Richard J Crisp
email: r.crisp@bham.ac.uk

Sarah Heuston

Matthew J Farr

Rhiannon N Turner

Seeing Red or Feeling Blue: Differentiated Intergroup Emotions and Ingroup Identifi cation in Soccer Fans

Keywords:

In this study we examined how social identity threat, contextualized as soccer fans' reactions to their team's success or failure, can lead to differentiated emotional expression as a function of ingroup identifi cation. We predicted that negative responses to threat (a team losing a match) would be qualitatively differentiated for lower and higher ingroup identifi ers in terms of both emotions and action tendencies. English male soccer fans were tested in three sessions (following matches resulting in two losses and one win). The fi ndings supported the hypotheses: following match losses lower identifi ers felt sad but not angry, whereas higher identifi ers felt angry but not sad. These qualitatively different negative emotional reactions to match loss mediated reported action tendencies. We discuss how these fi ndings support intergroup emotions theory and the predictive utility of social identifi cation in discerning differentiated emotional and behavioral reactions to intergroup threat.

For large numbers of people across the globe, attachment to their soccer club-whether it is the smallest local amateur side or one of the superpower teams with their galáctico playersis something of considerable psychological signifi cance. FIFA, soccer's world governing body, appositely paints a vibrant picture of the game as 'physical movement that simultaneously moves the emotions' (Fédération Internationale de Football Association, n.d.). Truly the world's game, the global popularity of the sport has risen to new heights. Spectator attendances at soccer matches in England are now at their highest for many years (reaching nearly 30 million in the 2003/4 season; by comparison, in 1988/9, this fi gure was around 18 million).

Unfortunately, however, intergroup confl ict and social disorder remain an inescapable element of this pastime enjoyed by millions. Within the last decade, research has suggested that violence arises at around 10% of soccer matches in England [START_REF] Marsh | Football violence in Europe[END_REF]. Furthermore, social disorder has not been limited to being a solely domestic concern. The problems posed by 'hooliganism' and widespread social unrest at high-profi le international tournaments (particularly within the European Union), such as the 1998 FIFA World Cup in France, and UEFA Euro 2000 in the Netherlands and Belgium, have proved to be of a suffi cient magnitude to dominate the headlines, both in Britain and the wider international community.

Fortunately, recent work by social psychologists has demonstrated that the prognosis for the game, and the English national identity abroad, need not be bleak. Greater understanding of the processes which govern intergroup dynamics, as understood through the traditional social identity theory framework [START_REF] Tajfel | An integrative theory of intergroup confl ict[END_REF], has been making a tangible impact in terms of reducing soccer-related social disorder (see [START_REF] Stott | Disorderly' conduct: Social psychology and the control of football 'hooliganism' at 'Euro2004[END_REF]. The contribution of social psychologists to analyses of fan behavior and the policing of matches helped to ensure that the recent UEFA Euro 2004 tournament was the fi rst in recent memory to take place free from signifi cant incidences of soccer-related disorder.

Social identity approaches, and in particular, the elaborated social identity model of crowd behavior [START_REF] Reicher | The Crowd' century: Reconciling practical success with theoretical failure[END_REF] are useful in explaining, and helping to prevent, social disorder which arises as a consequence of intergroup processes (e.g. how opposing fans, and police, react to each other as a function of their ingroup-outgroup category representations). There has been valuable progress made with respect to our understanding of processes of self-categorization, perceptions of (il)legitimacy of actions, and the function of norms (e.g. [START_REF] Stott | Crowds, context and identity: Dynamic categorization processes in the 'poll tax riot[END_REF]Stott & Reicher, 1998a, 1998b;[START_REF] Stott | Hooligans' abroad? Inter-group dynamics, social identity and participation in collective 'disorder' at the 1998 World Cup Finals[END_REF]. Attention has not, however, been focused on the ways in which particular ingroup-threatening events on the pitch can affect emotions. Such emotions in turn affect the likelihood of specifi c action tendencies such as confrontation versus avoidance, with confrontation being a potential precursor to social disorder. In this article, using intergroup emotions theory [START_REF] Mackie | Intergroup emotions: Explaining offensive action tendencies in an intergroup context[END_REF][START_REF] Smith | Social identity and social emotions: Toward new conceptualizations of prejudice[END_REF][START_REF] Smith | Affective and cognitive implications of a group becoming a part of the self: New models of prejudice and of the selfconcept[END_REF], we conceptualize soccerrelated social identity processes in terms of differing emotional responses to an ingroup threat (for example, the team's defeat), which may occur in terms of differing levels of commitment (i.e. social identifi cation) to that ingroup.

Social identity and sporting contexts

The social identity approach (by this we mean social identity theory, [START_REF] Tajfel | The social identity theory of intergroup behavior[END_REF], and self-categorization theory, Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher, & Wetherell, 1987) provides a logical and coherent account of the processes which lead individuals to connect themselves to groups, and what this connection-that is, social identifi cation-means for the individuals concerned. In particular, because of a motivational drive toward self-and group-enhancement (e.g. [START_REF] Tajfel | The social identity theory of intergroup behavior[END_REF], see also [START_REF] Abrams | Prospects for research in group processes and intergroup relations[END_REF]Hogg & Abrams, 1988), we can consider ingroups by their very nature to be of emotional signifi cance to the self-concept. The sporting world provides many sources for strong and enduring social identifi cation. In spectator sport, the personal psychological lives of individuals can be tied to the fates of their chosen teams. Cialdini and colleagues' (1976) classic study of 'basking in refl ected glory' demonstrated the simple power of winning and losing upon collective self-esteem, a vivid illustration of the grip that meaningful social memberships can exert over self-perception. In this study more students demonstrated their affi liation with their university after their university team won a football game than after losing a game. Their fi ndings also hinted at the strategy of 'cutting off refl ected failure', later elucidated by [START_REF] Snyder | Distancing after group success and failure: Basking in refl ected glory and cutting off refl ected failure[END_REF] and [START_REF] Wann | Die-hard and fair-weather fans: Effects of identifi cation on BIRGing and CORFing tendencies[END_REF]; following group failure affiliation is de-emphasized, and members distance themselves from the group. Both strategies appear to be means of managing selfesteem; either by capitalizing on membership of a successful group, or by preventing oneself from being tarnished by affiliation with an unsuccessful group.

