Incomplete BIM implementation: Exploring challenges and the role of product lifecycle management functions

Keywords: Building information modeling, product lifecycle management, multidisciplinary collaboration, operations, facilities management

Implementing the BIM methodology relies on mastering new digital ways of working. However approaches to BIM often lack a holistic perspective that span the whole building lifecycle. The omission of Product Lifecycle Management functions in the implementation of the BIM methodology can lead to failures in delivering the benefits of BIM to operations and diminish its value to clients with large property portfolios. In an empirical study, the paper presents an investigation into the current situation of BIM using an Australian commercial property development project. It explores implications of partial implementation for the building lifecycle. Case study findings identify deficiencies in the project environment, management shortcomings associated with the specifics of client requirements, and difficulties in the transverse use of BIM and PLM platforms due to human interface problems.

Introduction

Building Information Modeling (BIM) is a model-driven approach to designing, constructing, operating and maintaining buildings. The model that forms the core of the BIM approach is a shared and computable 3D model of the building that helps overcome the shortcomings of a 2D paper-based approach. BIM is therefore a methodology that facilitates multidiscipline collaboration and information management between different project stakeholders [START_REF] Succar | Building information modelling framework: A research and delivery foundation for industry stakeholders[END_REF]. Implementing BIM relies on mastering new digital ways of working to streamline workflow and minimise task redundancies across the building lifecycle [START_REF] Eastman | BIM Handbook: A Guide to Building Information Modeling, for Owners, Managers, Designers[END_REF]. However in practice the integration and management of processes, information technologies (IT) and protocols across building lifecycle phases continues to present major challenges to its implementation.

Whilst these challenges are a complex of factors, they may stem from a lack of a holistic approach to BIM and lifecycle management during design and construction. Recent critiques of BIM highlight implementation deficiencies relative to the integration of facilities management (FM) expertise (e.g., the 'closed-loop problem', [START_REF] Anderson | Construction to Operations Exchange: Challenges of Implementation COBie and BIM in a Large Owner Organization[END_REF]), and a lack of core Product Lifecycle Management (PLM) functions during project implementation [START_REF] Reefman | A Controlled Integral Product Model (IPM®) in Building and Construction[END_REF]. In this frame, the paper explores barriers to full BIM implementation, the implications of partial applications of the methodology, and examines the role PLM functions might play. A case study was conducted to identify the current situation of the use of BIM in Australian commercial property development. Findings identify deficiencies in the project environment, highlighting management shortcomings associated with the specifics of client requirements and constraints and human interface problems in the use of BIM.

The remainder of the paper is divided into four sections. Sect. 2 presents a brief review of related literature. Sect. 3 introduces the research methods and processes. Sect. 4 presents the case study and findings which are structured according to their significance relative to processes, technologies and policies. Sect. 5 concludes the paper, synthesising observations in a discussion on the nature of the challenges identified, and points to potential ways to overcome them.

Background

In the last five years an increasing focus on the application of BIM throughout the whole building lifecycle has emerged. The literature surveyed here reveals a growing number of studies that consider a range of building lifecycle management issues, where much of this research has sought to bridge the interface between AEC processes and operations; e.g., development of IFCs to include schemas for FM [START_REF] Eastman | Building product models: Computer environments supporting design and construction[END_REF] and the introduction of the COBie initiative (Construction Operations Building information exchange), which allows for the exchange of IFC-based FM data [START_REF] East | Construction Operation Building Information Exchange[END_REF]. Research has provided a variety of extensions of BIM technologies to support operations [START_REF] Bonandrini | Building lifecycle management[END_REF][START_REF] Drogemuller | Sydney Opera House -FM Exemplar Project: Building Information Modelling for FM at Sydney Opera House[END_REF][START_REF] Vanlande | IFC and building lifecycle management[END_REF][START_REF] Arayici | Building information modelling (BIM) for facilities management (FM): The MediaCity case study approach[END_REF][START_REF] Ebinger | A Classification Framework for Facilities and Real Estate Management: The Built Environment Management Model (BEM2)[END_REF][START_REF] Shen | A loosely coupled system integration approach for decision support in facility management and maintenance[END_REF] and requirements management links to BIM models have been developed [START_REF] Kiviniemi | Requirements management interface to building product models[END_REF]. New uses of web technology have also been proposed to deliver building information to support FM [START_REF] Song | Anticipating reuse: Documenting buildings for operations using web technology[END_REF], including the development BIM for FM portals to provide feedback from project stakeholders and to develop business requirements [START_REF] Jordani | BIM and FM: The Portal to Lifecycle Facility Management[END_REF]. Recent studies also focus on the value of as-built datasets to FM personnel and clients [START_REF] Whyte | From Projects into Operations: Lessons for Data Handover[END_REF], highlighting difficulties surrounding their creation during construction [START_REF] Xuesong | Developing As-built Building Information Model Using Construction Process History Captured by a Laser Scanner and a Camera[END_REF] and demonstrating that there are often no clear strategies for keeping the BIM model "alive" during operations [START_REF] Anderson | Construction to Operations Exchange: Challenges of Implementation COBie and BIM in a Large Owner Organization[END_REF]. Even despite a combined BIM and Integrated Project Delivery approach [START_REF]Integrated Project Delivery: A Guide[END_REF], the flow and management of information is still not fully integrated among all stakeholders [START_REF] Glick | IPD and BIM: Benefits and opportunities for regulatory agencies[END_REF]. This growing body of literature provides much evidence that research efforts to close the loop and develop the BIM methodology for the whole building lifecycle are increasing.

