J Alvaro Perez

Thomas Loquen
email: thomas.loquen@onera.fr

Daniel Alazard
email: daniel.alazard@isae.fr

Christelle Pittet
email: christelle.pittet@cnes.fr

Linear Modeling of a Flexible Substructure Actuated through Piezoelectric Components for Use in Integrated Control/Structure Design

Keywords: Finite Element, Piezoelectric actuators and sensors (PEAs), Multi-body Flexible Structures, Flexible Structures Control, TITOP modeling

This study presents a generic TITOP (Two-Input Two-Output Port) model of a substructure actuated with embedded piezoelectric materials as actuators (PEAs), previously modeled with the FE technique. This allows intuitive assembly of actuated flexible substructures in large flexible multi-body systems. The modeling technique is applied to an illustrative example of a flexible beam with bonded piezoelectric strip and vibration attenuation of a chain of flexible beams.

INTRODUCTION

Piezoelectric actuators and sensors (PEAs) have been widely used in the field of system control design of large flexible structures. However, the design of control systems involving PEAs requires an accurate knowledge of the electro-mechanical behaviour of the system for vibration dynamics, transfers between the inputs and the outputs and non-linear effects such as hysteresis and creep effect. In order to integrate PEAs in the controlled structure, a design procedure including virtual prototyping of piezoelements integrated with the structure needs to be developed.

Macroscopic PEAs models are divided in two main categories. In the first category, the behaviour of a PEAs is decoupled in several contributions such as hysteresis, vibration dynamics and creep based on physical laws. The most well-known model structure of PEAs is the electromechanical model proposed in [START_REF] Goldfarb | Modeling Piezoelectric Stack Actuators for Control of Micromanipulation[END_REF], in which all effects are taken into account. In this category, other models only consider vibration dynamics with Finite Element (FE) models [START_REF] Piefort | Modeling of Smart Piezoelectric Shell Structures with Finite Elements[END_REF]) or static behaviour [START_REF] Smits | The Constituent Equations of Piezoelectric Bimporphs[END_REF]). The second category does not decouple the different behaviours of the PEA, all effects are considered simoultaneously. However, they are only accurate over small frequency ranges, what seriously limit their usage.

This study presents a PEAs modelisation technique that allows considering piezoelectric actuated flexible substruc-tures linked with other substructures. Taking advantage of the TITOP modeling technique [START_REF] Perez | Flexible Multibody System Linear Modeling for Control using Component Modes Synthesis and Double-Port Approach[END_REF]; [START_REF] Alazard | Two-Input Two-Output Port Model for Mechanical Systems[END_REF]; Perez et al. (2015a), the method casts in state-space form the FE model of an actuated flexible substructure in order to consider the acceleration-loads transfer within a flexible-multibody system. This supposes an extension of the TITOP modeling technique to piezoelectric materials, completing the available modeling techniques for flexible multibody control. Section 2 introduces the main equations of a piezoelectric FE model. Then, Section 3 explains how to obtain the Two-Input Two-Output Port(TITOP) model through Component Modes Synthesis (CMS) and the double-port approach. Then, an application for a beam with bonded piezoelectric strip is illustrated. Finally, application to vibration attenuation of a chain of flexible beams is performed and conclusions are stated.

FINITE ELEMENT MODELING OF A PIEZOELECTRIC COMPONENT

As stated in [START_REF] Ieee | IEEE Standard on Piezoelectricity. ANSI/IEEE Std[END_REF], the constitutive linear equations of an element piezoelectric material read:

T = c E S -e T E (1)
D = e S + S E (2)
where {T } is the stress vector, {S} the deformation vector,{E} the electric field, {D} the electric displacement, [c] the elasticity constants matrix, [ ] the dielectric constants matrix, [e] the piezoelectric constants, with superscripts E , S and T indicating static conditions for E, S and T respectively.

The dynamic equations of a piezoelectric continuum can be discretized in elements and written in the finite element formulation as follows [START_REF] Piefort | Modeling of Smart Piezoelectric Shell Structures with Finite Elements[END_REF]:

Mqq q + Kqq q + K qφ φ = f (3) K φq q + K φφ φ = γ (4)
where the element coordinates {q}, the applied voltage {φ}, the electric charge {γ} and external forces {f } are related through the element mass matrix, [M qq ], the element stiffness matrix, [K qq ], the piezoelectric coupling matrix [K qφ ] and the capacitance matrix [K φφ ]. Upon carrying out the assembly of each piezoelectric element, we get the global system of equations:

Muu ü + Kuu u + Kuv v = F (5) Kvu u + Kvv v = g (6)
where the global coordinates {u}, the global applied voltage {v}, the electric charge {g} and external forces {F } are now related through the global mass matrix, [M uu ], the global stiffness matrix, [K uu ], the piezoelectric coupling matrix [K uv ] and the capacitance matrix [K vv ].

TITOP MODELING OF THE PIEZOELECTRIC COMPONENT

The Two-Input Two-Output Port (TITOP) model is a linear modeling tool developed with the objective of providing fundamental bricks for the modeling and assembly of flexible multibody systems. As demonstrated in [START_REF] Perez | Flexible Multibody System Linear Modeling for Control using Component Modes Synthesis and Double-Port Approach[END_REF], the TITOP model is as accurate as other accepted methods (the assumed modes method), more robust to variations in boundary conditions and it is applicable in cases of small deformation and large overall motion, as in a two-link flexible arm or a satellite with flexible appendages. In this study, an extension to the case of piezoelectric components is proposed in order to complete the modeling tools. This is done through the application of the Component Modes Synthesis (CMS) transformation to Eqns. ( 5) and ( 6), then casting the resulting transformation into a state-space representation for the desired inputs-outputs.

Component Modes Synthesis Transformation

The Component Modes Synthesis transformation allows separating the different contributions of elastic body displacements into rigid body, redundant boundaries and internal elastic displacements. The resulting equations are easier to manipulate since rigid-body and elastic displacements appear uncoupled in the transformed stiffness matrix. The fundamentals of Component Modes Synthesis were stated by [START_REF] Hurty | Dynamic Analysis of Structural Systems Using Component Modes[END_REF] in 1965 and then recalled later [START_REF] Craig | A Brief Tutorial on Substructure Analysis and Testing[END_REF], the reader might consult those references if more information about CMS is desired.

The global coordinates {u} are then partitioned into three main sets: rigid-body coordinates, r, redundant boundary coordinates, c, and fixed-interface normal modes, n. Applying this division, Eqns. ( 5) and ( 6) result:

+ Kvv v = Q (8)
where [M ], [K], {u} and {F } have been partitioned into their contributions to rigid-body, redundant boundaries and fixed-boundary displacements. The "tilde" load term, Fr and Fc , denotes the force resulting from the connection to adjacent structures at the boundary points.

In CMS, physical displacements can be expressed in terms of generalized coordinates by the Rayleigh-Ritz coordinate transformation Craig Jr (2000):

u n u c u r = [Φ] η n η c η r = φ nn φ nc φ nr 0 cn I cc φ cr 0 rn 0 rc I rr η n η c η r (9)
where the component-mode matrix

+ Kvv v = G (11)
with the new coupling matrix coefficients:

Knv = φnnKnv (12) Kcv = Kcv + φcnKnv (13) Krv = Krv + φrcKcv + φrnKnv (14)
Equations ( 10) and ( 11) are the most generalized expression for a FE model of a piezoelectric component transformed through the CMS method. Section 3.2 will show how to take advantage of this form in order to simply model an accurate piezoelectric component for control of flexible multi-body systems.

