Belle Derks
email: derks@fsw.leidenuniv.nl

Michael Inzlicht

Sonia Kang

The Neuroscience of Stigma and Stereotype Threat

Keywords: EEG, ERP, social identity, social neuroscience, stereotype threat

This article reviews social neuroscience research on the experience of stigma from the target's perspective. More specifi cally, we discuss several research programs that employ electroencephalography, event-related potentials, or functional magnetic resonance imaging methods to examine neural correlates of stereotype and social identity threat. We present neuroimaging studies that show brain activation related to the experience of being stereotyped and ERP studies that shed light on the cognitive processes underlying social identity processes. Among these are two projects from our own lab. The fi rst project reveals the important role of the neurocognitive confl ict-detection system in stereotype threat effects, especially as it pertains to stereotype threat 'spillover'. The second project examines the role of automatic ingroup evaluations as a neural mediator between social identity threats and compensatory ingroup bias. We conclude with a discussion of the benefi ts, limitations, and unique contributions of social neuroscience to our understanding of stigma and social identity threat.

Over the years, methodological and technological advances have allowed social psychologists to reduce their reliance on explicit self-report measures of people's emotions, attitudes, and motivations. The movement within the fi eld has been toward a focus on implicit measurements, providing for a more accurate and unbiased assessment of important psychological phenomena. The recent introduction of methods and technology from cognitive neuroscience affords social psychologists yet another theoretical advancement; we are now able to systematically test predictions related to the mechanisms underlying social psychological processes. This merge of social psychology and neuroscience, social neuroscience, has led to important new insights into the cognitive processes and neural mechanisms underlying intergroup phenomena such as categorization, prejudice, and stereotyping. For example, the mechanisms underlying automatic processes that were previously difficult or impossible to identify can now be studied with neural techniques like functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) and electroencephalography (EEG). Neuroscience techniques allow us to explore the role of specifi c neural regions and systems in complex social psychological phenomena such as person perception and racial bias, thereby improving our understanding of these phenomena by integrating with what is already known about these specifi c brain regions from neuroscience research (see [START_REF] Ochsner | The emergence of social cognitive neuroscience[END_REF], for a primer on social cognitive neuroscience). In turn, social neuroscience informs the fi eld of cognitive neuroscience as a whole by enriching the current body of knowledge with new insights into the intricacies of complex social behaviors and processes.

The past few years in particular have seen an explosion of studies using the social neuroscience approach. As this Special Issue attests, work on stereotyping and prejudice is no exception. EEG and fMRI methods, for example, have been used in the area of person perception to study the hypothesized relationship between automatic and controlled processes (e.g. [START_REF] Bartholow | Stereotype activation and control of race bias: Cognitive control of inhibition and its impairment by alcohol[END_REF][START_REF] Cunningham | Separable neural components in the processing of Black and White faces[END_REF]. To this point, however, most work on the social neuroscience of intergroup processes has focused on the perpetrator's point of view, focusing, for example, on the mental processes and brain regions that are activated when people employ stereotypes to perceive and interpret their social world (see for examples [START_REF] Amodio | Mechanisms for the regulation of intergroup responses: Insights from a social neuroscience approach[END_REF][START_REF] Bartholow | Stereotype activation and control of race bias: Cognitive control of inhibition and its impairment by alcohol[END_REF][START_REF] Cunningham | Separable neural components in the processing of Black and White faces[END_REF][START_REF] Hart | Differential response in the human amygdala to racial outgroup vs. ingroup face stimuli[END_REF][START_REF] Ito | Social neuroscience and social perception: New perspectives on categorization, prejudice, and stereotyping[END_REF][START_REF] Phelps | Performance on indirect measures of race evaluation predicts amygdala activation[END_REF][START_REF] Richeson | An fMRI investigation of the impact of interracial contact on executive function[END_REF][START_REF] Wheeler | Controlling racial prejudice: Social-cognitive goals affect amygdala and stereotype activation[END_REF]. In contrast, surprisingly little social neuroscience research has focused on the target's point of view. Given social neuroscience's role in advancing research on stereotyping and prejudice, it is clear that neuroscience techniques could also advance theory and research on the target's perspective. That is, social neuroscience has great potential in fostering a more comprehensive and integrated understanding of what it means and how it feels to belong to a stigmatized group.

In this article, we review the existing social neuroscience research on stigma and stereotype threat. We begin by discussing the effects of prejudice on targets, including stereotype threat effects and the use of coping mechanisms to protect social identity. Then, we describe how these phenomena can be studied with social neuroscience techniques. Finally, we examine the limitations and benefi ts of this work and discuss the value of social neuroscience in relation to more traditional measures. Rather than offering a comprehensive analysis of research on stereotype threat (see [START_REF] Shapiro | From stereotype threat to stereotype threats: Implications of a multi-threat framework for causes, moderators, mediators, consequences, and interventions[END_REF][START_REF] Steele | Contending with group image: The psychology of stereotype and social identity threat[END_REF], this article offers a glimpse into recent neuroscience research emerging in the fi eld of stigma, detailing how tools borrowed from neuroscience and psychophysiology can inform our understanding of the target's perspective. We begin our discussion by providing a selective review of stereotype and social identity threat.

Stereotype and social identity threat: A brief review

Stereotype threat defi ned

Stereotype threat has become one of the most vigorously explored topics of the past decade in social psychology, with research on the topic greeted with much interest within academic psychology and among members of the public alike. The original [START_REF] Steele | Stereotype threat and the intellectual test performance of African Americans[END_REF] article is now considered a modern classic [START_REF] Fiske | The discomfort index: How to spot a really good idea whose time has come[END_REF], and has been cited well over 600 times 1 . Part of the enthusiasm stems from the fact that the theory of stereotype threat offers a situational interpretation for the long-lasting and seemingly intractable debate over the source of group differences in academic and cognitive performance. This explanation avoids the nature vs. nurture trap, by suggesting that situations themselves can bring about group differences when threats are 'in the air' [START_REF] Steele | A threat in the air: How stereotypes shape intellectual identity and performance[END_REF].

Stereotype threat is a situational predicament where individuals are at risk, by dint of their actions or behaviors, of confi rming negative stereotypes about their group [START_REF] Steele | Stereotype threat and the intellectual test performance of African Americans[END_REF]. It is the resulting sense that one might be judged or treated in terms of a negative stereotype. In their original article, [START_REF] Steele | Stereotype threat and the intellectual test performance of African Americans[END_REF] suggested that because African Americans are well aware of the negative stereotypes impugning their intellectual ability, whenever they are in a situation requiring them to display said ability, they fear confi rming the stereotype, a process which could interfere with optimal performance. In support of their hypotheses, their experiments indicated that African American college students underperformed when stereotypes about their group became salient, for example, when they took a 'diagnostic' test of academic ability or when they indicated their race on a demographic survey prior to taking a test.

