Felipe Kaiser Fernandes

Ana Sílvia
email: ana.silvia@pq.cnpq.br

Rocha Ipiranga

Sub-theme 26: Control, Materiality and Practices Organizing precarious spaces: An Actor-Network approach on Favelas

Purpose

For a considerable time the debate on space in the field of Management of Organization studies (MOS) has not had a central role (Gagliardi, 1996;Yanow, 1998;Kornberger;[START_REF] Kornberger | Bringing Space Back In: Organizing the Generative Building[END_REF]Hernes, 2004;[START_REF] Dale | The Spaces of Organization and the Organisation of Space. Power, Identity and Materiality at Work[END_REF]Burrel, 2008). The intention of the so-called "spatial turn" movement is to revisit the issue of spaces and materiality in the social sciences [START_REF] Lefebvre | The production of space[END_REF]Soja, 1989;1996;Massey, 1994), and how they are reflected in organization studies [START_REF] Van Marrewijk | Organisational spaces: rematerializing the workaday world[END_REF][START_REF] Van Marrewijk | Organisational spaces: rematerializing the workaday world[END_REF]Clegg;Kornberger, 2006;[START_REF] Dale | The Spaces of Organization and the Organisation of Space. Power, Identity and Materiality at Work[END_REF][START_REF] Dale | The Spaces of Organization and the Organisation of Space. Power, Identity and Materiality at Work[END_REF].

Therefore, different lines of research found themselves committed to addressing the issue of organizational spaces -more specifically, in process epistemology and sociomateriality.

Following this line of reasoning, the Actor-Network Theory (ANT) approach provides a theoretical and methodological strategy to the study on how the relations between human and non-human actors are intertwined on networks, and what their effects are in terms of organization. Initially, ANT studies were focused on the production of knowledge within science and technology laboratories, and were based on ethnographic studies [START_REF] Latour | Nous n'avons jamais été modernes: Essai sur d'Antrophologie Symétrique[END_REF][START_REF] Latour | Laboratory life: the social construction of scientific facts[END_REF]Knorr-Cetina, 1981;Sismondo, 2004). It has evolved, however, into a study tool in different fields of knowledge. As such, urban assemblages (Farías, 2011) may be considered an attempt to introduce ANT to the study of urban spaces. By acknowledging capitalism as an urban revolution set upon the expansion of urban spaces, Lefebvre's position contributed to the debate over this epistemological turning point (Farías, 2011). The way, then, the city is viewed leads to multiple ways of living in, and building, urban spaces. These ways aspire to become "laboratories" that allow or limit the sphere of activity in which designers, users, planners, people, conflicting needs and ideas are interpreted or developed (Czarniwaska, Löfgren, 2012). Creative urban spaces are not merely designer projections. Sociologists and architects speak of "projective cities" (Boltanski;Chiapello, 2005;Lee;Jacoby, 2011), and although the former focus on urban projections (Lundin;Söderholm, 1998), and the latter on cityscapes, both are closely connected. This gives rise to the idea that anthropologists conceive cities as networks (De Landa, 1994), in which a poor, anarchic selfmanagement coexists with its structures and hierarchies.

We looked at a specific favela, or Brazilian slum, as a black box -a generalized impression of that favela as a phenomenon detached from the remainder of society -in an attempt to understand its precarious spaces. The attempt also included questioning the assumptions about precarity, and an organization here is taken as "a seemingly stable entity from the outside, obscuring the precarious social relations that hold it together inside" (Latour, 1987). In using the term, we will also attempt to indicate that "a network's capacity to sustain an extreme alignment of its actors is precarious; networks are said to oscillate between a status of 'actor' and 'network '." (Durepos & Mills, 2011).

According to Mol & Law (1994), ANT provides an outlook on the concept of space that discusses many issues connected to multiple topologies, including: (i) regions, as an identifiable, homogeneous set assigned to specific limits or defined territories; (ii) networks, which create regions, are composed of immutable movables when connecting elements; and

(iii) fluids -spaces in which the boundaries of places are unclear and based on unstable connections. Space, then, behaves as a "liquid continuity", and entities may be similar and dissimilar at different locations (Mol & Law, 1994).

Under a different perspective, it is possible to see that the inequality parameters in peripheral urban areas, such as in Brazilian cities, can be measured from specific data: 80% of the Brazilian population, i.e., about 170 million people, live in the city, whereas 34.4% live in poor housing areas, such as places lacking sanitation coverage and/or land ownership (Abreu, 2008). In 2016, which marks the city of Fortaleza's -the capital of the state of Ceará -290 years of existence, an urban sprawl scenario is translated into social inequalities that denounce the interests and projects which are stoked by the way its land is used and occupied.

According to "State of the World Cities", a recent (2012-2013) report published by the UN, the Ceará capital is among the five most unequal cities in the world: 7% of its wealthier neighborhoods retain 26% of the total personal income, i.e., of all the wealth produced in the city.