F A/P,P = f A/P t A/P,P üP = qP θP üQ = qQ θQ F Q/A,Q = f Q/A t Q/A,Q P x a y a z a P Q A A Q v piezo g Figure 1.
Illustration of a generic substructure with bonded piezoelectric material

Actuated TITOP State-Space Realization

The purpose of a TITOP state-space realization [START_REF] Perez | Flexible Multibody System Linear Modeling for Control using Component Modes Synthesis and Double-Port Approach[END_REF] of Eqns. ( 10) and ( 11) is to model the piezoelectric component as a substructure connected with two different structures in chain-like assembly through two connection points, P and Q. This is useful in order to consider the actuation provoked by the piezoelectric component to the rest of the structure, modeled as a flexible multibody system.

As shown in Fig. 1, the flexible piezoelectric component A is linked to the parent structure P at the point P and to a child substructure Q at the point Q. It is assumed that the only external loads applied to A are the interactions with P at point P and with Q at point Q, as hypothesis on Eqn. ( 10) states. Voltage v can be applied to the piezo in order to provoke a electric field, and the electric charge g is an available measure.

The main problem is how to consider the electromechanical coupling between P, A, Q and electric states. The mechanical overlapping between substructures is expressed as an acceleration-load transfer through the common boundaries, called the double-port approach, proposed by [START_REF] Alazard | Two-Input Two-Output Port Model for Mechanical Systems[END_REF] and Perez et al. (2015a). With this approach, both points, P and Q, suffer an acceleration-load transfer, in such a way that the acceleration is transferred to the next substructure in the chain (Q in this case) and the load is transmitted to the previous substructure in the chain ( the parent P structure).

A generalization of the double-port approach is presented in this study for the piezoelectric FE CMS transformation.

The existing electro-mechanical coupling between loadsaccelerations and voltage-charge is considered through the augmentation of the classic double-port model with an additional electric input, the applied voltage v, and with an additional output, the electric charge, g, such that: Equation ( 16) implies that the rigid motion is supported by point P and the constrained motion of connection point Q is a result of the rigid body motion in P transported to point Q (φ cr ηr ) plus the constrained motion due to flexibility (η c ).

üQ F A/P,P g = G A P,Q (s) F Q/A,Q üP v (
In the same way, loads are received and transmitted by appendage A with the following directions:

F A/P,P = -Fr F Q/A,Q = Fc (17)
Using the relations given in Eqns. ( 16) and ( 17) in combination with Eqn. ( 10), a state-space representation can be obtained for the piezoelectric component A:

G A P,Q (s)                         ηn ηc ηn ηc    = A    ηn ηc ηn ηc    + B F Q/A,Q üP v üQ F A/P,P gc = C    ηn ηc ηn ηc    + (D + D δ ) F Q/A,Q üP v (18)
where A, B, C, D and D δ are the short hand notation of the following state-space matrices: 19), ( 20), ( 21), ( 22) and ( 23 In the 6 degrees of freedom case with one piezoelectric strip, G A P,Q (s) , of the flexible substructure A is a 13 × 13 transfer matrix (that is, r = 6, v = 1, c = 6, g = 1). It should be noticed that the measured charge is denoted g c and not g because only relative displacement between connection point P and connection point Q is measured for the sake of input/output simplicity.

A = 0 n+c I n+c -M -1 Q KQ -M -1 Q DQ (19) B =   0 n+c,c+r+v M -1 Q 0nc -Mnr -Knv Icc -Mcr -Kcv   (20) C =   0cn Icc -M -1 Q KQ -M -1 Q DQ Mrn Mrc M -1 Q KQ M -1 Q DQ Kvn Kvc I n+c,n+c 0 n+c,n+c   (21) D =      0cn Icc M -1 Q 0nc -Mnr -Knv Icc -Mcr -Kcv Mrn Mrc M -1 Q 0nc -Mnr -Knv Icc -Mcr -Kcv 0vc 0vr Kvv      (22)
The physical interpretation of Eqn. ( 18) is as follows. The rigid-body displacements of the appendage A are transmitted by its connection point P through the whole of the appendage, and this excites the fixed-boundary natural modes (the modes obtained when clamping the appendage at point P and Q) through the modal participation matrices, Mrn and Mrc , and thus the constraint point Q. These natural modes produce a load transmitted to substructure P modifying the load that appendage A will induce to P, which depends on the load received at point Q, F Q/A,P , the acceleration received at point P , {ü P } and the natural modes. In addition, voltage v modifies these transfers by increasing or reducing the transferred loads at P and Q, and the measured electric charge g c responds to displacements changes either by mechanical interaction (through load application) or by electric field application (voltage).

MODELING APPLICATION

As an illustrative example, let consider a beam linking two substructures at both ends with a piezoelectric strip which has been appropriately bonded to one side, as seen in Fig. 3. The thickness of the piezoelectric strip is t p , with a width denoted by w p , Young's modulus E p , density ρ p and cross-section inertia I p . The piezoelectric strip is used as an actuator by controlling the voltage v applied to the electrodes creating a constant electric field E 3 = v/t p across the thickness of the laminate.

The beam is modeled with a classic FE decomposition in several beam elements of length l. The beam has the same geometrical properties as the piezoelectric strip but denoted without the p subindex: t,w,E,ρ and I. Since the piezoelectric laminate is glued to the beam, the mass and stiffness matrices of a beam element can be obtained as a sum of the contributions of the beam and the piezoelectric material. Thus:

Mqq = Mqq beam + Mqq piezo (24) Kqq = Kqq beam + Kqq piezo (25)
The matrices of Eqns. ( 24) and ( 25) are detailed in Appendix A, obtained with classical FE decomposition with beam elements. With further FE decomposition to the piezoelectric strip, the following coupling matrix and capacitance matrix are obtained:

Kqv =         -d 31 Epwp 0 -d 31 Epwp(t + tp 2 ) d 31 Epwp 0 d 31 Epwp(t + tp 2 )         (26) Kvv = wpl tp ( T 33 -d 2 31 Ep) (27)
where d 31 is the piezoelectric constant under constant stress which relates the shrinkage observed in the direction 1 when an electric field E 3 is applied along the direction of polarization 3. The coefficient T 33 is the dielectric constant of the material.

The global mass, stiffness, coupling and capacitance matrices are obtained by appending the elements matrices along the diagonal. Common node points between two points are simply added together. As an example the casting of stiffness matrices is given bellow for a 2 × 2 case:

[ K qq ] 1 = k 1 11 k 1 12 k 1 21 k 1 22 ; [K qq ] 2 = k 2 11 k 2 12 k 2 21 k 2 22 → → [K uu ] =   k 1 11 k 1 12 0 k 1 21 k 1 22 + k 2 11 k 2 12 0 k 2 21 k 2 22   (28)
Obtaining the global piezoelectric coupling matrix is more complicated since it depends on the desired profile of voltages for the piezoelectric strips. If the same voltage is applied among all the strips then the assembly is straightforward:

Kqv 1 = k 1 1v k 1 2v ; Kqv 2 = k 2 1v k 2 2v → Kuv = k 1 1v k 1 2v + k 2 1v k 2 2v ( 29
)
Kvv 1 = k 1 vv ; Kvv 2 = k 2 vv → Kvv = k 1 vv + k 2 vv ( 30
)
After FE assembly, the complete FE model of the beam with bonded piezoelectric material is obtained. CMS is applied to the FE model as seen in Section 3.1 and the TITOP model is obtained following the indications in Section 3.2. Figures 4 and5 show the frequency response of a beam with piezoelectric strip discretised in 3 elements and properties extracted from the data of Table B.1. The first resonant frequency appears at 68 Hz, fast enough for the majority of large flexible systems.

