làfɛ́ • souffler sur le feu. láfìli 1) vt. jeter, lancer, tirer sur.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : kà làspɛŕ láfìli kùláà mà • tirer avec un lance-pierre sur le singe. 2) vt. jeter, se débarras-ser de.  [Skt, conte « chimpanzés »] : mà s' án dámu káa mà s' án náfìli? • Est-ce que nous allons les manger (les poissons que nous avons attrapés) ou les jeter ? 3) vt. ne pas respecter. lafítan vt. balayer ; essuyer.  [Dgm, histp. « ma belle-mère »] : k' ì ɲáajeè làfítan • essuyer les larmes. lafò vt. entourer. ♦ hàkkílè b' á kùɲɛɛ̀ láfòolen • Il est intelligent (litt. : « L'intelligence entoure sa tête »).  déndènù báti ń náfò • Les enfants m'ont encerclé. lafúbbɛ vt. mener (un bateau).  kà kúluɲɛ̀ làfúbbɛ • conduire un bateau. lagbála làko lagbála vt. sécher.  kà sòbéè làgbála • sécher la viande. lagbɛlɛya 1) vt. s'opposer à, défier. 2) vt. rendre difficile. 3) vt. vendre cher. lagbíliya vt. respecter. Syn.: gbíliya. lagbɔɔya vt. être malpoli.  [Mns, conte « femme du chasseur »] : à tígè n' á fɔ̀ tún, ì n' á làgbɔɔya à yèn, ò nì ɲáagàsi, ò ní bìla ɲɔǵɔn nà • Il te dira un mot seulement, tu lui répondras impoliment, et vous allez vous disputer et vous battre. làgéè (làgi) n. oiseau sp. láhɛ ‹pul.› vi. être à bout de souffle ; être essoufflé.  ǹ bì bɔɔla búrusà tɔ̀ fóo ǹ bì láhɛla • Chaque fois que je sors de la brousse je suis à bout de souffle.  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : máarasè máni kée, háray àn í nàala àn ì láhɛla tèléè à nín kíla jáɲɛ̀ • En mars, quand ils rentrent à la maison, ils souffrent parce que le soleil est fort et la route est longue. lájɛ vi. boîter. lajìgi 1) vt. mettre par terre, descendre.  [Dgm, histp. « vieille sorcière »] : kà dénnɛ̀ lájìgi ì kɔɔ tɔ̀ • enlever l'enfant de son dos. 2) vt. enlever du feu.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : fùturéè mán mádòn, mà ní mɔɔnɛɛ̀ lájìgi, mà n' á làkima • Quand le soir vient, nous enlevons la bouillie du feu pour la refroidir. lajìgiya vt. héberger, loger. Syn.: wɛŕni, jìgiya. láka Var.: náka. vi./vt. (s')ouvrir. làka (n) pp. par-dessus.  síikulindè túnta táà làka, kà cíkkɛ kà í sìgi ɲɔɔ • Le petit bouc a sauté par-dessus le feu, et il s'est assis par là. lakàrifa vt. confier. laké (n) vt. donner (à qn -mà).  kà kúmà làke à mà • donner la parole à qn. Syn.: dín. lakɛńdɛya vt. réaliser.  ǹ kà mín fɔ, ǹ s' á làkɛńdɛya • Je ferai ce que j'ai dit. lakɛńɛ vt. nettoyer, dégager.  kà táabalè làkɛńɛ • nettoyer la table. lakílan vt. effrayer, faire peur.  wùléè báti dénmusè lákìlan • Le chien a effrayé la fille. lakíma 1) vt. refroidir. 2) vt. mouiller, laver.  [Mns, conte « femme du chasseur »] : à báti jéè làbon, à bát' á kɛɲɛɛǹ nàkima, k' í bólèn nàkima • Il a versé de l'eau et s'est lavé les pieds et les mains. lakísi Cf.: kísi 'survivre'. lakò lànsɛɛtè lakò vt./vr. nettoyer, laver une surface entiè-rement ; (se) laver soigneusement.  kà dàgáà lakò • laver une marmite entiè-rement (à l'intérieur et à l'extérieur). Syn.: makò. lamága vt. bouger, remuer.  kà màaféè làmága • remuer la sauce. lamálan vt. faire éclater, faire jaillir.  à báti táà làmalan • Il a fait jaillir le feu. lámangboyà (lámangboya) n. acte sexuel, rapport sexuel.  kà lámangboyà kɛ̀ • faire l'amour. lamára Var.: lamàra. 1) vr. se cacher. Syn.: dògon, madògon 1, sáma 2, túnɛn 1. 2) vt. mettre à part, garder ; cacher. lamùɲu vt. tolérer, supporter, endurer, éprou-ver.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : mà ì kɔńkɛ̀ wò fóo lámùɲula, mà ì jéè dɔŕɔn dè mìnna • Nous avons faim tout ce temps, nous ne buvons que de l'eau. Syn.: mùɲu 1. lán vt. planter, cultiver. Syn.: kí, tùtu. lanà vt. amener, apporter.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : à lánà yàn télen! • Apporte-le ici !  [Nym, disc. « école »] : ǹ ká kìliléè kɛ, ǹ kó àn ní kàyéè lánà zándarmɛri là • J'ai fait un appel téléphonique et j'ai dit d'amener cet homme à la gendarmerie. Syn.: ~ nàati. lanámaya 1) vt. déplacer.  kà sìgifɛń nànámaya • déplacer une chaise. 2) vt. faire oublier. 3) vt. faire lisse. láncan (n) ‹pul.› vi./vt. (se) répandre ; (se) briser ; crever, percer ; éclater. ♦ kà fìnkáarè láncan • tirer un coup de feu. làndáà latànbi làndáà (lànda) n. deuil (d'un homme pour sa apporté de l'eau [pour se laver] dans la latánginɛ layɛlɛ látànbi zándarmɛri násɔnal là • On a trouvé láwùya lɛɛri lató vt. perdre. nioc.  kà bìrin lawúli • faire un billon femme).  à lá mùséè báti fàga, à bí làndáà tɔ̀ • Sa femme est morte, il est en deuil. lánfan vt. défricher, nettoyer.  kà sɛǹɛɛ̀ lánfan • nettoyer le champ. lánnà (lánna) ‹pul.› n. chancre, ulcère. lànsɛɛ̀ (lànsɛ) ‹fr.› n. lance-pierre. Syn.: làspɛŕɛ, pɔrɔ.  dɛńdɛ̀ báti wùléè làɲíni, wùléè bát' á kín • L'enfant a taquiné le chien et le chien l'a mordu. • fabriquer une houe.  [Mns, conte « le maudit »] : kà nɛgɛɛ̀ láɲìɲa kérè là • fabriquer une houe à partir d'un morceau de fer. Syn.: dáa 1, lɛśɛ 2, séɲɛ. làppáyà (làppáya) n. groupe, groupe de mu-sique. ‹pul.› . « vieille sorcière »] : á gbàndiyanden, à bì bóɲɛ̀ là, à tée bɔɔ, ì b' á làwúlila lè, ì b' á lásìgila lè • Elle est malade, elle reste à la maison et ne sort pas, il faut la lever et la faire s'asseoir. 2) vt. mettre par terre, ap-porter.  [Mns, conte « femme du chas-seur »] : à báti jéè làsigi húrgɛ̀ tɔ̀ • Elle a làspɛɛrɛ Var.: làspɛɛrɛ̀ (làspɛɛr) ; làsipɛŕ. ‹fr.› n. lance-pierre. Syn.: lànsɛ, pɔrɔ. lasúlen vr. mûrir (céréales), donner des grains.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : kɔrɛɛ̀ bát' á làsúlen • Le riz a commencé à produire des grains. latága 1) vt. faire marcher. 2) vt. publier, dif-fuser.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et acci-dent »] : an báti a fòtóè tàa, kàà làtágá nɛt • Ils ont pris des photos et les ont publiées sur internet. latànbi 1) vt. envoyer, faire passer.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : àn ká má látànbi Dɔgɔmɛ • Ils nous ont envoyés (étudier) à Dogo-met.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et acci-dent »] : kà tɛrɛn dóonu báti mà là sɔfɛr dans une certaine direction.  [Krp, disc. ça et après on trace une ligne. latɛgɛ vt. interrompre.  à báti ǹ ná kúmà latɛŕiya 1) vt. faire vite ; presser. ♦ k' à là wálè làtɛŕiya • faire son travail rapidement.  ǹ báti kàraɲɛ̀ làtériya • J'ai lu rapide-ment.  ǹ bát a làtɛŕiya • Je l'ai pressé pour qu'il fasse vite. 2) vr. se presser, hâter. latímmɛ vt. terminer.  ǹ báti ń ná wálè la-tímmɛ • J'ai fini mon travail. bántarà làwúli • faire un potager de ma- [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : kà pain. lawúli Var.: lawúlu. vt. faire un potager. `látɛgɛ • Il m'a coupé la parole. sàn • Il a envoyé son fils pour acheter du sion.  à bát' á là déɲɛ̀ làwúli à ní bìrɛɛdè lawúli 1) vt. envoyer, envoyer en commis-mà n' á tràsɛ • On place [la règle] comme peau. « menuisiers »] : mà n' á làtélen káa, àprɛ, lawùlen 1) vt. faire rouge. 2) vt.vi. éclaircir la laɲìɲa vt. fabriquer.  kà kérè làɲíɲa forge »] : mò máa à làsotti, mò b' á dála yàn • Nous n'avons pas déplacé [la forge], nous travaillons toujours ici. veux qu'ils viennent et nous racontent quelque chose. allés vers le marché. 2) vt. diriger, placer bois.  mà bát' à làtélen háa lúumɛ̀ tɔ̀ • On est Syn.: bɛĺnɛ, bìri 1, madògon 2, sùturá 2, wáttinɛ. báti lɔǵɛ̀ láwɔỳɔ • Le courant a emporté le lawɔỳɔ vt. emporter (courant d'eau).  jéè douche. lasótti vt. déplacer.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la qu'ils avaient amené notre chauffeur à la gendarmerie nationale. 2) vt. subir, éprou-(pour planter du manioc). làtóè (n) (làtu) ‹pul.› n. bouillie de fonio. Syn.: sàdi. láwùya vt. verser. ver, affronter.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : latùntun vt. bousculer ; pousser. Syn.: tùntun. láy ‹fr.› n. ail <s'emploie sans article>. wò ká sɔǹjáà mìn nátànbi, wò n' á fɔ́ mà yèn • Racontez-nous les difficultés que vous avez traversées. 3) vr. mourir, décé-der. 4) vt. raconter.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires nàá, àn nì dóndèn nátànbi mà yèn • Je du village »] : à lɔǵɔ bí n̂ nà, wònu mɛń ní laʔúurɛ vt. parfumer.  mùséè bì bóɲɛ̀ làʔuurɛla • La femme parfume la maison. Syn.: úurɛ. layáagɛ (n) vt. ajouter, agrandir. ♦ k' í hàkkílè layáagɛ • réfléchir.  kà káalisè làyáagɛ • accumuler de l'argent. Syn.: dáafa 2, ma-kàfu, sàagi 3.
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kɔtɛɛ̀ kúlè kúma kún kúnkunà kúnpa kúɲɛ̀ kùráɲɛ̀ láakè lábbɔɔrè labɔ́ làdá ladù lakàfu làko lamɛń lànsɛɛtè lármɛ̀ latánginɛ latɛŕi láw layɛlɛ

  (lɛɛri) n. balançoire.  dɛńnɛǹù báti lɛɛrɛ̀ kíti lɔǵɛ̀ là • Les enfants ont accroché une balançoire à l'arbre. Syn.: wíwɔrdɛ. lɛɛri vr. se balancer, faire de la balançoire. lɛɛru Var.: lɛɛr ; lɛŕè (lɛŕ). ‹pul.› n.loc. heure. Cf.: lúnwőolún 'chaque jour'. lílɛ (n) 1) vi. sécher (objet inanimé). 2) vr. se sécher (être humain ou animal).  ǹ bí ń lílɛla tèléè là • Je me sèche au soleil. 3) vt. sécher. Syn.: gbála 1, já 1, jáarɛ, kènke 1. lílè (líli) nr. racine. Var.: lóose. ‹fr.› vi. habiter, loger. vt. supporter. 6) vr. patienter, attendre.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : héy! í lɔ̀ bùtun dɛ! • Hey, attends ! Syn.: mákɔǹɔn. 7) vt. bâtir, construire. Syn.: lalɔ. lɔǵɛ̀ (lɔǵɛ) n. temps.  ì bá' lɔǵɛ̀ jèlu kɛ̀ ì là (lɔɔkun) Var.: lɔǵɔkuɲɛ̀ (lɔǵɔkun). 1) n. semaine. 2) pp. dans une semaine.  bìi lɔɔkun • dans une semaine.  à sí nà àlkámisa lɔɔkun • Il viendra jeudi prochain. lɔɔlɛɛ̀ (lɔɔlɔ) n. étoile. ♦ lɔɔlɛɛǹù bì bìtala • les étoiles brillent.  lɔɔlɛɛ̀ bì mɛɲɛmɛɲɛla • l'étoile scintille. lɔɔndɛ̀ (lɔɔndɛ) ‹pul.› n. jarre à eau. lɔɔpɛɛ̀ (lɔɔpɛ) ‹pul.› n. argile, boue, terre mouillée. ♦ lɔɔpɛ wúleɲɛ̀ • boue rouge. Var.: lìiwőolùn. adv. chaque jour. lúppɛ ‹pul. < fr. « louper » › vi. manquer la classe, pratiquer l'absentéisme.  kà lúppɛ lɛkkɔĺ là • manquer l'école. Syn.: sóome. • Quand vous cueillez les grains de néré, est-ce qu'elle sont dans une gousse ou bien elles sont déjà propres ?  [Nym, conte, prov. « maudit »] : sì jálɛma kóè lè, fó má ní jɛĺɛ • Si c'est une chose drôle, nous devons rire. má (n) 1) vi. aller, partir.  (ó)mà máa! • On y va ! Syn.: tága, wà. 2) vi. atteindre (par rapport au temps).  [Mns, « femme persécutée »] : à báti má háa kátɔrz ɛŕ • Il était deux heures passées.

	lɛbɛ̀ lɛbɛ̀ (lɛbɛ) n. palmier raphia (Raphia sudani-ca). Syn.: bàngáɲa. lɛbóè (lɛbu) n. poisson sp. lɛɛmúnɛ̀ (lɛɛmúnɛ) ‹pul.› n. orange (fruit).  kà lɛɛmúnɛ̀ bɔ̀ • cueillir des oranges. lɛɛmunɛ kúmè (lɛɛmunɛ kúmu) n. citron vert. • J'ai approché la bougie de son visage. 4) vt. préparer (nourriture). M -m -li <variante du suffixe de nominalisation lɔ̀ pour certains verbes avec « d », « l » ou « r » comme dernière consonne>.  kárali • couture.  káwandili • conseil.  kílili • appel. líbitè (líbiti) n. chapeau de paille. lìfáà (lìfa) n. couvercle (en paille, utilisé pour couvrir l'assiette contenant de la nourri-líinetè (n) (líineti) ‹fr. ou pul. « lineeti » < fr.› n. lunettes. Syn.: wɛɛru 2. mite sur le feu.  ǹ báti bùzi lɔ̀ a ɲáakɔtɛ̀ là madan »] : ♦ kà dàgáà lɔ̀ • mettre la mar-ture). lɔǵɛ̀ lóè kèɲɛɛ̀ tɔ̀ • marcher sur le pied de qn.  [Mns, disc. « affaires du village »] : à kán' á kèn lɔ̀ yàn nà • Il devrait se tenir loin d'ici. 2) vr. continuer <exprime la va-leur durative>.  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : ì n' ì lɔ, ì n' á tɔfɛ́ ɲɔɔ, háa à nì gbɛ́ • Tu continues à le vanner jusqu'à installer, positionner.  [Nym, disc. « Ra-comme ma mère. ce qu'il soit propre. 3) vt. mettre debout, lɔkɔɛ̀ (lɔkɔ) n. banane plantain.  kɛ̀ lɔḱɔ bì tólinden • Cette banane plantain est pour-rie. lɔĺlɛ̀ (n) (lɔĺlɛ) ‹pul.› n. mouche tsé-tsé. lɔń 1) vt. savoir ; connaître ; comprendre. 2) vt. considérer comme.  ǹ kà wó lè lɔń ń nɛɛnɛ là • C'est elle que je considère lúntaɲɛ̀ -ma  àn ká jɔǹbaya lúɲɛ̀ tɛgɛ • Ils ont choisi la date du mariage. Syn.: tèle 3. lúntaɲɛ̀ (lúntan) Var.: lúntà (lúnta). n. étran-ger, visiteur, invité. lúntaya vi. rendre visite (à qn -bàta). má máa lóè (lúu) n. 1) cour, concession (l'ensemble de bâtiments appartenant à une famille). dan »] : wó lè dénnɛɛǹù, kìnamáànu sí sɔǹ wò ní dòn swáarè là? • Vous, les enfants, est-ce que les adultes vous permettent Syn.: kúuru, sùntu, tándɛ. 2) famille, d'aller aux soirées ?  [Nym, conte, disc. membre de famille.  lúu tígè • chef de la famille. Syn.: dénbaya, fàmi. lúumɛ̀ (lúumɔ) ‹pul.› n. marché (quotidien, permanent). Syn.: màakiti, kɔɔkɔ. « jeux des enfants »] : wò mán nɛtɛɛ̀ wò bɔ, à y' á fóroɲɛ̀ lè búutɔ, káa á í wò ɲàâ lè gbɛɛma?
	 lɛɛru fila bá' tànbi • Deux heures ont passé. lɛkkɔĺɛ̀ (lɛkkɔĺ) Var.: ɛkɔĺ. ‹pul.› n. 1) école <dans le sens d'institution s'utilise le plus souvent sans article>.  ǹ táata mùséè béle tágala lɛkkɔĺ tɔ̀ • Ma soeur aînée ne va pas à l'école.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : kà dòn lɛkkɔĺ là • aller à l'école, être écolier.  [Dgm, histp. « ma belle-mère »] : k' á ládòn lɛkkɔ́ là • envoyer étudier à l'école. 2) écolier, élève. lɛkkɔlkaramɔɛ̀ (n) (lɛkkɔlkaramɔ) Var.: lɛkkɔlkaramɔǵɛ̀ (lɛkkɔlkaramɔǵɔ). n. en-seignant (d'une école). lɛkɔĺɛ̀ (lɛkɔl) Cf.: lɛkkɔl 'école'. lɛǹtɛnlɛńtɛn vi. se balancer. lɛŕɛ̀ (lɛŕ) Cf.: lɛɛr 'heure'. lɛśɛ Var.: lɛśi. 1) vt. raboter.  kà lɔǵɛ̀ lɛśɛ • raboter le bois.  kà lɛɛmunɛ̀ lɛśɛ • peler une orange. 2) vt. fabriquer.  à báti gbèngbéè lɛśɛ • Il a fabriqué un lit. Syn.: dáa 1, laɲìɲa, séɲɛ. lɛtɛrɛ̀ (lɛtɛrɛ) Var.: lɛtrɛ̀ (lɛtrɛ). ‹fr.› n. lettre (adressée à qn). 5) báarà kɛ̀ tɔ? • Combien de temps as-tu passé à faire ce travail ? Syn.: sáayi, tùma, wáttu 1. lɔǵɛ, lɔǵɔɛ (lɔǵɔ) n. 1) arbre (générique). 2) bâton (morceau de bois allongé). lɔǵɛ̀ (lɔǵɔ) nr. envie ; désir ; besoin. ♦ kɛ̀ mùréè lɔǵɔ bí ǹ nà • J'ai besoin de ce cou-teau. Syn.: sàgɔ. lɔǵɔfeerè (lɔǵɔfeere) n. fleur (d'arbre). lɔǵɔkuɲɛ̀ (lɔǵɔkun) Cf.: lɔɔkun 'semaine'. lɔǵɔsa vt. s'accorder.  mà bát' á lɔǵɔsa mà nì tága sɛńk ɛŕ • On s'est mis d'accord pour partir à cinq heures. lɔḱɛ̀ (lɔḱɔ) n. marché (hebdomadaire).  kà tá lɔḱɛ̀ tɔ̀ • aller au marché.  Máamu lɔḱɔ báà lè bìi • Aujourd'hui c'est le jour du grand marché à Mamou. mà (c, w) Var.: mò (n). pron. nous <pronom de la première personne du pluriel>. ma-Var.: mɔ-. mrph. <préfixe à valeur de pluralité verbale>. 1) <exprime la valeur durative ou la notion de fréquence d'une action>.  ń kèɲɛɛ̀ báti máyìti • Mon pied a été gonflé pendant longtemps.  ànu bì mákɛlɛla • Ils se disputent souvent. 2) <exprime la valeur de distribution d'une action ou d'un état sur plusieurs ob-jets ou en plusieurs localisations>.  à báti nìgéènu mákànka • Il a volé beaucoup de vaches.  mángòe báti màmɔ • Les mangue sont devenues mûres partouts (sur tous les arbres).  à bát' à bólè màkati • Il s'est cassé le bras en plusieurs endroits.  mabàrabara • cuir pendant longtemps ; cuire une grande quantité de qch.  kùtáà báti máfàra • Le tissue s'est déchiré en plusieurs endroits. 3) <exprime la valeur de l'intensivité>.  mawútuya • devenir très court.  matɔgɔtɔgɔ • tousser violem-ment. 4) <exprime le charactère partiel ou incomplet d'une action ou d'un transition	<variante du suffixe du parti-cipe résultatif utilisée dans le dialecte du nord et dans le kakabé parlé dans les sous-préfectures Mafara, Gongoret et Dounet>. Cf.: -nden. lèngéè (lènge) n. arbre sp. (Afzelia africana). lɛ̀ vi./vt. fondre. Syn.: táayɛ. língà (n) (línga) n. excavateur, pelle méca-nique. líniwɛrsitè (líniwɛrsite) ‹fr.› n. université. lítrè (lítri) ‹fr.› n. litre. líwurè (líwuru) ‹fr.› n. livre (ouvrage impri-mé). Syn.: búku. lónginɛ ‹pul.› vt. donner à manger, donner à boire. lòokúɲɛ̀ (lòokún) n. arbre sp. lóolu num. cinq. lóppi ‹pul.› vt. écraser dans le mortier ; ra-mollir. lóze vi. loger, habiter. Syn.: ~ hɔɗi. lɔ̀ (c, w) Var.: sɔ̀ (n). 1a) vt. arrêter.  ǹ báti mɔńbilè làlɔ́ • J'ai arrêté une voiture.  ì lɔ́ yàn dè tɔ! • Arrête (de faire ça) ! 1b) vr. s'arrêter ; être debout. ♦ k' ì lɔ́ á lɔẁáandɛ̀ (lɔẁáandɛ) Var.: lɔẃandɛ (lɔẃandɛ). ‹pul.› n. coup de fusil. ♦ ǹ bá' lɔẃaandɛ sàba fòyi • J'ai tiré trois fois. lúɛ ‹fr.› vt. louer.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : má tɛrɛ bì bóɲɛ̀ dóo lúɛnden ɲɔɔ, mà bá' àwánsɛ̀ kár náani dî • Nous avons loué une maison là-bas et nous avons payé quatre mois d'avance. lùɛɛ̀ (n) (lùɛ) n. malaise (d'une femme en-ceinte quand l'accouchement approche). lúggɛ ‹pul.› vi. être profond.  kɔɛɛ̀ lúggɛta • La rivière est profonde. lúɲɛ̀ (lún) n. jour (intervalle de vingt-quatre heures).  fɛń lún ómà bì? = ómà ì fɛń lún tɔ̀ bì? • On est quel jour aujourd'hui ? dans un état>.  kùtáà bì mágbàlanden • Le tissue est séché partiellement.  nɛgɛɛ̀ báti màhɔnci • Le fer a commencé à fondre (mais n'a pas fondu complètement). 5) <exprime la valeur de simulation>.  k' í ɲɛtɛ máfàtiya • faire semblant d'être fou.  k' í ɲɛtɛ màfa • faire semblant d'être rassasié.  dènnɛɛ̀ bì mákòlonden • L'enfant fait semblant d'être bien élevé. -ma (n) mrph. <suffixe du passif>.  [Mns, conte « deux co-épouses »] : móllè kɔǹɔndenma • On nous attend.  [Mns, conte « deux co-épouses »] : wó lè málama dɛɛmáɲɛ̀ màaféè là • On va faire de ça une sauce pour les aides.  [Mns, conte « trois femme »] : kɛ̀ ndúgusè mɔgɔ fìla, à ì fɔĺama ànu mà, àn nì tága ɲìɲiri dúla • On disait à ces deux jeunes hommes qu'ils devaient aller tenter leur chance. -ma mrph. <suffixe qui s'applique aux adjec-tifs, aux noms et aux verbes qualitatifs pour dériver des mots qui fonctionnent comme des adjectifs ou comme des noms  lún mínimàn à bí nàla? • Quel jour vien-dra-t-il ? ♦ kà lúɲɛ̀ tɛgɛ • choisir la date. indépendants>.  [Nym, disc. « Rama-
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lɛɛrè líiwőolún lóosi lɔɔkuɲɛ̀ lúnwőolún

  ‹pul.› conj. il faut que, il est nécessaire que <introduit un impératif direct ou indi-rect>.  [Skt, conte « chimpanzés »] : ɓá ò bá' bán bìtala, mà káni yɛǵɛǹu tíɲan tűn, máa má n' á dámu • Comme le poisson est déjà attrapé, nous ne devons pas le jeter juste comme ça, nous allons le manger. Syn.: bɛ, fó, kóyi 2 . máa pm. ne… pas <marqueur de négation dans le perfectif>.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : sì ì máa fɛń dámu sàgóè mà, à sí tàran kɔńkɛ̀ bát' í bìta • Si tu n'as rien mangé le matin, tu auras faim. cop. <copul.e négative d'identification>.  ń nɛɛnɛ bí kɔrɛɛ̀ lè tàbila, bàntaráà máa • Ma mère prépare le riz et pas le manioc. máà (máa) n. <s'utilise pour compter les per-sonnes>.  súnkutun máa fìla • deux filles.  kàyéè máa fìla • deux hommes. màaféè (màafe) Var.: màaféè (màafi). n. 1) vt. cuire au feu (une surface). (c, n) Var.: mɔbɔ́ (w). vr./vt. (se) reculer, (s')éloigner (de qch -tɔ gɔ fɛ).  [Krp, disc. « dans la forge »] : ì màbɔɔ! • Ecartetoi !  ǹ báti ǹ ná sàmatáà màbɔ́ táà là, anu káni bìntan • J'ai éloigné mes chaussures du feu pour qu'elles ne brûlent pas.  mà báti má màbɔ́ kílà tɔgɔfɛ • On s'est écarté de la route.  [Skt, conte « chimpanzés »] : àn mán mádon hɔɗè là, àn báti àn mɔbɔ báà là... • Pendant qu'ils s'approchaient du village et s'éloignaient du fleuve ...>. macúmaya vi. être démodé. màdáɲɛ̀ (màdan) ‹fr.› n. madame. vt. approcher, avancer.  [Mns, conte « femme du chasseur »] : ì máni ké, ǹ ná mùséè sì kínè mádòn, ì n' á dàmu • Quand tu arrives, ma femme mettra de la nourriture à côté de toi pour que tu manges. 2) vr. s'approcher.  ǹ bí ǹ mádònna táà lá, kímà káni ń bìta • Je m'approche du feu pour ne pas avoir froid. 3) vi. être proche.  mà là hɔɗè mádònden Dàbɔla là • Notre village est proche de Dabola. vt. taper sur, frapper sur, cogner.  kà tàbálè mágbàsi • frapper sur la table. magbɛ́ vi. être pas complètement propre.  ń bólè báti mágbɛ • Mes mains sont devenues propres mais pas complètement. màgbɛn vt. aider. Syn.: dɛɛman, nàfa 1 . 1) vt. se moquer de. 2) vt. faire rire. majìgi 1) vi./vt. (se) pencher.  [Dgm, histp. « vieille sorcière »] : ♦ á jùséè báti májìgi • Il s'est calmé (sa colère a diminué).  [Mns, conte « femme du chasseur »] : k' í kùn majìgi • pencher sa tête. 2) vi. descendre lentement. maká vt. écosser. Syn.: kósin, mawɔtɔ 2 , wɔtɔ 2 . makàfu vt. ajouter.  kùta sɔńgɛ̀ makàfu • Donne-moi plus d'argent pour acheter le pagne. Syn.: dáafa 2 , layáagɛ, sàagi 3 . màkála Cf.: mɔkála. pron. chacun. vi. être un peu brûlé (nourriture). (màkɛŕ) ‹pul. < hausa› n. palanquin. makílan vi. être dangereux.  kɛ̀ kílà báti makílan • Cette route est devenue dangereuse.  à báti kúllɛ màkílanden fàga • Il a tué un animal sauvage dangereux. makíma 1) vi. se mouiller partout. 2) vi. se mouiller un peu. makímaya Var.: macúmaya. 1) vi. être très froid <pluralité verbale du verbe kímaya 'être froid'>. 2) vi. être démodé.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : gítar kóè wó ɲɔɔ, fáyida, wò bá' màcúmaya • La guitare, ce n'est plus à la mode. makìnikini vi. être dénué de tout, être démuni. makírɗɛ vi. être drôle.  kɛ̀ tálè makírɗɛta • C'est un conte très drôle. (màkoróni) ‹fr.› n. spaghetti, pâtes. mákɔǹɔn Var.: mákɔǹɔ. vt. attendre. Syn.: lɔ. màkɔśɔleɲɛ̀ (makɔśɔlen) adjMP. sale.  mɔgɔ mákɔsɔlen • gueux. makúma vt. médire de qn, dire du mal de qn. mákun vr. se taire. Syn.: mɛdɛ, tàdé. màlamála Var.: màlumálu. vi. éclater (éclair). (málin) n. hippopotame. màliya vi. avoir honte.  ǹ bì máliyanden ǹ bítaɲɛǹu là • J'ai honte devant les parents de ma femme.  [Krp, disc., « vie de femmes »] : àn bí màliyala lè à fɔɔla • Ils ont honte de parler [leur langue]. mállè <forme fusionnée de la focalisation du pronom de la première personne du plu-riel>. Cf.: ma + lè + lè. malɔ̀ vt. accompagner.  ǹ bát' a malɔ̀ bóɲɛ̀ là • Je l'ai accompagné chez lui. màlu vi. avoir honte (devant qn -là). (mángojuu) n. manguier. máni Var.: mán. pm. <introduit une proposition conditionnelle subordonnée>.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : mà mán tá brúsà tɔ, sì ǹ kà fɛń bìtá, ǹ n' á gbòléè tà, ǹ n' á d' â mà • Quand nous allons dans la brousse (avec mon chien), si j'attrape quelque chose, je lui donne la peau.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : wò máni kùla wúleɲɛ̀ fàga wò í wò ɲɔɔ dámula lè káa wò í wò làfílila lè? • Quand vous tuez le singe, vous le mangez ou bien vous le jetez ? màníiyè (màníiyu) ‹pul. < ar.› nr. sperme. vr. danser (en faisant de longs pas). máɲaɲɛ̀ (máɲan) n. fourmi sp. (noir). maɲànin vt. chauffer, réchauffer.  [Dgm, histp. « dans la brousse »] : à ká túlu wúleɲɛ̀ máɲànin kà à lá sàdéè kùnma • Il a chauffé de l'huile rouge et l'a mise dans la bouillie. Var.: mársɛ. ‹fr.› vi. se vendre.  àn nà támaatè máa mársè kílà là • Leurs tomates ne se vendaient pas sur la route. mársè (mársi) Cf.: máraas 'mars'. màrtóè (màrto) ‹fr.› n. marteau. màsíibòe (màsíibo) Var.: màsibóè (màsibó). ‹pul.› n. accident, sinistre.  [Mns, conte « trois femmes »] : màsiibóè báti máa • Il y a eu un accident.  à kó ń mà, kó màsíibo sàba bì bòyilen • Ils m'ont dit qu'il y a eu trois accidents. vi. voler dans l'air (sans direction). mawɔtɔ Var.: = wɔtɔ. 1) vt./vr. (se) gratter.  k' ì kɔɛ̀ màwɔtɔ • se gratter le dos. Syn.: maŋáɲa, maŋásɛ. 2) vt. écosser. Syn.: kósin, màkáa, wɔtɔ 2 . -<variante du préfixe de la pluralité verbale qui apparaît avec un nombre restreint de racines verbales dont la première voyelle est « ɛ »>. Cf.: ma-. mɛ́ Var.: mɛń. 1) vi. durer ; attendre longtemps.  à mɛta ɲɔɔ nɛtɔ̀ • Il a passé beaucoup de temps là-bas.  à mɛta ɲɔɔ nɛtɔ̀ • Quelque temps après. ♦ à máa mɛ́ • bientôt.  ǹ dɔǵɔmusè báti mɛ́ gbàndiyáà là • Ma petite soeur a été longtemps malade.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : Sɛɛkù Tùrɛ, à nɔń mɛta sìgilen mànsáyalen • Sékou Touré est resté pendant longtemps au pouvoir. 2) vt. rester longtemps avec.  sàmata mɛɛnɛ̀ • chaussure usée. mɛdɛ Var.: mádɛ. vr. se taire.  ǹ bí ǹ mɛdɛlen • Je me tais. Syn.: mákun, tádɛ. mɛdɛǹ Var.: madɛǹ. 1) vi. se rassembler. (mɛɛtɛr) ‹fr.› n. mètre. mɛɛyáà (mɛɛya) n. faim de viande.  mɛɛyáà bí ǹ nà • J'ai envie de viande. mɛǵɛs Var.: mɛǵɛs. idéo. hop ! mɛḱɛkkɛ̀ (mɛḱɛkkɛ) ‹pul.› n. ciseaux. (mɛntɛ) ‹fr.› adjM. à la menthe. mɛńtè (mɛńti) ‹fr.› n. bonbon à la menthe. (mìdi) ‹fr.› n. midi.  mìdí màa kè dóndèn • Il est presque midi. míilɛ̀ (míilɛ) ‹pul.› n. avarice. míirè (míiri) ‹fr.› n. mur. mìjɛ ‹pul. < ar.› 1) vt. penser, croire, supposer. 2) vt. décider (de faire qch).  à b' á mìjɛnden á dɔǹna • Il pense aller danser. 1) vt. boire.  kà lɛɛmunɛ̀ mìn • manger une orange (litt. : « boire une orange »).  sɔǹsɔĺè bì ǹ mìnna • Le moustique boit mon sang. 2) vr. boire.  mò báti mò mìn • Nous avons bu (de l'eau). Var.: m̌ḿḿ. itj. oui. Syn.: ǎáà, ɛɛýì, hǐíì, hɔɔn, m̌ḿm̀ ; ~ féw 3 . mo (c, w) Cf.: ma 'nous'. Var.: màkálaba. pron. chacun. personne. Cf.: mɔgɔ 'personne'. mùráadòe (mùráado) ‹pul.› nr. affaire, cas, situation.  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : kɔtɛɛ, kìnáànu, mùráadòe bá' dínma ò bòlo • Maintenant, l'aîné, on vous donne la parole. ♦ kà mùráadòe yíta • discuter d'une affaire. múrɛ ‹pul.› vt. sucer. Syn.: múyitɛ, sùusu. conj. avant.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : ànu máa fɛn dàmu sàgóè mà, náa àn mán' á wà • Ils ne mangent rien avant de partir.  náa mìn ì n' á wà, ì n' í là fɔtɔ tó ǹ bólo, à nín í là nímɛrɔ • Avant que tu partes, donnemoi ta photo et ton numéro de téléphone. (náafigiya) n. indiscrétion, mesquinerie.  à bá' náafigiyà kɛ̀ ǹ dé nìn ǹ ná mùséè tɛɛmà • Il nous monte l'un contre l'autre, ma femme et moi.  à bì náafigiyà tɔ̀ • Il mène des intrigues. (nàanin) nr. frontière. ♦ Làginɛ nìn Kɔtdiwar nàanin • la frontière entre la Guinée et la Côte d'Ivoire. nàati Var.: nàat'. 1) vt. apporter, amener. 2) vt. inciter, pousser. nàfa 1) vt. aider.  ǹ bát' á nàfa tábirè là • Je l'ai aidée à préparer la nourriture. Syn.: dɛɛman, màgbɛń. 2) vt. être utile, servir.  wáadɔɛ báti ń nàfa • Le parapluie m'a été utile. nàfáà (nàfa) nr. intérêt, avantage, utilité.  [Mns, conte « deux co-épouses »] : ♦ k' à nàfáà dàmu • profiter du succès de qn.  kɛ̀ báarà ǹ ná nàfáa máa • Ce travail n'a pas d'intérêt pour moi. Syn.: múnanfan. nàgása Cf.: nɔgɔśa 'peut-être'. nàko <variante qui apparait après une nasal>. vi. être lisse.  á kùnsígè bì námayanden • Il a des cheveux lisses. -nan Var.: -ɲan. mrph. <suffixe du numéral ordinal>.  fɔĺɔnan • premier.  kɔrɛɛ̀ bì sáaku náaninaɲɛ̀ lè tɔ, súkkaru bì sáaku sàbanáɲɛ̀ lè tɔ̀ • Le riz est dans le quatrième sac et le sucre est dans le troisième sac.  ǹ dén lóolunaɲɛ̀ lè mù • Je suis le cinquième enfant de ma famille. Syn.: ɲɔǵɛ. -nan (n) mrph. <suffixe du participe passif débitatif, se combine avec un nombre limité de verbes transitifs>.  [Mns, conte « forgeron »] : kérènu nàati yàn, àn dáanan • Apporte ici les houes, il faut les réparer.  lɛɛmúnɛǹu kɛ̀ bɔɔnan • Ces oranges sont à cueillir.  fùréè bìrinan dɛ́ • Il faut enterrer le corps.  káalisè díinaɲɛ̀ Sɛɛkù mà • Cet argent doit être donné à Sékou.  mùséè báti kùta kóonaɲɛ̀ jìga kà tága kɔɛɛ̀ tɔ̀ • La femme a pris les vêtements qu'il faut laver et elle est partie au fleuve. Syn.: -nden 2 . Cette igname-là, est-ce que sa tige est une liane ou un arbre ? -C'est un arbre.  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : à kó, àwa, bìla ǹ kɔḿà nánì • Il a dit : « suis-moi ! ».  [Mns, disc., conte « esprit de la rivière »] : kɛ́ kèeɲin náni • Pourtant, elle est jolie ! Syn.: dɛ. nàni (n) Var.: nàn. vt. insulter. ♦ kà ɲɔgɔn nà kìnáànù nàni • être dans la relation de parenté à plaisanterie, se moquer les uns des autres, litt. : « insulter les parents les uns des autres ».  Kɔǹdɛńù à nín Tràɔrɛńù bì ɲɔgɔn nà kìnáànù nànila • Les Condé et Traoré se moquent les uns des autres. (nbɔɔ) Var.: bɔɛ̀ (bɔɔ). 1) nr. jumeau.  à báti nbɔɔnù sɔtɔ • Elle a eu des jumeaux. Syn.: fɛŕɛn, syùtádɛ. 2) nr. du même âge, camarade d'âge. Syn.: fílanma, fúlan, màɲɔǵɔ. nbúlɛ ‹pul.› adjP. vert ; bleu. nbúlɛmà (nbulɛma) ‹pul.› adjM. vert ; bleu. nbúsè (nbúsu) ‹pul.› nr. moelle (anat.). ndáarogalu (n) Var.: dáargalè (dáargalu). ‹pul.› n. miroir. Syn.: dúbalɛn, ɲáalankaru. ndántà (n) (ndánta) ‹pul.› n. plaine ; terrain plat.  mà là bóɲɛ̀ bì ndántà tɔ̀ • Notre maison est sur un terrain plat.