This apparent link between sports team affi liation and self-esteem was subsequently confi rmed by [START_REF] Hirt | Costs and benefi ts of allegiance: Change in fans' self-ascribed competencies after team victory versus defeat[END_REF]. They showed that fans who considered their team allegiance to be an important part of their identity considered their team's success and failure as constituting personal success and failure. In particular, a team's poor performance could markedly lower supporters' self-evaluations and mood. Recent studies have also suggested a link between high levels of identifi cation and mood, as well as a link to aggressive tendencies. Wann, Dolan, McGeorge, and Allison (1994, Study 2) had college students attend their local basketball teams' home games and complete measures of identifi cation and affect. They found that following a loss, high identifi ers showed a greater increase in negative mood and a greater decrease in positive mood than low identifi ers. Highly identifi ed fans have also been shown to report higher levels of hostile and instrumental aggression [START_REF] Wann | The impact of team identifi cation on the hostile and instrumental verbal aggression of sports spectators[END_REF], and to be more likely to injure some member of a rival team [START_REF] Wann | The relationship between team identifi cation and willingness of sports fans to consider illegally assisting their team[END_REF][START_REF] Wann | Sport fan aggression and anonymity: The importance of team identifi cation[END_REF].

Beyond such generalized self-and groupbased affect, research in the social identity fi eld has not prioritized the decomposition of such affective responses. Whereas feelings toward an outgroup can be summarized as constituting negative affect (put simply, 'bad feeling'), we can actually go further in exploring the specifi c emotional components which constitute such 'bad feelings'. Such a focus on specifi c emotions, which provide a qualitatively and experientially richer understanding of intergroup behavior, forms the central pillar of intergroup emotions theory [START_REF] Mackie | Intergroup emotions: Explaining offensive action tendencies in an intergroup context[END_REF][START_REF] Smith | Social identity and social emotions: Toward new conceptualizations of prejudice[END_REF][START_REF] Smith | Affective and cognitive implications of a group becoming a part of the self: New models of prejudice and of the selfconcept[END_REF]. Building upon the basic principles which underlie the social identity approach (i.e. the self as indivisible from the social context), the theory addresses those emotions people experience when they think about or confront members of an outgroup.

Intergroup emotions

Intergroup emotions theory [START_REF] Mackie | Intergroup emotions: Explaining offensive action tendencies in an intergroup context[END_REF][START_REF] Smith | Social identity and social emotions: Toward new conceptualizations of prejudice[END_REF][START_REF] Smith | Affective and cognitive implications of a group becoming a part of the self: New models of prejudice and of the selfconcept[END_REF] builds on a combination of two social psychological perspectives; appraisal theories of emotion [START_REF] Frijda | The emotions[END_REF], which argue that emotions follow from events related to the individual or the personal self, and social identity theory [START_REF] Tajfel | An integrative theory of intergroup confl ict[END_REF], which posits that when group membership is salient it constitutes an integral part of the self, whereby individuals come to regard themselves as relatively interchangeable with other group members. The theory argues that when group membership is salient, people react emotionally when situations or events affect the ingroup. [START_REF] Smith | Social identity and social emotions: Toward new conceptualizations of prejudice[END_REF] argued that specifi c appraisals made during experience with the outgroup would lead to specifi c emotions and subsequent action tendencies. If an outgroup was seen as pushy, for example, this might elicit anger, leading to a tendency to aggress against the group, or if an outgroup was seen as dirty, this might elicit disgust and lead to avoidance of that group. [START_REF] Mackie | Intergroup emotions: Explaining offensive action tendencies in an intergroup context[END_REF] investigated the effect of the strength of the ingroup relative to the outgroup on different emotions and action tendencies. Specifi cally, they proposed that when the ingroup is in a strong position relative to the outgroup, this should elicit anger, leading to offensive action tendencies toward the outgroup. In contrast, when the ingroup is in a weak position relative to the outgroup, this should elicit fear, resulting in avoidance of the outgroup. Across three studies, participants categorized themselves into one of two groups depending on their position on an emotive issue (e.g. punishments for drug use, equal rights for homosexual couples). The degree of support for the point of view of the ingroup relative to the outgroup was then measured (Study 1) or manipulated (Studies 2 and 3). [START_REF] Mackie | Intergroup emotions: Explaining offensive action tendencies in an intergroup context[END_REF] found when the ingroup position was stronger than the outgroup position, more anger was elicited and there was a greater inclination to oppose or confront the outgroup. Crucially, the effect on approach action tendencies was mediated by anger. There was no evidence that being a member of a weak group led to avoidance action tendencies via fear. There was, however, some limited evidence (Study 3) that being in the weak group led to feelings of contempt, which was associated with the desire to move away from the outgroup. [START_REF] Silver | The nature of intergroup emotions[END_REF]cited in Devos, Silver, Mackie, & Smith, 2002) found greater evidence for the role of being in a weak group position on fear and avoidance action tendencies. Female undergraduates were asked to imagine themselves walking down a local street late at night and being unjustly accused of breaking a car's side mirror. To induce appraisals that might lead to fear, the male owner of the car was described as threatening and aggressive. [START_REF] Silver | The nature of intergroup emotions[END_REF] found that participants appraised themselves as weak in the situation, more so when they were the sole ingroup member encountering multiple outgroup members. They also showed high levels of fear and a desire to move away from the outgroup. The weaker participants felt, the more fear they experienced and the more they wanted to move away from the antagonist. The effect of an appraisal of weakness on avoidance action tendencies was mediated by participants' reported levels of fear.

In sum, group-based emotions-for example, shared fear, sadness, anger, guilt-arise when a particular intergroup event is weighed up in terms of its implications for the ingroup. One can see how this basic idea makes a lot of sense in all sorts of intergroup contexts. For instance, when the news emerged that three of the perpetrators of the July 7, 2005 terrorist attacks on London came from the English city of Leeds, residents of Leeds were forced to consider the implications of this for their own group memberships (e.g. BBC News Online, 2005). That is, how does this event impact upon the notion of 'us' as citizens of Leeds, English people, Muslims, non-Muslims, and so on? Through considering an ingroupthreatening event, individuals can be thought to experience an affective response which constitutes an emotion directed toward 'them', the outgroup, on the basis of a dichotomized, intergroup frame of reference. Specifi cally, and of importance for the study we report here, research on intergroup emotions theory supports the notion that in intergroup contexts specifi c emotions can be experienced that are linked directly to group membership, that qualitatively different emotions will be experienced as a function of context, and that these different emotions will lead to different behavioral (action) tendencies. In the research we report, we tested a novel moderator of experienced emotion that was derived directly from work on social identity theory-perceivers' degree of ingroup identifi cation.

