Jens Schneider

Maurice Crul

Keywords: integration, internal migration, stratification, Italy, Social Mobility, social networks integration, social networks, personal relationships, internal migrants, occupational mobility of migrants, migration and stratification

The article analyses some general network mechanisms underlying the formation of social ties in order to argue that it is not only identity, cultural similarity or discrimination which creates clusters of people of the same 'origin' (in, say friendship groups). Widely held assumptions about the logic underlying ethnic segregation are challenged and it is argued that migration itself leads to a reorganization of social networks which can produce marked separation of groups.

Evidence is discussed from an Italian case of mass internal migration which has produced long-term ('second generation') effects in terms of stratification and schooling similar to many cases of international migration notwithstanding the absence of citizenship disadvantage and major cultural differences. This seems to illustrate marked network effects on many dimensions of 'integration'.

etc. Looking at 'integration' into a new group or ambiance as a 'meso' question of reorganizing one's social network and forming new ties brings out regularities which, I believe, can shed light also on some of the questions traditionally associated with discussion of the integration of immigrants and questions of how social inequalities are generated.

Of course, many studies of integration make reference to personal relations.

Questions on the nationality of friends are, for example, a stock item in questionnaires investigating integration, and intermarriage is a widely-used 'measure of integration' (notwithstanding the ambiguities emphasized by Miri Song in this volume). However, personal relations are mostly used as indicators of the 'level of integration' reached, rather than being investigated as objects of investigation with their own dynamics. And the function is usually to measure the level of mixing or segregation between individuals qua representatives of ethnic groups (with foreignness or ethnicity implicitly seen as the cause of the patterns found). Milton Gordon's (1964) classic work on assimilation is still worth analysing in this context, for it makes assumptions which remain widespread in implicit form. Gordon argued that at the level of 'structural assimilation' American social structure was essentially a set of ethnic clubs: each racial and religious (and to a lesser extent, national origins) group has its own network of cliques, clubs, organizations, and institutions which tend to confine the primary group contact of its members within the ethnic enclave, while interethnic contacts take place in considerable part only at the secondary level of employment and the political and civic processes. (1964, pp.110-11) of (say) Italian (Jewish, etc.) migrants was rather likely to go to a school and scout group where many others were of Italian (etc.) descent, to attend a 'national parish' church, to live in a neighbourhood with ethnic connotations, to have a high proportion of co-ethnic friends and marry co-ethnics. This continuing separation at the social level (notwithstanding assimilation at the level of language, appearance and external customs) is explained partly in terms of exclusion by WASPs, and partly by the defensive reaction of immigrants and their descendants: according to Gordon migrants and their children felt it more relaxing to be with 'birds of our feather' -especially if they had received rebuffs in attempting to enter white Protestant strongholds. A notion of comfortableness is fundamental to Gordon's notion of how primary relationships form. Gordon sees the personal relations as forming through the ease of communication and the 'sense of peoplehood' among members of the same ethnic group. More precisely, it is with other members of the same 'ethclass' -class fraction of an ethnic group -with which one really identifies and feels 'consciousness of kind': with these particular members of the human race and no others we can really relax and participate with ease and without strain (ibid., pp.53-4).

In other words, in Gordon's account, it is essentially cultural preference (of migrants descendants and WASPS) which underlies the structuring of personal relations.

However, this is too simple a view of the formation of personal relationships.

Even if we assume that individuals invariably prefer cultural similarity (discounting the attractions of the prestigious or the 'different'), it is unrealistic to imagine social ties being independently chosen by individuals solely on this basis. Even in voluntary relationships, individuals do not interact only on the basis of cultural similarity (let 5 alone cultural similarity defined on the basis of an ethnic label), for they need to achieve various kinds of objectives. Gordon's actors are purely abstract representatives of ethnic (and class) groups, not people who need allies, want to undertake particular kinds of activities together, feel obliged to repay favours, and who have a limited range of contacts and information. Even in the situation of a country club committee considering an application for membership (which Gordon seems to take as paradigmatic), decisions can be influenced by internal conflicts in the club, the desire to further one's business and political interests, etc. In any case, few relationships are like an application for membership to a country club explicitly concerned with exclusivity and status. Furthermore, even where easy, tail-wagging similarity does exist between members of the same ethclass, this is rarely sufficient to create a durable social tie, for people may get on splendidly when they meet, but then never see each other again.

Few researchers are as explicit as Gordon about social ties being explained by ethnic attraction or rejection, but even today the categorization of data collected pushes the argument in the same direction: here, as elsewhere, much of our thinking is done via the methods and categories of analysis, and what these make visible.

Researchers often collect data on social relations of individuals, classified in terms of ethnicity, and then calculate the proportion of ties occurring within an ethnic group or outside it, using this proportion as an indicator of the degree of integration/assimilation. In the absence of more detailed relational data on the contexts in which relationships form -for example on overlaps between extended kin and neighbourhood, or between neighbourhood and school -data ordered on the basis of ethnicity tends to make it appear as if the ethnic identity of the people concerned (rather than, say, the fact of being introduced by a relative, or going to the same school) explains the patterns found. The social salience of ethnic and national labels on the one hand, and the prominence of public concern about prejudice and discrimination by natives on the other hand, means that it is easy to attribute causal force to ethnicity itself (Gordon's mechanisms of cultural ease among co-ethnics or rejection by others). The empirically-found density of relationships with co-ethnics thus tends to seem confirmation of the group as a real group, and confirmation of the importance of ethnic identity as determining choices (and, ultimately, the social structure). Ethnic networks appear to be authentically about ethnicity, driven by cognitive mechanisms of identity, categorization, difference. However, other interpretations are possible. In seeking to explain Gordon's data, we might hypothesize that it was precisely the ethnic concentration in one social ambiancefrom neighbourhoods to churches to scout groups to kinship itself -which leads to the high percentages of intra-ethnic marriages or friendships. Gordon himself notes (1964, p. 204-6) that the very high proportions of Italo-American ties reported in Street Corner Society (Whyte 1943) might be lower in a mixed Italian-Irish neighbourhood. But he does not generalize the point to see that it might be fruitful to focus on mechanisms leading to friendships, marriage, etc., rather than only on numbers of ties which cross ethnic boundaries.

In fact if we focus on the mechanisms underlying the formation of personal ties, we find that one relationship is consistently related to others. The importance of the equivalent of street corners is no less evident in a modern ethnographic classic like Lepoutre's (1997) study of groups of adolescent boys on a housing estate outside Paris -but with opposite results. At least as much as in Cornerville, there was an intensely local basis for the formation of friendships, to the extent that Lepoutre was tempted to talk of a 'staircase patriotism' (many groups in fact originated in I am not claiming of course that neighbourhoods always create ties of friendship. What I am claiming is that if in a particular situation living on the same staircase is a basis for children to play together (for example) this may have effects on subsequent relationships, and that to understand why ethnic concentrations sometimes form and sometimes do not, we need to know how relationships originate and are maintained.

Studies of how personal relationships form more in general bring out the importance of 'local' relational contexts in a broader sense. Research on how people find their spouses (Bozon and Héran 1989;2006) or friends (Allan 1989;Bidart 1997) show that it is participation in the same circles and activities which leads to most ties. A relatively small number of social ambiances are at the root of most ties: school, neighbourhood, houses of friends, houses of kin, university, military service, workplace and a few others. It seems therefore that if we want to understand why ethnic concentrations in some cases are particularly high and long-lasting, we should turn to activities and participation in these circles where relationships and social activity are maintained and re-created. A crucial point to be stressed in these findings is that the formation of ties are not independent but come in clusters. Any personal tie tends to spring from a previous tie: one's sister, a school friend, etc. takes one to a dance, introduces one to a friend of theirs. A similar point regarding the non-independence of single relationships also emerges when we examine friendships. So although friends often represent their friendships in terms of purely individual affinity, in reality the relationship is not dyadic, but has a strongly configurational aspect (Eve 2002). What people do with friends in fact involves a lot of activity involving others directly or indirectly. For example, much of friends' talk regards other people (gossiping about one's colleagues, giving advice about one's friend's child or husband, mimicking the amusing peculiarities of one's boss); knowledge of these people is thus an important precondition of the friendship. Much of friends' activity together, from playing cards to football, from dinners at the houses of others to Sunday outings in the country, also involves others. One does these things mostly in couples, in families, in groups of friends, and if one particularly crucial member of the configuration drops out (through death or divorce or a quarrel, for example), the individual relationships tend to lapse along with the activities. Friends therefore tend to form, and dissolve, in clusters -which is why an entire cluster of friends often changes after life events like divorce, widowhood, or also engagement or birth of a first child (Milardo 1987;Bidart 1997). The subtraction or addition of one particularly crucial member in one's personal network changes the entire network.

But if we think in terms of ties clustering and following on from one another, this may also explain the over-representation of friends, marriage partners, etc. of the same ethnic group. Attention needs to be directed towards the conditions which support this kind of interaction: for if we do not imagine members of the same ethnic

Ethnic networks or networks shaped by migration?

