Norbert Kersting
email: norbert.kersting@uni-muenster.de

Andrew Matsiko
email: matsikoandrew@yahoo.com

The state of E-Local participation in Kampala Capital City Authority in Uganda: A reality or deception?

Keywords: Local E-participation, Online and offline instruments, Local representation and electorate engagement

Because of growing demands and pressures from citizens, political representatives and institutions of governments are increasingly opting for new forms of participation. In other words, a mix of methods is utilised to complement representative participation and city administration. In Uganda, a number of local political representatives: Councilors, Lower level Mayors and Lord Mayor use online participatory instruments; social media platforms: Facebook, WhatsApp, and Twitter to connect with citizens in Kampala capital city authority. However, critical analysis of online participatory instruments for information giving and citizen engagement seems to be lacking. In this regard, a number of possible research questions to critically interrogate are posed. Is the new invited space a reaction to the invited bottom up participation? What forms of digital participatory spaces does Kampala Capital City Authority use to disclose information on its operations? What is the mix of offline-and online channels (blended participation) do local political representatives use to connect with electorates? Is this more for planning or for monitoring purposes. To answer these questions, both quantitative data (survey) and qualitative interview is used.

Introduction

The disconnection of local political representatives from electorates in the processes of making of social, economic and political decisions is increasingly growing in representative democracies around the globe [START_REF] Lijphart | Democracy in the 21th century. Can we be optimistic[END_REF]. In fact, Younger democracies are often regarded as having only degenerated into purely electoral democracies. But the older democracies also show symptoms of a participatory and legitimisation crisis of the political system. For instance, globally, electoral representative democracies are highly criticised. They characterise high rates of voter apathy, cynicism and disinterest in conventional political [START_REF] Norris | Democratic Dreferendeficit[END_REF].

In addition, political parties in representative democracies lack political debates in which, for instance political parties are often seen as empty railway stations or abandoned pizzas, in which political debates are lacking (see for this metaphors used by Touraine) [START_REF] Kersting | Local governance reform in a global perspective[END_REF][START_REF] Touraine | The Post Industrial Society[END_REF]. Here a trend towards right wing populist party is obvious [START_REF] Mudde | Exclusionary vs. Inclusionary Populism: Comparing Contemporary Europe and Latin America[END_REF].

However, as a result of increasing deterioration of conventional participation in representative democracies and deficiencies of good governance [START_REF]Digital Democracy: Discourse and Decision making in the information Age[END_REF]. In recent decades, most of the representative governments were confronted with strong protest and demonstrations and bottom up participation in the invited spaces [START_REF] Kersting | Online Participation: from "invited" to "invented" spaces[END_REF][START_REF] Barber | Strong Democracy[END_REF][START_REF] Budge | The New Challenge of Direct Democracy[END_REF]. Political systems reacted and implemented new invited spaces in form of referendums, round tables or forums for the purposes of engaging citizens in the making of social, economic and political decisions. However, some of these new experiments were found being dominated by political parties and formal institutions. In this case, the people were still not satisfied, and found their own channels to express their interest using invented spaces as an answer to this hierarchically dominated intervention. New forms of protest and participation were developed as a kind of public counterweight to existing structures. They were used to challenge existing power structures and dominance by the old ruling elites [START_REF] Kersting | Online Participation: from "invited" to "invented" spaces[END_REF].

In Uganda particularly in urban local governments, local political representatives and electorates as well as experts in administration are using online participatory instruments to engage each other in social, economic and political decision-making. A number of online participatory instruments such as twitter, Face-book, and Instagram etc. are already in place for which the local electorates engage political leaders and technical wings in public institutions. This paper therefore presents the state of E-local participation in Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) in Uganda. The paper focuses on interrogating questions: what are the forms of digital and analogue spaces KCCA uses to disclose information and to discuss? What are online channels that local political representatives use to engage their electorates? How important are these online participatory instruments? Is it more deliberative or demonstrative participation? Is the new invited space a reaction towards protest (invented space) or is it provoking new forms of protest?

Participatory Rhombus in Uganda

Participation is an act of citizen involvement of citizens the aim to influence political decisionmaking [START_REF] Barnes | Political Action[END_REF][START_REF] Berg-Schlosser | Poverty and democracy: Self-help and political participation in third world cities[END_REF]. Participatory Rhombus localises this engagement in four different spheres of politics. All four spheres exist in the digital online and offline worlds. These include; participation in representative democracy, participation in direct democracy, deliberative participation and demonstrative participation. Below, the participatory rhombus explains these and their location in the "invented space" as bottom up participation and "invited" spaces as a platform built by government from above'. In the dominating representative sphere of politics, participation focuses on the elected members of Parliament and the Executive. Here elections and voting are important, as well as direct contacts with politician's political party membership etc. In multiethnic Uganda after independence, the multiparty political system was facing conflicts. After years of civil war and dictatorship, the new president Museveni introduced a No-Party System with a kind of inner-party democratic competition and a strong president. This concept lost its appeal with the winds of change in 1989.

Nevertheless, with the dominating president, Uganda still seems to be a de facto one party system and a liberal electoral democracy. In the dominating representative sphere of politics, participation focuses on the elected members of Parliament and the Executive. Here elections and voting are important, as well as direct contacts with politician's political party membership etc. In multiethnic Uganda after independence, the multiparty political system was facing conflicts. After years of civil war and dictatorship, the new president Museveni introduced a No-Party System with a kind of inner-party democratic competition and a strong president. This concept lost its appeal with the winds of change in 1989. Nevertheless, with the dominating president, Uganda still seems to be a de facto one party system and a liberal electoral democracy. At the local level, elections are partially non-existent, for instance, lower local councils: village, parish and women council representatives, but the representatives often act in a kind of competitive, neo-patrimonial clientelistic system. The direct contact between the councilors, administration and the citizen is crucial and it was extended in recent years by new online channels. Most participatory instruments focus on these two groups. Beside important strategies for information (web-portals, electronic newsletters), new online instruments become more an element of communication between administration as well as politicians and citizen. Here the mobile telephone, SMS is an important channel for top down and bottom up information and communication.