	• Ils ne veulent pas écouter l'enseignant, ils ne le respectent pas. 7) <s'emploie dans la construction sans verbe avec le sens de 'donner un nom à qch'>.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : máaniyà sauce. ♦ màafi mɛśɛn • condiment pour la sauce. màákitè (màákiti) ‹pul.› n. marché (quotidien, permanent). Syn.: lúumɔ, kɔɔkɔ. màakóè (màako) ‹pul.› nr. affaire, besogne, occupation.  ń màako bòyita wótè mà • J'ai besoin d'argent.  ǹ màákondè ì là • J'ai une affaire pour toi.  ń màako máa • Ce n'est pas mon problème.  màako búyi bí ń bólo • J'ai beaucoup de choses à faire. màama ‹pul.› nr. grandparent <s'emploie sans article>.  màama nɛɛnɛ • arrière-grand-mère. Syn.: bénba, mànkay. màamaréɲɛ̀ (màamarén) nr. petit-fils, petite-fille.  màamarén fúufàfúu • arrière-arrière-petit-fils. màamasɔrɔ Var.: màamasoro. ‹pul.› n. ar-rière-grand-père <s'emploie sans article>. máamusè (máamusu) n. soeur. máandɛ ‹pul.› 1) vi. observer, voir pour la première fois (qch -mà).  déndɛǹù báti máandɛ pòrtéènu mà • Les enfants obser-vent des Blancs pour la première fois.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : kìnáànu dó mínnù báti wá sàn bíisàgin sɔtɔ kó gìla ànu máa máandɛ̀ kɛ̀ sángɛ̀ súgè • Les vieux qui ont quatre-vingts ans disent qu'ils n'ont jamais vu une pluie pareille. 2) vi. se sou-venir de (qn/qn -mà).  ǹ bì máandɛlen á sàyáà lúɲɛ̀ mà • Je me souviens du jour de sa mort. Syn.: jàntɔ, fáltɛ. máandɛ̀ (máandɛ) ‹pul.› n. signe, indicateur. máandinɛ 1) vt. chagriner ; décevoir 2) vt. duper, tromper.  jùláà báti ń máandinɛ • Le commerçant m'a dupé. madòn mádarasà (mádarasa) n. médersa, madrasa (école où l'arabe est enseigné). madɛɛman vt. aider.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : ǹ kó án ní ń mádɛɛman, ǹ nì mɔḿbilè sɔtɔ • Je leur ai demandé de m'aider à trouver une voiture. Syn.: dɛɛman, tadɛɛman. madɛǹ Cf.: mɛdɛǹ 'se rassembler'. madígin vt. 1) serrer, presser.  kà lɛɛmúnɛ̀ màdigin • presser une orange. Syn.: bítin, háamɛ, tadìgin. 2) masser.  k' ì bólè màdigin • se masser la main. madíi vt. <pluralité verbale du verbe dí « donner »> ; donner à droite et à gauche. madímin vi. se faire mal. madíya vt. implorer, supplier.  ǹ bát' í màdíya, ì máni tága, ì kán' ɲínan ǹ kò • Je t'en prie, quand tu partiras, ne m'oublie pas.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : yándi báaba, ń bát' í mádiya • S'il te plaît, je t'en prie ! Syn.: tára. majɛĺɛ complètement.  jéè báti máfàtɛ • L'eau a commencé à bouillir un peu. mafɛĺɛ Var.: mafɛĺɛn. 1) vi. regarder, surveil-ler, observer. 2) vt. examiner, regarder, vé-rifier.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : ǹ kà fìzébùlu màfɛĺɛ táa tɛrɛ béle nàala • J'ai examiné le fusible, l'électricité ne venait pas. mafɛĺɛ vt. tromper, duper. máfìla vt. répéter ; faire encore une fois. mafítan vt. balayer ; essuyer.  [Nsr, disc. « affaires du village »] : ♦ k' ì sàadúlà màfítan • se préparer pour sa mort, litt. : « balayer son tombeau". màga vt. toucher. màgasáɲɛ̀ (màgasán) Var.: màgasɛɲɛ̀ (màgasɛń). ‹fr.› n. 1) magasin, boutique, entrepôt. 2) grenier, cellier. mágba vt./vr. (se) blesser. magbàndi vi. se chauffer un peu. magbàsi 1) vt. secouer, harceler.  [Dgm, histp. « Mami Wata »] : kɛńɛ̀ sì bɔ̀ tún, wò ní mɔgɔ mágbàsi: ì wúlì, ì wúli! • Dès que le jour se lève, vous secouez la personne et vous dites : « lève-toi, lève-toi ! ». 2) màgbɛɲɛ̀ (màgbɛn) nr. approche, proximité (d'un événement).  dénnɛǹù bì sálè màgbɛn màkɔńɔnden • Les enfants atten-dent l'approche de la fête. màliya makò vt./vr. nettoyer, laver un surface entiè-rement, (se) laver soigneusement.  kà dàgáà makò • laver une marmiete en-tièrement (à l'intérieur et à l'extérieur).  k' ì makò • se laver soigneusement.  [Dgm, hist. « ma belle-mère »] : à lé lè bì bón mákòla, à lé lè bì tábirè kɛla, à lé lè báara mɛśɛɲɛ̀ főo kɛĺa • C'est elle qui net-toie toute la maison, qui fait à manger, qui fait tout le travail. Syn.: lakò.  bánta báti màlamála • Il y a eu un éclair dans le ciel. mànsayá à bát' í mánɛɛnɛ, ń dé fɔĺɔ lè nàta yàn • Il ne t'a pas dit la vérité, je suis venu le pre-mier. mángòe (mángo) n. mangue. mángofuutà (mángofuuta) Var.: fúuta (fúuta). n. manguier (variété Brooks). máninka n. Malinké, Maninka (groupe eth-nique ; membre du groupe ethnique ; langue). mànkay Var.: mànkayi. nr. grand-père <ne s'utilise pas avec l'article>. Syn.: bénba, màama. mánkɛ ‹fr.› vi. échouer, manquer.  káalisè báti mánkɛ • Il n'y a pas assez d'argent.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : ì lá kàyéè fɛɛtibɔɛ sànna ì yèn kóobèn? -áa, à í fɛɛtibɔɛ sànna, sàmatáà béle mánkɛla, kùtáà béle mánkɛla, ǹ bálòe bèle mànkɛla • Est-ce ton mari t'achète suffisamment des vêtements ? -Oui, il le fait, il y a as-sez de chaussures, il y a assez de vête-ments, il y a assez de nourriture.  fɔɲɛ̀ dóndên bá' mánkɛ pìnɛ ɲáatɔtà tɔ̀ • Le mawáli màrijáawɔɛ, màrijáawɛ̀ (màrijáawɔ) ‹pul.› n. araignée. ♦ màrijáawɔ bóɲɛ̀ • toile d'araignée.  màrijáawɛ̀ bì bóɲɛ̀ láɲìɲa • L'araignée fait sa toile. Syn.: màaríjaaja. màrsandísè (màrsandísi) Var.: màrsandis. ‹fr., cf. pul.: marsandiisi 'marchandise'› n. marchandise. màsíɲɛ̀ (màsin) ‹fr.› n. machine. masɔ̀ (n) Cf.: malɔ̀ 'accompagner'. masɔtɔ Var.: masɔtɔn. vt. obtenir (en faisant des efforts).  [Skt, conte « Durémané »] : à mán' á bìntan, à mán kɛ́ bùgutáà là, à s' á là mùséènù `màsɔtɔ • Quand il l'a brûlé jusqu'à ce qu'il se fût transformé en cendre, il a obtenu ses femmes. masùusa vt. couvrir, enduire (grande sur-face).  k' íbálè masùusa tùléè là • enduire son corps avec de l'huile.  kà bìrɛɛdè ma-sùusa pɔlɛɛ̀ ma • étaler de la pâte d'arachide sur le pain. matága vt. mettre de côté.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : ǹ ká wónu mátaga • Je les ai mis de côté. matágaman 1) vr. se promener. Syn.: háylɛ 3 , màyanbán, tatɛń. 2) vt. se promener avec. mɛɛtɛrɛ̀ bonne. 2) vt. lécher.  nìngéè y' á déɲɛ̀ méttila • La vache lèche son petit. mètyéè (mètye) Var.: métyè (métye). ‹fr.› n. métier, profession.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : mètyéè b' à là • Il a appris un métier.  [Krp, disc. « dans la forge »] : mín méteye béle tée bálu • Celui qui n'a pas de profession ne survivra pas. méyi vi. bégayer.  [Mns, conte « deux co-épouses »] : à táata háa sɔṕpurè tɔ, kɛ́ jàma dúniyà fɔṕu bì mɛdɛnden káamìn • Elle est venue au champ où tout le monde était rassemblé. 2) vt. rassembler, entasser.  à kà lɛɛmúnɛǹu mɛdɛǹ sàakóè tɔ̀ • Il a cueilli les oranges dans un sac.  à báti mɔgɛɛǹù mɛdɛǹ à là bóɲɛ̀ là • Il a rassemblé les gens chez lui. 2) vr. se plier, se courber. míilɛ̀ nà, àn n' án sìgi yàn • Samba Camara est ici, Sori Camara est ici, maintenant, je veux qu'ils viennent aussi et qu'ils s'assoient ici. Syn.: tugun. mɛń Cf.: mɛ́ 'durer'. mɛń (c, w) Var.: mɔɛ (n). 1) vt. entendre. 2) vt. comprendre. mɛńen vi./vt. (s')allumer. Syn.: lamɛńen. mɛńɛmɛnɛ̀ (mɛńɛmɛnɛ) n. fourmi sp. (noire, ne pique pas). mɛɲɛmɛɲɛ 1) vi. scintiller, vaciller, tremblo-ter.  lɔɔlɛɛǹù bì mɛɲɛmɛɲɛla • Les étoiles scintillent.  kúraɲɛ̀ bì mɛɲɛmɛɲɛla • L'électricité est instable. 2) vi. bruire, froufrouter.  yànba gbálànù bì mɛɲɛmɛɲɛla ń kèɲɛɛǹù kɔtɔ • Il y a des feuilles sèches qui bruissent sous mes pieds. mɛsɛ adjP. 1) maigre. 2) petit. mɛsɛman Var.: mɛsɛma. adjP. petit. mɛśɛɲɛ̀ (mɛśɛn) adjM. 1) petit.  dénden mɛśɛɲɛǹù búyi b' á bòlo • Il a beaucoup de petits enfants.  [Nym, disc. « Rama-dan »] : mà ì fɛń mɛśɛnnɛ̀ dóonù sànden wàna gátɔ, bànána, lɛɛmúnɛ • Nous ache-tons des petites choses, comme un gâteau, une banane, une orange.  [Dgm, histp. « ma belle-mère »] : à sí kílaya mɛśɛnnɛɛǹù kɛɛ ànu yèn bóɲɛ̀ là • Elle va faire des petites commissions chez eux. 2) maigre.  à mɛśɛn ì kó sàagíraɲɛ̀ • Il est maigre comme un clou (litt. : « comme une aiguille »).  à mɛśɛ, ì kó ɲáateè • Il mìn en boule.  ì máni káatatalè màga, à s' á mílin = à sì mílin • Si tu touches un mille-pattes, il se met en boule.  ǹ báti ń mílin súddarɛ̀ là • Je me suis enveloppé dans la couverture. mìlitɛŕɛ̀ (mìlitɛŕ) Var.: mínitɛrɛ̀ (mínitɛr). ‹fr.› n. militaire <s'emploie souvent sans ar-ticle>. mílitɛryà (mílitɛrya) ‹fr.› n. armée. Syn.: lármɛ. míliyaɲɛ̀ (míliyan) Cf.: míniɲan 'python'. míliyɔɲɛ̀ (míliyɔn) Var.: mílyɔɲɛ̀ (mílyɔn). ‹fr.› n. million. mîn pron./dtm. 1) <relativisateur placé à l'intérieur de la proposition relative subor-donnée in situ> ; que, quel.  bɔfɛɛ̀ mìn mà là hɔɗè kɔḿa, mà sì háyi sɛǹbáà yèn ɲɔɔ là • Dans la forêt derrière notre village, on peut voir même un éléphant. 2) <pronom démonstratif ou anaphorique>.  ǹ ká kùtáànù mìnnù sàn • Ce sont les pagnes que j'ai achetés.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : dɛɲɛǹù, ànu ɲɔɔ là háa mɔgɔ tán. Mín í kàranna • Les enfants, ils sont dix. Ils étu-dient.  á bàlanden mín nà, wó lè lɔǵɔ b' á là nùn • Elle a refusé, c'était son choix. 3) <pronom interrogatif>.  mín lɔgɔ b' í là? • Qu'est-ce que tu veux ?  ì bì táala mín nà? • Où est-ce que tu vas ?  ǹ ná bàâ bì mín? • Où est ma chèvre ? 4) <mot d'interrogation dans une question indi-recte>.  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : mà nì dénnɛɛǹu tùgun kéle, mà ní anù màɲíninka, lɔǵɔ déɲɛǹù mínnù ì brúsànu tɔ, lɔǵɛ̀ ɲùman nín ɲùmán dè dénna, dénnɛ̀ sì mín nìn mín dámu, úbyàn dénnɛɛ̀ sì tólon mìn nín mín nà • Nous allons appeler mótè mírimirè (mírimiri) n. rumeur. míriɲɛ̀ (mírin) n. 1) nr. force.  prɛśidaɲɛ̀ míriɲɛ̀ kólo • Le pouvoir du président est grand. 2) nr. sortilège.  à bì kílanden jínnà míriɲɛ̀ kán' á bìta • Il craint que le sortilège de l'esprit ne l'attrape. mísalɛ̀ (mísal) ‹pul. < ar.› n. exemple, illus-tration.  [Skt, descr. « sadaqa »] : ǹ nì mísal kélen fɔ, wò mísalè, ǹ n' á kɛ́ jéè mà • Je vais donner un exemple, ça sera un exemple avec l'eau. mìsɛ vt. s'adresser (à qn sans prononcer son nom).  ǹ kà kúmà mìsɛ à mà = ǹ k' á mìsɛ • Je me suis adressé à lui sans pro-noncer son nom. ‹pul. < ar.› n. pauvre, mendiant.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : mísikina í wó sɔtɔ? • Est-ce qu'un pauvre peut acheter ça ? Syn.: bólokolon. mískiɲɛ̀ (mískin) Cf.: mísikina 'pauvre'. m̀m idéo. imite le son produit par des abeilles. m̀m vt. bourdonner. módi itj. bien, c'est bon, d'accord.  [Mns, conte « deux co-épouses »] : módi, sì ì tée nɔń à tùgula, í màbɔ, ń dè, ǹ n' á tùgu tɛŕiya, pàskɛ́ móllè kɔǹɔndenma • D'accord, si tu ne peux pas le piler, va-mɔǹdɔ • Un jour, un homme à épousé trois femmes.  [Mns, disc., conte « esprit de la rivière »] : dénmusundènù mɔgɔ fìla lè mù nùn • Il y avait une fois trois filles.  [Mns, conte « trois femmes »] : wò ndúguse mɔǵɔ sàba lè háldɛta, ànu màkála ní mùsu ɲíni • Ces trois jeunes hommes ont décidé que chacun devait se trouver une femme. mɔgɔbáà (mɔgɔbáa) n. personne importante, ancien du village ; homme respecté et âgé.  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : kɛ́ mɔgɔbáànu fóo bí sɛǹɛlen dè, ómò ní túnbɔndìrɛ • Tous ces anciens du village sont venus pour que nous pas-sions du temps ensemble. Syn.: kɛɛmɔǵɔ, kìikála, kìna 1 . mɔgɔdandannáà (mɔgɔdandannáa) n. méde-cin (du village). mɔgɔfagafɛɲɛ̀ (mɔgɔfagafɛń) n. poison. mɔgɔfíɲɛ̀ (mɔgɔfín) Cf.: mɔgɔndenfín 'être humain'. mɔgɔndenfíɲɛ̀ (mɔgɔndenfín) Var.: mɔgɔninfíɲɛ̀ (mɔgɔninfín) ; mɔgɔnɛnfíɲɛ̀ (mɔgɔnɛnfín). n. homme, personne, être humain.  [Mns, conte « deux co-épouses »] : lún mìn bánta máni kà wő, mɔgɔndenfíɲɛ̀ sí kèwuya • L'être humain devient plus expérimenté avec chaque nouveau jour. mɔgɔndninfíɲɛ̀ (mɔgɔndinfín) Cf.: mɔgɔndenfín 'être humain'. mɔńbilè (mɔńbili) Var.: mɔǹbílè (mɔǹbíli). ‹fr.› n. voiture, automobile. Syn.: káaru, ɔtɔ. mɔǹdɔɛ, mɔǹdɛɛ̀ (mɔǹdɔ) n. boule, poignée (de pâte, de sauce). múluya  k' í mɔɔmɔ sàrbétè là • s'essuyer avec une serviette. mɔɔnéè (mɔɔni) n. bouillie.  kà mɔɔnéè làdúu • préparer la bouillie. mɔŕɔmɔrɔ 1) vt. enrouler, tordre (une corde). 2) vt. emballer.  [Skt, descr. « enterre-ment »] : àn bì fùréè mɔŕɔmɔrɔla lè wáatà mà kóobèn, kà jùléè kìti à mà • Ils embal-lent bien le corps dans une natte et l'attachent. Syn.: kìti 2 . mɔƴƴɛrɛ̀ (mɔƴƴɛrɛ) ‹pul.› n. 1) bien, bon-heur.  mɔƴƴɛrɛ̀ bì mà fɛ̀ • Le bonheur nous suit. 2) bonnes nouvelles. mu cop. 1) <copul.e d'identification>.  á bâaba mù mílitɛr lè là = á bâaba mílitɛr lè mù • Son père est un militaire.  [Mns, conte « forgeron »] : fɛń mù kɛ? • Qu'est-ce que c'est ? ♦ állà mù V-la • soit, que Dieu nous donne <construction utilisée pour exprimer un voeu>.  [Mns, conte « forgeron »] : állà mù í bɛǹna hɛɛra mà • Que Dieu te donne la sérénité ! <dans la proposition avec la marque de gérondif il est possible d'exprimer le sujet et l'objet direct>  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : állà mù wó mà lè dɛɛmanna • Que vous nous veniez en aide. 2) <s'utilise dans une construction avec la valeur d'intensification avec une répétition de nom>. ♦ kɛ̀ N mù N là • ce N est un vrai/bon N.  kɛ̀ sòfɛŕɛ mù sòfɛŕɛ là • Ce chauffeur est un bon chauffeur.  kɛ̀ nìngéè mù nìngi máangɛ là • C'est une très vieille vache.  kɛ̀ mɔgɔ mù mɔgɔ kɔŕɔ là • Cet homme est une très mauvaise per-sonne. mùgan num. vingt. múyitɛ má lè tùgun, mà ká mà mùɲu wó ɲàa lè • Vous devez tenir le coup, parce que nous aussi, nous avions des difficultés. 3) vi. se calmer, être calme, être patient.  déndɛ̀ bì díila nùn, kɔǹɔ à báti mùɲu • L'enfant pleurait, mais maintenant il s'est calmé.  [Mns, conte « femme du chasseur »] : wò kàyéè nɔǹ, jàka kàyéè mɔgɔ́ mùɲulén dè mù wò là • Cet homme, c'était une per-sonne calme. 4) vi. pardonner (à qn -mà).  í mùɲu ǹ mà! • pardon !  [Mns, conte « femme du chasseur »] : ó mùɲu! • Pardonnez-moi ! mùréè (mùru) n. couteau. ♦ mùsu múru • couteau de cuisine. ♦ tɔgɔ là mùru • couteau qu'on porte à la ceinture.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : ♦ kìna múru • grand couteau. mùrubáà (mùrubá) n. machette. mùséè (mùsu) n. 1) femme. 2) épouse ; femme. ♦ ǹ ná mùséènù • ma femme/mes femmes et ses/leurs soeurs cadettes. mùsubɔńɛ̀ (mùsubɔńɔ) n. célibataire. múturè (múturu) n. sorgho. múudɛ̀ (múudɔ) ‹pul. < ar.› n. aumône mu-sulmane (nourriture donnée aux pauvres pendant le Ramadan).  kà múudɛ̀ bɔ̀ = kà múudɛ̀ súman • donner l'aumône. múutɛ ‹pul.› 1) vi. disparaître, être hors de vue.  à bát ' à bólè màháylɛ háa mɔḿbilè náafigiyà múyitɛ ‹pul.› vt. sucer.  kà bɔǹbɔn mùyitɛ • sucer un bonbon.  bɔɔbɛɛ̀ b' á bólè mùyitɛla • Le bébé suce sa main. Syn.: múrɛ, sùusu. N -n ómò lè kɛ́ lé lè mà, à tí kòliya • C'est ce máa qu'on appelle grand (litt. : « Nous sommes à ça il est grand »).  [Mns, disc. « agricul-ture »] : pòrtéènu wò mà ɛńdísè • Les blancs appellent ça « indice ». máa ‹pul.› conj. ou <conjonction utilisée dans une proposition affirmative>.  [Krp, disc., hist. « histoires du passé »] : àn n' á fɔ̀ ì ní kǔn sàba máa kùn náani súmàn • Ils te di-sent de mesurer trois ou quatre mesures (de riz pour donner comme impôt).  [Krp, disc., hist. « histoires du passé »] : ì sí nìngéè tùgún tà, ì n' á dòni Tìnbɔ, máa bàâ, máa sìiséè • En plus, tu prends une vache et l'emmènes à Timbo, ou bien une chèvre, ou bien une poule. máanditɛ máanditɛ ‹pul.› vt. retenir, mémoriser.  ǹ bát' í là níimɛrò máanditɛ • Je me souviens de ton numéro de téléphone.  [Mns, conte « femme persécutée »] : déndè bát' á máanditɛ á nɛɛnɛ k' á sɔtɔ ŋàráà kɔtɔ lè • Le jeune homme se souvenait que sa mère l'a mis au monde sous un arbre nga-ra. máangɛ̀ (maangɛ) ‹pul.› adjM. vieux (ani-mal).  à báti nìngi máangɛ̀ sàn • Il a ache-té une vieille vache. máaniyà (máaniya) n. banane sp. (une espèce douce et petite). maʔánndɛ vi. être très inquiet.  à báti maʔánndɛ à là déɲɛ̀ la • Il s'inquiète pour son fils. máapɛ ‹pul.› vt. s'inquiéter.  ǹ máapɛta sì ǹ sì wótè sɔtɔ • Je m'inquiète de savoir si je pourrai gagner de l'argent. Syn.: áanɛ, ánndɛ, hámmi. máarasè (máarasi) Var.: màrséè (màrsi). ‹pul.› n. mars.  mángòe bì fɔĺɔla mɔĺa máarasɛ̀ là lè • Les mangues commencent à mûrir en mars. máarigè (maarigi) adjM. tout puissant (Dieu). mabáara vr. resp. travailler (régulièrement). mabàrabara vt. 1) cuire (une grande quantité ou pendant longtemps). 2) cuire un peu (avant de piler). mabárme vr. se blesser.  kà nìngibólè mábìntan • cuire au feu la peau de vache. 2) vi. brûler en partie, brû-ler pas entièrement.  búruɲɛ̀ báti mábìntan • La brousse est brûlée mais pas entièrement. madògon madògon 1) vr. se cacher (plusieurs per-sonnes) <pluralité verbale du verbe dògon 'se cacher'>. Syn.: ~ dògon, lamára, sáma 2 , túnɛn 1 . 2) vt. couvrir. ♦ k' ì bálè madògon • s'habiller. 3) vt. enterrer.  [Dgm, histp. « ma belle-mère »] : sàgóè mà mà ká sòéè mádògon • Le matin nous avons enterré le corps. Syn.: bɛĺnɛ, bìri 1 , lawàttinɛ, sùturá 2 , wáttinɛ. madòn (c, w) Var.: mɔdòn (n). 1) mafàatiya vt. faire semblant d'être fou, simu-ler la folie.  ǹ báti ń yɛtɛ máfàatiya • Je fais semblant d'être fou. mafálin 1) vt. changer, échanger.  ǹ báti ǹ nà tɛĺɛfɔn màfálin • J'ai échangé mon télé-phone.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et acci-dent »] : k' à màfálin àn ɲɔǵɔn bólo • contester qch. 2) vr. changer de vête-ments. mafára vt. (se) déchirer (en plusieurs en-droits), fendre (une grande quantité).  kà lɔǵɛ̀ màfara • fendre beaucoup de bois. mafàtɛ vi. commencer à bouillir, bouillir un peu, n'être pas complètement bouilli.  jéè bì máfàtɛlen • L'eau n'est pas bouillie magbɛtɛn magbɛtɛn vi. 1) se sécher peu à peu. 2) maigrir peu à peu. màgéè (màgi) ‹pul.› n. anesthésique (de plantes, utilisé pour le braconnage de pois-son). magòrogóro s'égratigner (en descendant d'un palmier). mahɔɔlinkinɛ majàabi vt. répondre de manière insolente. majàlbɛ vi. luire d'un lueur pâle ; donner la lumière avec des interruptions. mákani vt. demander, réclamer, revendiquer. makára 1) vt. coudre (plusieurs objets) <forme de pluralité verbale du verbe kára « coudre »>. 2) diffamer. makéle Var.: makíli. 1) convoquer, appeler (plusieurs personnes).  [Dgm, histp. « en-lèvement des rails »] : sálli b' á màkílila • Le muezzin appelle les gens à la prière. 2) prier (Dieu). 3) vt. réclamer, revendi-quer.  ǹ báti ǹ nà wótè màkíli a là • Je lui ai demandé de me rendre mon argent. Syn.: makáni. málan málan Var.: mɛĺɛn. vi. éclater.  bánta báti málan • Il y a eu un éclair dans le ciel.  fárnitɛrɛ̀ báti málan • Il y a eu un coup de tonnerre. málangà (málanga) n. arbre sp. màmayitárè (màmayitári) n. commerce <no-minalisation du verbe màmáyita 'vendre'>.  màmayitárè yàn gbɛlɛ • C'est difficile de faire du commerce ici. màmayitariláà (màmayitariláa) Var.: màmáyitarlaà (màmáyitarlaa). n. commer-çant.  màmayitariláanù búyi bì Zɛŕɛkɔrɛ • Il y a beaucoup de commerçants à Nzé-rékoré. Syn.: yéyirikɛɛlaa, màmayitariláa. mamɔɔmɔ vt. frotter. Syn.: mɔɔmɔ. mán Cf.: máni 'variante facultative du mar-queur prédicatif du conditionnel qui peut apparaîte devant les voyelles comme de-vant les consonnes'. mánɛɛnɛ (n, w) 1) vt. tromper ; se moquer de ; plaisanter. 2) vt. ne pas avoir raison, avoir tort.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : mànsáà pneu avant n'était pas suffisamment gon-flé. mànsáà (mànsa) n. 1) roi ; chef. ♦ mànsáànu • autorités, instances. 2) pouvoir, autorités, gouvernement. Syn.: mànsayá. mànsayá vi. gouverner, diriger, êter directeur.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : à nɛɛnɛ bí mànsayandén làbutánè kùnma • Sa mère est la diréctrice de l'hôpital. mànsáyà (mànsayá) n. pouvoir.  prɛśidaɲɛ̀ la mànsayáà kólo • Le président a beaucoup de pouvoirs. maɲìninka vt. demander. màɲɔǵɛ̀ (màɲɔǵɔ) Var.: màɲɔgɛɛ̀ (màɲɔgɔ). nr. du même âge, camarade d'âge.  ń kɔtɛɛ̀ màɲɔgɛɛ̀ • celui qui a le même âge que mon frère aîné. Syn.: fílanma, nbɔɔ ; fílanma, fúlan, nbɔɔ. maŋáɲa vt./vr. (se) gratter. maŋásɛ vt./vr. (se) gratter. márà (mara) Var.: maran. adjM. gauche (op-posé à droite). màra 1) vi. se conserver, être préservé.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : támaatè máni móo, à tée màra • Si les tomates sont mûres, elles ne peuvent pas se conserver. 2) vt. garder ; cacher. màrifáà (màrifá) n. fusil. Syn.: fìnkáari. máarìjáajà (márìjáaja) ‹pul.› n. araignée. mátiyerè 3) vr. reculer, s'éloigner.  [Krp, disc. « menuisiers »] : wó kùsan wò màtágamanna, à n' á ràbɔtɛ • Pouvez-vous reculer un peu, pour qu'il puisse le rabo-ter. mátiyerè (mátiyere) ‹fr.› n. matériel, quincail-lerie. mawáli vt. travailler une surface soigneuse-ment.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : ànu bí dùgéè wò màwálila sántimɛtɛr sántimɛtɛr lè là • Ils travaillent cette terre soigneusement, centimètre par centimètre. mawùtun vt. plumer. mawútuya vi. être/devenir très court.  jùléè báti máwutuya • La corde est devenue très courte. màyanbán vr. se promener. Syn.: háylɛ 3 , (ma)tágaman, tatɛń. mayɛlɛman 1) vt./vi. (se) renverser. 2) vt./vi. (se) changer, (se) transformer.  [Dgm, histp. « dans la brousse »] : sàn kélen, ànu máa à yèn, à máyɛlɛmanta, à kɛta jínnà là • Ils ne l'ont pas vu pendant un an, il a changé, il est devenu un esprit. Cf.: tayɛlɛman 'se tourner'. mayìta vt. vendre.  háa bìi ǹ máa fɛń màyíta dòrikéènu tɔ̀ • Jusqu'à présent, je n'ai pas vendu une seule chemise. métti ‹pul.› 1) vt. goûter.  ǹ bát' í lá màaféè métti, à dí • J'ai goûté ta sauce, elle est mɛɛkɔɛ̀ mɛɛkɔɛ̀ (mɛɛkɔ) n. tamarinier noir, tamarinier velours, dialium de Guinée (Dialium gui-neense, pousse aux bords des rivières). mɛɛmɛ Var.: mɛmi. ‹pul.› vt. tâter (d'un aveugle).  ɲáafyɔɲɛ̀ kà ǹ ɲáakɔtɛ̀ mɛɛmɛ • L'aveugle a tâté mon visage.  ǹ b' á mɛɛmɛla pìnpéè là • J'avance en tâtonnant dans l'obscurité. mɛɛmɛŕè (mɛɛmɛŕi) n. <nominalisation du verbe mɛ ɛmɛ 'tâter'> ; tâtonnement.  nùméènù bì mɛĺɛn nadáala • Les forge-rons fabriquent les parties métalliques des instruments.  mùru mɛĺɛn • lame de cou-teau.  dàba mɛĺɛn • partie métallique de la houe. mɛmi Cf.: mɛɛmɛ 'tâter'. mɛn (n, w) dtm. 1) quant à <marqueur de changement du topique ; utilisé quand il y a une relation d'opposition entre deux su-jets>.  í lè mɛǹ, ì tɔǵɔ kámà? • Et toi, comment tu t'appelles ?  [Lbk, disc. « af-faires du village »] : má lè mɛń má nàata, mà kà kɛ́ lálɔ, án nâàta mɛń, kó mà tée kɛ̀ lálɔ̀ • Nous, nous sommes venus et nous avons construit ça, mais eux, ils ont dit que nous ne pouvons pas le construire. 2) aussi.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du vil-lage »] : Sánbà Kàmárà í yàn, Sɔrí Kàmara bí yàn, kɔtɛɛ̀ à lɔǵɔ bí ǹ nà, wón' mɛǹ ní mɛśɛnnɛ̀ est maigre comme un clou (litt. : « comme un cil »). mɛśɛnnɛ̀ (mɛśɛnde) n. aiguille. Syn.: sàagíran. mɛśɛya vi. maigrir. Syn.: bára. mɛtɛru Var.: mɛɛtɛr. ‹fr.› n. enseignant <s'emploie sans article>. mɛẃ idéo. chic ! (imite le mouvement d'un couteau). mìjitɛ ‹pul.› vi./vt. réfléchir (à, sur qch, qn -là). mìjitɔɔrè (mìjitɔɔri) ‹pul.› n. réflexion <no-minalisation du verbe mìjitɛ 'réfléchir'>.  ǹ báti mìjitɔŕɛ̀ máa bìi mà báta là kóo là • Aujourd'hui j'ai beaucoup pensé à notre village. mìjɔŕè (mìjɔŕi) <nominalisation du verbe mìjɛ 'décider'>. nr. décision.  ǹ ná mìjɔŕè mù mín nà, ǹ mán tága mà báta ǹ sì bóɲɛ̀ lɔ̀ • Voici ma décision : quand j'irai chez nous, je construirai une maison. mìkifɔɔrɛ̀ (mìkifɔɔrɛ) n. Mikiforé (groupe ethnique ; membre du groupe ethnique ; langue). mílin 1) vi. se rouler, s'enrouler.  kàâ báti mílin • Le serpent s'est enroulé sur lui-même. 2) vt. enrouler.  kà jùléè mílin lɔǵɛ̀ là • enrouler la corde sur un bâton.  kà wáatà mílin • enrouler la natte. 3) vr./vi. s'envelopper ; se rouler, se mettre mìn les enfants pour leur demander, quels fruits il y a dans la brousse, quels sont les arbres qui donnent des fruits, qu'est-ce que les enfants mangent, ou bien avec quoi les enfants jouent. mìnaɲɛɛ̀ (mìnan) n. guib harnaché (espèce d'antilope, Tragelaphus scriptus). míniman dtm. lequel ?  mà bì lɛɛru míniman tɔ̀ yàn? • Quelle heure est-il ?  kùta míniman lɔǵɔ b' í là? • Quel tissu est-ce que tu préfères ? Syn.: ɲùman. mínitè (míniti) ‹fr.› n. minute. mínizeyà (mínizeya) Var.: múnizeyà (múnizeya). ‹fr.› n. menuiserie. mínizyɛ̀ (mínizyɛ) ‹fr.› n. menuisier. mír ‹pul.› adv. tard.  pír à nín mír, ǹ bì wálila • Je travaille du matin au soir.  ǹ báti bán wálila mír • J'ai fini de travailler tard. míraɲɛ̀ (míran) Var.: mìráɲɛ̀ (mìran). n. vais-selle ; écuelle. míri (c) 1) vr. réfléchir, imaginer (qch, qn -là).  [Nym, conte, prov. « maudit »] : síikulinden k' á sìgi, à k' á míri, à k' á míri, síikuli kó • Le petit bouc s'est assis, il a réfléchi un moment et après il a dit : .... 2) vi. penser (à qch -mà).  ǹ bì mírila fàgáà mà • Je pense à la mort. móllè t'en, moi, je le pilerai vite, on nous attend.  módi, sì ì béle nàla, ń dè, ǹ bá' tága • D'accord, si tu ne pars pas, moi je m'en vais. Syn.: àwa, ngàsí. móllè (n) Cf.: mo + lè + lè 'forme fusion-née de la focalisation du pronom de la première personne du pluriel'. mòtérɛ̀ (mòter) ‹fr.› n. moteur. mótè (móto) ‹fr.› n. moto. ♦ kà mótè jíga • prendre la moto. mótotaksi ‹fr.› n. taxi-moto <s'emploie sans article>. mɔ-(n, w) <variante du préfixe à valeur de pluralité verbale qui apparaît avec un nombre restreint de racines verbales au lieu du préfixe ma-dans les dialectes du nord et de l'ouest>. Cf.: ma-. mɔ́ vi. mûrir, être prêt (nourriture).  míniti bíisàba kò sòbéè bá' mɔ́ • La viande sera prête dans trente minutes.  mángòe bá' mɔ́ • La mangue est devenue mûre. mɔbɔ́ (c, n) Cf.: mabɔ́ 's'éloigner'. mɔdòn (c, w) Cf.: madòn 'approcher'. mɔɛ (n) Cf.: mɛń 'entendre'. mɔgɛɛ̀ (mɔgɔ) Var.: mɔɔ. n. 1) homme, per-sonne. 2) on, personne <s'emploie comme pronom impersonnel>.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : mɔgɔ tée tó fànga báarà tún nà • On ne peut pas faire que du travail phy-sique.  [Dgm, histp. « mon parcours »] : mɔgɔ tée dáha ì màa tɔɔrɔ, ì mán tɔɔrɔ lè, ì nì dàha • L'homme ne peut pas avoir du succès sans souffrir, c'est quand on souffre qu'on réussit. 3) <mot utilisé pour compter les gens>.  lún dó lè nɔɔǹ mhm> kàyéè dò kí mùsú mɔgɔ̀ sàbà jìgà mɔǹdɔ mɔǹdɔ 1) vi. être sphérique, avoir la forme d'une boule.  búlansɛ̀ báti fáriɲɛ̀ lamɔǹdɔ, k' à láɲìɲa bìrɛɛdè là • le boulanger a fait des boules de pâte, puis il a fait le pain à partir de ça. 2) vt. donner une poignée de qch à qn, donner à manger (à un animal).  ǹ báti wùléè mɔǹdɔ kínè tɔ̀ • J'ai donné une poignée de riz au chien.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : kàbi ǹ k' á tà, ǹ b' á mɔǹdɔla, ǹ bél' á gbàsila, ǹ bél' á gbènna • Depuis que j'ai pris [le chien], je lui donne toujours à manger, je ne le frappe pas, je ne le chasse pas de-hors. mɔǹdɔŕè (mɔǹdɔri) n. fait de donner une poi-gnée de nourriture <nominalisation du verbe mɔ ǹdɔ 'donner une poignée de nour-riture'>. mɔńɛ vi. être fâché ; être mécontent. 2) vi. être chagriné, être affecté.  ì mán tága sàyáà tɔ, ì káni mɔńɛ sákkɔ ì nì dí • Quand tu iras à l'enterrement, ne sois pas triste, pour ne pas pleurer. mɔǹtɔŕɛ̀ (mɔǹtɔŕɔ) ‹pul. < fr.› n. montre ; horloge. mɔɛ̀ (mɔɔ) adjM. mûr.  ǹ báti mángo mɔɔleɲɛ̀ yén lɔǵɛ̀ là • J'ai trouvé une mangue mûre sur l'arbre. mɔɔɗi Var.: mɔɔdi. ‹pul.› itj. <exclamation d'étonnement>. mɔɔmɔ 1) vt. frotter, essuyer ; frictionner ; repasser ; caresser.  kà wùléè mɔɔmɔ • caresser un chien.  mùséè kà dàgáà mɔɔmɔ kùtáà là • La femme a essuyé la marmite avec un chiffon. 2) vr. s'essuyer. múgu múgu vi. être disloqué, être luxé (partie du corps).  ń kùngbɛĺɛɲɛ̀ báti múgu • J'ai une luxation du genou. múllɛ̀ (múllɔ) ‹pul.› n. bracelet. mùlukéè (mùluku) n. lézard. múlun vi. ressembler, être similaire (à qn/qch -là).  ǹ múlunta ń nɛɛnɛ là • Je ressemble à ma mère. múluya vi. ressembler, être similaire (à qn / qch). mûn pron. quel ?  mún tùma lè? • quand ? Syn.: ɲùman, míniman. múnanfaɲɛ̀ (múnanfan) n. intérêt, avantage, utilité, profit.  kà múnanfaɲɛ̀ sɔtɔ • gagner des bénéfices.  [Gnm, disc. « vie des femmes »] : wò ì múnanfaɲɛ̀ sɔtɔlá sɛǹɛ̀ kɛɛ̀ wò tɔ? -ǎáà, mà ì múnanfaɲɛ̀ sɔtɔnná á tɔ, ɓáyru mà í mà bálòe sɔtɔnna à tɔ̀ • Est-ce que le travail aux champs vous rapporte bien ? -Oui, il nous rapporte bien, nous vivons grâce à ça. Syn.: nàfa. múnanfan vt. être important pour, intéresser ; rapporter à.  [Dgm, histp. « mon par-cours »] : kóènù tùn mín sí mà là hɔɗè mùnanfan, ǹ dé lè wó bàarala • Les sujets qui peuvent être importants pour notre vil-lage, c'est mon travail [d'en parler à la ra-dio]. Syn.: kélɗi 1 . múngè (múngu) n. poudre. múɲu vi. ressembler. mùɲu 1) vi. tolérer, supporter, endurer  kà mùɲu kɔńkɛ̀ mà • supporter la faim.  ì báti mùɲu à k' í nàni mín nà • Tu as enduré son insulte. 2) vr. éprouver des dif-ficultés, se débattre.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : wò ní wó wàkkilɛ wò ɲàa, ɓá múuyɛ bá' múutɛ • Il agitait la main jusqu'à ce que la voiture soit hors de vue. 2) vi. plonger dans l'eau. múuyɛ ‹pul.› vt. vouloir, prédestiner (Dieu).  állà bát' á múuyɛ, ń nàta Nzérekore • Dieu a fait que je suis venu à Nzérékoré. ǹ pron. je, moi <pronom de la première per-sonne du singulier>. n' <variante réduite qui apparait facultative-ment devant une voyelle>. Cf.: nín 'et'. -n' <variante réduite du suffixe du pluriel qui apparait devant une voyelle et, d'une ma-nière, optionnelle devant une consonne>. Cf.: -nu. na-Cf.: la-'variante du préfixe causatif qui apparaît après une nasale'. nà 1) vi. venir.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : ànu fóo sí nà ì bàta, k' à màfɛĺɛ sì ì kà sáli kíni ɲúmà tábi nùn àn sì mín dámu • Ils viennent tous chez toi et regardent si tu as préparé de la bonne nourriture pour la fête pour eux. 2) vi. rentrer chez soi.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : tága bóɲɛ̀ là ì ní nà • Rentre chez toi ! Va-t'en ! 3) vi. <utilisé comme verbe sérialisant>.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : mà ì sɛbɛla lɛkkɔĺ là Ɲámayara yàn, mɔgɛɛ̀ sí nà fìsaya mɔgɔ bíinàani kò • Quand nous nous sommes inscrits à l'école de Nya-mayara ici, il y avait plus de quarante per-sonnes. 4) vi. aller faire.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : Káadɛ, ń nâanden í máɲìninkalá lè • Caydet, je vais te deman-der une chose. náà (náa) nr. partie ; séquence (dans un ordre).  [Nym, disc. « école »] : kɔmpɔsyɔń mán kɛ, ǹ bì klásɛla mɔgɔ tán náà là • Quand on fait les compositions (à l'école), je suis classé dixième au niveau des résultats.  káppɛ̀ mìn ì brúsà tɔ, à fɔĺɔ náà kúnayanden dè, à kɔtɔ náà dí • L'igname qu'on trouve dans la brousse, sa partie supérieure est amère et sa partie inférieure est bonne.  ǹ báti bàntárà sen, háa ǹ báti ké à kɔtɔ náà mà • J'ai creusé autour du manioc jusqu'à obtenir sa partie inférieure. Syn.: jábali, sìgidúla, tán. nàa Var.: náà. itj. oui ? <interjection pronon-cée en réponse à une adresse directe dans une conversation>.  [Nym, disc. « Rama-dan »] : Búbakar Kɔǹdɛ! -nàa? -Tàna máa tèle? • Boubacar Condé ? -Oui? -Comment vas-tu ? náaɗɛ -nan náaɗɛ ‹pul.› vr. lever (le bâton, la main sur qch, qn).  à bát ' a náaɗɛ kùréè fɛ, wùléè bón kóè là • Il a soulevé une pierre pour la jeter sur un chien. náafɛ vi. prier (pendant le Ramadan). náafigè (náafigi) n. intrigant, magouilleur ; rapporteur, indiscret.  ɓáyi à báti náafulè sɔtɔ, náafigènù búyi b' á kɔɔma • Il est de-venu riche et maintenant il y a beaucoup d'intrigants autour de lui. náafigiya vi. intriguer, mener une intrigue (contre qn -yèn). náafilà (náafila) n. prière supplémentaire, prière surérogatoire (effectuée par le mu-sulman en plus des cinq prières quoti-diennes « obligatoires »).  kà náafilà kɛ̀ • faire la prière supplémentaire. nàafúlè (nàafúlu) n. 1) richesse.  nàafulu tígè 2) bétail. nàafulukololáà (nàafulukololáa) n. éleveur. nàákɔɛ (nàákɔ) n. potager.  kà nàákɔɛ là • cultiver le potager. náamu (n) itj. ‹ar› oui, mhm <marque l'attention de l'interlocuteur à ce qui est dit, invite le locuteur à continuer à parler>. náanɛn adv. autrefois, avant.  náanɛn, ǹ bì hɔɗè tɔ̀ • Autrefois j'habitais au village. náani num. quatre. nàani Cf.: nàni 'insulter'. námatà (námata) n. 1) tordu, torsadé.  [Dgm, histp. « Mami Wata »] : mángo jóè dóè mà bàta, kɔǹɔ fúuta námatà lè • Nous avons un manguier chez nous, c'est un manguier de 2) paralytique ; homme qui ne peut pas se námaya 1) vi. glisser ; échapper, filer, mains. 2) vi. oublier (qch -tɔ ).  ǹ bá' námaya ǹ ná kúlè tɔ̀ • J'ai oublié ma  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : à tóoli formateur du chef. sànba nánì • Attendez-moi ici, je vous ap-nbàtuláà (nbàtuláa) n. assistant du chef, in-guier »] : wó ń mákɔǹɔn yàn, ǹ sí wó multitude de personnes. nanì • Bienvenue !  [Nym, conte « Fi-nbàtóè (n) (nbàtu) ‹pul.› n. foule, affluence, bòlo • Le téléphone m'est tombé des vérité ou insistance dans l'impératif)>. tique. s'esquiver ; tomber.  tɛĺɛfɛn bá' námaya ǹ d'emphase (focalisation sur la valeur de náylanpɔɔrɛ̀ (náylanpɔɔrɛ) n. sac en plas-nánì Var.: nanì. prt. <mot discursif forme écrite). tenir debout pour marcher. nɛɛnɛdɔǵɔman 'tante cadette'. násè (náse) n. protection magique (sous la nándɔgɔman <s'emploie sans article>. Cf.: náran vi. (se) lier, (se) relier. la variété Brooks avec un tronc torsadé. la mère) <s'emploie sans article>. nára vt. coller. nánden nr. belle-mère ; marâtre (coépouse de arrivez à attraper? Syn.: sànnín. Syn.: prɔblɛm, sáttɛndɛ, tɔɔrɔya. piège et jusqu'au soir, qu'est-ce que vous nánbarà (nánbara) n. problème, difficulté. • Depuis le moment quand vous mettez le • riche.  nàafúlè b' á bòlo • Il est riche. Cf.: làko 'pour'. námà (náma) n. gombo (Abelmoschus escu-lentus). Syn.: tàku. námà (náma) n. poisson sp. (grand, comes-tible). námà (nàma) adjMP. nouveau. -nan nbúsè n'a pas de propriétaire. nànnín prep. avant, depuis ce moment et jusqu'à.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : wò máni príkè lásìgi sàgóè mà, nànnín ùráà wò ì fɛń nìn fɛń bìtala? langue. 3) náɲɛ̀ (n) (nán) Cf.: nɛń 'langue'. porterai un cadeau.  [Nym, disc. « vie des nbɔbɛɛ̀ nɛɛ nbɔbɛɛ̀ (nbɔbɔ) ‹pul.› n. sourd-muet. femmes »] : káppɛ̀ wò nɔǹ, à kàláà nɔńbɛ̀ propriétaire.  nìngi nánnatɔɔ • vache qui nɔńbɛ̀ lè • nánnatɔɛ̀ (nannatɔɔ) adjM. sans famille, sans lè káa lɔǵɛ̀ lè? -nɔńbɛ̀ lè wó là nánì, nbɔbɔya vi. devenir muet.
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máa máa mabìntan mabɔ́ mádɛ Cf.: mɛdɛ 'se taire'. majɛĺɛ makàtun màkɛŕɛ̀ màkorónè máliɲɛ̀ màlumálu Cf.: màlamála 'éclater'. mamáyita Cf.: máyìta 'vendre'. mángojoè máɲaga márse mawíirɛ mɛmɛɛtɛrɛ̀ mɛĺɛn Cf.: málan 'éclater'. mɛĺɛɲɛ̀ (mɛĺɛn) n. partie métallique. mɛńtɛ̀ mìdéè mìn míniɲaɲɛ̀ (c) (míniɲan) Var.: míliyaɲɛ̀ (míliyan) (n). n. python. míniterɛ̀ (mínitɛr) Cf.: mílitɛr 'militaire'. mìsíidè (mìsíidi) Var.: mìsírè (mìsíri). ‹pul. < ar.› n. place (publique).