Only a few studies have used the Actor-Network Theory to discuss the issue of space, and only with management and organization approaches -in the context of Brazilian favelas, it remains unexplored. Considering this gap in the literature, this research will study primarily the MISMEC-4 Varas organization (4 Varas Community's Integrated Movement for Mental Health) and the adjacent urban areas on which it acts. The purpose, therefore, is to describe the actor networks that are active in MISMEC and its adjacent urban spaces, and to discuss the effects this organization has on the suburban neighborhood of Pirambu, located in the city of Fortaleza, the capital of the Brazilian state of Ceará.

Theoretical Background

Attempts to address the topic of space in management and organization research studies date back a few decades (Steele, 1973). In the 1980s and 1990s it was connected to researches investigating organizational culture (Steele, 1981, Gagliardi, 1990, Hatch, 1990, Strati, 1999), but recently the change in direction has been intensified, and other topics were linked to the issue of organization spaces (Hernes 2004, Clegg;Kornberger, 2006, Dale;Burrell, 2008, Marrewijk;[START_REF] Van Marrewijk | Organisational spaces: rematerializing the workaday world[END_REF]De Vaujany;Mitev, 2013). These studies impacted the Brazilian surveys that analyzed the spatial dimension in the field of Management and Organizational studies (Soares, 2000;Capelle et al., 2002;Carvalho;Vergara, 2002;Castilhos;Cavedon, 2004;Pereira;Carrieri, 2005;[START_REF] Ipiranga | A cultura da cidade e os seus espaços intermediários : os bares e os restaurantes[END_REF].

Throughout the sociomaterial and spatial approach there has been a growing influence of the Actor-Network Theory (ANT). Following this line of reasoning, the ANT approach provides a theoretical and methodological strategy to the study on how the relationship between human and non-human actors are intertwined on networks, and what their effects are in terms of organization. According to ANT, networks are the webs and connections formed by the mediations among different and varied actors. A network can be defined as a tool to help describe something (Latour, 2013), following the traces left by the connections made by each actor. It is worth noting that, to ANT, maps are flat, which means that central or marginal locations refer to the effect produced by the relation of an heterogeneous work, and should not be taken aprioristically.

One of ANT's key features is its focus on "following" human and non-human actors, and on how they engage in socio-political activities with a view to pursue a sense of order (Latour, 2005). The authors argue that in both the pursuit of a sense of organization and the central ideas found within and around an organization there is a grade, or mark, where the fluidity of organizational practices become a "black box", and people lose sight of human and non-human processes in their production (DUREPOS; MILLS; HELMS MILLS, 2008): an organization is a seemingly stable entity on the outside that obscures the precarious social relationships that stabilize it on the inside (Latour, 1987).

As such, the debates on urban assemblages (Farías, 2011) can be considered an attempt to introduce ANT to the study of urban spaces. This proposal stems from the initiative that views cities as dynamic spaces built from social practices and networks.

Mol & Law (199) bring a different proposal to the concept of space, one which presupposes a performance-of-proximity and social difference-related topology. According to them, the social exists not only in one type of space, but is realized by means of repetitions and heterogeneous topological modes in the face of investigative controversies (Mol & Law, 1994). In this sense, and considering a topological space logic, the authors distinguish the concepts of (i) regions, as an identifiable, homogeneous set assigned to specific limits or defined territories; (ii) networks, which create regions, and are composed of immutable movables when relating elements; and (iii) fluids -spaces in which the boundaries of places are unclear and based on unstable connections. Space, then, behaves as a "liquid continuity", and entities may be similar and dissimilar at different locations (Mol & Law, 1994).

Method

In addition to the relevant organizational research on space and organizational dynamics (Clegg and Kornberger 2006, Gagliardi 1990, Wasserman and Frenkel 2011, Yanow 1995), a methodological procedure of ethnographic inspiration was adopted. To that end, immersions were empirically performed both in the MISMEC -4 Varas organization (4 Varas Community's Integrated Movement for Mental Health) and in its adjacent urban spaces of activity, in the Pirambu neighborhood. Empirical ethnographic immersions took place from May 2015 to September 2015.

During the study's ethnographic immersion entries were added to the field diaries. A document database was also compiled, and interviews were carried out with the different actors working at MISMEC and in adjacent urban areas. Photograph and image usage was equally important. The images made it easier to acquire the cartographic knowledge over the organizational and urban spaces studied, as well as their locations.

Main Findings : "Quatro Varas" and the formation of organizational processes

The universe of the favelas has become a more complex and diverse reality of the phenomenon that existed at its inception. Favelas became part of a virtual reality that can be evinced by the many email addresses of NGO's social or national and international assistance programs. It is also worth noting that many of these spaces are integrated with national tourism and the market economy. The favela Rocinha is visited by nearly 2,000 tourists each month [START_REF] Valladares | La favela d'un siècle à l'autre[END_REF].