CONTROL APPLICATION

As an illustrative example of applications on control of flexible structures, let consider vibration attenuation of two flexible beams in chain-like assembly with the same properties as the one modelised in Section 4. The two flexible beams can be actuated with piezoelectric strips bonded at their surface as seen in Fig. 3, and their TITOP assembly is performed as depicted in Fig. 6.

After assembly, vibration attenuation is addressed with a rate feeback between the integration of the acceleration at the end of Beam II, q, and the voltage applied at the piezoelectric strip in Beam I, v 1 . Controller gain is tuned so that the first flexible mode is maximaly damped, which results in 0.2 damping ratio (see Fig. 7). Simulation of the system response to base acceleration excitation shows in Fig. 8

  [Φ] is a matrix of preselected component modes including: fixed-constraint modes,n, redundant boundary modes, c, and rigid-body modes, r. Pre-multiplying by[Φ] T , substituting Eqn. (9) into Eqns. (7) and (8) and considering that neither interior forces nor external forces apply (F n = F c = F r = 0

  15) Therefore Eqn. (15) relates the accelerations suffered at connection point P , loads at connection point Q and the applied voltage v to the acceleration at connection point Q, transmitted force to the previous substructure P and the measured electric charge g. An assignment of the different degrees of freedom is performed in order to distribute the acceleration-load transfer: rigid-body displacements are those of connection point P and the redundant constraint displacements those of connection point Q. Thus the accelerations read: üP = ηr üQ = ηc + φcr ηr (16)

  ) with Eqns. (

Figure 3 .

 3 Figure 2. Block diagram of TITOP modeling of a substructure actuated with piezoelectric materials q 1 y

Figure 4 .Figure 5 .

 45 Figure 4. Transfer functions between applied loads at Q (vertical force in solid line, torque in dashed line) and measured electric charge

  that vibrations at the end of Beam II are adequately attenuated when compared with the open loop response. Other controller inputs are possible, such as electric charges g 1 and g 2 and Beam I acceleration, but Beam II rate feedback acceleration was chosen since it offered more controllability. Root locus of the rate feedback of the flexible beams. Control is targeted at mode 1 Tip response to base acceleration in open loop and with rate feedback controller Therefore, the actuated TITOP model is a straightforward modeling tool for flexible structure control applications. Indeed, this model is used for piezoelectric component modelization in a Integrated Control/Structure Design of a Large Space Structure in Perez et al. (2016). 6. CONCLUSIONS AND PERSPECTIVES This study has introduced a generic model for an actuated flexible structure with piezoelectric components. The model, derived from the finite element formulation, is an extension of the TITOP modeling technique (Perez et al., 2015b) which allows interconnection with different substructures through acceleration-load transfer among the connection points. This model inherits the TITOP model's accuracy and robustness to changes in boundary conditions, and includes the additional advantage of adding piezoelectric effects in flexible multibody system assembly. This has been demonstrated by modeling a beam with bonded piezoelectric strip and by performing vibration attenuation to a chain of flexible beams. This technique is used in different Integrated Control/Structure Design studies of Large Flexible Structures, such as in Perez et al. (2016).

		qBase/BeamI	F BeamI/Base
	v 1		BEAM I		g 1
		F ext/BeamI		qBeamI/BeamII
		v 2		BEAM II	F BeamII/BeamI	g 2
		F ext/BeamII		qBeamII/NextSubstructure
				K
	Figure 6. Assembly of two flexible beams actuated through
	piezoelectric components with TITOP modeling tech-
	nique. Rate feedback through K ensures vibration
	attenuation.
				Rate Feedback Rlocus
		800
		0.26		0.18	0.11	0.06
							120
		700
		0.36					100
		600
		500					80
		0.48
	Im(s)	400					60
							Structure
		300
		0.66
							40
		200
		0.86			Accelerometer	20
		100
					Controller
		0
		-250	-200	-150	-100	-50	0
				Re(s)
	0 Figure 7. Time (s) 5 10 15 20 25 Tip Acceleration (m/s 2 ) -0.2 0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.2 Tip Acceleration repsonse to base acceleration 30 35 40 Open Loop 1 Rate Feedback	45
	Figure 8.

Proceedings of the 20th IFAC Symposium on Automatic Control in Aerospace,Sherbrooke, Quebec, Canada, August 21-25, 2016

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Research efforts were supported by the kind financial support of the CNES AOCS Department and ONERA Flight Dynamics Department in Toulouse.

Appendix A. MASS AND STIFFNESS MATRICES

The mass and stiffness matrices of each piezo element are written as:

where I p = w p t p (t 2 + t p t + tp 2 ). The mass and stiffness matrices of the beam element are identical as the ones denoted in Eqs. (A.1) and (A.2) but substituting the piezoelectric strip parameters by those of the beam.

Appendix B. BEAM PARAMETERS


Is language revitalization really about saving languages? Some insights from 150 years of language revival in Occitania James Costa Wilson Sorbonne Nouvelle 1 Introduction: the recent fortune of "language revitalization" If quantitative data are anything to go by as an indicator of what is important to people today, then "language revitalization" certainly deserves some attention. Of course, language revival is by no means a new thing and as we know it now it originated in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, but the term "language revitalization" itself took off in the early 1990s along with concerns about language endangerment. Unlike earlier terms perhaps it describes not only minority languages in Europe or former British colonies but also refers to a wide range of social activity worldwide, in particular in Latin America. Even in Europe, the revival movements underwent a deep transformation after the 1990s to respond to discourses about the global loss of cultural and natural diversity (Nettle & Romaine 2000) as well as with the idea that languages can be economically profitable [START_REF] Heller | The commodification of language[END_REF]. The following graph taken from Google Ngram, which counts the number of occurrences of any term in the Google Books database,1 provides a good idea of the development of the term 'language revitalization' in recent years-one which mirrors my own investigations in the academic and language advocacy literature on the topic:

Figure 1: Occurrences of the terms "language revitalization" and "language endangerment" in books digitized by Google Books While most studies concerning themselves with this topic focus on how to assess language loss and to address strategies for "revitalization," a term that is itself usually loosely defined, the question I would like to ask in this paper is: Why that now? What is it that people are doing when they draw on "language" as a resource to mobilize others around certain goals-in other words, what is "language revitalization" actually about? Why do contemporary language-based movements take the particular form that they do? In the next sections I propose to suggest a few possible answers to those questions based on fieldwork conducted in Southern France between 2007 and 2012. Naturally, in other areas answers might be different. Language-based movements have much in common in terms of the discourses they draw upon and the references to institutions such as Unesco, but in each case language is used a terrain [START_REF] Heller | Analysis and stance regarding language and social justice[END_REF]) upon which social movements address very local issues by drawing on global discourses that will make their voice stronger in a global arena. In order to suggest some answers to this question, I will draw on examples from the Occitan south of France dating back to before the post 1990 period, but I think those examples have a lot in common with contemporary movements in their organization and in their rationales, and they can still tell us a lot.