One of the main gaps identified in the literature relates to the lack of research surrounding the role of PLM in the BIM methodology. Whilst proponents of BIM assert that the methodology can be effective in process integration, knowledge transfer and information management (avoiding information losses incurred when transitioning from one team to another), a critical assumption remains that each group has the ability to "add to and reference back to all information they acquire during their period of contribution to the BIM model" [20]. Such aspirations for fully coordinated datasets and seamless information management appear to be far from reality, largely due to a lack of PLM functionality in applications of BIM. Key aspects of PLM for BIM-enabled projects include the management of processes surrounding the creation, release, change and verification of building information. For example, PLM systems typically provide for the following core functions: the management of design and process documents and models, construction and control of bill of material (product structure) records, provision of electronic file repositories, inclusion of document and model metadata, identification of model content for compliance and verification, enabling workflow and process management for approving changes, controlling multi-user secured access and data export controls.

Researchers of BIM management have tackled a variety of PLM and configuration management related issues [START_REF] Reefman | A Controlled Integral Product Model (IPM®) in Building and Construction[END_REF]. London et al. [START_REF] London | Building information modelling project decision support framework[END_REF] identify BIM management requirements that reflect core PLM functions, including data organisation, version management, release management and role/responsibility identification. BIM model servers, such as Jottne's EDM model server, are also beginning to be used in industry to gain PLM benefits, and whilst promising BIM model servers must still be integrated into a PLM environment to address change management functions [START_REF] Reefman | A Controlled Integral Product Model (IPM®) in Building and Construction[END_REF]. Similarly, recent developments in enterprise solutions for building development, such as ArtrA Enterprise, are providing PLM functionality so as to address asset management. In a bid to integrate BIM and PLM, recent work by Reedman [START_REF] Reefman | A Controlled Integral Product Model (IPM®) in Building and Construction[END_REF] proposes an integrated environment using the Integrated Product Model concept. The IPM concept places a "well managed digital product model" at the centre of the design and engineering process; where 'well managed' means that there are "appropriate release and change processes in place". Their approach utilises BIM to apply configuration management concepts to assure accurate documents and models "all of the time". Yet to realise the value of BIM in operations (where small information gains can result in major improvements in cost and productivity), the main building information source must be complete, error free, verified, updated and maintained, which presents significant challenges to a fragmented, low-tech industry; these challenges are explored in detail in the following case study.

Research setting and method

The research focused on a commercial high-rise project in Australia; for anonymity reasons the project shall be referred to as the 'HR Building'. The development was one of the first in Australia to implement BIM in a multidisciplinary collaboration. A case study approach was adopted [START_REF] Yin | Case Study Research: Design and Methods[END_REF] and data collection involved analysis of project documents (e.g. project plans, contract documents, project correspondence and reports) and semi-structured interviews with members of the project team. 18 participants were interviewed across five companies (see Table 1). Interviews took place between November 1010 and August 2011. Each interview took approximately one hour and recordings were subsequently transcribed and verified.

The semi-structured interview approach meant that a range of topics related to the research problem could be covered. Key interview questions therefore included the following two areas: (1) the drivers of and barriers to the implementation of the BIM methodology relative to the management of processes, technologies, policies and stakeholder interactions; and (2) where problems were highlighted by interviewees, their impacts on operations were explored with a specific focus on process and information management. From the data collected, workflow processes and information management were mapped, and several recurring themes were identified.

Nantes, France, 6 th -10 th July 2013

Case study findings

The implementation of BIM was a client requirement, mandated in the contract. A design and build procurement method was taken. Broadly, BIM was required to support design and engineering, simulation and analysis, documentation, construction and operations. Using examples from interview notes and transcripts, Sect. 4 builds a picture of the challenges encountered on the HR Building project. General findings are reported before presenting an analysis of interview responses categorised into process-, technology-and policy-based themes.