In this sense, the peripheral space (there must be a clear difference between peripheral and precarious spaces) around the sprawling slum of Pirambu, in Fortaleza, is considered the 7 th largest "subnormal cluster" in Brazil (CENSO, 2010), as it encompasses largely populated communities such as Nossa Senhora das Graças, Cristo Redentor, Goiabeiras, Quatro Varas, Terra Prometida, among others. The birth of the Pirambu community began in the 1930s, marked by migratory flows that date back to the early twentieth century. These flows begin to take shape as the rural population spends several years moving away from the fields to the capital during periods of drought, combined with attempts by the Federal Government, especially in the Vargas era, to confine these refugees to concentration camps. Their history, therefore, is marked by housing and space organization struggles, thanks to popular participation.

Since then, a series of processes allowed even the areas destined to urban expansion to persevere and remain linked to the rural logic a little more than half a century since the neighborhood's inception. Given its prime coastal location, Pirambu carries contrasting urban and rural elements, which at times face contradicting conflicts, and at times live harmoniously within the same space. This multifaceted scenario can be seen especially in the diverse and rich landscape of shapes, colors, sounds and sensations arranged in different orientations, which give rise to varying habits and sociability types. Non-homogenous landscapes and functions, each with its own particularities.

The Integrated Movement for Community Mental Health (MISMEC), also known as the "4 Varas Project" was established in 1987, and is located in the Great Pirambu -more specifically in the 4 Varas community. Its purpose, among others, is to promote the development and organization of its territory and surrounding communities through the activities it offers; and to promote studies, discussions, reflections on the socioeconomic and cultural implications brought by the process of exclusion and marginalization of individuals and populations.

Among the key structures in MISMEC's property were three ocas, or native Brazilian houses. The first, in the heart of the land, was used for collective activities -the Integrative Community Therapy; the second, for therapeutic massages; and the third is an inn and a restaurant. Also present are: Farmácia Viva, a community pharmacy that distributes herbal medicines to health centers in the city as part of an agreement with the Fortaleza City Hall, where they are sold to population; gardens for the medicinal plants involved in the preparation of herbal medicines; art workshops; and psycho-pedagogical centers for children in the community (Giffoni, 2008). There were also one office and one conference room. MISMEC also stands for a transit point for 4 Varas residents, as it's located between the community and the beach. Because until recently the organization did not have walls, and even now its gates rarely find themselves closed (at night), it is also used as a meeting spot, which residents and staff refer to in interviews as "another place", "a haven" and "here I feel like I'm in Hawaii."

Its zen decoration, mixed with a native Brazilian style, makes this green space stand out from the community that grows behind it with overlapping streets and derelict lands, illegal hookups to power or information grids, and lack of sewage treatment and access to clean water. The area also attracts drug dealers from the community, as they use the organization to hide drugs and weapons, and even for social events and weddings. In return, they provide security in the surroundings for employees and "outsiders" -tourists and people who come from other regions. Despite these controversies, MISMEC represents a relaxing space for institutional actors. Several institutions neighboring it send over employees to perform Integrative Community Therapy (ICT) and other activities, in order to ease tensions. Among them are the community's Department of Police, FUNCI (Child and Civil Family Foundation), the Emmaus Movement, the CAPs (Psychosocial Care Centers), health centers, and the Cuca Network, a set of cultural complexes called Urban Centers for Culture, Art, Science and Sports; all of which are structures owned by public institutions. They can be characterized as adjacent institutions that are involved, or as a network of actors involved in organizing the neighborhood. Additionally, MISMEC is also a meeting space for projects carried out in the community, such as the Vila do Mar project, which has been approved by the Interamerican Development Bank (IDB) and the Brazilian federal government's Growth Acceleration Program (PAC), in order to establish points of consensus among associations of residents and fishermen, businessmen and government managers.

The ICT is defined by its creator, the MISMEC founder -a psychiatrist with a PhD from the Federal University of Ceará -, as a "social technology" and an "innovative process" towards the building of supportive social networks that can intervene in the social determinants of health. And, because it was created within MISMEC, it acquired a publicpolicy character in Brazil, and is used throughout the country, and even in other countries. In France, for example, it is used by L'AETCI -A4V, or Association Européenne de Thérapie Communautaire -Amis de Quatro Varas, where the practice of this therapy is called espaces d'écoute et parole.

The oca where ICT is performed is a key point in the property, in addition to its maintenance being the largest source of subsidies for the city government, due to a municipal agreement. In this regard, upon examining the space in which this organization operates, and the community therapy as an organizing practice, different spaces were specified, revealing fluid spaces as well as the practice of community therapy as a mutable mobile (Mol & Law, 1994) made up of multiple orders of value and parallel practices of control. The three topologies are evident, but the performance of the actors network based off MISMEC is characterized as fluid, and enters, approaches and organizes the Pirambu urban spaces into a network. Tourists, drug dealers, researchers, residents and institutional and city, public actors are assembled together in a variety of ways into an organizing process, thereby enacting multiple spaces into an organization.