mísikkè (mísikke) ‹fr.› n. musique. mísilimè (mísilimi) ‹fr.› n. musulman. mìskíinɛ̀ (mìskíin) Var.: mísikinà (mískin). m̌ḿm̀ mɔkála mɔɔ náa náafigiyà nàaníɲɛ̀ nbɔɛ̀

  2) <suffixe du participe passif débitatif, se combine avec un nombre limité de verbes transitifs>.  [Krp, disc., hist. « histoires du passé »] : sì tàrantá sì mɔĝɔ̀ bílòolu máà mɔgɔ́ kɛmɛ bɔɔ, háray wò kɔǹtilen, pàskɛ́ sì dɛĺɛgasyɔn nàat' á fɛĺɛ, à sí mâɲìninká wò fóo là • Si [la mosquée] reçoit cinquante ou cent personnes, il faut compter tout ça, parce que si une délégation vient pour la voir, ils vont le demander. Syn.: -nan. ndíkkɛ ‹pul.› vi. guérir, se remettre, se rétablir.  kàramɔḱɛ̀ bát' a landíkkɛ kɛ̀ kìtayáà là • Le marabout l'a guéri de cette maladie.  ì báti ndíkkɛ? • Es-tu en bonne santé maintenant ? (salutation adressée à qn qui était malade). Syn.: ndíkkɛ. Var.: nɛn. prt. pendant, quand, comme <s'emploie dans une proposition subordonnée de temps après le prédicat où à la fin de la proposition>.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : mà tɛrɛ kàranna nɛ́ Màdina, mà tɛrɛ á sɛṕpila wó lè tɔ̀ • Quand nous étudions à Madina, nous y allions à pied.  [Dgm, histp. « ma belle-mère »] : ǹ dé kòloyata nɛɛ, ń kâranta háa ń kéta kɔlɛź là • Quand j'ai grandi, je suis allé étudier au collège.  [Dgm, histp. « mon parcours »] : ǹ tàata nɛɛ ń ná kâran dúlà Fàrana, ǹ ná mɔgɔ wő mɔgɔ béle ɲɔɔ, k' à tàran ǹ dɔŕɔn • Quand je suis allée étudier à Faranah, il n'y avait personne de mes proches, j'étais seule.  [Dgm, histp. « mon parcours »] : ń gbàndiyata nɛɛ̀ ɲɔ̀ mùsu kɔtɛ̀ wò, à ká ń tábìta, ì kó á là déɲɛ̀ • Quand je suis tombée malade là-bas, cette vieille femme m'a soignée comme si j'étais son enfant.  ń nàata nɛń, ǹ k' á tàran láanden • Quand je suis venu, je l'ai trouvé couché.  [Skt, conte « chimpanzés »] : àn kɛɛta nɛń dèemóè là, àn fátanta ɲɔ̀ nɛtɔ • Après qu'ils se sont transformés en chimpanzé, ils se sont séparés. Syn.: ɲɔɔ 3 . Var.: nɛɛnɛkinaman. nr. tante aînée (grande soeur de la mère) <s'emploie sans article>. Syn.: bàanba. nɛɛtɔ̀ Var.: dɛtɔ. pp. dans, vers <s'utilise le (nɛńɛnɛnɛ) n. fourmi sp. (qui ne pique pas, ou dont la piqûre est faible). nɛt ‹fr.› n.loc. sur l'internet. (nɛtɛlama) adjM. jaune. Syn.: púuta. nɛẃrɛ̀ (nɛẃrɛ) ‹pul.› n.nr. paume (anat.). nɛẃuni Var.: nɛẃnu. ‹pul.› 1) vt. permettre.  mànsáà báti wáaɲɛ̀ nɛwni a la dùgéè tɔ̀ • Le chef a donné la permission de faire la chasse sur son territoire. Syn.: sɔǹ 1 , yàanɛ. 2) vt. ordonner.  màsaà bát' a nɛwni kà wálè mà • Le chef a donné l'ordre de faire le travail. nfásala itj. Dieu merci ! Var.: nfá. ǹgáandè (ǹgáandi) ‹pul.› nr. cerveau. ngàsí Var.: gàsí. ‹pul.› itj. bien, d'accord. wò fúgà tɔ̀ gúllendè lè bì yɛlɛla í mà • Dans cette brousse, tu aura très chaud. 2) vapeur.  ngùlléndè bì yɛlɛla dàgáà tɔ̀ • La vapeur monte de la marmite. ni Var.: i. pm. 1) <marqueur d'optatif, exprime demande, ordre, souhait>.  wò bíƴɛnden mɔḿbilè tɔ, mɔgɔ kélen ní jígi • Ils sont déjà trop serrés dans cette voiture, il faut qu'une personne descende.  ì mán bɛǹ tàralikɛɛlaà là, ì n' á kɔ̀ fɛń tɔ̀ • Si tu vois un mendiant, il faut lui donner quelque chose.  wò nì mà fɛĺɛ ùráà là • Venez nous rendre visite le soir. ‹pul.› adv. maintenant ; ici ; comme ça <démonstratif temporel ou spatial avec la valeur de proximité par rapport au locuteur, employé dans le kakabé de l'ouest>.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : sàn tán nin ságin ɲínan, mà ì gɛrɛla, háa níi mà m' á údditɛ • Ça fait déjà vingt huit ans que nous nous battons pour ça, mais jusqu'à présent nous ne l'avons pas ouverte [la mosquée].  [Krp, disc. « menuisiers »] : áprantèn' mán nà, àn ì wálila dóndèn níi lè, àn n' á bòloka • Quand les apprentis viennent, ils travaillent un peu ici et après ils partent. Syn.: yàn. Sàramúsayà lúumɛ, bàânu nìn sìiséènu nìn kùtáàn' dè máyìtala ɲɔɔ là, à nín dámòe à nín bàntárà à nín wúseɲɛ̀ • Au marché de Saramoussaya on vend des chèvres, des poulets, des vêtements, et aussi de la nourriture, du manioc et de l'igname.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : ǹ bí tàmáatè nìn jàgatóè lè kíila, à nín tàkoè • Je plante des tomates, des aubergines du gombo.  [Dgm, histp. « ma belle-mère »] : mà kà túlènu sàn, à nín màafi mɛśɛɲɛǹu • Nous avons acheté l'huile et les condiments. Nym, disc. « école »] : hári wó lè lá kìnáànù, fɛń nìn fɛń sɛǹɛla nùn? • Qu'estce vos parents plantaient avant ?  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : mà nì dénnɛɛǹu tùgun kéle, mà ní anù màɲíninka, lɔǵɔ déɲɛǹù mínnù ì brúsànu tɔ, lɔǵɛ̀ ɲùman nín ɲùmán dè dénna, dénnɛ̀ sì mín nìn mín dámu, úbyàn dénnɛɛ̀ sì tólon mìn nín` mín nà • Nous allons appeler les enfants pour leur demander, quels fruits il y a dans la brousse, quels sont les arbres qui donnent des fruits, qu'est-ce que les enfants mangent, ou bien avec quoi les enfants jouent. Var.: níwàli. itj. merci ! njà Cf.: jà 'se sécher'. ‹pul.› itj. 1) et ; mais ; donc <marqueur de la contrastivité ou de changement du topique>.  à mɛɛta ɲɔɔ nɛɛtɔ̀ nɔń, à kó à màama mà • Donc après quelque temps, il a dit à sa grand-mère : ....  àn dénɲɔgɛǹu nàta, dénnɛɛ̀ nɔǹ síginden lɔǵɛ̀ là • Ses amis sont partis mais lui, il est resté assis sur l'arbre.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : fɛń nɔǹ ká wò mà háray? • Alors, pourquoi ça s'est passé comme ça ? 2) <mot discursif d'emphase (focalisation sur la valeur de vérité ou insistance dans l'impératif)>.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : à kélɗita few, kóobèn nɔǹ • C'était bien, très bien.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : dónk wó lè lè ká kɛ̀ tɛgɛrɛɛ̀ dà? -ǹ nɔǹ dè lè ká wò tɛgɛráɲɛ̀ dà • Donc, c'est vous qui avez fait cette hache ? -Oui, c'est moi qui l'ai faite. Syn.: dɛ, náni. Je ne comprends pas ce qu'il dit. 4) vt. gouverner, diriger, coloniser, soumettre ;. 5) vt. vaincre, triompher sur.  Àlfa Kɔńdɛ̀ báti Sɛĺlù nɔǹ wɔtɛ̀ tɔ̀ • Alpha Condé a vaincu Cellou aux élections. 6) vt. pouvoir manipul.er ; avoir le pouvoir sur.  ǹ tée kɛ̀ tàabálè nɔǹ • Je n'arrive pas à soulever cette table.  mànsáà bì kɛ̀ bándè nɔɔnden • Le chef a le pouvoir de faire ce qu'il veut de ce bandit. 7) vi. se sentir bien ; se sentir fort.  ǹ bí nɔɔnden bìi • Aujourd'hui je me sens bien. Quand je suis venu, ma mère avait pilé le manioc. 3) <indice du passé annulé>.  ń kɔtɛɛ̀ báti bɔ́ nùn, kɔǹɔ à báti tánà • Mon grand frère est sorti, mais ensuite il est revenu.  ǹ báti kɔrɛɛ̀ làbóyi nùn, ǹ bát' a tɔǹbɔn • J'ai fait tomber du riz, mais après je l'ai ramassé. 4) <marqueur d'irréel dans une proposition conditionnelle>.  sì ì máa sɔń nùn mà n' a wà, mà tée sòbéè sɔtɔ • Si tu ne nous avais pas laissé partir, nous n'aurions pas trouvé de viande. núnbɛ vi. flotter. Syn.: wɔỳɔ 2 . nùngáɲɛ̀ (nùngán) nr. coude. Syn.: jókkɛ. nùngu 1) vi. être mou.  mángòe báti nùngu • La mangue est devenue molle. 2) vi. être calme, être silencieux. ɲá vi. se résoudre, se trouver une solution. (ɲáa) 1) nr. mesure ; portion.  à báti kɔrɔ ɲáa fìla tà • Il a pris deux mesures de riz. 2) nr. manière (de faire qch).  à máa kàran a kàran ɲáà mà • Il n'a pas étudié comme il fallait.  wò ɲáà • 1) ainsi, de cette manière 2) maintenant, tantôt.  ǹ báti jéè sɔréè tò wò ɲáà • Je viens de finir de puiser l'eau.  ì bì wálila ɲáà mìn mà, à máa ɲín • La manière dont tu travailles n'est pas bonne. 3) n. fois.  [Dgm, histp. « vieille sorcière »] : à káà bón ɲáa kélen nà, kà kàâ máyɛlɛmán • Il a tiré une fois et ça a retourné le serpent. vi. se disputer, se quereller, se brouiller.  à tígè n' á fɔ̀ tún, ì n' á làgbɔɔya à yèn, ò nì ɲáagàsi, ò ní bìla ɲɔǵɔn nà • Il te dira un mot seulement, tu lui répondras impoliment, et vous allez vous disputer et vous battre. Syn.: gɛrɛ 1 , kɛlɛ 1 , wáddɛ. (ɲáakɔtɔ) Var.: = ɲáa. 1) nr. visage.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : ♦ k' ì ɲáakɔtɛ̀ tábɛǹ • se maquiller. Syn.: ɲaa 2 . 2) pp. en face de, près de.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : s' ànu dí ɲɔǵɔn yèn, ì sàgɔɛ, ì tée bɔ́ ì là jɔńbà ɲáakɔtɔ • Si vous vous aimez bien l'un l'autre, tu ne veux pas te séparer de ton épouse. (ɲáaɲaa) n. bonheur, joie.  sáli ɲáaɲaà • joie de la fête.  ɲáaɲaà bí ǹ tɔ̀ • Je suis très heureux. Syn.: sɛɛwaya. ‹pul.› vt. juger, appeler en justice ; condamner.  mànsáà báti kànkáɲɛ̀ ɲáawɛ • Le chef du village a jugé le voleur. vt. soigner. 3) vr. suivre un traitement. ɲéeɲinɛ ‹pul.› vt. faire avec précaution.  ǹ b' á ɲéeɲinɛla háa ǹ ní tɛgɛ ɲɛǹkɛtɛɲɛ̀ tɔ̀ • Je traverse le pont de lianes avec précaution. ɲɛǵɛntɛn vt. s'approcher furtivement. ɲɛgi vi. marcher sur la pointe des pieds. Syn.: (ɲɛǹkɛtɛń) ‹pul.› n. pont de lianes. ‹pul.› vt. faire une charpente pour le toit.  [Mns, disc. « affaires du village »] : mín máni fítaarè ɲìɓɛ wőo à sí dèemóè jíga • Celui qui fait une charpente dans la brousse va vivre avec un chimpanzé (≈ Qui sème le vent récolte la tempête). ɲígin 1) vi. être mou, se ramollir.  bànánà ɲíginden • La banane est molle. 2) vi. s'imbiber, se mouiller, se tremper.  bìréedè báti ɲígin kàféè tɔ̀ • Le pain est complètement imbibé de café. 3) vi. être facile.  [Krp, disc. « dans la forge »] : wò ní wó sìfa mà yèn, wò ká tɔɔrɔyà mìn sɔtɔ à tɔ, mín ɲíginden à búutɔ̀ • Racontez-nous ce qui était difficile et ce qui était facile dans [ce travail]. Var.: ɲìna. vi. oublier.  ǹ báti ɲìnan ì kà mín fɔ̀ ɲɲè • J'ai oublié ce que tu m'avais dit.  [Mns, conte « chats et souris »] : ò kà mín mà mò yèn, mò tée ɲìnan wò là háa mò ní fàga • Nous n'oublierons pas jusqu'à la mort ce que vous avez fait pour nous. ɲínin Var.: ɲíni. vt. chercher.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : ǹ kà tàbálè dó ɲíni, kà básènu fɛǹsɛń tàbálè kùnma • J'ai trouvé une table et j'ai étalé les médicaments dessus. (ɲíwurɛ) ‹pul.› n. toit.  kà ɲíwurɛ̀ là • faire le toit. Syn.: sánsaran, wárɛɲikɛrɛ. ɲɲè à moi, pour moi. Cf.: n + yèn. ɲòmorɛ́ vr. guetter (en se cachant, accroupi). Var.: yɔgɔ. dtm. 1) même ; semblable, pareil.  ǹ máa kɛ̀ bóɲɛ̀ ɲɔgɔn yèn • Je n'ai jamais vu une maison pareille.  à kɔŕɔ, ǹ m' à ɲɔgɔ yèn • C'est le plus méchant que j'aie jamais vu.  ì t'(ée) á ɲɔgɔn máfila háa ì ní fàga • Tu es fichu ! litt. : « Tu ne feras plus la même chose jusqu'à la mort".  [Mns, conte « crocodile »] : ♦ ì t(ée)' á ɲɔgɔn dàgáà sìgi táà tɔ! • Tu es fichu ! litt. : « Tu ne mettras pas une marmite pareille sur le feu". 2) environ, à peu près.  à bì ɲɔɔ • Il est là. 4) pendant, quand <s'emploie dans une proposition subordonnée de temps après le prédicat où à la fin de la proposition>.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : kɛrɛɲɛ̀ mán bɔ́ wéè là ɲɔɔ, à s' á bòri, wùléè n' à gbèn • Quand l'écureuil sort de son trou, il court et le chien le poursuit. Var.: ɲɔńiɲɔ. adv. tout de suite. ./adjM. le bien, le beau.  kùta ɲúmà bì ń bàaba bólo • Mon père a de beaux vêtements.  [Dgm, histp. « mon parcours »] : ǹ tée ɲìnan mùséè wò la wáli ɲúmà là • Je n'oublierai pas les bonnes actions de cette femme.  à ɲùmáà là • considérablement ; fort ; beaucoup.  [Dgm, histp. « vieille sorcière »] : à báti kɔtɔya a ɲùmáà là • Il est devenu très vieux. ɲùman Var.: yùman. pron./dtm. lequel ? ɲùmaya 1) vi. être bien. 2) vi. faire du bien (pour qn -tɔ ).  kɛ̀ mɔgɛɛ̀ báti ɲùmaya ǹ tɔ̀ kóobèn • Cet homme m'a beaucoup aidé. ɲúɲɛ ‹pul.› vi. mugir, beugler, meugler. Syn.: dí 2 , húunɛ, ɔɔli. Var.: ŋàsin. 1) vt. gratter, griffer.  ɲàréè báti ń ŋànsin • Le chat m'a griffé. Syn.: fàra 2 . 2) vr. s'égratigner.  fɛnfɛń máá kɛ́ ń ná, ń máá mádímín ǹ máá ŋásín • Rien ne s'est passé avec moi, je n'ai pas eu mal, je n'ai pas eu une égratignure. ‹pul.› vi. mugir, beugler, hennir. Syn.: dí 2 , húunɛ, ɲúɲɛ. ɔŕganisɛ ‹fr.› vt. organiser. ɔtɛl ‹fr.› n. hôtel <s'emploie sans article>. ɔtɛ̀ (ɔtɔ) ‹fr.› n. voiture, automobile. Syn.: (n) vi./vt. <faire quelque chose verbe ex-plétif>.  à bì bálɔɲɛ̀ ɔỳala • Il est en train de faire quelque chose avec le ballon.  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : mùráadòe bá' dínma ó bólo, kɛ̀ nɔńdiɲɛ̀ bì ɔýala kómìn • On vous a donné la parole (pour raconter) comment le caméléon fait ça (comment il se déplace).  [Mns, conte « femme du chas-seur »] : s' à tí ɔỳa, à àrɛɛti • Si (le conte) est fini, arrête-toi ici !  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : ómò nì wò táarikànu ɔýa dóndèn-dóndèn, ɓáy háray wó lè dí ànu yèn • Racontons cette histoire un peu, comme ils ont envie de l'écouter. ɔýa (n, w) pron. 1) quelque chose, tout, n'importe quoi <pronom indéfini et pronom avec valeur de libre choix>.  [Mns, disc., conte « poulain »] : mànsáà bì ɔýa nɔɔlen • Le chef du village a le pouvoir de faire ce qu'il veut avec ceux qu'il veut.  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : kére, ì tí nà ɔýa yèn? • Tu es venu pour chercher quelque chose ? 2) <pronom anaphorique> ; il, elle. 3) euh... comment... <remplit la pause de l'hésitation>.  [Mns, disc. « affaires du village »] : ànu b' á fɔɔla kɛ̀ mín mà... ɔýa... dɛgɛɛ̀ • Comment on appelle ça... euh... pâte de riz. Var.: pánɛ. vi. avoir une panne.  má nàta háa kɔǹkɛɛ̀ dò, mà ká má lɔ̀ ɲɔɔ nɛɛtɔ, mà páɲɛta dóndèn • Nous sommes arrivés à une montagne et nous nous sommes arrêtés là car notre voiture est tombée en panne. páɲɛ̀ (páɲɛ) ‹fr.› nr. poil (de pubis). pàráasè (pàráasi) ‹pul.› n. cuvette émaillée. Var.: pàsɛkɛ. ‹fr.› conj. 1) parce que.  [Mns, conte « deux co-épouses »] : módi, sì ì tée nɔń à tùgula, í màbɔ, ń dè, ǹ n' á tùgu tɛŕiya, pàskɛ́ móllè kɔǹɔndenma • D'accord, si tu ne peux pas le piler, vat'en, moi, je le pilerai vite, on nous attend. Syn.: ɓáyri, fí 2 , fìná, hári 4 , kɔfí, sàbuná. (páwda) ‹pul. < angl. « powder » › n. poudre (substance divisée en particule très fines).  kà páwdà là ì ɲáakɔtɛ̀ mà • se poudrer le visage. páyita vt. gratter, creuser (d'un animal).  wùléè bì dùgéè pàyitala • Le chien gratte la terre.  kérè bì dùgée pàyitala • La houe gratte la terre. Syn.: gírbitɛ. páyitɛ ‹pul.› vt. glaner les restes de la récolte. ‹fr.› vi. perdre, échouer. pèréw Var.: pàráw. idéo. hop ! pɛɛlè (pɛɛlu) Var.: pɛĺɛ̀ (péle). ‹pul. < fr.› n. Var.: pɛĺlɛti. ‹pul.› itj. bien sûr. pɛḿinansè (pɛḿinansi) Var.: pɛŕminansè (pɛŕminansi). ‹fr.› n. club de village. pɛńpɛ̀ (pɛńpɛ) ‹pul.› n. peiu, piquet.  kà pɛńpɛ̀ bìri dùgéè là • enfoncer un poteau dans la terre. pɛńti ‹fr.› vt. peindre. pɛńtirɛ̀ (pɛńtirɛ) ‹fr.› n. peinture (produit contenant des pigments).pɛŕɛ ‹fr.› vi. se préparer. (pìnɛ) ‹fr.› n. roue ; pneu.  pìnɛɛǹu bì fírifirila • Les roues tournent.  pìnɛɛ̀ báti sɔgɔ • Le pneu est percé. pìnpi vi. devenir sombre, tomber (de la nuit).  bántà báti pìnpi • Il fait nuit dehors.  bóɲɛ̀ búutɔ báti pìnpi • Il s'est mis à faire sombre dans la maison. (pìri) ‹fr.› nr. prix.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : tàmáatè pìréè báti bòyi • Le prix des tomates a baissé. Syn.: sɔńgɔ. (plánsɛ) ‹fr.› n. planche. plàsɛɛ̀ (plàsɛ) ‹fr.› n. place, poste. plàsɛ ‹fr.› vr. prendre sa place. pó idéo. paf ! (imite le bruit d'une gifle). Var.: pósè (posi). ‹pul.› adjM. (pɔńpi) ‹fr.› n. pompe (à eau). Cf.: putɔ 'sans sucre'. pútaputà (putaputa) adjM. 1) liquide. 2) pur.  bàngu pútaputa • minerai purifié. pútaputa vi. être chauffeur.  à ì pútaputala Kɔǹákrì • Il est chauffeur à Conakry. pùtɛɛtɛ̀ (pùtɛɛtɛ) ‹pul.› n. patate douce. (pyɛɛ) ‹fr.› n. pied (d'un objet).pyóɲɛ̀ (pyón) ‹pul.› n. lion. Syn.: jàta. pyúnnɛ̀ (pyúnden) Var.: píwunnɛ̀ (píwunden). n. outil, instrument. Syn.: úti. (ràtɔ) ‹fr.› n. râteau. ràyî (ràyi) ‹fr.› n. rail.rènyóɲɛ̀ (rènyon) ‹fr.› n. réunion (de travail). ‹pul.› vi. passer. ♦ mà báti rɛẃi Masanta.