General findings: workflow and management

The project commenced in 2005, and was completed in 2011. This timespan can be divided into six broad phases: 1) Stage 1 Development Application (DA); 2) Design Competition Winners Announced; 3) Stage 2 DA and Tender Documentation.; 4) Preconstruction and completion of design and construction phase services; 5) Demolition and construction commencement; and 6) Practical completion. The creation of a collaborative federated model for construction and as-built model for FM were required by the brief. BIM management responsibilities were taken on by the architectural firm. The main architectural and structural models were complimented by intelligent information models developed by services design consultants and manufacturers. All discipline models were coordinated into a federated model for a variety of construction analysis purposes including structural, fire services, hydraulics, electrics, mechanical, interiors and manufacturer's models. Building datasets were managed via the architectural design firm until construction where the main contractor took over responsibilities. Datasets were managed via creation, release and change processes using a central model management strategy, which was specified by the architectural firm in project planning and continued by the contractor. Verification processes beyond the use of clash detection analysis prior to construction were not continuously executed throughout construction.

The process of ensuring all facets and services of the building were resolved and coordinated ahead of a tight construction schedule presented a variety of management challenges. Critically, neither an open standard for data exchange nor an open format for FM (e.g., COBie) was utilised; consequently critical data was not captured in the as-built dataset, including some equipment lists, product data sheets, warranties, spare parts lists and preventive maintenance schedules. This information was seen by FM personnel as essential to support operations, maintenance and asset management.

On handover, the federated model could be used for FM in two basic ways, namely for creating (1) O&M manual hyperlinks, and (2) links within 2D representations of 3D component objects to some asset and technical data. Thus, the as-built model was not only incomplete, but not dynamically or intelligently mapped to the computerised maintenance management system (CMMS). The CMMS procured (by the contractor) was an open, standards-based technology which will enable the integration of the asbuilt model on one network providing a single user interface, local or remote accessibility and a breakdown of all building systems, including heating, ventilation, air conditioning, lighting, energy consumption, access control, video surveillance, intrusion, fire and smoke detection, electrical distribution, power quality and monitoring. Thus in contrast to the high levels of integration reached between design and engineering team members, the integration of FM requirements, knowledge and expertise was overall found to be lacking.

Process-based Issues

Three process-related challenges to BIM implementation were identified: (1) entrenched traditional practices and lack of best practice, (2) asynchronous nature of FM knowledge integration and (3) timeliness training at hand-over.

Entrenched work practices and lack of best practice:

A lack of appreciation of IT capabilities was apparent in many interviews, and in particular interviews with the main contractor. This was manifest in a level of skepticism voiced by some interviewees concerning the value of BIM; as one interviewee stated: 'Potentially and theoretically [BIM] is a great idea, but we see some issues. The whole sale speech of BIM is that it [the building design] will not change on site, because theoretically you create a virtual building. However all the clash conditions were not fully resolved by the consultants at documentation stage.' Also highlighted was a hasty close-out stage, which compromised the quality of CMMS system procured: 'An off-the-shelf solution was procured which supports neither the BIM model nor the FM team's requirements for operations and maintenance.' It was felt that the contractor didn't fully consider the requirements of an integrated BIM-FM solution. Other interviewees voiced frustrations at the level of BIM maturity within industry, particularly in relation to a lack of best practice and evidence-based research demonstrating the use of IFC schemas for FM such as COBie: 'We've found flaws in the [CMMS] system, such as missing functionalities, poor tracking and reporting mechanisms, and less than ideal integration with BIM datasets,' and 'The datasets are not in a compatible format, so we were unsure whether assets contain the required data for our systems.' Nantes, France, 6 th -10 th July 2013 Furthermore, whilst interviewees understood lifecycle management requirements, most didn't have a clear understanding of how existing approaches to PLM could support a BIM environment. A sentiment shared by most interviewees was that many PLM technologies and FM data formats, which were relatively new at the time of the project, lacked evidence-based research to support adoption decisions.

Asynchronous nature of FM knowledge integration: It is well known that the timescale differences between design/production and operations create the 'closed loop problem', stemming from the asynchronous nature of FM knowledge integration [START_REF] Anderson | Construction to Operations Exchange: Challenges of Implementation COBie and BIM in a Large Owner Organization[END_REF]. It was confirmed that whilst BIM provided a way for FM knowledge to permeate across organisational boundaries, IT objects (and associated protocols) can be misinterpreted as they are sent from one context to another. Therefore, despite initial input from FM consultants at the outset of the project, the problem of closing the design-production-operations loop was not successfully addressed; as one interviewee put it: 'We did feel we had FM requirements covered and the specifications of the asbuilt model were detailed at the outset but the ball seems to have been dropped during construction.' This was also reflected in the following FM personnel statements: 'Our FM team didn't come online until just before handover, which meant our ability to influence specifications and data requirements were limited. FM seems to have dropped off what was already a long list of integration requirements'.