Where is the Quatro Varas Organization located?

It all began with an interview with MISMEC's former CAPS coordinator at Regional 1. It made me reflect on the performance by this particular organization, which is active mostly in the favelas, but also in other parts of the city, often among groups of conflicting interests. The interview also made me ponder about the distinction between the "organization" itself and the Quatro Varas community, based on one of the accounts: "When I arrived there was no difference between project and community, because it wasn't walled off, precisely because there was no wall around it ..." (Field journal, 2015/7/21).

With regard to the "Quatro Varas" distinction, whether that refers to the Greater Pirambu's micro-area or to MISMEC's activities, it is possible to say that the interviews provide "interwoven stories" that blur the difference between these two possibilities. They can illustrate the consequences of the organizational processes that involve human actors, sociomaterial networks, political entities and institutions. In this sense, as Czarniawska (2010) states, "organization" boundaries are not as clear, or well defined, as the systemic approach would have us think, therefore it would make more sense to talk about organization processes, a choice increasingly adopted by many organizational study researchers, from a procedural perspective.

Space dynamics, featured at the beginning of this chapter, also seemed to be reflected in MISMEC's actions. One of the individuals we interviewed states, "but there is no organization. This is not orchestrated or organized, we can't help but be astonished to acknowledge this, and say: look now, this is interesting."

In this scenario, what should be the thread leading me through this network? TCI (Integrative Community Therapy), which will be explained in a moment, was then chosen as the gateway to the study by which one could weave the organizing process effects networks and the controversies engendered by the performance of this practice within its performance spaces.

The story behind the creation of TCI practices coincides with the establishment of the Brazilian State of Ceará's Integrated Movement for Mental Health (MISMEC) nongovernmental organization (NGO) in 1995. MISMEC is popularly known as the Quatro Varas Project. This non-profit entity appeared in the Greater Pirambu area, more specifically in the Quatro Varas favela, as a natural consequence following the establishment of the Integrative Community Therapy (TCI), and gradually developed other community health promotion practices, in addition to TCI weekly meetings. Other activities were then added to the NGO, such as massage therapy, medicinal-herb-oriented pharmacies, art workshops and psychology services targeting children from the community (GIFFONI, 2008).

TCI is also qualified as a light technology dedicated to looking after health-related literature (FERREIRA FILHA et al., 2009;ROCHA et al., 2009). According to this qualification, there are light, light-hard and hard technologies in the health process (MERHY, 1997). Giffoni (2008) notes that light technologies refer to abstract concepts, such as human relationships; light-hard technologies refer to technical knowledge; and hard, to material resources such as the tools and machines used in health care practices.

Who are the actors?

Considering the Integrative Community Therapy (TCI) practices involved in the urban space studied herein as a gateway, the main spokesperson, i.e., the one individual who "speaks for the network", and ends up synthesizing what the remaining human and nonhuman actors have to express (LATOUR, 2000;PEDRO, 2008), was identified as the movement's creator and iconic figure, Medical School Professor at the Federal University of Ceará. Interviews have also been held with MISMEC officials to identify other possible actors.

Let us proceed then to the description of the actors and perceived effects on this network during my period in the field, following the direction taken by TIC actions in their urban space. I begin by describing the first community therapy meeting I could attend, which took place on a Thursday, the 21 st of July, 2015.

The Founder

I arrived at MISMEC on a Thursday afternoon, accompanied by my university adviser.

We both headed to the main oca, where the Integrative Community Therapy sessions held (Field Journal, 2015/07/21). The oca is a circular hall where therapy takes place. On its green, half-worn floor, there is a drawing of a spider, which fills almost the entire area. Therapy sessions are filmed by three cameras, each handled by a trainee. MISMEC employees ask for silence, and people take their seats. In addition to the general public coming from various parts of town, meetings also receive patients from Psychosocial Care Centers (CAPS), AA (Alcoholics Anonymous) and Al-Anom -support groups and clinics for drug addicts. This particular therapy session is guided by the Federal University of Ceará's Medical School Professor.

The TCI founder's biography has been laid down in the books "O índio que vive em mim: o itinerário de um psiquiatra brasileiro" (BARRETO; BOYER, 2003) and "Un psychiatre dans la favela" (CONTINI, 1995). According to his Lattes entry, he holds a (1985). He is currently an adjunct professor at the Federal University of Ceará. His experience lies in Medicine, with emphasis in psychiatry.

The entities

Entities

Inscription Devices

During my time in the field, by volunteering at MISMEC, I was able to attend meetings, procure office materials, and arrange lunches at the restaurant located in one of its ocas. I was also assigned to review the project's website translations (to English and French), as well as to organize the film tapes used to record therapy sessions. As for inscription devices, I deal with mechanisms that allow for the Integrative Community Therapy (TCI) and the Quatro Varas Community to see the inside of an office in which institutional and political actors can gather around the abstract favela (flat and drawn on paper) to think and create ways in which they can intervene in its urban concrete space (consisting of heterogeneous materials).