Direct democratic action, which means the vote on thematic issues, including a vote in a numeric democracy only existed at the national level. Here two important referendums were important. One end up in favour of the no party system and one -some years later-in favour of the new multiparty system. Both showed the strong influence of the ruling party and the president in referendums [START_REF] Qvotrup | Referendums around the World[END_REF]. Sub-national off-line direct democratic participation, such as local referendums and initiatives do not exist. Online instrument in this regard include forms of participatory budgeting, where it can be voted for suggestions. In general, citizen can react in posting different messages towards administration and politicians. Here this was enabled by instruments incorporating an online comments-function for citizen, as well as by social media forums using Facebook or Twitter. Complaint chat rooms as well as e-petitions do not exist, but social media and messenger are used instead. At the national as well as at the local level government of Uganda included the different deliberative platforms called Baraza which allowed information but also discussion between policymakers, development partners and citizen. The quality of deliberation is often dependent on the willingness of the administration and politicians allowing open and free discussions. In the online deliberation the conduction of narrated unguided discussion forums allow a broader deliberation. But regular electronic town hall meetings do not exist. Because of this low deliberative quality, most of the direct democratic and the deliberative participation were not a reflexive deliberation based on good arguments, but more an expressive demonstrative participation. So this engagement can be ascribed to the fourth sphere of demonstrative participation.

Beside this form of expressive participation, in Uganda demonstration on the streets often are organized by special interest groups such as doctors and protesting in favour of higher salaries and better working conditions etc. and environmentalists who often demonstrate against government intentions of selling off of protected natural forests and watersheds. Similarly, the unemployed youth groups have often demonstrated at the parliament against corruptions and lack of welfare and employment as well as "walk to work" street protests by the opposition and citizens against inflation and skyrocketing cost of living in Uganda in between 2010 and 2012.

Politicians and Administrations perspective: Empirical findings

This paper uses data generated from a questionnaire survey which was carried out in Kampala city from January to June in 2017 on local political representatives (Councilors) in local urban governments. A total number of 157 local representatives were given a questionnaire to respond to questions on online participation in Kampala city authority. They were considered because of their fair knowledge on use of online participatory instruments. Experts in the administration were contacted to establish the online participatory instruments and administrative innovations used in place. Interviews were conducted within the directorate of communication and research. The information from interviews reveals that there are a number of online instruments and administrative innovations: complaint management and monitoring tools, participatory budgeting, mobile short text messages (SMS), Municipal/City Facebook/WhatsApp, web-portals and electronic newsletters etc. They are used for inclusion of different stakeholders in city projects, for instance, "visit Kampala", "Kampala for climate change", "urban faming", and "urban infrastructure", especially for monitoring and management of complaints about infrastructure and service delivery in the city etc.

The information from online instruments is interlinked to the relevant directorates for utilisation, management and planning, which in terms of policy implications facilitates the formulation of sustainable, effective and efficient policies as well as planning and monitoring operations of the city authority. The generated data from a questionnaire survey was analysed using SPSS package and Microsoft-excel. Thus, below is the presentation of findings in a graphic form. They show the importance of online participatory instruments, and online instruments in which local political representatives, citizens and administrators participate in or they use to participate in political and administrative operations of city (see, figure. 2 &3), and the effects of online enabled instruments on quality and quantity of information in local politics and administration (see, figure. 4).

Fig.2. Importance of online participatory instruments used by Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) Source: Own research 2017

How important are online participatory instruments? The findings of the study indicate that a highest proportion of respondents (42%) reveal that electronic newsletters are important online instruments, while (36.9%) reveal them as very important. On the other hand, respondents (17.2%) find newsletters not important and only a small portion (1.3%) indicate that electronic newsletters are very bad for participation. In addition, slightly above every four in ten (42.0%) of responses reveal that web portals are important, while almost a similar figure (40.8%) show that web portals are very important, and only (14%) note that they are not important. Furthermore, slightly above every five in ten (52.2%) of respondents reveal that the use of Municipal/city Facebook or WhatsApp is very important for participation in the city, while (35.7%) further reveal that Municipal/city Facebook/WhatsApp is important and only (11.5%) of responses find Facebook/WhatsApp not important. With regard to mobile telephone (SMS), a smaller portion of respondents (0.6%) reveal that they (SMS) are very bad, and only (5.7%) of responses find it (SMS) not important. On the other hand, portion of slightly above every three in ten (36.3%) of respondents show that the use of mobile telephone (SMS) is important, and a significant majority of responses (57.3%) reveal that the uses of mobile telephone (SMS) is very important in politics and administration of the city authority.

The posting of comments is very bad as revealed by a small number of respondents (1.9%), and about (10.2%) of responses find it not important. While on the other hand, respondents For the conduction of electronic town halls, respondents (3.2%) reveal that it is very bad, while about (32.5%) indicate that they are not important. On the other hand, the study findings (35.7%) and approximately (28%) of respondents reveal electronic town hall is important and very important respectively. In addition, a slightly small numbers of responses (3.8%) view that electronic petitions are very bad, and about (26.1%) reveal them as not important. On the other hand, the majority (43.9%) and (25.5%) of responses indicate that they are important and very important respectively.

Furthermore, study findings (1.3%) indicate that participatory budgeting is very bad, while about (5.1%) responses view it not important. While on the other hand, the responses (26.1%) reveal participatory budgeting is important, and majority responses of slightly above every six in ten (67.5%) find it very important.