Timeliness of training at handover:

The timeliness of FM information was therefore a common theme. Almost all interviewees believed that more FM expertise would have benefitted the creation and validation of datasets. Interviewees also believed that the continued participation of FM consultants during construction would have ensured higher levels of integration and avoided communication and training deficiencies at handover. Consequently, the FM team was largely unaware of what was contained in the as-built model: 'At hand-over when we were given the as-built model by the contractor, we didn't really know what had been modeled for our purposes. What we discovered was that there wasn't much detailed asset information.' A common frustration voiced by FM personnel concerned the timing of information exchange to begin earlier than point of hand-over so as to implement verification and training processes. Early involvement during planning and design stages as well as ongoing updates was seen as necessary to enable more efficient data sharing. The timing of these processes was seen as crucial to maximise knowledge transfer between incoming FM personnel and outgoing AEC project participants.

Technology-based issues

The study revealed three technology-based issues: (1) unknown FM data requirements, (2) inappropriate technologies and reluctance to use open standards for information exchange, and (3) IT skills shortages.

Unknown FM data requirements: Interviewees raised uncertainties concerning FM data requirements and delivery of the as-built model. It was felt that this was not specified adequately. Checklists typically outlined items without specifying the level of detail of asset data required for operations: 'During construction we weren't clear on what the deliverables were in relation to FM and because we weren't clear it was difficult to provide a good brief to suppliers and manufacturers.' The challenge was seen to be a lack of FM knowledge on the type, level and format of asset data. This issue related to process-based challenges identified in Sect. 4.2 and raises the question of who is responsible for obtaining data which is accurate, complete, and in the appropriate format [START_REF] Whyte | From Projects into Operations: Lessons for Data Handover[END_REF]. It also points to two significant issues: (1) the FM team didn't join the project until just before handover, and (2) the FM team's approach derived from existing organisational practices and reliant on the developer's growing centralised approach to FM across their buildings portfolio (see Sect. 4.4).

Inappropriate technologies or reluctance to use them:

To manage buildings through-life appropriate technologies must be utilised. It was found that required management systems, data standards (e.g., IFC) and formats (e.g., COBie) were not always available or known to users. As one interviewee indicated: 'For firms without prior experience in BIM it was a time-intensive and expensive task to integrate different software […], and some were unable to provide the required information either due to lack of IT or skills.' Project communications were controlled using an electronic document management (EDM) system. However, interviewees felt the lack of open standards in the BIM platform thwarted EDM benefits: 'The data outputs were platform specific, meeting the needs of only some design consultants. Many subcontractors did mind that we weren't using open standards since their testing couldn't be performed using our model outputs.' Open standards were not always seen as compatible, e.g., one interviewee believed their systems provided the greatest assurances in data quality and efficiency: 'We explored IFCs, and a centralised IFC server. It was thought it would require additional resources beyond the project's scope and experiments [with IFC exchange] were unsuccessful.'

IT skills shortages: Many interviewee statements reflect a lack of training and skills, and a lack of experience in the application of BIM, as expressed by one interviewee: 'We have experienced construction professionals who know how to program and schedule a building, and our onsite managers understand the FM issues and building use […] but they can't manipulate a 4D model or lifecycle analysis models because they do not know how to use the software.' This issue combined with the tight build schedule was seen to be prohibitive to IT skills development: 'We saw the benefits of more advanced 4D and 5D modelling but incompatibilities with the skills of the team prevented this.'

Policy-based issues

Three key policy-or procedural-based issues were identified: (1) maturity of BIM standards and frameworks, (2) lack of verification and hand-over procedures, and (3) uncertainty in client-side FM strategy.

Maturity of BIM standards and frameworks: Just as there are different levels of maturity in BIM capabilities across the AEC actor network (with many in the supply chain at differing points on the maturity curve), throughout the course of the seven year project, the maturity of BIM standards has rapidly developed and continues to do so. Interviewees noted the parallel development taking place in the drafting of national BIM standards by public organisations and private enterprise. In addition, project participants also noted other initiatives such as the COBie data format (piloted in 2007 and only becoming a standard in 2011 [START_REF] East | Construction Operation Building Information Exchange[END_REF]) and benchmarking BIM Nantes, France, 6 th -10 th July 2013 performance tools, which were largely unknown and untested at the outset of the project in 2005.