I followed the work of MISMEC and TCI staff in action as they approached the offices of political and institutional actors, such as the Fortaleza Health Secretariat (SMS) and the First Regional Secretariat, among others, to negotiate the renewal of agreements, supplemental terms, and projects. In this sense, a staff worker tells me how important the projects are: "I'm a volunteer at summer camp. When there is no project, we don't get any money." It was necessary to transport not only employees, human actors, but also to mobilize the urban space at the Quatro Varas favela, and to materialize the TCI. Also called "immutable movables", inscriptions are every possible way by which an entity may be materialized into a sign, a file, a document, a piece of paper, a sketch. This allows for new translations and articulations while keeping intact a certain number of relationship types (LATOUR, 2001). In their effort to convince, employees play a key role by increasing the mobilization, presentation, loyalty or discipline of allies whose presence is necessary (LATOUR, 1990). By taking, on one side, a part of the favela, and, on the other side, therapeutic and Zen architectural spaces, gardens with medicinal plants, beach environments, into the SMS office, the project enabled the political and institutional actors to understand ongoing issues without the need to go to the community.

In addition to the projects, the community therapist's information files, seen as part of TCI practice, represented a daily activity that also needed to be mobilized, as reported in one of the interview excerpts below:

In the community, we're most closely related to the health centers and to CAPS units, both the result of a partnership we have with City Hall. In the city, our strongest partnership is with City Hall, as the project has grown, and we need [the help from City Hall] to compensate employees. Currently [there are] 12 or 13 employees, not including the volunteers. This agreement takes care of our utility

bills. So they gives us water and light at no charge (INTERVIEWEE #3).

These files, or reports, are sent to entities that view said files as representatives of a printed inscription that allows engineers and politicians to control, from a distance, the work performed in the community. However, according to Law (1996), said long-distance control depends on the creation of a network made up of human and non-human passive agents, which means the files are not the only resources deployed by SMS. In addition to receiving the files, coordinators regularly meet with institutional and political actors for accountability, transferring the work performed by agents to the NGO headquarters, and sending representatives to the communities at specific times, such as events promoted by the Community Participation Teams or in delicate situations involving agents. Therefore, it is the joint mobilization of documents, devices and trained personnel that ensures entities can exercise the long-distance control over TCI's practices.

Following the TCI outside community: region spaces, networks, fluids and fire

The purpose of this subtopic is to utilize the metaphors proposed by Actor-Network theorists Law & Mol (1994) on spaces as regions, networks, fluids and fire, based on the arguments reported in previous topics to describe the TCI. Of the aspects previously reported, object and mobility are the most important. Based on Serres's view on the role objects have in the construction of human collectivity -exemplified by Adam, Eve and the Apple -, the Actor-Network theory (ANT) considers the social aspect as a product of dual circulation: it is a product of objects that create social relations, and of social relations that create objects. It is possible to see, from this perspective, how relevant objects are in keeping us together (LAW, 2002).

In an analysis of TCI involving its mobility through the urban space, it is possible to affirm that objects are present in the field reports, and are involved in generating therapy space, which is thought of as an effect caused by the relationships between these human and non-human entities: public notices, agreements, projects, mourners, dealers, entities, film cameras, walls, ocas, herbal medicines, native Brazilian aesthetics, etc.

Though TCI travels through networks, it is a network of heterogeneous elements. ANT sees space as -particularly, TCI's position may also be considered -a result of that interaction, of the manner in which heterogeneous elements relate to one another.

Among the main MISMEC physical structures located in TCI's region space I could highlight three ocas, or typical native Brazilian habitations. The first, located in the property's central area, is used for collective activities -Community Integrated Therapy; the second, for therapeutic massages; and the third works as a lodging for researchers and tourists, and as a restaurant for employees. During my visits, a few MISMEC meetings were held at the top floor of the third oca. The owners plan to turn it into a hotel in the future.

MISMEC also stands as a transit point dedicated to Quatro Varas residents, as it is located between the community and the beach. Because until recently the organization did not have walls, and even now its gates rarely find themselves closed (at night), it is also used as a meeting place, which residents and staff refer to in interviews as "another place", "a haven" and "here I feel like I'm in Hawaii." "So over there you got a world that, when you go in, you get the feeling you're not even here in Fortaleza, you're in Hawaii or something", and "this here's an oasis" (Field Journal, 2015/07/21). Its green space, mixed with a Zen decor and the native Brazilian aesthetics, is at odds with the community right behind it, under development in abandoned plots and interwoven streets, where clandestine electricity connections and the absence of sewage treatment and drinking water can be easily seen. In the words of an employee (2015, interview):

With the issue of health promotion in the community, from the perspective of childhood, this area, this activity, it has a direct impact on the community, not to mention the issue regarding community therapy itself, massage therapy, the redemption of self-esteem. We're talking about a community with a big crowd, too. There are days you wanna park a motorcycle, and you can't, there's just that many people coming from far away. Those coming from far-away places, they do so by car or by motorcycle. If you live in the community then you're on foot. Quatro Varas has way too many residents -so many that the 25year celebration brochure said there were, like, I don't know, over a million people or something, it was some estimate they'd done. So you can see the impact this has on the community, not only on the community, but also on the surrounding area.