Complaint chat rooms are very bad with (2.5%) of responses, and similarly, responses (17.2%) find it not important. While on other hand, about (38.2%) of responses reveal that it is important, and majority with slightly above every four in ten (40.8%) further indicate that the complaint chat rooms are very important. However, it is further worthy noting that the use of complaint chat rooms is currently not available or implemented. The responses (3.2%) indicate that one or non-narrated guided discussion is very bad, while still (10.8%) is not important. On the other hand, about (43.9%) of responses reveal that it is important, while majority (40.8%) view it as very important. To whether respondents have participated or which online instruments they have used to participate, the respondents (37.6%) reveal that they have participated in local politics using electronic newsletters. Electronic newsletters facilitate the sharing and exchange of information to subscribers' emails between technocrats and local representatives. However, majority of the local representatives slightly above every six in ten (62.4%) have not yet used electronic newsletter to disseminate information, which implies that they have not yet subscribed to receive newsletters from either political or administrative wings of the authority. Electronic newsletters summarise quarterly and annual information, which is at times received by the local representatives on standing committees: the local public accounts committees, infrastructure and environment and public health committees etc. In addition, responses (40.1%) shows that they have participated in politics or have used web-portals, while the highest number (59.9%) reveal that they have not yet participated using web portals to access information on operations of the council and participated in council politics. More still, the majority of respondents slightly above every seven in ten (70.1%) participated or used municipal/city Facebook or WhatsApp to participate and engage citizens, and only a smallest number (29.9%) have not yet participated or used municipal/city Face-book/WhatsApp in the engagement of electorates in social, political and economic decision making. This instrument especially Facebook is highly used because of availability of simple digital devices unlike others that necessitate high advanced gadgets.

More so, the use of mobile telephone (SMS) is high with (84%) of respondents, while a few respondents (15.3%) have not yet used mobile telephone (SMS) to participate in urban local governments. The highest use of mobile telephone (SMS) is highly attributed by the nature of the low speed of internet and user friendly of (SMS) on non-complicated high tech digital devices to reach a mass of local citizens. Furthermore, about (36.9%) of respondents: political and administrative wing have participated in enabling of citizens to post comments, while majority of slightly above every six in ten (63.1%) have not yet used the posting of comments to connect with electorates.

On the other hand, only (5.7%) of respondents use or participate in electronic town halls, while the highest number of respondents (94.3%) have not yet used or participated in urban local government. More still, about (5.1%) of the respondents participate or use electronic petitions to engage in council politics, while the highest numbers (94.9%) have not yet participated or used electronic petitions.

With regard to participatory budgeting, about above every six in ten (62.4%) of respondents participate and have used online budgeting. Here citizens contact representatives on their online platforms where they suggest their budget priorities to representative. While slightly above every three in ten respondents (37.6%) have not yet used it to participate.

In addition, majority of the respondents (91.1%) have not yet participated or used complaint chat rooms to engage in politics and connect with the citizens. The conduction of one or more none guided discussions are also gaining use, for instance, about (58.0%) of respondents participate using it, while (42%) have not yet used it. The online enabled participatory instruments have had different effects on quality and quantity information and participation in the city authority. For instance, the majority of the respondents (72%) reveal that online participatory instruments increased quantity of information for better local decision-making, while, respondents (21%) indicate that there is a no difference. Furthermore, slightly above every five in ten of respondents (59.9%) indicate that there is an increase of quality of information to experts in administration for better decision-making, while respondents (31.2%) refuted. In terms of quantity of participation, majority of respondents (58.6%) reveal that online participatory instruments increased the quantity of citizen participation in local politics, while a small number of respondents (26.1%) refuted the statement as well.

Lastly, with regard to the effects of online participation on direct participation, respondents (24.2%) indicate that online participatory instruments had no influence on direct citizen participation in politics, while the majority of respondents (65.6%) indicate that online participatory instruments increased the quantity of direct citizen participation in politics.

Conclusions

In fact, online participation seems to lead more to a blended democracy and not to a virtual political life in the internet. Blended democracy describes the interaction between online and offline participation and online and electronic democracy. Furthermore, E-democracy produces an invented space and a broad range of third space [START_REF]Deepening Democracy[END_REF], which included protest against government and which lead to a higher responsiveness. In Uganda, for instance, local urban governments, a number of online instruments for political and administrative engagement are so far slowly emerging to connect political representatives, administrators and citizens in the administration and political decision making of the city in Kampala. The instruments in use include; Municipal social media forums or city face-book, electronic newsletter, electronic petitions, operation of electronic town halls, WhatsApp groups of local representatives, use of mobile telephone (SMS), online participatory budgeting, twitter, Instagram among others (e.g. see, figure 2 The quality of information to local officials for better decisionmaking

The quantity of participation of citizens

Direct participation of citizens in politics

The quantity of information to local officials for better decisionmaking

Increased

No difference However, the local electronic participation (instruments) are implemented by both the city authority (political and administrative wings) and while others are opened implemented by the individual local political representatives. For instance, the political representatives such as the lord mayors (political head-City hall) and lower urban mayors as well as local councilors manage their individual social media platforms for political engagement and connection of the electorates. Similarly, local political representatives use online platforms instituted by the urban government for internal online participation with local political leaders themselves in regard to political operation and decision-making. However, some of the online participatory instruments are not yet implemented, for instance, electronic town halls, operation of complaint chat rooms and electronic petitions. A development towards a regulary implemented electronic town hall meetings would enhance this instrument.

Nonetheless, online participation is seriously used by local political representatives to participate in politics of the council as well as engaging with the citizens. From the study results, it is in fact indicated that a number of social media forums are more used than others, for instance, political representatives use municipal/city Facebook, mobile telephone (SMS), web portals, and electronic newsletters among others. On the other hand, the technical administrations use also almost the same means for engagement of citizens in issues such as service delivery and provision enquiries, tax-bargain and payment, information giving and complaint management. For example, the administrative wing uses social media, Twitter, Instagram, mobile telephone (SMS) and city WhatsApp groups for complaint management and service provision improvement in the city.

In general, it seems quite obvious that the new digital media are predominantly used in a kind of top down instrument to inform citizen about administration as well as the politicians. The new instruments for what kind of bilateral participation and real reflexes communication, are less developed. Here the focus more on information towards the administration and politicians about problems and complaints. This monitoring function of the online participation predominates. Next steps should include new forms of community planning and citizen source participation in the decision-making processes for new policies.