This research

We argue that as well as existing moderators that lead to qualitatively different intergroup emotions and action tendencies [START_REF] Mackie | Intergroup emotions: Explaining offensive action tendencies in an intergroup context[END_REF][START_REF] Silver | The nature of intergroup emotions[END_REF] we can specify a further moderator derived directly from work on social identity theory. We possess multiple social identities, which vary in the degree to which they are salient (or not) at particular times (for a review, see [START_REF] Crisp | Multiple social categorization: Context, process, and social consequences[END_REF]. Put another way, we can identify to a greater or lesser extent with a range of social categories at different times. Ingroup identifi cation can be defi ned as 'the extent to which group members feel strong ties with their group' (Spears, Doosje, & Ellemers, 1999, p. 85). Consistent with the above, it is well established that such ingroup identifi cation is variable (e.g. [START_REF] Branscombe | In-group or out-group extremity: Importance of the threatened social identity[END_REF][START_REF] Doosje | Perceived intragroup variability as a function of group status and identifi cation[END_REF] for reviews see [START_REF] Brown | Group identifi cation: The same thing to all people?[END_REF][START_REF] Hinkle | Intergroup comparisons and social identity: Some links and lacunae[END_REF], and this variability in social identifi cation has strong predictive validity when combined with value or distinctiveness threat. This is the case with respect to a range of intergroup attitudes and behaviors ranging from self-stereotyping (e.g. Spears, Doosje & Ellemers, 1997), through stereotypic differentiation [START_REF] Doosje | Perceived intragroup variability as a function of group status and identifi cation[END_REF], perceived group variability (Ellemers, Spears, & Doosje, 1997) and intergroup bias (e.g. [START_REF] Branscombe | Collective self-esteem consequences of outgroup derogation when a valued social identity is on trial[END_REF][START_REF] Jetten | Intergroup distinctiveness and differentiation: A meta-analytic integration[END_REF][START_REF] Spears | Distinctiveness and the defi nition of collective self: A tripartite model[END_REF].

As we noted earlier, some work has already established ingroup identifi cation as an important predictor of generalized affective reactions in sporting contexts. [START_REF] Wann | Relationships between spectator identifi cation and spectators' perceptions of infl uence, spectators' emotions, and competition outcome[END_REF] found that following a loss, high identifi ers showed a greater increase in negative mood and a greater decrease in positive mood than low identifi ers. Although these fi ndings only show that identifi cation had an impact on broad negative or positive affect, Wann et al.'s mood questionnaire included both items that referred to anger emotions (e.g. angry) and depressed emotions (e.g. sad). This raises the possibility that had these specifi c negative emotions been differentiated then a dissociation may have been observed for lower and higher identifi ers.

Some further evidence that specifi c emotions can be elicited as a function of identifi cation comes from [START_REF] Sloan | The motives of sports fans[END_REF]. In this study 46 regular fans of a basketball team (who could be considered committed, high identifi ers) recorded their emotions before and after eight home basketball games. Sloan found that anger increased after a loss, but was almost nonexistent after a win. In contrast, happiness decreased after a loss and rose following a win. These fi ndings were also replicated among American football fans. In contrast, fans watching an amateur boxing tournament, where the competitors had only recently volunteered, and therefore where there had been little opportunity for fans to form an attachment (i.e. participants could be regarded as lower identifi ers), showed no changes in anger or happiness across the course of the matches. Sloan's study is important in that it indicates that the degree of commitment to a sports team can have an impact on specifi c emotions (anger and happiness). However, because the two emotions used here are still broadly positive versus negative, we cannot be sure that the results simply refl ect differences in generalized affective reaction, rather than being attributable to qualitatively different emotional reactions.

Although not in a sporting context, some studies have also indicated that identifi cation may not only affect emotions, but also associated action tendencies. Recategorization from two subgroups into a merged superordinate group can constitute a threat to identity, especially for highly identifying subgroup members (see [START_REF] Crisp | Commitment and categorization in common ingroup contexts[END_REF][START_REF] Crisp | Recategorization and subgroup identifi cation: Predicting and preventing threats from common ingroups[END_REF]. [START_REF] Yzerbyt | I feel for us: The impact of categorization and identifi cation on emotions and action tendencies[END_REF] examined emotional reactions and action tendencies in response to recategorization as a function of identifi cation. They asked Frenchspeaking Belgian participants enrolled at the Catholic University of Louvain (UCL) to read a bogus newspaper story about how English was being enforced as the sole language in the third, fourth and fi fth years of University. Participants either had their common identity (recategorization) with these students made salient (they were told they were being compared, as students, with professors), or their subgroup membership was made salient (they were told that UCL students were being compared with students at other universities). After reading the newspaper article, participants reported the extent to which they felt anger, sadness, fear and happiness, and reported their action tendencies; whether they intended to exhibit approach behaviors (e.g. intervene, get angry), do nothing, or avoid the situation (e.g. stop thinking about it). Yzerbyt and colleagues found that in the common ingroup condition high identifi ers showed signifi cantly more anger and a greater intention to engage in approach behaviors than low identifi ers, who were marginally more likely than high identifi ers to have a tendency to avoid the situation.

There is therefore indicative evidence that identifi cation has a role to play in predicting emotional reactions to ingroup threat and associated action tendencies. However, although some of the above studies have focused in on specifi c emotions (e.g. anger), none have shown a dissociation of specifi c emotions that cannot be attributed to broadly affectively positive or negative reactions. In other words, to be sure that qualitatively different reactions are being experienced in some context it is necessary to show that two similarly valenced, but distinct emotions can be experienced, with associated (but again distinct) action tendencies.

Here we extend theorizing in both the social identity and intergroup emotion domains by predicting qualitatively different emotional reactions to intergroup threat and corresponding differentiation in terms of action tendencies. We make our predictions with respect to two negative, but qualitatively different, relevant emotions in the context of sporting team success or failure. Compared to team success, we expected the degree of ingroup identifi cation to predict specifi c experienced emotions, and for this to be particularly the case following a loss, an intergroup threat in this context.