In an interview, one of the employees underscores how important MISMEC activities are to community residents:

We have some experience in this regard, especially regarding the younger population. For primary school, the Project dedicated a space called Espaço Escola de Maria (Maria School Space), where 100% of the primary school students are children from the community. So I think this space, or activity, has one of the greatest impact on the community, because in order to be there, the child's going to have to study. 'Cause there's just so much drug traffic, so much crime and prostitution going on in the community, in the end the project becomes a haven for these children, these young people, due to what it represents, to the dynamics in the way things happen. It becomes a shelter for them (INTERVIEW, 2015).

The Viva Pharmacy, also in the Quatro Varas community, is defined by MISMEC staff as a "community pharmacy". It is a health unit that produces herbal medicines from medicinal plants (fatigue, flu and cough syrups, honey and antiseptic dyes) in the property's gardens. These medicines are distributed in health centers across the city as part of an agreement with Fortaleza City Hall and the Federal University of Ceará (UFC). The medicines are also sold to visitors, as an alternative source of income for MISMEC. In this respect, the actor-network approach points in the direction of an alternative topological system: the network space, in which configurations retain their spatial integrity due to their position within a set of connections or relationships (DOS SANTOS, 2011). Integrity is not associated with the idea of Euclidean volume, but rather with supporting stable connection standards, as Latour (2001) explains in his notion of immutable mobile -something that moves while maintaining its format. According to Law & Singleton (2003), the immutable mobile retains its format in two different ways: in the physical, or geographical, space; and in certain relational, and possibly functional, ways in which it can be imagined as a more-or-less stable associations network. From an analysis perspective, herbal medicines need to be mobile while maintaining its format both physically and as a set of relations -a network through which researchers, chemists, medicinal plants and so on can function as expected.

On the other hand, MIMSMEC's grounds attract drug dealers from the community, as they use the organization to hide drugs and weapons, and even for social events and weddings. During an interview, a MISMEC employee confessed outright: "There's no doubt they hide guns and drugs there, but what can we do? We're not the police." He continues:

Yesterday, for example, I forgot to ask how it all went down, but the head of the local gang asked for permission to hold a meeting there, and assured us there wasn't going to be any alcohol or drugs. It was going to, though, right? They called me, and I tell you, they're just as legit as any other actually legit group... Maybe they do less harm than evangelicals, for example, and they don't use MISMEC property.

[They tell us] ask to make it official, and give it to us in writing, and we'll authorize it in writing, and we'll check whether your commitment's real.

'Cause then we create a bond, these days you can't live outside reality, right now these dealers are in command there. If someone something from us, those guys come and give it right back to us, 'cause they're the ones who're gonna sell it. So, I mean, we're supposed to pick a fight with these guys?

In return, they provide security in the surroundings for employees and outsiderstourists and people who come from other regions.

[...] this here's open, the community is, to any one individual, as long as they make a request. That was the reason they gave, that there wasn't going to be any drugs, but every criminal and gang in the region was there.

At least we don't create any friction zones. If something comes up, yo, homie, we need some help here -they get it all sorted out in a second.

That's the kinda thing you couldn't do in a million years at the institutional level.

Despite these controversies, MISMEC represents an area of tranquility for a few political and institutional actors, such as the Municipal Health Secretariat, the CAPSs (Psychosocial Care Centers), the police, among others, through partnerships and projects, as described in the previous topic. Many of the neighboring entities and companies send over their employees to attend Integrative Community therapy (TCI) sessions and other activities, in order to relieve tension in the workplace. Among them, the local Police Department, FUNCI (Foundation for the Urban Family and Child), the CAPSs (Psychosocial Care Centers), health centers, and the Cuca Center, an aggregate of cultural complexes called Urban Centers for Culture, Art and Science -all of these, municipal resources -and the Emmaus Movement. They can be characterized as adjacent entities that are involved, or as a network of actors involved, in the procedures to organize the neighborhood. In this sense, TCI is a success, becoming widespread in the country due to its ability to change formats in Euclidean and network spaces. Because it will not remain stable in one network, one might assume that certain networks may have failed, that it was not able to keep its invariance. However, it does show variance -it is a mutable mobile. As Prof. Adalberto Barreto reported during an interview: "In France we call it Listening, Word and Link Space, and it poses a difference right there; but to me it's not what you call it, it's the spirit it has."

Outside Brazil, TCI is also practiced in European countries such as France and Switzerland through the European Association for Community Therapy, but also in other Latin America countries, such as Mexico, Uruguay, Argentina, Venezuela and Chile (ABRATECOM, 2009).