A speech given by Lawrence Summers, Harvard University's former president, in early 2005 illustrates that women, too, are exposed to negative stereotypes. In this speech, Summers claimed that women lack innate ability in math and science, and that this accounts for why so few of them are to be found-as either students or professors-in math and science classrooms (see [START_REF] Dar-Nimrod | Exposure to scientifi c theories affects women's math performance[END_REF]. Like with African Americans, these negative beliefs hurt and can lead women to feel threatened every time they perform a task that tries their math and science ability. In an initial set of studies, [START_REF] Spencer | Stereotype threat and women's math performance[END_REF] illustrated that highly capable women underperformed on a math test when they thought the test could reveal 'gender differences in ability' compared to women who thought it was 'gender-neutral'. Importantly, others have shown that subtle manipulations can also activate stereotypes and thus interfere with performance, for example, changing the gender composition of a group [START_REF] Inzlicht | A particular resiliency to threatening environments[END_REF][START_REF] Inzlicht | A threatening intellectual environment: Why females are susceptible to experiencing problem-solving defi cits in the presence of males[END_REF], manipulating the gender of a test administrator [START_REF] Marx | Female role models: Protecting women's math test performance[END_REF], or even exposing women to sexist advertisements [START_REF] Davies | Consuming images: How television commercials that elicit stereotype threat can restrain women academically and professionally[END_REF]. As an antidote to President Summers's biological explanation, these studies suggest that one reason women are missing from science is the situational predicament of stereotype threat.

In the years since the publication of Steele and Aronson's article, many articles have followed and documented the generalizability of the stereotype threat effect to a broad array of groups and domains of activity, both in the real world and in the lab. Studies have observed the effect of stereotype threat on performance of women on tests of political knowledge [START_REF] Mcglone | Stereotype threat and the gender gap in political knowledge[END_REF], of Latinos [START_REF] Gonzales | The effects of stereotype threat and double-minority status on the test performance of Latino women[END_REF], and of children of low socioeconomic status on tests of intelligence [START_REF] Croizet | Extending the concept of stereotype and threat to social class: The intellectual underperformance of students from low socioeconomic backgrounds[END_REF]. However, stereotype threat does not exclusively affect members of traditionally devalued or marginalized groups; indeed, even members of non-stigmatized groups can experience stereotype threat. Studies have shown stereotype threat effects with Whites on tests of athletic ability (e.g. [START_REF] Beilock | On the causal mechanisms of stereotype threat: Can skills that don't rely heavily on working memory still be threatened?[END_REF][START_REF] Stone | Stereotype threat effects on black and white athletic performance[END_REF], tests of math ability [START_REF] Aronson | When White men can't do math: Necessary and suffi cient factors in stereotype threat[END_REF], or tests of racial bias [START_REF] Frantz | A threat in the computer: The race implicit association test as a stereotype threat experience[END_REF], as well as with psychology students on tests of general knowledge (e.g. [START_REF] Seibt | Stereotype threat and performance: How self-stereotypes infl uence processing by inducing regulatory foci[END_REF]. Finally, although there is some controversy over whether stereotype threat has any impact outside of the laboratory [START_REF] Cullen | Using SAT-grade and ability-job performance relationships to test predictions derived from stereotype threat theory[END_REF][START_REF] Stricker | Stereotype threat, inquiring about test takers' ethnicity and gender, and standardized test performance[END_REF], recent evidence suggests that it had an effect in state middle-school exams in Texas [START_REF] Good | Improving adolescents' standardized test performance: An intervention to reduce the effects of stereotype threat[END_REF] and in elementary school grades in Connecticut [START_REF] Cohen | Reducing the racial achievement gap: A social-psychological intervention[END_REF].

The consequence of stereotype threat on performance, then, is widely documented, with well over 100 separate studies examining performance defi cits [START_REF] Davies | Clearing the air: Identity safety moderates the effects of stereotype threat on women's leadership aspirations[END_REF]. In contrast, very few studies have gone beyond performance to examine some of the other important consequences of stereotype threat. More recently, however, researchers have recognized this omission and started addressing this crucial subject. Work coming out of our own lab, as well as that of others (e.g. [START_REF] Beilock | Stereotype threat and working memory: Mechanisms, alleviation, and spillover[END_REF], has now indicated that stereotype threat can 'spillover' and affect behaviors and decisions in domains unrelated to the threatening stereotype. We have found, for example, that when female students and students belonging to visible minority groups became aware their actions could confi rm negative stereotypes about their gender and ethnic groups, they had a more diffi cult time maintaining their attention, physically exerting themselves, suppressing their appetites, and making rational judgments and decisions [START_REF] Inzlicht | Stereotype threat spillover: How threats to identify affect eating, decision making, and the brain[END_REF]Inzlicht, McKay, & Aronson, 2006). Other work has concentrated on the effects of stereotype threat on the self-concept. Some research has suggested that stereotype threat can lead to self-uncertainty about one's abilities and one's belonging in a specific setting [START_REF] Aronson | The ups and downs of attributional ambiguity: Stereotype vulnerability and the academic self-knowledge of African American college students[END_REF][START_REF] Walton | A question of belonging: Race, social fi t, and achievement[END_REF], reducing aspirations in stereotyped domains [START_REF] Davies | Clearing the air: Identity safety moderates the effects of stereotype threat on women's leadership aspirations[END_REF], while other research indicates that it can affect the way individuals relate to and identify with their own ingroup (e.g. [START_REF] Pronin | Identity bifurcation in response to stereotype threat: Women and mathematics[END_REF]. Moreover, research studying how stigmatized people cope with stereotype threat shows that chronic threats to social identity can lead them to disengage from domains in which their group is negatively stereotyped (Major & Schmader, 1998;[START_REF] Major | Coping with negative stereotypes about intellectual performance: The role of psychological disengagement[END_REF][START_REF] Osborne | Academics, self-esteem, and race: A look at the underlying assumptions of the disidentifi cation hypothesis[END_REF], and compensate for group devaluation by claiming their group's superiority in other performance domains [START_REF] Derks | Striving for success in outgroup settings: Effects of contextually emphasizing ingroup dimensions on stigmatized group members' social identity and performance styles[END_REF], 2007). The main point here is that stereotype threat can affect more than just performance, a point to which we will return when describing some of our new lab studies.