Lack of verification and hand-over procedures: A common issue raised was a lack of procedures for verifying the as-built dataset. One interviewee stressed: 'There were no real verification procedures to check what's installed versus the final model." This was seen to be an industry-wide issue, where interviewees believed data verification to be a delicate problem, as it may lead to competencies being questioned. Lack of verification meant FM personnel did not have reassurance on asset data quality. An interview with the building manager highlighted concerns: 'When auditing the model, it initially looked like the data was all there, but when checking through the model it often wasn't the case.' Performance specification for digital information is a central PLM concern but may be overlooked by AEC stakeholders and unlike performance specification of physical assets, its application to digital assets is not well understood [START_REF] East | Performance Specification for Building Information Exchange: National Institute of Building Sciences and buildingSMART Alliance[END_REF]. Furthermore, due to the nature of the two-stage contract, a two-part management approach ensued. The architectural organisation led BIM management protocols until construction. However these protocols during construction and in particular hand-over procedures were not fully implemented or defined: 'The project had detailed information protocols for each stage. […] During design there were modeling specific checklists and standards to ensure each discipline was generating data as agreed. But you could say its significance petered out as we moved closer to project completion.' This breakdown was reflected in the failure to define data verification and hand-over protocols: 'By the end of construction, a 'throw-it-over the wall' attitude seemed to be emerging […] and was compounded by the FM team not coming online until close to project completion.'

Uncertainties in client-side lifecycle management strategies:

A key problem highlighted by the FM team was the client/developer's existing FM practices and their centralised approach to FM across the buildings portfolio. Any new FM strategy to be developed to incorporate the BIM model was therefore dependent on other organisational 'decision-making' factors surrounding e.g. current FM systems and methods that underpin the wider building portfolio, and existing service contractors and their own work practices. Further, it was felt that the developer needed a roadmap for a strategic FM solution for future BIM-enabled projects and would require a procedure for managing the early engagement and involvement of FM personnel in project planning. It therefore appeared that there was a lack of client-side procedures to capture digital O&M information to feed forward into future BIM-enabled developments as there was no close-out report documenting lessons learned.

Discussion and Conclusion

Given the fact that BIM is an interdependent network of processes, technologies and policies, which constitutes a 'methodology to manage building design and project data in digital format throughout the building's lifecycle' [START_REF] Penttilä | Describing the changes in architectural information technology to understand design complexity and free-form architectural expression[END_REF], the issues identified in Sect. 4 are linked. Connections between the challenges that lead to partial BIM implementation were mapped as shown in Table 2a, where direct (•) and indirect (○) connections and dependencies were identified.

Table 1 :

 1 Interviewees

	Organisation	Title	# Interviewed
	Developer	Project Development Manager	1
		Building Manager	1
		Facilities Manager	1
	Architectural Firm	Design Technology Director	1
		Design Director	1
		Project Architect	1
		Architectural BIM Manager	1
		Architectural BIM Modeller	2
	Structural Engineers	Structural Project Director	1
		Structural BIM Manager	1
	Services Engineers	Services BIM Manager	1
		Services BIM Modeller	1
	Construction Contractor	Project Manager	1
		Design Manager	1
		Construction BIM Manager	1
		Construction BIM Modeller	2

Nantes, France, 6 th -10 th July 2013

Processbased

Entrenched practices/lack of evidence

Technologybased

Unknown as-built data requirements

The mapping reveals the interfaces that are instantiated by each connection: between individuals, teams and organisations; between required processes, information technologies and protocols; and interfaces between lifecycle stages. The complexity of managing these interfaces is vast, and the need for greater PLM functionality is highlighted. Recent approaches to integrating BIM and PLM functions can only account for some of these interfaces. Although PLM allows one to manage and exploit data whilst at the same time defining the product and processes for data development, applying PLM functions in BIM-enabled AEC projects remains problematic. However the significance of PLM is revealed in Table 2b, which maps the potential for core PLM functions to address the challenges encountered in implementing BIM (tagged as ''). Yet, from the case study it is apparent that the complexity and diversity of client requirements, as well as the human interface problems identified, that the transverse utilisation of a BIM-PLM solution across participating organisations would bring new implementation challenges. This is because, whilst most functional requirements of PLM applications are generic, many of the challenges faced by integrators and managers of BIM in the AEC industry arise from the specifics of unique client requirements and collaborating organisations.

This is a single study of a commercial high-rise development that implemented BIM during the relatively early years of its adoption in industry. Whilst many of the challenges identified stem from the specifics of client and organisational contexts, others are rooted in entrenched practices or result from complexity and uncertainty in collaborative project environments. The extent to which findings can be generalised and transferred to other contexts must therefore be clarified by future research.


Eric Maestri
email: eric.maestri@gmail.com

Labex Gream

NOTATION AS TEMPORAL INSTRUMENT

In this paper the author proposes a descriptive musicological framework built on the notion of notation as temporal instrument in today's context of electronic music. The principal goal is to discuss a research categorization of musical notation that consider the performative character of musical writing in electronic music performance. In the intentions of the author, this framework could resume the multiple enhancement of the temporal dimension of notation implied by the new means of performance in electronic music.