Appendix: Questionnaire

Fig. 1 :

 1 Fig.1: Participatory Rhombus in Uganda-Online and Offline Participation[START_REF] Kersting | Online Participation: from "invited" to "invented" spaces[END_REF]

  four in ten (42.7%) indicate that enabling of citizens to post comments is important, and majority respondents (44.6%) indicate that it is very important.

Fig. 3 .

 3 Fig. 3. Participatory online instruments used by councilors in the city. Source: Own research 2017

Fig. 4 .

 4 Fig. 4. The effects of online enabled participatory instruments on quality and quantity of citizen participation. Source: Own research 2017

  Dear respondent: I am from Münster University, Germany. I am carrying out academic research on "Local Taxes and ICTs in Uganda: Good Governance by Participation and Transparency?" I request for your inputs towards my research. Your views, opinions, comments and expressions are treated with utmost confidentiality. However, your participation is only for academic purposes and voluntary. You are at liberty to contribute, refuse or withdraw at any time.A) Online participatory instruments by the city council.What is important in local politics? ENABLED QUALITY OF PARTICIPATION Thinking about the results of electronic participation, how has local government experienced the following benefits of electronic participation?IncreasedNo difference Decreased Don't know Quantity of information to local officials for better decision-making What is your age category? a) 18-29  b) 30-41  c) 42-53  d) 54-65 e) 66+  What is your Marital Status? a) Married  b) Not yet married  c) Widowed  d) Separated  e) Divorced  What is your highest level of education? a) No education  b) Primary  c) Secondary  d) Tertiary  e) University  What is your Employment Status? a) Not employed  b) Self-employed c) public service  d) Private sector employee  What is your monthly income? ___________ 7. What is your ethinicity?___________ What is your religion? a) Roman catholic  b) Protestant c) Pentacostal d) Muslim e) Non  (This is only part of the sections of the whole instrument)


Gianluca Misuraca
email: gianluca.misuraca@ec.europa.eu

Giulio Pasi
email: giulio.pasi@ec.europa.eu

Gianluigi Viscusi
email: gianluigi.viscusi@epfl.ch

Understanding the social implications of the digital transformation: insights from four case studies on the role of social innovation to foster resilience of society

Keywords: Social innovation, resilience, governance, digital transformation

This paper advances further the analysis of previous exploratory research conducted by the authors on how social innovation can foster resilience in a digital governance context. The process of innovation in social policy, as well as the building of resilience implies changes in the existing status quo. ICTs can drive and steer such change, while at the same time they can act as counterbalance for the negative consequence of the digital transformation of labour markets on social protection systems. Understanding the logics and principles behind the design and implementation processes of exemplary innovative initiatives is thus crucial from a policy learning perspective, in order to identify the drivers and processes making this change happen and determining its outcomes. Based on an extensive body of literature reviewed the framework proposed for interpreting the effects of social innovation in fostering resilience fare discussed through four case studies.

Introduction

The digital transformation is impacting on the labour market and social protection systems for guaranteeing people well-being (e.g., promotion of employment, social insurance, and social assistance), pressing society and institutions to change [START_REF] Taylor-Gooby | New Risks, New Welfare: The Transformation of the European Welfare State[END_REF][START_REF] Bauwens | Network Society and Future Scenarios for a Collaborative Economy[END_REF]. In fact, alongside the claimed advantages of this ´new industrial revolution´, possible negative consequences for employees' identity in the workplace as well as for human resources management emerge [START_REF] Kalleberg | Precarious Work, Insecure Workers: Employment Relations in Transition[END_REF], strictly related to the new forms of production that are promoted by such phenomenon [START_REF] Brown | Digital Taylorism. The Global Auction. Broken Promises of Education Jobs, and Incomes[END_REF]. Accordingly, the digitalization of society and work risks creating divides between top-of-the-scale jobs, mini-jobs, and unemployment as well as different degrees of freedom, leading to prosperity for some privileged, more precarious conditions for the masses, when not servitude for some part of the population. Consequently, it is urgent to understand and set the conditions for shaping a more resilient and inclusive society, capable to turn these risks into oppor-tunities for all [START_REF] Schwab | The Fourth Industrial Revolution[END_REF]. This paper aims to contribute to research on the relationships between social innovation and resilience within a digital governance ecosystem, and how to unleash the full potential of social innovation to provide effective solutions in addressing societal challenges and thus fostering resilience. To this end, the paper applied an interpretive framework developed by the authors to case studies from European Union Member States, including the UK (EU28), aiming to identifying patterns allowing to understand some of the social implications of the digital transformation, identifying value drivers and resilience effects and related governance paradigms.

The paper is structured as follows: Section 2 provides the theoretical background for the model and the case studies; Section 3 summarizes the main constructs of the model used for the interpretative framework further applied to the case studies, subsequently discussed in Section 4 before the conclusive remarks and future research directions are outlined.

Theoretical Background

Up to the current digital revolution, the resilience of society was mainly guaranteed by the Welfare State [START_REF] Ferrera | Reforming the European social model: dilemmas and perspectives[END_REF]. Among the different models, one has been recognized as representative by scholars supporting a convergence perspective [START_REF] Bouget | Trends of Social Welfare Systems: From Convergence to Attractiveness. An Exploratory Approach[END_REF][START_REF] Moreno | The Europeanisation of Welfare: Paradigm Shifts and Social Policy Reforms[END_REF], the Bismarckian model presents an "industrial achievement-performance model", where the welfare state provides protection and benefits to those who contributed to its financing through employment contributions [START_REF] Schwab | The Fourth Industrial Revolution[END_REF][START_REF] Titmuss | Social Policy: An Introduction[END_REF]. According to the conceptualization of resilience by [START_REF] Manca | Building a scientific narrative towards a more resilient EU society. A conceptual framework[END_REF] [START_REF] Manca | Building a scientific narrative towards a more resilient EU society. A conceptual framework[END_REF], the type of resilience offered by such a welfare model was mainly based on "absorptive capacity", that is defined as the capacity "to cope with and react to shocks or persistent structural changes by resisting to it" (p. 8).