Expansion and refi nement

In recent years, theorists have both expanded and refi ned the concept of stereotype threat. Although stereotype threat is quite pervasive, it is but one form of social identity threat [START_REF] Steele | Contending with group image: The psychology of stereotype and social identity threat[END_REF], a situational predicament occurring when individuals become fearful that their social category is devalued by others [START_REF] Tajfel | The social identity theory of intergroup behavior[END_REF]; see also [START_REF] Crocker | Social stigma and self-esteem: The self-protective properties of stigma[END_REF]. People whose social identity is threatened are not only worried about what negative stereotypes say about them, but also about what they say about groups with which they belong and identify [START_REF] Tajfel | The social identity theory of intergroup behavior[END_REF]. People may be threatened by negative stereotypes about their group, but they may also be threatened when they suspect that their social identity can put them at risk for social devaluation, exclusion, and biased treatment. This is a broader conception of threat because it includes any situation that contains the possibility of being marginalized, including not only when stereotypes are 'in the air', but also when cues in the environment send messages that one's social identity is not welcome.

In any given setting, a person can come to realize that they could be devalued and discriminated against because of their social identity. This awareness could originate from a person's perceptions of how members of their group are generally treated [START_REF] Mendoza Denton | Sensitivity to status-based rejection: Implications for African American students' college experience[END_REF] or from cues in the environment that raise the possibility of such devaluation [START_REF] Ellemers | Self and social identity[END_REF][START_REF] Murphy | Signaling threat: How situational cues affect women in math, science, and engineering settings[END_REF]. Regardless of the source of realization, the person might become vigilant to the possibility of identity threat and sensitive to the cues communicating that their group's stigmatized social status may be relevant in the immediate situation [START_REF] Kaiser | Prejudice expectations moderate preconscious attention to cues that are threatening to social identity[END_REF]. Some settings provide few cues that stereotypes and prejudice are relevant and thus result in individuals experiencing little or no threat to their social identities. These 'identity-safe' environments assure individuals that their social identities are valued and pose no barrier [START_REF] Davies | Clearing the air: Identity safety moderates the effects of stereotype threat on women's leadership aspirations[END_REF]. Other situations, however, are less hospitable and can become identity threatening by dint of cues within them. A casual chat in one's dorm room, for example, may become threatening when a fi rst-generation college student realizes that all his roommates' parents are college graduates and highly paid professionals. When people are uncertain of their standing, watchful for stigma-relevant cues, and fi nd themselves in just such an inhospitable environment, the process of social identity threat is set off.

At the same time that theorists have elaborated upon the concept of threat, others have tried to refi ne and categorize the types of threat, moving the fi eld from social identity threat to social identity threats. In a recent review of the literature, [START_REF] Shapiro | From stereotype threat to stereotype threats: Implications of a multi-threat framework for causes, moderators, mediators, consequences, and interventions[END_REF] suggested that stereotype threat actually means different things to different researchers because they often use stereotype threat as an umbrella concept without articulating the subconcepts that defi ne it. To correct for this, Shapiro and Neuberg proposed a multi-threat framework whereby there is not simply a single stereotype threat, but rather six qualitatively distinct stereotype threats. Specifi cally, negative stereotypes can lead individuals to experience different types of threats that arise from the intersection of two dimensions: the target of the threat (the self/one's group) and the source of the threat (the self/outgroup others/ingroup others). So, for example, someone could be threatened if they worry that the stereotype is true of them personally or true of their group; they could worry that outgroups see them as stereotypic or see their group as stereotypic; and they could worry that ingroups see them as stereotypic or their own group as stereotypic (e.g. [START_REF] Inzlicht | Do highachieving female students underperform in private? The implications of threatening environments on intellectual processing[END_REF][START_REF] Marx | We can do it: The interplay of construal orientation and social comparisons under threat[END_REF][START_REF] Quinn | Discreditable: Stigma effects of revealing a mental illness history on test performance[END_REF][START_REF] Schmader | Gender identifi cation moderates stereotype threat effects on women's math performance[END_REF]. Similarly, Branscombe and colleagues [START_REF] Branscombe | The context and content of social identity threat[END_REF] defi ned four different types of social identity threat. People can experience threat because their group is devalued (value threat), because they are categorized as members of a group to which they do not want to belong (categorization threat), because their group lacks distinctiveness from other groups (distinctiveness threat), or because they worry whether they are accepted within their group (acceptance threat). Although there is mounting evidence for many of these forms of social identity threat, it is still unclear how these two models converge and how many forms of threat there actually are. Nevertheless, it is clear that stereotype threat and social identity threat take on more than one form, an articulation of which can help us comprehend one of the more important issues surrounding the threat concept, the issue of mediation.

Mediation and process

Since the publication of the fi rst empirical paper by Steele and Aronson in 1995, researchers have asked questions about process, mechanism, and mediation; fundamentally asking, 'What is stereotype and social identity threat?' Although there is still much to discover, our understanding of process has improved greatly since those early days. Social identity threat is best thought of as a predicament faced by a person in a situation; given the range of possible situations, groups of people, and types of stereotypes, it should come as no surprise that social identities can be threatened through multiple, interacting pathways. The most prominent of these are the physiological stress response due to increased arousal [START_REF] Ben Zeev | Arousal and stereotype threat[END_REF][START_REF] Blascovich | African Americans and high blood pressure: The role of stereotype threat[END_REF][START_REF] O'brien | Stereotype threat and arousal: Effects on women's math performance[END_REF][START_REF] Scheepers | When the pressure is up: The assessment of social identity threat in low and high status groups[END_REF], negative cognitions that consume executive resources [START_REF] Beilock | Stereotype threat and working memory: Mechanisms, alleviation, and spillover[END_REF][START_REF] Cadinu | Why do women underperform under stereotype threat? Evidence for the role of negative thinking[END_REF][START_REF] Schmader | Converging evidence that stereotype threat reduces working memory capacity[END_REF], and self-regulatory changes in the aims of managing thoughts and emotions [START_REF] Derks | Social creativity strikes back: Improving motivated performance of low status group members by valuing ingroup dimensions[END_REF][START_REF] Seibt | Stereotype threat and performance: How self-stereotypes infl uence processing by inducing regulatory foci[END_REF][START_REF] Spencer | Media images and stereotype threat: How activation of cultural stereotypes can undermine women's math performance[END_REF].

There is support for all of these putative mechanisms, but what has been missing is an understanding of how these mechanisms fit together. Recently, however, Schmader, Johns, and Forbes (in press) have proposed a comprehensive, integrated model of stereotype threat where threat is thought to be produced by three distinct, yet interconnected pathways. Placing executive control as the proximal mediator, the model implicates a physiological stress response, a performance monitoring response, and an affect regulation response. For example, when faced with the possibility of confirming a negative stereotype about their social identity, people may feel anxious and physiologically stressed, they may monitor their performance for what it means for them and their group's reputation, and they may try to suppress and deny these emotions so that others won't think they are admitting defeat. All three of these processes can tax one's limited executive control strength, which are the same cognitive resources needed for intellectual performance. Ultimately, this can result in the intellectual performance defi cits seen in studies of stereotype threat.