INTRODUCTION

Claude Cadoz [START_REF] Gream | M u s i q u e , g e s t e , technologie[END_REF], Anne Veitl [START_REF] Veitl | Notation écrite et musique contemporaine : quelles grandes caractéristiques des technologies numériques d'écriture musicale[END_REF] and Chris Nash [START_REF] Nash | The Cognitive Dimensions of Music Notation[END_REF] define a notational system from the point of view of its usability and performability. In particular, for Veilt, performability and causality are two of the main characters of a writing system ("système d'écriture"), among materiability, visibility, readability, and systemic character. For Veilt programs for synthesis and sampling are at the same time instruments, in the sense of Mathews, and tablature-like scores. Thus, music notation becomes a concrete instrument for performance, exploiting its performative character. While traditionally music notation is used to write past events (with the principal objective of documentation, analysis and transmission), or future events (new compositions written for future performances), today, programming is an act, applied to perform electronic music in the present, in the studio or on the scene.

These considerations are related to the philosophical debate of notation of Goodman's theory of notation [START_REF] Goodman | Languages of Art. An Approach to a Theory of Symbols[END_REF], event theory [START_REF] Casati | La philosophie du son[END_REF][START_REF] Gaver | What in the World do We Hear? An Ecological Approach to Event Auditory Perception[END_REF][START_REF] O ' C | a l l a g h a m , S o u n d s : a Philosophical Theory[END_REF] and embodied cognition [START_REF] Varela | The Embodied Mind: Cognitive Sciences and Human Experience[END_REF][START_REF] Small | The Meaning of Performing and Listening[END_REF]. However, the author is aware of the subtle difficulties that lies in these theories and ask the reader to consider them more as a theoretical reference than a philosophical discussion.

Copyright: © 2016 First author et al. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution

License 3.0 Unported, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.

2.TEMPORAL INSTRUMENT: DELAYING AND PROJECTING MUSICAL ACTS

As claimed by Christopher Small, composers "provide materials for the performance" [START_REF] Small | The Meaning of Performing and Listening[END_REF]. This statement denotes one dimension of notation, that is the prescription of actions oriented towards the creation of events on the scene. Thus notation could be seen, in part, as characterized by projections. This musical act could be seen at the light of Nelson Goodman's concept of projectibility:

To learn and use any language it to resolve problems of projection. On the basis of sample inscriptions of a character we must decide whether other marks, as they appear, belong to that character; and on the basis of sample compliants of a character, we must decide whether other objects comply. Notational and discursive languages are alike in this respect. [START_REF] Goodman | Languages of Art. An Approach to a Theory of Symbols[END_REF] or Andrew Sorensen's notion of act of programming [START_REF] S O R E N S E N | Programming with T ime. Cyber-physical programming with Impromptu[END_REF]. Today, if we accept, as Veitl suggest, that programs are scores, scores create events in performances becoming a particular kind of instrument, that could be played in order to create music in live performances. This hypothesis, near to the causal paradigm proposed by Veitl, incorporates two other theories. The first one is the one of "sound event" explained by O'Callaghan as following:

Sounds stand in causal relations to the activities of objects and events that are sound sources, and they fulfill the causal requirement on any account of their veridical perception. Sounds thus occupy distinctive causal roles. Sounds are particular events of a certain kind. They are events in which a moving object disturbs a surrounding medium and sets it moving. The strikings and crashings are not the sounds, but are the causes of sounds. The waves in the medium are not the sounds themselves, but are the effects of sounds. Sounds so conceived possess the properties we hear sounds as possessing: pitch, timbre, loudness, duration, and spatial location. [START_REF] O ' C | a l l a g h a m , S o u n d s : a Philosophical Theory[END_REF] The second one is the physiological and perceptual implications of electronic music. Traditionally, the body is the trigger that gives energy, and sense, to sound events towards physical effort. Nowadays, in electronic music performance, this effort is transferred to the computer (and its interfaces). However, even if it is perceptually weakened, in this evolution the causal aspect of notation rests fundamental. In fact notation projects movements in time, prescribing causalities in the future and synthesizing possible causalities of the past: it embodies, in the case of human or digital performer, information for the performance. Notation, used as compositional instrument, is characterized by projections of movements in virtue of the absence of the physicality of the sound and of the performer. But, as traditionally, even in electronic music the composer projects sound objects in time in an intersubjective dimension. Thus the score includes, implicitly, the body of the performer (human or digital) in a unique musical act that starts from the composition of the score and ends in the public performance of the piece. Performers and composers are entrenched in the same form of projection characterized by different degrees of distance from the gestural and sonic output. The composer uses the score as an instrument, as a temporal and physical interface of abstract interaction in time and space with the body of the performer which aims for it to create the sound event: scores are extensions of the body of the composer in the body of the performer via the projection of the instrument represented by the score [START_REF] Maestri | Notation as Instrument: From Representation to Enaction[END_REF]. That creates a singular temporal dimension based on the absence and presence of the instrument: the composer constructs absences and the performer reconstructs the projected presences. In recent electronic music's performances the composer, which write the score on the scene programming the music, correspond with the performer. It seams to the author of this paper that writing become a performative instrument.