Taking these issues into account, for example, the social democratic model, based on a re-distributive function through "taxes against services" [START_REF] Esping-Andersen | The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism[END_REF], was thought to be an adaptive approach to resilience. Also the Mediterranean welfare states can be seen as an institutional strategy to build resilience, where one of the main welfare producers was the family [START_REF] Ferrera | The Southern Model of Welfare in Social Europe[END_REF]. However, as anticipated, the digitalization of society, work, and economy, reduced the potential impact these models and their strategies (fiscal policies and incentives) were supposed to produce. Nevertheless, absorptive capacity is just one of welfare state components, while adaptive capacity, i.e. the capacity to adopt a degree of flexibility and make small changes to the system, raises as a new feature urged by the changing socio-economic circumstances in the modern era. After the financial crisis of 2008, then, it became clear that even considering the adaptive capacity it would not be enough to deal with emerging complex challenges [START_REF] Manca | Building a scientific narrative towards a more resilient EU society. A conceptual framework[END_REF] as welfare systems are path dependent institutions [START_REF] Kiess | Path dependency and convergence of three worlds of welfare policy during the Great Recession: UK, Germany and Sweden[END_REF]. A main consequence of this is their resistance to structural reforms and a very low propensity to adapt. However, while the common vulgate represents the welfare state as one of the reason of increasing public expenditure and thus one of the trigger events of the sovereign debt crisis [START_REF]The Sovereign Debt Crisis, the EU and Welfare State Reform[END_REF], a more informed analysis must underline that welfare service provision has been the main containing factor of a general impoverishment trend, and it prevented the impacts of financial crisis to be worse than they have been. The reasons for welfare systems reform are mainly related to socio-demographic changes, which indeed became the spreading force of new social risks and needs. These risks now characterize also the lives of the middle-class, especially young people, families and precarious workers [START_REF] Goodin | Not Only the Poor: The Middle Classes and the Welfare State[END_REF]. In order to capture the breadth and nature of change, we must direct attention towards developments in the market and in civil society, and especially towards those new forms of collaboration and synergy that have been emerging between these two spheres in welfare provision. The need to go beyond the action of the public sector moves from the idea that the role of the State is increasing and changing, since it has protection and promotion functions for individuals and society's wellbeing, along with the responsibility to unleash the transformative capacity required to fully reach the goal of a more resilient society [START_REF] Manca | Building a scientific narrative towards a more resilient EU society. A conceptual framework[END_REF]. According to [START_REF] Moore | Surmountable chasms: networks and social innovation for resilient systems[END_REF], in the context of complex systems, it is possible to refer to the results of such transformative capacity as social innovationthat is, any initiative, product, process, or program that change basic routines, resource and authority flows, or beliefs of any social system. Therefore, looking at social innovation does not mean studying social entrepreneurship, third sector market or civil society contribution, rather understanding the main features and behaviours of those networks that populate the innovation ecosystems and from which the public sector might take advantage to build transformative capacity. In particular, social innovation might be seen as a welfare reform micro-strategy, structured along different, by nature and intensity, logics of interventions. This strategy cannot be implemented successfully without considering the ´integratedgovernance framework´ within which such ecosystem is embedded and the policyorientation it assumes [START_REF] Maduro | Social Impact Investment in the EU. Financing strategies and outcomes oriented approaches for social policy innovation: narratives, experiences, and recommendations[END_REF].

Conceptual Framework

In this paper we build upon the argument presented in [START_REF] Misuraca | Social Innovation and Resilience: exploring the dynamics and impacts on the digital transformation of governance & society[END_REF] where we have adopted the conceptual framework proposed by two of the authors [START_REF] Misuraca | Shaping public sector innovation theory: an interpretative framework for ICT-enabled governance innovation[END_REF] to analyze cases of Information and Communication Technology (ICT)-enabled innovation of Social Protection Systems with a specific focus on resilience. The framework includes a conceptual model based on a typology of innovation attitudes and a stage model of welfare state changes. Table 1 shows at a glance the connection between the different elements of the interpretive framework discussed in this Section, that are the welfare state initiatives, the types of resilience, value drivers, networked governance orientation, and type of ICT-enabled innovation [START_REF] Misuraca | Shaping public sector innovation theory: an interpretative framework for ICT-enabled governance innovation[END_REF]. The conceptual model is made up of three key value drivers, Performance, Openness, and Inclusion and their relationship with governance model characteristics, i.e., State governance system, Cultural administrative tradition and Socio-economic characteristics of the context of intervention. The conceptual model also considers the network governance configurations enabled by a given set of digital governance systems, having different impacts on the governance configuration of the stakeholders' networks. Accordingly, at each governance configuration corresponds a type of innovation attitude [START_REF] Misuraca | Shaping public sector innovation theory: an interpretative framework for ICT-enabled governance innovation[END_REF]. Then, the different types of ICT-enabled innovation can be mapped to the different stages of welfare state and the corresponding initiatives for resilience. For instance, in the early stages the emphasis is on the administrative activities and on the absorptive capacity of the public sector employees, with a consequent relevance of performance as efficiency and a technical/incremental type of ICT-enabled innovation. When instead social investment required by flexibility asks for an adaptive approach to resilience, the focus is shifting to performance as effectiveness and an organizational/sustained type of ICTenabled innovation.

Table 1. Welfare state initiatives, type of resilience, value drivers, networked governance orientation, and type of ICT-enabled innovation, adapted from [START_REF] Misuraca | Social Innovation and Resilience: exploring the dynamics and impacts on the digital transformation of governance & society[END_REF].