I will first analyze briefly how language revitalization is usually defined in linguistics, in order to suggest that those definitions are at best incomplete, if not flawed. Then, based on fieldwork in the Occitan south of France (see below), I'll redefine revitalization movements as inherently social movements that depend on the mobilization of a discourse about language, before showing that constructing groupness in order to talk about situations of contact between dominant and dominated groups is the main aim of those movements. I'll argue that revitalization is about redefining the very terms of the contact. Finally I'll suggest some reasons as to why those movements use language and not, say, religion or a political institution to articulate their claims.

2 What is language revitalization? Analyzing "language revitalization" is itself a complicated issue in the sense that it is often unclear whose voice, and whose interests, the discussions it entails represent. Revitalization is both an academic and a non-academic concern, pertaining to the field of language advocacy. In many contexts academics who study such issues are themselves staunch language advocates-striking examples can be found in the work of Tove Skutnabb-Kangas (e.g. 2009) or K. David [START_REF] Harrison | The Last Speakers[END_REF]. Yet whether one looks at academic or non-academic work, one can only be struck by the dearth of work defining either "endangerment" or "revitalization", generally understood in quantitative terms: while the former is the disappearance of languages, the latter consists in fostering the expansion of domains of use of numbers of speakers. In this respect, the following definition by Leanne Hinton constitutes a classic example of how revitalization is often viewed:

The terms LANGUAGE REVITALIZATION, LANGUAGE REVIVAL and LANGUAGE RECLAMATION, among others, are all applied to the phenomenon of attempting to bring endangered languages back to some level of use within their communities (and elsewhere) after a period of reduction in usage. (Hinton 2011: 291) Another type of definition consists in characterizing the processes involved-in the following example by the Swedish linguist Leena Huss, revitalization is propounded as a form of emancipation:

Revitalization can be seen as the emancipation of minorities and their cultures on their own terms rather than on the terms of the larger society as has long been the case. (Huss 2008: 133) Characterization can also take the form of the various implications of the work involved, here the recuperation and reconstruction of something partially lost-a tendency which overlooks the very fact that "recuperation" itself is a social and discursive construct, part of what needs to be explained rather than the explanation itself: Language revitalization, renewal, or reversing language shift goes one step further than language maintenance, in that it implies recuperating and reconstructing something that is at least partially lost, rather than maintaining and strengthening what already exists. (Hornberger 2002: 266) Language revitalization is thus construed not only as a response to language loss (see also [START_REF] Grenoble | Language revitalization[END_REF], but also as a consequence of new global awareness to a global crisis framed in terms of unprecedented loss of languages: according to this discourse, people are caring about languages because they now realize what is at loss. Second, it derives from this that language revitalization is a unique phenomenon, something new derived from the loss in language diversity crisis. And third that the important element in the equation is language: it is language whose form and functions must be expanded.

The approach outlined above is problematic in many ways. For one thing, it disregards the fact that what western linguistics identifies as "languages" have disappeared at an important rate at other times in history (e.g. as a consequence of the Roman Conquest of Europe) without generating language-based movements, as far as we know. Therefore, one precondition for the rise of such movements is the modern concept of "a language", rooted in European modernity.

Another problem rests in the way such an approach constrains how one approaches so-called language revitalization: one is either in favor or against, and the main questions become: how bad is it? And what can be done? It frames questions in terms of diagnosis/remedy, as illustrated by the various grids elaborated in sociolinguistics to assess situations and deal with them. [START_REF] Fishman | Reversing Language Shift: Theoretical and Empirical Foundations of Assistance to Threatened Languages[END_REF] Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (GIDS) is the best known example of this, but an earlier example is provided in Bauman (1980: 6). In a document aimed at providing Native American communities with language retention strategies, James Bauman identified a series of potential diagnoses for language situations and corresponding retention strategies: This type of approach, I argue, effectively frames the issues at stake in terms of "what should be done?" and prevents us from asking other types of questions such as: Why are so many people engaging in language based social movements, and why has there been a sharp increase in language based movements since the early 1990s? What is at stake, and for whom? Is it only about language? What makes language a particularly relevant terrain for social struggles now? Is it only the so-called mass extinction that makes it so? Yet it could be argued that many other things are disappearing too, trades, techniques, objects, artifacts, social practices etc., which do not all give rise to social movements.

In the following sections I wish to focus on how language is mobilized by social movements under certain ideological conditions to create language-based groups and to construct a narrative a contact. I will then ask why such movements mobilize "language" rather than something else.

I base myself on several years of fieldwork among language revival movements in the Occitan south of France, as well as on several years as an Occitan language advocate and three years as a teacher of Occitan in Marseilles and in Northern Provence. The area concerned with Occitanist claims comprises roughly the southern third of France (excluding Northern Catalonia and the Northern Basque Country), as well as one valley in Spain and a number of valleys on the Italian side of the border with France.

What makes the Occitan case interesting is partly the fact that it has a long and documented history [START_REF] Martel | Les Félibres et Leur Temps : Renaissance D'oc et Opinion (1850-1914[END_REF][START_REF] Zantedeschi | Occitan: Une Langue En Quête D'une Nation[END_REF][START_REF] Abrate | Occitanie 1900-1968 : Des idées et des hommes[END_REF]) since its foundation in the 1850s, and partly its lack of success-so that many of its claims were never naturalized, rendering internal debates and tensions are particularly visible. Although the language movement in the 1850s drew on decades of philological and historical work, it was initially the construction of a small group of poets and writers, the Felibrige (see [START_REF] Martel | Le félibrige[END_REF], all belonging to the small bourgeoisie and the intellectual elite. This is an important point as it remains a constant element throughout the history of the movement. While the economic elites left the south of France for Paris as early as the seventeenth century, smaller intellectual elites are the ones that constantly embraced certain aspects of culture in order to articulate their own interests.

3 Language revitalization movements as one possible type of social movement In order to approach language revitalization differently, it is essential to show that it is in itself not particularly original. It is only so in the sense that such movements use language as the basis upon which an argument is formulated, something that was not possible before the late 18 th and the 19 th centuries. One should thus question the claim that the current surge in interest for "endangered languages" is a consequence of a sudden global awareness of language loss. In fact, discourses about the loss of prestige of the local vernaculars were first articulated by writers in various areas in the south of France throughout the sixteenth century [START_REF] Courouau | Les apologies de la langue française (XVIs siècle) et de la langue occitane (XVIe-XVIIe siècles), naissance d'une double mythographie. Deuxième partie[END_REF]), yet they did not, and probably could not, give rise to revitalization. Other conditions are needed for language to become a mobilizing force.

Once we free ourselves from those assumptions, other questions immediately emerge. First, this allows us to consider language revitalization as an objective articulated by a social movement. Social movements, and social activism more generally, aim at transforming individual concerns into collective ones: as Bourdieu put it, "the activist's work consists precisely in transforming the personal, individual misfortune ('I've been made redundant') into a particular case of a more general social relation ('you've been made redundant because...')" (Bourdieu 1993: 38). Language revitalization is thus above all about people in the world rather than about language.