As instruments are spatially related with sound and connected directly to the body of the performer, notation is just behind the performative gesture, temporally related with the gestural causality of sound. In electronic music programming is, for instance in live coding, a performative act. Consequently emerges a new dimension of notation as instrument (in the sense that it relates sound to gesture) that is not only instrument of the past (memory) and future (projection) but also of the present (performance). This development, in the idea of the author, is due to the new dimension of prescription that electronic music means imply. These forms of prescription, in notation, express, anyway, two forms of causality realized traditionally for the human body and today for the electronic body, the loudspeaker.

TWO DIMENSIONS OF PRESCRIPTION: ERGOGRAPHIC AND PHONOGRAPHIC

In the case of a "traditional notation" the sound event is created towards prescription of body movement. In the electronic music programming prescribe via the computer the movements of loudspeaker's membrane. We propose the notions of ergographic and phonographic in order to highlight two different kind of notation: the first one is used to prescribe movement of the body, controlling the instrument; the second one is conceived to control the movement of the loudspeaker. Ergographic defines prescription of movement as causes of sound based on the notion of note. In Ergographic notation composer indicates implicitly (or explicitly in the case of tablatures) the movements that must be used, interpreted, performed to create the resulting sound, as result of a final musical act. Phonographic notation, prescribes the movement of the loudspeaker towards the elaboration of information by the machines, indicating the precise parameters that compose the resulted sound.

NOTATION AS INSTRUMENT OF THE PAST, OF THE PRESENT AND OF THE FUTURE: NEW TIMES OF MUSIC NOTATION

Starting from this framework the author will try, in the last part of the paper, to propose a topology of notations from the point of view of their performative aspect. We define the structure of instrument-notational intentionality into three temporal dimensions and associate new means for musical notation to the following categories: notation of the past, notation of the present, and of the future.

Notation of the past

Notation is used to reconstruct a possible origin of a recorded sound event. It has the objective to represent, extract and transmit informations from a past event, recorded or memorized. The programs that allows the translation of information are numerous and used as basis of MIR analysis. Recently: Sonic Visualizer, MirTool Box, Tony etc. [START_REF] Mauch | Computer-aided Melody Note Transcription Using Tony Software: Accuracy and Efficiency[END_REF][START_REF] Magnusson | Codes Scores in Live Coding[END_REF].

Notation of the present

Notation as instrument of the present is conceived as a concrete performative means. The intentionality, as a complex amalgam of informations and projections is realized in the very moment of the transcription. Thor Magnusson [START_REF] S O R E N S E N | Programming with T ime. Cyber-physical programming with Impromptu[END_REF] and Andrew Sorensen [START_REF] Fischer | Understanding Animated Notation[END_REF] provide through Live Coding examples of this new kind of instrumental relationship with notation. In a similar manner the live notations of Chris Fischer [START_REF] Smith | An Atomic Approach to Animated Music Notation[END_REF], Ryan Ross Smith [START_REF] Smith | An Atomic Approach to Animated Music Notation[END_REF] and Richard Hoadley [START_REF] Hoadley | Semaphore: Cross-domain Expressive Mapping with Live Notation[END_REF] are instrument-notations built on an improvisational environment based on the instantaneous interpretation on the sign projected on the screen. This new form in instrumental relationship based on short term projections of prescriptions to the performers exalt the scenic presence of the notational means and in-tegrate the act of writing with the traditional act of performing. In this context we can define two sub-dimensions related with two types of direct performance of notations oriented to the creation of instantaneous sound events.

Notation as instrument of the present on composer's "table":

it corresponds to the studio dimension related with composition, in which the composer works in a quasi-perfomative environment with the computer. Thus the distance between the writing and the result is diminished: traditional scores, sketches, representations that allow the composer to control simulations in the sense of present intentionality projected in the immediate future, delayed and scaled in the direction of the further future. In addition to the traditional instruments of CAC there are more recent examples: Pierre-Alexandre Tremblay's thinking inside the box project [START_REF] Tremblay | Thinking inside the box: A New Integrated Approach to Mixed Music Composition and Performance[END_REF], Rodrigo Costanzo's dfscore [START_REF]d f s c o r e 2 . 0[END_REF], Daniele Ghisi and Andrea Agostini's bach [START_REF] Agostini | Real-Time C o m p u t e r -a i d e d c o m p o s i t i o n w i t h bach[END_REF] etc.