Limitations

While we have learned a great deal about stereotype and social identity threat over the years, some of the fundamental questions-especially those related to mechanism-have been more diffi cult to elucidate. Part of this, we suppose, is because of the fi eld's reliance on the measurement of overt behaviors and especially the use of selfreport. Let's take the examination of arousal and anxiety in mediating stereotype threat as one example. Although [START_REF] Steele | Stereotype threat and the intellectual test performance of African Americans[END_REF] suggested that threat was mediated by anxiety and emotion in their original paper, multiple attempts to support this proved futile (e.g. [START_REF] Spencer | Stereotype threat and women's math performance[END_REF][START_REF] Stone | Stereotype threat effects on black and white athletic performance[END_REF]. This assumption only gained support once researchers started using online measurements of psychophysiology (e.g. Blascovitch et al., 2001) or indirect manipulations of arousal state (e.g. [START_REF] Ben Zeev | Arousal and stereotype threat[END_REF]. And as we will see below, it gained even more traction once researchers started measuring direct brain activity with the modern tools of neuroscience.

The primary objective of this paper is to highlight the important role that social neuroscience has played-and will soon play-in increasing our appreciation of stereotype and social identity threat. The use of such tools as fMRI, EEG, and event-related potentials (ERP) allows researchers to answer questions concerning underlying processes. Importantly, using a social neuroscience approach-which is characterized by a desire to understand phenomena at the levels of social psychology, cognitive psychology, and neuroscience [START_REF] Harmon-Jones | Social neuroscience: Integrating biological and psychological explanations of social behavior[END_REF][START_REF] Ochsner | The emergence of social cognitive neuroscience[END_REF])-can further clarify how social identity threat not only affects performance, but also affects behaviors in other domains and the self-concept. Ultimately, by capitalizing on biological concepts and methods, this type of research offers an integrative analysis that can inform and refi ne theories related to stereotype threat and stigmatization, more broadly [START_REF] Cacioppo | Social neuroscience: Progress and implications for mental health[END_REF].

Neuroscience research on stigma and social identity threat

Initially, most social psychological research on prejudice and stereotyping examined functions, characteristics, and consequences for people who use stereotypes and hold prejudiced beliefs (e.g. [START_REF] Gaertner | Prejudice, discrimination, and racism: Problems, progress, and promise[END_REF][START_REF] Oskamp | Reducing prejudice and discrimination[END_REF]Zanna & Olson, 1994). The past two decades, however, have seen a rise in research focusing on how prejudice and stereotyping affect its victims (e.g. [START_REF] Crocker | Social stigma and self-esteem: The self-protective properties of stigma[END_REF][START_REF] Crocker | Social stigma[END_REF][START_REF] Branscombe | The context and content of social identity threat[END_REF][START_REF] Jost | The psychology of legitimacy: Emerging perspectives on ideology, justice, and intergroup relations[END_REF]Levin & Van Laar, 2006;Swim & Stangor, 1998). Examining the existing social neuroscience research on group processes and intergroup relations reveals a similar trend, with most research focused on people who stereotype others, rather than on the stigmatized themselves (e.g. [START_REF] Amodio | Mechanisms for the regulation of intergroup responses: Insights from a social neuroscience approach[END_REF][START_REF] Bartholow | Social cognitive neuroscience of person perception: A selective review focused on the event-related brain potential[END_REF][START_REF] Ito | The social neuroscience of stereotyping and prejudice: Using event-related brain potentials to study social perception[END_REF][START_REF] Ito | Social neuroscience and social perception: New perspectives on categorization, prejudice, and stereotyping[END_REF][START_REF] Richeson | An fMRI investigation of the impact of interracial contact on executive function[END_REF]. The introduction of social neuroscience methods to research on stereotyping from the perpetrator's perspective has yielded insights into the processes that underlie prejudice and racial bias. Likewise, we suspect that bringing a social neuroscience approach to social identity and stereotype threat will lead to similar advancements.

In the review that follows, we discuss four lines of social neuroscience research on the target's perspective. The fi rst consists of two fMRI studies examining neural correlates of stereotype threat, more specifi cally, showing brain activation related to the experience of being stereotyped. The second is an ERP study examining performance-interfering academic disengagement among African American college students. Finally, the third and fourth research lines are ERP studies from our own lab. The fi rst of these projects reveals the important role of the neurocognitive confl ict-detection system in stereotype threat effects, especially as it pertains to stereotype threat spillover into cognitive control. The second project focuses on neural correlates of compensatory ingroup bias, a coping mechanism which may be used to alleviate social identity threat.

Stereotype threat effects examined with fMRI

fMRI enables researchers to non-invasively study brain activity online with an impressive level of spatial resolution. By tracking the movement and use of oxygen in the brain, researchers can identify regions of high or low neural activity, and make inferences about the involvement of specifi c brain regions in cognitive or behavioral processes [START_REF] Bandettini | Functional MRI: Background, methodology, limits, and implementation[END_REF]. Within the fi eld of stigma, fMRI research allows us to see fi rst-hand the relationship between the environment and the brain. This type of work is important, as observations of actual neural consequences of stigma are a step toward understanding the mechanism underlying commonly observed behavioral effects of stigma, for example, performance decrements or disengagement. Two examples of social neuroscience research on stereotype threat examine brain activation of women in normal and stereotype threat conditions [START_REF] Krendl | The negative consequences of threat: An fMRI investigation of the neural mechanisms underlying women's underperformance in math[END_REF][START_REF] Wraga | Neural basis of stereotype-induced shifts in women's mental rotation performance[END_REF].

Using fMRI, Krendl and colleagues (2008) sought to understand the neural basis for women's math performance decrements under stereotype threat. In both the stereotype threat and control conditions, women fi rst completed a baseline measure of math performance; women in the threat condition were then reminded of the negative stereotype regarding women and math performance. Following this, all of the women completed a second measure of math performance. In addition to the classic stereotype threat performance effect (women in the control condition displayed improved math performance over time, women in the stereotype threat condition performed worse over time), the fMRI results shed light upon the underlying mechanisms of this effect.

Not surprisingly, women in the control condition showed increased recruitment of neural regions that have been associated with math learning and performance, including the inferior prefrontal cortex, left inferior parietal cortex, and bilateral angular gyrus [START_REF] Dehaene | Sources of mathematical thinking: Behavioral and brain-imaging evidence[END_REF][START_REF] Delazer | Learning complex arithmetic-an fMRI study[END_REF]. However, women who had been reminded of their group's supposed math inferiority did not show this enhanced activation in useful, math-related brain regions. Instead, they showed increased activation in the ventral anterior cingulate cortex, an area that has been associated with emotional self-regulation and the processing of affective information and social feedback [START_REF] Moran | Neuroanatomical evidence for distinct cognitive and affective components of self[END_REF][START_REF] Somerville | Anterior cingulate cortex responds differentially to expectancy violation and social rejection[END_REF]. These results suggest that stereotype threat affects women's math performance in two ways: fi rst, it disrupts normal recruitment of cognitive areas required for high math performance and, second, it increases the recruitment of areas which allow for the processing and regulation of emotions. These results converge with and, indeed, largely confi rm, previous behavioral research [START_REF] Beilock | Stereotype threat and working memory: Mechanisms, alleviation, and spillover[END_REF][START_REF] Schmader | Converging evidence that stereotype threat reduces working memory capacity[END_REF]Schmader et al., in press) suggesting that women perform more poorly under stereotype threat because valuable cognitive resources are spent on emotional regulation instead of on the task at hand. The incremental benefi t of the fMRI work here is in the ability to test a behavioral theory at the biological level of action, the brain. This can serve as a springboard for further theory-testing investigations. The fact that these results converge with the behavioral work of others provides consistency across different levels of analysis and organization, an important step toward the broad understanding of any complex phenomenon.