Second, a perspective shift such as described above allows us to redefine language revitalization as one particular case of a more general class of movements. In fact, language revitalization movements are very similar in many ways to what the anthropologist Anthony Wallace called 'revitalization movements' in the 1950s, which he defined as collective attempts to bring about rapid cultural change in the face of contact-induced societal transformations [START_REF] Wallace | Revitalization movements[END_REF]). Language revitalization movements should thus be understood as one type of revitalization movements, movements that use an element, often drawn from a particular understanding of the past, to project it onto the future in order to legitimize a certain type of action in the present.

The pattern that revitalization movements follow, according to Wallace, can be summarized as follows: The avowed purpose of a nativistic movement may be either to revive the past culture or to perpetuate the current one, but it never really attempts to do either. Any attempt to revive a past phase of culture in its entirety is immediately blocked by the recognition that this phase was, in certain respects, inferior to the present one and by the incompatibility of certain past culture patterns with current conditions. […] What really happens in all nativistic movements is that certain current or remembered elements of culture are selected for emphasis and given symbolic value. [START_REF] Linton | Nativistic Movements[END_REF] If language revitalization is but one possible type of such movements, the question then becomes: why language? And not, say, religion, political institutions or other customs? And why do we see a surge in language based social movements after the 1990s? What is in actual fact at stake within those movements?

4 Constructing minority and majority groups through a narrative of contact In this section I analyze how language revitalization movements are primarily concerned with the elaboration of a narrative of contact that constructs and legitimizes their stances, and which names and delineates majority and minority groups as part of that process.

During the course of my fieldwork in the Occitan south of France, I became increasingly aware of the existence of a grand narrative which was constantly summoned or evoked in different settings to justify how language should be used and who had the right to do so. One striking element was the primacy of literature and of the written word in the defense of the language, an element usually justified by saying that medieval Troubadours had written in Occitan. So I began wondering what this narrative was used for and by whom, and how it in fact constructed and performed groupness. This is likely to be the case in all revitalization movements, but it is particularly apparent in the case of Occitan where no well-defined entity called Occitania or no language called Occitan ever existed, except in some mediaeval historical records. So the most important thing that people are doing is actually engaging in a struggle over classifications, which Bourdieu defines as struggles over the monopoly of the power to make people see and believe, to get them to know and recognize, to impose the legitimate definition of the divisions of the social world and, thereby, to make and unmake groups' (Bourdieu 1991: 221).

Language revitalization becomes above all a categorizing operation in order to define groups according to criteria which a social movement seeks to impose. Let us look at how this works in the Occitan case. In the diagram reproduced below, and extracted from a short book on Occitan literature and written by a well-known Occitan language writer (Jean Rouquette, known under the literary pseudonym of Joan Larzac), the author summarizes the whole Occitan narrative in order to legitimize the present movement and to explain how and why Occitan literature is important to it. It identifies a Golden Age, located in the Middle Ages, and it proposes two types of social trajectories: the actual one and the normal one, had the French not launched a crusade on the County of Toulouse in 1209. It also proposes a possible reincarnation of that ideal state of things, resulting from the efforts of the language movement, which it calls normal or 100% Occitan. But the graph also does two things, which are both central concerns to the Occitan movement: first it links the medieval era with present day south of France, and it connects geographically unconnected areas, Provence, Gascony and Languedoc as pertaining to the same reality. Second, it founds the unity of time and space on the written word, thus legitimating certain types of knowledge based on the mastery of the written language. The Occitan sociolinguist Robert Lafont refers to this as the "revivalist ideology of the redeeming text" (Lafont 1997: 114). (Rouquette 1980: 12) This narrative, importantly, provides an account and a rationalization of contact and constructs two distinct groups by providing them with ancestors, with a common past and a common geographical frame of reference. It constructs one group, the Occitans, as subdued, and the other, the French, as dominant. And it provides a rationale for the terms of contact between both groups-as well as the key to renegotiate the very terms of contact: language.

This account situates language in a wider societal frame of invasion, loss and revival in order to address contemporary social concerns. It frames individual preoccupations collectively: through the control of our language we also gain control over our land, and our destiny. Crucially, this narrative opposes the dominant categorizations of the South of France as little more than a holiday camp for rich northerners and as a place of second-rate citizens by proposing a legitimate cultural genealogy.

To the first question, what are language revitalization movements, I thus propose the following answer: Language revitalization is best understood as a form of collective action aiming to impose new categorizations of the world through the mobilization of language as a discursive category and through a number of actions seeking the recognition and establishment of a new "language" where another (deemed foreign) is becoming or has become dominant. Through the projection of particular visions of a linguistic past, it seeks to redefine positions of power through the definition of groups as minority and majority, and through the definition of new forms of knowledge on language. Through their actions, language revitalization movements aim at presenting narratives of continuity where discontinuity might otherwise be seen to prevail. By doing so, they present society with a perspective on itself and on what it is and isn't, what it should be and what it shouldn't be, and what it ought to be in terms of hierarchizations of knowledge, groups and individuals.

Why language?

The second question I asked at the beginning of this paper was: "Why language?" Asking the question in this particular way is nevertheless slightly misguided. Let us follow the idea expressed earlier that language revitalization is about a struggle over categorizations, and about using language to construct contact and to renegotiate the terms of that contact between two groups. We must then consider that what Huss said in the quote I mentioned at the beginning of this article (section 2), that language revitalization is basically "the emancipation of minorities and their cultures on their own terms rather than on the terms of the larger society" is fundamentally flawed. Quite the contrary in fact: revitalization should be viewed as an attempt to construct new intergroup relations on terms imposed by the dominant group. Language is, according to this perspective, important not because it was forever a defining feature of the minority group, but because it is important to the majority group who uses it as a feature to define its own dominance. Consequently, using language as a meaningful category can be understood as a way for the cultural elite of a minority group to address the elite of a majority group and to gain recognition through the mobilization of that already legitimate category. In other words, language revitalization is a way to address a more powerful Other by acknowledging one of the sources of its cultural and social dominance, in this case a prestigious written language, but also to assert the prestige of one's own in terms of a literature, a history, a written standard. In this respect, both groups are therefore to be viewed as culturally equal.

Let's look at how this worked for the Occitan movement. The transformation of isolated works on language into what was to become a social movement was initiated by a group of poets in 1854, under the leadership of Frederic Mistral who in 1859 published a long, epic poem called Mirèio. It is now a Romantic classic, and it was rather universally hailed as a masterpiece when it came out. The first lines read: Seemingly the poet addressed the people he construed as his fellow countrymen and fellow laborers, whom he presents as a oppressed minority he will vindicate through literature. And indeed Mistral's work can be read as a way to establish groupness and delineate a people out of the linguistic mosaic throughout southern France. But at the same time Mistral also addresses the Parisian intellectual elite. The book was dedicated to Lamartine, one of France's most prominent literary figures at the time, who also wrote a preface to the book. It is also worth noting that the first edition-as well as subsequent editions-are all bilingual.