	ndóliɲɛ̀ (ndólin) n. ligne (de pêche). Syn.: mɛĺɛn. ndólinmɛlɛɲɛ̀ (c, w) (ndólinmɛlɛn) Var.: ndólinkuɲɛ̀ (ndólinkun) (n). n. hameçon. ndòntóɲɛ̀ (ndònton) Var.: dòntóɲɛ̀ (dònton). n. coq. ndóoliɲɛ̀ (ndóolin) Cf.: ndólin 'ligne de pêche'. ndɔɔkóè (ndɔɔku) ‹pul. < angl.› n. canard. ndúgusè (ndúguse) ‹pul.› n. garçon, jeune homme. Syn.: kámarɛn. ndúnndun Var.: ndúnndunndun. idéo. imite le bruit du roulement des objets dans une boîte. ndúnsà (ndúnsa) ‹pul.› n. vache sauvage. nɛńbelen nɛɛnɛ itj. hey ! (forme d'addresse à une femme ou une fille). nɛɛnɛ ‹pul.› nr. mère (au sens classificatoire : mère ; coépouse de la mère ; femme du frère du père d'ego) <s'emploie sans ar-ticle>. ♦ nɛɛnɛnu • mère et ses soeurs ; mère et ses coépouses ; mère et ses amies. ♦ nɛɛnɛ kélen • frère/soeur du côté de la mère. nɛɛnɛdɔǵɔman Var.: nɛǹdɔǵɔman, nándɔgɔman. nr. tante cadette (au sens classificatoire : petite soeur de mère ; femme du frère du père -dans le cas où elle est moins âgée que la mère d'ego) <s'emploie sans article>. plus souvent avec les déictiques yàn, pàn et ɲɔ ɔ>.  wò ì sɛbɛla wáttòe mìn tɔ̀ lɛkkɔĺ là nɛtɔ, hári wó mɔgɛɛ̀ sìyamán dè klásɛ̀ búutɔ̀ nùn? • Quand vous vous êtes inscrits à l'école est-ce que vous étiez nombreux dans la classe ?  [Skt, histp. « voyage »] : má nàta kálɛfur nɛtɔ̀ • Nous sommes venus au carrefour.  [Ppd, hist. « époque colo-niale »] : an nàta bíi lè Máamu yàn dɛtɔ • C'est à cette époque qu'ils sont venus à Mamou.  [Krp, disc. « menuisiers »] : wò mádòn pán dɛtɔ! • Approchez-vous ici ! nɛgɛɛ̀ (nɛgɛ) n. 1) fer, métal. ♦ nɛgɛfín • fer noir. ♦ nɛgɛsáaku • sac pour les instru-ments. 2) travail du métal.  [Krp, disc. « dans la forge »] : ànu fóo bí nɛgɛɛ̀ tɔ̀ lè • Ce sont tous des forgerons. 3) cloche. ♦ kà nɛgɛɛ̀ gbàsi • sonner la cloche. níi dè b' í lè fɛ, ì nì dóo fɔ̀ ɲɲè? • D'accord, qu'est ce que tu as encore à me dire ? Syn.: àwa, módi. ngùléndè (ngùlénde) Var.: gùléndè (gùlénde). ‹pul.› n. 1) chaleur.  [Skt, conte « brousse »] : 2) <s'emploie dans des propositions avec une valeur temporelle générique sans réfé-rence concrète>.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : àn nì ń ná kòjobóè dì ǹ bólo, àprɛ́ ǹ nì kílà tà ǹ n' á sɛppi • Ils me donnent mon petit déjeuner, je prends la route et je marche. 3) <s'emploie dans des propositions su-bordonnées avec la valeur de but>.  kàyéè sì kúllɛ̀ fàga, fí à n' á dàmu • L'homme tue les animaux pour les manger.  lɛŕ dámurè, fó ì nì dámurè kɛ̀ • À l'heure de dîner, il faut manger.  ǹ bál' á fɛ̀ à lá mùséè nì nà • Je ne veux pas que sa femme vienne.  mà à tó háa à nì kɛńdɛya • Attendons jusqu'à ce qu'il guérisse. 4) <exprime la valeur d'admiration, de surprise>.  [Mns, disc., conte « esprit de la rivière »] : ǹ sí máandɛma bì, kɔrɛɛ̀ nì kúma mɔgɛɛ̀ fɛ̀ ! • C'est incroyable ! Un épi de riz qui parle à l'homme ! nin mân kàran, ì tée nímisa • Celui qui étudie, ne le regrette pas. nin Var.: n'. conn. <la voyelle nasale est omise devant une autre voyelle>. 1) et <marque de la coordination entre nomi-naux>.  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : 2) et <dans une combinaison avec un pro-nom anaphorique comme premier con-joint, peut être utilisé comme connecteur entre propositions>.  [Nym, disc. « mar-ché voisin »] : à nín sì lùumɛɛ̀ bɔta, wò n' á wà lúumɛ̀ tɔ? • Et quand c'est le jour de marché, est-ce que vous y allez ?  [Krp, disc. « vie des femmes »] : yángèn' mínnù wò kùnma, à nín wò fɛẃundilen kómìn nà, wò n' á ɲáakàran à yèn • Les problèmes que vous avez et comment vous vivez, ra-contez ça à lui.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : mà ì pírikè lásìgi, à mán nà, à ní wòléè bìta, à nín gànbóènu, à nín túgun, mà í wáaɲɛ • Nous mettons les pièges qui attrapent les perdrix et les pi-geons, s'ils viennent, et à part ça, nous fai-sons la chasse. 3) avec <connecteur avec la valeur comitative>.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : í lè nín ì lá wùléè nɔǹ nɔḱkurɛ̀ (nɔkkúurɛ) ‹pul.› n. district, région (administratif).  kàyéè kɛ̀ mànsayalen wò nɔḱkurɛ̀ ɲɔ̀ fóo kùnma • Cet homme était le dirigeant de toute cette région. nɔǹ Var.: nɔ. 1) vi. pouvoir, savoir faire <s'emploie seulement avec les marqueurs prédicatifs « si » et « tee »>.  mà tée nɔǹ sòbéè wáaɲɛla brúsà tɔ̀ • Nous n'avons pas pu rapporter de viande de la chasse.  [Skt, descr. « enterrement »] : ♦ à tée nɔǹ á ɲɛtɛ yèn • Il n'est pas capable de gagner sa vie. 2) vi. être possible <exprime une possibili-té épistémique>.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : ì sí nɔ̀ bɔĺa ô bàta ì n' á fɔ̀ ì tála kàran dúlà, ì ní kɔri dònna lɛkkɔĺ là? • Est-ce que ça peut arriver que tu sortes de la maison en disant que tu vas étudier et après que tu ne vas pas à l'école ? 3) vi. comprendre.  [Mns, hist. « Bayimanu »] : ǹ tée nɔǹ à nùn nɔɔrɛɛ̀ (nɔɔrɔ) ‹pul.› n. maladie (sexuellement transmissible). nɔɔrɔfíɲɛ̀ (nɔɔrɔfín) Cf.: nɔɔrɔ 'maladie'. nɔɔyáà (nɔɔya) n. colonisation, servitude. nɔɔyáà (nɔɔya) n. habileté, maîtrise, tech-nique. nɔɔya vi. se faciliter, être facile. ntàalíɔ̀ <mot prononcée au début d'un conte>. Cf.: tàalíɔ. -nu Var.: -ni. mrph. 1) <suffixe du pluriel>. 2) <marqueur honorifique ajouté facultati-vement aux noms et aux pronoms>.  [Krp, disc. « menuisiers »] : má bàaba, wón dè dáari kɛĺa tɔǵɛ̀ là pán • Notre père, c'est lui qui fabrique de la quincaillerie dans la forge là-bas.  [Krp, disc. « menui-siers »] : ó nɛɛnɛn dè sɛǹɛla káa • C'est votre mère qui arrive. 3) <marqueur du pluriel associatif>.  [Dgm, histp. « vieille sorcière »] : ń bâàbanu • mon père et mes oncles (frères de mons père). 4) <s'utilise avec des noms à valeur locative>.  Máamunù ɲɔɔ, Dáabɔla, wáa kélèn dè, kɔǹɔ Dɔgɔmɛnú, àn bì táala àn n' áa sàn kɛmɛ lóolu • A Mamou, à Dabola, ça coûte mille francs, mais à Dogomet, ils l'achètent pour cinq cents francs. nùméè (nùmu) n. forgeron, noumou (per-sonne qui appartient à la caste noumou).  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : wó nɛɛnɛ nùmu déɲɛ̀ lè • Sa mère est fille de forge-ron. nùmuyáà (nùmuyá) n. forgeage.  mò là wálè lè kɛ, nùmuyáà • Le forgeage, c'est notre travail. nùn dtm. <marqueur facultatif du rétrospec-tif>. 1) <exprime le sens du passé>. ɲáakolofiɲɛ̀ ɲáadéɲɛ̀ (ɲáaden) nr. prunelle ; pupille.  [Mns, conte « femme du chasseur »] : à báti dénmusè yèn, dénmusè yéɲɛ̀ à ɲáadeɲɛ̀ là, á jùséè tɛgɛta, à síntirɛta • Il a vu cette fille, son image l'a impressioné, il était très ému et il a commencé à invoquer le nom de Dieu. Syn.: ɲáakolofin. ɲáafɔ vt. expliquer. Syn.: fáranfànsin, ɲáakàran, sífa, tafɔ1, ɲáasifɛ. ɲáafuyɛya vi. devenir aveugle. ɲáafyɔɲɛ̀ (ɲáafyɔn) Var.: ɲáafuyɔɲɛ̀ (ɲáafuyɔn). n. aveugle. ɲáagba 1) vi. avoir des problèmes. 2) vt. faire des difficultés à. ɲáatɔbagà ɲàaloléè (ɲàalolí) n. aigrette (espèce d'oiseau). ɲáalɔ vr. regarder.  ǹ bí ǹ ɲáalɔla tèléè là • Je regarde le soleil. ɲáalɔn vt. savoir, comprendre. ɲáamala vr. prendre comme exemple, imiter (qui -mà).  ǹ béle ǹ ɲáamalala ì mà, ń dè sòbéè lè táala, yɛǵɛ̀ máa • Je ne ferai pas comme toi, je prendrai de la viande et non du poisson. ɲáaɲìnin vt. 1) chercher.  [Nym, disc., « école »] : à í tàran kɔńkɛ̀ bát' í bìta, fó ì n' á ɲáaɲìnin dè ì sì mín dàmu • Tu auras faim et tu seras obligé à chercher à man-ger. 2) essayer de deviner ; chercher le sens de qch.  ǹ b' á ɲáaɲininna ń máni tága à báta, à sì mín fɔ̀ ɲɲè • J'essaie de deviner ce qu'il me dira quand je viendrai chez lui.  ǹ bì kɛ̀ kúmà ɲáaɲinila lè kóobèn • J'essaie de comprendre le sens de ces mots. ɲàaréè (ɲàari) n. chat. ɲàariŋáɲiɲɛ̀ (ɲàariŋáɲin) n. arbre sp. ɲáasifɛ vt. expliquer ; raconter.  ǹ báti mànsáà la kúmà ɲáasifɛ a yen • Je lui ai expliqué le discours du chef de village. Syn.: fáranfànsin, ɲáafɔ, ɲáakàran, sífa, tafɔ1. ɲáatasòe (ɲáatasoo) n. chef ; patron. Syn.: ɲáatɔbaga, kùntígi, pàtrɔń, sɛfu. ɲáatigilɛn vt. faire face (à qn, qch -là). Syn.: télen 1 . ɲáateè (ɲáatii) nr. cil. ɲígin ɲànsaŋárà (ɲànsaŋára) Var.: ɲànsangárà (ɲànsangára). n. tas, amas ; confusion.  lɔǵɔ ɲànsaŋára • amas de bois. ɲàsaɲása 1) vi. (s')emmêler, (s')embrouiller ; (s')entortiller.  jùléènù báti ɲàsaɲasa • Les cordes se sont emmêlées.  ǹ báti jùléènù ɲàsaɲasa • J'ai embrouillé les cordes. 2) vt. faire négligemment. ɲáwundɛ ‹pul.› 1) vi. être soigné. 2) ɲɛńti. Syn.: kùlaléntɛn. ɲɛńti ‹pul.› 1) vi. marcher sur la pointe des pieds. Syn.: ɲɛgi. 2) vt. s'approcher furti-vement de.  ɲàaréè bì kòndéè ɲɛńtila • Le chat s'approche furtivement d'un oiseau. ɲɛtɛ (c, w) Var.: jɛtɛ (n) ; yɛtɛ (n). pron./dtm. 1) soi-même.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : ♦ ɲɛtɛɛ̀ • même.  ǹ bì báarala ń ɲɛtɛ làko • Je travaille pour moi-même. ♦ k' ì yɛtɛ másɔtɔ • devenir libre, devenir indépen-dant. 2) par soi-même.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : ɛǹɛɛ, í bàaba lè kùtáà sànna ì yèn, káa í lê lè y' á sànna í ɲɛtɛ yèn? • Est-ce que c'est ton père qui achète les vête-ments pour toi, ou bien c'est toi-même qui l'achètes pour toi ? ɲɔgɔn ɲìnan • Cette année ça fait dix-sept ans qu'on construit cette mosquée. ɲìninká vt. demander, interroger (sur qch -là). ɲínirè (ɲíniri) n. recherche <nominalisation du verbe ɲínin 'chercher'>. ɲìɲa vi. devenir bien ; bien pousser, bien grandir ; donner une bonne récolte.  ǹ ná kɔrɛɛ̀ báti ɲìɲa • Mon riz a bien poussé. ɲíppɛ ‹pul.› vt. éteindre.  kà màaféè ɲíppɛ • remuer la sauce (pour qu'elle ne déborde pas de la marmite).  kà gɛrɛɛ̀ ɲíppɛ • terminer la guerre. ɲɔ Cf.: ɲɔɔ 'là'. ɲɔbbi ‹pul.› vt. plier. -ɲɔgɛ̀ (-ɲɔgɔ) mrph. <s'utilise pour former les adjectifs numéraux ordinaux>.  báafalè fìlaɲɔǵɛ̀ búlan bólo bɛtɛ̀ tɔ̀ • Frappe à la deuxième porte à droite.  ǹ dén lóoluɲɔgɛ̀ ɲùmáà ɲɔɔ Var.: ɲɔ. n./adv. 1) ceci (un objet proche de l'interlocuteur). 2) ça, ce <pronom ana-phorique>.  [Nym, disc. « marché voi-sin »] : hári ǹ b' á mɛńna nùn, kó Sàramúsaya kílà, à máa ɲìn, tòoɲáà lè wò là? -ɲɔɔ tòoɲáà le, Sàramúsaya kílà, à máa ɲìn • J'ai entendu dire que la route de Saramoussaya n'est pas bonne, est-ce que c'est vrai ? -C'est vrai, la route de Sara-moussaya n'est pas bonne. 3) là (proche de l'interlocuteur) <démonstratif locatif ou temporel >. Syn.: nɛɛ. ɲɔɔlà n.loc. ça.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : àn tí nà, àn tì ɲɔɔlà tùgun fɛlɛ • Ils sont venus et ont regardé ça aussi. ɲɔɔndɛtɔ̀ (n) Var.: ɲɔɔndɛɛtɔ ; ɲɔɔ nɛɛtɔ̀ (c, w). adv. là, là-bas.  [Skt, descr. « sadaqa »] : állà tée sádakà jàabi ɲɔɔninɲɔɔ, lún mìn nà állà k' á jàabi wő, í lè tìgi, ì s' à yèn • Dieu ne va pas te répondre immédiatement, mais peu im-porte quel jour Dieu répond, toi-même, tu le verras. ɲɔɔɲáà (ɲɔɔɲáa) n. bruit ; désordre ; confu-sion ; chahut, vacarme.  ɲɔɔɲáà lè lúumɛ̀ tɔ̀ • Il y a de l'agitation au marché.  kàramɔḱɛ̀ bá' dòn klás bóè tɔ, ɲɔɔɲáà lè tún bì ɲɔ̀ • Quand le professeur est entré ŋɔŕɔmɔn Ŋ -ŋ nɛɛ̀ Var.: nɛń. ‹pul. ; pul.› prt. n'est-ce pas ? néwu néwu ‹pul.› vi. être lisse. <marqueur d'interrogation employé à la fin de l'énoncé ou après le prédicat>.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : wó lè lè yɛǵɛ yúngela kɔɛɛ̀ tɔ̀ nɛɛ? • C'est vous qui faites la pêche, n'est-ce pas ?  [Nym, disc. « école »] : í lè y à fɔĺa nɛɛ̀ í hàkkílè díi, káa í tɛgɛndén dè hàkkílè tɔ? • Tu di-sais que tu es intelligent, n'est-ce pas? Ou bien tu as des problèmes de compréhen-sion ? nɛgɛsɛɲɛ̀ nɛgɛsɛɲɛ̀ (nɛgɛsɛń) n. brasier (utilisé pour mettre la marmite sur le feu).  dàga b' á sìgilen nɛgɛsɛɲɛ̀ kùnma • La marmite est sur le brasier. nɛgɛsóè (nɛgɛsóo) n. vélo, bicyclette. Syn.: wɛlɔ. nɛń Cf.: nɛɛ 'quand'. nɛɲɛ̀ (nɛń) Var.: nɛɲɛɛ̀ (nɛǹ). nr. langue (anat.). nɛńbelen (n) vi. souple, mou. nɛńbeleya vi. être souple. nɛǹdɔgɔman <s'emploie sans article>. Cf.: nɛɛnɛdɔǵɔman 'tante cadette'. nɛtɛɛ̀ (nɛtɛ) n. néré (Parkia biglobosa, arbre dont les graines sont largement utilisées dans la cuisine ; les graines des fruits de cet arbre).  [Nym, disc. « école »] : àwa, ngàsí, ǹ báti wò mɛǹ • D'accord, j'ai compris.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : àwa, ngàsí, fɛn -ni -ni <suffixe du pluriel>. Cf.: -nu. ní vi. s'emplanter, s'enraciner, prendre racine.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : à sì ní à tée ní, ì máa à lɔǹ • Te ne sais pas si ça va s'emplanter ou non. Syn.: níiɲa. néè (níi) nr. âme, esprit.  [Dgm, histp. « tra-vail et accident »] : ♦ k' ì níi làfín • se fâ-cher. ♦ k' à là à níi kùn • décider de faire qch. ♦ k' à néè sìgi à kùnma • s'intéresser à qn, aimer qn. ♦ kà néè bɔ̀ • tuer. Syn.: ~ hàkkíli ; wɔńki. níimerò (níimero) ‹fr.› n. numéro de télé-phone. níimɔgɛ̀ (níimɔgɔ) nr. beau frère (frère cadet de l'époux ou de l'épouse). níiɲa vi. s'enraciner, prendre racine. Syn.: ní. nílafɛ̀ (nílafɛ) n. respiration.  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : ǹ tée nílafɛ̀ sɔtɔ • Je n'arrive pas à respirer. nílafɛ vr. respirer. Syn.: fɔɔfi. nímisa vi. regretter.  ǹ bá' nímisa ǹ jìgiyata Kɔǹakri mín nà • Je regrette d'avoir habité à Conakry.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : mín nìngéè nìn ì lá fìnkáarè, wò mán tága brúsà tɔ, wò ì wáaɲɛla kámà? • Quand tu vas avec ton chien et avec ton fusil dans la brousse, comment est-ce que vous faites la chasse ? 4) <fait partie d'une construction distribu-tive avec le redoublement des pronoms et des déterminatifs interrogatifs et relatifs>.  [njáarɛndè (njáarɛndi) ‹pul.› n. sable (subs-tance). Syn.: kɛɲɛkɛɲɛ. njùɲɛɛ̀ (njùn) ‹pul.› n. ombrette (oiseau, Sco-pus umbretta). nòŋéè (nòŋo) n. arbre sp. nɔ̀ Cf.: nɔǹ 'pouvoir'. nɔǵɛ̀ (nɔǵɔ) n. saleté, boue. nɔǵɔ vi. se salir, devenir sale. nɔgɔśa (n) Var.: nàgása. itj. peut-être.  nɔgɔśa sínàn sángè sì nà • Peut-être qu'il pleuvra demain. nɔńbɛ̀ là kúmà là • nɔńbɛ̀ (nɔńbɔ) n. liane. nɔńɛ̀ (nɔńɔ) n. lait. nɔńɛ̀ (nɔńɔ) Var.: nɔɔnɛ̀ (nɔɔnɔ). 1) nr. type, espèce, façon, technique.  [Nym, conte, prov. « maudit »] : búrusà tɔ̀ kúllɛǹu nɔǹ, à nɔńɛ̀ sìya • Les animaux sauvages, il y en a beaucoup d'espèces.  à bì ǹ mákàranna yàn mínizɛya nɔńɛ̀ fóo là • Il m'enseigne différents techniques de menuiserie.  ǹ báti lɔǵɔ nɔɔnɛ̀ búyi yén búruɲɛ̀ tɔ̀ • J'ai vu beaucoup d'espèces d'arbres dans la brousse. 2) nr. péj. n'importe quel.  à bí kùta nɔńɔma nɔńɛ̀ bílanden • Elle met n'importe quoi comme vêtements. nɔńɔmà (nɔnɔma) adjM. 1) divers, varié ; de différents types. 2) n'importe quel, pas bien.  à bí kùta nɔńɔmà bílanden • Elle met n'importe quel vêtement. nɔńsiɲɛ̀ (nɔńsin) n. caméléon.  nɔńsiɲɛ̀ lè fɔĺɔ dáatama dùniya là • Le caméléon a été créé en premier dans le monde. nɔɔ Cf.: nɔǹ 'pouvoir'. nɔɔnɛ̀ (nɔɔnɔ) Cf.: nɔńɔ 'type'. núnbɛ  dénnɛ̀ dó lè nùn • Il y avait une fois un garçon.  ň máàma kà tàléè lɔǹ nùn • Ma grand-mère connaissait des contes. 2) <marqueur d'antériorité d'une action par rapport à l'autre>.  ɓá ǹ báti nà, ǹ k' á tàran ń nɛɛǹɛ báti bàntaráà bùnten nùn •  ǹ máako báti ɲá • mon problème est ré-solu. ɲà (n) Cf.: jà 'sécher'. ɲáà (ɲáa) 1) nr. oeil.  [Mns, conte « forge-ron »] : mɔgɛɛǹu fóo ɲáà bì ń dè lè tɔ̀ • Tout le monde a besoin de moi.  ì ɲáà bɔ̀ ǹ tɔ̀ • Regarde-moi. 2) nr. visage. Syn.: ɲáakɔtɔ 1 . 3) n. futur. ɲáagbaà ɲáagbaà (ɲáagbaa) n. difficulté, problème.  k' à là ɲáagbà tɔ̀ • créer des difficultés pour qn. Syn.: tɔɔrɔya. ɲáajeè (ɲáajii) nr. larmes. ɲáakàran vt. raconter ; expliquer. ɲáake vi. se remplir.  dàgáà ɲáakelen kɔrɛɛ̀ • La marmite est remplie de riz. Syn.: fá, dɛbɛdɛbɛ. ɲáakɛ vi. être troublé, être confus. ɲáakolofiɲɛ̀ (ɲáakolofin) nr. prunelle ; pu-pille. Syn.: ɲáaden. ɲáakɔkɔta adjP. impoli. ɲáalakalan Var.: ɲáalakala. vr. regarder au-tour ; jeter un coup d'oeil (sur qch/qn -mà).  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : sì wò t' á yén mà báta ì kà ì ɲáalakala yàn kőoko là ì tée lɔǵɔ kínà yén • Comme vous voyez, si on regarde partout on ne verra pas un seul vieil arbre. ɲáalamiliɲɛ̀ (ɲáalamilin) n. vertige ; étourdis-sement.  ɲáalamiliɲɛ̀ báti ń bìta • J'ai eu le vertige. ɲáalankarè (ɲáalankaru) n. miroir. Syn.: dúbalɛn, ndáarogalu. ɲáalatɛgɛ vr. s'amuser, se divertir.  ǹ bì táala kɔɔkɛɛ̀ mà, ǹ ní ń ɲáalátɛgɛ dóndèn • Je vais en ville pour m'amuser un peu. Syn.: tólon. ɲáatɔ̀ ɲáatɔ̀ adv./pp. avant, devant, en avant.  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : ♦ ɲáa tɔ̀ ɲɔɔ là • plus que ça.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : háa yàn aǹ m' á lɔ̀ mà ɲáatɔ̀ • Pour l'instant il ne sont pas encore venus se présenter devant nous.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : à máa tága ɲáatɔ • [Les études] n'avancent pas. ɲáatɔbagà (ɲáatɔbaga) n. patron, chef. Syn.: kùntígi, pàtrɔń, ɲáatasoo, sɛfu. ɲáatɔtà (ɲaatɔta) adjM. antérieur, avant.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : pìnɛ ɲáatɔtà • roue avant. ɲáawőoɲaa itj. 1) partout. 2) dans tous les cas, quoi qu'il arrive.  ɲáawőoɲaa à sì tága Kɔńakri • Dans tous les cas, il ira à Conakry. 3) avec nonchalance, n'importe comment. ɲàgáà (ɲàga) n. nid.  kɔǹdéè báti ɲàgáà dà kɛ̀ lɔǵɛ̀ kùnma • L'oiseau a fait un nid sur cet arbre. ɲágiɲɛ̀ (ɲágin) n. épine, tenon, cheville, pointe (de clou). ɲàmakálà (ɲàmakála) n. griot. Syn.: bɔlɔn 2 , bɔlɔnfɔɔlaa, jèli. ɲámakòe (ɲámaku) n. gingembre. Syn.: jùnja. ɲámakulendè (ɲámakulendi) n. piment. Syn.: pòrto. -ɲan ɲàngáà (ɲànga) n. pou (de tête). ɲànin vi./vt. (se) réchauffer ; brûler. Syn.: bìntan. ɲìɓɛ ɲìɓɛ ‹pul.› 1) vi. durcir. 2) vi. s'acclimater (plante). ɲími 1) vt. croquer ; manger, mâcher. 2) vt. brouter. 3) vt. manger, dévorer (ani-maux sauvages).  jàtáà báti sándeɲɛ̀ ɲími • Le lion a déchiqueté le lapin. ɲíɲɛ̀ (ɲín) nr. dent.  ɲín béle a dáà tɔ̀ • Il n'a pas de dents. ɲìn Var.: ɲì. vi. être bon <s'emploie unique-ment avec le marqueur prédicatif ka dans un énoncé affirmatif et máa dans un énon-cé négatif>.  [Krp, disc. « menuisiers »] : wálè lè kà ɲìn, wálè lè mɔgɔndenfíɲɛ̀ dɛɛmanna • Le travail c'est bien, ça aide les gens.  [Nym, disc. « marché voi-sin »] : tòoɲáà le, Sàramúsaya kílà, à máa ɲìn • C'est vrai, la route de Saramoussaya n'est pas bonne. ɲìnan Var.: ɲínàn. adv. cette année.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : mà bá' júlirdɛ̀ lálɔɔ yàn sàn tán nîn wɔrɔwila ɲɔǵɔ lè mù • Je suis le cinquième enfant dans ma famille. Syn.: -nan. ɲɔǵɔ (c) Var.: yɔǵɔ (n, w). 1) vt. payer (pour qch -là / làko).  ǹ báti kɛ́ mùséè ɲɔgɔ wáa fìla tɔ̀ kɔrɛɛ̀ làko = ǹ báti kɔrɛɛ̀ ɲɔgɔ wáa fìla là • J'ai payé (à cette femme) deux-mille francs (pour le riz). 2) vi. recevoir l'argent (combien -tɔ ).  [Dgm, histp. « enlèvement des rails »] : mà n' á wà brúsà tɔ̀ kílo sàba ɲɔǵɔn • Nous sommes partis dans la brousse à trois kilomètres environ. ɲɔgɔn pron. l'un l'autre.  [Nym, disc. « mar-ché voisin »] : mà ní ɲɔĝɔň dɛɛman dɛ! • Aidons-nous les uns les autres !  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : ànù tólonna àn ɲɔĝɔǹ fɛ̀ • Ils jouent les uns avec les autres.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : ómɔ̀ bì nàalen yàn ómɔ̀ nì ɲɔgɔnden fàamu • Nous sommes venus ici pour nous com-prendre mutuellement. ɲɔgɔnfílaɲɔgɔn vt. répéter, faire encore une fois.  ì tée à ɲɔgɔnfílaɲɔgɔn háa ì ní fàga • Tu es fichu ! litt. : « Tu ne feras plus la même chose jusqu'à la mort". ɲɔńinɲɔ Cf.: ɲɔɔninɲɔ 'tout de suite'. ɲùmáà dans la classe, il y avait du vacarme là-dedans. ɲùmáà (n, w) (ɲùma) Var.: ɲùmáɲɛ̀ (ɲùman).  [Nym, conte, prov. « maudit »] : ì ká tàléè ɲùman tùgun lɔǹ? • Quelle autre his-toire connais-tu ?  [Nym, disc. yùmán dè fìsa dìyala ì yèn? • Entre le ma-nioc cuit et le manioc grillé, quel est celui que tu préfères ? ♦ yùman nín yùman? = ŋálɗɛ ‹pul.› vi. être étonné, être choqué ; re-garder fixement. ŋáɲa 1) vr. se gratter. 2) vi. briller fort ; brûler (très fort, du soleil). ♦ bìi tèléè bì ŋáɲala. • Aujourd'hui le soleil brûle. 3) vi. se fâ-cher. 4) être courageux, ne pas avoir peur. ŋáɲakà (ŋáɲaka) n. arbre sp. (Combretum molle). ŋáɲamà (ŋaɲama) adjM. méchant. ŋáɲaya vi. se fâcher (contre qn -mà). ŋàɲíɲɛ̀ (ŋàɲin) nr. épine.  ŋàɲíɲɛ̀ báti ń sɔgɔ • Je me suis piqué avec une épine. Syn.: búllɛ, yɔĺɔ. ŋáppitɛ ‹pul.› 1) vt. prendre une pincée. 2) vt. raconter.  nɔńsiɲɛ̀ là wò táarikà, ó wò dóonden ŋáppitɛ mò yèn ɲɔ̀ • Cette his-óllè <forme fusionnée du pronom personnel de la première personne du pluriel suivi par deux focalisateurs>. Cf.: wo + lè + lè. Var.: wóllè. ómà (c, w) Var.: ómò (n). pron. nous (et vous) <pronom inclusif de première per-sonne du pluriel>. ɔn Var.: ʔɔn. ‹pul.› dtm. 1) celui (mentionné précédemment) <déterminatif à fonction anaphorique, suit le nom>. 2) <placé après un adverbe temporel, marque la transition de la situation discutée vers un nouveau cadre temporel>.  [Nym, disc. « Rama-dan »] : sóè tɔ̀ ɔń, àn ì báarà mìn kɛĺa tèléè tɔ, háray àn bá' tákɔri, sóè tɔ̀ àn tée báara ɲáà sɔtɔ • Et comme ils ont fait tout ce tra-vail pendant la journée, la nuit ils sont fa-tigués et n'arrivent pas à travailler.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : kɔtɛ́ ɔń nɔń, wò báti wò là dén jèlu dòni kàran tàla? • Et maintenant, combien de vos enfants avez-vous envoyé étudier à l'école ? 3) quant à ; et <marqueur de changement de l'objet de la discussion, si ce nouvel objet est un des participants de la communication>.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : dóon' ì yàn mínnù b' á kálà mà, ǹ dè ɔń, ǹ bél' à kálà P -p páanɛ Cf.: páɲɛ 'tomber en panne'. páanè (páani) ‹pul.› n. tôle.  páani bóɲɛ̀ • maison au toit en tôle. páapatarà (páapatara) n. arbre sp. páasaasɛ̀ (páasaasɛ) ‹fr.› n. passager. págay ‹fr.› n. désordre, anarchie <s'emploie sans article>. págayɛ̀ (págayɛ) n. robe (sans manches portée par les femmes durant la grossesse). pákɛ̀ (pákɛ) ‹fr.› n. sac (en plastique). pan dtm./adv. 1) là-bas.  [Krp, disc. « menui-siers »] : kɛ́ yàn mɔgɔndenfíɲɛ̀ máa, kɛ́ pàn ɗún mɔgɔndenfíɲɛ̀ lè? • Celui-ci est un être humain, et celui-là n'est pas un être hu-main. 2) là-bas, à côté.  [Krp, disc. « me-nuisiers »] : má bàaba, wón dè dáari kɛɛla tɔǵɛ̀ là pàn, wò sì kée wò n' ánu kònton pàn • Notre père, il fabrique des outils dans la forge ici, à côté, vous pouvez allez le saluer.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : yɛǵɛnnɛ̀ kó, kǒ ń dòn dɛ̀ kílà páraw idéo. hop ! (imite un saut). Syn.: píriw ; pi ̋w. pàrtéè (pàrti) ‹fr.› n. 1) histoire, anecdote.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : ♦ pàrti gbɛĺɛɲɛ̀ • difficultés, problèmes. 2) endroit ; place. páse ‹fr.› vt. repasser (les habits). ♦ kùtapásefɛn • fer à repasser. 2) c'est pour ça que, et donc.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : àn tɔŕɔta, pàskɛ kìnáàn dè kà sádaka síyaman bɔɔ yàn • C'était dur pour  jídirànù bí tìgáà páyitɛla • Les vieilles femmes glanent les restes d'arachide après la récolte. pée dtm. <déterminatif emphatique>.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : kúnkuna wőo kúnkuna, à kúnayanden dè pée, à fɔĺɔ náà • Très amer ! Elle très amère, cette partie supérieure (de l'igname).  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : lɛɛri wò, ǹ k' á lɔǹ, dénnɛǹ í wó kìtila lɔǵɛ̀ là lè, nɔńbɔ kélen pée • Cette balançoire, je le sais, les enfants l'attachent à l'arbre avec une seule liane. péesi ‹pul.› vt./vi. peser.  kɛ̀ sàakóè kílo sàba lè péesila • Ce sac pèse trois kilos.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : kà pònpitɛɛri kílo pɛŕminansè (pɛŕminansi) Cf.: pɛḿinansi 'club'. pɛśɛ̀ (pɛśɛ) n. 1) chanteur, animateur. 2) film ; clip. pɛt ‹pul.› idéo. juste, exactement.  [Krp, disc. « menuisiers »] : wó lê tűn dè kà kúràs sɔtɔ wálila yàndɛtɔ -ɛɛy, má lè fìla pɛt lè yàn • C'est seulement vous qui avez le courage de travailler ici ! -Oui, il n'y a que nous deux ici. pɛttòe (pɛttu) ‹pul.› n. pantoufles ; babouches, claquettes. píblisitè (píblisite) ‹fr.› n. publicité. píbliye ‹fr.› vt. publier. pìkáasè (pìkáasi) ‹pul. < angl. « pickaxe » › n. pioche. Syn.: súlen. príkè (píriki) Var.: príki. n. piège.  ǹ bá' pírikè lasìgi, ǹ ní kòndéè bìta • J'ai mis un piège pour attraper un oiseau. píriw idéo. hop ! (imite un saut). Syn.: páraw ; pi ̋w. pi ̋w idéo. hop ! (imite un saut). Syn.: páraw ; píriw. píwunnɛ̀ (píwunden) Cf.: pyúnden 'outil'. pònpitɛɛrè (pònpitɛɛri) Var.: pónpitɛɛrè (pónpitɛɛri) ; pónpitɛɛrè (pónpitɛɛru). ‹pul. < fr.› n. pomme de terre. champ (couvert de plantes de haute taille). caché dans un champ de maïs. póyi Var.: póe, pőyi-poyi, pőe-poe. ‹pul.› adv. complètement <intensificateur pour le verbe gbɛ ́ 'être propre'>.  jéè bì gbɛɛlen pőyipoyi • L'eau est très propre.  tèléè bì gbɛɛlen pőyipoyi • Le ciel est parfaitement dégagé. Syn.: pɔs. pɔlɛɛ̀ (pɔlɔ) n. pâte d'arachide. pɔɲɛɛ̀ (pɔǹ) ‹fr.› n. pont.  kà pɔɲɛɛ̀ tɛgɛ • traverser le pont. pɔǹpi ‹fr.› vt. gonfler.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : kà pìnɛɛ̀ pɔǹpi • gonfler les pneus. pɔńtiɲɛ̀ (pɔńtin) ‹pul.› n. clou. pɔŕtɛ̀ (n) (pɔŕtɛ) ‹pul.› n. porte-monnaie. pɔs idéo. complètement <intensificateur pour le verbe « gbɛ ́ » 'être propre'>. Syn.: póyi, pɔtɛɲɛ̀ (pɔtɛn) n. igname. Syn.: káppɛ, kúu, pùrɛ. prɛfɛtir ‹fr.› n. préfecture <s'emploie sans prɔblɛm Var.: prɔblɛḿòe (prɔblɛḿu). ‹fr.› n. problème, difficulté. Syn.: nábara, prɔgrámòe (prɔgrámu) Var.: prɔgram. ‹fr.› n. programme ; plan. rɔbɛ̀ (rɔbu) ‹fr.› n. robe. ment. rɔbɛlɛ ‹fr.› n. bandit, criminel, rebelle. rɛśanse ‹fr.› vt. recenser, faire un recense-sáttɛndɛ, sònja, tɔɔrɔya. poser sur la tête. rɛḿɛ̀ (rɛḿɛ) ‹pul.› n. arbre sp. róndi Var.: róndin. ‹pul.› vt. porter sur la tête, terne. • Piler est un travail de femme. rèzerwárù (rèzerwáru) ‹fr.› n. réservoir, ci-transitifs>.  tùgúrè mùséè là báarà lè príkè (príki) Cf.: píriki 'piège'. nominalisation à partir de certains verbes prɛzidáɲɛ̀ (prɛzidán) ‹fr.› n. président. -rè (-ri) Var.: -rè (-ro). mrph. <suffixe de article>. rɛẃi ‹pul.› vi. prier. (ràdyo). ‹fr.› n. radio. tànbi. ràdyóɲɛ̀ (ràdyón) Var.: rádyò (rádyo) ; ràdyô • On a passé la ville de Macenta. Syn.: fort). póyipoyi. ràbbɛ vt. lier, brider ; tresser. ♦ kà kúdukuduma ràbbɛ • faire une nasse. ráddòe (ráddo) ‹pul.› n. fourmi sp. (pique est devenu riche. ràbɔtɛ Var.: ràbɔ. ‹fr.› vt. raboter. rɛśise, à tí nàafúlè sɔtɔ • Son fils a réussi et conte « femme persécutée »] : à là déɲɛ̀ tì rɛśise ‹fr.› vi. réussir, devenir riche.  [Mns, fense.  à bát' á dógon káaba pótoɲɛ̀ tɔ̀ • Il s'est pɔrɔntáà (pɔrɔntá) nr. insulte, affront, of-R -r làspɛŕɛ. pɔrɛɛ̀ (pɔrɔ) n. lance-pierre. Syn.: lànsɛ, « école »] : bàntára lɔɔnɛɛ̀ nìn á bìntannɛɛ, yùman nín yùman nín yùman? • lesquels ?  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : kòndéènnɛɛ wòn' tɔ, kìnáàn' sì yùman nín yùman nín yùman dàmu? • Parmi ces oi-seaux, quels sont ceux que les adultes mangent ?  [Nym, disc. « marché voi-sin »] : mà n' ánù màɲíninka, lɔǵɔɛ ì yùman nín yùmán dè dénna? • Lesquels de ces arbres donnent des fruits ?  [Nym, disc. « école »] : ì bìlata lɛkkɔĺ là sàɲɛɛ̀ ɲùman nà? • En quelle année as-tu com-mencé l'école ? ŋàráà ɔtɛl toire du caméléon, racontez-la nous un peu. ŋàráà (ŋàra) n. arbre sp. (les fruits sont utili-sés pour produire la teinture noire). ŋáraŋara vi. glisser ; rouler en bas d'une col-line (jeu d'enfants). ŋáraŋarà (ŋáraŋara) n. luge, planche (pour descendre d'une montagne dans un jeu d'enfants).  à báti bòri ŋáraŋara tɔ, à bát' á kèɲɛɛ̀ màgbáa • Il a glissé et il s'est bles-sé à la jambe. ŋɔŕɔmɔn 1) vi./vt. (se) tordre.  à báti ǹ nà kɔɔlè ŋɔŕɔmɔn • Il m'a attrapé par le col. 2) vr. se tourner et se retourner ; remuer. Syn.: fìrifíri, kúdukudu, táyɛlɛman, tígilɛn, yɛlɛmán. ŋúnuman vi. marcher à quatre pattes (bébé). O -o ɔǹtumá pàntalɔɲɛ̀ mà • Il y a ceux qui ont des nouvelles, mais moi je n'en ai pas. ɔǹtumá adv. alors, à cette époque.  [Krp, disc., hist. « histoires du passé »] : Jánwaadɔ̀ lè mànsayalén nùn ɔńtùma • À cette époque, Djanwaado était le gouver-neur. mɔńbili, káaru. pánɛ pɛḿinansè là, háa kílà là pán dɛtɔ, ì ní ń bóloka ɲɔ̀ • Le petit poisson a dit : emmène-moi jus-qu'à la route par-là et laisse-moi là. pánɛ Cf.: páɲɛ 'tomber en panne'. pánpul.umusè (pánpul.umusu) ‹fr.› n. pam-plemousse. pánsa 1) vt. écarter (les jambes ou les mains). 2) vr. être assis les jambes écartées. pàntalɔɲɛ̀ (pàntalɔń) ‹fr.› n. pantalon. Syn.: kùrsi. lui, c'est pour ça que les vieux lui ont fait beaucoup de sadaqa. pásuwarè (pásuwaru) Var.: páswarè (páswaru). ‹fr.› n. écumoire (utilisée pour préparer les galettes). pátapata Var.: pàtapáta. vi. se débattre (dans l'eau) ; essayer de se débarrasser.  ànu b' á gbàsila, à bì pátapatala • Ils le frappent et il se bat pour s'échapper. pàtóroɲɛ̀ (pàtóron) Var.: pàtrɔɲɛ̀ (pàtrɔn). ‹fr.› n. patron, chef. Syn.: kùntígi, ɲáatɔbaga, ɲáatasoo, sɛɛfu. pèrdi pòrtéè kélen péesi • peser un kilogramme de pommes de terre. pelle. pɛɛɲè (pɛɛɲi) ‹fr.› n. peigne (pour les che-veux). Syn.: sántin. pílanson Var.: plánson. ‹fr.› vr. plonger (dans l'eau). pìléetè (pìléeti) ‹pul. < angl. « plate » › n. assiette. pìnpéè (pìnpi) n. obscurité ; nuit.  pìnpéè buutɔ • dans l'obscurité. dames). Syn.: pɔrɔkúntu, sáwru. pɔɔrɔnáttà (pɔɔrɔnátta) n. fouet, cravache píɲɔɲɛ̀ (píɲɔn) ‹fr.› n. pion (au jeu des póosè puta póosè (poosi) pas mûr, petit (fruit, enfant).  ì káni támaati pósi bɔ́ • Il ne faut pas cueillir les tomates pas mûres. póro vt. piler (une masse humide).  kà nɛtɛɛ̀ póro • piler les graines de néré avec de l'eau. pòrtéè (pòrto) ‹pul.› n. homme blanc. Syn.: tùbáabu. pòrtéè (pòrto) Var.: fòrto. n. piment. Syn.: ɲámakulendi. cujete, espèce d'arbre). Syn.: pɔrɔnátta, sáwru. pɔɔrɔkúntè (pɔɔrɔkúntu) n. fouet, cravache pórtofɛɛ̀ (pórtofɛɛ) n. calebassier (Crescentia pɔɔ itj. peuh ! <interjection de mépris>.  [Mns, conte « femme persécutée »] : mùsu fɔṕu b' á fɔĺa: pɔɔ pɔɔ, í lè mɔgɔ kúɲɛleɲɛ, bɔ́ ɲɔ! • Toutes les femmes ont commencé à crier : « peuh ! peuh ! va-púnnɛ̀ -ru púnnɛ̀ (púnnɛ) ‹pul.› n. champignon. rɔńpi sàaráà rɔńpi ‹fr.› vi. terminer (réunion, fête).  kà púnnɛ̀ wùtun • cueillir des champi-gnons. púra Var.: púra. idéo. plouf ! (imite la chute dans l'eau). pútɛ̀ (putɔ) Var.: pútà (puta). adjM. 1) sans sucre (bouillie).  mɔɔni pútɛ̀ • bouillie rɔswárè (rɔswáru) ‹fr.› n. rasoir. Syn.: lánsɛti, sìrifé. sans sucre. 2) blanche (vache).  nìngi pútè rɔtirɛ ‹fr. « retirer » › vt. enlever la charge (de • vache blanche. la personne qui la porte). t'en, tu pues ! ». pɔɔrɛɛ̀ (pɔɔrɛ) Var.: pɔɔrɛɛ̀ (pɔɔrɔ). ‹pul.› n. 1) caoutchouc (Landolphia heudelotii). súnbɔn, tánkon. pɔɔrɔbágè (pɔɔrɔbági) n. bassine. Syn.: saut du lapin). pwén idéo. IDÉO. écuelle. púrunpurunpurun idéo. hop-hop ! (imite le pűyɛ idéo. imite un sursaut. 2) sac en plastique, objet en plastique, pùrɛɛ̀ (pùrɛ) n. igname. Syn.: káppɛ, kúu, pɔtɛn. pűrɛndarɛ idéo. imite un mouvement rapide. púttinden adv. un peu. Syn.: dóndèn. nɛtɛlama. púutà (púuta) ‹pul.› adjMP. jaune. Syn.: rɔtti ‹pul.› vt. distribuer (nourriture).
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nɛɛ nɛɛnɛkinama nɛńɛnɛnɛ̀ nɛtɛlamà níi nìngéè (nìngi) n. vache, boeuf. nìngirɛɲɛ̀ (nìngirɛń) n. veau. Syn.: bɔɔbɔtí. níwàle nɔn Ɲ -ɲ ɲáà ɲáagàsi ɲáakɔtɛ̀ ɲáaɲaà ɲáawɛ ɲɛǵin Cf.: ɲígin 'être mou'. ɲɛńbelɛya vi. être mou. ɲɛǹkɛtɛɲɛ̀ ɲìɓɛ ɲìnan ɲíwurɛ̀ ɲɔgɔn ɲɔɔninɲɔɔ nŋálɗinɛ ‹pul.› vt. étonner. ŋànsíɲɛ̀ (ŋànsin) nr. griffe, ongle. ŋànsin ò Cf.: wò 'vous'. ò Cf.: wò 'ce'. òʔóyè Var.: òʔówò ; ɔʔɔ. ‹pul.› itj. non. Ɔ -ɔ ɔɔli ɔýa páɲɛ pàse páwdà pèrdi pɛllɛt pìnɛɛ̀ pír idéo. de bonne heure. pìréè plánsɛ̀ pòrtokíidè (pòrtokíidi) n. arbre sp. pòrtotɛɛ̀ (pòrtotɛ) n. arbre sp. pósi Cf.: póosi 'petit'. pótoɲɛ̀ (póton) Var.: póteɲɛ̀ (póten). nr. pɔńpè puta pyɛɛ̂ ràtɔɛ̀ rɛẃi

  sá (n) Cf.: lá 'être couché'.sá conj. pour <introduit une proposition de but, le plus souvent avec un adverbe relatif ɲáà mín 'de quelle manière' ou kómìn (nà) 'comment'>.  ǹ bì táala lúumɛ̀ tɔ, sá ǹ sí kùtáà sàn ǹ nà dɛɲɛǹu yèn (ɲáà mìn) • Je vais au marché acheter des vêtements pour mes enfants.  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : ì bí Sàramusaya tàtɛń báà kɛɛla háa, sá ì sì dóo lɔń kómìn nà • Tu te promènes longtemps à Saramoussaya pour faire quelques connaissances.sá idéo. tchac ! (imite le bruit d'un couteau). Var.: sàagin. 1) vi. revenir ; rentrer.♦ kímà báti sàagi • Le temps froid est fini (litt. : « Le froid est rentré chez soi »). Syn.: kɔɔlɔ. 2) vi. renoncer (à qch -là).3) vt. ajouter.  ǹ báti kɔrɛɛ̀ sáaku sàba dín à fɛ, ǹ bì kɛ́ fìla yàn tùgun sàagila • Je lui ai déjà donné trois sacs de riz et maintenant je lui en donne encore deux. Syn.: dáafa 2 , layáagɛ, makàfu. (sáanburu) ‹fr.› n. pièce, chambre. (n) itj. vraiment, franchement.  sábù, s' à máa tóo, ǹ s' á gbàsi • Vraiment, s'il n'arrête pas, je vais le frapper.sàbuná conj. parce que.  déɲɛ̀ bì díla, sàbuná wùléè bát' á kìn • L'enfant pleure parce qu'un chien l'a mordu.  ń bòrita kómìn nà wó, ǹ tée kɛ̀ ɔtɛ̀ bìta, sàbuná sɔfɛŕɛ̀ b' á fɛ̀ ń tòola lè • Même si je cours, je n'arriverai pas à entrer dans cette voiture parce que le chauffeur veut me laisser là. Syn.: bàní, ɓáyri, fí 2 , fìná, hári 4 , kɔfí, pàsé. (sàháaba) n. chance, succès, félicité ; bien-être.  állà bát' à bɛǹ sàháabà mà • Dieu lui a donné la félicité. sàkkɛ ‹pul.› 1) vi. s'accrocher, être coincé, être bloqué.  kólo bá' sàkkɛ ǹ kán • J'ai un os coincé dans la gorge.  mɔńbilè bá' sàkkɛ kíla là • La voiture est bloquée sur la route. 2) vt. attaquer ; bloquer la route à qn.  jàtáà báti nìngéè sàkkɛ́ • Le lion a attaqué la vache.  bándi bá' má sàkkɛ́ • Les bandits nous ont attaqués. ‹pul.› conj. pour ne pas <conjonction pour introduire subordonnée de but ir-réalisable>.  ì káni mángòe dámu tèlemáà, sákkɔfɛɛrɛ ì ní gbàndiya • Ne mange pas de mangue pendant la saison sèche, sinon tu tomberas malade.  ń jàaja báti jéè sɔri kɔtɛɛ, sákkɔfɛɛrɛ à kán' á sɔri sínàn sàgóè mà • Ma soeur aînée puise de l'eau maintenant pour ne pas avoir à en puiser demain matin. Syn.: sákkɔ. sákòe (sáku) Cf.: sáaku 'sac'. sálà (sála) ‹pul.› nr. resp. tête. sàláalà (sàláala) ‹pul.› n. resp. chapeau. sálaɲɛ̀ (sálan) n. pont (en bois). (sálligɛ) ‹pul.› n. ablution.  kà sálligɛ̀ bìta • faire des ablutions. sálligɛ ‹pul.› vr. faire ses ablutions. sálluɲɛ̀ (sállun) n. fête ; jour férié.  bìi mù sàllún dè là • Aujourd'hui c'est une fête. Syn.: sáli 2 . sàlóɲɛ̀ (sàlon) Var.: sáloɲɛ̀ (sálon). ‹fr.› n. 1) vi. se perdre.  ǹ nà sáakòe báti sáma • J'ai perdu mon sac.  ǹ báti sáma búrusà tɔ̀ • Je me suis perdu dans la brousse. Syn.: túnɛn 2 . 2) vi. se cacher (de qn -là). Syn.: dògon, madògon 1 , lamára, túnɛn 1 . vt. vendre.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : kɛ́ sân ɲɲè yándí báaba • Vendsle-moi, s'il te plaît ! 4) vi. coûter, se vendre (pour qch -là).  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : mùrubá í sànna bíinàaní lè là • La machette coûte quarante mille francs. Var.: sáŋà (sáŋa). ‹pul.› n. panier, corbeille (en osier). Syn.: dɛbɛ. sára Cf.: sáara 'dire au revoir'. sárà (sára) nr. angle, coin. ‹pul. < fr.› vt. charger. sársitɛ ‹pul.› vt. décharger. Var.: séytinɛ. ‹pul.› vt. être fâché, être énervé.  ànu bát' á séetinɛ ɲɲè • Ils se sont fâchés contre moi. sègélè (sègéle) Cf.: sɛgɛĺɛ 'faucon'. sèn vt. creuser. Syn.: jàsin, sòyi. sèndikáà (sèndiká) Var.: séndikà (séndika). ‹fr.› n. syndicat, membre de syndicat. sénsè (sénse) vt. monnaie.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : ì nì wúlu kɛmɛ wɔɔrɔ bɔ, àn nì wúlu kɛmɛ fìla sénsè tàdí í bòlo • Tu paies six cent mille francs, et ils te rendent la monnaie qui correspond à deux cent mille francs. séɲɛ Var.: séɲin. vt. fabriquer. Syn.: dáa 1 , laɲìɲa, lɛśɛ 2 . (sérru) n. magie (de marabout). séytinɛ Cf.: séetinɛ 'se fâcher'. Var.: sɛẃa. vi. être content.  ǹ bá' sɛɛwa ì là nàâ tɔ̀ • Je suis heureux que tu sois venu. Syn.: tádìya. sɛɛwayà (sɛɛwaya) n. joie, bonheur. Syn.: (sɛḱkɔ) ‹pul.› n. natte (pour sécher le maïs, le manioc etc.). Sɛǹɛgáalì Var.: Sɛńɛgàl. ‹fr.› n.loc. Sénégal. ‹pul.› vt. aller à pied.  ǹ bí kìlo tán dè sɛṕpila háa lɛkkɔĺ là sàguma wő sàguma • Je vais chaque jour à l'école en faisant dix kilomètres à pied.  ǹ b' á sɛṕpila lè háa lɛkkɔĺ là • Je vais à l'école à pied. sɛŕà (sɛŕa) nr. côté, environs.  à í sìginden bóɲɛ̀ sɛŕà là • Il est assis à côté de la maison. sɛŕùn adv. l'année dernière. sɛŕunkò adv. il y a deux ans. sɛŕuntakò adv. il y a trois ans. sɛŕvisɛ̀ (sɛŕwisɛ) ‹fr.› n. service (militaire). sɛttɛrɛ̀ (sɛttɛr) ‹fr.› n. secteur (administratif). conj. 1) si <introduit la proposition subordonnée conditionnelle>.  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : sì ǹ ká wò fɔ, ò sí ǹ bòloká? • Si je vous le dis, est-ce que vous me laisserez partir ?  [Mns, conte « femme du chasseur »] : ì sí yíidɛ à fɛ, sì állà sɔǹta • Si Dieu le veut, tu la verras. 2) soit … soit.  [Skt, conte « voleur »] : sì ùráà là lè, sì sínàn sàgóè mà lè, à sí nà, à n' á fɛlɛ • Il ira le voir soit ce soir, soit demain matin. 3) pour que. Cf.: súfa 'manière'. sífa ‹pul.› vt. expliquer.  à sífa ɲɲè ì táala kómin nà kɔɔkɛɛ̀ mà • Explique-moi comment aller au marché. Syn.: fáranfànsin, ɲáafɔ, ɲáakàran, tafɔ1, ɲáasifɛ. sìgaréetè (sìgaréeti) Var.: sígaretè (sígareti). ‹pul.› n. cigarette. sígè (n) (sígi) Var.: síkkè (síkki). n. chanson.  kà sígè la • chanter une chanson. sìgéè (sìgi) n. buffle. sìgéè (sìgi) nr. quantité, tas ; mesure.  mùséè bá' táamatènu másìgi tán nà • La femme a mis les tomates en trois tas. sìgi 1) vr. s'asseoir.  í sìgi kɛ̀ yɛŕkuntè tɔ̀ • Assieds-toi sur cette chaise. 2) vt. poser, mettre.  kà dàgáà (la)sìgi táà kùnma • mettre la marmite sur le feu. Syn.: lasìgi 2 . 3) vi. s'établir, apparaître. ♦ à bóè báti sìgi = à kɔńɛ̀ bá' sìgi • son ventre est devenu gros.  bá à báti kɛ́ pàtɔrɔɲɛ̀ là, à bóè bá' sìgi • Depuis qu'il est patron, son ventre est devenu gros (litt. : « son ventre est apparu »). 4) vr. habiter.  [Lbk, disc. « affaires du village »] : wó lè sìgilen ɲɔgɔn fɛ̀ • Vous habitez ensemble. Syn.: hɔɗi. (sìi) nr. vie, durée de la vie, âge.  k' ì sìí sɔtɔ kóobèn • vivre une longue vie. ♦ í sìí jèlu lè kɛ? • Quel âge as-tu ?  ń sìi múgan nín lòolu lè kɛ̀ • J'ai vingt-cinq ans. síikuli Var.: síikulè (síikulu). ‹pul.› n. bouc. (sìise) n. poule, poulet. ♦ sìiséè là kɔɔkɔ • ver de terre blanc. Syn.: sùusu. síisè (síisi) nr. poitrine. sìiséè (sìisi) n. fumée. síkè (n) (síki) Cf.: sígi 'chanson'. síkkɛ̀ (n) (síkkɛ) n. moucheron, puceron. sìkkɛ ‹pul.› vt. croire, supposer.  ì bì fɛń sìkkɛnden? • Qu'est-ce que tu en penses ? síkkè (síkki) Cf.: sígi 'chanson'. adv. dans trois jours. síncɛ Cf.: sínkɛ 'fonder'. sínga vt. prêter à (qch -tɔ ).  à báti ń sínga mɔńbilè là • Il m'a prêté sa voiture. síngalà (síngala) n. 1) spatule (pour remuer l'arachide quand on la prépare). Syn.: sáragal, wèlegɛ. 2) vaisselle. síngè (síngi) n. poitrine, sein (de femme). sínkɛ Var.: síncɛ. ‹pul.› vt. créer, fonder. ‹pul.› conj. c'est mieux de.  sítta ò má ní pònpítɛɛrè jɔḱki • C'est mieux pour nous de travailler avec de la pomme de terre. (sòbo) n. viande, animal. sóɓindɛ ‹pul.› vr. s'accouder. sógi ‹pul.› vi. entendre des rumeurs. sógin vi./vt. (se) mélanger, (se) mélanger avec de l'eau.  fɛɲɛǹu fóo báti sógin sáakòe tɔ̀ • Toutes les choses se sont mélangées dans le sac.  kà nɛtɛɛ̀ sógin • mélanger les graines de néré avec de l'eau.  kà fáariɲɛ̀ sógin • pétrir la pâte.  ǹ báti njáarɛndè nin símɔnɛ̀ sógin • J'ai mélangé le sable avec du ciment. (sònja) Var.: sónjà (sónja). ‹pul.› n. (sóɲɛ) n. lame (d'une hache). sóɲi ‹pul.› vt. récolter.  ànu báti kɔrɛɛ̀ búyi sóɲi • Ils ont récolté beaucoup de riz. Syn.: kà, tɛgɛ 4 . (sòofáli) n. injr. crétin, connard. vi. 1) aller sous, se glisser sous.  kà sòri lɔǵɛ̀ kɔtɔ • aller sous l'arbre. 2) mettre les mains sous qch (pour lever).  à báti sòri sánkɛ̀ kɔtɔ • Il est allé sous la moustiquaire. sòri vt. puiser. ♦ kà kúluɲɛ̀ sòri = kà jéè sòri bíngà là = k' à sòri bíngà là • ramer (sur un bateau). sòri vi. se lever tôt.  [Mns, conte « femme du chasseur »] : á sòrita bɔɔla súbakà • Il s'est levé tôt pour partir à l'aube.  [Dgm, histp. Var.: sótte. ‹pul.› vi. se déplacer, déménager.  ǹ báti sótti, ǹ bì káamìn nùn • J'ai déménagé de l'endroit où j'habitais avant. sòyi Var.: sòe. vt. creuser.  [Mns, conte « forgeron »] : ♦ kà bòréè sòyi • courir très vite. Syn.: jàsin, sèn. sɔ̀ (n) Cf.: lɔ̀ 'dans tous les sens'. sɔɓɓundè (sɔɓɓundu) ‹pul.› 1) n. coin. 2) n. 1) vt. percer. 2) vt./vt. (se) piquer. (sɔgɔŕɔ) n. châtiment, peine.  sì ǹ bát' í jànfa, állà mà, sɔgɔŕɛ̀ nì ǹ bɔ̀ • Se je te trahis, que Dieu me punisse. vi. <exprime la valeur de cause, le plus souvent avec la négation>.  sángè máa sɔǹ mà nì wáli bì • La pluie nous a empêché de travailler aujourd'hui.  [Dgm, histp. « Mami Wata »] : wò m' á sɔǹ ǹ ní ń ná kìibó làban • Vous ne m'avez pas laissé voir le rêve jusqu'à la fin. 3) vi. être obéissant.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : állà k' á lɔń wó lá kɛ́ déndè sɔǹden féw • Dieu merci, votre garçon est très obéissant. (sɔǹgɔ) nr. prix.  kɛ̀ dòriki sɔńgɛ̀ gbɛlɛ • Cette chemise est chère.  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : ànu báti ò mà kɔ́ dàlasi wúlu kélen, mà ní wò mà bɔńbɔn sɔǹgɛɛ̀ là • Ils nous ont donné mille francs pour qu'on achète des bonbons.  sòngɛɛ̀ kólo! • C'est cher ! sɔńkɛ̀ (sɔńkɔ) n. bruit. Syn.: sɔƴɔŕɔ. (sɔǹsɔĺi) ‹pul.› n. moustique. ♦ sɔǹsɔĺè bì ń mìnna • Le moustique boit mon sang. sɔɲè (sɔɲi) ‹pul.› nr. récolte. sɔɔkɛɛ̀ (sɔɔkɛ) ‹pul.› nr. resp. main. Syn.: (sɔtɔdén) nr. enfant. sɔƴɔŕɛ̀ (sɔƴɔŕɔ) ‹pul.› nr. bruit. Syn.: sɔńkɔ. sù vi./vt. (se) noyer. súbakà (súbaka) Var.: sùbákà (sùbáka). n. Var.: síibɛ. ‹pul.› vt. choisir.  ǹ báti kùta wúleɲɛ̀ súbɛ • J'ai choisi le tissu rouge. (súgu) Var.: súgà (súga). 1) n. semence (d'une plante). 2) nr. sorte de, genre de. ♦ ǹ béle wò súgè tɔ̀ = ǹ béle wò súgè fɛ̀ • Je n'aime pas ce genre de choses.  ǹ béle kɛ̀ mɔgɔ súgè fɛ̀ • Je n'aime ce genre de personne. 1) vi. tomber en gouttes ; fuir.  sɛttɔɛ tɔ, kɛ̀ bóɲɛ̀ bì súlenna • Pendant la saison des pluies, le toit de cette maison fuit. Syn.: síntɛ. 2) vi. être usé ; avoir des trous.  káaba sáakòe báti súlen, a bá' bón • Le sac de maïs a des trous et le maïs en est sorti. súlɛ ‹fr.› vi. se soûler, s'enivrer. (súmani) nr. urine.  k' à kɛ̀ • uriner. súmmɛ̀ (n) (súmmɛ) Cf.: súnbo 'réservoir'. sùmun vi. passer la nuit à se parler. sùmúɲɛ̀ (sùmun) n. veillée, causerie nocturne. Var.: súnbè (súnbu). n. bassine, cuvette.  ǹ báti kùtáànù kò súnbu búutɔ̀ • J'ai lavé les vêtements dans une bassine. Syn.: pɔrɔbági, tànkón. súnbu 1) vt. embrasser.  mùséè bát' à là déɲɛ̀ sùnbu • La femme a embrassé son enfant. 2) vt. flairer.  wùléè bì kùláà fɔɔféè sùnbula • Le chien flaire les traces du singe. vi. être court, être petit.  kɛ̀ kílà sùtumanta • Ce chemin est court.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : dóo bí ɲɔ, fàtima kɛńɛ, sùtumanta • Il y a un homme ici, il a la peau claire et il est petit. sútuɲɛ̀ (sutun) adjM. court, petit. súturà (sútura) n. toilettes. Syn.: wúrgɔ. sùtura 1) vt. cacher, couvrir, enterrer.  ǹ ná kùtáà bì ǹ bólènu súturanden • Mes vêtements me couvrent les bras.  [Mns, conte « femme du chasseur »] : à báti kánkayà mà àn bát' á sùtura • Il a commis un vol et ils ne l'ont pas dit. Syn.: dògon. 2) vt. enterrer.  àn báti fùréè sùtura • Ils ont enterré le corps. Syn.: bɛĺnɛ, bìri 1 , lawàttinɛ, madògon 2 , wáttinɛ. sùtúrà (sùtúra) nr. enterrement. sútuya Var.: sútiya. 1) vi. s'approcher (évènement, date).  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : sálluɲɛ̀ bá' sútuya • La fête est proche. 2) vi. approcher de son terme.  kàróè bá' sútuya • Le mois est bientôt fini. 3) vi. être court, être bref (en temps).  [Krp, conte « veillée des femmes »] : wó kùsan tàli hín nà wő, à sútuyata, á jànjayata • Chaque femme peut raconter un conte, soit court, soit long. vt. couvrir. ♦ jínnànù b' á súumɛnden • Il est possédé par les démons.  mùséè báti táabalè súumɛnden kùtáà là • La femme a couvert la table avec du tissu. vt. enduire.  kà tùléè sùusa ì bólènù mà = k' ì bólènu sùusa tùléè là • enduire ses mains d'huile.  kà pɔlɛɛ̀ sùusa bìrɛɛdè mà • tartiner le pain de pâte d'arachide. súusɛ vi. oser, ne pas avoir peur de faire. 1) vt. sucer. Syn.: múrɛ, múyitɛ. 2) vi. téter. 3) vt. hériter un métier.  [Lbk, disc. « dans la forge »] : wò k' á súusu lè káa wò ká wò dègen dè? • Est-ce que vous avez hérité [ce métier] de vos parents ou bien vous l'avez appris ? sùuséè (sùusu) n. poule. ♦ sùuséè là kɔɔkɛɛ̀ • ver de terre blanc. Syn.: sìise. súye Var.: zúye. ‹fr.› vi./vt. jouer (aux jeux). Var.: syútɛ. ‹pul.› 1) vt. sortir, extraire (d'une substance liquide ou molle).  kà sòbéè súyitɛ màaféè tɔ̀ • sortir la viande de la sauce. 2) vi./vt. (se) sauver, échapper, survivre.  kà súyitɛ áksidaɲɛ̀ tɔ̀ • survivre à un accident.  kà súyitɛ jéè tɔ̀ • avoir failli se noyer.  à báti déndɛ̀ súyitɛ jéè tɔ̀ • Il a sauvé un enfant de la noyade. (syùtádɛ) Var.: sùutádɛ̀ (sùutádɛ). ‹pul.› n. jumeau. Syn.: nbɔɔ, fɛŕɛn. ♦ kà táà là à là • mettre du feu sur qch.  wáaɲɛrikɛɛlaànù báti táà là búruɲɛ̀ là • Les chasseurs ont mis le feu à la brousse. 2) énergie, électricité.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : ǹ kà fìzébùlu màfɛĺɛ táa tɛrɛ béle nàala • J'ai examiné le fusible, l'électricité ne venait pas. Syn.: kùran. táà (táa) Var.: táɲɛ̀ (tán). 1) nr. une part pour.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : à mán tábirè kɛ, à nì ǹ táà dòni ɲɔɔ là • Quand elle faisait à manger, elle m'en apportait une part là-bas.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : ǹ dè ɲɛtɛ táa, ǹ bì wó lè fɔĺa • Ce qui me concerne personnellement, c'est de ça que je parle.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : má lè tɔɔrɔya, má lè táà tɔɔrɔyà, wó lè fɔɔnden yàn káa • Nos problèmes, nos problèmes à nous, c'est de ça qu'on parle maintenant. 2) nr. celui de, appartenant à, concernant.  [Nym, conte « Figuier »] : à k' á là déɲɛ̀ bólè kò jíi là, kà dóè bólè kò túlè là, kó mín tâà mân jàrɛ, wó lè y' á sìgila à nì kínè dàmu • Elle a lavé les mains de sa fille avec de l'eau et les mains de l'autre [fille] avec de l'huile, puis elle a dit : « Celle dont les mains se sèchent, va s'asseoir pour manger ».  ǹ tán fáwɛ̀ • ce que je dois apporter à la fête.  ǹ tán kínè • le riz qui est à moi.  ǹ táɲɛ̀ dí ǹ bòlo • Donne-moi ma part.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : ò táɲɛ̀ fɔ̀ dɛ́ kɔtɛɛ, mà jɛńtilen wò là • Maintenant raconte-nous ta partie, on t'écoute. 3) nr. propriété. 4) nr. <largement utilisé dans une construction avec la copul.e d'identification mu>.  kɛ̀ nìngéè, állè tán mù • Cette vache, elle est à lui. On t'écoute ! <mot prononcé par l'auditoire du narrateur d'un conte après qu'il prononce le mot « tàalíɔ ̀ » ; vient du poular « taal-atee » 'raconterpass.pfv.w'>.  tàalíyò! -tàlátì! • J'ai une histoire à raconter -On t'écoute ! tàalíɔ̀ Var.: ntàalíyɔ̀ (ntàalíɔ). itj. <mot prononcée par le narrateur d'un conte au début de sa narration, utilisé dans les contes des femmes>. (táaɲa) n. manque, absence. táarikà (táarika) ‹ar.› n. conte, histoire (sur des évènements réels, peut être raconté pas seulement le soir, mais à n'importe quelle heure). tàata (n) nr. frère aîné, soeur aînée <s'emploie sans article>. ♦ tàata káyi • frère aîné. ♦ tàata músu • soeur aînée. táayɛ ‹pul.› vi. fondre ; se ramollir, se déformer (avec la chaleur). Syn.: lɛ. tábaldɛ̀ (tábaldɛ) Var.: tàbáldɛ̀ (tàbaldɛ). ‹pul.› n. tambour (gros tambour que deux personnes frappent pour convoquer les gens ou pour les avertir de l'arrivée du chef du canton). vt. préparer, rassembler.  [Dgm, histp. « dans la brousse »] : kà sɛbɛǹu tábɛǹ • préparer les documents.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : àn ì fɛń tábɛǹ wò yèn wò sì mín dàmu? • Qu'est-ce qu'elles vous préparent à manger ? 4) vt. se réconcilier. tábi vt. préparer, cuisiner.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : mà í kɔrɛɛ̀ sànna, mà n' á tàbi, mà n' á dàmu • Nous achetons le riz, nous le préparons et nous le mangeons. tábirè (tábiri) n. préparation (de la nourriture).  kà tábirè kɛ̀ • préparer la nourriture, faire à manger.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : kà sálluɲɛ̀ tábirè kɛ̀ • faire de la cuisine pour une fête. tábirikɛɛlaà (tábirikɛɛlaa) n. cuisinière. Syn.: dàgalɔɔlaa, tábirilaa. tábirilaa (n) n. cuisinière, cuisinier. Syn.: dàgalɔɔlaa, tábirikɛɛlaa. tabìta 1) vt. s'appuyer contre.  ì káni táabalè tabìta, à sí bòyi • Ne t'appuie pas sur la table, elle peut tomber. 2) vt. s'accorder sur qch, s'entendre, convenir de.  Músà báti Sɛḱù tábìta àn nà wálè là • Moussa et Sékou se sont entendus sur leur travail. 3) vt. prendre soin de, se préoccuper de. tabɔ́ 1) vi. apparaître.  ǹ bá' dìnkáà sèn háa jíi bá' tabɔ́ • J'ai creusé le trou jusqu'à ce que l'eau apparaisse. 2) vi. tomber sur, se heurter contre.  ǹ báti dìnkáà sen háa ǹ bá' tabɔ́ sánòe mà • J'ai creusé jusqu'à ce que je trouve de l'or. 3) vi. être connu. tádɛ vr. se taire. Syn.: mákun, mɛdɛ. tadɛɛman (c, n) Var.: tɔdɛɛman (w). vt. aider. Syn.: dɛɛman, madɛɛman. tadí vt. donner en retour, donner en échange. tadígin vt. presser ; pétrir. Syn.: bítin, háamɛ, madígin. tadíi adjP. gentil, facile.  kɛ̀ báara kóo tàdí • Ce travail est facile.  kɛ̀ dénnɛ̀ kóo tàdí • Ce jeune homme est gentil. tadíya 1) vr. être heureux, être content.  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : ǹ kà ń tàdíya wò là kóobèn nà • Ça me rend très heureux. 2) vr. être reconnaissant (envers qn -yèn).  [Mns, conte « chats et souris »] : mò tí mò tàdíya ò yèn kóobèn nà • Nous vous sommes très reconnaissants ! 3) vt. contenter ; être agréable à qn. vt. distribuer, partager.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : àn ní wòréè wò tè k' à táfàtan jàmáà là • Ils cassent les noix de cola en deux et les partagent entre les gens. 2) vt./vi. (se) diviser en deux, arriver au milieu.  [Dgm, histp. « dans la brousse »] : sóè báti táfatan • Il est minuit (litt. : « La nuit s'est divisée en deux »). tafɛĺɛ vt. visiter.  má bì mà lá kìnáànu tàfɛĺɛla kàri wő kàri • Nous allons voir nos parents chaque mois. tafɔ́ 1) vt. expliquer. Syn.: fáranfànsin, ɲáafɔ, ɲáakàran, sífa, ɲáasifɛ. 2) raconter ; parler de.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : wò má jàmanáà tàfɔ • Parlez-nous de notre pays.