Welfare State initiative

Type of resilience

Value driver Networked governance orientation [START_REF] Harrison | Open government and e-government: Democratic challenges from a public value perspective[END_REF], and the progressive digitalization of businesses and society [START_REF] Yoo | The new organizing logic of digital innovation: An agenda for information systems research[END_REF]. This paper advances further the analysis of the exploratory research being conducted by the authors on how social innovation can foster resilience in a digital governance context. The process of innovation in social policy, as well as the building of resilience implies changes in the existing status quo. ICTs can drive and steer such change, while at the same time they can act as counterbalance for the negative consequence of the digital transformation of labour markets on social protection systems. Understanding the logics and principles behind the design and implementation processes of exemplary innovative initiatives is thus crucial from a policy learning perspective, in order to identify the drivers and processes making this change happen and determining its outcomes. Based on an extensive body of literature reviewed, a successful implementation of social innovations in social policy context depends on two general factorsactors, that engage in the innovation process (agency), and the existing institutional landscape of the system (structure). Most research on social innovation focuses on one side only: either on 'agency centred perspective' -an individualistic and behaviourist approach in which social innovation is created through the actions undertaken by specific individuals; or on a 'structuralist perspective' in which social innovation is perceived as determined by the external structural context [START_REF] Cajaiba-Santana | Social innovation: Moving the field forward. A conceptual framework[END_REF]. Same could be said about research on resilience: its discourse tends to focus either on agency or structure [START_REF] Giddens | The constitution of society: Outline of the theory of structuration[END_REF].

ICT-enabled innovation

Social protection

Nonetheless, based on the principles of the structuration theory [START_REF] Giddens | The constitution of society: Outline of the theory of structuration[END_REF], we argue that in an ecosystem, various actors are both constrained and enabled by existing structures (especially, in terms of rules and resources), and social innovations are developed in the dialectic relationship of agents and structures. More specifically, agents are empowered by structures both by the knowledge that enables them to mobilize resources, and by the access to resources that enables them to act [START_REF] Hunte | Structure, agency, and resilience[END_REF]. Structure, in turn, is dynamic. Actions of individuals reinforce and/or modify the existing institutions, and by those reinforcements/modifications, future actions are influenced [START_REF] Bristow | Regional resilience: an agency perspective[END_REF]. This is further reinforced by the intermediating role that ICTs play and the networked orientation of governance that they enable [START_REF] Misuraca | Shaping public sector innovation theory: an interpretative framework for ICT-enabled governance innovation[END_REF]. In the following Section we apply the framework to four illustrative case studies representing different ICT-enabled social innovations from Belgium, Estonia, Sweden and the United Kingdom (UK) (the cases discussion and analysis are based on [START_REF] Misuraca | Exploring the role of ICT-Enabled Social Innovation to support the modernisation of EU Social Protection Systems: findings and insights from analysis of case studies in fourteen Member States[END_REF]).

4

Case studies

Employment and social inclusion in Belgium: the SMart.Be project

SMart (Société Mutuelle d'Artistes) was born as non-profit organization in Belgium in 1998 to enable artists, and independent workers to tackle the managerial and administrative complexity of the arts sector in the country. With time it broadened its scope to precarious workers in many sectors. Through SMart, these workers who manage their own career paths in direct contact with clients, can access a salaried legal status. The system offers workers the opportunity to build or preserve their social rights by allowing them to obtain the benefits usually reserved for employees, through various services such as information, trainings, legal, advice, subsidies, a social professional network and invoicing tools. SMart, through its online tools, allows freelancers to obtain, for example, access to unemployment benefits, which are usually reserved for employees only. The organization reconciles social protection with a real entrepreneurial dynamic, mainly through its interactive tools. SMart charges a 6.5% fee to cover cost of services and development of mutualized services in Belgium, (although this varies between 6.5% and 8.5% depending on which country the member operates in). Furthermore, the new version of the software currently developed and used by the organization allows also groups of individuals to invoice, whereas before this could be done only at the individual level. SMart also has a training department offering a range of courses on business and entrepreneurial skills. Courses are both generic and sector specific. Smart.Be´s target population is equal to the number of self-employed in Belgium, which in 2017 amounted to 591.200 individuals and accounted for 13% of the total employment population. The most common type of self-employment works are: managers (65%), professionals (29%), craft and related trades workers (17%), service and sales workers (14%). At the end of 2016, the company counted on more than 75,000 service users and more than 100,000 different clients. In 2016, 21,244 people used the SMart services for a contract of at least one day. In total, the short-term employee contracts provided via SMart correspond to 595,940 days of declared work, full-time or part-time, which corresponds to 2709 full-time equivalents. In total, between 2012 and 2016, 40,487 people used the company's services, the equivalent of 1/122 of the country's active population. With such results, SMart can be considered as one of the largest employers in Belgium for the creative and cultural sectors. In summary, the company initiative takes a social innovation approach with an absorptive type of resilience, characterized by the presence of fundamental changes in the relationships between stakeholders. The strength of the ICT-enabled social innovation is strong. Concerning the ICT-enabled innovation, SMart presents a transformative/radical innovation because it substantial uses ICTs outside of the recognized institutional setting and aims to radically modify the existing mechanisms of services provision. Finally, as to the levels of governance SMart can be categorized as having an external orientation moved by openness as value driver.