It should be noted that the TCI is already used in other countries, such as France, through the L'AETCI -A4V, or Association Européenne de Thérapie Communautaire -Amis de Quatro Varas, where the therapy is called espaces d'écoute et parole, and shows a few different application aspects, as Christiane Fénéon explains (2015, interview):

It is suggested to the patient and his or her family, so that they will pay heed to each other's suffering. We conduct sessions with 15 or 20 people -never with 80 people the way you do here in Brazil. Also, discrimination plays a role [in France]: some people won't join, or mingle with, other types of people. So there are groups targeted to Maghrebi women, to the homeless, and so on and so forth. We are all human beings. Who among us does not face a problem here and there? Sometimes these problems are common to us all. And that is still hard there. Another adaptational challenge occurs at the cultural level. In Brazil we sing a lot, whereas in France we don't have 'common corners'. We don't sing much, because we don't have any songs in common.

We don't call it "Community Therapy". That would be unthinkable in our culture. The term "therapy" may be used only by doctors with training, and the word "community" may sound derogatory.

So in France we translated it as 'Group d'Écoute et de Parole Social'.

In this case, one could question whether the therapy is the same in both places; a network analyst would not say it is, but it also makes sense to say that the TCI is able to reach across Brazil and other countries precisely because it is not an invariable format. De Laet & Mol (2000) conclude that it would be more useful to think of it as being fluid: a fluid object that can smoothly change its format. The reason being that the changes this object undergoes are not abrupt to the point of causing it to disappear or to be categorized as a different object.

The object results from a combination of changing relationships; an oxymoron: something that changes, and yet remains the same (LAW; SINGLETON, 2003) Accordingly, in order to illustrate the metaphors proposed by Law & Mol (1994), Image #1 shows two key spaces in TCI: the region space (the favela Quatro Varas) and the network space (political and institutional actors, including CAPS, UFC, SMS, AAAs, among others).

Image #1 -region and network space

Source: own work (2016). TCI spaces, however, are not only multiple and detached, but also may be understood as mobile and mutable. In fact, the "favela"/MISMEC-Quatro Varas unit moves through a network comprised of places, spaces and locations that are in constant motion through inscription devices, patient transfers from CAPSs and the SUS, research and researchers, and tourists, agreements, public notices and projects, to name a few. Therefore, even though a few TCI activities are focused on a particular area in the city, within those borders its spatiality is temporal and contingent. In order to illustrate the fluid-space metaphor proposed by Law & Mol (1994), image #2 is an attempt to show TCI's fluidity when we take into consideration that its practice is comprised of these nodes on people-and-object networks, such as partnerships and projects, which are always moving across the city's urban spaces. Although the TCI may be understood as mobile and mutable, the fluid-space metaphor would fail to explain the format's continuity character as an effect of the discontinuity in organizing processes, as opposed to the fire metaphor -an allusion to philosopher of science Gaston Bachelard -proposed by Law & Mol (2003). It addresses the oscillating relationship between presence and absence. The absence of Others. From a fire-metaphor perspective, continuity might be seen as: a discontinuity effect; the presence and absence of Others (LAW & MOL, 2003). In this sense, it is possible to conclude that the clashes between drug dealers, the weapons and drugs hidden in the area, and "the mouth boys" who sell drugs on neighboring streets, are all part of a MISMEC's absent presence (discontinuity). Therefore, in the fire metaphor, different worlds are positioned very closely to each other, and are interwoven in the presence/absence of objects, materiality and people who come together in the same space, such as researchers, tourists, public notices, agreements, drug trafficking, precarious spaces, institutional and political actors, herbal medicines. As an attempt to represent this metaphor, image #3 shows points connected by lines, indicating discontinuities, such as violence in the space (absence/present); the favela speech, which often places the favela as a precarious space; agreements; and foreign associations, such as the L'AETCI-A4V.

Image #3 -continuity and (dis)continuity spaces

Source: own work (2016).

The notion of space lets us observe how the organizational procedures and their continued existence are entangled in an intricate web of institutional relationships. The oca where TCI is performed is a key point in the property, in addition to its maintenance being the largest source of subsidies by the city government due to a municipal agreement. By examining the space in which the organization operates, and community therapy as an organizational process, different spaces are specified, and reveal region, network, fluid and fire spaces, as well as the practice of community therapy, as a mutable mobile (Mol; [START_REF] Law | Organising Modernity[END_REF]. The three topologies are evident, but the performance by the actor network outside the MISMEC regional space is characterized as fluid, which engenders an organizing sense in Pirambu's urban spaces. Tourists, drug dealers, researchers, residents, and institutional and political actors are interwoven in this organizational process, thus establishing multiple spaces in an organization.

Concluding Remarks

By monitoring the organizational processes occurring in the Quatro Varas community, in which the practice of Integrative Community Therapy (TCI) guided the survey, this study sought to describe their relationship, as well as the "nodes" found in the network -the ones linking institutional and political actors, and one non-governmental organization -MISMEC-Quatro Varas (Quatro Varas Community's Integrated Movement for Mental Health) -, residents, employees and the community, to TCI practices, through agreements, projects, public notices and herbal medicines.