	sà (w) Cf.: tà 'prendre'. sà vi. s'éteindre.  ǹ nà tɛĺɛfɔɲɛ̀ sàanden • Mon téléphone est éteint. Syn.: dúfen 1 , kìnnɔǵɔ 2 . sàâ (sàa) n. village. Syn.: búrusa, hɔɗo, fúlawa, sóo. sáabè (sáabi) Var.: sàabéè (sàabi). ‹pul.› n. clef, clé. sàadúlà (sàadúla) n. tombe. Syn.: gàbúru. sàafúnà (sàafúna) n. savon. sàagáà (n) (sàaga) Var.: sàaka. n. mouton ; brebis. sàara des grains).  kà káabasaaɲɔɛ bɔ̀ • éplucher les grains de maïs. sàara vr. dire au revoir.  ì mán wúli tágala ì n' í sàara ǹ nà • Quand tu seras prêt à par-tir tu viendras me dire au revoir. sàara (c) vt. payer.  [Dgm, histp. « ma belle-mère »] : kà tránspɔru sàara • payer le transport. Syn.: yɔǵɔ. sàaráà (sàara) n. salaire. Syn.: wɔɔsi. sáaragàle (sáaragàlu) n. spatule (pour remuer l'arachide quand on la prépare). Syn.: síngala, wèlegɛ. sáarɛ̀ (sáarɛ) ‹pul.› n. ville. sàaréè (sàaru) n. cimetière. Syn.: bɛŕɗɛ, gàburúso. sàasáà (sàasa) 1) nr. morve, mucus. 2) n. rhume.  sàasa b' á là • Il a un rhume, il a le nez qui coule. sàatígè (sàatígi) n. chef (de village). sàayáà (sàaya) n. mort ; décès ; funérailles.  mà báti sàayáà sɔtɔ bìi • Il y a un décès chez nous aujourd'hui. Syn.: lɔǵɛ, tùma, wáttu 1 . sáayisaayi (n) adv. de temps en temps, par-fois. sàba vr. discuter, réfléchir, se poser des ques-tions (sur qch -là).  ǹ báti ń sàba kɛ̀ kɛśyɔɲɛ̀ là • Je me suis posé cette question.  mà báti (mà) ɲɔǵɔn sàba kɛ̀ kɛśyɔɲɛ̀ là • On a parlé de cette question. sàba vt. tirer, traîner. ♦ kà sígaretè sàba • inhaler la fumée de la cigarette. sàba num. trois. sábali vr. tolérer, supporter, endurer. ságin ságin num. huit. sàgiráɲɛ̀ (sàgirán) Cf.: sàagíran 'aiguille'. sàgɔɛ̀ (n) (sàgɔ) nr. envie ; volonté.  ń sàgɔ mù, ǹ sì tága Kɔńakri • J'ai envie d'aller à Conakry.  ń sàgɔɛ̀ tɔ, ì sì tága ǹ fɛ̀ • Je veux que tu y ailles avec moi.  à máni bɛrɛɛ̀ mìn, háray à béle à yɛtɛ sàgɔ tɔ̀ • Quant il boit de l'alcool, il perd le con-trôle de lui-même. Syn.: lɔǵɔ. sàgóè (sàgu) n. matin. ♦ mà sàgóè mà! • À demain ! sàguma n.loc. matin. sákkitɛ ‹pul.› vi. faire le dernier, faire ré-cemment, procéder à.  ǹ sákkitɛta mɔtɛ̀ mín sánna, à ká ɲìn • La dernière moto que j'ai achetée est bien.  [Nym, disc. « Ra-madan »] : mà mán kàyéèn' nà mɔɔnɛɛ̀ dòní, mà nì sákkitɛ má lè mùséèn' ná mɔɔnɛɛ̀ tàala mà n' á dòni • Une fois que nous avons apporté la bouillie pour les hommes, nous prenons la bouillie pour les femmes et allons la manger là-bas. sákkitɔrɛ̀ (sákkitɔɔrɔ) ‹pul.› n. dernier.  állè mù sákkitɔɔrɛ̀ là • C'est lui qui est le der-nier.  à báti bìrɛɛdi kùntu sákkitɔrɛ̀ jìga • Il a pris le dernier morceau de pain. sálli sálli n. muezzin <n'ajoute pas d'article réfé-rentiel>. sállifàna n. après-midi, prière de l'après-midi.  sállifana báti fáa • Le temps de la prière de l'après-midi est arrivé.  mà báti kílà bìta sállifana tɔ̀ • On a pris la route l'après-midi. 1) salon (pièce dans une maison). 2) salon de coiffure. sàmáà (sàma) n. hivernage, saison des pluies.  sàmáà tɔ̀ • pendant la saison des pluies.  sàma jíi fìla • deux saisons des pluies <dans le contexte avec un numéral s'utilise toujours avec le mot « jíi » 'eau'>. Syn.: sɛttɔ. sámakalà (sámakala) n. plaisanterie ; bêtise.  à sámakala máa • Ce n'est pas une plai-santerie !  à bì sámakala lè tɔ̀ yèn • C'est de la blague, ce qu'il fait. sàman vt. tirer, traîner.  [Dgm, histp. « Ma-mi Wata »] : ǹ kà lɔǵɔnnɛ̀ bìla jéè tɔ, ǹ tóta á sàmanna ǹ fɛ̀ • J'ai mis le petit bâton dans l'eau et j'ai commencé à le traîner derrière moi. Syn.: sàba. sànba sànba vt. donner en cadeau (rentrant d'un voyage). sànbárè (sànbarú) n. cadeau (au retour d'un voyage).  ǹ báti sànbaréènu nàati ń díyaɲɔgɛǹu yèn • A mon arrivée j'ai ap-porté des cadeaux à mes amis. sàndáà (sànda) n. proverbe ; devinette.  kà sàndáà là • poser une devinette. sándarmerè (sándarmɛri) Var.: zándarmerè (zándarmeri). ‹fr.› n. gendarmerie. sánnɛɛ̀ (sánden) n. lièvre. Syn.: sàrindén. sángbalimà (sángbalima) n. tonnerre.  sángbalimà bì sɔńkɛla, sángè sí nà • Il y a du tonnerre dans l'air, il va pleuvoir. Syn.: fárnitɛrɛ. Syn.: ~ dɛbɛ, sáŋasaŋa. sánkɛ̀ (sánkɛ) n. moustiquaire. sánmakuluɲɛ̀ (sánmakulun) n. avion. Syn.: àbiyɔń. sánnìn conj. avant, avant que <la voyelle nasale est muette devant une autre voyelle qui est allongée>.  ǹ bì klásɛla mɔgɔ tán ɲɔǵɛǹu kɔɔmà lè sánnìn múgan • Par mes notes, je suis entre le dixième et le ving-tième de ma classe.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : mà ní dòn klásɛǹu nà, sánnìn mà mɛɛtɛrnù bì dònna • On entre dans la classe avant notre professeur. Syn.: yànnín, nànnín. sànsáɲɛ̀ (sànsan) Var.: sànsɛɛ̀ (sànsɛ). n. clô-ture. ♦ kà sànsáɲɛ̀ dòn • faire une clôture. Var.: sànsɛɛ. sànsan vt. clôturer. sáriyà sáriyà (sáriya) ‹pul. < ar. ; ar.› n. justice, loi.  mànsáà báti sáriyà là à lá dùgéè kùnma • Le chef a introduit la loi sur son terri-toire. sàrsáɲɛ̀ (sàrsan) Var.: sársaɲɛ̀ (sársan). ‹fr.› n. sergent. sàrzɛr ‹fr.› n. chargeur <s'emploie sans ar-ticle>. sásà (sása) n. sac (en cuir). sàsyɔɲɛ̀ (sàsyɔn) ‹fr.› n. station-service. sátaldɛ̀ (sátaldɛ) ‹pul.› n. récipient, pot (con-tient l'eau utilisée pour faire des ablu-tions).  kà sàtɔɛ̀ súye = kà súye sàtɔɛ̀ là • jouer à la marelle. sáttɛɛndɛ̀ (sáttɛɛndɛ) ‹pul.› n. problème, diffi-culté. Syn.: nábara, prɔblɛm, sònja, tɔɔrɔya. sáwrè (sáwru) ‹pul.› n. fouet, cravache Syn.: pɔrɔkúntu, pɔrɔnátta. sàyáà (sàya) Cf.: sàaya 'décès'. sáytanɛ̀ (sáytanɛ) Var.: sɛɛtanɛ̀ (sɛɛtanɛ). ‹ar.› n. diable, démon.  [Mns, conte « femme du chasseur »] : ♦ kà sáytanɛ̀ jìga • se fâ-cher. séedè (séede) ‹pul.› n. témoin ; témoignage.  ì mú séedè lè là, à báti ń nàani • Tu es témoin qu'il m'a insulté. séedeyà (séedeya) nr. indication ; témoi-gnage ; garantie.  sínàn à sì tága séedeyà mìn nà, à bát' á lá kùtáànù mɛdɛn • Le signe qu'il va partir demain est qu'il a ra-massé ses vêtements. sɛɛla sɛɛla vr. jurer, prêter serment. sɛɛraɲɛ̀ (sɛɛran) n. balai. Syn.: fítiran. sɛɛráɲɛ̀ (sɛɛran) ‹pul.› n. scie. sɛɛtanɛ̀ (sɛɛtanɛ) Cf.: sáytanɛ 'diable'. ɲáaɲaa. sɛɛfu Var.: sɛf. ‹fr.› n. patron, chef <s'emploie sans article>. Syn.: kùntígi, ɲáatɔbaga, ɲáatasoo, pàtrɔń. sɛgɛĺɛ̀ (sɛgɛĺɛ) Var.: sègélè (sègéle). n. fau-con, aigle. sɛkrɛɛ̀ (sɛkrɛ) Cf.: sɛkɛrɛ 'secret'. sɛǹbáà (sɛǹba) n. éléphant. ♦ sɛǹba nín • ivoire. sɛǹɛ vt. cultiver (le champ).  kà bíɲɛ̀ sɛǹɛ • sarcler. sɛǹɛɛ̀ (sɛǹɛ) n. parcelle, champ (à cultiver). sɛǹɛ vi. resp. venir. sɛǹɛkɛláà (sɛǹɛkɛláa) n. cultivateur. Syn.: sɛǹɛwɔtɔláa. sɛǹɛwɔtɔláà (sɛǹɛwɔtɔláa) n. cultivateur. Syn.: sɛǹɛkɛĺaa. sɛńgɔɛ (sɛńgɔ) ‹pul.› n. endroit, direction.  ǹ bì táala kɛ̀ sɛńgɔɛ yàn nà • Je vais dans cette direction. sí des oranges. 3) <marqueur de futur>.  sínàn ǹ sí tága lúumɛ̀ tɔ̀ • Demain j'irai au marché. 4) <exprime la modalité du dé-sir>.  [Krp, conte « veillée des femmes »] : wó bɔɔbɛɛ̀ lâla bón nà, s' à s' á là • Laisse le bébé dans la maison s'il veut dormir. sí vt. raser. ♦ k' à kùɲɛɛ̀ sì • célébrer la céré-monie d'imposition du nom.  ǹ sì tága lúumɛ̀ tɔ, sì ǹ ní dòrikéè sàn • Je vais au marché pour acheter une chemise. 3) <introduit une question indirecte> ; si.  ǹ m' á lɔǹ sì à sí nà sínàn • Je ne sais pas s'il viendra demain. 4) sauf (en combinai-son avec copul.e négative).  ǹ bá' tága wáaɲɛ̀ tɔ, ǹ máa fɛnfɛǹ sɔtɔ sì sánden kélen máa • Je suis allé chasser mais je n'ai rien trouvé, sauf un lapin.  [Mns, conte « femme du chasseur »] : sì állà sɔta sáɲɛ̀ nín dùgéè tùguta ɲɔǵɔn nà, ǹ béle mùsu fɛ, sì kɛ́ mùséè máa • Même si Dieu fait tomber le ciel sur la terre, je ne veux aucune autre femme que celle-ci. 5) avant que <dans la proposition introduite par « si » avec cette valeur seulement le mar-queur prédicatif « ni » peut être utilisé>.  ì bólè kó, sì ì nì dámurè mà • Lave-toi sìgidúlà háa Kúrusa • Il y a un chemin de fer qui va d'ici jusqu'à Kouroussa. 6) vi. être mariée. sìgidúlà (n) (sìgidúla) n. 1) chaise. 2) endroit (pour dormir).  [Dgm, histp. « mon par-cours »] : mɔgɔ mán tága kàawőkàn, s' à tɛrenta ì sɛɛwanden, ì s' í sìgidúlà sɔtɔ • Quand l'homme se promène dans le monde, s'il est joyeux, il trouvera un en-droit pour dormir. sìgidúlà (sìgidúla) n. partie, part.  ǹ báti ǹ nà káalisè táfàtan sìgidúla sàba • J'ai divisé mon argent en trois parts. Syn.: jáɓali, náa, tán. sìgidúlaà (n) (sìgidúlaa) Cf.: dúlaa 'fois'. sígifɔɔlaà (sígifɔɔlaa) n. chanteur. Syn.: sígilaalaa. sígilaalaà (sígilaalaa) n. chanteur. Syn.: sígifɔɔlaa. sìgiɲɔǵɛ̀ (sìgiɲɔǵɔ) n. voisin. Syn.: káwutali. sígiyaɲɛ̀ (sígiyan) Var.: sígiyannɛ̀ (sígiyanden). n. petite houe. síi Var.: zíi. ‹fr.› n. jus (de fruits ou de lé-gumes) <s'emploie sans article>.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : mà kà síinù sàn, mà kà má dɔǹ dóndèn • Nous nous sommes acheté du jus de fruit et nous avons dansé un peu. sèê (sìi) n. moyen, argent. sèê (sìi) n. nationalité. Var.: síikulu. sìináà (sìina) Cf.: sìna 'coépouse'. sínàn ǹ bí ń tàdiyalen • Je n'ai rien vu de mal pour le moment, au contraire je suis con-tent. 2) sauf.  mà máa sòbéè sɔtɔ, sìnáa sòbo dɔǵɔmanɛǹu • On n'a rien attrapé à la chasse sauf de petits animaux. 3) sinon.  [Mns, hist. « Bayimanu »] : anu kó, anu káni sɔńkɔ, sìnáa àn s' ánu fàga • Ils leur ont dit de ne pas crier, sinon ils les tueront. sínàn adv. demain. sínankò adv. après-demain. sìnkúrè (sìnkúru) n. pierre (du foyer).  dàgáà b' á sìgila sìnkúru sàba lè kùnma • Normalement on pose la marmite sur trois pierres. sìnsílà (sìnsíla) n. fourmi sp. (grande et noire). sìntáà (sìnta) n. termitière.  gàngúrànù báti sìntáà dà mà là bóɲɛ̀ tɔǵɔfɛ̀ • Les termites ont fait une termitière à côté de notre mai-son. síntɛ ‹pul. < fr.› 1) vi. goutter, tomber en gouttes. 2) vi. suinter, fuir.  kɛ̀ fɛɛ̀ bì síntɛla lè • Cette calebasse fuit. Syn.: súlen. síntirɛ ‹pul.› vi. invoquer le nom de Dieu, implorer, lamenter. Syn.: ~ madíya, tára. sòbi tain temps et progressivement, l'argent s'est accumulé. sòbi vt. picorer.  sìiséènù bí tìga kólè sòbila • Les poules sont en train de picorer les graines d'arachide. sógoren vi. piquer, creuser.  à b' á ɲín sógorenna, álako sòbéè nì bɔ̀ • Il se cure les dents pour enlever les morceaux de viande. sòki ‹pul.› 1) vt. fermer, mettre sous clef. ♦ á jùséè bì sòkinden • il est mécontent.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : ǹ bá' mɔńbilè sòki, kó, ǹ bát' á kàrifá ń dìnɲɔǵɛ̀ dóo là • J'ai fermé la voiture et l'ai laissée à un ami à moi pour qu'il la surveille. 2) vt. mettre en prison. sóli ‹pul.› vt. défaire ; enlever. sóliɲɛ̀ (sólin) n. herbe (haute). Syn.: bín, sɔɔrin. sólogè (sólogo) n. nasse (pour la pêche). Syn.: kúdukuduma. sònáa Cf.: sìnáa 'sinon'. sònbɛɛ̀ (sònbɛ) n. pic (outil pour creuser des trous dans la terre). sònja ‹pul.› vi. embêter, déranger, gêner. sóorè sóorè (sóori) n. gardien. Syn.: kántarilaa, kántarikɛɛlaa. sóppanippa n. mousquet, fusil (chargé de poudre). sóppurè (sóppuru) ‹pul.› n. champ, parcelle (à cultiver).  [Nym, disc. « école »] : kà sóppurè tɛgɛ • nettoyer un champ pour le labourer. « dans la brousse »] : sàgóè mà ǹ sôrità wùlila • Nous nous sommes levés tôt le matin. sòréè (c) (sòro) nr. ceinture, taille. ♦ sòro kólè • reins. Syn.: kéeki, tɛɛ 1 . sòsétè (sòséte) Var.: sósetè (sósete) ; súsetè (súsetè). ‹fr.› n. société de commerce, compagnie.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et ac-cident »] : ǹ bì báarala súsetenɛ̀ dò tɔ, Mámù • Je travaillais dans une société de commerce à Mamou. sòséè (sòso) n. Soussou (groupe ethnique ; membre du groupe ethnique ; langue). sőt idéo./v. donner un coup de fouet ; le son de fouettement.  [Mns, conte « le mau-dit »] : ànu kà sáwrè jìga, ànu k' à sőt! • Ils ont pris le fouet et lui ont donné un coup. sɔǹ et souris »] : ♦ kà táà sɔḱki à là • 1) mettre le feu à 2) frapper ; rosser. sɔǹ 1) vi. accepter ; permettre.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : wó lè dénnɛǹu, kìnàmáànu sì sɔǹ wò ní dòn swáarè là? • Les enfants, est-ce que vos aînés vous laissent aller à la danse ? Syn.: nɛẃuni, yàanɛ. 2) sɔɲɛɛ̀ (sɔǹ) 1) nr. coeur. 2) nr. comportement, conduite.  ǎ sɔɲɛɛ̀ máa ɲín • Il se com-porte mal. sɔńdi (n) Var.: swɛńdi (c) ; sɔɔnde. ‹pul.› vt. chuchoter à qn. sɔńkɔ Var.: sɔńkɛ. vi. parler fort ; crier ; faire du bruit. sɔǹowősɔǹo adv. tout le temps ; souvent. sɔǹɔma Var.: sɔǹɔman. adjP. facile.  kɛ̀ báarà sɔǹɔma ì yèn • Ce travail est facile pour toi. sùguli vr. manger, déjeuner (quand la nuit tombe pendant le Ramadan). sùntéè (sùntu) n. cour. Syn.: kúuru, lúu 2 , súnwòe (c) (súnwo) nr. narine. Syn.: súnpɔrɔnta. syútɛ Cf.: súyitɛ 'extraire'. tándɛ. T -t sàagajígiɲɛ̀ (sàagajígin) n. mouton (mâle). Syn.: bón 2 . sáanɛ ‹pul.› vt. attacher (par le cou avec une corde longue). Syn.: ~ kìti, lála. sáanirè (sáaniri) n. attachement <nominalisa-tion du verbe sáanɛ 'attacher'>. sàaɲéè (sàaɲe) n. petit mil. Syn.: gáwru. sàaɲɔɛ̀ (sàaɲɔ) Var.: káabasaaɲɔɛ (káabasaaɲɔ). ‹pul.› n. son de maïs (peau sàgóè sàbati vi./vt. (se) développer. sábòe (sábu) n. 1) cause, raison. Syn.: dàlílu, kùn 3 . 2) soutien, aide ; moyen.  sábòe bì ǹ bòlo • J'ai du soutien. 3) moyen ; possibili-té.  ǹ bá' sábu sɔtɔ, mín sì ń dòni Sɛńɛgàl • J'ai trouvé un moyen pour aller au Séné-gal. 4) intermédiaire, médiateur. sádakà (sádaka) n. 1) sacrifice, aumône, sa-daqa, charité.  kà sádakà bɔ̀ • donner une aumône.  mà báti nìngí fìla kɛ́ sádakà là • Nous avons sacrifié deux boeufs. ♦ sádakà béle à mà • Il n'y a pas de sadaqa qui puisse te prémunir de ça. 2) animal sa-crificiel.  [Skt, descr. « enterrement »] : kà sádakà kánnatɛgɛ • égorger un animal sacrificiel. sàdéè (sàdi) n. bouillie de fonio. Syn.: làtu. sàfatóè (sàfatú) n. plante sp. sàgállɛ̀ (sàgállɛ) ‹pul.› n. impôt.  à báti sàgállɛ yɔgɔ mànsáànu mà • Il a payé les impôts au gouvernement. Syn.: fàríla. sàggárè (sàggári) Var.: sàgárè (sàgári). n. varan.  ságarè báti ń gbàsi à fɔɲɛ̀ là • Le varan m'a frappé avec sa queue. sàgi Cf.: sàagi 'rentrer'. sálligɛ sákkɔ Var.: sákk. ‹pul.› conj. à plus forte raison <conjonction pour introduire su-bordonnée d'un but irréalisable>.  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : nɛgɛ béle mà bólo, sákkɔ mà n' á fɔ̀ mà sí nɛgɛ sánsan là • On n'a pas assez de fer pour faire une clôture.  [Krp, disc., hist. « histoires du passé »] : wò tée ɲɔgɔn yèn, sákkɔ wò ní fɛɛrɛ tà ɲɔgɔn fɛ̀ • Vous n'avez pas la pos-sibilité de vous voir, pour que vous ne puissiez pas communiquer. Syn.: sákkɔfɛɛrɛ. sàlaya vi. avoir la flemme.  ǹ báti sàlaya tála lúumɛ̀ tɔ̀ • J'ai la flemme d'aller au mar-ché. sáli ‹ar.› 1) vi. prier. 2) vt. prier (à un certain moment de la journée).  [Mns, conte « chats et souris »] : kà fùtúrè sáli • faire la prière du soir. sálè (sáli) n. 1) prière.  sáli wáttòe lè mù kɛ • C'est l'heure de faire la prière. 2) fête.  bìi mù sálè lè là • Aujourd'hui c'est une fête. Syn.: sállun. sánnɛɛ̀ sàmatáà (sàmatá) n. chaussures.  kà sàmatáà là • mettre ses chaussures. sáɲɛ̀ (sán) n. 1) ciel. 2) haut, sommet.  [Nym, conte « Figuier »] : tòro mɔɛ̀ bâ' bàn `dùgéè ma`, kó ń b' á fɛ, ǹ ní yɛlɛ sáɲɛ̀ mà • Il n'y a plus de figues mûres par terre, je veux monter en haut (sur l'arbre). sàn vt. 1) acheter.  [Dgm, histp. « enlève-ment des rails »] : ǹ ná kìnáànu kà wótè lábìta ǹ bòlo, k' àa sàn bálòe là • Mes pa-rents m'ont pris l'argent et ont acheté de la nourriture avec.  à báti nìngi kélen sàn lúumɛ̀ tɔ̀ • Il a acheté une vache au mar-ché. 2) dépenser. ♦ ǹ báti wóti búyi sàn • J'ai dépensé beaucoup d'argent. 3) sàɲɛɛ̀ (sàn) n. année, an.  [Krp, disc. « dans la forge »] : á sàn tàn nìn kéleɲɛ̀ (lè kɛ) = á sàn tàn nìn kélen dè kɛ̀ • Il a onze ans. sànakóè (sànakú) nr. cousin à plaisanterie.  ń sànakú à là • C'est mon cousin à plai-santerie.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : Kɛýtànu sànakóènù mù Kántèn dè là • Les Kanté sont cousins à plaisanterie des Key-tas. sànakuyáà (sànakuyá) n. parenté à plaisante-rie.  ànu bí sànakuyáà tɔ̀ • Ils sont en train d'échanger des blagues de sanankuya. sánamòe (sánamu) ‹pul.› n. objet magique, fétiche, masque.  à bì sánamòe láanden • Il porte un masque. sàsyɔɲɛ̀ sásaraɲɛ̀ (sánsaran) ‹pul.› n. toit. Syn.: ɲéwurɛ, wárɛɲikɛrɛ. sànsɛɛ̀ (sànsɛ) sántimɛtɛrɛ̀ (sántimɛtɛr) ‹fr.› n. centimètre. sántiɲɛ̀ (sántin) n. peigne (pour les cheveux). Syn.: pɛɛɲi. sàntírè (sàntíri) ‹fr.› n. centre (d'un espace public). sánòe (sánu) n. or. sáŋà (sáŋa) Cf.: sáŋasaŋa 'panier'. sáŋaldɛ̀ (n) (sáŋaldɛ) ‹pul.› n. porc-épic. Syn.: bàla. sáŋasaŋà (sáŋasaŋa) sàráanɛ̀ (sàráanɛ) n. resp. parole.  bàaba, ò lá sàráanɛ̀ latɛgɛla máa... • Mon père, je ne voudrais pas vous interrompre...  kà sàránɛ̀ yìta • parler. sàráanɛ vi. resp. parler. sàráɲɛ̀ (sàran) n. coiffure de femme sp. sáraŋannà (sáraŋanna) n. arbuste sp. sàrawɔlo vr. dire au revoir. sàrbéetè (sàrbéeti) ‹pul. < fr.› n. serviette. sáriɲɛ̀ (sárin) ‹fr.› n. charrue (de deux tau-reaux).  kà sáriɲɛ̀ làwáli • labourer la terre avec une charrue. sárin vt. semer, jeter en éparpillant. sàrinnɛɛ̀ (sàrindén) n. lièvre. Syn.: sánden. sàriwúsè (sàriwúsi) ‹pul. < fr.› n. service ; travail.  sàriwúsi béle ń bólò • Je n'ai pas de travail. sɛɛwayà séetinarè (séetinari) n. <nominalisation du verbe séetinɛ 'être fâché'>.  séetinarè báti máa kúnùn, séetinarè báti síya • Tout le monde était énervé hier, ils étaient très fâ-chés. sɛbɛ̀ (sɛbɛ) n. papier, document.  [Dgm, histp. « dans la brousse »] : à k' á là sɛbɛǹu tábɛǹ • Il a préparé ses documents. Syn.: káydi. sɛbɛ 1) vt. écrire. Syn.: wíndɛ. 2) vi. être ins-crit, être dans la liste.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : mà ì sɛbɛla lɛkkɔĺ là Ɲámayara • Nous sommes inscrits à l'école de Nya-mayara ici. sɛbɛɲínà (sɛbɛɲína) n. musaraigne. sɛɛfà (sɛɛfa) ‹fr.› n. franc CFA. sɛɛfulè (sɛɛfulu) ‹fr.› n. sifflet. sì sɛńkɛtɛn vi. marcher lentement.  jídirànù sì sɛńkɛtɛn • Les vieilles femmes marchent lentement. sɛɲɲáà (sɛɲɲa) Cf.: kɛɲɲa 'fois'. sɛttɔɛ (sɛttɔ) ‹pul.› n. hivernage, saison des pluies. Syn.: sàma. sɛẃa Cf.: sɛɛwa 'être content'. sɛýtanɛ̀ (sɛýtanɛ) Cf.: sáytanɛ 'diable'. si Var.: i. pm. 1) <marqueur de l'habituel et du générique>.  mà là hɔɗè tɔ, mà sí kìnáànu nàgbíliya • Dans notre village, on respecte les vieux.  ǹ dénnɛɛ, lún wőo lún ń nɛɛnɛ sí bàntaráà bùnten • Quand j'étais petit, ma mère pilait le manioc chaque jour. 2) <marqueur de potentiel>.  ì sí bɛǹ pyóɲɛ̀ là búrusà búutɔ̀ • On peut rencontrer un lion dans la brousse.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : ànu sɛɛwanden, wótè díinden ànu bòlo ànú bâabáànu bòlo, àn sí bɔǹbɔń sàn, àn sì lɛɛmúnɛ̀ sàn • Les en-fants sont contents parce que les parents leur ont donné de l'argent et ils peuvent acheter des bonbons, ils peuvent acheter sìgidúlà les mains avant d'aller manger.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : wò í sàlila lè bùtun, sì wò ní mɔɔnéè mìn, káa wò í mɔɔnéè fɔĺɔ lè mìnna sì wò ní sàli • Est-ce que vous priez avant de manger la bouillie, ou bien vous mangez la bouillie avant de prier ? sífà (sífa) 5) vi. rester, être.  [Jnk, disc. « affaires du village »] : Sɛɛku Tùré, á nɔǹ mɛta sìgilen mànsáyalen • Sékou Touré est resté au pouvoir longtemps.  [Ppd, hist. « époque coloniale »] : nɛgɛ kílà bí sìgilen yán dɛɛtɔ sínàn síisà (síisa) n. mouche. síisalè (síisali) ‹fr.› n. sisal (plante de la fa-mille des Agavaceae. La fibre extraite des feuilles de cette plante est très résistante, elle est employée à la fabrication de cor-dages). ‹pul.› . sìmáɲɛ̀ (sìman) ‹fr.› n. ciment.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : sìman mɔńbilè • véhicule rempli de ciment. símiɲɛ̀ (símin) n. arbre sp. símindɛfɛrè (símindɛfɛru) ‹fr.› n. chemin de fer. símindɛfɛrudeɲɛ̀ (símindɛfɛruden) ‹fr.› n. cheminot, travailleur des chemins de fer.  i ̋ lê símindefer déɲɛ, ì béle kúlun sàarala Kánkan Kɔńakri • Si tu es un travailleur des chemins de fer, tu peux aller gratuite-ment en train de Kankan à Conakry. símitè (símiti) ‹ar.› n. samedi. Syn.: àsɛẃɛ. símɔɲɛ̀ (símɔn) ‹pul. < fr.› n. ciment. sìnáà (sìna) n. 1) coépouse. 2) belle-mère, marâtre (la co-épouse de la mère). sìnáa Var.: sòmáa. ‹pul.› conj. 1) pas du tout, au contraire.  ǹ máa ɛlla yén bùtun, sìnáa sógin sínuwà (sínuwa) ‹fr.› n. Chinois (groupe eth-nique ; membre du groupe ethnique ; langue). sìɲɲe ‹fr.› vt. signer (un document). sìpɔɲɛ̀ (sìpɔn) Var.: zìpɔɲɛ̀ (zìpɔn). ‹fr.› n. jupe. sírɛ ‹pul.› vt. écorcer. sìriféè (sìrifé) n. rasoir. Syn.: lánsɛti, rɔswáru. sìtáà (sìta) n. baobab. sìtéè (sìte) ‹fr.› n. société de commerce, com-pagnie (d'affaire, de commerce). Syn.: sùsétɛnden. sítɔrnòe (sítɔrnu) Var.: zítɔrnɛ̀ (zítɔrnu). ‹fr.› n. camion-citerne. sítyoɲɛ̀ (sítyon) ‹fr.› n. soutien-gorge. síwe vi. suinter, fuir ; couler (plus fort que síntɛ et súlen).  bóɲɛ̀ bì síwela lè • Le toit de la maison fuit beaucoup. síya adjP. nombreux.  nìngi mùséèn dè síya mà bólo • On a beaucoup de vaches fe-melles. síya 1) vi. être nombreux, être abondant.  kímà síyata • Il fait trop froid. 2) vi. être cher. síyamaɲɛ̀ (sìyaman) adjMP. nombreux.  ànú mɔgɔ síyaman • Ils étaient nombreux. sìyaya 1) vi. être nombreux. 2) vi. s'accumuler.  [Dgm, histp. « ma belle-mère »] : à ká kɔrɔmayítà `wó lè kɛ̀ háa, dóndèn `dóndèn wótè sìyayata • Elle faisait du commerce de riz pendant un cer-sòri problème, difficulté.  ì là báarà kɛ, sɔǹjáà y' à fɛ̀ dóndèn • Il y a quelques problèmes avec ton travail.  [Krp, disc. « dans la forge »] : sònjáà b' á búutɔ̀ • C'est diffi-cile. Syn.: nábara, prɔblɛm, sáttɛndɛ, tɔɔrɔya. sònjárè (sònjári) n. problème, difficulté.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : háray sònjárè lè nàla ómò yèn • Nous allons avoir des difficultés. Syn.: sònja. sònsóɲɛ̀ (sònson) n. langouste, crevette, écre-visse (tout crustacé à l'exception du crabe). sònsonbínà (sònsonbína) n. moustache d'une écrevisse. sóè (sóo) n. village ; ville. ♦ sóo báa • grande ville. Syn.: hɔɗo, fúlawa, sàa. sòéè (sòo) n. cheval. sóome ‹fr.› vi. manquer l'école, manquer la classe.  kàbí à k' á là báara fɔĺɔ à ì sóomela • Depuis qu'il a commencé à tra-vailler, il manque l'école. Syn.: lúppɛ. sòoɲɛɛ̀ (sòon) n. voleur. Syn.: kànkan. sòoɲa vt. voler, dérober. Syn.: kànka. sóoɲarè (sóoɲari) n. vol <nominalisation du verbe sóoɲa 'voler'>. sɔǹ sòtéè (sòto) n. arbuste sp. (Tapinanthus glopi-ferus). allusion.  n bàabanù báti sɔɓɓundè fɔ̀ yàn, a dɛɛman kóè là • Mon père a suggéré qu'il fallait l'aider. 3) nr. morale (conte, histoire).  wò sɔɓɓundè tàléè lè mù kɛ: ó kìnáànù ɲìniká • Voilà la morale de l'histoire : il faut que tu demandes conseil aux anciens. 4) n. sujet.  [Mns, conte « deux co-épouses »] : ♦ kà kée sɔɓɓundunù tɔ̀ • aborder un sujet. sɔɓɓundu ‹pul.› vi. faire allusion à.  à báti sɔɓɓundu káalisi kóè là • Il a fait allusion à la question de l'argent.  sɔǹsɔĺè báti ń sɔgɔ • Un moustique m'a piqué. sɔḱki ‹pul.› vt. faire passer, pousser (dans qch -là).  ǹ báti ǹ bólè sɔḱki dìnkáà là, kà sáakòe mìn bòyita wò búutɔ̀ bɔ̀ • J'ai glissé ma main dans le trou et j'ai sorti le sac qui était tombé dedans.  [Mns, conte « chats sù kɔɲɔ. sɔɔlíɲɛ̀ (sɔɔlin) Cf.: sɔɔrin 'ongle'. sɔɔnɔyá vi. être possible ; être simple ; être accessible.  kɔtɛɛ, kàraɲɛɛ̀ sɔɔnɔyanden fóo yèn • Maintenant l'instruction est ac-cessible à tous.  ì lé lè kà kɛ̀ vɔýaz lásɔɔnɔya ɲɲè • C'est toi qui as rendu ce voyage possible pour moi. sɔɔríɲɛ̀ (n) (sɔɔrin) Var.: sɔɔlíɲɛ̀ (sɔɔlin). 1) nr. ongle. 2) n. herbe, brin d'herbe. Syn.: bín, sólin. sɔɔsɔŕè (sɔɔsɔŕi) n. <nominalisation du verbe sɔ ɔsɔ ́ 'contredire'>. sɔrɔn vr. se glisser sous.  déndɛ̀ k' á sɔrɔn gbèngbéè kɔtɔ ɲàaréè bìta dùla • L'enfant s'est glissé sous le lit pour attraper le chat. sɔsɛɛ̀ (sɔsɔ) n. haricot. ♦ sɔsɔ fín • haricot noir.  sɔsɔ kúrumanɛ • haricot marbré.  sɔsɔ gbɛɛ • haricot blanc. ♦ pórto sɔsɔ • soja.  [Mns, conte « le maudit »] : à m' á sɔtɔ, à sì mín fɔ̀ • Il ne sait pas quoi dire. 2) vt. trouver.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : ǹ kó án ní ń mádɛɛman, ǹ nì mɔḿbilè sɔtɔ • Je leur ai demandé de m'aider à trouver une voiture. 3a) vt. accoucher.  [Nym, disc. « vie des la nuit à causer.  sùmúɲɛ̀ báti bɛǹ (à tɔ) • C'était bien, la veillée. sún vi. jeûner. ♦ kà sún tɛgɛ • rompre le jeûne, manger à la tombée de la nuit pen-dant le Ramadan. de Poredaka>. súubagà (súubaga) n. sorcier. ta pm. <marqueur du parfait dans le dialecte sòéè (sùu) nr. cadavre, corps. Syn.: fùre. tombée. sóè (súu) n. nuit.  sóè báti kò • la nuit est súnsunkɛ̀ (súnsunkɔ) ‹pul.› nr. moustache.  kà sùmúɲɛ̀ máa • faire la veillée, passer un fusil. súnwo. súnpɔrɔntà (súnpɔrɔnta) nr. narine. Syn.: avec un bâton ni avec une pierre, il fallait sɔtɔ Var.: sɔtɔn. 1) vt. recevoir ; obtenir. sɔtɔdéɲɛ̀ súnbɔɲɛ̀ femmes »] : ǹ nà dénmusè dóè b' á sìgi fútè là, wò bɔɔnden déɲɛ̀ sɔtɔnna • Ma deuxième fille s'est mariée et elle vient d'avoir un enfant. 3b) vi. être né.  [Dgm, histp. « mon parcours »] : ń sɔtɔta Jàalbanden dè • Je suis née à Dialbanden. aube ; prière du matin.  súbakà mà • à l'aube. sùddáarɛ̀ (sùddáarɛ) ‹pul.› n. couverture (chaude). Syn.: bútinfɛn. súdɛrɛlikɛɛlaà (n) (súdɛrɛlikɛɛlaa) Var.: súdɛɛrè. ‹fr.› n. soudeur. súfà (n) (súfa) Var.: sífà (sífa). nr. type, ma-nière, façon.  à báti ǹ ná kùtáànù súfà sàn • Il a acheté des vêtements comme les miens.  [Nsr, disc. « affaires du vil-lage »] : mò í mò tádiyalen ànu yèn kɛń nà sífànù là, háray ànu máa mò làfíli • Nous leur sommes reconnaissants d'être venus de cette manière, cela signifie qu'ils ne nous ont pas oubliés. súkkarè (súkkari) Var.: sùkkárè (sùkkar). ‹pul.› n. sucre. súleɲɛ̀ (súlen) n. pioche (avec une pointe aiguë utilisée pour casser des pierres). Syn.: pìkáais. súlen vr. se reposer. sùlɛɛ̀ (sùlɔ) n. 1) minerai de fer. 2) fourneau (pour la production du fer à partir de mine-rai de fer). súlukè (súluku) n. hyène <s'emploie souvent sans article>. sùlunɛǵɛ̀ (sùlunɛǵɛ) n. fer (produit dans le fourneau traditionnel). súman 1) vt. mesurer. Syn.: éɓɓi. 2) vt. comparer (avec qch/qn -mà).  ì s' ì súman ì dínɲɔgɛ̀ mà? • Peux-tu te compa-rer à ton ami ? 3) vt. prendre la décision, décider. súɲɛ̀ súumɛ súɲɛ̀ (sún) nr. nez. súnbarà (súnbara) n. soumbala, soumbara (condiment fait à partir de graines de né-ré). súnbè (súnbo) Var.: súmmɛ̀ (súmmɛ) (n). n. réservoir, cuve. súnbɔɲɛ̀ (n) (súnbɔn) sùngbálà (sùngbála) n. 1) arbre sp. 2) bâton (qu'on fait tourner pour touiller la sauce). Syn.: wóobi. súnkutuɲɛ̀ (súnkutun) n. 1) fille. 2) copine, maîtresse.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et acci-dent »] : à kó mâ yèń # kó â dɔǵɛ̀ lè, jà là súnkútûn `déé wò là • Il nous a dit que c'était sa petite soeur mais c'était sa co-pine. súnkutuyà (súnkutuya) n. jeunesse féminine. súnkutuyà bólè mà, wò ì tólonna kámà? • Dans la vie de jeune fille, comment vous que tu n'oserais pas tuer [le serpent] ni amusez-vous ? ì n' à bón, fó fìnkáarè • Ils ont compris súusɛ lɔǵɛ̀ tàla à yèn, ì tée súusɛ kùréè tàla cière »] : àn k' á fɛĺɛ, àn k' á tɛren, ì tée  [Nym, disc. « vie des femmes »] : í lè là súprɛfɛ̀ (súprɛfɛ) ‹fr.› n. sous-préfet. sùprɛfɛtír Var.: sùprɛfɛtírè (sùprɛfɛtíri). ‹fr.› n. sous-préfecture ; centre de la sous-préfecture. sútiya Cf.: sútuya 's'approcher'. súubagayà tà súubagayà (súubagaya) n. sorcellerie.  á kùsan súubagayà tɔ̀ • Il sait faire de la sorcellerie. súudɛrɛlaa Cf.: súdɛrɛlikɛlaa 'soudeur'. sùulɔǵɛ̀ (sùulɔǵɔ) n. joug. súumayɛ̀ (súumayɛ) n. Ramadan (mois de carême musulman). sùumɛɛ̀ (sùumɔ) n. abcès. súururɛ̀ (súururɛ) ‹pul. < soussou « suri »› n. île.  à bì súusɛlen kúmala mànsáà fɛ̀ • Il a l'habitude de parler avec le chef.  [Lbk, leur dire.  [Dgm, histp. « vieille sor-soirée de danse. n'osons pas construire les maisons sans le madan »] : kà swáarè là • organiser une bón nálɔɔla, mà m' á fɔɔ ànu yèn • Nous soirée de danse, fête.  [Nym, disc. « Ra-disc. « affaires du village »] : mà tée súusɛ  kà sàtɔɛ̀ súye = kà súye sàtɔɛ̀ là • jouer à la marelle. súyitɛrilaà (súyitɛrilaa) n. celui qui mange toute la viande qui est dans la sauce. swáarè (swáare) Var.: swàréè (swàre). ‹fr.› n. ta-táayɛ ta-mrph. <préfixe verbal, apporte le sens de la répétition ou du recommencement d'une action>.  tatágun • refermer. -ta Var.: -t'. mrph. <suffixe de l'aoriste pour les constructions intransitives>. tá Cf.: tága 'aller'. tà (c, w) Var.: sà. 1) vt. prendre. ♦ k' à bálòe tà • nourrir, entretenir. 2) vt. épouser. Syn.: jíga 2 , jɔńbaya, tatíggɛ, tíggɛ 1 . 3) vt. coûter.  [Nym, disc. « marché voisin »] : ì máni wúli nàla ì nì wáa tán tùgun sàara, wò bát' á tà wáa mùgán • Pour rentrer chez toi, tu paies encore dix mille francs alors, en tout, ça coûte vingt mille francs. táanɛgɛkurè tafɔ́ táanɛgɛkurè (táanɛgɛkuru) n. minerai de fer. ɲáakɔtɛ̀ tábɛǹ • se maquiller. 3) tafàtan tajà tafàtan 1)
	161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 170 171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178