In this relational perspective, how does migration fit in? If we see networks as having a history, relations developing out of previous ties, it is useful to talk of a 'migration process' which systematically shapes social ties, often even in the second generation.

Although not everyone takes the beaten track of established migration chains in the classic sense, few migrants are totally without prior contacts (either with locals or conationals) in the place of arrival. For most people these initial ties form the basis for further relations, which have an influence on where one finds work, housing and leisure. In this sense, migration can be seen as a special case of the development of social networks. Anyone who migrates to a different town has to re-organize their network in order to work effectively, to find work, pass leisure time, and so on. Their new networks are shaped by the needs they have, which are not always shared by locals, so it is sometimes easier to find e.g. someone to share childcare with among other migrants. This and the lack of those others around whom, as I have said, talk and activities of friends centre, leads to frequent complaints among migrants about lack of 'integration' and the difficulties of breaking into circles of locals, and a tendency to form ties mostly with other migrants (Stacey 1960;[START_REF] Bozon | Vie quotidienne et rapports sociaux dans une petite ville de province[END_REF]Bozon and Thiesse 1986). 1964). A working class migrant moving via a network of kin and acquaintances may create something more akin to a classic 'ethnic' network: Grieco (1987) gives a fine description of regional migration to a steelworks creating this kind of pattern. I am not implying, therefore, that all forms of migration bring social disadvantage. Indeed, since changing towns is often associated with career moves, and shifts to areas which have more high status jobs, there is often a positive association between occupational status and migration (Blum, De La Gorce and Thélot 1985;Fielding 1995). What I am arguing is that migration has systematic effects on social networks, and that people shape many aspects of their lives in the new location within and through these networks, with effects also on their children.

In any case, the sociological aspects of internal migration seem to deserve more consideration than they have usually received, for internal migration seems a crucial case, able to provide evidence where the kind of network mechanisms I have discussed are in play, but not those of citizenship, and where the significance of cultural differences is often debatable.

Second generation disadvantage produced by internal migration

For this reason, in order to pursue my theoretical argument as to the causes of separation and 'integration' of migrants and their children, it seems worth discussing one case in detail. I will draw on a study of social mobility and stratification in the city of Turin (in Piedmont, north-west Italy) [START_REF] Bianco | L'Italia delle diseguaglianze, Roma: Carocci BIANCO, MARIA LUISA and CERAVOLO FLAVIO 2005 I diplomati dell'area metropolitana torinese[END_REF]. In this case internal 11 migration had long-term effects on the stratification system which are reminiscent of the kind of incomplete integration often cited in discussion of ethnic inequalities, and some indications of a degree of social separation (e.g. in marriage partners) reminiscent of the patterns Gordon described. Yet without marked differences in 'culture of origin', and without an evident play of ethnic identity or discrimination. I will first describe the inequalities and then argue that they are linked to network mechanisms.

In the 1950s, '60s and early '70s, Turin was a major centre of internal migration and when the survey (N=992) was carried out in 1999, a large part of the workforce was of migrant 'origins', especially from the South of Italy but also from the Veneto region and elsewhere. The age range chosen (41-45 -to have people established in an occupational career, but homogeneous in terms of cohort experience) meant that the original immigrants to the city were not included: our 'Southern-origin' interviewees are in fact a 'second generation' (23 per cent of our 'Southerners' were born in the city) or 'one and a half generation', the children of the migrants of the fifties and sixties either born in Turin or arriving as children or adolescents.

Turin's class structure is clearly split along regional-origin lines. Looking at things from the point of view of the composition of different social classes, we can say that (in this age group) three quarters of the working class is of 'Southern origin'.

(Our data did not include non-Italians, who were not numerous at the time in the population registry used for the sample, but now foreigners would of course also be very prominent among manual workers, and are rapidly replacing their internal migrant predecessors.) Vice versa, Southerners were badly under-represented in the upper middle class, which is heavily Piedmontese. Looking at things from the point

TABLE 1 ABOUT HERE

This major cleavage in occupational position is partly explicable on standard sociological assumptions, for 'Southerners' were more likely to have parents with low occupational and educational status. In fact, they were twice as likely to have had a father as a manual worker, and nearly twice as likely to have a father with only elementary education. Nonetheless, large differences remain between our 'second generation Southern' and 'Piedmontese' interviewees even when we keep class and education of parents constant. For example, if we restrict the focus to those Piedmontese and Southerners who had fathers-in-manual-jobs-with-elementaryschooling (n=173 Piedmontese and 331 Southerners), the effect of 'regional origins' is still clear. For even in this sub-group, 15 per cent of our 'Piedmontese' interviewees had achieved substantial social mobility and had managerial or professional jobs, whereas only a miserable 3 per cent of their Southern equivalents had done so. Vice versa, nearly half (46 per cent) of these Southern-origin How did 'regional origin' work its effects? As with most social mobility research, the largest effect passes through schooling. In fact, among our Piedmontese interviewees 85 per cent had a high school diploma or university degree, as against 45 per cent of the Southerners. Logistic regression confirms the strong effect of 'region of origin' on school diploma independently of the classical sociological variables of class of origin or parents' education (see Ceravolo, Eve and Meraviglia 2001, section 2). In terms of log likelihood the effect of father's place of birth on our interviewees' school level is almost as strong as the effect of father's class.

It is important to note that, in conformity with the interpretation proposed here which stresses the effects of geographical migration in itself, there are big differences according to the phase of families' migration trajectory. So for example whereas only 39 per cent of the children of Southerners who arrived as children or young people obtained a diploma or degree, 68 per cent of those born in Turin didnot as high as the quota for children of Piedmontese locals (85 per cent), but much higher than that of those born in the South (see Table 2).

TABLE 2 ABOUT HERE

It is also clear that there are effects connected to the rhythms peculiar to migrants and their families (ibid, sec. 3): 'Southern' children who did at least some primary school in Turin have better educational certificates than those who arrived during secondary school. And those who were born in Turin better still. In other words, it seems probable that the disruption caused by changing school, and the The occupational disadvantage of this 'second generation of regional migration' is not entirely due to school. For education certificates seem to produce slightly less 'profit' occupationally for Southerners compared with locals. So if we measure occupational position on a scale of occupational prestige (DESC, a widelyused Italian scale, with a range of scores in our case from 14.88 to 90.20), Piedmontese interviewees with a university degree score 6 points higher on average than graduate 'Southerners', while Piedmontese with a high school certificate score 7 points higher than Southern-origin interviewees with the same certificate. The regression model I have referred to also produces a small (not statistically significant) direct effect for regional origin (independent of that passing through schooling) in terms of chances of moving into the middle class (ibid, sec. 2).

Networks leading to different trajectories

The results I have cited -added to others summarized below -show that certain kinds of internal migration have long-lasting effects on patterns of social stratification, suggesting the feasibility of interpreting data in terms of migration processes. Unfortunately, the survey, not originally designed as a study of migration, (Bianco and Ceravolo 2005). Most of this effect is due to differences in class origins, but the existence of such a major difference even among people with the same educational level shows once again how much regional origin overlaps with class and enters into the stratification system of the Turin metropolitan area.

Is Turin peculiar? As Bagnasco (1986) has shown, Turin -dominated for many years by the Fiat auto company -had a much more 'Fordist' occupational structure than other Italian cities. Another large city drawing in large numbers of migrants during the post-war decades such as Milan had a more diversified economy and occupational structure, and it is sometimes suggested that the position of migrants in Milan was different 3 . However, data for northern Italy as a whole, examined by Impicciatore and Dalla Zuanna (2006), gives many similar results to ours, in particular regarding marked educational disadvantage among the children of migrants, especially those moving with their families as children or adolescents. This suggests that the mechanisms in play were quite widespread. In any case it is not my aim to argue that Turin is necessarily the same as all other places in Italy or elsewhere; the interest of the material for me is that it suggests the operation of certain mechanisms not linked to ethnicity as this is normally defined.

So let us examine the mechanisms which may have been in play. The 'immigrants' and their children were obviously all Italians and so did not suffer from the various problems stemming from lack of citizenship. Nor can language problems be evoked; although many of their parents no doubt spoke dialect at home (as did How about the other factors often proposed to explain the disadvantage at school or in the labour market among a 'second generation' in the case of international migration? The differences in level of development between North and South Italy are, of course, well known abroad and often (perhaps too often) used as a key to interpretation. Can we imagine cultural differences as explaining the divergence in life chances? The survey contains no information on culture; however, we should be cautious about imagining that the children of the immigrants from the South were brought up in some sort of stereotypical Southern culture. Many of the parents of our interviewees came from urban areas in the South, and 'deep rural' origins among the parents of our 'Southerners' may not have been significantly more common than for interviewees growing up in Piedmont.