We expected identifi cation to predict qualitatively different emotions due to different appraisals of the general context at hand (i.e. a team loss). Above we discussed how the perception of the ingroup as being in either a strong or weak position can lead to different appraisals of the same situation, and correspondingly different emotions and action tendencies [START_REF] Mackie | Intergroup emotions: Explaining offensive action tendencies in an intergroup context[END_REF][START_REF] Silver | The nature of intergroup emotions[END_REF]. Specifi cally, when the ingroup is in a strong position relative to the outgroup, this should elicit approach-related emotions, leading to offensive action tendencies toward the outgroup. In contrast, when the ingroup is in a weaker position relative to the outgroup, this should elicit withdrawal-type emotions, resulting in avoidance of the outgroup. For several reasons we believe it is reasonable to equate perceiving either a strong or weak position relative to the outgroup with ingroup identification. According to social identity theory's self-esteem hypothesis (Abrams & Hogg, 1988), people can use group membership as a resource-as a means of acquiring positive self-esteem. This tendency appears to vary as a function of identification. [START_REF] Martinot | Ingroup versus outgroup comparisons and self-esteem: The role of group status and ingroup identifi cation[END_REF] found that identifi cation mediated the extent to which group members self-categorized to protect themselves from threatening comparisons (and retain positive self-esteem, [START_REF] Redersdorff | Impact of upward and downward social comparisons on self-esteem: Importance of activated identity[END_REF]. Similarly, the negative impact of perceiving oneself to be victim of discrimination can be alleviated by higher ingroup identifi cation [START_REF] Branscombe | Perceiving pervasive discrimination among African Americans: Implications for group identifi cation and well-being[END_REF]. Arguably these examples of people identifying with groups as a way of dealing with threat suggest that for such perceivers the ingroup must be seen as a source of strength. Put another way, groups are seen as stronger, more potent, and better able to serve as a viable source of positive self-esteem to the extent that one identifi es with the group.

We may therefore expect, as with higher perceived group strength, that higher identifi ers will be more inclined (than lower identifi ers) to feel angry following a threat, and to be more inclined to report tendencies toward approach, aggression-related behaviors (consistent with [START_REF] Mackie | Intergroup emotions: Explaining offensive action tendencies in an intergroup context[END_REF]. As we have noted, higher identifi ers are more likely to be ingroup protective under threat, showing bolstering behaviors like stereotyping, ingroup homogenization, self-stereotyping and bias. Approach-type behaviors, and by association the experience of angry emotions, are consistent with these general trends. Indeed, Wann and [START_REF] Wann | Die-hard and fair-weather fans: Effects of identifi cation on BIRGing and CORFing tendencies[END_REF] found that highly identifi ed sports team fans were less likely to Cut Off Refl ected Failure (CORF) than low identifi ers, arguing that they instead use other coping mechanisms when they lose, such as expressing anger, hostility and aggression.

Anger and approach behaviors therefore seem consistent with what we already know about how high identifi ers react to ingroup threat. But what about lower identifi ers? Typically we might expect lower identifi ers to simply exhibit less intense behaviors than higher identifi ers (their identity is less bound up with their group's successes or failures). They are less likely to react with ingroup-bolstering or protective behaviors than higher identifi ers (e.g. ingroup favoritism) and are more likely to try alternative self-esteem maintenance/restoration techniques, such as dis-identifying and individuating themselves [START_REF] Ellemers | The infl uence of permeability of group boundaries and stability of group status on strategies of individual mobility and social change[END_REF][START_REF] Ellemers | Effects of the legitimacy of low group or individual status on individual and collective status-enhancement strategies[END_REF][START_REF] Martinot | Ingroup versus outgroup comparisons and self-esteem: The role of group status and ingroup identifi cation[END_REF]. Based on what we know about lower identifi ers in general we might therefore not predict any qualitative difference in specifi c emotion experienced, but rather simply a less intense reaction to that of higher identifi ers.

In the context of sports team allegiance, however, there is a critical difference to much of the existing work on the moderating impact of ingroup identifi cation. That is that members in these contexts have chosen their allegiance to a particular identity, and, as fans, should show a general positively skewed level of identifi cation with the team. That is, sports fans should all be fairly committed to the group. In this context, the terms lower and higher identifi cation take on a new meaning, but a meaning that is consistent with our prediction of a qualitative dissociation of specifi c emotions.

While typically we might regard people who are lower identifi ers with groups to simply feel less intensely about threats to that identity, here we might expect a qualitatively different experience for people who all feel a negative emotion. Importantly, given the skew toward high commitment, we expect all fans will experience a negative emotion following a loss, but the type of emotion experienced will depend upon how committed a fan they are. Consistent with the fi ndings from [START_REF] Sloan | The motives of sports fans[END_REF] this represents a key conceptual distinction between affi liations that are freely chosen and developed, like sports team allegiance-identities that matter to all members of the group-and types of groups that are not chosen by participants (such as gender and race) which can engender very low levels of commitment (indeed for such groups dis-identifi cation can be observed, when people try to distance themselves from what they might perceive to be a devalued identity; [START_REF] Steele | Stereotype threat and the intellectual test-performance of African-Americans[END_REF]. As such, the positive skew toward high identifi cation is representative of a precondition required to observe the qualitative differentiation of emotions we predict here.

Given that sporting contexts are typically those where all members have a baseline level of commitment, we may therefore expect the degree of identifi cation reported by fans to predict different forms of experienced negative affect. Lower identifying fans should feel negative but they should feel specifi cally more sad-a less action-oriented emotion-than higher identifi ers, and so be more inclined to want to avoid the outgroup. We can equate this with previous work which has found that being in a weaker position predicts avoidance action tendencies and related emotions [START_REF] Mackie | Intergroup emotions: Explaining offensive action tendencies in an intergroup context[END_REF][START_REF] Silver | The nature of intergroup emotions[END_REF]). Here we expect not fear, but a different negative emotion, sadness, to evoke avoidance. We would not expect fear to be particularly applicable in a sports-fan context because it is an emotion that is typically elicited when thinking about future negative events: Here, sports fans are appraising a negative event that has happened in the past-a match loss. From research on counterfactual thinking we know that thinking about negative past events can elicit negative affect [START_REF] Roese | Counterfactual thinking[END_REF], and, in particular, this negative affect is characterized by sadness [START_REF] Mandel | Counterfactuals, emotions, and context[END_REF]. The idea that sadness should lead to avoidance is consistent with [START_REF] Neuberg | Intergroup emotions: A biocultural approach[END_REF] who argue that sadness is associated with self-contemplation and selfimposed seclusion (for a similar argument see [START_REF] Crisp | A dual-route model of crossed categorization effects[END_REF]. This dissociation in predicted emotional reactions is also consistent with what we know of lower identifi ers in threatening group contexts. It is lower identifi ers who will be most likely to 'cut off refl ected failure' [START_REF] Snyder | Distancing after group success and failure: Basking in refl ected glory and cutting off refl ected failure[END_REF], via avoidance arising from associated emotions like sadness. While lower identifying fans are likely to feel negative about a loss like higher identifi ers, their reaction will be more associated with distancing themselves, rather than engaging in ingroup-protective behavior, and this will be refl ected in their action tendencies.