sàagayɛŕɛ̀ (sàagayɛŕɛ) n. brebis. sàagi sàagíraɲɛ̀ (sàagíran) Var.: sàgiráɲɛ̀ (sàgirán). n. aiguille. Syn.: mésende. sàakáà (sàaka) Cf.: sàaga. n. mouton. sáakòe (sáaku) Var.: sákòe (sáku). ‹pul. < fr.› n. sac. sáanburè sáayè (sáayi) Var.: sáaʔè (sáaʔi). n. temps. sábù sàháabà sákkɔfɛrɛɛ sálligɛ̀ sáma sángè (sángi) n. pluie, précipitation. sànkatáɲɛ̀ (sànkatán) n. panier, corbeille. sàrse sàtɔɛ̀ (sàtɔ) Var.: zàtɔɛ̀ (zàtɔ). n. marelle (jeu). séetinɛ séro Var.: zéro. n. zéro. sérròe sɛɛwa sɛkɛŕɛ̀ (sɛkɛŕɛ) Var.: sɛkrɛɛ̀ (sɛkrɛ). ‹fr.› n. secret. Syn.: gùndɔ. sɛḱkɔɛ sɛṕpi sì sèê sìiséè sìláà (sìla) n. cuivre (métal). sílatundè (sílatunden) nr. petit doigt. sínantàko sítta sòbéè sònjáà sóɲɛ̀ sòodéɲɛ̀ (sòodén) n. poulain. sòofáà (sòofa) n. guerrier ; assistant du chef. sòofálè sòri sótti sɔfɛŕu Var.: sɔfɛŕè (sɔfɛr). ‹fr.› n. chauffeur. sɔǵɛ̀ (n) (sɔǵɔ) Cf.: lɔǵɔ 'envie'. sɔgɔ sɔgɔŕɛ̀ sɔǹgɛɛ̀ sɔǹsɔĺè sɔɔrɛ̀ (sɔɔrɔ) n. lamentation (aux funérailles).  kà sɔɔrɛ̀ là • pleurer pour qn. sɔɔrɛɛ̀ (sɔɔrɔ) n. perroquet. Syn.: káalɛ. sɔɔsɔ vt. contredire. sɔtɔdéɲɛ̀ súbɛ súgè súlen súmanè sùtuman súumɛ sùusa súusu súyitɛ swɛńdi Cf.: sɔńdi 'chuchoter'. syɔɲɛ̀ (syɔń) ‹pul.› n. seau. syùtádɛ̀ -tà <s'utilise pour former un adjectif à partir de certaines postpositions>.  ǹ báti dàga tɛɛmatà tà • J'ai pris la marmite du milieu.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : fɔɲɛ̀ bá' mánkɛ dɔńden pìnɛɛ̀ ɲáatɔtà tɔ̀ • Le pneu avant n'est pas suffisamment gonflé. taa idéo. pan ! (imite un coup de feu). táà (táa) n. 1) feu. ♦ kà táà màga à là • rosser, frapper.  [Krp, disc. « dans la forge »] : tàábalè (tàábali) Var.: tàábalu. ‹pul.› n. table. tàaláà (tàalaa) nr. Dieu.  ǹ tàaláà mù állà lè là • C'est Dieu qui est mon créateur. tàaláteè ‹pul.› itj. táaɲà tàbálè (tàbáli) Cf.: táabali 'table'.

tabɛǹ 1) vt. réparer. 2) vt. parer, embellir.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan »] : ♦ k' ì

  takólon Cf.: kólon 'vide'. tàksi ‹fr.› n. taxi <s'emploie sans article>. tàksimɛtɛr Var.: tàksimɛter. ‹fr.› n. chauffeur de taxi <s'emploie sans article>. tàksímotòe (tàksímoto) ‹fr.› n. taxi-moto. tàkóè (tàku) ‹pul.› n. gombo (Abelmoschus esculentus). Syn.: náma. takúntu vt. découper (en deux). talá (n) Var.: tasá. vt. couvrir ; étendre sur.  kà dùgéè tàláa wáatà la • étendre une natte par terre. tálà (tála) nr. moitié <s'emploie avec un groupe limité de noms>.  [Skt, descr. « enterrement »] : lɛŕ tála • demi-heure.  kùta tála • moitié d'un morceau de tissu. tàláatà (tàláata) ‹pul.› n.loc. mardi. tálan 1) vt. diviser ; partager. Syn.: fàtan. 2) vi. arriver au milieu.  tèléè bá' tálan • Il est midi.  sóè bá' tálan • Il est minuit. tàláncan 1) vi./vt. se briser, se défaire ; se répandre, se renverser (matières sèches), crever.  bálɔɲɛ̀ báti tàlancan • Le ballon est crevé.  à báti kɔrɛɛ̀ tàlancan • Il a renversé le riz. 2) vr. être assis avec les jambes écartées. tàléè (tàli) n. arbre sp. tàléè (tàli) n. conte (raconté après le coucher du soleil). tàli vi. raconter un conte. tálifɔɲɛ̀ (tálifɔn) Cf.: tɛĺɛfɔn 'téléphone'. tàlifúlufɛlɛ Var.: tàlífùlúfɛlɛ. itj. C'est la fin de l'histoire ! <achèvement traditionnel d'un conte, utilisé par les femmes et les enfants ; peut être suivi du focalisateur>.  [Krp, conte « veillée des femmes »] : tàlifúlufɛlɛ le! • C'est la fin de l'histoire !  [Skt, conte « Durémané »] : tàlifúlufɛlɛ, wò tálè ɲɔ́ bá' bàn • C'est la fin du conte ! Ce conte se termine ici. tállɛ ‹pul.› vi./vt. rouler. Syn.: kúdukudu, wìrindí. talɔń 1) vt. se rappeler. 2) vt. prendre en considération, prendre connaissance de. Mns, conte « femme du chasseur »] : kɛ̀ mùséè máata fɛńfɛn mín nà, ǹ sí kɛ̀ sɔtɔ!àwa, kɔǹɔ ì n' á tálɔǹ tún kɛ mùséè là kàyéè, wò bì gárdɛlnma lè • Quoi que cette femme fasse, je vais l'avoir ! -Bien, mais il faut que tu te rendes compte que le mari de cette femme est entouré de gardes du corps. tàmáatè (tàmáati) ‹pul.› n. tomate. támaròe (támaru) n. dattier (Phoenix dactylifera). támmà (támma) n. 1) arch. franc. 2) pièce de monnaie. Syn.: tánka, wóti, káalisi, dàlási, wóti.

	tàmáatè	taɲíni
	 [
	180

táɲɛ̀ (tán) Cf.: táa 'propriété'.

  2) forge. Syn.: fàn 1 . tɔǵɛ̀ (tɔǵɔ) Var.: tɔgɛɛ̀ (tɔgɔ). 1) nr. nom, prénom, appellation. ♦ k' à tɔǵɔ là • donner un nom à qn.  ǹ tɔǵɔ lè Sɛɛkù • Je m'appelle Sékou.  [Krp, disc. « dans la forge »] : í lè tɔgɔ kámà? • Quel est ton nom ?  ń bàaba báti ǹ tɔǵɔ là Sɛɛkù là • Mon père m'a appelé Sékou. 2) nr. personne en hommage de laquelle le nom a été donné. tɔgɛɛ̀ (tɔgɔ) nr. cuisse (anat.). tɔǵɔdaà (tɔǵɔdaa) n. case du chef du village. tɔgɔfɛ Var.: tɔgɔfɛ. pp. à côté, auprès de.  bɔlɔnfɔɔlaà sìginden mànsáà tɔgɔfɛ • Le griot est assis près du chef du village. Syn.: kɔtɔ 3 . tɔǵɔlabɔ vt. raconter qch, diffuser les nouvelles sur.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : mò t' ánu tɔǵɔlabɔ háa Kódu • Nous avons parlé d'eux à Kodou. tɔǵɔmaɲɛ̀ (tɔǵɔman) n. homonyme (porteur du même prénom). tɔgɔtɔǵɔ vi. tousser. tɔgɔtɔǵɛ̀ (tɔgɔtɔǵɔ) n. toux. tɔɲɛɛ̀ (tɔǹ) n. criquet, locuste. tɔǹgágarà (tɔǹgágara) n. sauterelle. tɔǹɛɛ̀ (tɔǹɔ) n. avantage, profit. tɔǹɔkɛɛ̀ (tɔǹɔkɔ) n. ver de terre. tɔɛ̀ (tɔɔ) Cf.: tɔǵɔ 'nom'. tɔɔdɛ̀ Var.: tɔdɛ. ‹pul.› adv. tout à fait ; en fait, en plus.  ǹ bát' í kèle háa, ì máa ń jàbi tɔdɛ̀ • Je t'ai appelé longtemps, mais tu n'as même pas répondu.  à bél' à dòlɛɛ̀ làbɔɔla tɔɔdɛ̀ • Il ne fait pas d'effort du tout. tɔɔgɛrɛ̀ (tɔɔgɛrɛ) ‹pul.› n. antilope. tɔɔkɛ̀ túgun 190 tɔɔkɛ̀ (tɔɔkɛ) ‹pul.› n. tétanos. tɔɔrɛyà (tɔɔrɛya) Cf.: tɔɔrɔya 'souffrance'. tɔɔrɛ̀ (tɔɔrɔ) n. problème, souffrance. tɔɔrɔ 1) vi. souffrir. 2) vt. faire souffrir ; punir. tɔɔrɔyà (tɔɔrɔya) Var.: tɔɔrɛyà (tɔɔrɛya). n. problème, difficulté.  tɔŕɔyà k' á sɔtɔ • Il a des problèmes. tɔróndi (w) tɔŕɔbagatɔɛ̀ (tɔŕɔbagatɔɔ) adjM. pauvre. tɔŕɔwà (tɔŕɔwa) n. aulacode ; rat des roseaux ; thryonomys (espèce de gros rongeur). tɔŕsɛ̀ (tɔŕsu) ‹fr.› n. torche.

  1 , la-tùngan wá 192 mára, sáma 2 . 2) vi. se perdre.  ǹ nà tɛĺɛfɔɲɛ̀ bá' túnɛn ǹ nà • J'ai perdu mon téléphone.  ǹ bá' túnɛn, ǹ máa kílà lɔń • Je me suis perdu, je ne connais pas la route. Syn.: sáma 1 . tùngan vr. s'appuyer. tùnnɛɛ̀ (tùnnɛ) ‹pul.› n. trompette. tùntun vt. pousser.  kà ɔtɛ̀ tuntun • pousser la voiture. túnun Cf.: túnɛn 'se cacher'. tùrísè (tùrísi) ‹fr.› n. touriste. tùréè (tùru) 1) nr. houppe 2) nr. crête (coiffure de femme avec les cheveux non tressées). tùrunkan Cf.: cùrunkan 'jeter'. túsur Var.: túzur. ‹fr.› adv. toujours. túttɛ ‹pul.› vt. cracher. tútu vt. planter, cultiver. Syn.: kí. tóè (túu) n. forêt. tùubi vi. demander pardon. túurà (túura) n. taureau. údditɛ ‹pul.› vt. ouvrir ; inaugurer.  àn báti júlurdɛ údditɛ àn báta • On a inauguré une mosquée dans notre village. úlufitɛ Var.: úlfitɛ. ‹pul.› 1) vi. tomber, s'enfoncer. 2) vi. s'ouvrir (pour un trou dans le sol). 3) vt. découvrir (un trou).  tèngéè báti úlufitɛ • On a découvert le puits sous le sol. ùntɛ ‹pul.› vi. se noyer ; tomber dans l'eau. pɔɔrɛɛ̀ báti ùntɛ ǹ bòlo kɔlɔɲɛ̀ tɔ̀ • J'ai laissé tomber le seau dans le puits.

	U -u

  • Je partirai demain matin. 2) vt. disparaître, partir.  [Krp, conte « veillée des femmes »] : ǹ nà tɛĺɛfɔɲɛ̀ k' á wà mín nà télen? • Où est mon téléphone ? (litt. : « Dans quel endroit est parti mon téléphone ? »). 3) vt. <s'utilise comme un verbe auxi-liaire>.  [Nym, disc. « école »] : ànu s' á wà yɛlɛ mɔgɛɛǹ' ná lɛɛmúnɛ̀ là kànkáya bòlo mà • Ils grimpent sur les orangers des gens pour voler. wà conj./prep. 1) <première partie d'une conjonction complexe qui introduit des alter-natives>.  wà ... máa • soit … soit.  tága lúumɛ̀ tɔ, ì nì wá kɔrɛɛ̀ máa káabà sàn • Va au marché et achète soit du riz, soit du maïs.  tága lúumɛ̀ tɔ, ì ní wà kɔrɛɛ̀ wà bàntárà máa fóndè sàn • Va au marché et achète soit du riz, du manioc, ou du fonio.  yɔń ka ɔtɛ̀ tíɲà? wà Músa lè mù máa Fɔde? • Qui a cassé la voiture ? C'était Moussa ou Fodé ? 2) <première partie d'une conjonction com-plexe qui introduit des éléments non-opposés>.  wà ... a nin • et.  tága lúumɛ̀ tɔ, ì ní wà kɔrɛɛ̀ a nin bàntárà à nìn fóndè sàn • Va au marché et achète du riz, du maïs et du fonio. wáa Var.: wà. num. mille. Syn.: wúlu. wáadɔɛ (wáadɔ) ‹pul.› n. 1) parapluie ; parasol. 2) protection. wàajɛ ‹pul.› vt. conseiller à, donner des conseils à.  à báti ń wàajɛ à ɲùmáà là • Il m'a donné un bon conseil. Syn.: káwandi, làlí. wáajɔɛ (wáajɔ) ‹pul.› n. conseil.  kà wáajɔɛ mà • donner un conseil. wáanarɛ̀ (wáanaarɛ) ‹pul.› n. drap. wáaɲɛ ‹pul.› vi./vt. faire la chasse. wáaɲɛlaà (wáaɲɛlaa) n. chasseur. Syn.: dònso, (wáaɲɛrikɛɛlaa) n. chasseur. Syn.: dònso, fɛĺlirilaa, wáaɲɛlaa. wáasɛ ‹pul.› vi. être pauvre, être dans la gêne.  [Mns, conte « crocodile »] : sì állà wàaséè wàra 194 máarigɛ̀ sɔǹta, ì tée wáasɛ háa ì ní fàga • Si Dieu le veut, te ne seras pas dans la gêne toute ta vie. wàaséè (wàasi) n. terrain de prière (en face de la maison, couvert de gravier). wáatà (wáata) n. natte. wáatè (wáati) Cf.: wáttu 'temps'. wáatòe (wáatu) Cf.: wáttu 'temps'. wàddɛ ‹pul.› vi. se disputer, se quereller, se brouiller.  Sɛɛkù báti wáddɛ Músà fɛ̀ • Sékou et Moussa se sont brouillés. Syn.: gɛrɛ 1 , kɛlɛ 1 , ɲáagàsi. wàgóɲɛ̀ (wàgon) ‹fr.› n. wagon. wákkɛ ‹pul.› vt. louer, chanter des louanges. wákkɛ ‹pul.› vt. porter (sur l'épaule).

	fɛĺlirilaa, wáaɲɛrikɛɛlaa.
	wáaɲɛrè (wàaɲóori). n. <nominalisation du verbe (wáaɲɛri) Var.: wàaɲóorè
	wáaɲɛ 'chasser'> ; chasse.

wáaɲɛrikɛɛlaà

  wàngáà (wànga) n. poisson sp. wàra vi. être nombreux.  dénnɛɛǹu bá' wàra à bólo • Il a beaucoup d'enfants. wàránbà (wàránba) ‹pul.› n. boubou (grande tunique flottante, portée comme vêtement de dessus). Syn.: dòroki báa. wárɛɲikɛrɛ̀ (wárɛɲikɛrɛ) ‹pul.› n. toit. Syn.: ɲéwurɛ, sánsaran. wása vt. frapper, battre (le métal dans la forge). wáttɛ ‹pul.› 1) vt. donner ; imposer.  wálè bì wáttɛnden ǹ bòlo • J'ai du travail à faire. 2) vt. prendre soin de ; se soucier de.  ǹ sì wáttɛ kélerè màla lún wőo lún • Je prendrai soin d'appeler chaque jour. wáttɛ ‹pul.› vt. mettre, porter (vêtement, chaussures, accessoires). wáttè (wátti) temps. Cf.: wáttu 'temps'. wáttili Cf.: wáttɔyili 'prendre soin'. wáttinɛ ‹pul.› vt. enterrer, assister à l'enterrement. Syn.: bɛĺnɛ, bìri 1 , lawàttinɛ, madògon 2 , sùturá 2 . wáttɔyili Var.: wáttili. vr. se soucier de, prendre soin (de qn -kò). wáttòe (wáttu) Var.: wáttè (wátti). 1) n. temps. ♦ mà bí wò wáttòe tɔ! • À bientôt ! (à une personne).  ò bí wò wáttòe tɔ! • À bientôt ! (à plusieurs personnes). ♦ wáttu wáttu • parfois.  [Nym, conte, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : lún wőo lún wò sì wò fɛɲɛǹu yèn, káa wáttu wáttu lè wò í wò fɛɲɛǹu yènna? • Est-ce que vous trouvez toujours des animaux ou bien seulement parfois? ♦ wáttinù tɔ̀ = wátti tɔ̀ • parfois.  wáttu búyi bá' tànbi • Beaucoup de temps s'est écoulé.  ì bá' wátti jèlu kɛ̀ ì là báarà kɛ̀ tɔ? • Combien de temps as-tu passé à faire ce travail ? Syn.: lɔǵɛ, sáayi, tùma. 2) pp. pendant, à.  mà kéeta yàn nɛtɔ àlánsara wáatòe • Nous sommes arrivés l'après-midi. wàyásè (wàyas) n. voyage. Syn.: kíla 2 . wáyayɔɔy itj. aïe ! <exclamation de dou-leur>. wàyinɛ Var.: wàynɛ. ‹pul.› vr. faire ses adieux, prendre congé (de qn -là).  [Mns, conte, disc. « veillée des hommes »] : ǹ báti wàyinɛ náni, háray ómò bì sàgúmà • Je vous dis au revoir, à demain ! wáyɔbɛ Cf.: wáyɔ. Var.: wáyɔ. itj. ah ! <exclamation de peur>.  wáyɔbɛ ǹ bí bòyila! • Ah ! Je vais tomber ! wécci vi./vt. mettre bas (chiens et animaux sauvages).  mà lá wùléè báti wùlu dén sàba wécci • Notre chienne a mis bas trois chiots. wée Cf.: wóyi 'pétrir'. wèê (wèe) Cf.: wòo 'trou'. wèlegɛɛ̀ (wèlegɛ) n. spatule (pour remuer la sauce d'arachide). Syn.: sáragal, síngala. wɛɛ Cf.: wɔýi 'pétrir'. wɛɛrè (wɛɛru) ‹pul. < fr.› n. 1) tasse, verre (objet de verre). 2) lunettes. Syn.: líneti. (wɛlɔ) ‹fr.› n. vélo, bicyclette.  kà tága wɛlɔɛ̀ tɔ̀ • aller à vélo. Syn.: nɛgɛsóo. wɛŕni ‹pul.› vt. héberger, loger chez soi (des visiteurs). Syn.: jìgiya. wíde ‹fr.› vt. vider. wìdiyɔ́ Var.: wìdyɔ. ‹fr.› n. télé, vidéo, cinéma <s'emploie sans article>. wíirasè (wíiras) ‹fr.› n. virage. wíirɛ ‹pul.› vi. voler (en l'air). wíiwe ‹pul.› 1) vr. se balancer ; faire de la balançoire. 2) vt. balancer ; bercer.  kà déndɛ̀ wíwe • bercer un bébé. wíndɛ ‹pul.› vt. écrire.  kà lɛtɛrɛ̀ wìndɛ • écrire une lettre.  [Mns, disc. « agriculture »] : kà káydè wíndɛ • écrire dans un cahier. Syn.: sɛbɛ. wíndɛrè (wíndɛri) n. <nominalisation du verbe wíndɛ 'écrire'> ; écriture. wínditɛ ‹pul.› vi. s'inscrire. wíppitɛ ‹pul.› vt. arracher, retirer rapidement (sa main, son pied). wìrindí vi./vt. rouler, tourner. Syn.: kúdukudu, tállɛ, wìrindí. wírtɛ ‹pul.› vi. avoir honte.

	wɛĺenwɛlen wɛĺenwɛlen Var.: wɛĺenwɛlenwɛlen. idéo.	wóllè
	imite le roulement de petits objets dans
	une boîte.
	196

wɛlɔɛ̀

  • Il est accro aux noix de cola. wòséè (wòsi) Var.: wòoséè (wòosi). 1) n. chaleur.  wòséè bì bɔla • Il fait chaud. Syn.: ngúllendi. 2) nr. sueur. wósowoso idéo. frou-frou (imite le frôlement). wótè (wóti) n. argent, monnaie. ♦ wóti gbɛɛ • argent (métal). Syn.: dàlási, káalisi. wòwóyɛ̀ Cf.: òʔóyè 'non'. wóyi Var.: wóe, wée. vi. être pétri ; être mélangé. Syn.: wúrɛn. Cf.: fɔ́ 'dire'. wɔḱkudè (wɔḱkudu) ‹pul.› nr. menton. wɔńbɛ̀ (wɔńbɔ) 1) nr. écorce (d'un arbre). 2) nr. carapace ; coquille ; écaille.  jànpata wɔńbɔ • coquille d'escargot.  cɛku wɔńbɔ • carapace de tortue. wɔǹgɔŕè (wɔǹgɔŕe) ‹pul.› n. tas de branches (coupées pour nettoyer un champ). wɔńkè (wɔńki) ‹pul.› nr. âme.  [Mns, conte « deux co-épouses »] : ♦ k' à wɔńkè dìnbi • troubler, bouleverser.  kɛɛ kúmà báti díya mànsáà wɔńkè yen • Ces mots ont plu au chef. Syn.: níi. wɔńtɛrɛ̀ (wɔńtɛrɛ) n. oiseau sp. wɔńtidɛ 1) vi. tomber d'accord. Syn.: bɛǹ. 2) vi. vivre ensemble. wɔɔrɔ num. six. wɔɔséè (wɔɔsi) n. salaire.  kà wɔɔsi bánbà sɔtɔ • avoir un gros salaire.  [Krp, disc. « menuisiers »] : wò n' áà yèn, àn bì dáari kɛĺa káamìn, kà wɔɔséè làbɔ • Vous verrez comment il fait son travail de forgeron et gagne sa vie. Syn.: sáara. wɔrɛɛ̀ (wɔrɛ) n. enclos (pour le bétail). Syn.:

	wɔ́ wɔ́ díngira, kúla.	wùllitɛ
	wɔŕɔwila num. sept.
	198

wɔrtɔ vt. faucher (herbe).

  (yɛǵɛ) n. poisson.  yɛǵɛ kólo • arête de poisson.  yɛǵɛ bólo • nageoire.  yɛǵɛ kíli • oeufs de poisson. yɛǵɛbitalaà (yɛǵɛbitalaa) n. pêcheur. yɛlɛ 1) vi./vt. monter.  [Nym, disc. « Ramadan » ; Gnm, disc. « jeux des enfants »] : ♦ kà jìgi kà yɛlɛ • se balader, circuler ; courir dans tous les sens.  kà kɔǹkɛɛ̀ yɛlɛ = kà yɛlɛ kɔǹkɛɛ̀ là • escalader la montagne. 2) vi. grandir (enfant). yɛlɛman 1) vi./vt. (se) transformer, changer, (se) métamorphoser.  fɛɛ̀ báti yɛlɛman túlà là • La calebasse s'est transformée en souris. 2) vr./vt. (se) tourner, bouger. Syn.: fìrifíri, kúdukudu, ŋɔŕɔmɔn, táyɛlɛman, tígilɛn. yɛńgɛ 1) vi. se pencher ; reculer, tourner.  júllɛrɛ̀ báti yɛńgɛ, à sí bòyi kɔtɛɛ̀ • La chaise est penchée, elle va tomber maintenant.  [Dgm, histp. « travail et accident »] : á lè kó à y' à yɛńgɛla káamìn, mɔńbilè yɛlɛmanta à bòlo • Au moment où il a décidé de tourner, la voiture s'est renversée. 2) vt. pencher, incliner. 3) vr. se pencher, s'incliner. yɛǹyɛ (n) adjP. haut, long, grand. yɛńyɛmà (yɛnyɛma) Var.: yɛnɲima. adjM. haut, long, grand. yɛŕɛkuntè (yɛŕɛkuntu) Var.: yɛŕkuntè (yɛŕkuntu) ; yɔŕɔkuntè (yɔŕɔkuntu). n. chaise. yɛrɛyɛrɛ vi. trembler (d'un être humain).  à bí yɛrɛyɛrɛla kímà là • Il tremble de froid. yɛŕkuntè (yɛŕkuntu) Cf.: yɛŕɛkuntu 'chaise'. yɛẁtɛŕɛ̀ (yɛẁtɛŕɛ) Var.: yɛẁtɔŕɛ̀ (yɛẁtɔŕɛ). ‹pul.› n. discussion, sujet de discussion.  kà yɛẁtɛŕɛ̀ mà • parler ; discuter.  [Mns, histp. « voyage »] : mò tì yɛẁtɛŕɛndènu yɛẃuti yɔɔ 203 búyi yɛẃuti yàn • Nous avons parlé de beaucoup de choses ici. yɛẃuti Var.: yɛẃti. ‹pul.› vi. parler, discuter ; résoudre (un problème). yíidɛ ‹pul.› vi. se voir (avec qn -fɛ ). yíilɛ ‹pul.› vr. tourner. yílan vt. griller. yílè (yíli) n. 1) espoir.  ǹ yílè b' á mà, ǹ sì mɔńbilè sɔtɔ • J'espère obtenir une voiture. 2) inquiétude, souci.  dɛńdɛǹu yílè bì Fànta kɔ̀ • Fanta est en charge de ses enfants.  yílè b' í kɔ̀ • Je compte sur toi, c'est toi qui dois t'en occuper. yìndáà (yìnda) n. fuseau. yìngon vi. avoir sommeil, somnoler.

	yéyirikɛɛlaà (yéyirikɛɛlaa) n. commerçant, marchand, vendeur. Syn.: jùla, màmayitariláa.

yɛǵɛ̀

  yɔŕɔkuntè (yɔŕɔkuntu) Cf.: yɛŕɛkuntu 'chaise'. yùman Cf.: ɲùman 'quel ?'. yúnge Var.: yúngu. ‹pul.› vt. pêcher. zándarmeri Cf.: sándarmɛri 'gendarmerie'. zàtɔɛ̀ (zàtɔ) zéro Cf.: séro 'zéro'. zípɔɲɛ̀ (zípɔn) Cf.: sípɔn 'jupe'.zítɔrnɛ̀ (zítɔrnu) Cf.: sítɔrnu 'camion-citerne'. centre m. de la sous-préfecture sùprɛfɛtír. centre m. (d'un espace public) sàntírè. (de tête) jàláà; kùnnasítè. foulard m. (porté par la fiancée pendant le mariage) tíggarɛ. (le bâton, la main sur qch, qn) náaɗɛ.