It should also be remembered that the culture of children of migrants is created in large part in the place of arrival, in schools, sports clubs, bars, homes of friends, etc. and cannot simply be read off from parents' region of 'origin'. To the extent that culture is relevant, it would seem more consonant with what is known of Turin to think of a culture created in the housing estates. As mentioned in the first section of this article, with regard to the legitimacy of assuming that members of an ethnic group share distinctive cultural characteristics, it does not seem fruitful to separate the analysis of culture from the analysis of the actual local groups who create shared languages, attitudes, expectations (Cuche 2004). It is significant in this context, that the term 'Southerner' used as a social category by actors and commentators is a new one (people having previously identified with a particular town or region). Like terms such as Maghrébin, Beur or Asian, meridionale as a 18 social label is a creation of immigration: before the years of mass regional migration it was used in specialist academic contexts but not in general speech to identify people and certainly not a label people identified with. Previous to mass migration, people from the South of Italy thought of themselves as Sicilians, Neapolitans, etc.; it was the labelling of Northern locals, and the fact of growing up on estates with others from a variety of Southern towns and regions, in a social destiny partially separated from 'Northerners' or 'Piedmontese', which gave the term meaning as a social category.

Can prejudice and discrimination explain the patterns in school performance or occupational career I have described? Once again, we cannot directly dismiss this since we do not have information in the survey. However, it does not seem plausible prima facie: for while the first generation of migrants did meet prejudice (Fofi 1964 gives examples of unwillingness to rent flats to Southerners in the 1950s in Turin, as do Alasia and Montaldi 1960 in Milan, and both mention derogatory references in conversation), this was certainly much less marked for the second generation. It is significant that there has never been discussion of discrimination against descendants of Southern migrants either in the sociological literature or in media discussion: the 'second generation' I am talking about is a category emerging out of our research results, not a 'social problem' recognized in public debate.

Let us look, therefore, at networks. Explanations of how the general population finds jobs have often made use of networks, Granovetter's classic (1974) study giving rise to many others. As our survey collected particularly detailed information on the sources of information used to find first job and current job, we know that around three quarters 4 of all interviewees (with no significant differences by regional origin) made use of introductions and (more commonly) information predominate: family are crucial, but not always directly, for often it is the contacts kin have who provide the information, e.g. people known in the neighbourhood, friends of an elder brother. This implies the importance of the ambiences in which such information circulated -giving access to some jobs, but not others. Since migrant kin mostly worked in 'typical immigrant' niches such as building, unskilled work in factories and services, self-employment in restaurants and shops, information mainly regarded these areas. Blackburn and Prandy's (1979) view of workers having extremely selective knowledge of labour market opportunities seems fully confirmed. The phrase 'integration into the labour market' seem appropriate here too, not only given the role of personal relations as sources of information and help, but also due to the impression that there is a process at issue -passing from one social ambiance to another (no doubt acquiring tacit skills enabling one to function effectively in a particular context).

The very abundance of information leading to jobs must have made it tempting for young people in migrant families to leave school early, and for parents (often with tight family budgets) to encourage them to do so. It seems likely that in these ambiences where migrants and their children lived and worked and socialized, Social networks do seem to have been fairly clearly separated on regional lines at the time our interviewees were growing up, and this had effects on many aspects of life. One index of this is the degree of endogamy found in the survey: 65 per cent of married Piedmontese-origin interviewees were married to a 'Piedmontese' spouse, while 69 per cent of 'Southern' origin interviewees were married to someone coming from the South (percentages are still higher among manual workers). These relatively high rates of 'endogamy' probably just reflect the ambiances, like neighbourhood, holidays and school, where spouses are found. Our interviewees grew up in a city which was in large part rebuilt around immigration, for Turin increased in population by 63 per cent from 700 000 to 1 170 000 between 1951 and 1969, and this led in the 1960s and '70s to the building of entire new neighbourhoods -creating what a number of commentators (Fofi 1964;Olagnero 1985;Lerner 1988) pointed out was an urban structure clearly segregated along regional-origin lines. Many of our 'Southern' interviewees must have grown up in neighbourhoods inhabited almost solely by other Southerners. As one woman who arrived as a child remembers, describing the friendships she formed in her youth, 'they were mostly Southerners, because in [the street she grew up in] ninety per cent were Southerners. You might say it was a ghetto!' (Badino 2008, p. 134).

It is, of course, common for mass migration to expand a city radically, in the process creating predominantly migrant neighbourhoods. It is also usual, of course, for school attended to be linked to parents' residence (except for those parents who might decide to give as their official address that of a relative in a better areasomething easier for Piedmontese parents because they had more relatives living in

Ethnic inequalities and migration inequalities

Attempts to explain different paths of occupational mobility and school success by reference to the local environment of the neighbourhood and friends are certainly not new: my analysis obviously fits into the tradition of research which gives importance to factors like segregation of residential areas and schools. However, I believe it is useful to set these factors in a general framework whereby people form social relationships, in order to clarify the mechanisms in play. In particular, when we are concerned with what are termed a little too unproblematically 'ethnic networks', it may be helpful to insist on the need for a sociological explanation of particular ties, and an account of how they emerge from preceding ties.

In the first part of this article I suggested that network mechanisms similar to those operating in the general population could account for a large part of the intraethnic concentrations of personal ties like friendship and marriage reported by many studies in Gordon's time and since. I argued that concentrations of ethnic ties cannot simply be assumed as natural but should stimulate enquiry into their sociological roots (Eve 1998(Eve , 2002)). There is of course a great deal of rich work on ethnic networks, but little systematic investigation of how such ties were formed. To the extent that the question is explicitly raised, reference may be made to the citizenship handicaps and difficulties of being a member of a stigmatized group which make 'ethnic solidarity' necessary, and contacts with the majority difficult. Yet it is often difficult to demonstrate that ethnic concentrations and ethnic inequalities really are (1991) or Noiriel (1992) who have argued that there are important questions of the 'sociology of the nation' at issue: I simply want to point out there are also other more 'micro' or 'meso' level questions which have been neglected.

2 This stress on local social context and specifically relational logic, does not imply that there is some 'social' realm totally independent of 'cultural' criteria: cultural competence is fundamental to the creation of almost all social ties (we need only think how important talk is in nearly all social relationships). But only rarely can the competence required in a particular relationship be read off from ethnic identity. If, for example, we consider the 'codes, rites and language' which form the object of Lepoutre's analysis of the adolescents of his cité, we find a culture which is markedly specific, and rather isolated, a 'street culture' which certainly conditions the social relations formed with others (both inside the estate and outside). But to imagine analysing it in terms of the places of birth of the parents of the boys concerned (from Senegal to metropolitan France, Algeria to Mauritius) would be unthinkable. Culture is continuously created and re-created in the lives of the people concerned. In Lepoutre's case, informal activities on the housing estate bring children together; hence the street culture they create together (and inherit from older boys) is formed on an estate basis. In other cases, configurations place people of the same 'national origins' together, and the language, rites and codes created are likely to have more of an 'ethnic' tonality (although likely to be very different from that of parents). In short, I am not underestimating 'culture' and its importance in founding social ties, but rather stressing that culture is continually created and re-created in conversation and interaction with others. For this reason, it is not enough to use an ethnic label to assume the existence or lack of ease of cultural communication. We need empirical data.

3 However, we should distinguish between the city of Milan itself (a relatively small area, with a very distinctive occupational structure) and the metropolitan area as a whole: most industry is in fact outside the city boundaries, as are most homogeneously working class residential areas. In addition, it

  children who clustered around the bottom of the staircases in the particular block of flats where they lived). But since the residence patterns were different (being determined by admission criteria of the public housing body) Lepoutre's friendship groups nearly all contained mixtures of national origins, blacks, 'Beurs' and poverty-stricken 'de souche' French. In both Whyte's and Lepoutre's contexts, it was probably the social importance of participation in a series of very local activities and conversations which created and maintained the ties, but the results in terms of ethnic homogeneity of friendships were different.

  naturally' flocking together, or being shunned by others, concentration is an empirical phenomenon requiring sociological explanation. Not necessarily in terms of ethnic identity per se but perhaps in terms of the mechanisms which generate interaction, and the collective production, and reproduction of local culture 2 .

  are many different migration trajectories. So, for example, a highly skilled professional moving to a new town via contacts with other professionals may create a network heavily centred on fellow professionals (Watson

  this generation are manual workers (just 9 per cent), whereas a third of those with Southern 'origins' are. At the opposite end of the social scale, 30 per cent of the children of Piedmontese are in established professions and managerial jobs, as against 10 per cent of the children of Southerners. Other features familiar from many cases of stratification patterns linked to international migration are also present, such as a slight over-representation in self-employment; and a higher number of housewives.

  manual workers like their fathers, as against just 16 per cent of the children of Piedmontese-manual-workers-with-minimum-schooling.

  families often had in their earlier years, may have influenced school performance and/or the decision to leave school early. Similar effects of families' moves on school careers (and networks) have been noted in other contexts (Hagan, MacMillan and Wheaton 1996; Myers 1999), once again varying with age at migration. Such results seem worth citing in the present context of conceptualizing the mechanisms underlying 'the migration process' as such, independent of citizenship.