In sum, we argue that while all participants will experience negative affect following a loss (all being fans with a baseline skew toward higher levels of identification), the nature of how this negative affect is experienced and represented in behavioral tendencies will vary as a function of the degree of identifi cation above this baseline. Consistent with the above theory and empirical fi ndings, lower identifying fans will react to the loss with CORF-like tendencies such as avoidance, and they will experience avoidance-related emotions such as sadness. As identifi cation rises for these fans we expect more anger-related and aggressive approach tendencies to be exhibited, consistent with what we know of the ingroup bolstering reactions to threat observed in previous studies. In the study reported below, we tested these predictions.

Method

Participants and design

Sixty male soccer supporters participated in this study; their ages ranged from 16 to 52 years. All participants were fans of Northfi eld Town Football Club, a small amateur club in the city of Birmingham, England. Founded in 1966, they play in the Midland Combination League. Fans were sampled on three occasions (Ns = 16, 23 and 21), following one win (score: 1-0) and two losses (0-3; 0-2) for their team. As such, win or loss constituted a dichotomous betweensubjects variable, and identifi cation a continuous predictor for anger, sadness and happiness emotions, and approach and avoidance action tendencies.

Dependent measures

Intergroup emotion Our measure of intergroup emotion (adapted from [START_REF] Mackie | Intergroup emotions: Explaining offensive action tendencies in an intergroup context[END_REF], was intended to measure participants' emotional reactions (anger, sadness and happiness) to the results of each match. Participants were asked to state the result of the match before rating their emotions about the result using a 7-point Likert scale, ranging from 1 (not at all) to 7 (very much so). The emotions participants were asked to rate were: angry, hostile, annoyed, irritated, furious (measuring anger; α = .967); sad, depressed, tense, distressed, upset (measuring sadness; α = .947); and happy, pleased, cheerful, calm, elated (measuring happiness; α = .883).

Action tendencies To measure the extent to which different emotions would facilitate different behaviors, we also adopted the measure of action tendencies used by [START_REF] Mackie | Intergroup emotions: Explaining offensive action tendencies in an intergroup context[END_REF]. These measures are useful because while social psychologists typically focus on negative evaluations of a group and its members, such measures are limited because they do not explain the wide variety of reactions to the outgroup. Action tendencies, group members' desire to behave in a particular way toward the outgroup, may help us to understand a broader range of reactions to other groups. We were interested in measuring two specifi c action tendencies; the tendency to move toward the outgroup and the tendency to move away from it, which we hypothesized would be associated with anger and sadness respectively. The tendency to move toward the outgroup was measured by two items asking participants to rate the extent to which the result of the match made them want to: 'Confront the opposition's fans', and 'Argue with the opposition's fans', which were signifi cantly correlated with one another (r(60) = .86, p < .0001). These items were therefore averaged to form a single index of approach tendency. The tendency to avoid the outgroup was measured by two items, asking participants to rate the extent to which the result of the match made them want to, 'Avoid the opposition's fans', and 'Have nothing to do with them', which were also highly correlated (r(60) = .68, p < .0001). These two items were therefore averaged to form a single index of avoidance. Participants responded to all four items on a 7-point Likert scale, ranging from 1 (not at all) to 7 (very much so).

Procedure

The questionnaire was designed following consultation with a number of soccer fans about the nature of supporter behavior at soccer matches. The study was carried out at the soccer team's ground when home games were being played. Sixty participants were tested over a three match period, being told that the purpose of the study was to 'gain information about how people think about their team for research into spectator behavior'. At the end of each soccer match, participants were approached by the experimenter as they left the soccer ground and asked if they would complete a voluntary questionnaire. An introductory page, covering issues of informed consent and confi dentiality, and giving a brief explanation of the research area was first presented. Participants were then asked to complete items relating to ingroup identifi cation. These items asked participants to rate the extent to which they agreed with the following four statements (adapted from [START_REF] Jetten | Predicting the paths of peripherals: The interaction of identifi cation and future possibilities[END_REF][START_REF] Luhtanen | A collective self-esteem scale: Self -evaluation of one's social identity[END_REF]: 'I identify strongly with other Northfi eld Town FC supporters', 'Being a Northfi eld Town FC supporter is an important part of who I am', 'I feel strong ties with other Northfi eld Town FC supporters', 'I feel a sense of solidarity with Northfi eld Town FC supporters' (1-not at all, 9-very much). These items formed a reliable index (α = .976) so were averaged accordingly to form a single measure of identifi cation. Following this, participants completed the intergroup emotions items, noting fi rst their team's fi nal score and the opposing team's fi nal score (to reinforce the win-loss threat context). Finally, the participants completed the action tendency items before being thanked and debriefed.

Results

We used moderated regression (Aiken & West, 1991) to investigate the impact of a threat to the ingroup (loss vs. win) on intergroup emotions and action tendencies as a function of ingroup identifi cation. We computed an interaction variable by contrast coding our threat conditions as 0 and 1 (loss vs. win) and multiplying it by the centered continuous identifi cation scores for each participant. We then entered this interaction variable into a multiple regression on a second step following the insertion of the categorization and identifi cation factors independently at step 1. Notably, mean identifi cation did not vary over sampling sessions (F(2, 57) = .280, p = .757) (Ms = 4.76, 5.17, 4.73) and across all sessions the overall identifi cation mean was 4.86 (SD = 1.94) which was signifi cantly higher than the midpoint of the scale (4) (t(59) = 3.43, p = .001). This confi rmed the expected positive skew of the identifi cation scores in this context.