These results were supported and further specifi ed by Wraga and colleagues (2007) in an attempt to link brain activation associated with affective processing and reduced performance under stereotype threat. Although their study focused on a different gender stereotype, namely the negative stereotype concerning women's mental rotation performance, the results show similar consequences of stereotype threat on regions associated with emotion regulation. Female participants were either confronted with a positive stereotype related to women's superior perspective taking skills, a negative stereotype related to women's inferior spatial reasoning abilities, or with no stereotype (control condition). fMRI analyses revealed that women under stereotype threat showed increased activity in areas associated with emotional self-regulation (rostral-ventral anterior cingulate cortex) and social knowledge (right orbital gyrus, [START_REF] Milne | Ventromedial prefrontal cortex lesions in humans eliminate implicit gender stereotyping[END_REF]. Not only did this study show increased activation, it showed that this pattern of brain activation actually predicted women's worse performance in spatial rotation.

Using brain activity to predict actual performance is a crucial step-it allows us to go beyond simply mapping stereotype threat effects in the brain to actually predicting behavior based on differential activation of brain regions, in this case, brain regions associated with cognitive processing and emotion regulation. These two studies contribute to our understanding of stereotype threat effects in two ways. First, by revealing the disrupted brain activity of women under stereotype threat, they provide insight into the mechanism through which stereotype threat can impinge upon women's cognitive performance. As has been noted by others (e.g. Schmader et al., in press), even though stereotype threat is a complex, multi-determined phenomenon, most studies focus on one mediator at a time. The use of a neuroscience approach, however, can provide a more integrated picture: here it shows that threatened women experience reductions in cognitive effi ciency and increases in affective processing at the same time. Second, although these studies focused on different gender stereotypes, they both showed increased recruitment of brain areas associated with emotion regulation. This provides evidence that although gender stereotypes vary in content, they set in motion the same detrimental effects at the neural level.

An ERP examination of academic disengagement

Another neuroscience technique that has been applied to the study of stigma is the ERP technique. ERPs are derived from continuous measures of electrical activity in the brain, EEG, by extracting and averaging short epochs (e.g. 1 second) of data that directly follow an event, for example, the presentation of a stimulus (i.e. stimulus-locked ERP) or a participant's response (response-locked ERP). By averaging over a large number of epochs, background noise in the EEG due to other cognitive processes is cancelled out and one is able to focus precisely on the brain activity of interest. Within the ERP waveform, researchers have identifi ed different components that are described in terms of their polarity (Positive/Negative) and latency (in ms, e.g. P300, N200). Each ERP component refl ects one or more information processing module (e.g. categorization, evaluation, etc.). The amplitude of the ERP refl ects the degree to which the specifi c module is engaged, while the latency refl ects the speed with which this process is completed [START_REF] Cacioppo | Bioelectrical echoes from evaluative categorizations: I. A late positive brain potential that varies as a function of trait negativity and extremity[END_REF]. [START_REF] Forbes | The role of devaluing and discounting in performance monitoring[END_REF] incorporated ERP measures to understand another consequence of stigma, academic disengagement. Previous research has shown that continued exposure to stereotype threat and chronic social identity threat can lead ethnic minority group members to disengage from their academic performance, thereby preventing poor performance and negative group stereotypes from impinging on their self-worth (Major & Schmader, 1998;Major et al., 1998). Stigmatized group members can disengage from performance domains by devaluing the importance of academic achievements, and by discounting the diagnosticity of academic performance feedback (Major & Schmader, 1998). Although domain disengagement alleviates threats to one's social identity, it may also contribute to lower academic performance [START_REF] Osborne | Academics, self-esteem, and race: A look at the underlying assumptions of the disidentifi cation hypothesis[END_REF][START_REF] Osborne | Unraveling underachievement among African American boys from an identifi cation with academics perspective[END_REF][START_REF] Verkuyten | Psychological disidentifi cation with the academic domain among ethnic minority adolescents in the Netherlands[END_REF]. Forbes and colleagues (2008) sought to understand the negative effects of academic disengagement from a neural perspective.

In their study, students from ethnic minority groups performed a confl ict-monitoring task (the Eriksen Flanker task, [START_REF] Eriksen | Effects of noise letters upon the identifi cation of a target letter in a nonsearch task[END_REF] that was framed either neutrally or as diagnostic of intelligence. Participants then reported the value they attached to academic performance. Next, participants completed the Flanker task while continuous EEG was recorded. In the Flanker task, participants must identify a target stimulus as one of two given letters, say M or N, while four congruent fl anker stimuli (MMMMM), or four incongruent fl anker stimuli (NNMNN), are simultaneously presented. Incongruent trials are characterized by greater response confl ict and require more self-control.

Performance monitoring on this task was measured by a short-latency response-locked negative wave component of the ERP called the error-related negativity (ERN). The amplitude of the ERN is larger after errors than after correct responses, and is therefore interpreted as a neural indicator of performance monitoring and error detection [START_REF] Gehring | A brain potential manifestation of error-related processing[END_REF][START_REF] Gehring | A neural system for error detection and compensation[END_REF]. Forbes et al. showed that the degree to which members of ethnic minority groups devalue academics predicted how much they monitored their own performance on the Flanker task (as indicated by ERN amplitude). This was only the case, however, when the task was framed as diagnostic of intelligence: whereas devaluing the academic domain was unrelated to ERN amplitude when the task was presented neutrally, academic devaluing negatively predicted ERN amplitude when the task was presented as diagnostic of intelligence. This indicates that when minority students no longer care for academic performance, they cease to monitor their performance, especially when negative stereotypes are 'in the air'. Again, the results here converge with other behavioral work (Major & Schmader, 1998) and provide consistency across different levels of analysis and organization.