In fact, the whole history of the Occitan movement, which we can trace back to the sixteenth century, can be read as a dialogue of part of the Southern cultural elite with the Northern French ruling elites. Early texts from the sixteenth century and seek to show that Gascon or Provençal are equal if not superior to French and Latin at a time when the French court was precisely trying to establish the king's language as legitimate in law and literature and to challenge the Latin of the Church and the Universities [START_REF] Courouau | Premiers combats pour la langue occitane: manifestes linguistiques occitans XVIe-XVIIe siècles[END_REF]. Later, during the French Revolution in the late eighteenth century, interest in the local patois was sparked after Abbé Grégoire launched a full scale survey of linguistic usages in France, generating interest among local historians and philologists throughout the country, and later giving rise to renewed scholarship on the Troubadours-which was instrumental in the later revival. The historian Philippe Martel called Abbé Grégoire the founding father of the Occitan Renaissance. 2How fundamental language was to the creation of one French nation and people after the revolution is well known. But language did more than that: whereas before the revolution the most important categories for dividing people were class based, and ranked people in terms of their belonging to the aristocracy or not, the type of nationalism introduced during the revolution allowed people to be grouped and thought of in linguistic terms. Whereas in the sixteenth century language and region were only secondary criteria in the classification of people, the revolution foregrounded language in a new way that paved the way to the use of language to define other groups within France. When language was defined as a criterion to establish groupness in Southern France, it was conceived of in exactly the same way that French was: with a literary canon, a spelling standard, prestigious ancestors, and an Academy.

What Mistral did in the 1850s was to craft a narrative that addressed both the people, framed as a cultural or oppressed minority, as well as the ruling elites in Paris. That is when the social movement gained momentum. So to the question Why language?, I propose the following answer: because it was important to the people that the social movement needed to address in order to negotiate the terms of contact between the two groups it had identified along linguistic lines-that is to say, the ruling elite of the dominant group.

Conclusion

Language revitalization in the south of France was never primarily about language. It was about creating groups through language, and defining language as a terrain on which other issues could be played out which entailed the recognition of the cultural elite of the south as legitimate by the northern cultural elite. Language revitalization was to be a movement which was meant to challenge the ways in which territory and people were regimented in nineteenth century France by constructing a bipolar vision of France based on language, and by opposing the idea of France as one and indivisible. The battle was played out throughout the second half of the nineteenth century in the fields of literature, philology and politics, and it continues to this day using the very same techniques. It pits one group against another in order to debate issues of cultural and social legitimacy, but it takes different forms depending on how language is important to who the dominant group is thought to be.

In that respect, linguistic anthropological work on language revitalization cannot be about success or failure, about assistance or neutrality-that enterprise is de facto nullified as there can be no success or failure, only the interplay between competing imagined groupnesses to impose new categories or redefine old ones in order to achieve new aims in the world: define new groups, establish or impose new positions of power, erase other types of social actors or other social processes. It is, in other words, a constant rapport de forces or power struggle.

Those insights from the Occitan case may help us think the development of language revitalization movements worldwide in a way that is markedly different from the bulk of works conducted on that topic: what if such movements weren't about language, or about the sudden realization that language diversity is at risk, but about the fact that language is a productive terrain to articulate social or territorial claims, because language and heritage are important categories to the dominant groups in today's world? But if the Occitan narrative can by now fairly easily fit within a nationalist narrative in which language played a central part, what does the investment in language in peripheral groups tell us about how language is conceptualized among dominant groups in late capitalism? In particular, how are categories of language and diversity articulated collectively in late modern societies, and what do they tell us about the regimentation of social difference?

Figure 2 :

 2 Figure 2: Language survival status and corresponding retention strategy

Figure 3 :

 3 Figure 3: Language revitalization according to A.[START_REF] Wallace | Revitalization movements[END_REF]

Figure 4 :

 4 Figure 4: Occitan literature according to the evolution of the link beteween writers and society(Rouquette 1980: 12)

Google Ngram website: https://books.google.com/ngrams/graph?content=language+endangerment%2Clanguage+revitaliza tion&year_start=1950&year_end=2000&corpus=15&smoothing=3&share=&direct_url=t1%3B%

2Clanguage%20endangerment%3B%2Cc0%3B.t1%3B%2Clanguage%20revitalization%3B%2Cc

Online comment a blog post on the historian Jean-Pierre Cavaillé's blog, 9 February 2014 http://taban.canalblog.com/archives/2014/02/09/29159432.html.


James Costa Wilson

Toute langue est-elle marchandable? Vendre le gaélique ou l'écossais dans l'Écosse actuelle

Introduction: les langues comme objets et comme marchandises

En 1972, à l'occasion du Mòd Rìoghail Nàiseanta 1 , James Shaw Grant -alors propriétaire du Stornoway Gazette -déclara que le gaélique ne pouvait et ne devait entrer dans le domaine économique. Il déclara ainsi : « The value of Gaelic lies precisely in the fact that it is not the language of commerce and technology. It is not the language of the mass media. […] It is a folk language, in which people still make their own songs and write their own poetry. […] Gaelic has no material value whatsoever and thank God for it. It is not the language of the rat race 2 ». Depuis 1972, le gaélique, comme de nombreuses autres langues dites minoritaires, est entré dans la rat race. Ces langues ne sont plus seulement considérées comme des traces d'un passé révolu, bonnes seulement pour une poésie localiste, mais elles sont désormais largement considérés dans divers secteurs des régions où elles sont employées comme des gages d'authenticité, des marqueurs d'une différence qui favoriserait le tourisme. Ces changements participent d'une logique étudiée depuis plusieurs années sous le terme de commodification des langues (en anglais commodity se réfère à une marchandise -voir aussi Marx, xxxx). Monica Heller a notamment étudié cette question dans une série d'articles (voir en particulier sa synthèse dans l'Annual Review of Anthropology 3 ). Elle précise que dans le modèle économique actuel, qu'elle qualifie de capitalisme tardif, les langues sont commodifiées (ou marchandisées) de deux manières différentes: comme compétences techniques (la connaissance de telle ou telle langue est conçue comme une compétence marchandable sur un ou plusieurs marchés), et comme signe d'authenticité, apportant une valeur ajoutée et une stratégie de distinction à des produits standardisés sur des marchés par ailleurs saturés 4 . Selon Heller, ce double mouvement

entraîne une compétition portant sur ce qui compte comme langue légitime et commodifiable, sur les acteurs légitimes pour définir une telle qualité, et sur qui contrôle la production et la distribution de telles ressources 5 . Partant de ces considérations préliminaires, cet article pose la question suivante: peut-on tout vendre? Toute langue est-elle vendable? Ou plus précisément, tout dans la langue est-il vendable? Quels éléments sont sélectionnés, par qui, et pourquoi? Ce court article cherche principalement à exposer cette question et à présenter quelques éléments de réponse à partir d'un travail ethnographique mené en Écosse depuis 2006 à l'occasion d'un travail de thèse 6 .

Je proposerai d'abord un aperçu des enjeux langagiers dans l'Écosse actuelle, avant d'border séparément la question du gaélique et de l'écossais.