Intergroup emotions

We first computed two indices: anger plus sadness, and anger minus sadness. This created the variables needed to test whether there was an interaction between result, identifi cation and specifi c emotion. The anger minus sadness index equates to entering anger and sadness as different levels of an emotion within-subjects factor in a typical analysis of variance (ANOVA); effects on the anger plus sadness index equate to between-subjects effects observed in a typical ANOVA. For our purposes of differentiating specifi c types of emotion, the former index is most relevant here. The procedure involving the anger minus sadness index creates what is essentially a within-subjects factor of emotion (anger vs. sadness) and effects on this index indicate diverging trends to report anger and sadness emotions respectively. Interactions can then be decomposed like any other higher-order ANOVA interaction by carrying out the separate analyses for the two levels of the emotion factor (sadness and anger).

This analysis revealed that, overall, as identifi cation increased so too did general negative affect (anger plus sadness) (β = .262; t = 2.90, p = .005). In addition, negative affect (anger plus sadness) was greater following a loss than a win, irrespective of degree of ingroup identifi cation (β = -.713; t = -7.89, p < .0005). There was no result × identifi cation interaction on general negative affect (anger plus sadness) (β = .059; t = .185, p = .854). These fi ndings confi rm that, overall, higher and lower identifi ers felt equally negative following a loss compared to a win.

These between-subjects effects (using the anger plus sadness index) were qualified, however, by several interactions that show a dissociation of the different types of emotion (using the anger minus sadness index). There was a result × emotion interaction (β = -.244; t = -2.47, p = .017), and an identification × emotion interaction (β = .648; t = 6.55, p < .0005). The latter indicated that degree of ingroup identifi cation was positively related to anger (β = .506; t = 4.46, p < .0005), while degree of identifi cation was negatively related to sadness (β = -.321; t = -2.58, p = .012). Broadly, this supports the notion that ingroup identifi cation will differentiate intergroup emotions: at higher levels of identifi cation participants reported more anger, and at lower levels of identifi cation participants reported more sadness. Both of these effects were qualifi ed by the predicted result × identifi cation × emotion interaction (β = -.985; t = -3.06, p = .003). This interaction suggested that participants reported qualitatively different emotions depending on their degree of ingroup identifi cation following losses versus wins. To decompose this interaction, we examined the effects of result and identifi cation on anger and sadness separately.

Anger Moderated regression analysis revealed that as identifi cation increased so too did anger (β = .566; t = 7.06, p < .0005). In addition, anger was greater following a loss than a win, irrespective of degree of ingroup identifi cation (β = -.620; t = -7.72, p < .0005). These effects were qualifi ed, however, by the predicted result × identifi cation interaction (β = -.559; t = -2.05, p = .045) (see Figure 1). Simple slope analysis within result condition revealed that identifi cation had a marginal effect on anger when the soccer team had won the match (β = .417; t = 1.72, p = .11), but was signifi cantly positively related to anger when the soccer team had lost the match (β = .720; t = 6.73, p < .0005). The higher the participants identifi ed with their team, the more anger they experienced following a loss. Sadness Moderated regression analysis revealed that as identifi cation increased sadness decreased (β = -.281; t = -2.47, p = .02). In addition, sadness was greater following a loss than a win, irrespective of degree of ingroup identifi cation (β = -.413; t = -3.64, p = .001). These effects were qualified, however, by the predicted result × identifi cation interaction (β = .813; t = 2.11, p = .039) (see Figure 2). Simple slope analysis within result conditions revealed that identification had a marginal positive relationship with sadness when the soccer team had won the match (β = .440; t = 1.83, p = .088), but a signifi cant negative relationship with sadness when the soccer team had lost the match (β = -.401; t = -2.84, p = .007). The less the participants identifi ed with their team, the more sadness they experienced following a loss-a qualitatively different relationship than that observed between identifi cation and anger, which was a positive relationship. 1

Action tendencies

We first computed two indices: avoidance plus approach, and avoidance minus approach. This created the variables needed to test whether there was an interaction between result, identifi cation and action tendencies. This analysis revealed only two theoretically significant effects. First, there was an identifi cation × action tendency interaction (β = .581; t = 5.35, p < .0005). This interaction indicated that while degree of ingroup identifi cation was positively related to approach tendencies (β = .579; t = 5.40, p < .0005), it was negatively related to avoidance tendencies (β = -.289; t = -2.30, p = .025). This supports the basic hypothesis that degree of identifi cation will differentiate action tendencies: higher identifi ers tended toward approach behaviors, lower identifi ers tended toward avoidance behaviors.

These effects were qualifi ed, however, by a result × identifi cation × action tendency interaction that approached signifi cance (β = -.635; t = -1.70, p = .094). This interaction suggested that participants reported qualitatively different action tendencies depending on their degree of ingroup identification following losses versus wins. To decompose this interaction, we examined the effects of result and identifi cation on the two action tendencies separately.

Approach action tendency

As identifi cation increased so too did tendencies to approach the outgroup (β = .609; t = 6.08, p < .0005). In addition, tendencies to approach were greater following a loss than a win, irrespective of degree of ingroup identifi cation (β = -.313; t = 3.12, p = .003). These effects were not qualifi ed by a result × identifi cation interaction (β = -.129; t = -.366, p = .716), indicating that as identifi cation increased, so too did approach tendencies, both when the team had lost a match, but also when the team had won a match (see Figure 3).

Avoidance action tendency

As identifi cation decreased tendencies to avoid the outgroup increased (β = -.268; t = -2.16, p = .035). In addition, there was a marginal tendency to report more avoidance of the outgroup following a loss than a win, irrespective of degree of ingroup identification (β = .221; t = 1.78, p = .080). These effects were, however, qualifi ed by a result × identifi cation interaction (β = .854; t = 2.03, p = .048) (see Figure 4). Simple slope analysis within result condition revealed that identification had a marginal positive relationship with avoidance when the team had won the match, β = .429; t = 1.78, p = .098. When the soccer team had lost the match, however, there was a signifi cant negative relationship between identifi cation and avoidance, β = -.367; t = -2.55, p = .014. Lower identifi ers were more likely to avoid the outgroup than high identifi ers following a loss.