	Z -z Index français -kakabé A -a à cause de -dúla; fí; làko; mà. à fɛ; mà; mà; wáttòe. à côté dúlà; fɛ; fɛńdà; kènna; pan; tɔgɔfɛ. à droite bɛtɛ. à l'intérieur búutɛ. à part dànma. à partir de bɔ; kàbɔɔ; kɔɔmà; wá. à peu près ɲɔgɔn. à plus forte raison sákkɔ. à (qn) yèn. abandonner bólobɔ. abandonner l'espoir kɔńtɔfili. abattre fófi. abcès m. ɓúurɛ; sùumɛɛ. abeille f. kúmukolè. ablution sálligɛ. ablution f. : faire ses ablutions sálligɛ. abondant (être) síya. aboyer wónwon. abri m. (dans les champs) tɔǵɛ. absence f. táaɲà. absent gbáli. absent (être) fàama. acacia f. kásiyà. acajou ou quinquina du Sénégal káhè. acceptable (être) gàsɛ. accepter kéle; sɔǹ. accessible (être) sɔɔnɔyá. accident àksidáɲɛ. accident m. màsíibòe. acclimater (s') ɲìɓɛ. accompagner malɔ. accomplir (s') láatɛ. accorder (s') lɔǵɔsa. accoucher labòyi; sɔtɔ. accueillir (les invités) tàran. accumuler kámali; lakámali. accumuler (s') sìyaya. accuser féli. accuser de vol lakànka. acheminer (s') kùndi. acheter sàn. acheter des vêtements pour fɛɛtibɔ. acheteur m. kíliyaɲɛ. achever bán; kámali; labán; lakámali. acte m. sexuel lámangboyà. actualités f. pl. dántɛgɛ. adieux : faire ses adieux wàyinɛ. adjoint m. bàtuláà. administration f. gúvɛrnɛmaɲɛ. admis (être) gáɲɛ. adorer bàtu. aider dɛɛman; madɛɛman; màgbɛn; nàfa; tadɛɛman. aïe ! wáyayɔɔy. aigle m. sɛgɛĺɛ. aigrette f. (espèce d'oiseau) ɲàaloléè. aiguille f. mɛśɛnnɛ; sàagíraɲɛ. aiguiser ladíya. ail m. láy. aile f. gàbuntáɲè; kànpatáɲɛ. aimer kánu. aîné kínà. amen àmíini. amende f. àlamáanè. amener jɔḱkitɛ; lanà; nàati. amer kúmɛ; kúna; kúnamà; kúnkunà. amer (être) kúmuya; kúnaya. amer (être) (fruits) lámmɛ. animal sp. (sauvage) kúlumasè. animateur m. pɛśɛ. anneau m. kùrundáà. année : l'année dernière sɛŕùn. année : l'année prochaine yáari. année f. sàɲɛɛ. annexe f. (d'un bâtiment) ánɛksɛ. apporter lanà; lasìgi; nàati. apporter (de la nourriture pour une fête) fáwu. apporter du bien à qn bántɛ. apprendre dègen. apprendre à qn dègen. apprenti m. áprantè. approche f. kùɲɛɛ; màgbɛɲɛ. approcher madòn. approcher de son terme sútuya. approcher (s') madòn. appuyer dígin. appuyer (s') ɓáarɛ; júggɛ; tùngan. bâtir gbàsi; lɔ. bâton m. kàláà; lɔǵɛ, lɔǵɔɛ; túggɔrdè. bâton m. (pour touiller la sauce) sùngbálà; wóobè. bâtonnet kàláà. battant m. de la porte báafalè. bien dí; dóndèn; jɔńjɔɲɛ; kèeɲíɲɛ; kɛńdɛ; módi; ngàsí. bien (devenir) ɲìɲa. bien (être) ɲìn; ɲùmaya. bien m. mɔƴƴɛrɛ. bien que ɓa; ɓáyri; dun; fí; hári. bien sûr pɛllɛt. bien-être m. díyà; sàháabà. bondir cɔńcɔlɔn. bonheur m. áafiyà; díyadiyà; hɛɛrà; jámòe; mɔƴƴɛrɛ; ɲáaɲaà; sɛɛwayà. bonne aventure f. fɛĺɛrè. boum ! bɛṕ. bourdonner m̀m; úumɛ. bousculer latùntun. bouse f. de vache jàaɲɛɛ. bouteille f. bíniirè; kìlásè. boutique f. bútikɛ; màgasáɲɛ. bracelet m. múllɛ. branche f. (d'arbre) gbɔĺiɲɛ. bras m. bólè. celui wo. celui (mentionné précédemment) ɔn. celui-ci même tígi. celui-ci (proche du locuteur) kɛ. cendre f. bùgutáà. cent kɛmɛ. centimètre sántimɛtɛrɛ. changer fálin; mafálin; yɛlɛman. changer de vêtements mafálin. changer (se) mayɛlɛman. chanson f. sígè. chant m. religieux béetè. chanter lá. chanter des louanges wákkɛ. chanter la prière jáarɛ. chatouiller kìlli. chaud gbándè. chauffer maɲànin. chauffer (se) gbàndi; káliya. chauffer (se) un peu magbàndi. chauffeur (être) pútaputa. chauffeur m. sɔfɛŕu. chauffeur m. de taxi tàksimɛtɛr. chaussures f. pl. sàmatáà. chauve-souris f. tòsáà. chef m. fúlà; kùntígè; mànsáà; ɲáatasòe; ɲáatɔbagà; pàtóroɲɛ; sɛfu. chrétien krétyeɲɛ. chuchoter à qn sɔńdi. ci ɲɔɔ; yàn. ciel m. sáɲɛ. cigarette f. sìgaréetè. cil m. ɲáateè. ciment m. sìmáɲɛ; símɔɲɛ. cimetière m. bɛŕɗɛ; gàburúsè; sàaréè. cinéma m. wìdiyɔ. cinq lóolè. cogner magbàsi; tagbàsi. cogner (se) tùgu. coiffeuse f. kùndaaláà. coiffure de femme sp. sàráɲɛ. coin m. sárà; sɔɓɓundè. coincé (être) sàkkɛ. communiquer dántɛgɛ. compagnie f. (d'affaire, de commerce) sìtéè; sòsétè. comparer súman. compétition f. (de sport) kúpu. complètement féw; fewfew; kɛlɛtu; kɛń; póyi; pɔs. compléter lakámali. compléter (se) kámali. courage m. jùséè; kúrasɛ. courageux (être) ŋáɲa. courant (être) déri. courber (se) kɔtɔya; kùru; mɛdɛǹ. courir bòri. courir de tous les côtés bòri-bóri. crétin sòofálè. creuser jàsin; sèn; sógoren; sòyi. creuser (d'un animal) gírbitɛ; páyita. crevasse f. dùɲɛɛ. dans la période de káɲɲà. dans le passé hári. dans tous les cas ɲáawőoɲaa. dans trois jours sínantàko. dans une semaine lɔɔkuɲɛ. danse sp. bólotasumuɲɛ; jɔǹjɔŕè. danser dìnbi; dɔǹ. danser (en faisant de longs pas) máɲaga. de nouveau tugun. de temps en temps sáayisaayi. débarrasser (se) de lafíli. débattre tárbɔndirɛ. débattre (se) gɛrɛ; mùɲu. débattre (se) dans l'eau pátapata. déborder bɔń. debout (être) lɔ. découvrir írtɛ. découvrir (un trou) úlufitɛ. dedans búutɛ. défaire sóli. défaire (se) fúlen; tàláncan. déféquer kɛ. défier lagbɛlɛya. déformer (se) dù. déformer (se) avec la chaleur táayɛ. défricher lánfan. dégager lakɛńɛ. dégager (se) kɛńɛ. dégâts tíɲarè. dehors búutɔ. dehors m. bántà; gbɛɛ; kɛɲɛ. déjà kísan. déjeuner dàtaká. dépense dɛpánsè. dépenser bán; dɛpánsi; sàn. déplacer lanámaya; lasótti. déplacer (se) sótti. déplaire gbɔɔya. déployer (se) fónti. déposer en haut yɔǹgi. déposer par terre típpɛ. dépouiller (animal) bóso. depuis dɛpí; gìlá; ílà; kàbɔɔ; kàtáa. depuis ce moment et jusqu'à nànnín. député m. dɛpitɛɛ. déraciner írtɛ; wùtun. déranger sònja. dernier sákkitɔrɛ. dérober sòoɲa. déterrer írtɛ. dette f. dóntè. deuil m. (d'un homme pour sa femme) làndáà. deuil m. (d'une femme pour son mari) fùrɲáà. deux fìla. devant kɔtɔ; ɲáatɔ. développement m. tɔśɔtɛ. développer (se) sàbati. devenir kɛ. devenir, faire (se) má. dévêtir (se) ɓɔŕti. devin m. fɛĺɛrilaà. devinette f. sàndáà. devoir bɛǹ; gàsɛ; kán. devoir m. dúwà. dévorer (animaux sauvages) ɲími. diriger kúmandɛ; latélen; mànsayá; nɔǹ. diriger (se) kùndi; kùntélen. discothèque f. dɔǹdúlà. discours m. kóngolè. discussion f. yɛẁtɛŕɛ. discuter fɔ; sàba; yɛẃuti. donc háray; hári; nɔn. durer mɛ; tága. E -e eau f. jéè. écaille f. wɔńbɛ. écale f. fóroɲɛ. écarter (les jambes ou les mains) pánsa. échanger fálin; mafálin. échapper fúutɛ; hɛtti; námaya; súyitɛ; wúli. effrayer lakílan. égal káɲɲa; kélenmà. égal (être) bɛǹ. égaux (être) kán. embêter sònja. embrasser súnbu. embrouiller (s') ɲàsaɲása. émettre un son kó; kúlɛ. émission f. (de télévision ou de radio) empan cùɓálè. empaqueter kìti. emparer (s') de bìta. empêcher de tíɲa. empêcher d'obtenir kɔń. emplanter (s') ní. emporter cúurɛ; labɔ. emporter (courant d'eau) lawɔỳɔ. emprunter jùlu. en arrière tugun. éplucher kósin; wɔtɔ. époque f. tèléè. épouse f. mùséè. épouser jíga; jɔńbaya; tà; tatíggɛ; tíggɛ. époux m. jígabagà; kàyi. épreuve f. ɛksamɛń. éprouver lamùɲu; latànbi. estomac kɔńɛ. et háa; hári; nin; nɔn; ɔn; táwi; táyi; tugun. et … et ɓa. et alors bùtúgun. et après háa. et encore moins fɛŕɛ. et pourtant hári. établir lasìgi. établir (s') sìgi. F -f fabrication f. dáarè. fabriquer dá; laɲìɲa; lɛśɛ; séɲɛ; wáli. face-à-face tɛńkun. fâché (être) ɓìrɛ; mɔńɛ; séetinɛ. fâcher (se) dímiya; ŋáɲa; ŋáɲaya. facile dí; sɔǹɔma; tadíi. facile (être) nɔɔya; ɲígin. faciliter (se) nɔɔya. façon f. nɔńɛ; súfà. fagot m. kìtéè. faible fúyantɛ; gbáli; jáasata. faible (être) jáasɛ. faiblement dóyidoyi. faim f. kɔǹkɛɛ; kɔɔjɛ. faim f. de viande mɛɛyáà. fainéant m. bánfarè. fer m. à repasser fɛɛru. fer m. (produit dans le fourneau traditionnel) sùlunɛǵɛ. fermement gbɛn; ki ̋i. fermer sòki. fermer (se) tàgun. fermeture f. éclair fɛrmɛtirè. fertilisé (être) tòli. fléchir fàga. fleur f. féerè. fleur f. (d'arbre) lɔǵɔfeerè. fleuve m. báà. flotter núnbɛ; wɔỳɔ. flûte f. (instrument de musique) tánbiɲɛ. foule f. dúniyà; jàmáà; nbàtóè. four m. fúur. fourchette f. fùrsɛtè. fourmi f. máɲaɲɛ. fourmi sp. díndilà; mɛńɛmɛnɛ; nɛńɛnɛnɛ; ráddòe; sìnsílà. frictionner mɔɔmɔ. fripon m. bólomaɲagantɛ. froid kímà. froid (devenir) kìma. froid (être) kímaya. froid m. (température basse) kímà. fromager m. bàntáɲɛ. front m. (anat.) tíindɛ. gaspiller tíɲa. gâteau m. gàto. gâter (se) tíɲa; tòli. gauche (opposé à droite) márà. gendarmerie f. sándarmerè. gêner sònja. génération f. jàmáanòe. genette f. fìlfíld(u)è. goitreux fɔɔrɔtɔɛ. gombo m. (Abelmoschus esculentus) námà; tàkóè. gonds m. pl. (de porte) kɔŕɛɲɛ. lancer bón; lafíli. langouste f. sònsóɲɛ. langue f. káɲɛ; kúlè; kúmà. langue f. (anat.) nɛɲɛ. lever (partie du corps) tóoni. lever (se) wúli. lever (se) rapidement bára. lever (se) tôt sòri. lézard m. mùlukéè. lézard sp. gbásà. liane f. nɔńbɛ. M -m mâcher ɲími. machette f. kínpà; kùrukɛĺɛɲɛ; mùrubáà. machin fínkɛ. machine à coudre kùtakaramásíɲɛ. machine f. màsíɲɛ. maçon m. bóndaalaà. madame f. màdáɲɛ. madrasa f. mádarasà. magasin m. màgasáɲɛ. magie f. (de marabout) sérròe. magouilleur m. náafigè. maigre mɛsɛ; mɛśɛɲɛ. maigrir bára; gbɛtɛn; mɛśɛya. maigrir peu à peu magbɛtɛn. milieu (arriver au) tálan. milieu (être au) túnbɛ. milieu m. fɛɛ. militaire m. mìlitɛŕɛ. mille wáa; wúlu. mille-pattes m. káatatalè. million m. míliyɔɲɛ. mine f. dàmáɲɛ. minerai m. bàngóè. moteur m. mòtérɛ. moto f. mótè. mou nɛńbelen. mou (être) nùngu; ɲɛńbelɛya; ɲígin. mouche f. síisà. ne … pas tée. né (être) kúnɛn; sɔtɔ. ne… pas máa. ne pas avoir peur ŋáɲa. ne pas être béle. ne pas être chez soi fàama. ne pas faire pour longtemps fàama. ne pas oublier (qn) jàntɔ. ne pas partager avec qn bɛǹ. nettoyer lakɛńɛ; lakò; lánfan; makò. neuf kɔǹɔntɔ. neveu m. (enfant de la soeur) kàawu. nez m. súɲɛ. notamment wóndɛma. O -o obéir bàtu; gbíliya. obéissance f. ɗɔftɛ; gbàâ. obéissant (être) ɗɔftɛ; sɔǹ. obéissantе (femme par rapport à son mari) tóllandè. objet m. fɛɲɛ. objet m. magique sánamòe. objets fabriqués dáarè. obligation f. dúwà. obligé (être) kàman. obscurité f. dìbéè; pìnpéè. observer máandɛ; mafɛĺɛ. obstiné gbɛĺɛya. obtenir sɔtɔ. R -r raboter lɛśɛ; ràbɔtɛ. racine f. lílè. raconter fɔ; hɔĺli; latànbi; ɲáakàran; ɲáasifɛ; ŋáppitɛ; tafɔ. raconter qch tɔǵɔlabɔ. raconter un conte tàli. radio f. ràdyóɲɛ. raide jígiɲɛ. tamarinier noir mɛɛkɔɛ. tamarinier velours mɛɛkɔɛ. tambour m. dùndúɲɛ; tábaldɛ. tambour m. (d'aisselle) tɛńbɛndeɲɛ. tamis m. tɛḿɛ. tamiser fɛ. tantôt dóonutɔ. taon m. dárijà. taper búlan; gbàngban; tínba; tónton. taper sur magbàsi; tagbàsi. taquiner laɲíni; táɲini. tard mír. tarir gbɛtɛn. taro m. jáabɛrɛ. tas m. háɓɓɛrɛ; ɲànsaŋárà; sìgéè; tɛńkɛ. tasse f. tásè; wɛɛrè. terminer fàtan; gàsɛ; gàynɛ; labán; latímmɛ; tɛgɛ. terminer (réunion, fête) rɔńpi. terminer (se) bán; bɔ; tímmɛ. termite f. aillée bítè. termite m. (petite et rouge) gàngúrà. termitière f. sìntáà. ternir la réputation fɛɛya. tirer bón; sàba; sàman. tirer sur fɛĺli; lafíli. tirer sur (d'un fusil) fòyi. tisser dɛbɛ; wùrundu. tisserand m. gáaradaalaà. tissu m. bágè; fàanéè; kùtáà. tô m. tòéè. toi i. toilettes f. pl. súturà; wúrgɛ. tordu námatà. torsadé námatà. tort m. hákkɛ. tortue f. kɛkóè. tôt láw. totalement kɛń. traduire fírɛ. trahir jànfa. trahison f. jànfáà. train m. dùgumakúluɲɛ; kúluɲɛ. traîner sàba; sàman. traiter bìta. traîtrise f. jànfáà. tranchant dí. un kélen. un à un dóndèn-dóndèn. un autre dòndéè. un certain dóè. un certain nombre de dándo. un peu dóndèn; púttinden. uniforme m. tɛǹi. unité f. kùɲɛɛ. univers m. dúniyà. untel káarè. vent m. fɔɲɛ; héndòe. vieille f. jídirà. utilité f. múnanfaɲɛ; nàfáà. venir (temps) fá. kìnáà. utiliser (l'argent) dámu. venir de faire bɔ. vieillard m. kɛɛmɔǵɛ̀ kɛɛmɔǵɔ; kìikálà; utile (être) kélɗi; nàfa, dɛɛman. venir à la rencontre de labɛǹ. vie f. àdúnà; dúniyà; sèê. usuel (être) déri. venir dòn; jìgi; nà; sɛǹɛ. vider wíde. usine f ísiɲè. vénérer bàtu. vidéo m. wìdiyɔ. usé (être) súlen. vendredi júma. vide kóloɲɛ. uriner kɛ. vendre (se) márse; sàn. urine f. súmanè. vendre cher lagbɛlɛya. tirer (fusil) tíirɛ. université f. líniwɛrsitè. emmêler (s') ɲàsaɲása. luxé (être) múgu. non pilé bátà. ɛḿisyɔɲɛ. expliquer fáranfànsin; ɲáafɔ; ɲáakàran; ɲáasifɛ; sífa; tafɔ. exprès : faire exprès tɛẃu. extraire (d'une substance liquide ou molle) lutter gɛrɛ. non dépiqué bátà. súyitɛ. non battu bátà. tresser ràbbɛ. non ! òʔóyè. tressaillir bára. non ! hǹn. très kóobèn. nommer fɔ; kó. trente bíisàba. embellir tabɛǹ. accueillir bìta; jáɓɛ; tólni. supplier madíya. accrocher (s') sàkkɛ. luisant gbɛɛ. accroché (être) yɔǹgi. luire jàlbɛ. syndicat sèndikáà. accouder (s') sóɓindɛ. adosser (s') ɓáarɛ. adresser (s') à tùggɛ. adresser (s') à qn sans prononcer son nom mìsɛ. adulte m. kámarɛnsinbà; kìnáà. affaiblir (s') fàga; fɛɛya. affaire f. àfɛŕɛ; háajòe; kóè kóò; kɔɔɲáà; kɔtɔ; màakóè; mùráadòe. affairer (s') jíndɛ. affamé kɔǹkɔtɔɛ. ainsi àwa; hàkkɛɛ; káa. air m. fɔɲɛ. ajouter dáafa; layáagɛ; makàfu; sàagi. alcool m. bɛɛrɛɛ; dɔĺɛ. allaitante f. dénbà. Allemagne Álumaɲ. aller má; tága; wà; yànfaya. aller à dòn. aller à l'école kàran. aller à pied sɛṕpi. aller avec qn jɔḱki. aller bien avec háwurɛ. aller chercher jɔḱkitɛ. ami (être) jàatigiya. ami m. dɛǹɲɔǵɛ; díyaɲɔgɛ; fúlaɲɛ; jàatígè; kɔtɛɛ. amitié f. díyà. amoindrir ɗúyitɛ. amour : faire l'amour avec qn yén. ampoule f. ánpulɛ. amulette f. básè. amusement m. tóloɲɛ. amuser kírɗɛ. annoncer hɔĺlitɛ. anse f. fálà. antérieur ɲáatɔtà. antilope f. tɔɔgɛrɛ. antimoine m. kálè. anus m. bòodáà. apercevoir de (s') háccɛ. aplanir fɔńdindirɛ. aplomb m. hɔɔlinkinarè. apparaître bɔ; sìgi; tabɔ; yáltitɛ. appareil m. àpárɛ. apparemment háray. appartenant à táà. bague f. kùrundáà. bailler kàakún. balai m. fítiraɲɛ; sɛɛraɲɛ. balance f. (appareil qui sert à peser) bàlánsè. balancer wíiwe. balancer (se) lɛɛri; lɛǹtɛnlɛńtɛn; wíiwe. balançoire f. lɛɛrè; wíwɔrdɛ. balayer fítan; lafítan; mafítan. balle f. kùdéè; kúrè. battre avec un bâton búlan. battre (grain) tɛń. battre (le métal dans la forge) wása. battre (se) dù. bavard m. kúmalajɔɛ. beau kèeɲíɲɛ. beau frère m. (frère cadet de l'époux ou de l'épouse) níimɔgɛ. beaucoup báakɛ; búyi; háa; kóobèn. beau-parent bítaɲɛ. bébé m. bɔɔbɛɛ; dènɲɛńɛ. bégayer méyi. bêler dì. bienvenue ! tóoli. bijou m. cúdaarɛ. bile f. háahaandɛ. billon m. (pour planter le manioc, patate, to-mate etc.) bìríɲɛ. blanc (couleur) gbɛɛ. blanc (être) gbɛ. blanche (vache) pútɛ. blessé (être) bárme. blesser bárminɛ. blesser (se) mabárme; mágba. bleu nbúlɛ; nbúlɛmà. bloqué (être) sàkkɛ. bonne fortune f. àrsíkɛ. bonne santé f. áafiyà; hɛɛrà; jámòe. bonnes nouvelles f. pl. mɔƴƴɛrɛ. bord m. dáà; dáagbolè. bord m. (d'un fleuve, d'une rivière) fɔńgɛ; gbɛĺɛɛmà. botte f. bɔttè; dɛń. boubou m. bàsɛɲɛ; kàftáanòe; wàránbà. bouc m. síikuli. bouche f. dáà; kárà. car kàbí. caractère m. dáaɲà. carapace f. fóroɲɛ; wɔńbɛ. carburant m. ɛsánsɛ. caresser mɔɔmɔ. carnet m. kàrnéè. carrefour m. kálɛfur; kílakuɲɛ. cartes f. pl. (à jouer) kártɛ. carton m. kàrtɔɲɛ. cas m. mùráadòe. cependant àdún. cercueil m. gbàlangáà; gwɛḱè. cérémonie f. háajòe; jàmáà. certain de dóè. certains dándo. cerveau m. ǹgáandè. cesser fàtan. cesser de faire dúfen. c'est bon módi. chanteur m. pɛśɛ; sígifɔɔlaà; sígilaalaà. chapeau m. kùffúnɛ; sàláalà. chapeau m. de paille líbitè. chaque főo. chaque fois kőokò. chaque jour lúnwőolún. charbon m. fúur; kɛǹbóè. charge : être en charge de lá. charge f. dònéè; kìtéè. charger sàrse. chef m. de famille jɔńgallɛ. chef m. de village sàatígè. chemin m. kílà. chemin m. de fer símindɛfɛrè. cheminot m. símindɛfɛrudeɲɛ. chemise f. dòríkè. cher gbɛlɛ. cher (être) gbɛĺɛya; síya. chercher fɛĺɛ; ɲáaɲìnin; ɲínin; taɲíni; tára. cinquante bíilòolu. circoncis (être) jìgi. circonciseur m. bárijelòe. circuler (véhicule) bòri. ciseaux m. pl. mɛḱɛkkɛ. citerne f. rèzerwárù. citron m. vert cáwudɛ; káccòe; lɛɛmúnɛ. clair kɛńɛ. clair (être) gbɛ. coincer (se) kànkan. coincer (se) dans la gorge dégun. col m. (partie de vêtement) kɔɔlè. cola m. (arbre) gùnbánbè. collecter bɔ; fáwu. coller kòli; nára. collier m. kɔńɔkonɔɲɛ. colobe m. kùláà. colonisation f. nɔɔyáà. coloniser kólonizɛ; nɔǹ. cordonnier m. gàránkɛɛ. corne f. (d'un animal) bíɲà; gàláaɗè; kérè. corps m. bálè; fàtéè; sòéè. corriger fáljitɛ. côte f. békkɛ; bíriƴɛ. côté m. dàɲɛɛ; fànáà; fàɲɛɛ; sɛŕà. cotiser (se) bólolakàfu. coton m. búnà. cotonnier m. (plante de coton) gɛséè. cou m. káɲɛ. couché (être) lá; lá. coucher avec qn yén. cours m. kàráɲɛ̀ kàraɲɛɛ. court sútuɲɛ; wútu; wútumà. court (être) sùtuman; sútuya; wútuya. couscous m. de manioc kɛkɛɛ. cousin m. dínboori. cousin m. à plaisanterie sànakóè. cousin m. (du côté de la mère) dénɲɔgɔ. cousine f. dínboori. coussin m. bùutéè. couteau m. kínpà; mùréè. crever láncan. crevette f. sònsóɲɛ. crier kéle; sɔńkɔ. crier (des animaux) dì. criminalité f. bándiyà. criminel (être) bánfaruya. criminel m. rɔbɛlɛ. criquet m. tɔɲɛɛ. crocodile m. bànbáà. croire mìjɛ; sìkkɛ; tàran. croquer ɲími. crustacé m. sònsóɲɛ. cueillir bɔ. cuisiner tábi. cuisinier m. tábirilaa. cuisinière f. dàgalɔɔlaà; tábirikɛɛlaà; tábirilaa. cuisse f. (anat.) tɔgɛɛ. cuivre m. (métal) sìláà. culbute f. yálà. culotte f. kùrséè. cultivateur m. sɛǹɛkɛláà; sɛǹɛwɔtɔláà. cultivé (être) kúnɛn. cultiver kì; lá; lán; tútu. débrouillard m. kálabantɛ. débrouiller (se) dɛbruyɛ; tànbi. début m. dáà; fɔĺɛ̀ fɔĺɔ; kùɲɛɛ. décéder latànbi. décès m. sàayáà. décevoir jùrɛ. décevoir máandinɛ. décharger sársitɛ. décharger (se) fɛɛya. déchirer lafára. déjeuner m. dàtakáà. déjeuner (quand la nuit tombe pendant le Ramadan) sùguli. délabré kɔŕɔɲɛ. délégation dɛĺɛgasyɔɲɛ. demain sínàn. demander mákani; maɲìninka; ɲìninká; taɲìninka; tára. demander pardon fàmmájigi; tùubi. demander (se) jíɓɛ. déménager sótti; tahɔɗi. dérober (qn/qch) kànka. derrière kɔɔmà; kɔɔmà. derrière m. jòê. dès que féw; tún. désagréable gbɔ; gbɔɔmà; tagbɔɔ. descendre jìgi; lajìgi. descendre (d'un véhicule) jìgi. descendre lentement majìgi. désespérer kɔńtɔfili. désespoir (réduire au) kɔńtɔfili. diable m. sáytanɛ. dialium de Guinée (Dialium guineense) mɛɛkɔɛ. diarrhée f. búulàbórè. diesel m. gàzwál. Dieu m. állà; tàaláà. Dieu merci ! nfásala. diffamer makára. différent (être) fàtan. difficile gbɛlɛ; gbɛĺɛmaɲɛ; gbɛĺɛɲɛ; tagbɔɔ. difficilement kàrahán. difficulté f. nánbarà; ɲáagbaà; prɔblɛm; sáttɛɛndɛ; sònjáà; sònjárè; tɔɔrɔyà. diffuser latága. diseur m. de bonne aventure fɛĺɛrilaà. disloqué (être) múgu. disparaître múutɛ; wà; wúli. dispensaire m. làbutáanè. disperser júnjun. disperser (se) júrɛjurɛ. disponible (être) tasɔtɔ. dispute f. gɛrɛɛ; kɛlɛɛ. disputer tárbɔndirɛ. disputer (se) gɛrɛ; kɛlɛ; ɲáagàsi; wàddɛ. dissoudre (se) yɔɔsitɛ. distribuer (nourriture) rɔtti. district m. nɔḱkurɛ. divers nɔńɔmà. donner bɔ; dí; dòni; kɔ; laké; wáttɛ. donner à boire lónginɛ. donner à droite et à gauche madíi. donner à manger lónginɛ. donner à manger (à un animal) mɔǹdɔ. donner des fruits dén. dormir kìnnɔǵɔ. dos m. kɔɛ. dot f. fútè. douane f. dùwáɲɛ. doué kùsan. écho : faire écho húnnabìta. échouer kɔri; mánkɛ; pèrdi. éclaircir la peau lawùlen. éclater láncan; málan. éclater (éclair) màlamála. école f. lɛkkɔĺɛ. écolier m. lɛkkɔĺɛ. économies f. pl. jìkkɛɛ. écorce f. kɔɛ; wɔńbɛ. écorcer sírɛ. égoïste (être) kɔń. égorger kánnatɛgɛ. égratigner (s') magòrogóro; ŋànsin. élections f. pl. wɔtɛ. électricité f. kùráɲɛ; táà. éléphant m. sɛ ǹba níɲɛ ̀ sɛǹbáà. élevage m. (du bétail) kòlórè. élève m. lɛkkɔĺɛ. élever dánkun; kòlo; labálu. élever (animaux ou enfants) kòlo. éleveur m. kólorilà; nàafulukololáà. elle a; ɔýa. elles anu. entouré (être) fò. entourer lafò. entourer (d'une palissade) húrugɛ. entraîner (dans un danger, problème) yɔĺli. entrave f. kòlomáɲɛ; kɔĺɔnbà. entraver une vache tóngi. entre tɛɛma; tɛɛma. entrepôt m. màgasáɲɛ. entrer bìla; dòn; kùn. entrer dans la puberté (fille) wúntɛ. entretenir dánkun. envelopper kìti. éprouver des difficultés mùɲu. éraflure f. gòrogórè. escargot m. jànpátà. escarpé jígiɲɛ. esclavage m. jɔɔyáà. esclave m. jɔɲɛɛ. espace autour de fɛɛ. espace clôturé wúrgɛ. espace f. pour qch dùgéè. espèce f. nɔńɛ. espérance f. jìkkɛɛ. espérer tánginɛ. étain m. (métal) dàɲáà. étaler fɛǹsɛń. étaler (une matière sèche) júnjun. étant donné que ɓa. étayé (être) júggɛ. étayer júggɛ. éteindre ɲíppɛ. éteindre (s') dúfen; kìnnɔǵɔ; sà. étendre fɛǹsɛń; tasàba. étendre sur talá. éternuer tìso. eux anu. évanouir (s') jà. évaporer (s') gbɛtɛn. éventer fìnfan. évidemment háray. exactement tígi-tigè. exactement comme ça káa-kaa-kaa. examen m. ɛksamɛń. examiner mafɛĺɛ; tɛfi. excavateur m. língà. excéder fɔĺi. faire wáli. faire face kùndi; ɲáatigilɛn; tèlen. faire mal dúmɛn. faire pour la deuxième fois fìlaɲɔǵɔ. faire (se) kɛ. faire très mal dúumɛya. famille f. báarɛnmà; béngurè; bòlondáà; bóndaà; dénbayà; fàmi; gállɛ; lóè. fardeau m. dònéè. farine f. fáriɲɛ. fatigué (être) kɔri. fesse f. jòê; jùugbólè. fête f. jàmáà; sálè; sálluɲɛ; swáarè; tóloɲɛ. fétiche m. sánamòe. féticheur m. básikɔrɔntigè. feu m. gbɛɛgbɛɛ; táà. feuillage m. (dense) fìtáarɛ. feuille f. de patate douce tólofarà. feuille f. (d'une plante) fítà; yànbáà. fiable (être) kélɗi. fiancée f. jɔńbà. foi f. díinà. foie m. búɲà. foie m. (d'un animal) hɛɛrɛ. fois ɲáà. fois f. dúlaà; kɛɲɲáà; kílà; kóè kóò. fonder sínkɛ; tínbɛ. fondre hɔńci; lɛ; táayɛ; yóosi. fonio m. fóndè. football m. (jeu) bàlɔnsúè. force f. dɔɔlɛɛ; fàngáà; míriɲɛ. forcer fòrse. fourneau m. fúrnɛ. fourneau m. (pour la production du fer à partir de minerai de fer) sùlɛɛ. fournir júggɛ. fourré m. fɔỳɔɲɛ. fourré m. (au bord d'une rivière) kɔɔtóè. Fouta-Djallon Fúuta. fracasser tatè. fracturer (se) tè. frais (aliments) kútaɲɛ. franc támmà. frontière f. dàɲɛɛ; nàaníɲɛ. frotter gbàsi; mamɔɔmɔ; mɔɔmɔ. froufrouter mɛɲɛmɛɲɛ. fruit m. déɲɛ. fruits m. pl. sauvages brùsatɔfɛɲɛ. fuir síntɛ; síwe; súlen. fumée f. sìiséè. fumer fíimɛ. fumier m. jàaɲɛɛ. funérailles f. pl. sàayáà. fuseau m. yìndáà. fusible m. fìzébùlu. fusil m. fìnkáarè; màrifáà. fusil m. (chargé de poudre) sóppanippa. fusillade f. fɛĺlirè; fòyírè. futé kèwu. futur m. ɲáà. G -g gagner gáɲɛ. K -k Kakabé m. álmaamiyakaà; kákkabɛ; yɔǹkáyè. kakabé m. (langue) yɔǹkúlè. karité m. (arbre) káarà. kilomètre m. kílo. kinkéliba m. (Combretum micranthum) kànkalibáà. Kissi m. kìsi. Kourou-Maninka m. kúrumaninkà. kpelle m. gbɛrsɛɛ. L -l là ɲɔɔndɛtɔ. lire kàran. luge ŋáraŋarà. suspendu (être) yɔǹgi. cùɓálè. liquide m. jéè. lourd (être) gbíliya. suspendre bóloka; yɔǹgi. tellement ! hàkkɛɛ. largeur de main (mesure de longueur) libellule f. jíikankà. libérer de bɔ. lier kìti; ràbbɛ. lier (se) náran. lièvre m. sánnɛɛ; sàrinnɛɛ. ligne f. (de pêche) kɛŕɛɲɛ; ndóliɲɛ. lignée f. bòlondáà. limite f. dàɲɛɛ. limiter (se) dàn. linceul m. kàsáà. lion m. jàtáà; pyóɲɛ. liquide pútaputà. loger chez soi (des visiteurs) wɛŕni. loi f. sáriyà. loin jáɲɛ; yànfa. long jáɲɛ; yɛǹyɛ; yɛńyɛmà. long couteau m. fàɲɛɛ. long (être) jànjaya; jɛǹjɛya; yáagɛ; yènɲiya. longtemps báakɛ; háa. longtemps et en vain háa. lot m. háɓɓɛrɛ. louche f. kàlamáà; kùdu. louer jáarɛ; lúɛ; wákkɛ. lourd gbílè. métier m. mètyéè. mètre m. mɛɛtɛrɛ. mettre bìla; dèfi; lá; lalá; sìgi; wáttɛ. mettre à part lamára. mettre bas (animaux domestiques) wòlo. mettre bas (chiens et animaux sauvages) wécci. mettre (dans un moyen de transport) bákɛ; labákɛ. mettre de côté matága. minerai m. de fer sùlɛɛ; táanɛgɛkurè. minibus m. kárɲasè. minuscule bútubutu. minute f. mínitè. miroir m. dúbalɛɲɛ; ndáarogalu; ɲáalankarè. moelle f. (anat.) nbúsè. moi n. mois m. káròe. moissonner kà. moitié f. fɛḱkɛrɛ; tálà. mouche f. tsé-tsé lɔĺlɛ; yɔĺɛ. moucheron m. síkkɛ. mouiller lakíma; laɲígin. mouiller (se) kìma; ɲígin. mourir bán; fàga; latànbi. mourir (récemment) tímmɛ. mousquet m. sóppanippa. moustache f. súnsunkɛ. moustache f. d'une écrevisse sònsonbínà. mucus m. sàasáà. muet (devenir) nbɔbɔya. muezzin m. sálli. mugir ɲúɲɛ; ɔɔli. multicolore kúrumanɛ. multicolore (être) jíllɛ. multitude f. de personnes nbàtóè. mûr mɔɛ. mur m. jínbalè; míirè. mûrir kɔḱɔ; lasúlen; mɔ. nid m. ɲàgáà. n'importe comment ɲáawőoɲaa. n'importe quel kőokò; nɔńɛ; nɔńɔmà; wőo. n'importe quoi fɛnfɛń; ɔýa. niveau m. jàatɛýà. niveler fɔńdindirɛ. noir fínma; fíɲɛ. noir (devenir) fín. noircir fín. noter jíga. noeud m. kùdéè. nouer (se) fíɓɛ. nourrir labálu. nourrir (se) bálu. nourriture f. bálòe; dámòe; dámurè; kínè. nous (et vous) ómà. nouveau kútaɲɛ; námà. nouveau-né m. bɔɔbɛɛ. nouvelle f. dántɛgɛ. provoquer laɲíni. proximité f. (d'un événement) màgbɛɲɛ. prudent kèwu. prunelle f. ɲáadéɲɛ; ɲáakolofiɲɛ. publicité píblisitè. publier latága; píbliye. puceron m. síkkɛ. puis bùtúgun. puiser sòri. puisque kàbí; kómìn. puits m. kɔlɔɲɛ. puits m. de mine dàmáɲɛ. pulvériser fùnfun. punaise f. (de lit) dàamɛɛ. punir tɔɔrɔ. pupille f. ɲáadéɲɛ; ɲáakolofiɲɛ. pur pútaputà. pus m. fɔǵè. python m. míniɲaɲɛ. stylo m. à bille bíkkè. subir latànbi. subordonné m. bàtuláà. subsistance f. bálòe. succès : avoir du succès dáha. succès m. sàháabà. sucer múrɛ; múyitɛ; súusu. sucre m. súkkarè. sueur f. wòséè. suffire kámali. supporter dìɲɲɛ; lamùɲu; lɔ; mùɲu; sábali. supposer fàamu; kála; mìjɛ; sìkkɛ; tàran. sur kùnma; mà. sur l'internet nɛt. sur (personne ou arbre) kánmà; kánnà. surface f. dùgéè. surpasser dámu; fìsa; fìsaya; fɔĺi; tànbi. sursauter bára; cɔńcɔlɔn. surtout tɛǹtɛní. surveiller dɛǹgɛ; gárde; mafɛĺɛ. tâter (d'un aveugle) mɛɛmɛ. tâtonnement m. mɛɛmɛŕè. taureau m. túurà. taxi m. tàksi. taxi-moto tàksímotòe. taxi-moto m. mótotaksi. technique f. nɔńɛ; nɔɔyáà. teigne f. kàbáà. teinte f. kùlɛɛr. télé f. wìdiyɔ. terrain f. (de football) tɛŕɛɲɛ. terrain m. de prière devant la maison toit m. ɲíwurɛ; sásaraɲɛ; wárɛɲikɛrɛ. tôle f. páanè. totem m. tànáà. toucher màga. tranquille (être) kìma. transformer (se) mayɛlɛman; yɛlɛman. triompher sur nɔǹ. trituration f. fófirè. vieillesse f. kɛɛmɔgɔyà. voilà àwa. V -v vieillir kɔtɔya. voiler la future mariée avec un foulard tíggɛ. wàaséè. terrain m. plat ndántà. terrasse f. bɛǹtɛɛ. terre f. bàngukálè; dùgéè; dùgéè. terre f. mouillée lɔɔpɛɛ. terre f. (retournée pendant le bêchage) bàngóè. terrier m. bɔɛ; wòê, wèê. tolérer dìɲɲɛ; lamùɲu; mùɲu; sábali. tôlier tólorè. tomate f. tàmáatè. tombe f. gàbúrè; sàadúlà. tomber bòyi; námaya; úlufitɛ. tomber d'accord bɛǹ; fɔ; háldɛ; háwurɛ; jɔḱki; kéle; wɔńtidɛ. tomber (dans l'eau) ùntɛ. toucher avec júggɛ. toujours túsur. tourbillon : faire un tourbillon fòrofára. tourbillon m. wálawalà. touriste tùrísè. tourner háylɛ; wìrindí; yɛńgɛ; yíilɛ. tourner (se) fìrifíri; kúdukudu; tayɛlɛman; tígilɛn; tíntan; yɛlɛman. transporter dòni. transporteur m. wáliwalè. traquer jɔḱki. travail m. báarà; sàriwúsè; wálè. travailler báara; wáli. travailler fort wàkkílɛ. travailler (régulièrement) mabáara. travailler (un matériel) labɛǹ. triturer fófi. trois sàba. tromper jànfa; jùrɛ; máandinɛ; mafɛĺɛ; mánɛɛnɛ. tromper (se) fàljɛ; tàntan. trompette f. tùnnɛɛ. tronc m. (d'arbre) jòê. vacarme m. ɲɔɔɲáà. vache f. nìngéè. vache f. sauvage ndúnsà. vaciller mɛɲɛmɛɲɛ. vaillance f. jùséè. vain (en) káa. vaincre nɔǹ. vierge (être) fáaɗɛ. voir fɛĺɛ; tàran; yén. ventiler fìnfan. vieux kɔŕɔɲɛ; kɔtɛ; kɔtɔmà. voir de nouveau tayén. ventre m. bóè. vieux (animal) máangɛ. voir pour la première fois máandɛ. ver de Guinée bùrúutè. vieux m. kìnáànɛ. voir (se) tayén; yíidɛ. ver m. de palmier tɛɲɛɛ. vigoureux dɔɔlɛmà. voisin m. káwutalè; sìgiɲɔǵɛ. ver m. de terre tɔǹɔkɛɛ. village m. fúlawà; hɔɗè; sàâ; sóè. voiture f. káarè; mɔńbilè; ɔtɛ. vérifier mafɛĺɛ. village m. (par rapport à la ville) búrusà. voix f. káɲɛ; kúlè. vérifier le fonctionnement taɲìninka. ville f. kɔɔkɛɛ; sáarɛ; sóè. vol m. kànkayáà; sóoɲarè. mettre debout lɔ. mollet m. dɛǹsɛɛ. suinter síntɛ; síwe. suivre bìla; jɔḱki. survenir tànbi. survivre kísi; súyitɛ. téléphone m. tɛĺɛfɔɲɛ. téléphoner kéle. travailleur m. des chemins de fer símindɛfɛrudeɲɛ. voler kànka; sòoɲa.
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affecté (être) mɔńɛ. affluence f. nbàtóè. affront m. pɔrɔntáà. affronter latànbi. Africain m. fàtafíɲɛ. âge m. sèê. agiter háylɛ. agrandir layáagɛ; tayáagɛ. agréable dí; díyamà. agréable (être) díya; tadíya. agresser dártɛ. ah ! jáa; wáyɔbɛ. aide f. dɛɛmárè; sábòe. aide m. bàtuláà; dɛɛmáɲɛ. aller en direction de latélen. aller faire wúli. aller sous sòri. aller vers latélen. allongé (être) ján. allumer lamɛńen. allumer (s') bìta; mɛńen. allusion f. sɔɓɓundè. alors àwa; bìi; hári; kɔtɛɛ; ɔǹtumá; yɔɔ. aluminium m. báafatà. amas m. ɲànsaŋárà. amateur m. kɔńtɛ. ambition f. wàkkiláarè. âme f. néè; wɔńkè. amélioration f. tɔśɔtɛ. amuser (s') ɲáalatɛgɛ; tólon. an m. sàɲɛɛ. anacardier m. yàlagéè. ananas m. (fruit et plante) fùuɲɛɛ. anarchie f. págay. ancien fɔĺɛ. ancien du village mɔgɔbáà. ancien m. du village kɛɛmɔǵɛ̀ kɛɛmɔǵɔ; kìikálà; kìnáà. âne m. fàlíɲɛ. anecdote f. pàrtéè. anesthésique f. (de plantes, utilisé pour le braconnage de poisson) tárɛ. angle m. sárà. animal m. sòbéè. animal m. sacrificiel sádakà. animal m. sauvage brùsatɔfɛɲɛ; fɛɲɛ. animal m. sauvage (générique) kúllɛ. appel m. kélerè. appel téléphonique kélerè; kílilè. appeler kéle; kéle; takéle. appeler en justice ɲáawɛ. appeler (plusieurs personnes) makéle. appellation f. tɔǵɛ. applaudissement m. bólotasumuɲɛ. application f. wàkkiláarè. appliquer (s') wàkkílɛ. balle f. (projectile) bìɲɛɛ. ballon m. (à jouer) bàlɔɲɛ. Bambara m. bánbarà. banane f. bànánà. banane f. plantain lɔkɔɛ. banane sp. gábbòe; máaniyà. banc m. báɲɛ. bandit m. rɔbɛlɛ. banditisme m. bándiyà. baobab m. sìtáà. baptême m. kùnséè. bar m. bàarénnɛ. barbe f. bɔɔráà; dáateè. barbe f. du maïs jónbè. barrage m. báraasè. barrer kànkan. bas-fond m. fólè. bassine f. pɔɔrɔbágè; súnbɔɲɛ; tánkoɲɛ. bateau m. kúluɲɛ. belle-mère f. nánden; sìnáà. bénédiction f. bárikè; dúbà. bénédictions (faire des) dúba. bénir dúba. benne f. bɛɲɛ. bercer wíiwe. besogne f. háajòe; màakóè. besoin m. lɔǵɛ. bétail m. kólofɛɲɛ; nàafúlè. bêtise f. sámakalà. beugler dì; húunɛ; ɲúɲɛ; ɔɔli. beurre m. túlè. bicyclette f. bòrifɛɲɛ; nɛgɛsóè; wɛlɔɛ. bidon m. bìdɔɲɛ. bloquer (la route, le passage) dúndu; sàkkɛ. bloquer (se) dans kànkan. blouse f. (de femme) tɛńburè. boire mìn; mìn. bois m. rouge (Pterocarpus erinaceus) bánè. bois m. (utilisé pour la fabrication du charbon) fúur. boisson (à l'eau chaude) kàféè. boîte f. dùnbéè. boîte f. de nuit dɔǹdúlà. boîte f. (en carton) kàrtɔɲɛ. boiter lájɛ. bombax m. (Bombax costatum) búnbuɲɛ. bon àwa; kɛńdɛ. bon (Dieu) tárà. bon pour la santé (être) kùn. bonbon m. bɔǹbɔɲɛ. bonbon m. à la menthe mɛńtè. boucle f. : faire une boucle dɛbɛ. boucle f. d'oreille tóllannɛ. boue f. lɔɔpɛɛ; nɔǵɛ̀ nɔǵɔɛ. boeuf m. nìngéè. bouger lamága; yɛlɛman. bougie f. bùzi. bouillie f. mɔɔnéè. bouillie f. de fonio làtóè; sàdéè. bouillie f. de riz gósè. bouillir fàtɛ. boulanger m. búlansɛ. boule : faire des boules kùdugbási. boule : faire une boule lakùdu; lamɔǹdɔ. boule f. kùdéè; mɔǹdɔɛ, mɔǹdɛɛ. boulon m. bùlɔɲɛ. case f. du chef du village tɔǵɔdaà. case f. ronde tíiboɲɛ; tíimaboɲɛ. casser káti. casser (se) tíɲa. casserole f. kópè. castagnettes f. pl. láalà. cause f. dàlílòe; kùɲɛɛ; sábòe. causer des problèmes à qn tíɲa. causerie f. nocturne sùmúɲɛ. cavité f. fámmɛ. ce hín; kɛ; ɲɔɔ; wo. ceci ɲɔɔ. céder (pour un prix) tó. ceinture f. (anat.) céecè; sòréè; tɛɛ. célibataire m. jántilimaanɛ; mùsubɔńɛ. cellier m. màgasáɲɛ. c'est pour ça que hári; pàse. cette année ɲìnan. chacun bɛrɛɛ; kála; mɔkála; wőo; wőowò. chagriné (être) mɔńɛ. chagriner máandinɛ. chahut m. ɲɔɔɲáà. chaîne f. jɔlokɛɛ. chaise f. júllɛrɛ; sìgidúlà; yɛŕɛkuntè. chaleur f. ngùléndè; wòséè. chambre f. bóɲɛ; sáanburè. champ m. fàráà; hóllandɛ; sɛǹɛɛ; sóppurè. champ m. couvert de plantes de haute taille pótoɲɛ. champignon m. púnnɛ. chance f. àrsíkɛ; sàháabà. chance f. (avoir de la) gàynɛ. chancre m. lánnà. chargeur m. sàrzɛr. charité f. sádakà. charnière f. kɔŕɛɲɛ. charrue f. (de deux taureaux) sáriɲɛ. chasse : faire la chasse wáaɲɛ. chasse f. wáaɲɛrè. chasser gbén; lawúli. chasser dehors jɔḱki. chasseur m. dònséè; fɛĺlirilaà; wáaɲɛlaà; wáaɲɛrikɛɛlaà. chat m. ɲàaréè. châtiment m. sɔgɔŕɛ. chatouillement m. kìllírè. chercher le sens de qch ɲáaɲìnin. cheval m. sòéè. cheveux m. pl. kùnsígè. cheville f. ɲágiɲɛ. chèvre f. bàâ. chez bàta; kùnma. chien m. wùléè. chimpanzé m. dèemóè. Chinois m. sínuwà. choisir súbɛ. choix m. kɛɲɲáà. choqué (être) ŋálɗɛ. chorus : faire chorus húnnabìta. chose kóè kóò. chose f. fɛɲɛ. clairière f. (espace dégagé) fúgà. clan jànbóè. claquettes f. pl. pɛttòe. classe f. (à l'école) klásè. clé f. sáabè. client m. kíliyaɲɛ. clip m. pɛśɛ. cloche f. nɛgɛɛ. clôture f. sànsáɲɛ. clôturer húrugɛ; sànsan. clou m. pɔńtiɲɛ. clouer gbàngban. club m. de village pɛḿinansè. cmpléter dáafa. cobra m. cracheur fìntóɲɛ. cochon m. kɔsɛɛ. cocotier m. kùukunáatè. coépouse f. sìnáà. coffre m. kànkiráɲɛ. combien ? jèlu. commandant m. kùmandáɲɛ. commander kúmandɛ. comme ɓa; kàbí; kɔfí; nɛɛ. comme ça níi. comme il faut tígi. commencement m. dáà; fɔĺɛ̀ fɔĺɔ. commencer bìta; dáabìta; dòn; fɔĺɔ; tó. commencer à fòkkitɛ; tága. commencer (jour, lumière du jour) ká. comment káamìn; kámà; kómìn. commerçant m. jùláà; màmayitariláà; yéyirikɛɛlaà. commerce m. jùlayáà, jùláà; màmayitárè. commission f. kíilayà. coucher (se) bɛli; lá. coucher (se) (sur le dos) ján. coude m. jókkɛ; nùngáɲɛ. coudre kára. couler júurɛ; síwe; wɔỳɔ. couleur f. kùlɛɛr. coup m. de feu fɛĺlirè; fòyírè. coup m. de fusil lɔẁáandɛ. coup m. de tonnerre fárɲitɛrɛ. coupe f. kúpu. coupe-coupe m. kínpà; kùrukɛĺɛɲɛ. couper kúntu; tɛgɛ. coups m. pl. gbàsírè. cour f. gállɛ; kúurè; lóè; sùntéè; tándɛ. coeur m. jùséè; sɔɲɛɛ. coeur m. (couleur de cartes) tólofarà. couteau m. pliant kátimurè. coûter bɔ; sàn; tà. coûteux gbɛlɛ; gbɛĺɛya. couvercle m. (en paille) lìfáà. couverture f. bútinfɛɲɛ; dáradɛlè. couverture f. (chaude) sùddáarɛ. couvre-lit m. dáradɛlè. couvrir bútin; fónti; madògon; masùusa; sùtura; súumɛ; talá. crabe m. gɛɛgɛrè. cracher túttɛ. crainte f. kílantɛyà. crâne m. gbɛńkɛɲɛ; kùɲɛɛ. crapaud m. tòtíkùngbilíɲɛ; tòtipáccalà. cravache f. pɔɔrɔkúntè; pɔɔrɔnáttà; sáwrè. crayon m. kɛrɛyɔɲɛ. créer dá; sínkɛ. créer des problèmes à qn labìla. crépuscule m. fùtúrè. crête f. (coiffure de femme) jùbáadòe; tùréè. cueillir (les fruits) tɛtti. cuiller m. kúyɛrè. cuire au feu (une surface) mabìntan. cuire (du riz -pour la première fois) bàrabára. cuire (se) (au feu) bìntan. cuisine f. kúrè. cultiver (le champ) sɛǹɛ. culture f. dámòe. curieux (être) kúnfa; kúnpa. curiosité f. kúnpà. cussonia m. (espèce d'arbre) bólokuntè. cuve f. súnbè. cuvette émaillée pàráasè. cuvette f. súnbɔɲɛ. D -d d'abord bùtúgun; bùtun; kɛǹɛń; yànnin. d'accord módi; ngàsí; yɔɔ. dangereux (être) makílan. dans búutɔ; kò; kɔńɛ; mà; nɛɛtɔ; tɛɛma; tɔ. dattier m. (Phoenix dactylifera) támaròe. de bɔ; -dúla; kò; tɔ; wá. de bonne heure pír. de différents types nɔńɔmà. déchirer (se) fára. décider ánniyɛ; háɓɓɛ; kíiti; súman. décision f. désyɔɲɛ; kíitè; mìjɔŕè. décortiquer wɔtɔ. découpé fɛŕɛɲɛ. découper kúntu; tatɛǵɛ. découper (en deux) takúntu. démodé (être) macúmaya; makímaya. démon m. jínnà; sáytanɛ. démuni (être) makìnikini. dénombrement m. kɔǹtɛɛ. dénouer tasàba. dénouer (se) fúlen. dent f. ɲíɲɛ. dépêcher (se) háwujɛ; kɛɲɛ. déshabiller (se) ɓɔŕti. désir m. lɔǵɛ. désobéir yéddi. désordre m. ɲɔɔɲáà; págay. désormais bìiɲáatɔ. desserrer (se) désere. dessus m. kántɔ. diffuser les nouvelles tɔǵɔlabɔ. diffuser (se) júrɛjurɛ. diligent (être) wàkkílɛ. dimanche m. àlaháttè; dìmáasè. dimension : avoir une certaine dimension dàn. diminuer dɔǵɔya; ɗúyitɛ. dîner kìiman. dîner m. kìimáɲɛ. dire fɔ; hɔĺlitɛ; yìta. dire au revoir sàara; sàrawɔlo. dire du mal de qn makúma. dire la vérité gbɛ. directeur : êter directeur mànsayá. direction f. fàɲɛɛ; sɛńgɔɛ. divertir (se) ɲáalatɛgɛ. divertissement m. tóloɲɛ. divination f. fɛĺɛrè. diviser tálan. diviser (se) fàtan. diviser (se) (en groupes) klàsɛ. division f. fátaɲɛ. dix táɲɛ. Djallonké m. jàllɔnkɛɛ. djembé m. jìnbéè. djihad m. jíhaadè. docteur m. dòftóorè. document m. káydè; sɛbɛ. doigt m. bólokondiɲɛ. douleur f. dúmɛ. drap m. wáanarɛ. drapeau m. dàrapóè. droit bɛtɛ. droit : avoir le droit bɛǹ. droit m. dúwà. droit (opposé à gauche) kínè. drôle (être) makírɗɛ. dromadaire m. bábòe; cápurtà. du côté de dígan; télen. du même âge fílanmà; màɲɔǵɛ; nbɔɛ. duper máandinɛ; mafɛĺɛ. dur gbɛlɛ. durcir jà; ɲìɓɛ. durée f. de la vie sèê. écorchement m. bósorè. écorcheur m. bósorilaà. écorchure f. gòrogórè. écosser kósin; maká; mawɔtɔ; wɔtɔ. écouter gɛńti; hɛɗi; tólomalɔ. écraser dígin; tatè. écraser dans le mortier lóppi. écrémer dɛbɛdɛbɛ. écrevisse f. sònsóɲɛ. écrire sɛbɛ; wíndɛ. écriture f. wíndɛrè. écrouler (s') bòyi. écuelle f. míraɲɛ; pɔɔrɛɛ. écumoire m. pásuwarè. éduquer kòlo. effacer fítan. effet : avoir un effet bìta. effondrer (s') bòyi. effort m. yángè. efforts : faire des efforts gɛrɛ. éloge : faire l'éloge de jáarɛ. éloigné (être) jɛǹjɛya. éloigner (s') mabɔ; matágaman; yànfaya. emballer kìti; mɔŕɔmɔrɔ. envelopper (s') mílin. envie f. lɔǵɛ; sàgɔɛ. environ ɲɔgɔn. environs m. pl. fàɲɛɛ; sɛŕà. envoyé m. kíilayà. envoyer dòni; latànbi; lawúli. envoyer en commission lawúli. envoyer (faire une commission) kí; kíilaya. épargne f. jìkkɛɛ. épaule f. kàbankúɲɛ. épi m. gɔńbɛ. épieu m. (bâton gros et long garni de fer qui sert à chasser) tùgáà. épine (de porc-épic) yɔĺɛ. épine f. ɲágiɲɛ; ŋàɲíɲɛ. épine f. (de plante) búllɛ. espoir : donner de l'espoir latánginɛ. espoir : donner de l'espoir à tánginɛ. espoir m. jìkkɛɛ; yílè. esprit m. hàkkílè; jínnà; néè. esquiver (s') námaya. essayer gɛrɛ; taɲìninka. essayer de deviner ɲáaɲìnin. essence f. ɛsánsɛ. essorer (linge) háamɛ. essoufflé (être) láhɛ. essuyer lafítan; mafítan; mɔɔmɔ. essuyer (s') mɔɔmɔ. est-ce que ? kére. étirer (s') jɛǹjɛya. étoile f. lɔɔlɛɛ. étonné (être) jíɓɛ; ŋálɗɛ. étonner jíɓɛ; jíɓinɛ; ŋálɗinɛ. étourdissement m. ɲáalamiliɲɛ. étranger m. lúntaɲɛ. étrangler dégun. être bi; sìgi. être m. humain mɔgɔndenfíɲɛ. étroit (être) fáaɗɛ. étude f. kàráɲɛ̀ kàraɲɛɛ. étudier kàran; kàran. étudier à kàran. excrément m. bòéè. exemple m. mísalɛ. exorcisme m. cɔɔrà. expédier kí; kíilaya. expérience f. hàkkilimayáà. expirer fàga. explication f. fáranfansirè. faucher (herbe) wɔrtɔ. faucille f. wɔrtɛɛ. faucon m. sɛgɛĺɛ. félicité f. hɛɛrà; sàháabà. femme f. mùséè; mùséè. femme f. bien-aimée bátà. femme f. pas mariée cúccurè. femme f. préférée bátà. femme qui a fait le hadj hájjà. fendre lafára. fendre (se) fára; tatè; tè. fendu fɛŕɛɲɛ. fenêtre f. fínɛtɛrɛ, fínɛtrɛ. fente f. dùɲɛɛ. fer à repasser kùtapasɛfɛɲɛ. fer m. nɛgɛɛ. ficelle f. gáarà; jùléè. fidèle (être) ɗɔftɛ; kùmmasa. fidélité f. ɗɔftɛ. figue f. tòréè. fil m. gáarà. filaire de Médine (Dracunculus medinensis) bùrúutè. filer námaya; wùrundu. filet m. jɔɛ. filet m. de pêche báajalà; fìlijɔɛ. fille f. dénmusè; súnkutuɲɛ. film m. pɛśɛ. fils m. dénkayè; déɲɛ. finalement háa. finir bán; bán; fàga; gàynɛ; tímmɛ. fixer avec des clous gbàngban. flair m. fɔɔféè. flairer súnbu. flèche f. (arme) bɛɲɛɛ; dàgáɲɛ. forêt f. bɔfɛɛ; fìtáarɛ; kɔɔtóè; tóè. forge f. tɔǵɛ. forge f. (atelier) fàɲɛɛ. forgeage f. nùmuyáà. forger (métal) gbàsi. forgeron m. dáarikɛɛlaà; nùméè. fort bélebelè; dɔɔlɛmà; ki ̋i. fortement gbɛn. fosse f. dìnkáà. fossoyeur m. dìnkafáralaà. fou (devenir) fàatiyá. fou m. fàatɔɛ. foudre fárɲitɛrɛ. fouet m. pɔɔrɔkúntè; pɔɔrɔnáttà; sáwrè. foulard m. kùnkítè. foulard m. franc CFA sɛɛfà. franc m. (monnaie) fáraɲɛ. France f. Fàránsè. franchement fáyida; sábù. francolin m. càccarɔɛ; wòléè. frapper bɔǹbɔ; gbàsi; kùdu; tínba; wása. frapper à la porte kɔńkɔn. frapper de toutes ses forces tagbàsi. frapper fort búlan; fɛ. frapper sur magbàsi; tagbàsi. frayer (se) un chemin, fendre la foule dɛńdɛ. frein fɛrɛn. frère (de la même mère) báarɛnkayè. frère m. (ainé) kɔtɛɛ. frère m. (aîné) tàata. frère m. cadet dɔǵɛ. gagner (de l'argent) wáli. gagner sa vie bálu. gale f. kàtéè. galipette f. yálà. garage gàrázɛ. garantie f. séedeyà. garçon m. dénnɛɛ̀ déndè; kàyi; ndúgusè. garde f. kántarè. garder áynɛ; gárde; kántan; lamára; màra. garder (le bétail) kántan. gardien m. kántarikɛɛlaà; kántarilaà; sóorè. gare gàrwatír. gargote f. bárè. gasoil m. gàzwál. génie m. jínnà. genou m. kùngbɛĺɛɲɛ. genre m. de súgè. gens pl. dúniyà. gentil tadíi. génuflexion f. dárdɛ. gerbe f. kìtéè. géré par(être) kùn. gérer bìta. germe m. fɛtɛɲɛ. gibier fɛɲɛ. gifler tólogbàsi. gingembre m. jùnjáà; ɲámakòe. glaner les restes de la récolte páyitɛ. glisser námaya; ŋáraŋara. glisser (se) sous sòri; sɔrɔn. glorifier jáarɛ. glume f. (de céréale) fóroɲɛ. goitre m. fɔɔrɛɛ. là-bas ɲɔɔndɛtɔ; pan; pan. labourer (le champ) wɔtɔ. lâche f. búutòli. lâcher bóloka; fúlen. laid bɔǹɔ; bɔńɔmà. laisser tó; tó. laisser derrière soi tànbi. laisser faire dí. laisser partir bóloka. lait m. nɔńɛ. lame f. (d'une hache) sóɲɛ. lamentation f. (aux funérailles) sɔɔrɛ. lamenter síntirɛ. lampe f. lámpòe. lampe f. (électrique) ánpulɛ. lance f. lábbɔɔrè. lance-pierre m. lànsɛɛ; làspɛɛrɛ; pɔrɛɛ. larmes f. pl. ɲáajeè. laver lakíma. laver (avec une éponge) yírigɛ. laver (se) kò. lécher métti. leçon f. kàráɲɛ̀ kàraɲɛɛ. léger (être) fɛɛya; háyfɛ. lentement dóndèn-dóndèn; dóyi. léopard m. kólè. lèpre f. kùnáà. lequel ? míniman; ɲùman. lettre f. (adressée à qn) lɛtɛrɛ. lever kɔŕta; layɛlɛ. lever lisse (être) námaya; néwu. lisse (faire) lanámaya. lit m. gbèngbéè; láafɛɲɛ. litre m. lítrè. livre búkè. livre m. (ouvrage imprimé) líwurè. livrer dòni. livrer (chez qn) júggɛ. local m. dùgurɛɲɛ. locuste m. tɔɲɛɛ. loger hɔɗi; jìgiya; lajìgiya; lóosi; lóze. lumière f. dáygòe; gbɛɛgbɛɛ. lumière f. (du soleil) kɛɲɛ. l'un l'autre ɲɔǵɔn. lundi m. tɛǹɛn. lune f. káròe. lunettes f. pl. líinetè; wɛɛrè. mettre (des vêtements) lá. mettre en haut yɔǹgi. mettre en travers kànkan. mettre les mains sous qch (pour lever) sòri. mettre par terre cíkkɛ; dɛṕpi; lajìgi; lasìgi. mettre (se) à bìta; tága; tó. mettre (se) d'accord sur qch háldɛ. mettre (se) en boule mílin. meugler ɲúɲɛ. midi m. mìdéè; tèléè. miel m. kúmè. mieux : c'est mieux de sítta. mieux (être) fìsaya. Mikiforé m. mìkifɔɔrɛ. mil m. kèntéè. moment : en ce moment káa-kaa-kaa. monde m. àdúnà; dúniyà; jàmáà. monnaie f. dàlásè; káalisè; sénsè; wótè. monsieur m. kɛɛ. montagne f. kɔǹkɛɛ. monter yɛlɛ. montre f. mɔǹtɔŕɛ. montrer hɔĺli; yìta. montrer (se) tàran; tàran. moquer (se) jɔḱki; majɛĺɛ; mánɛɛnɛ. morale f. (conte, histoire) sɔɓɓundè. morceau m. kúntè. mordre kín. mort f. sàayáà. mortier m. kòlóɲɛ. morve f. sàasáà. mosquée f. jáamiyè; júlirdɛ. mot m. kúmà. moustiquaire f. sánkɛ. moustique m. sɔǹsɔĺè. mouton m. sàagáà; sàagajígiɲɛ. moyen m. fɛɛrɛɛ; sábòe; sábòe; sèê. moyen m. contre básè. moyen m. de transport tránspɔrè tránspɔrù. mûrir (pas sur l'arbre) úufɛ. musaraigne f. sɛbɛɲínà. musique f. kúlè; mísikkè. musulman m. mísilimè. N -n nageoire f. jàgíɲɛ. nager búnban; fùbbɛ; gbùgbási. nageur m. fùbbɛĺaà. narine f. súnpɔrɔntà; súnwòe. nasse f. (pour la pêche) kúdukudumà; sólogè. nationalité f. sèê. natte f. sɛḱkɔɛ; wáatà. ne pas pouvoir faire kɔri. ne pas prendre avec soi tó. ne pas respecter lafíli. ne pas savoir kúnpa. ne pas se voir pendant longtemps fàama. ne plus bùtúgun. nébulosité f. dúulɛ. nécessaire : il est nécessaire que bɛ; fó; kóyi. néflier m. kùráà. négligent (être) dɛŕefi. négliger dɛŕefi. néré m. (Parkia biglobosa) nɛtɛɛ. n'est-ce pas ? káa; kòní; nɛɛ. noix f. de cajou yàlagéè. noix f. de cola wòréè. nom m. tɔǵɛ. nom m. clanique kòntóri. nom m. de clan jànbóè. nombre m. dàɲɛɛ; jàtɛɛ. nombreux síya; síyamaɲɛ. nombreux (être) síya; sìyaya; wàra. nombril m. bàtáà. nouvelles f. pl. kálà. noyau (partie centrale et dure) kólè. noyer (se) sù; ùntɛ; yɔɔli. nu bálimati. nu (être) gbɛ. nuage m. cúddè; dúulɛ. nuire tíɲa. nuit : passer la nuit kí. nuit f. pìnpéè; sóè. nul m. (injure) fúufàfóè. nulle part káawőokán. numéro m. de téléphone níimerò. nuque f. kánkɔɔmà. Q -q quand ɓa; káamìn; nɛɛ; ɲɔɔ; tùmanin. quand même ye. quant à dóè; dun; mɛn; ɔn; tugun. quantifier éɓɓi. quantité f. dàɲɛɛ; jàtɛɛ; káɲɲà; sìgéè. quarante bíinàani. quatre náanè. quatre-vingt-dix bíikɔǹɔntɔ. quatre-vingts bíisàgin. que di; ɛǹɛɛ; kó; kò; min; wóndɛma; yèn. quel min. quel ? mun. quelque dóndèn. quelque chose dóndèn; fɛɲɛ; fɛɲɛ; ɔýa. quelqu'un dóè; dóè; dóè; káarè. quelqu'un de dóè. quémander dóomɛ. quereller (se) gɛrɛ; ɲáagàsi; wàddɛ. question f. kɛśyɔɲɛ. quête f. gbàâ. queue f. (d'animal) fɔɲɛ. qui que ce soit dőodo. qui ? quel ? yɔn. quincaillerie dáarè. quincaillerie f. mátiyerè. quoi ? fɛɲɛ. quoi que kőokò. quoi que ce soit fɛnfɛń; fɛɲɛ. quoi qu'il arrive ɲáawőoɲaa. suivre le conseil jɔḱki. suivre un traitement ɲáwundɛ. sujet m. kóè kóò; kɔtɔ; sɔɓɓundè. sujet m. de discussion yɛẁtɛŕɛ. T -t table f. tàábalè tàábalè. taille : avoir une certaine taille dàn. taille f. bɛrɛɛ; sòréè. tailler ladíya. tailleur m. kárallaà; tɛɛlà. taire (se) dúndu; mákun; mɛdɛ; tádɛ. talon m. tɛddudè. tamarinier m. (arbre) jáɓɓulè. tante f. aînée (grande soeur de la mère) bàanba; nɛɛnɛkinama. tante f. cadette nɛɛnɛdɔǵɔman. tante f. (femme d'oncle maternel) bàrinba. tante f. paternelle yàayɛ. témoignage m. séedè; séedeyà. témoin m. séedè. tempête f. fìgifígè. temps : dans le temps de káa. temps m. kílà; lɔǵɛ; sáayè; tùmáà; wáttòe. tendon m. (anat.) fàsáà. tendre (queue d'animal) kènke. tendu (être) gbɛĺɛya. tenir à háɓɓɛ. tenir compte de tèlen. tenon m. ɲágiɲɛ. tenter gɛrɛ. tenue f. (d'école) tɛǹi. tertre m. bùrugɛɛ. testicule m. bɔɔtɛ; kílilolè. tétanos m. tɔɔkɛ. tête f. kùɲɛɛ; sálà. tête f. de la famille dénbaatɔɛ. tête m. de la famille kìnáà. téter súusu. têtu gbɛlɛ; gbɛĺɛya. thé m. kàféè. thé m. (« malien/mauritanien ») àtáayà. théière f. bàráadà. thème m. kóè kóò; kɔtɔ. thryonomys m. (espèce de gros rongeur) tɔŕɔwà. tige f. kàláà. tomber (dans un trou) bìri. tomber en gouttes síntɛ; súlen. tomber en panne páɲɛ. tomber en ruines bòyi. tomber enceinte búujiga; búumaya. tomber (fruits d'un arbre; pluie, rosée) yàlan. tomber malade gbàndi; gbàndiyá. tomber (pour la nuit uniquement) kò. tomber sur bón; háwurɛ; tabɔ. tomber sur la terre cíkkɛ. ton i. ton m. kùlɛɛr. tonner íidɛ. tonnerre m. fárɲitɛrɛ; sángbalimà. torche f. tɔŕsɛ. tordre (se) dù; ŋɔŕɔmɔn; tólomin. tordre (se) (de douleur) tólomin. tordre (une corde) dɛbɛ; mɔŕɔmɔrɔ. tourner (se) et retourner (se) ŋɔŕɔmɔn. tournevis m. kìléè. tous fɔp. tousser tɔgɔtɔǵɔ. tout fɛnfɛń; fɔp; ɔýa; wőo; wőo. tout à fait féw; féw; tɔɔdɛ. tout d'abord bútunbutun. tout de suite kísan; ɲɔɔninɲɔɔ. tout le főo. tout le monde kála. tout le temps sɔǹowősɔǹo. tout petit bútubutu. tout puissant (Dieu) máarigè. tout-puissant tárà. toux f. tɔgɔtɔǵɛ. trace f. fɔńfɔɲɛ; gbàâ. travaux m. pl. forcés fɔrsɛɛ. traverser tatɛǵɛ; tɛgɛ. trèfle m. (couleur de cartes) tɛṕpɛɲaarè. trembler dìnbi; yɛrɛyɛrɛ. trembloter mɛɲɛmɛɲɛ. tremper (se) ɲígin. trou : avoir des trous súlen. trou m. bɔɛ; dìnkáà; wòê, wèê. troublé (être) ɲáakɛ. trouver sɔtɔ; tàran; yén. trouver (se) bɛǹ; fɛẃundi; lá. trouver (se) une solution ɲá. trouver (un moyen de transport) bákɛ. truc fínkɛ. tu i. tuer dúfen; fàga; kɛlɛ. type f. súfà. type m. nɔńɛ. U -u ulcère m. lánnà. vaisselle f. míraɲɛ; síngalà. vanner fɛ. vanneuse f. fɛɛtɛɛ. vanter (se) káta. vapeur f. ngùléndè. varan m. sàggárè. varié nɔńɔmà. vaste (être) yáagɛ; yáagɛya. vaurien m. fúufàfóè; wúccundè. vautour m. jìgáà. veau m. bɔɔbɔtè; nìngirɛɲɛ. veillée f. sùmúɲɛ. veiller sur gárde. vélo m. bòrifɛɲɛ; nɛgɛsóè; wɛlɔɛ. vendeur m. jùláà; yéyirikɛɛlaà. vendre jùlaya; mayìta; sàn; yéyi. vérité f. tòoɲáà. verre m. (objets de verre) wɛɛrè. vers dígan; kùnma; mà; nɛɛtɔ; télen. verser júnjun; júurɛ; làbɔń; láwùya. verser (se) bɔń; wùya. vert kɛńdɛ; nbúlɛ; nbúlɛmà; yànbalamáà. vert (couleur) fítakɛndɛlamà. vertige m. ɲáalamiliɲɛ. vésicule f. biliaire kúnànkúnaɲɛ. vessie f. húpputɔɔndɛ; wúppɔɔndɛ. vêtement m. fàanéè; kùtáà. vêtement m. d'occasion dɔǹkáà. vêtements m. pl. fɛɛtibɔɛ. vétéran m. ánsenkɔnbataɲɛ. vexer bìla. viande f. sòbéè. viande f. de chèvre bàâ. victoire f. kùtéè. vin m. de palme bànjéè. vingt mùgan. virage wíirasè. visage m. ɲáà; ɲáakɔtɛ. viser húulɛ. visite f. médicale wìzítɛ. visiter fɛĺɛ; tafɛĺɛ. visiteur m. lúntaɲɛ. vitamine m. wìtamín. vite latɛŕi; tɛŕiya. vite : faire vite híttinɛ; tɛŕiya. vitesse f. bòréè. vitre f. wítirè. vivre hɔɗi. vivre ensemble wɔńtidɛ. vivre une vie dissipée (jeune fille) yáagɛ. voler (en l'air) wíirɛ. voleur m. kànkáɲɛ; kànkayakɛɛlaà; sòoɲɛɛ. volonté f. sàgɔɛ. volontiers tɛŕiya. vomir tàsari. voter wɔtɛ. vouloir kánu; múuyɛ. vouloir faire wúli. vous wo. voyage m. kílà; wàyásè. vrai kɛńdɛ; tígi. vraiment ! bɛńi; dɛ; fáyida; jàkáà; sábù; tígi-tigè. vrombir íidɛ.