Integrated health and social care in Estonia

The Estonian Ministry of Social Welfare, in cooperation with public and private service providers, is implementing a radical re-organisation of how health and social services are provided switching to person-centred service delivery. Estonia is engaged in institutional care reform toward deinstitutionalization, closing old facilities located in remote areas and replacing them with a network of modern, family-living type facilities in populated areas. The objective is to build a network of easily accessible local and regional services. The Special Care Development Plan of 2014, which is part of the Social Welfare Development Plan for 2014-2023, was the first policy strategy document to address deinstitutionalisation and shift towards community-based options. Other reforms support community-based living, including the 2015 Social Welfare Act and labour reform. The Social Welfare Act regulates municipalities' activities and obliges them to provide necessary help and services in order to ensure that people can access services where they live thereby supporting the development of community-based services. These efforts requires a broader ICT development as well as general changes in the health and social services system that affect, in particular, individuals with serious mental illnesses (SMIs). Moreover, existing ICTs that support deinstitutionalisation and community-based care includes the use of digital referrals within the healthcare system and e-consultations between family doctors and psychiatrists to help ensure access to care. Thus, ICT systems play a key role in supporting the functionality of the social care process, which is strictly linked to the eHealth infrastructure and the existence of a shared case management system across services. In this regard, in fact, e-Health has developed faster than ICTs use in social welfare. Estonia began investing heavily in eHealth in 2000 making its online health information system, managed by the Estonia eHealth Foundation, operational in 2008. Since its inception, 95% of health records have been uploaded, e-prescriptions account for 97% of all prescriptions, and 100% of billing is now digital. The system received 500,000 queries by doctors each year. At the same time, the overall sophistication of e-governance in Estonia has contributed to development across sectors. This includes the development of centralized databases (for municipalities and the national government) linked to other databases in order to facilitate policy design and man-agement analytics. However, Estonia's reform efforts in the social services area face two primary challenges: (1) addressing privacy concerns posed by the sharing of consumer information across service systems and (2) creating a financial incentive system for service providers to ensure that consumer outcomes are the primary goal. Privacy concerns exist regardless of whether the sharing takes place in-person or via ICT systems as many persons with SMIs do not want to share sensitive information with all service providers. The use of ICTs compounds the problem by adding digital security issues. In terms of business model, financial incentives via bonuses for goal attainment are intended to address the costs of growing workloads and turnover losses. However, to achieve these goals, the current financing system needs to be reviewed to ensure that private providers have the incentives to change practices and work with clients in accordance with the person-centred approach. Estonia's health and welfare reform efforts can be positioned between the welfare initiatives oriented toward social innovation and social protection with a transformative type of resilience. The shifts in service delivery philosophy is driven by inclusion as main value with an external network orientation given the goal of avoiding long-term hospitalization while supporting community-based care for persons that have had a psychotic episode as well as more general health concerns. Actually, the reform is posing a great emphasis on the person-centered approach and on the establishment of an open process of co-creation/collaborative innovation networks experimenting pilots with external organization and with the financial help of third institutions. Finally, the overall relevance of ICTs places this initiative as a transformative/disruptive innovation being directed toward a radical re-organization of how health and social services are provided.

Migrants and refugees integration in Sweden: the Mobilearn project

Mobilearn is a for-profit, self-sustainable micro-company, which assists new migrants and refugees in Sweden to build their CVs and provides help with mapping both their soft and hard skills. It supplies information on what skills and competences are needed on the Swedish labour market, and where, and sends users regular job offers. With regards to housing, Mobilearn complements the government's offer by exploiting the potential of the private housing market and, when possible, suggests accommodation in areas where there is work that matches the individual's competences. Mobilearn also tackles the lack of language skills that affects the migrant's ability to work by offering digital language courses. Additionally, if a migrant cannot read, an audio option can read the information to him/her. If a medical service/ assistance is required, Mobilearn helps the newcomer to search for symptoms or find a doctor's address in his/hers native language (it provides services in five different languages: Swedish, English, Arabic, Somali, and Persian). Additionally to these main services offered, Mobilearn assures also secure messaging by providing a message inbox for users and thus a communications channel for customers, along with a selection of news articles, events and other information regarding the host country. Furthermore, it is based on an open data solution and in return it gathers crucial data on end-users.

If migrants are the ultimate end-users, it is the Swedish government, or better yet the Swedish society as a whole, the product's main beneficiary. As of now, Mobilearn has engaged with more than 280 Swedish Municipalities, as well as the Swedish Government, which have already implemented the service as part of their integration/welcoming package, for a total of 40.000 end users engaged. To create the Mobilearn digital solution, its creators contacted the thirteen biggest local Swedish public entities, from healthcare to labor, and required access to all their open government data in order to create the connections to the databases and collect in a single platform all the relevant information provided. This information was then translated in the five biggest migrant languages. Additionally, an advisory board consisting of their local community, and its authorities, along with a group of end-users, was formed to assist the team in the intervention's establishment. Finally, the Mobilearn group also applied an impact measurement tool called the "Mobilearn model". The model is a 24-month activity plan based on the app clients' different key performance indicators (KPIs).

The client commits to follow the plan by distributing, working with and including Mobilearn in their strategyin order to reach agreed upon goals during the two years. It captures end users' feedback through surveys, and measured the actual usage of the service by looking at statistics and analysing data. One of the immediate results of the intervention is that more than half of all municipalities in Sweden are contracted, resulting in approximately 40,000 migrant users registered, which represents approximately 30% of the migrant population that arrived in Sweden in 2015. Public agencies such as the Swedish Migration Agency, the Swedish Employment Office, the Swedish Tax Authority, the Swedish enterprise agency (Verksamt), and Hermods, the largest private education institute, all use Mobilearn as a communications channel towards migrants. Mobilearn was fully funded via private equity, raising an initial amount of 1.2 million euro and its business model is based on licensing the app to various clients in the public sector, which are then in charge of providing the service to migrants. Mobilearn can be positioned among the social innovation welfare initiatives and characterized by a transformative type of resilience. Concerning the ICT-enabled innovation, Mobilearn presents an organizational/sustained innovation implying the introduction of new management methods and techniques, new working methods, and new partnerships. Furthermore, the main value drivers are openness and inclusion, considering that Mobilearn, revolutionized the way to leverage open data for public use and immigrants as well as migrants inclusion, by combining different functions (aggregation, search, delivery, translation and partially personalization). Finally, being capable of generating social value by improving information exchanges between different stakeholders, the app implies a external orientation for what concerns networked governance.