Stereotype threat and misregulation of self-control

As mentioned earlier, negative stereotypes can impair effortful self-regulation and spillover to domains unrelated to threatening stereotypes [START_REF] Beilock | Stereotype threat and working memory: Mechanisms, alleviation, and spillover[END_REF]Inzlicht et al., 2006). But how does stereotype threat spillover? Emerging work from our lab suggests that the neurally based self-control system plays a role [START_REF] Inzlicht | Stereotype threat spillover: How threats to identify affect eating, decision making, and the brain[END_REF].

According to [START_REF] Baumeister | Self-regulation failure: An overview[END_REF], there are at least two distinct causes for self-control failure: underregulation and misregulation. Underregulation is said to occur when an individual fails to exert selfcontrol because he or she is unwilling or simply unable to do so (i.e. ego-depletion, [START_REF] Muraven | Selfregulation and depletion of limited resources: Does self-control resemble a muscle?[END_REF][START_REF] Muraven | Self-control as limited resource: Regulatory depletion patterns[END_REF]. Misregulation, on the other hand, is said to occur when self-control strength is applied in a misguided or counterproductive way such that despite one's best efforts, the desired outcome is not achieved. Distinguishing these processes with traditional behavioral measures is diffi cult; however, neurophysiological data might help by revealing online brain processes.

In our experiment, we induced stereotype threat by giving our male and female participants a 'diagnostic' math test. We then had participants complete the Stroop color-naming task, a task that requires attentional control and self-regulation [START_REF] Ellis | Individual differences in executive attention predict self-regulation and adolescent psychosocial behaviors[END_REF]. To examine whether women under stereotype threat either misregulate or underregulate their self-control compared to men, we measured the amplitude of medial-frontal potentials after participants responded. These medial-frontal waves refl ect activation of the preconscious confl ict monitoring system and constitute the earliest indication that the confl ict monitoring system has detected a mismatch between intended and actual responses or, in essence, selfcontrol failure [START_REF] Gehring | A neural system for error detection and compensation[END_REF][START_REF] Falkenstein | ERP components on reaction errors and their functional signifi cance: A tutorial[END_REF]. In tasks like the Stroop where participants are required to make choices quickly, this waveform can be seen after incorrect responses, but also after correct responses on high-confl ict trials (e.g. 'RED' in blue font). They are normally not seen, however, on low-confl ict trials (e.g. 'RED' in red font) [START_REF] Yeung | The neural basis of error detection: Confl ict monitoring and the error-related negativity[END_REF].

By examining this ERP after errors and highand low-confl ict correct responses, we can determine whether stereotype threat spillover is due to underregulation or misregulation. Recent research suggests that neural mechanisms underlying confl ict-monitoring are weakened among underregulated individuals [START_REF] Inzlicht | Running on empty: Neural signals for self-control failure[END_REF]. Therefore, if stereotype threat results in underregulation, neural responses to errors should be dampened. If stereotype threat results in misregulation, neural responses should be heightened whereby everything, even insignificant low-confl ict trials, is fl agged as attentionworthy.

Our results suggest a role for misregulation. Male participants showed larger waves to incongruent than congruent trials, indicating that they were correctly detecting which trials required their attention. Female participants, in contrast, displayed higher amplitude waves overall, ruling out the possibility that they were underregulated. They also displayed higher waves for congruent than incongruent trials. Because these medial-frontal waves indicate that events are of signifi cance and require attention, correction, and strategic adjustment [START_REF] Bartholow | Strategic control and medial frontal negativity: Beyond errors and response confl ict[END_REF][START_REF] Holroyd | The neural basis of human error processing: Reinforcement learning, dopamine, and the error-related negativity[END_REF], these results suggest that our female participants were misregulated, such that low confl ict events (congruent trials) were unnecessarily reacted to with equal or greater vigilance than high confl ict trials (incongruent trials). Importantly, this misregulation, or overregulation of easy lowconfl ict trials, signifi cantly mediated the effect of stereotype threat on cognitive control on the Stroop task.

The insight gained with this study is that stereotype threat spillover is due to a misregulation of the confl ict-monitoring system rather than underregulation. Threatening math settings leave women in a state where their neural systems show increased responsivity to both signifi cant and non-signifi cant events. This supports the assertion that women devote a large amount of effort and resources to control outcomes and attend more carefully to the various consequences of their actions [START_REF] Jamieson | Mere effort and stereotype threat performance effects[END_REF][START_REF] Murphy | Signaling threat: How situational cues affect women in math, science, and engineering settings[END_REF]. This heightened, but unnecessary, vigilance might then lead the confl ict-monitoring system to be non-optimally responsive to confl ict in other domains and ultimately lead to self-control failure later on.

Neurological correlates of compensatory ingroup bias

In a second project, we examined the underlying neural processes of compensatory forms of ingroup bias [START_REF] Derks | Neural correlates of compensatory ingroup bias following social identity threat[END_REF]. In addition to the domain devaluing strategy examined by Forbes and colleagues (2008), stigmatized group members can cope with negative stereotypes and social identity threat by explicitly favoring their own group over a higher status outgroup in performance domains unrelated to the negative stereotype [START_REF] Brewer | In-group bias in the minimal intergroup situation: A cognitive-motivational analysis[END_REF][START_REF] Cadinu | Compensatory biases after ingroup threat: 'Yeah, but we have a good personality[END_REF][START_REF] Derks | Social creativity strikes back: Improving motivated performance of low status group members by valuing ingroup dimensions[END_REF][START_REF] Ellemers | Identity needs versus social opportunities: The use of group-level and individual-level identity management strategies[END_REF][START_REF] Mummendey | Different' just means 'better': Some obvious and some hidden pathways to in-group favouritism[END_REF][START_REF] Scheepers | Diversity in in-group bias: Structural factors, situational features, and social functions[END_REF][START_REF] Tajfel | The social identity theory of intergroup behavior[END_REF]. In an ERP study, we sought to gain more insight into this compensatory ingroup bias by mapping out automatic (ERP) and controlled (self-report) forms of ingroup evaluations.

Researchers examining the relationship between threats to group value and compensatory ingroup bias have often encountered diffi culties in measuring social identity threat itself. Most of this research has attempted to assess threat and evaluations of the ingroup with self-report measures of, for example, anxiety, collective self-esteem, or evaluations of the ingroup and outgroup on specifi c dimensions. However, several researchers have suggested that people under identity threat might be unable, or even unwilling, to accurately report their complex and varied feelings toward their own ingroup [START_REF] Bettencourt | Effects of numerical representation within cooperative settings: Examining the role of salience in in-group favouritism[END_REF][START_REF] Branscombe | The context and content of social identity threat[END_REF][START_REF] Scheepers | When the pressure is up: The assessment of social identity threat in low and high status groups[END_REF]. Recently, however, researchers have measured social identity threat more reliably by looking at cardiovascular indices of arousal [START_REF] Blascovich | African Americans and high blood pressure: The role of stereotype threat[END_REF][START_REF] Scheepers | When the pressure is up: The assessment of social identity threat in low and high status groups[END_REF]. In our study, we assessed group value threat even more specifi cally with ERP measures that indicate stigmatized group members' automatic (vs. controlled) evaluation of their ingroup and outgroup.