  detailed migration histories. Nonetheless, as I have indicated, there is indirect evidence of the effects of the length of time a family has been established in the place of arrival, and of the way the timing of migration combines with the phase of a child's school career. It is also pertinent in this context to compare the education and occupational mobility of a previous wave of working class migration to Turin coming from the Veneto region. The 'Venetian origin' interviewees have an intermediate educational and occupational profile between our 'locals' (Piedmontese origin) and our 'Southern origin' interviewees. In fact fewer Veneto-origin interviewees than Southerners are in manual or secretarial jobs, but compared with the Piedmontese-origin interviewees they are much less likely to be managers or in the established professions. In other words, they have a middling profile, similar to that of Southerners-born-in-Turin. Veneto-origin families arrived a few years earlier on average than families from the South: it is not necessary to imagine any necessary linear relationship between date of a family's arrival and educational and occupational success in order to see that such data adds substance to the idea of a local class structure systematically shaped by the mechanisms of migration.Other research on Turin also indicates that regional origin plays a large part in the stratification structure in Turin. For example, recent research into residents of public housing (Olagnero and Negri 2002) found that no less than 70 per cent of household heads were born in the South. If we add those born in the Veneto, and people born in Turin but of Southern or Venetian parents, plus foreign immigrants, it is clear that public housing in Turin is inhabited almost totally by persons with a migration background of some kind, indicating the importance of the link between migration and economic vulnerability and housing difficulties. Another recent survey on the occupational destinations of two cohorts of people with high school diploma (thus holding education constant) found that the children of migrants from the South were only half as likely as the children of Piedmontese to become managers or professionals

  Piedmontese parents), our interviewees had a mainly passive knowledge of dialect: their first language was undoubtedly Italian.

  stage of the process of finding their first job. It is local ties which

  notions were formed -adapted to what were the most visible opportunities in the labour market. In this way, no doubt relatives, friends and neighbours affected notions of what was a feasible career. No doubt the fact that school friends left for work influenced the decisions of others remaining in a depleted class. I suggest that in the neighborhoods where Southern families were concentrated in Turin, the conventions of what was normal regarding the proper time to leave school were those in neighbourhoods and schools where working-class families were mainly of Piedmontese origin.

  with knowledge of the reputation of particular schools). It is worth remembering in this context that 'ethnic' concentrations in schools may be even higher than in the surrounding neighbourhood.Foner (2000, p.193) refers to an entire school district in 1905 New York as 95 per cent Jewish. This is an extreme case but migration often creates high concentrations. Mass migration waves are by their nature episodic: most flows from a particular region only last a few years in full spate. At the same time, since most migration waves are composed primarily of young adults who start or continue a family a few years after migration, migration waves are usually associated with large numbers of children in schools. The two factors together produce a bunching of children from the same 'origins' going into the same school classes in the same few years. In addition, families themselves often further accentuate concentration. Immigrant parents pressed for time may prefer a child to go where a brother or sister already goes in order to simplify logistical problems or because they think it is safer or more comforting for a younger brother or sister. Even if the sibling in question has left the school, the parent may feel comfortable knowing the teachers. If a school achieves a poor reputation, the flight of local parents accentuates concentration. Concentration does not inevitably produce disadvantage, but in many cases it does (see Van Zanten 2001 for a convincing account of the various mechanisms which create segregation and disadvantage). In any case, concentration inevitably strongly influences the pattern of children's social relations and the youth culture they acquire. It seems justifiable to talk, in the Turin case as elsewhere, of mass migration systematically creating local ambiances of particular kinds. It seems plausible to hypothesize that these generate specific work opportunities, various aspects of 'culture' (in the concrete sense I have indicated) which may have effects on social inequalities.

  identities. Cases of internal migration like that I have cited seem useful for exploring the mechanisms at issue. Notwithstanding the obvious differences between international and internal migrants, some important features are similar. The time needed for 'integration into the labour market' -a gradual process of constructing knowledge and contacts, often imposes distinctive rhythms on work careers and on family budgets: migrants' timing of life events are probably specific.These rhythms and constraints may have effects also on children's careers, the attractiveness of education rather than work, knowledge of 'the labour market'. At the same time migration systematically re-constitutes family and kin relationships, relations with neighbours, relations in schools. There are also institutional factors associated with most large-scale migrations -for example, the construction of entire new neighbourhoods. It seems worth focusing attention on these areas where the migration process creates new ties -often, but not always, with people with a similar migration trajectory.MICHAEL EVE isprofessore associato in the social sciences faculty, Università del Piemonte orientale. ADDRESS: Dipartimento di ricerca sociale, via Cavour 84, Alessandria (AL), 15100 Italy. Email: michael.eve@sp.unipmn.it , EVE, MICHAEL and MERAVIGLIA, CINZIA 2001 'Migrazioni e integrazione sociale: un percorso a stadi', in Maria Luisa Bianco (ed.) 2001, pp. 83-116 CUCHE, DENYS 2004 La notion de culture dans les sciences sociales, Paris : La découverte EVE, MICHAEL 1998 'Qui se ressemble s'assemble?' in M. Gribaudi, (ed.) Espaces, temporalités, stratifications, Paris: Editions de l'EHESS, pp. 43-69 -2002 'Is friendship a sociological topic?' Archives européennes de sociologie, 3, pp. 386-409 FIELDING, TONY 1995 'Migration and middle-class formation in England and Wales, 1981-91', in T. Butler and M. Savage (eds), Social Change and the Middle Classes, London: UCL Press FOFI, GOFFREDO 1964 L'immigrazione meridionale a Torino, Milan: Feltrinelli FONER, NANCY 2000 From Ellis Island to JFK, New Haven: Yale University Press GORDON, MILTON 1964 Assimilation in American Life, New York: Oxford University Press GRIECO, MARGARET 1987 Keeping it in the Family. Social Networks and Employment Chance, London: Tavistock HAGAN, JOHN, MACMILLAN, ROSS and WHEATON, BLAIR 1996 'New kid in town', American Sociological Review, vol. 61, no. 3, pp. 368-385 IMPICCIATORE, ROBERTO and DALLA ZUANNA, GIANPIERO 2006 'A difficult social mobility. Internal migrations and educational attainments of migrants from Southern to Northern Italy', Genus, 63 (3-4), pp.155-201 1988 Operai, Milan: Feltrinelli MYERS, SCOTT 1999 'Childhood migration and social integration in adulthood', Journal of Marriage and the Family, vol.61, no.3, pp.774-89 NEGRI, NICOLA 1982 'I nuovi torinesi: immigrazione, mobilità e struttura sociale' in Guido Martinotti (ed.) La città difficile, Turin: Franco Angeli, pp. 53-179 NOIRIEL, GERARD 1992 Population, immigration et identité nationale en France, Paris: Hachette OLAGNERO, MANUELA 1985 'La gente di Torino', in Enzo Marra (ed.) Per un atlante sociale della città, Milan: Franco Angeli, pp. 309-405 OLAGNERO, MANUELA and NEGRI, NICOLA 2002, Base dati residenti degli alloggi Turin: ATC SCHNAPPER, DOMINIQUE 1991 La France de l'intégration. Sociologie de la nation en 1990, Paris: Gallimard STACEY, MARGARET 1960 Tradition and Change. A Study of Banbury, London: Oxford University Press VAN ZANTEN, AGNES 2001, L'école de la péripherie. Scolarité et ségrégation en banlieue, Paris: PUF WATSON, W. 1964, 'Social class in industrial communities' in Gluckman, M., Devons, E., Closed Systems, Open Minds: the limits of naïvety in social anthropology, Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd WHYTE, WILLIAM FOOTE 1943 Street Corner Society : The Social Structure of an Italian Slum, Chicago: Chicago University Press

Table 1 :

 1 Class of destination in Turin by regional origin(percentages)

		Managers,	White	Self-	Manual	n
		professions	collar,	employed	workers
				semi-
				profess.
	Children of		29.8	54.1	7.1	9.0	459
	F Piedmontese o r Children of	10.2	44.0	12.5	33.3	440
	Southerners	P
		e
			e r
			R
			e
				v i e
					w
					O n l
						y
							27

Table 2 :

 2 Educational certificates of Turin interviewees by 'regional origin' and birthplace (percentages)

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Page 29 of 32 URL

  30should also be noted that migration to Milan from the South started earlier than in Turin, being quite significant even in the 1930s.4 The high percentage is linked to the detailed nature of the questioning in the survey rather than to an Italian peculiarity.

			Ethnic and Racial Studies Ethnic and Racial Studies		Page 30 of 32
		Managers,	White collar,	Self-	Manual	n
		professions	semi-profess.	employed	workers
	Children of	29.8	54.1	7.1	9.0	459
	Piedmontese
	Children of	10.2	44.0	12.5	33.3	440
	Southerners
	F o r F o r
		P P
		e e
		e r e r
			R R
			e e
			v i e v i e
				w w
				O n l O n l
					y y

: http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/rers ethnic@surrey.ac.uk URL: http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/rers ethnic@surrey.ac.uk

Table 1 :

 1 Class of destination in Turin by regional origin(percentages)

	Page 31 of 32	Ethnic and Racial Studies

URL: http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/rers ethnic@surrey.ac.uk

Table 2 :

 2 Educational certificates of Turin interviewees by 'regional origin' and birthplace (percentages)

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URL: http://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/rers ethnic@surrey.ac.uk

Ethnic and Racial Studies


Jens Schneider

Maurice Crul

Comparative Integration Context Theory: Participation and Belonging in New Diverse European Cities 1

Keywords: Integration, assimilation, Theory, Second Generation, Diversity, TIES theory, integration, diversity, second generation, TIES, immigration

Drawing upon results from the TIES survey on the second generation in eight European countries the authors propose a new perspective on integration or assimilation. The proposed comparative integration context theory argues that participation in social organizations and belonging to local communities across European cities is strongly dependent on the integration context. Differences in integration contexts include institutional arrangements in education, the labour market, housing, religion and in legislation. Differences in the social and political context are especially important for social and cultural participation and belonging. The TIES data show high degrees of local involvement in the second generation and the dwindling centrality of single ethnic belongings -a reflection of the dramatically changing ethnic and (sub) cultural landscapes in cities in Europe. The article challenges established notions of 'newcomers' and 'natives', explores the 'remaking of the mainstream' and argues to investigate mobility pathways for a better understanding of integration or assimilation as on-going processes.