Mediational analysis

We computed mediational analyses to assess whether the relationship between ingroup identifi cation and the tendency to approach or avoid the outgroup could be explained by anger and sadness respectively following a match loss. Regarding the effect of identifi cation on the tendency to approach the outgroup, in step 1, the outcome measure (approach tendency) was regressed onto the predictor (identifi cation). This analysis revealed a signifi cant relationship between the predictor and the outcome (β = .643; p < .0005). In step 2, the analysis revealed a significant relationship between identifi cation and the potential mediators, anger (β = .720; p < .0005) and sadness (β = -.401; p = .007). In step 3, approach behavior was regressed onto the mediators while controlling for identifi cation. This analysis revealed that while there was a signifi cant relationship between anger and approach tendency (β = .909; p < .0005), there was not between sadness and approach tendency (β = -.057; p = .453). Finally, when the mediators were controlled in the fi rst equation, the relationship between the predictor and the outcome became nonsignificant (β = -.034; p = .742), and a Sobel test was signifi cant (z = 5.43; p < .0005) see Figure 5 top). In sum, although identifi cation predicted both anger and sadness, it was only anger that mediated the effect of identifi cation on the tendency to approach the outgroup.

We next computed a mediational model of the effect of identifi cation on the tendency to avoid the outgroup. In step 1, the outcome measure (avoidance) was regressed onto the predictor (identifi cation). This analysis revealed a signifi cant relationship between identifi cation and avoidance (β = -.367; p = .014). In step 2, the analysis revealed a signifi cant relationship between identifi cation and potential mediators, sadness (β = -.401; p = .007) and anger (β = .720; p < .0005. In step 3, avoidance was regressed onto the mediators while controlling for identifi cation. This analysis revealed a signifi cant relationship between sadness and avoidance (β = .897; p < .0005), but not anger and avoidance (β = .028; p = .78). Finally, when the mediators were controlled in the fi rst equation, the relationship between identifi cation and avoidance became nonsignifi cant (β = -.027; p = .797), and a Sobel test was signifi cant (z = 2.75; p = .006) (see Figure 5 bottom). In sum, although identifi cation positively predicted both anger and sadness, only sadness mediated the effect of identifi cation on avoidance following a match loss. These distinct mediational paths identifi ed for approach and avoidance action tendencies further support the dissociation of emotions and action tendencies as a function of identifi cation. 2

Discussion

In this research we set out to integrate work on the distinctive reactions of lower and higher identifi ers in social judgment with intergroup emotions theory. In the context of soccer fans' reactions to wins or losses, we measured negative, but qualitatively distinct, intergroup emotions and action tendencies. Broadly, we found strong support for the overall dissociation of emotions and action tendencies as a function of ingroup identification. Anger was experienced to a greater extent for higher identifi ers than lower identifi ers, and sadness was experienced to a greater extent for lower identifi ers than higher identifi ers. These tendencies were, however, qualifi ed by threat (consistent with previous work on social identity theory), here contextualized as a team win or loss. When participants' group identity was threatened (a loss), qualitatively different emotional responses were observed for higher and lower identifi ers: higher identifi ers were more angry than lower identifi ers, whereas lower identifi ers were more sad than higher identifi ers. Identifi cation with the ingroup also predicted differences in the tendency to approach or avoid the outgroup following a loss: lower identifi ers were more likely to avoid the outgroup than higher identifi ers after a loss; higher identifi ers were more likely to approach the outgroup than lower identifi ers after a loss (although this latter tendency was also observed when the ingroup team had won). Crucially, the effect of identifi cation on action tendencies after a loss was fully mediated only by the specifi c associated emotion: approach tendencies were mediated by anger, not sadness; avoidant tendencies were mediated by sadness, but not anger. More generally we supported the basic positive relationship between identifi cation and anger (and consequent approach tendencies) and the basic negative relationship between identifi cation and sadness (and consequent avoidance tendencies). These fi ndings support intergroup emotions theory, which proposes that specifi c emotions are associated with specifi c action tendencies, but they also show that these mediational paths are moderated by ingroup identifi cation. Below we discuss the implications of these fi ndings for intergroup emotions theory, social identity theory and efforts to apply social psychological theory to real intergroup contexts such as those involving sports fan behavior.

Theoretical implications

The current fi ndings provide strong support for intergroup emotions theory [START_REF] Mackie | Intergroup emotions: Explaining offensive action tendencies in an intergroup context[END_REF][START_REF] Smith | Social identity and social emotions: Toward new conceptualizations of prejudice[END_REF][START_REF] Smith | Affective and cognitive implications of a group becoming a part of the self: New models of prejudice and of the selfconcept[END_REF]. When group membership as a soccer fan was salient as a result of watching a soccer match with another team, participants reacted emotionally to losing the match, a situation that affected the ingroup. For lower identifi ers, moreover, losing a soccer match led to the action tendency of outgroup avoidance, an effect mediated by the emotional reaction of sadness; for higher identifi ers losing a match led to outgroup approach behaviors, an effect Figure 5. Top: mediational model of the role of reported anger in explaining the identifi cation-approach action tendency relationship following a match loss. Bottom: mediational model of the role of sadness in explaining the identifi cation-avoidance action tendency relationship following a match loss. mediated by anger. While previous research has shown that contempt [START_REF] Mackie | Intergroup emotions: Explaining offensive action tendencies in an intergroup context[END_REF] and fear [START_REF] Silver | The nature of intergroup emotions[END_REF] led to an action tendency of avoidance, we believe the current study is the fi rst to show a sadness-avoidance link, and in particular that sadness mediates the relationship between identifi cation and an action tendency to avoid the outgroup. Although sadness was not specifi ed in the original theory as a mediator of the effect of an appraisal about the intergroup context on avoidance of the outgroup, we associate sadness with withdrawal from social situations (see [START_REF] Crisp | A dual-route model of crossed categorization effects[END_REF]. Summarizing research on the associations between specifi c intergroup emotions and action tendencies, [START_REF] Neuberg | Intergroup emotions: A biocultural approach[END_REF] concluded that sadness was associated with self-contemplation and self-imposed seclusion. It therefore makes sense that sadness emerged as a mediator of the relationship between identifi cation and avoidance.

It is important to note that our fi ndings here apply to a context where all members are to some extent highly committed. Soccer fans (and more generally sports fans), by defi nition, may have a baseline level of identifi cation above which they can vary, and this may represent a context distinct from that in which identifi cation has been studied previously. On the one hand this is a potentially important boundary condition defi ning when the dissociation of qualitatively different emotions might be observed, but it also opens up a potentially new and exciting avenue for future research in which defi nitions of ingroup identifi cation can become more fine-grained, potentially revealing a more qualitatively detailed picture of the implications of commitment to groups. Broadly speaking, these fi ndings imply that identifi cation can not only predict differences in the intensity of responses but can also sometimes reveal more fi ne-grained, specifi c affective or behavioral tendencies in particular intergroup contexts, such as those relating to sports team allegiance, where affi liation has been adopted as a potential means of providing self-conceptual benefi ts.