The starting point of our study was ERP research conducted by Ito and her colleagues showing that White individuals automatically evaluate racial ingroup members more positively than racial outgroup members (Ito,Thompson, & Cacciopo, 2004;[START_REF] Ito | The infl uence of processing objectives on the perception of faces: An ERP study of race and gender perception[END_REF][START_REF] Ito | The social neuroscience of stereotyping and prejudice: Using event-related brain potentials to study social perception[END_REF]. This research focused on a specifi c component of the ERP termed the late positive potential (LPP), which is a positive-going defl ection that peaks between 350 to 900 ms after presentation of a stimulus [START_REF] Donchin | Surprise! Surprise?[END_REF][START_REF] Goldstein | The infl uence of stimulus deviance and novelty on the P300 and novelty P3[END_REF][START_REF] Nieuwenhuis | Decision making, the P3, and the locus coeruleus-norepinephrine system[END_REF]. LPP amplitude varies with the degree to which a stimulus is evaluated differently from the context in which it is presented, thus refl ecting automatic evaluation of stimuli [START_REF] Cacioppo | Bioelectrical echoes from evaluative categorizations: I. A late positive brain potential that varies as a function of trait negativity and extremity[END_REF]. Ito and colleagues (2004) utilized this characteristic of the LPP to measure White participants' automatic evaluation of racial ingroup and outgroup members in an 'oddball task'. Results revealed that White faces elicited higher LPPs than Black faces, indicating that within the context of negatively valenced pictures, ingroup faces were seen as more evaluatively incongruent than outgroup faces. Importantly, this automatic form of ingroup bias measured with the LPP was positively related to explicit measures of modern racism.

In our study we adjusted this ERP paradigm to measure how female participants automatically evaluated pictures of men and women when group value threat was present or absent. We hypothesized that automatic evaluations of female targets would be lower when female participants were confronted with negative stereotypes about their group than when they were confronted with positive stereotypes about their group. Moreover, by also administering self-report measures of compensatory ingroup bias, we aimed to show that lower automatic evaluations of the ingroup following a negative stereotype would be related to higher explicit compensatory ingroup bias.

Our results showed that stereotype activation predicted LPP amplitude to female faces. Participants confronted with a negative stereotype showed smaller LPPs to female faces than participants confronted with a positive stereotype. This indicates that in the negative stereotype condition these oddballs stood out less in the negative context. In addition to this 'ingroup devaluation effect', the results also revealed the differences between neural and self-report measures: while implicit ingroup evaluation (as indexed by the LPP) suggested that threatened women maligned their own ingroup, self-report of ingroup evaluation suggested that threatened women favored the ingroup. Moreover, LPP amplitude to female targets was negatively related to this explicit ingroup bias. That is, lower automatic evaluations of the ingroup were associated with higher explicit ingroup bolstering when women were confronted with negative stereotypes about their gender. We suggest that this could be interpreted as an overt compensation attempt (see also [START_REF] Cadinu | Compensatory biases after ingroup threat: 'Yeah, but we have a good personality[END_REF][START_REF] Ellemers | Intergroup differentiation in social context: Identity needs versus audience constraints[END_REF][START_REF] Ellemers | Identity needs versus social opportunities: The use of group-level and individual-level identity management strategies[END_REF].

This study presents a new way of measuring a specifi c form of social identity threat, namely threat to group value [START_REF] Branscombe | The context and content of social identity threat[END_REF].

Our results indicate that this type of social identity threat affects the automatic associations women have with their gender group. By measuring people's neural responses to in-and outgroup related stimuli, social identity effects can be assessed more directly than was previously possible with self-report measures. These ERP measurements thus allow us to differentiate the automatic associations group members have with their ingroup from their controlled evaluations of this group. Moreover, by relating the neural measures to controlled reports of compensatory ingroup bias, we not only revealed the differential results obtained with implicit and explicit measures, but also underlined the compensatory nature of reporting ingroup bias.

Strengths and limitations of social neuroscience

With this review of social neuroscience research on stigma, we highlighted some examples of research using techniques derived from neuroscience to contribute to our understanding of stereotype threat and social identity processes. Although some may argue that it is too early to summarize the social neuroscience work that has taken the target's perspective, this review offers a glimpse of how an integrated, biological approach can further our understanding of complex social psychological phenomena. We conclude this article by discussing the incremental value of social neuroscience in understanding stigma and social identity threat.

The fMRI studies we reviewed [START_REF] Krendl | The negative consequences of threat: An fMRI investigation of the neural mechanisms underlying women's underperformance in math[END_REF][START_REF] Wraga | Neural basis of stereotype-induced shifts in women's mental rotation performance[END_REF] revealed the patterns of brain activation that result from the experience of stereotype threat. These studies lend support to previous behavioral theories which posited that dealing with the emotions aroused by stereotype threat lead to decrements in cognitive performance. Indeed, these studies showed that the experience of stereotype threat leads to heightened activity in emotion-regulation centers of the brain, while simultaneously lowering activation in brain regions associated with high math or spatial performance. Although previous research has shown that stereotype threat increases cardiovascular threat responses [START_REF] Blascovich | African Americans and high blood pressure: The role of stereotype threat[END_REF] and taxes verbal working memory [START_REF] Beilock | Stereotype threat and working memory: Mechanisms, alleviation, and spillover[END_REF][START_REF] Schmader | Converging evidence that stereotype threat reduces working memory capacity[END_REF], to our knowledge, these are the fi rst studies to document these effects at the same time.

Examining stereotype threat with neuroimaging techniques, in other words, offers the chance to measure multiple mechanisms as they occur and interact. This helps achieve a richer understanding of how individuals cope with stereotype or social identity threat.

We also discussed research illustrating how ERP techniques can improve our understanding of stereotype threat spillover effects [START_REF] Inzlicht | Stereotype threat spillover: How threats to identify affect eating, decision making, and the brain[END_REF]. ERP techniques enabled us to measure how women under stereotype threat monitor their performance, revealing that self-control failure under stereotype threat is not a matter of underregulation due to cognitive exhaustion or ego-depletion [START_REF] Inzlicht | Running on empty: Neural signals for self-control failure[END_REF], but rather misregulation of executive functions that lead women to vigilantly monitor their performance, even on easy tasks where this vigilance is unnecessary. This distinction is crucial as it suggests that the reduction of stereotype threat effects is not a matter of increasing women's motivation or self-control strength, but rather, it is a matter of teaching women to reappraise or reduce their anxiety in order to maintain a normal pattern of attentional regulation [START_REF] Ben Zeev | Arousal and stereotype threat[END_REF][START_REF] Cohen | Reducing the racial achievement gap: A social-psychological intervention[END_REF][START_REF] Martens | Combating stereotype threat: The effect of self-affi rmation on women's intellectual performance[END_REF][START_REF] Sherman | The group as a resource: Reducing biased attributions for group success and failure via group affi rmation[END_REF]. This ERP paradigm improves our understanding of the effects of inappropriate vigilance as it provides us with a straightforward and clean way to measure different patterns of self-regulation (normal vs. misregulation vs. underregulation) and determine how they relate to actual performance. Thus, ERP techniques offer an opportunity to directly test relationships between self-regulation and performance.