Introduction

Post-war migration flows to Europe have changed the ethnic landscape of large cities to a similar extent as in the United States. Those who, in the US, are referred to as post-1965 immigrants have a parallel in the labour migrants in Europe, who arrived at the end of the fifties until the beginning of the seventies. As a result, European migration scholars have closely followed the US debate, and the ideas put forward by the authors of segmented assimilation and new assimilation theory have been particularly influential. The central idea of segmented assimilation theory is that there is more than one way to assimilate into American society [START_REF] Portes | Immigrant America: A Portrait[END_REF]2001), while the authors of new assimilation theory convincingly show that the dominant stream remains 'straight line assimilation' -although perhaps not in all regards in the second, but at least in the third generation (Alba Second generation youngsters are members of the society from the day they are born. As such, we can look at the second generation as being part of (or participating in) a plurality of social organizations [START_REF] Luhmann | Gesellschaftsstruktur und Semantik: Studien zur Wissenssoziologie der modernen Gesellschaft[END_REF]) --for example, their families, neighbourhoods, schools, peer groups, work units or more or less organised free time and leisure activities (sports clubs, etc.).

In fact, changing the perspective, we have to look differently at major cities. Young people from the second generation are frequently the 'established group' in these cities today. The TIES data show their biographical continuity --they were born, grew up and are still living in the same city. In contrast, in the TIES study we found that many respondents of native-born parents moved from other parts of the country to the major cities because of study or work. When we look at attachment and involvement at the neighbourhood level, as a result we find stronger involvement among the second generation than among age peers with native-born parents. The following figure illustrates this with regard to the German and Austrian cities in the TIES Survey. 5 It compares the neighbourhood involvement of native-born children of immigrants from Turkey and former Yugoslavia, and a comparison group with native-born parents. 6 [Figure 1] This raises new questions about participation and belonging from a societal perspective: A newly arrived college student of native born parents who moves into a cheap and ethnically diverse working class neighbourhood in the city will still need some adaptation to this new environment --especially when coming from a small town or the countryside --places which are usually much less diverse in many ways. This brings us to our second point: all young people, be they children of immigrants or of native-born parents, need to find their place in social organizations which are crucial for 'survival' in society (cf. Bommes 2005;Schinkel 2007, pp. 130ff.). In larger European and American cities this includes the need to cope with an environment that is increasingly multi-ethnic and 'super-diverse'. And in some areas (like certain neighbourhoods or schools or working environments) this is sometimes more difficult for children of native-born parents than for the second generation.

The second generation: professional roles and other sub-cultural identities

Another important issue is the use of the 'ethnic group' as an analytical category. Although the critique of the concept of the 'ethnos' as a static homogeneous unit has left anthropology [START_REF] Barth | Introduction[END_REF]Cohen 1994) and is now widely spread within the social sciences, much migration research implicitly assumes that actions and views of migrants and their children are all motivated by the migration experience and/or their 'ethnic heritage'. 7 Again, looking particularly at the second generation, we think that this is debatable. To illustrate our point, here is the 'case study' of Naima:

Naima is a young unmarried woman of Moroccan descent who studies Spanish and French linguistics in Amsterdam. The young woman speaks Dutch with a slight accent typical for Amsterdam, where she was born and raised. On the other hand, Moroccan Arabic is her mother (and father) tongue; with both parents originally from the North of Morocco the language spoken at home was always Moroccan. Especially on the mobile phone with Moroccan friends and family she frequently switches to her mother tongue --also because it gives more privacy in public situations. She still lives with her parents in the same neighbourhood where she grew up --partly because it allows her to save money on rent, Naima opposes to the idea that she first and foremost is seen as Moroccan simply for the reason that she is a child of immigrant parents. Many, if not most of her attitudes and actions are not based on the fact of being a child of immigrants. In many aspects she resembles the 'typical' Dutch university student, and the most important driving forces behind most of her actions are her age (and being young at a specific moment in time), her gender, and high degree of education. Among many other aspects she certainly is 'Moroccan' too, but it becomes problematic, if it is used per se.

Naima belongs to the growing group of highly educated within the Moroccan community in the Netherlands. The second generation, partly because of their entrance into professional careers, is embracing new professional roles and identities. For Naima her professional role as a teacher in secondary school is such a strong identifier.

From the perspective of culture and identification, the portrait of our case study offers a much more ambiguous picture: in both main languages she is a native speaker, and both are important and ever present means of communication in her daily life. She strongly identifies as Moroccan, yet without apparent contradictions to feel Dutch as well. Now, again the question is: what does that mean for her identification as a young woman living in the Netherlands? Dominant mainstream perceptions and public discourses in most Western countries implicitly or explicitly operate with normative settings here: it is clearly preferred to be well-educated and not unemployed, to wear no headscarf, to have 'native' friends and to not marry someone from Morocco. But to conclude that her attitudes and actions are primarily motivated by her ethnic background is premature. Naima also strongly identifies as an emancipated woman who wears a headscarf upon her own decision. The following table compares, for instance, higher educated (tertiary education) women from the Moroccan second generation and from the comparison group in the Netherlands and their opinions on gender roles. It specifically asks who should be the main person responsible for taking care of the children:

[Table 1]
Both groups have almost identical responses on this question. To look at higher educated women is of course just one possibility. Other meaningful social and (sub)cultural categories, such as e.g. youth-, political or bohème-cultures, can also be important for the second generation. While for the first generation their origin is an almost all-encompassing identity (both ascribed and prescribed), this is no longer true for most of the second generation.

The idea of 'super-diversity' presented by Vertovec (2006) describes the growing diversification among city dwellers. We would add that super-diversity is also becoming visible across ethnic lines, sometimes challenging the existing ethnic hierarchies --like for instance second-generation Turkish doctors in hospitals in Amsterdam serving many elderly patients who come from lower or middle class non-migrant families.

Obviously, in migration research we choose survey respondents because they demographically belong to a certain 'group', in order to compare them to 'groups' with other demographic characteristics. That is also one of the ways we looked at the data in the TIES survey. However, we have to be aware that this 'group'-definition is merely an operational departure point for analysis, to explain differences with this a piori definition is, in the worst case, tautological (cf. Latour 1999, p. 71). Moreover, taking the 'group'-hypothesis simultaneously as explanans and explanandum tends to obscure the fact that the degree of variation within a 'group', as much as other lines of differentiation may be more relevant.

The second generation: 'remaking the mainstream'

Cities are today subject to a gigantic turnover of the population; statistically, in many of them almost the entire population is exchanged within less than one generation. 8 While most of the European cities have been multi-ethnic for a long time --or even since their foundations as modern cities --it is a relatively new phenomenon that the formerly clearly defined ethnic majority group is becoming a minority group like the other ethnic groups. In many European cities the majority of the population under age twelve is already of immigrant origin. The authors of the New York study also point out that the group of non-Hispanic whites is still sizable (although only when taking all European groups together), but it has in reality become just one of the many ethnic minority groups in the city. This challenges standard notions of 'mainstream' and 'ethnic majority group'.

The fact that they are losing their numeric majority position in the younger cohorts of larger cities does not mean that the 'majority group' would necessarily also loose its status as the most dominant group in social and economic terms. But [START_REF] Alba | Blurring the Color Line: The New Chance for a More Integrated America[END_REF] shows that the demographic development of the cities does also challenge the 'ethnic hierarchy' in the long run. Alba suggests that in the future the 'mainstream', simply for demographic reasons, will incorporate non-white groups as well. From our point of view, we seem to need a new vocabulary to describe this new diverse urban reality. We turn again to the TIES data to see how the new urban diversity affects the lives of both second generation groups and the comparison group. We do this by looking at the three best friends of our respondents. The following table compares second generation Turks and members of the comparison group in Germany and France (juxtaposing the higher educated group with the entire research population).

[Figure 2] The individual reality of the second generation Turks reflects their multi-ethnic environment in the cities. The TIES survey shows that they have friendships with children of native-born parents, but also from other ethnic minority groups. Looking at the university students here reveals an interesting finding: those of Turkish background have the most mixed friendship groups, while the students in the comparison group the least. Their level of interaction with people from other ethnic groups is remarkably low, especially for the age cohorts to which they belong and the neighbourhoods they live in.