Intergroup emotions theory is grounded in social identity theory; [START_REF] Smith | Social identity and social emotions: Toward new conceptualizations of prejudice[END_REF] proposed that intergroup-rather than individual level-emotions would only arise when social identity was salient. The current fi ndings strengthen the link between intergroup emotions theory and social identity theory by demonstrating that ingroup identifi cation moderates the effect of a threat to the ingroup on intergroup emotions. Specifically, they showed that threat to the ingroup led to anger for high identifi ers and sadness for low identifi ers. Previous research has focused on the effects of the intergroup context in producing different intergroup emotions, showing, for example, that when the ingroup is in a strong position, there is anger and aggression toward the outgroup, but when the ingroup is in a weak position, there is fear and avoidance of the outgroup [START_REF] Mackie | Intergroup emotions: Explaining offensive action tendencies in an intergroup context[END_REF]. In contrast, we have found that characteristics of the group members themselves infl uence which intergroup emotions arise. Enhancing our understanding of the factors that moderate when specifi c intergroup emotions and associated action tendencies will arise represents an important development in intergroup emotions theory.

Finally, we know that variability in ingroup identifi cation is a reliable predictor of a wide range of intergroup attitudes (ranging from self-stereotyping to intergroup bias, e.g. [START_REF] Jetten | Intergroup distinctiveness and differentiation: A meta-analytic integration[END_REF]. This research has added a specifi c dissociation of emotions and action tendencies to this list. Higher identifi cation, as well as leading to more self-stereotyping, homogeneity and intergroup bias, also appears specifi cally to lead to more anger and approach behaviors. Lower identifi cation, as well as leading to a greater tendency to individuate oneself and dissociate from the ingroup, appears to specifi cally lead to more sadness and avoidance tendencies, especially under threat. It is this qualitative dissociation that is particularly interesting here, supporting the general notion that lower and higher identifi ers think and act differently in intergroup contexts.

Sport and social identity

The fi ndings of the present study have important implications for future research within the fi eld of soccer-related types of social disorder which seeks to uncover systemic intergroup processes using experimental social psychology approaches, but which strives to keep at its center the socially situated affective experiences of the participants. The integration of selfcategorization and social identity principles with intergroup emotions theory is promising for future developments in this applied fi eld, because it incorporates the particular acute affective states felt by, and described by, those who routinely attend soccer matches. Indeed, we believe that this is the fi rst fi eld test of the processes outlined by intergroup emotions theory. [START_REF] Marsh | The rules of disorder[END_REF] expositive analysis of soccer-related disorder in the UK in the late 1970s was timely because of the difference between the widely received view of the phenomenon in question and what they observed through social scientifi c methods. They argued that the public perception of disorder at soccer matches (shaped through political and media rhetoric) was that it was chaotic and irregular, the sum total of a large number of uneducated aggressive hooligans behaving erratically and nonnormatively. To some extent, all British soccer supporters-but particularly those designated 'hooligans'-were subject to a degree of infrahumanization at that time, and this state of affairs was exacerbated by the attitude of the right-wing press and government in the 1980s. 'Hooligans' were being categorized as distinct creatures from 'normal people'. Intraindividual, rather than intergroup, processes, were to blame. This in itself might have made it possible to dismiss social-level processes from being applicable on the many occasions on which social disorder was taking place. Our study suggests that soccer's quite particular emotional thesaurus is evident at a personal level and is linked to what can be termed loosely as disorder-facilitating (not causing) 'approach' tendencies, but stems from a social-level process.

The perception of soccer supporters in society is very different in 2005 following a change in the game's spectator demographics (more women and children following perceived safety improvements in stadia, 'middle-class' cultural acceptability since the early 1990s, season tickets becoming prohibitively expensive for low income families). As such, social disorder attached to soccer is, increasingly, less credibly attached to widespread 'hooliganism'. As a consequences of this, intergroup process explanations of such incidents now have greater explanatory power. Stott et al.'s (2001) ethnographic study of the 1998 World Cup seems to confi rm this point; they argue that their fi ndings show that, '. . . it is simply not adequate to see all violence . . . purely and exclusively in terms of the presence and predisposition of hooligans' (p. 379). While Marsh et al.'s (1978) social anthropological observations are rooted in the decade they were made, their argument regarding the highly structured and rule-based nature of social behavior at soccer matches still rings true. Such a structured and organized intergroup environment is a dream setting in which to apply and test intergroup emotions theory; there is no question that group membership is highly salient and situations are being constantly evaluated in terms of their repercussions for the ingroup.

Conclusion

In this research we argue that emotions and action tendencies can be qualitatively differentiated depending on the extent to which people see the relevant ingroup as being important for their self-concept. The data we report here support this hypothesis. Following match losses lower identifiers felt sad but not angry, whereas higher identifi ers felt angry but not sad and these negative, but qualitatively different, emotional reactions mediated reported action tendencies. The fi ndings support the basic links between specifi c emotion and action tendency outlined by intergroup emotions theory, as well as providing a point of synthesis with existing work on the importance of social identifi cation in describing and defi ning intergroup relations. This work may therefore aid the development of an elaborated account of the motivational and emotive processes that defi ne thought and behavior in social contexts.

Notes

1. We also carried out the moderated regression analysis on the items that formed the happiness index and found the same result × identifi cation interaction (β = .566; t = 2.32, p =.024), with simple slope analysis revealing that identifi cation did not signifi cantly affect happiness when the participants' soccer team had won the match (β = .351; t = 1.41, p < .18), but was negatively related to happiness when the soccer team had lost the match (β = -.418; t = -2.98, p < .005).

Happiness is not, however, relevant to the theoretical aims of the current research, so we do not discuss these fi ndings in detail. 2. We also tested these mediational models irrespective of intergroup threat (win or loss) and observed a replication of all paths found to be signifi cant above.

Figure 1 .

 1 Figure 1. Reported anger as a function of threat and ingroup identifi cation.

Figure 2 .

 2 Figure 2. Reported sadness as a function of threat and ingroup identifi cation.

Figure 3 .

 3 Figure 3. Reported approach tendencies as a function of threat and ingroup identifi cation.

Figure 4 .

 4 Figure 4. Reported avoidance tendencies as a function of threat and ingroup identifi cation.