In this review, we also discussed how ERP techniques have been used to study coping strategies used by targets of stereotyping. These measures suggested that when ethnic minority students disengage from the academic domain, they are less likely to automatically monitor their performance in that domain [START_REF] Forbes | The role of devaluing and discounting in performance monitoring[END_REF]. Although previous research had suggested that devaluing would lead to lower performance among stigmatized individuals [START_REF] Crocker | Social stigma[END_REF][START_REF] Steele | Race and the schooling of Black Americans[END_REF][START_REF] Steele | A threat in the air: How stereotypes shape intellectual identity and performance[END_REF], this research further elucidates this process by showing why this is the case. The fi nding that domain devaluation actually leads to lower performance monitoring provides researchers with an additional tool to examine people's investments in specifi c performance domains in an implicit way. Being able to study this process outside of participants' awareness can be valuable, for example, when participants are unlikely to correctly report their investment in certain domains due to demand characteristics. Moreover, self-report measures of domain investment can be problematic in studies that focus on changes in domain investment due to experimental manipulation, as it is unclear whether participants have insight into changes in domain investment and are able to report their investment accurately.

In the same vein, our own work [START_REF] Derks | Neural correlates of compensatory ingroup bias following social identity threat[END_REF] showed that threats to group value, which is diffi cult to assess directly using traditional self-report measures, does show up in ERP measures that indicate automatic rather than controlled devaluation of the ingroup. Moreover, we were able to show that automatic ingroup evaluations were negatively correlated with compensatory ingroup bias in response to threat. Although this study affi rmed what previous research had already assumed about the mediating role of social identity threat in compensatory ingroup bias, using the LPP to assess automatic evaluation of the ingroup and the outgroup does provide researchers with a new tool to assess the magnitude of social identity threat in different settings. Assessing the automatic association people have with social categories is not easy to do with behavioral measures. This is because even relatively implicit measures of these evaluations, such as the Implicit Associations Test [START_REF] Greenwald | Measuring individual differences in implicit cognition: The implicit association test[END_REF], require participants to give a response, making it hard to distinguish between automatic and controlled processes on these outcomes [START_REF] Conrey | Separating multiple processes in implicit social cognition: The quad model of implicit task performance[END_REF]. ERP measures enable us to assess implicit associations more reliably, by giving us more direct insight into automatic social identity processes. Being able to measure changes in social identity directly can be valuable in studies examining, for example, which contextual cues elicit identity threat or the effectiveness of experimental manipulations designed to alleviate the negative effects of social identity threat on stigmatized group members.

We believe that social neuroscience gains us insight into social psychological processes by integrating the fi ndings in our own fi eld with that of cognitive neuroscience. In our opinion, this integration is social neuroscience's greatest strength. Social psychological theories can only gain what E. O. Wilson calls consilience when they are explained and described at multiple levels of analysis and found to be consistent with one another [START_REF] Wilson | Consilience: The unity of knowledge[END_REF]; see also [START_REF] Snow | Two cultures[END_REF]. Only by extending our theories and fi ndings to other social and biological levels of analysis, can we ensure convergence of data and explanation [START_REF] Cacioppo | Common sense, intuition, and theory in personality and social psychology[END_REF]. In other words, peering into the brain adds an extra dimension of analysis and offers the possibility of gaining a multilevel, integrative analysis of complex social phenomena, such as stereotype threat.

Limitations and recommendations for future research

We hope that this review of current social neuroscience stigma research will encourage other social psychologists working on this important topic to consider using social neuroscience in their own research. Research on stereotype threat and social identity protection has sometimes been limited by diffi culties in reliably assessing the emotions, cognitions, and motivations of our subjects. Techniques developed in neuroscience can be an additional tool for gaining more direct insight into what goes on in the minds of those who are stigmatized. Although social neuroscience techniques expand our experimental toolbox, one should not conclude that social psychological phenomena are not real until their neural correlates have been identifi ed. Neuroscience techniques are not some 'pipeline' to the mind, offering evidence that is somehow 'better' than behavioral evidence [START_REF] Kihlstrom | Does neuroscience constrain social-psychological theory?[END_REF]. These techniques have their advantages, but ultimately any explanation will need to address brain and behavior. When deciding to use neurological measures in research, therefore, one should always evaluate whether the same insights could not be gained using simpler measures. One should also be careful of being too easily swayed by activity in the brain. A recent study suggests that people are easily convinced of the veracity of a bad explanation when it is accompanied by irrelevant neuroscientifi c information [START_REF] Weisberg | The seductive allure of neuroscience explanations[END_REF]. We hope, however, that the many excellent examples of previous social neuroscience research can inspire stigma researchers to fi nd ways to address their own research questions with this new approach (for examples see [START_REF] Cacioppo | Social neuroscience: Progress and implications for mental health[END_REF][START_REF] Cacioppo | Essays in social neuroscience[END_REF], 2005;[START_REF] Cacioppo | Social neuroscience: People thinking about thinking people[END_REF][START_REF] Harmon-Jones | Social neuroscience: Integrating biological and psychological explanations of social behavior[END_REF].

One often heard criticism in discussions about the usefulness of social neuroscience measurements (especially concerning brain imaging techniques such as fMRI) that social neuroscience is simply a new form of phrenology [START_REF] Uttal | Precis of the new phrenology: The limits of localizing cognitive processes in the brain[END_REF]; but see [START_REF] Landreth | Localization and the new phrenology: A review essay on William Uttal's the new phrenology[END_REF]. Although we think that there is much to learn from brain imaging in itself-as it allows us to link social psychological processes to knowledge about specifi c functions of brain regions-we think it is important for researchers to move beyond simply showing effects on fMRI, EEG, or ERP measures. Instead, we suggest that researchers relate measures of brain functioning to behavioral measures. The fi eld of social neuroscience does not limit itself to questions involving localization and neural systems, but actually provides measures that allow us to directly assess the mediating role of social cognition on behavior. By adopting

this mediational approach, social psychologists can contribute back to cognitive neuroscience, as results from studies in our fi eld will help to uncover the complex functions of specifi c brain regions.

Note

1. According to the ISI Web of Science TM , [START_REF] Steele | Stereotype threat and the intellectual test performance of African Americans[END_REF]