The highly educated second generation, through their studies and their work, most often engages with people outside of their own group --especially with middle class friends of native parentage. Their friends, as the TIES survey shows, are also mostly highly educated. They are often found in jobs in the city administration, and in the educational or social work sector. These jobs give them, to some extent, the possibility to influence city policies and politics (Crul et. al 2008). They therefore definitely play an (important) role in 'remaking the mainstream'. However, the size of this group differs strongly across cities and countries. But also the lower educated second generation has, in majority, one or more best friends outside their own ethnic group --through work, school or their neighbourhood. There are three groups that mostly interact with their own ethnic group members.

These are the higher educated of native parentage and parts of the lower educated in both the second generation and the comparison group. For the highly educated this is the continuation of the status quo before and a reflection of (still) lower ethnic diversity in the higher streams of society. For the lower educated, both of native parentage and of the second generation, this is more problematic, because their more limited networks (also across ethnic lines) potentially harm their access to better education, work and housing.

'Reconsidering the mainstream' thus may radically shift the focus on which group is more or less 'assimilated' or 'integrated'. Children of native-born parents with no connections outside their own group may find themselves outside the multicultural 'mainstream'.

Comparative Integration Context Theory: Theoretical and methodological implications

We have first discussed the position of the second generation from the perspective of them being active agents of change in the cities. But we could already see in the tables that the second generation is not in all the cities in the same way in a position to claim their participation and belonging. Therefore we now want to look at the role of the integration contexts that either help or hinder taking up certain positions. We will argue in the following that participation and belonging of the second generation in European cities is strongly dependent on the integration context. cussed it in the previous section. Young people of all ethnic groups (including the group that was formerly known as the ethnic majority group) need to integrate into the reality of a (super) diverse city youth population with different biographies and with longer or shorter histories living in the city.

In the following we describe our comparative integration context theory, as we named it, in more detail and introduce our main concepts participation and belonging briefly.

The context of institutional arrangements

We want to address the importance of local and national contexts in which young persons, second generation or with native-born parents, have to find a position and place. This is not a new topic: the US-American theories deal extensively with context, for example, with different modes of incorporation (e.g. [START_REF] Portes | The Adaptation of the Immigrant Second Generation in America: A Theoretical Overview and Recent Evidence[END_REF] or the neighbourhood context (e.g. Kasinitz et al. 2008, pp 150-158). National school systems and access conditions to the labour market are also generally studied in their differentiating effects on children from different ethnic groups and social classes, but not as part of the system's idiosyncrasy -which generally comes to the fore only in comparison across national school or labour market systems.

Taking the institutional arrangements of a country for granted or as given can seriously affect the way we perceive problems of participation and belonging among the second generation. Comparing different ethnic groups in the same local or national contexts automatically sets the focus on the immigrant groups themselves: why do some under perform compared to the 'native' group, but others do not? The seemingly most logical explanation at hand then is culture and class. We are not saying that these explanations are unimportant --far from it --but they do not tell us the whole story. (1998), points out the effect of different institutional settings for immigrants in Canada, Australia and the US. We want to take Reitz' argument a step further into the European context, where institutional arrangements are much more diverse than in the three countries he compared. We will concentrate in this article mainly on one key institution: education. But national institutional arrangements in the labour market and housing play similar roles.

If we take, for example, second generation Turks in Germany, we can explain their predominantly disadvantaged situation in education to a significant degree through their low socio-economic background. The remaining part is then usually attributed to cultural differences. But if we compare second generation Turks across several European countries, we can see that they are doing much better in other countries: only 3 per cent enter higher education in Germany, as compared to almost 40 per cent in Sweden and France. These large differences in outcomes across countries also remain when the analysis controls for the education of the fathers --as in the following table : 9 [Table 2] The impressive differences displayed here can largely be explained by the different educational institutional arrangements in each country. Among these the most influential factors are starting age in school, age of first track selection, the upward permeability within secondary education, and the existence of a long or indirect route to higher education through the vocational column. In Germany compulsory school starts at age six --later than in most other European countries --and in most areas children are selected into the academic or vocational column at the age of ten, after only four years of joint learning. In countries like the Netherlands this selection occurs after eight years, and even when se- 12 lected into the lower qualifying tracks, many still manage to reach higher education through the vocational column (although at the cost of three years extra education). In Germany the vocational route to higher education is not seen and used to the same extend as an alternative. These two aspects of the institutional arrangements in German education already determine to a large degree the low educational position of the second generation Turks.

We should be aware that institutional contexts differ greatly from country to country in Europe (or even from city to city in one country), even though the normative debate is similar--as, for example, the debate in Germany and France about beginning to learn German/French as a second language at an early age. Yet, the general institutional arrangements for second language learning are very different --with obvious relevance for the outcomes in school. At the same time, this is also true the other way round: there is still a lot of difference between national integration policies on the one side, and government rhetorics across countries on the other, ranging from multiculturalism to right wing populist and assimilative stances. However, on the city level, we frequently observe rhetoricindependent, pragmatic ways in which state agencies and societal institutions assess the specific necessities of dealing with immigrants and their children, and with the cultural diversity of their clientele (Heckmann et al. 2001;Vermeulen 1997;Vermeulen and Stotijn 2009). For this reason we advocate the study of actual practice next to the public discourse and national integration policies. The second perspective includes the agency of individuals and groups, actively developing options and making choices, challenging given opportunities and structural configurations. In the German half-day primary school system it is for instance expected that parents actively help and assist with homework. In the complex Dutch school system information about the school system is of crucial importance. In different contexts different subjective and objective options of individuals to gain access and to claim participation depend on different individual and group resources (i.e. the economic, social and cultural capital). With the comparative integration context theory we study both perspectives by looking at the actual practices of both institutions and individuals or groups.

The context of social and political discourse

Independent of their direct impact on policies and institutional practices, government rhetorics have an influence on the political and social climate, directly affecting immigrants' and their children's quest for a place and position in the immigration society. On the one side, integration practices are shaped and pre-structured by specific institutional contexts (including legal aspects, such as citizenship regimes and policies, and institutional arrangements in, for instance, education and the labour market). On the other side integration practices are shaped by rules and 'habits' (in the sense of Bourdieu's habitus) in estab- (Bourdieu 1977;1984).

We distinguish three basic types of discursive contexts: political discourse, the social discourse of everyday communication and interaction, and media discourse. The political climate and implicit or explicit stereotypes and hierarchies of groups have a constant effect on feelings of belonging. In addition, institutional arrangements can have 'discursive qualities'. Citizenship regimes, for example, are frequently reflected in everyday discourse on the national belonging of groups and individuals (Schneider 2007). The term 'belonging' entails the possibility of simultaneousness, of different forms of belonging in different contexts, and of possible changes over time. 'Belonging' has an individual and an institutional level: from an individual perspective the challenge is to find a widely unquestioned position and place. Belonging in the sense of 'functional identities ' (cf. Devereux 1978, pp. 137ff.) means the ability to develop social relations along 'strong' and 'weak ties' [START_REF] Granovetter | The Strength of Weak Ties[END_REF]) in many different social contexts. From institutional perspective the second generation is likely to experience boundaries 'brightened or blurred' [START_REF] Alba | Bright vs. blurred boundaries: Second-generation assimilation and exclusion in France, Germany, and the United States, Ethnic and Racial Studies[END_REF] by institutional arrangements, public and social discourses, and inclusionary/exclusionary attitudes of groups or individuals. 'Group factors' can be part of the boundary making process too, especially when there is a cultural and/or group dynamic preventing or promoting belonging and participation. Group factors are however never static or fixed: no group in any context is immune to external influences. The effects of these influences are generally best noted in the second generation (cf. Alba and Nee 2003, p.215).

The following table shows the 'warmth' of feelings among comparison group members in three different cities in the TIES survey towards people of Moroccan descent on a scale from 0 to 100 degrees Celsius. The respondents were told that 50 degrees would be equivalent to neutral feelings. The comparison group was interviewed in the same 3] The social and discursive climate towards Moroccans is apparently rather negative in Amsterdam (almost two thirds express lower than neutral feelings) and quite positive in Madrid.

The discursive context represents a complex field, in which the feelings of belonging in the second generation are in constant tension with political, media and social representations of their position in society. The wider dominant discursive context in most European countries presents a serious challenge here, because it overemphasises the ethnic background as the main signifier in all societal contexts. Depending on the degree to which belonging to the local or national community is discursively called into question, we find ambiguity and 'hybridity' in the feelings of belonging of the second generation groups -again probably the most adequate answer to the heterogeneous realities of European cities.

As a consequence, although 'national identity' is increasingly embraced and claimed by the second generation, this label especially is often problematic. Going back to the example, as the following figure shows, for the Moroccan second generation claiming to be Dutch seems far more problematic than being Spanish or Belgian.

[Figure 3] Interestingly, citizenship seems not to play a major role here, the numbers for dual and immigration country nationality do not significantly differ for second generation Moroc- 16 cans in the three cities. This is an indication that the discursive context is the most important determinant here. At the same time we see that local identity can be a sort of 'substitute' for national identity (especially for the second generation Moroccans in Amsterdam).