Social assistance in the UK: the Troubled Families Programme

In 2012 the UK government implemented the Troubled Families Programme (TFP) in an effort to change service delivery and adopt a whole family approach in order to reduce poverty, increase employment and school attendance, reduce juvenile delin-quency and criminal offending, as well as reducing reliance on social services and social assistance for multi-problem families in the UK. The unit charged with operating the TFP, established in January 2012, identified the delivery partners (152 top tier local councils due to their contact with families) and set up the guidelines for programme operation within a three-month period. The guidelines do not specify the interventions to be provided, but call for a results-based "whole family" approach according to which councils are paid in two phases: an upfront payment for each family and a final results-based payment for families deemed to have been "turned around" meaning that they met designated outcome criteria. Initial target group estimates were based on Cabinet Office analyses of the Families and Children Study and led to the identification of 120,000 families in England that met five of the following criteria: no parent in the family was in work; the family lived in poor-quality or overcrowded housing; no parent had any qualifications; at least one parent had a longstanding limited illness, disability or infirmity; the family had a low income (below 60% of the median); and the family could not afford a number of items of food and clothing. The 2015-2020 extension of the programme expanded the intervention to include an additional 400,000 families and saw the inclusion of new criteria including: having a child in need of protection, health (physical and mental health) issues, domestic violence, and substance abuse. The TFP model, once implemented, was expected to lead to savings across systems, but this does not necessarily translate into immediate savings or into savings for the service making a given investment in resources. Information sharing, data protection and consent represent ongoing challenges. To address such challenges the development of numerous ICT systems was deemed necessary; this includes improving capacity to identify families, securely storing and sharing data, having easy access to the family plan, progress made and other relevant data, and inputting and tracking results. The most innovative use if ICTs can be seen in technologies to help identify families based on the services' priorities. This entails both the creation of data warehouses to store and link information from across services (including schools) and the use of behavioural analytics to support the adoption of a preventive approach, enabling the identification of families in need of whole family service delivery before problems reach a critical point. Computer system suppliers have supported data warehouse development, modifying systems to support TFP needs. As of December 2016, 185,420 eligible families were enrolled in the programme and receiving whole family services. During phase 1, 51% of enrolled families received "intensive" services whereas 11% of families reported receiving no support. Phase 1 statistics indicate that of 117,910 families enrolled, 116,654 or 99% had been "turned around" as of May 2015. Only two authorities (Cornwall and Lancashire) had a "turn around" rate below 90%, while 132 authorities "turned around" 100% of enrolled families. Government data indicate that 43,813 families achieved significant and prolonged progress as of March 2017. Service delivery indicators comprise the level cooperation with other agencies, data sharing, and speed of services (e.g., getting a health diagnosis). TFP can be positioned in the area of welfare initiatives for social protection, characterized by an absorptive type of resilience. The national framework provided by the TFP works to alter service delivery via an innovative shift from an individual model to a whole family model based on integrated care. This shift in service delivery led to the need for innovation or re-thinking of the use of ICT to support more efficient identification of service recipients and subsequent service delivery. Thus, concerning the ICT-enabled innovation, the TFP presents a technical/incremental innovation and the main value drivers are performance (efficiency) and inclusion, implying an external orientation for what concerns networked governance.

Conclusion And Future Work

In this paper, we have applied the proposed framework of analysis taking into consideration the variables defined as the most relevant for operationalizing the approach on the agency-centric and structure-centric factors enabling and shaping social innovations and resilience in a digital governance context (see Table 2). The comparison among the four cases analyzed show different approaches to achieve different levels of change that are appropriate to the challenge addressed and are context-dependent. In particular, by looking at the main variables that are prominent in each case it is possible to operationalize the logics and principles of change, induced by social innovations to foster resilience. For instance, the case of TFP in the UK, shows that in the early stages of a public sector led intervention, the emphasis is on the administrative activities and on the absorptive capacity of the public sector employees, with a consequent relevance of performance as efficiency and a technical/incremental type of ICT-enabled innovation. The case of Smart.be in Belgium instead, though keeping an absorptive capacity to ´build the case´ for a new way of social protection for precarious workers, has a transformative / radical ICT-enabled innovation type building on openness. Openness is also the main driver for the Estonian case, where, however, the transformative type of resilience is enabled by a disruptive ICT-enabled innovation potential, that addresses the challenge of integrating health and social care systems. Finally, Mobilearn in Sweden, results in a transformative type of resilience produced by an organizational/sustained type of ICT-enabled innovation driven by openness and inclusion principles and orientation. It is exactly the external orientation of the networked governance systems that represent, in all cases, the added value generated by the combination of social innovation and digital technologies to foster resilience in the local ecosystems in which the initiatives have been designed and contextualized. It is in fact the adaptation and adoption of technology to the local context (enabled by a co-design and co-development approach) that is a critical aspect of initiatives that have a core social investment perspective: this requires flexibility and the adoption of the adaptive approach to resilience. The framework proposed is designed to be applied in the analysis of individual social innovation initiatives (e.g. process tracing, contribution analysis) to understand their potential of fostering system resilience. It also allows comparing individual initiatives one to another in terms of their likely contribution to resilience. It does not, however, take into account how several separate innovations may interact within a single system. For example, transformative change within a system may result from an incremental impact of several niche innovations [START_REF] Haxeltine | A framework for Transformative Social Innovation[END_REF]. Such developments would require additional elements to the presented approach and will be addressed in future research. In doing so future research shall look at how the framework could capture and assess to what extent the objectives of a social innovation initiative were achieved, looking into how the actually achieved outcomes relate to the resilience capacities of the system. In addition a further development of the framework shall also help researchers and policy makers to guide the case selection for the empirical analysis. This would require identifying a number of additional variables that may be applied to achieve the maximum variation of case selection, which would allow not only validating this framework in different contexts, but also raising additional hypotheses and unveiling new relationships.

Disclaimer

The views expressed in this paper are purely those of the authors and may not in any circumstances be regarded as stating an official position of the European Commission.

Table 2 .

 2 Comparison among the considered social innovation initiatives

	Initiative	Welfare	Type of	Value	Networked	ICT-Enabled
		state	resilience	driver	governance	Innovation
		initiative			orientation
	Smart.Be	Social	Absorptive	Openness	External	Transformative/
	(Belgium)	Innovation				Radical
	Health and	Social	Trans-	Openness	External	Transformative/
	welfare reform	Innovation/	formative			Disruptive
	(Estonia)	Social
		Protection
	Mobilearn	Social	Trans-	Openness/	External	Organizational/
	(Sweden)	Innovation	formative	Inclusion		Sustained
	Troubled	Social	Absorptive	Performance	External	Technical/
	Families	Protection		(Efficiency)		Incremental
	Programme			/Inclusion
	(UK)