Chacune de ces trois langues occupe une position particulière dans l'écologie linguistique de l'Écosse actuelle. Si l'anglais est aujourd'hui ultra-dominant dans tous les domaines de la vie publique, il partage un statut d'officialité de facto avec le gaélique, langue officielle en Ecosse de jure depuis 2005. L'anglais, sous l'appellation de Scottish Standard English (SSE), est néanmoins la principale commodité linguistique en Ecosse. L'Écosse peut ainsi être vendue par différents types d'acteurs sociaux comme anglophone, et à ce titre attractive: pour le tourisme, pour les entreprises multinationales, et comme centre d'apprentissage de l'anglais pour étudiants étrangers. L'Université d'Edimbourg s'est récemment dotée d'une politique linguistique pour le gaélique, mais les principaux documents officiels demeurent en anglais, et en anglais seulement: il s'agit explicitement de ne pas laisser croire à de potentiels étudiants étrangers qu'ils pourraient rencontrer le type de problèmes auxquels certains sont confrontés à Barcelone par exemple avec le catalan.

Ainsi, à la question: que vend-on avant tout en Ecosse en termes linguistiques, la première réponse est l'anglais, sous son aspect de « compétence », rendant le pays attractif sur divers marchés internationaux.

Le gaélique: un atout pour le commerce

Le gaélique constitue également un atout pour le commerce en Écosse, sous la forme de valeur ajoutée qu'il confère à un certain nombre de produits. En ce sens, il occupe une fonction similaire à celle que cherchent à développer de nombreux militants linguistiques en Europe, arguant de la valeur économique des langues qu'ils défendent. On pense par exemple en Bretagne au programme « […] when I asked the Faroese, I was amazed when they all replied that things began to happen when they decided to be Faroese and stop being Danish. This sparked the whole thing off. It gave them a sort of self-respect. Danish had been the language of business. Faroese was dying out in families and children were growing up who could hardly speak it11 ».

Noble décida ainsi de promouvoir le gaélique dans son entreprise, en recrutant autant que possible des gaélophones localement, et en les encourageant à utiliser le gaélique dans tous les domaines, y compris en s'adressant à lui. Dans la continuité de ce projet, il installa vers le milieu des années 1970 un établissement chargé d'enseigner le gaélique dans une vieille grange nommée Sabhal mòr Ostaig, prémices de l'actuel Collège gaélique désormais membre de l'Université des

Highlands et des Îles (UHI).

Si nous avons développé ici cette histoire, c'est pour rendre plus saillant le contraste avec la situation actuelle, non celle de l'entreprise, mais celle de l'utilisation du gaélique dans le commerce.

La volonté de Noble et de son entourage, dans les années 1970, était de dynamiser une économie locale en misant sur un développement de la confiance en eux des îliens et des gaélophones, dans une logique nationale calquée sur celle des Féroé. Dans sa communication publique dans les années 1990, le groupe Pràban na Linne vendait son whisky comme étant celui des gaélophones, et on a vu qu'à l'origine sa stratégie visait à développer un usage actif de la langue dans l'entreprise. La situation semble aujourd'hui plus ambiguë, et si certains employés savent encore le gaélique, le site internet de la compagnie12 est en anglais seulement, le gaélique y jouant un rôle cosmétique. Le gaélique est présent dans sur les whiskies, la signalétique des bâtiments de l'entreprise est monolingue en gaélique (voir photo ci-dessous), et l'adresse officielle utilise le nom gaélique du lieu, Eilean Iarmain plutôt que sa version anglaise, Isle Ornsay. Mais on ne peut s'empêcher de penser, en visitant le siège de l'entreprise ou l'hôtel qui lui est associé, que le gaélique a aujourd'hui une fonction de distinction sur le marché du tourisme, et me sert plus principalement de point de focalisation pour le développement de la langue et de l'économie locale. Bunnahabhainn (l'estuaire de la rivière). D'autres ont récemment choisi de mettre en avant une identité gaélique par un usage cosmétique de la langue, comme dans le cas des whiskys de l'île de Jura (Diura en gaélique). L'un des whiskies produits par la distillerie s'appelle ainsi Diurach's own, le mot Diurach signifiant « habitant de l'île d'Islay ». De la même manière, dans une volonté évidente de mise en place de storytelling, le site propose de « devenir un Diurach » : « "Diurachs" signifie "les gens de Jura" en gaélique. Nous vous invitions à devenir un membre honoraire de notre communauté très solidaire, à découvrir nos aventures palpitantes et à partager votre propre histoire avec des passionnés du monde entier qui partagent votre vision13 ».

Il n'est, dans la communication officielle de l'entreprise, nullement question de développement d'une communauté, de développement local, d'initiative politique ou de tentative de promouvoir une langue parce qu'elle serait la voix d'un groupe marginalisé. Au contraire le texte se focalise sur le client, à qui l'on vend une histoire qui rappelle plus le temps de la mythologisation des Highlands que celui des luttes pour les droits linguistique ou sociaux des années 1970. Et auquel on promet une participation dans cette histoire, en lui proposant de devenir (gratuitement, en échange de publicités électroniques) un Diurach.

Le gaélique est principalement employé pour cette force évocative, celle d'une Écosse mythique et celtique, apparemment profitable sur le marché actuel du tourisme 14 . Et au-delà de l'exemple de Pràban ma Linne, on retiendra surtout que le gaélique ne semble pas faire l'objet d'un usage destiné plus particulièrement aux gaélophones (contrairement à ce qui se passe au Pays de Galles), même s'il est probable que ceux-ci puissent s'orienter vers ces produits.

Dans le cas du gaélique, ce qui est vendable c'est donc bien la capacité à indexer un certain particularisme largement fantasmé, mais permettant des stratégies de distinction sur certains marché par le biais d'un appel à l'authentique. Différence, celtitude, identité, autant de qualités supposées plaire aux touristes.

L'écossais: une langue pour rire?

À l'inverse du gaélique, il semble à première vue que l'autre langue de l'Écosse, que nous appelons ici écossais 15 , ne soit pas un bon candidat à la vente. Langue germanique soeur de l'anglais, au statut social faible, jouissant de peu de reconnaissance de la part de l'État comme de ses locuteurs 16 , au statut mal défini, sans limites claires avec l'anglais, sans standard linguistique de référence, représenté par du multiples formes dialectales, langue de l'humour traditionnel, l'écossais se prête mal à la stratégie du marché de niche. L'absence de forme standard, le fait qu'il n'existe pas de matériel d'apprentissage, de communautés d'apprenants comme c'est le cas pour le gaélique, en fait en outre une langue sans public externe, conscient de son existence en tant que langue, une langue sans potentiel identificatoire. Il semblait donc que l'écossais fût condamné à ne pouvoir être vendu, et à rester sans valeur matérielle ainsi que le prédisait James Shaw Grant pour le gaélique dans les années 1970.