The differences between 'national' and 'local' belonging point to the importance of the 'discursive legitimacy' of specific 'labels'. In all TIES survey cities, for the second generation local belonging is more easily self-ascribed than national belonging, while this is not the case with the comparison group.

In summary, with the comparative integration context theory, we argue that participation and belonging in new diverse European cities is strongly dependent on the integration context. Differences in integration contexts include institutional arrangements in education, the labour market, housing, religion and in legislation. Differences in the social and political context are especially important for social and cultural participation and belonging.

Comparative Integration Context Theory: Methodology

The methodological starting point for us is to see how people in practice deal with the challenges of finding a place and position in this new diverse urban reality. Here, we borrow from Bourdieu's notion of the 'theory of practice' and the importance of studying concrete practices in societal fields of individuals, groups and institutions in different contexts and over time. So, instead of trying to fit the empirical complexities into pre-formulated models we argue in favour of building our insights departing from the actual practices and options of individuals and groups.

In most research 'integration' is only measured by the present state or the final outcome in different domains. This could be the highest school diploma or the present job.

This approach makes it difficult to link outcomes with institutional arrangements. Present above). The 'classical' conclusion would say that the Dutch school system is not very selective. However, looking at the school trajectory reveals that the Dutch school system is, in fact, one of the most selective systems tracking pupils into vocational versus academic tracks as early as age twelve.

However, the Dutch school system offers some repair for the early selection through the vocational column. Judging only on the end results actually obscures the severe selection processes in the transition from primary to secondary education. Only by bringing in the process it is possible to link the outcomes at different stages of the school career to the institutional arrangements, like early selection and the possibility to move up from lower vocational education to middle vocational education to be able in the end to enter higher education. It is the crucial methodological link to operationalize our theoretical assumptions.

The controversy between new assimilation and segmented assimilation is partly about looking at different life stages (youngsters versus young adults). The attitude of parents resisting Americanisation for their young children, which segmented assimilation theory has shown to be a possible path for upward mobility among Asian groups, may result in 'classical assimilation', once the youngsters reach adulthood and access the middleclass. Looking at life courses up and into adult life rather than only a particular part of that trajectory may help to soften the rigidity of certain concepts (and their critique).

Final remarks on the transatlantic debate

The European debate has greatly and critically profited from the theoretical notions developed in the US. Our theoretical framework is actually built on the earlier descriptions of multi-ethnic city realities in the US, in which non-Hispanic whites have already become an ethnic minority group [START_REF] Kasinitz | Inheriting the City. The Children of Immigrants come of Age Russell Sage Foundation Books at[END_REF]) and colour lines are increasingly 'blurred' [START_REF] Alba | Blurring the Color Line: The New Chance for a More Integrated America[END_REF].

The comparative European study however also triggers questions about the US centeredness of the American theoretical frameworks. Are differences in outcomes for the various ethnic groups in the US not partly a reflection of American institutional arrangements in school and labour markets? The New York second generation study, for instance, can be read as an example of how different ethnic groups are able to deal with the school system in place [START_REF] Kasinitz | Inheriting the City. The Children of Immigrants come of Age Russell Sage Foundation Books at[END_REF]. If a group lives in a poor neighbourhood with low quality public schools [START_REF] Portes | The Adaptation of the Immigrant Second Generation in America: A Theoretical Overview and Recent Evidence[END_REF](Portes et al. , p. 1081;;Suárez-Orozco et al. 2008, pp. 88-145), their children will have little chances to enter (prestigious) colleges. Extreme differences in quality of schools are typical features of American institutional arrangements in education (Crul and Holdaway 2009). Although some lower class ethnic minority groups may find better ways to overcome the inequality of chances in American schools than others, the results in the US, above all, reflect the American way of integrating children into educational institutions. These observations should caution us to transfer American assimilation theory to other national contexts. Even if in other countries we find similar segmented outcomes, the mechanisms and institutional settings behind them will most probably be very different than those described by segmented assimilation theory.

We found out through the TIES project that across Europe, the different contextual frameworks have (very) different consequences. In some national contexts there is a rapidly growing upcoming elite of immigrant descent in the cities, while in other contexts the This will obviously have important consequences for how the ethnic communities will develop and how integration or assimilation processes will develop in the future.

The challenge for European researchers is to comparatively explain different integration outcomes across Europe. In this article we have tried to formulate some first building blocks for a theoretical framework for this: a comparative integration context theory.

A similar argument can be made for the influence of the national discourses on ideals of assimilation or integration. They play an important role in who is considered integrated or assimilated in both the public and the academic debate. The implicitly formulated 'ideals of integration or assimilation' differ greatly across countries. We should be aware that in the US-debate the notion of 'assimilation', i.e. becoming similar to the 'mainstream population', is built upon the necessity of a country formed by immigrant groups of many different origins to create common denominators and identifiers. In the Scandinavian countries, by contrast, it is especially the tradition of the strong welfare state and the ideal of overcoming inequalities, which formulates the main end goals of integration. In France, the republican model with its radical egalitarian view of citizenship, poses yet again another normative integration goal. A good example of how this works in practice is religion:

Strong particularistic ethnic and religious institutions are mostly considered an important stepping-stone for assimilation in the US. The most contrasting case in Europe is certainly France, where religion is mostly looked upon with great scepticism (Foner and Alba 2009).

This obviously also has implications for the ways in which immigrant and second generation religiosity is judged in the two settings.

Especially in the field of identities and social relationships, normative ideas of preferred integration outcomes seem to most easily slip into academic integration models. Implicit normative connotations of terms and concepts frequently prevent posing the right 20 scientific questions and developing analytical models, which address integration dynamics in order to understand and not to judge them --or in other words, the 'concern with policy problems (should not) impair the search for intellectual problems' (Banton 2008, p. 7).

Cross-country and transatlantic comparisons may greatly help to raise awareness for the specific limits of every national debate between prescriptive and descriptive, normative and analytical. 6 This index combines four items in the TIES questionnaire addressing the attachment to the neighbourhood, feeling comfortable in it, feeling a responsibility for its life quality, and having good contacts with the neighbours. In the other cities only two of these items were asked, but the results are in line with this picture.

7 Practically all the comparative research on various immigrant groups in one national or local context takes the 'group hypothesis' more or less for granted. On the one side, this is difficult to avoid, because especially quantitative work has to create analytical units in order to make comparisons. On the other side, we should be aware that these units, in any case, are analytical artefacts, whose relation to reality has to be well considered. 8 It suffices to look at the annually registered moves to and away from a city at hand --accessible through the population registers in many municipalities. Obviously the phenomenon has a similar magnitude in the US and is constantly changing their 'ethnic landscape' in a similar way. 9 Fathers with a primary school diploma at most make up about half of the total Turkish sample. The TIES study compares two cities per country; it is thus no national survey. Yet, with regard to education the outcomes did not significantly differ across the two cities in each country (except for France).

  clearly defined group of in-and outsiders (cf.[START_REF] Glick-Schiller | Methodological Nationalism and beyond: Nation-state building, migration and the social sciences[END_REF].4

  she feels comfortable in the area. At the last Football World Championship 2006 her favourite team was Holland (Morocco was not qualified), but if Morocco had played her sympathies clearly would have been with the Moroccan team. Naima is 'well integrated' into a variety of different social organizations like, for example, her family, the neighbourhood, the university, and a mentor project that aims to help out disadvantaged children in school. Other domains could most probably be added, for example her workplace: a secondary school where she is currently doing an internship. She wears a headscarf and is engaged to a first generation Moroccan man who obtained his university diploma from Morocco.

  Differences in integration contexts include institutional arrangements in education, the labour market, housing, religion and in legislation. Differences in the social and political context are especially important for social and cultural participation and belonging. Part and parcel of the integration context is the diversity of today's European cities as we dis-

  To look at participation in key institutions in different European cities requires two different perspectives: From the societal perspective it means to look at the national and local 'institutional arrangements' facilitating or hampering participation and access, reproducing or reducing inequality. 'Failed participation' can thus be conceived as an indicator of obstacles to access and participation. An example of the latter could be the late start of which has a disproportional negative affect on children of immigrants. Here we actually invert the common academic and policy perspective on 'integration'. The question is not why individuals fail to participate but why institutions fail to be inclusive. The first findings of the TIES project show that institutional arrangements in education in the European situation are closely correlated to the level of education the second generation is able to reach.

  second generation was sampled, so the results should reflect their opinion toward their fellow neighbourhood residents:[Table

  outcomes are the results of underlying processes over time. The analytical emphasis on process transforms the generally more sharp line between 'success' and 'failure' at the end point into a more fuzzy sequence of failures and successes. It uncovers inbetween pathways, bifurcating at specific points during school or labour market careers. To give an example: the educational results of second generation Turks in the Netherlands as compared to other countries show a middle position (see table

  mainly settling among skilled workers (Crul and Schneider 2009).