Bibliography

I ended up recording in most situations with this mono microphone, and only rarely used the stereo microphone (Audiotehcnica cardoid AT8022), since the latter makes it possible to focus on the speech of one person but unfortunately records also all the surrounding noise.

Unfortunately, I didn't succeed in training any of my main consultants to write in Kakabe in a consistent way.

This search tool was developed for the ANR projects CorTypo (http://cortypo.huma-num.fr/index.html) and CorpaAfroAs (http://corpafroas.tge-adonis.fr/index.html)

The results of the lexico-statistical comparison between the Wure-Kaba and Kuru-Maninka, on the one hand, and the Nuclear Kakabe, on the other hand, are given in[START_REF] Vydrin | An outline of Kakabe dialectology[END_REF]

It does not occur in any languages unrelated to Mande languages except the languages of the Senufo, Gur family, as well as in several other languages which are in contact with Mande[START_REF] Nikitina | Categorial reanalysis and the origin of the S-O-V-X word order in Mande[END_REF]

A diachronic account of the transitivity split is suggested in[START_REF] Creissels | Postpositions as a possible origin of certain predicative markers in Mande[END_REF].

See Creissels 2014; Lüpke & Cobbinah 2012 on zero passives in African languages.

The number may include some non-predicative resultative constructions that it was impossible to filter out automatically.

The connector ànín goes back to the combination of nín 'and' and the 3SG pronoun à but is no more segmentable, see 2.6.1.5.

One can speculate that, in this case, the long form is sensitive to the change of the syntactic subject rather than to the change of topic.

The test of single pronoun answer to a question, as Who are they going to ask?-Me./Her./Us. are not applicable to Kakabe since and answer has to be a full predication.

Object dummy pronouns also exist in English, as it in You can make it, but they are lexically restricted and are much less frequent compared to dummy subject pronouns.

The ki ~cu alternation is reminiscent "feature shuffling" first described by[START_REF] Henderson | Feature shuffling in Southeast Asian languages[END_REF] for East-Asian languages. It consist in the transfer of a distinctive feature from one phoneme to another within a syllable.

The star symbol highlights the villages where I collected the relevant data. For CK these are the villages of Nyamayara, Dogomet and Sokotoro, for WK the villages Djinkoya, Kouroupampa, Gongore and Labiko, finally, for NK the villages Mansaya and Nasurulayi.

This might be considered as a particular case of lexical diffusion of a phonological change in terms of[START_REF] Labov | Principles of linguistic change[END_REF];[START_REF] Kiparsky | The phonological basis of sound change[END_REF]

The glottal stop appears due to IP boundary.

The broadcasts in French of Radion France International (RFI) are very popular radio station all over Guinea

The alternation GV ~Vː might be not restricted to borrowings, cf. gwɛ ́ki ~gɔ ́ɔki 'baboon' which is probably not a borrowing from Pular.

The fact that a morpheme can have an underlying representation of the type sɛyitine ~sɛytinɛ ~sɛɛtine is another proof of the phonotactic equivalence between the heavy syllable and two light syllables in Kakabe, and, in general, a manifestation of the quantity-measuring moraic nature of Kakabe.

The author speaks of a "tendency" for vocalic realization of N before non-occlusives, therefore, it is not clear what are the exact circumstances of such realization.

Alternatively, one can suppose that the nasalization spread from the end of the participle suffix and caused the initial non-nasal (either d, l or r) to become nasal.

In Kakabe villages storyteller often switch to a different language in the musical refrain, either Pular of Maninka, depending on the village, which is another linguistic way to distinguish the genre.

It is impossible to make automatic calculations for vowel-initial lexical morphemes in the corpus. Therefore it is difficult to give exact numbers.

He also reconstructs H tone for the article, but as I argue in Section 5.9.1.7, this is based on the erroneous interpretation of the H tone which is inserted before the L of the article, as belonging to the article itself, and show that in Koranko, the tone is floating L.

They are commonly referred to a pitch-accent languages, see though[START_REF] Hyman | How (not) to do Phonological Typology: The Case of Pitch-Accent[END_REF] for the criticism of this notion.

As can be seen, raising can apply to TBU which are not structurally associated with H, as the aorist suffix -ta in (5.8) and stative participle suffix -nden in 5.9.

The notation of floating L by a superscript letter is chosen in the consideration of its better visibility compared to a diacritic after the end of the typographic word (mín L rather than mín' ).

See Creissels & Sambou (2013) on Mandinka,[START_REF] Dumestre | Le bambara du Mali: essais de description linguistique[END_REF] on Bamana,Creissels (2009a) on Kita Maninka,[START_REF] Green | Interacting tonal processes in Susu[END_REF] on Susu, Creissels (2016) on Soninke.

"Il ne nous a pas semblé qu'il existe en mandinka une dissymétrie entre ton bas et ton haut de nature à rendre vraiment avantageux un tel traitement [selon lequlel le ton bas marqué est opposé à zéro]"(Creissels & Sambou 2013: 35).

Though, Vydrin (2017a) analyzes it differently from[START_REF] Rialland | Réanalyse des tons du bambara: des tons du nom à l'organisation générale du système[END_REF] and the same way as in Kakabe.

By contrast, the multiplication of underlying L tones leads to the insertion of a H tone separator (see 5.5)

For example, in a sample of 20 utterances containing the noun wùléè 'the dog' preceded by H within the same prosodic unit, there is no spread of the H on the second syllable of the noun in 14 occurrences and H spread is attested in the remaining 6 occurrences.

Un ton bas qui n'est pas séparé de la pause qui lui succède par un autre ton bas se propage jusqu'à la pause en question, quelle que soit la distance qui l'en sépare.

This happens in certain cases when the nominal root ends with a rounded vowel (u, o or ɔ), see Section 4.6.4 in Chapter 2.

This is reminiscent of the zero-marked default noun class O for borrowing which is used in Pular.

Original citation: "L'intonation significative se réalise en toura comme intonation périphérique (IPH), c'està-dire sous forme de traits intonatifs qui, du fait de leur localisation périphérique dans l'énoncé, n'interfèrent aucunement avec le contour tonal constitué à partir de la TLG [tonalité lexico-grammaticale]".

This tonal operation is discussed in Section 5.6 in the previous chapter.

One can suppose that (↑)H% is diachronically related to the lexemes with inherent assertive focus and that, originally it is one those items that lost its segmental substance.

It should be noted, though, that polarity items do not always exclude the second part of the bipartite negation, they are compatible, for example, in Santome, a Portuguese-based creole[START_REF] Hagemeijer | Aspects of discontinuous negation in Santome[END_REF]

It could also be the focus marker lè followed by toneless postposition, but, except for identity/classmembership constructions, lè rarely precedes the postposition and there are no examples in corpus the HL boundary tone is realized on an IP terminating with lè + postposition.

prosodic phrase which creates a specific pattern of tone realization within the clauses.

https://www.humanitarianresponse.info/system/files/documents/files/cataloguecartereferenceguinee.pdf

Je tiens à remercier Jérôme Picard, ingénieur de recherche au CEH, LLACAN et LACITO pour son aide essentielle dans la création de la carte.

L'accompli intransitif s'exprime par le suffixe verbal -ta.

Au total, le corpus du kakabé contient huit heures et vingt minutes de textes, dont six heures et cinquante minutes sont entièrement transcrites, glosées, indexées au son et à la vidéo dans le logiciel ELAN, et une heure trente minutes sont transcrites et glosées dans le logiciel Toolbox. Le corpus est entre les mains de l'équipe technique pour la mise en ligne dans l'Archive ELAR : (http://elar.soas.ac.uk/deposit/0288).

Dictionnaire kakabé -français

Acknowledgments

in Kourou Pampa.

Part II Suprasegmental phonology

Appendix A

Kakabe villages

The list below represents the names of villages with Kakabe-speaking population. At the end is also provided the list of villages where Ouré Kaba and Kuru-Maninka are spoken. These are two undescribed linguistic varieties close to Kakabe. The information was collected mostly during my fieldwork in 2013, when I visited a number of villages in the Kankalabe, Poredaka, Gongore, Mafara, Samamoussaya, Ouré Kaba, Dogomet. The villages where I have made recordings and worked are signaled by underlining in the list below. In each of the villages where I stayed I worked with the village elders and the members of local administration noting the names of the villages where Kakabe is spoken and the approximate number of inhabitants. In some cases the number of inhabitants was given only for the district in total. If the consultants couldn't give any estimations, the cell is left blank.

The list also includes villages where Pular is the dominant language, but Kakabe is spoken by at least part of the population, such cases are signaled in the column "dominant language" by putting Pular in the first position.

Where the information is available, the names of the villages are given in the official transcription, based of the reference maps of the prefectures of Guinea 1 , created by UNMEER (United Nations Mission Emergency for Ebola Response) in collaboration with the Guinean National Institute of Statistics of Guinea (Institut National de la Statistique de la Guinée). • El-Haj Mammadou Saliou Bari, ex-mayor of Dogomet;

Central Kakabe

• Sory Keita, sub-prefect of Saramoussaya;

• Ibrahima Kamara, Mammadou Traore and Saydou Mansare, elders of Bantanfereya. 3. Main consultants:

Name of the village

• Amadou Maka, the representative of the youth (représentant de lajeunesse) of Kourou Pampa;

• Béla Sadio Doumbouya, Souleymane Camara elders of Labiko.

4. Main consultant: Samba Nyouma Keïta, the representative of the youth (représentant de la jeunesse) of Mansaya.

Name of the village

Sub

Speakers and consultants

The list below (not exhaustive) contains the names of consultants and the speakers most present in records included in the corpus. The village corresponds to the native village of the person in question. Other information include the languages other than Kakabe spoken, the year of birth and the year(s) when the recordings with the person were made. The names are given by dialect. The initials allow to look up the speech events included in the Kakabe corpus, listed in Appendix C, in which speaker participated. Appendix C

Name

Structure of the Kakabe corpus

The list below represents the texts included in the Kakabe corpus that were the main data source for the current study. The list provides the genre of the verbal event, the dialect and the village of the speakers, the abbreviated names of the speakers (for information about speakers see Appendix B), the year of record, the topic of the conversation or monologue and its duration. All the represented texts are transcribed and glossed. pratiquer l'absentéisme lúppɛ.

précaution f. : faire avec précaution ɲéeɲinɛ.

précédent fɔĺɛ.

précipitation f. sángè sángòe.

précisément tígi; tígi-tigè.

prédestiner (Dieu) múuyɛ.

prédire fɛĺɛ.

préfecture f. dùgéè; prɛfɛtir.

prélever fáwu.

premier fɔĺɛ; fɔĺɔ-fɔlɛ.

premier homme fɔĺɔ-fɔlɛ.

prendre bákɛ; bɔ; jíga; labìta; tà.

prendre comme exemple ɲáamala.

prendre congé wàyinɛ.

prendre connaissance de talɔń.

prendre en considération talɔń.

prendre la décision súman.

prendre racine ní; níiɲa.

prendre sa place plàsɛ.

prendre soin wáttɔyili.

prendre soin de dánkun; tabìta; wáttɛ.

prendre une pincée ŋáppitɛ.

prénom tɔǵɛ.

préoccuper (se) de tabìta; tɛfi.

préocucupé (être) hámmi.

préparation f. (de la nourriture) tábirè.

préparation m. (cuisine) gbàadóɲɛ.

préparer fàsa; ladù; tabɛǹ; tábi.

préparer (nourriture) lɔ.

préparer (se) pɛŕɛ.

près de dúlà; fɛ; kènna; ɲáakɔtɛ.

prescription f. kúmandɛmaɲɛ.

préservé (être) màra.

président m. prɛzidáɲɛ.

presque fáyida.

pressé (être) háwujɛ; kɛɲɛ; tɛŕiya.

presser bítin; dígin; latɛŕiya; madígin; tadígin.

presser (se) latɛŕiya.

prêt à partir (être) fòkkitɛ.

prêt (être) (nourriture) mɔ.

prêter jùlu.

prêter à sínga.

prêter à qn dɔńtɔ.

prêter serment sɛɛla.

prier rɛẃi; sáli; tára.

prier Dieu dúba.

prier (Dieu) makéle.

prier (pendant le Ramadan) náafɛ.

prière f. sálè; táralè.

prière f. de l'après-midi sállifàna.

prière f. du jour fànáà.

prière f. du matin súbakà; wàllúà.

prière f. du soir gɛɛƴɛ.

prière f. du vendredi júma.

prière f. (pendant la fête du Ramadan) íidè.

prière f. supplémentaire náafilà.

prison : mettre en prison sòki. promener (se) avec matágaman.

promesse f. fódirè.

promettre fódi; tánginɛ.

promouvoir bántɛ.

prophète m. ánnabi.

proposer labɔ.

propre gbɛḿa.

propre (devenir) jàlbɛ; kɛńɛ.

propre (être) gbɛ.

propriétaire m. tígè.

propriété dònéè.

propriété f. táà.

prospérité f. áafiyà. protection f. básè; wáadɔɛ. protection f. magique contre les voleurs kúyɛ. protection f. magique (sous la forme écrite) násè.

protéger kísi.

protéger les plantations kántan.

proverbe m. sàndáà.

rail f. ràyî.