Pourtant, depuis quelques années on voit se multiplier les exemples d'utilisation de l'écossais, au-delà des quelques noms de magasins que l'on pouvait rencontrer à Edimbourg ou ailleurs. Et on 14 Voir à ce sujet Sara BRENNAN et James COSTA, « Celtic Commodified: The Role of Minority Languages in Scottish and Irish National Celebrations », Babel Civilisations, à paraître. 15 Appelée traditionnellement Scotch en anglais, la langue est désormais généralement connue dans cette langue sous son nom écossais, Scots. La littérature en français préfère généralement garder le terme de Scots en français, utilisant le mot écossais éventuellement pour le gaélique. Nous ne voyons pas pourquoi le français adopterait des conventions particulières pour une langue dont le nom traduit de fait l'équation langue-nation qui se mettait en place au moment de l'Acte d'Union de l'Angleterre et de l'Écosse en 1707. Car le Scots actuel est bien la lingua scotica, héritiere de la langue de l'État écossais au 18 e siècle. 16 Selon un sondage paru en 2010 pour le compte du gouvernement écossais et conduit auprès de 1000 adultes en Écosse, 85% des personnes interrogées disait parler écossais, mais 64% de l'échantillon considéraient que l'écossais n'était pas une langue, mais une forme d'anglais, ou du mauvais anglais. Sondage TNS-BMRB, « Public Attitudes Towards the Scots Language », Edinburgh, Scottish Government Social Research, 2010. dialect words [START_REF]Site de kiltmakers[END_REF] », suggérant par là que le public cible est à chercher parmi les non locuteurs de l'écossais, nouveaux arrivants ou touristes. Certains torchons estiment « célébrer la langue écossaise » (« Celebrate the Scots language »), d'autres présentent des « Vieux mots écossais » (« Auld Scots words »). D'autres sont plus spécialisés proposant des mots de Glasgow ou d'Aberdeen en Doric. Une dernière catégorie enfin propose une série de proverbes ou dictons, mêlés à des phrases emblématiques, tirées de chansons par exemple. Citons ainsi:

Mais on peut aller plus loin. Quelle différence y a-t-il entre la manière dont le gaélique et l'écossais sont utilisés? Fondamentalement, il faut noter que si le gaélique est utilisé pour la valeur ajoutée qu'il confère à une marchandise ou à un service donné, provocant l'effet de niche dont parle Monica Heller, pour l'écossais il en va tout autrement. L'usage de l'écossais n'apporte rien aux torchons, ou sous-verres, en tant que tels. Le consommateur n'achète pas ces objets parce qu'il a besoin d'un torchon ou d'un sous-verre. En fait, c'est la langue qui est vendue, la langue elle-même, pour son pouvoir évocateur, humour ou sagesse, plutôt que l'objet qui lui sert de support. La langue est ainsi déconnectée du produit support, elle est le produit elle-même. Mais pour cela, elle se doit d'être déconnectée de toute revendication d'officialité, de droits linguistiques, de standardisation autonome, elle doit être pure émotion et être figée dans une représentation stéréotypée.

Conclusion

Nous questionnions, en début de texte, l'idée que tout dans la langue n'est pas exploitable commercialement. Nous avons posé le gaélique comme cas idéal de la situation décrite en introduction, celle de la langue comme véhicule d'authenticité, et comme pourvoyeur de valeur ajoutée sur un marché saturé. Le gaélique, en cela, apporte en gage d'authenticité la celtitude, l'image romantique des Highlands, image renforcée par des films comme Rob Roy ou Braveheart.

A l'inverse, l'écossais sert principalement de véhicule à une littérature humoristique, son statut dans la société actuelle est bas, son degré de reconnaissance faible, et la plupart de ceux qui pourraient compter comme locuteurs ignorent ou veulent ignorer cette compétence. Cette langue était donc un candidat idéal à l'oubli, non commodifiable du fait de tout ce qui pourrait apparaître comme un ensemble de tares irréductibles.

L'écossais est pourtant loin d'être ignoré, comme nous l'avons vu. Mais plutôt que de servir d'argument d'authenticité sur un marché de niche, il est objectivé comme langue figée et comme véhicule d'humour, de sagesse, en bref, de populaire, et vendu en tant que tel sur un nombre important de supports auxquels il n'apporte rien -bien au contraire, ce sont les supports qui lui confèrent une matérialité.

Dans le cas de l'écossais, ce ne sont pas les militants qui effectuent ce travail, et ceux qui vendent la langue ne cherchent pas à en diffuser l'usage. Ce que l'on voit donc, dans le cas de la commodification / marchandisation des langues, c'est qu'elle peut se nicher dans des manifestations très différentes selon les contextes. Des processus similaires se manifestent dans les deux contextes, mais sont manifestés de manière très différente en fonction de la situation sociolinguistique, reflétant et matérialisant en même temps des hiérarchies sociales. Dans le cas présent, elles contribuent à enfermer les locuteurs de l'écossais dans un rôle subalterne du fait du manque se sérieux ou du passéisme associé à la pratique de la langue. Ce que cette brèves étude suggère par ailleurs, c'est aussi que moins une langue est parlée, plus elle devient facilement commodifiable: il y a moins de locuteurs auxquels rendre des comptes, et l'autorité linguistique traditionnellement dévolue à certaines catégories de locuteurs devient disponible, en particulier pour le marketing. Les langues tombent ainsi, en quelque sorte, dans le domaine public. Le gaélique devient ainsi, de stigmatisé qu'il était jusque dans les années 1970, associé à une économie de signes profitableparadoxalement du fait de l'action militante qui cherchait un autre type de reconnaissance. L'écossais est quant à lui encore parlé, trop sans doute pour ne pas être associé aux stigmates d'une ruralité encore trop proche ou d'une urbanité dérangeante, celle de Glasgow en particulier. Seuls restent alors disponibles la nostalgie et l'humour.

  Siège de Pràban na Linne et bar / boutique à Eilean Iarmain, Skye / An t-Eilean Sgitheanach De nombreux autres whisky ont naturellement un nom gaélique à l'origine, sans que cet aspect n'ait jamais été (ou ne soit) mis en avant par les producteurs. De nombreux whiskys de l'île d'Islay sont emblématiques de cette tendance, par exemple Caol Ila (le détroit d'Islay en gaélique) ou

utilisation du gaélique dans le commerce sont désormais très nombreux, et concernent tous types de produits. On peut ici mentionner le cas du whisky, dont le nom est lui- même dérivé du gaélique uisge beatha (eau de vie), mais qui jusqu'aux années 2000 n'avait pas fait

	Ya d'ar brezhoneg!, ou à son équivalent occitan Òc per l'occitan!
	Les exemples d'l'objet d'une appropriation particulière, mis à part dans un cas très particulier, celui de Pràban na
	Linne / The Gaelic Whiskies.
	La compagnie débute son activité en 1976, suite au rachat par le millionnaire écossais Iain Noble
	d'une partie des propriétés du Clan Macdonald alors en sérieuses difficultés financières
	(Hutchinson, 2005 : 102 et suivantes.) Noble apprenait alors le gaélique, et voulait reproduire sur
	l'île de Skye la dynamique des îles Féroé, dynamique culturelle mais aussi nationale. S'interrogeant
	sur le succès des Féroé par rapport aux îles écossaises, il écrit ainsi, en 1972 dans le West Highland
	Free Press :

Iain Noble en 1972, cité par Roger HUTCHINSON, op. cit., p. 103.

Site de Pràban na Linne : http://www.gaelicwhisky.com (site consulté le 1er décembre 2013).

Site des whiskies Jura : http://www.jurawhisky.com/fr/ (site consulté le 5 décembre 2013).

Remerciements

Ce travail a été soutenu pour partie par le Conseil Norvégien de la Recherche (Norges Forskningsråd) à travers son programme de financements de Centres d'Excellence, projet numéro 223265.