  1977 Outline of a theory of Practice. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. BOURDIEU, PIERRE 1984 Distinction. A social critique of the judgement of taste. London: Routledge CRUL, MAURICE and HEERING, LIESBETH 2008 The Position of the Turkish and Moroccan Second Generation in Amsterdam and Rotterdam. The TIES Study in the Netherlands, Amsterdam: IMISCOE/Amsterdam University Press. CRUL, MAURICE and HOLDAWAY, JENNIFER 2009 Children of Immigrants in School in New York and Amsterdam: The Factors Shaping Attainment. In: M. Crul, J. Holdaway and C. Roberts (ed.) Pathways to Mobility and Citizenship. Special Issue Teachers College Record, Volume 111 Number 6, 2009 CRUL, MAURICE, PAZSTOR, ADEL and LELIE, FRANS 2008 De tweede generatie. Uitdagingen en kansen voor de stad. The Hague: Nicis Institute CRUL, MAURICE and SCHNEIDER, JENS 2009 The Second Generation in Europe. Education and the Transition to the Labour Market. London: OSI COHEN, ANTHONY P. 1994 Self Consciousness. An Alternative Anthropology of Identity. London, New York: Routledge DEVEREUX, GEORGE 1978 Ethnopsychoanalysis, Psychoanalysis and Anthropology as Complementary Frames of Reference, Berkeley: University of California Press. FONER, NANCY and ALBA, RICHARD 2008 Immigrant Religion in the U.S. and Western Europe: Bridge or Barrier to Illusion? International Migration Review, 42 (2), pp. 360-392 GIBSON, MARGARET A. 1989 Accommodation Without Assimilation: Sikh Immigrants in an American High School. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. and RUMBAUT, RUBEN 2001 Legacies. The Story of the Immigrant Second Generation. Berkeley: University of California Press. PORTES, ALEJANDRO and ZHOU, MIN 1993 'The New Second Generation: Segmented Assimilation and its Variants' The Annals vol. 530, no. 1, pp. 74-96. REITZ, JEFFREY (1998), Warmth of the welcome. The social cause of economic success for immigrants in different nations and cities. Boulder: Westview press RUMBAUT, RUBEN 2005 Turning points in the transition to adulthood: Determinants of educational attainment, incarceration, and early childbearing among children of immigrants. Ethnic and Racial Studies Vol. 28, No. 6, pp. 1041-1086 SCHINKEL, WILLEM 2007 Denken in een tijd van sociale hypochondrie: Aanzet tot een theorie voorbij de maatschappij. Kampen: Klement SCHNEIDER, JENS 2007 Boundaries of Self and Others: National Identity in Brazil and Germany, Lateinamerika Analysen 16(1), pp. 3-24, Hamburg: GiGA. SUAREZ-OROZCO, CAROLA, SUAREZ-OROZCO, MARCELO and TODOROVA, IRINA 2008, Learning a New Land. Immigrant Students in American Society. Cambridge: Harvard University Press VERMEULEN, HANS 1997 Immigrant Policy fir a Multicultural Society. A Comparative Study of Integration, Language and Religious Policy in Five Western European Countries. Amsterdam: Institute of Migration and Ethnic Studies (IMES). VERMEULEN, FLORIS and STOTIJN, ROSANNE 2009 Local Policies Concerning Unemployment among Immigrant Youth in Amsterdam and in Berlin: Towards Strategic Replacement and Pragmatic Accommodation, in M. Bockert and T. Caponio (eds.) The Local Dimension of Migration Policies, Amsterdam: IMISCOE/Amsterdam University Press (forthcoming). out, the relationships and constant movements of individuals across the nation-state borders (Waters and Levitt 2002). 5 The TIES survey was carried out by survey bureaus under supervision of the eight TIES partner research institutes: the Institute for Social and Political Opinion Research [ISPO], University of Leuven in Belgium; the National Institute for Demographic Studies [INED] in France; the Swiss Forum for Migration and Population Studies [SFM], University of Neuchâtel in Switzerland; the Centre for Research in international migration and ethnic relations [CEIFO], University of Stockholm in Sweden; the Institute for Migration Research and Intercultural Studies [IMIS] University of Osnabruck, in Germany and the Institute for European Integration Research [EIF], Austrian Academy of Sciences in Austria; The National Interdisciplinary Demographic Institute [NIDI] in The Hague and the Institute for Migration and Ethnic Studies [IMES] in Amsterdam, the Netherlands.

  Figures for Crul & Schneider: "Comparative Integration Context Theory: Participation and Belonging in New Diverse European Cities" ERS Special Issue "Theorizing Assimilation and Integration"

Figure 1 .

 1 Figure 1. Degree of involvement with one's neighbourhood (4-item index)

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	lishing and taking care of social relations and social interaction in a given societal setting
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The three best friends: How many are of a different ethnic background?

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	Tables:
	14.3 8.7 12.3 3.9 9.2 9.2 7.9 5.5 F SSYU G2 Turkish G2 Comp. Group SSYU G2 Turkish G2 Comp. Group SSYU G2 Turkish G2 o r 29.9 26.2 28.7 32.8 28.6 31.2 42.4 32.8 P Figure 3. Moroccan G2: Local belonging vs. National belonging 57.1 65.1 56.5 66.2 58 48.4 63.4 61.7 Figure 2. 62.7 11.0 59.2 27.5 76.9 9.1 58.4 36.2 32.0 23.5 30.0 21.2 19.2 42.4 26.4 24.7 28.7 26.2 33.3 27.2 36.8 25.1 Comp. Group Turkish G2 Comp. Group Turkish G2 Comp. Group Turkish G2 Comp. Group Turkish G2 All All Germany Vienna Frankfurt Berlin 73.9 46.7 19.6 33.7 local national Amsterdam higher educ. France F o r 88.8 57.1 46.8 24.7 23.0 30.2 national local national Madrid Brussels F o r higher educ. P 90.4 local P	4.0 3.8 1.3 3.3 0.0 1.2 11.9 7.5 13.9 15.2 6.5 19.6 9.6 1.6 18.2 7.6 2.0
	Linz	0% 0% Comp. Group SSYU G2 Comp. Group Turkish G2	11 10.9 7.8 12.6 10% 0% strong feeling of belonging 30.6 24.7 26.5 39.7 20% 30% e 20% e 20% e e r 40% 40% none one e r indifferent/neutral/ambiguous 58.4 64.4 65.7 47.7 50% 60% 70% 80% 40% 60% 60% two all three e r low medium high R R R	90% 80% 80% weak or no feelings Source: TIES 2007, 2008 100% 100% Source: TIES 2007, 2008 100%
			e e e	Source: TIES 2007, 2008
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Table 1 . Who should take care of the children, if you have a family?

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		Mostly the	Mostly	Both equally	Mostly some family
		mother	the father		members together
	Moroccan G2	9,8%	0%	85,2%	4,9%
	Comparison Group	9,3%	0%	86,6%	4,1%
	Source: TIES 2007,2008

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Table 2 . Second generation Turks with a father with maximum primary education: Highest diploma of those who left school and the present level of schooling of those still in school

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		Lower Secondary at most	Upper Secondary	College and University
	Austria	35,9%	49,6%	14,5%
	Belgium	24,0%	50,2%	24,8%
	France	15,8%	44,6%	39,6%
	Germany	34,7%	62,3%	3,0%
	Netherlands	32,1%	42,3%	25,6%
	Sweden	7,9%	55,0%	37,1%
	Switzerland	19,8%	67,0%	13,2%
	Source: TIES 2007,2008

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Table 3 : Comparison Group: feelings towards people of Moroccan descent (in temperature from 0 to 100 degrees Celsius)

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		Amsterdam	Brussels	Madrid
	0-25 degrees	14.0%	8.6%	2.8%
	26-50 degrees	50.4%	34.0%	24.7%
	51-75 degrees	26.0%	29.9%	37.7%
	76-100 degrees	9.6%	27.5%	34.8%
	N	250	244	247
	Source: TIES survey 2007, 2008

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Ethnic and Racial Studies

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Maurice Crul is Senior Researcher at the University of Amsterdam. Address: Oudezijds Achterburgwal 237, 1012 DL Amsterdam, The Netherlands Mail: M.R.J.Crul@uva.nl Jens Schneider is Senior Researcher at the University of Amsterdam Address: Dohrnweg 5, 22767 Hamburg, Germany Mail: sfager@gmx.de 1 An early version of this article was presented on an IMISCOE Cluster C8-workshop in Neuchâtel in November 2007. We would like to acknowledge the valuable comments we received on that occasion, including those of anonymous reviewers. We also extend our gratitude to the particular suggestions received from Frans Lelie, Sangeeta Fager, Nancy Foner, Richard Alba and Hans Vermeulen. Maurice Crul wants to thank the Russell Sage Foundation for their support during his fellowship year in which period this article was completed.

2 TIES investigates the second generation of Turkish, Moroccan and former Yugoslavia descent in fifteen cities in eight European countries (www.TIESproject.eu for more details). It has a special focus on the educational, professional and housing careers of the respondents, and it allows both for reconstruction of individual life trajectories, and relation of them to background and contextual factors (see Crul and Heering 2008).

3 See for instance the CILS and ISGMNY studies. 4 Another problem with the rather static notion of in-and outsiders is that it presupposes that 'the people',