The empirical focus in this study was the "precarious" space of a Brazilian favela and, more specifically, the Integrative Community Therapy as a social project (an integrated mental health movement) underway on its property. In order to monitor TCI practices and the actors involved, actor-network approach concepts, such as gateway, inscription, spokespersons and inscription devices were developed to provide the understanding on how MISMEC activities move in space, and how this practice is progressively incorporated and disseminated. The intention is to contribute to the field of organizational studies, as a study of this nature could pave the way to research aimed at mapping the associations between actors and their experiences. Therefore, in order to meet the overall objective, the human and non-human actors involved in the MISMEC-Quatro Varas's TCI network were identified based on the actornetwork approach. Among its actors, we can highlight: Fortaleza City Hall; the Municipal Health Secretariat (SMS); the CAPSs; the Federal University of Ceará (UFC); the Brazilian Unified Health System (SUS); the training hubs; PNAD; SENAD; ABRATECOM; IPTECOM; the TCI founder; the favela; money; streets; drug trafficking; weapons; bus stops; the international support; the Quatro Varas Health Center; the wall; the architecture; the herbal medicines; and the legislation.

Lastly, we proceeded to do the mapping of association combinations, as well as of the controversies among actors, entities, institutions and companies involved in the conformation of actor networks regarding TCI mobility in the city. In the course of this research, answers to the questions initially established finally took shape.

Among the limitations found in this study, firstly, the choice to use the actor-network approach as a research method proved to be difficult when disentangling heavyweight categories from my field of study. However, during my journey in the field, I was able to see how, in sociomaterial networks, or in organizational processes, as well as in their

  Bachelor's degree in Philosophy from the Université Catholique de Lyon et Pontificia Universitas St. Tomas de Aquino (1983); he majored in medicine at the Federal University of Ceará (1976); then in Theology at the Université Catholique de Lyon et Pontificia Universitas St. Tomas de Aquino (1983); he has a PhD in Medicine by the Université de Paris V (René Descartes) (1982) and another PhD in Anthropology by the Université Lumière Lyon 2

  , as well as the Town Hall, are also important actors in the community's Movement network. Their actions had many effects. Here I describe one such effect in more detail: the opening of the Quatro Varas Community's Health Center and the Vila do Mar Project. It seemed that the more time I spent at MISMEC, the more I noticed the hybridisms materializing within the favela. In a September afternoon, following a meeting to address the agreement between the Project and the Municipal Health Secretariat at Rosário Street, downtown Fortaleza, I arrive at MISMEC from Isaiah Street, Quatro Varas Community, Greater Pirambu area. From this street, the entrance is located at the Quatro Varas Health Center, a municipal facility established upon the property given to City Hall by the Project. In the words of an employee, "people in the community get in through the Health Center because they have an officer on payroll who does all the screening there. The other entrance point is used by non-residents, in Vila do Mar, they come by car, it's a much larger group." In this context, the NGO can also be understood as a hybrid organizational concept (ARELLANO-GAULT et al., 2013) of imprecise borders separating the public and private spheres (THOENIG, 2007). According to Fuentes-Rojas (2011), in 1988 the community gathering space became a project run by the Dean's Office for Extension and the UFC's Department of Community Health, called Quatro Varas Extension Project. Its purpose was to strengthen the relationship between the community and the University. 1995 saw the extension project become bound to the Integrated Movement for Community Mental Health (MISMEC) non-governmental organization, and was managed by Community leaders (BAKMAN; RIVALTA; BARRETO, 2010; GIFFONI, 2008). New partnerships have emerged since then, which at times allowed for the extension of the Project's reach, enabling it to perform several actions to the Community's benefit.

  Currently in Brazil there are fifty one (51) training hubs licensed to provide Integrative Community Therapy training. As for the number of existing community therapists nationwide, the Dean's Office for Extension at the Federal University of Ceará (PREX-UFC) reports 26,500 certified therapists. In addition, a recent MISMEC-Quatro Varas survey counted 25 articles published in national and international magazines, and 23 TCI-related master and PhD theses. It is worth mentioning that also offered in Brazil are Community Therapy master's and PhD conducted by the Individual, Family and Community Care, Research and Teaching Center in the city of Porto Alegre/RS.

# 2 -

 2 TCI's fluid space Source: own work (2016).

  . Prof. Adalberto Barreto speaks of TCI's malleable character: It's a social technology, but it's a lot more like a life stance. Although it has stages, of course there's an outline, but it's, I mean, its spirit, you're seeing nothing but a dead body. It's a contradiction. In order for you to study -to understand -life in the University, they give you a corpse at medical school. In order to understand life you work with

	the dead. So community therapy has a structure, but despite said
	structure, this therapy is so much more like an attitude, that's why it
	can adapt.