Notation as instrument of the present, on the scene. The other one is on the scene, in which the score is used to create performances: Live Coding, score generated, read and interpreted at the same time and live notations: Chris Fischer, Ryan Ross Smith , Richard Hoadley, Cat Hope, Lindsay Vickery [START_REF] Hope | The Decibel Scoreplayer -a Digital Tool for Reading Graphic Notation[END_REF] and Aaron Wyatt [START_REF] Wyatt | Animated Music Notation on the iPad (Or: Music stands just weren't designed to support laptops)[END_REF]. This is the case for Distant Mirrors by Jean-Baptiste Barrière who claims:

In this way, Distant Mirrors intends to put the performers in a situation similar to the "state of dream", in which you can recognize some elements but not all of them, many being alternately close or strange, in which you never know exactly what is going to happen next, you just have to adapt to the enigmatic course of events, and create your own interpretation of dreams [START_REF] Barrière | Distant Mirrors[END_REF].

Coherently with these developments Andrew Sorensen and Henry Gardner state that An act of programming is usually considered to sit firmly within the context of "software development", with the latter being the active process behind the production of "software products". In this view, causal actions made by the program-mer target the design and notation of a formal specification for future action by a computing system. [START_REF] Fischer | Understanding Animated Notation[END_REF]

Notation of the future

This dimension was the standard one of notations in the whole history of music. This approach still characterizes the actual compositional practice, extended via the i n s t a n t a n e o u s i n t e r a c t i o n i n t h e s t u d i o . However, this typical interaction in western music is still represented, as in TENOR 2015 by Carlo Laurenzi and Marco Stroppa [START_REF] Laurenzi | The Notation of Dynamic Levels in the Performance of Electronic Music[END_REF] and Pedro Rebelo [START_REF] Rebelo | Composing with Graphics: Revealing the Compositional Process through Performance[END_REF].

FURTHER DEVELOPMENTS

This research has the objective to present a perspective that considers the musical act of writing, notating, as part of the musical act of performing. From the point of view of musicological research this framework has the objective to provide three descriptive categories for notation as instrument musical practices in electronic music. The author think that the proposed categorization could be part of a larger project of classification caracterized by the temporal features of notational-instruments. In fact the new tools for music notation and representation emerge under the notion of temporal instrument, that include the notion of projectibility, defined by Goodman, the notion of embodiment and sound event, and Anne Veitl's researches about the causal paradigm that se proposed. The new tools of music representation and performance provide a large reservoir of examples capable to support this perspective highlighting the new possibilities of the projections of actions, differed intentionality, in musical writing. Author's hope is that this framework can help researches to categorize the recent musical practice and to define, in the future, a topology of new notations from the point of view of performativity and temporality. Next developments will be characterized by the analysis of the new tools for music notation in relation with the enhancement and the depth of the theoretical framework proposed here.

CONCLUSIONS

Notation was traditionally used to prescribe future musical events. The new means for performance and notation break the temporal dimension of standard notation enlarging an essential element of notations, that is performability. Our research has the objective to frame theoretically this general problematic resumed under the definition of notation as temporal instrument. This definition is a direct consequence of the remarkable reduction of the theoretical distinction between the inner space of intentionality and the outer space of performance. At the same time this new performative territory from musical notation is already inscribed in the evolution of electronic means since the development of Music III. Nowadays notation is used to project intentionality in the present, the future and to reconstruct the past. The author try, with these framework, that is still in progress, is an attempt to provide a simple categorial means that allow a topology and more in deep description of new means for notation and performance in electronic music. The new notational techniques enlarge the temporal possibilities of the Instrument defining it as an instrument for the performance, a veritable performative means.

Aknowledgments

I would like to thank LabEx GREAM, Pavlos Antoniadis for the very intelligent and smart reflexions and suggestions, Laura Odasso for the patience and the two anonymous reviewers.

7.


This paper was published in: First International Symposium on Eminönü, Istanbul, Eminönü Belediyesi, 2007, 508p., p. 348-355.

For any quotation, please refer to the published version

The Ottoman Municipal Reforms between Old Regime and Modernity: Towards a New Interpretative Paradigm Dr. Nora Lafi Zentrum Moderner Orient (ZMO), Berlin 1 The object of the present paper is to try and insert into discussions about the rich bibliography on the Ottoman municipal institutions some nuances, pertaining both to recent reflections on the circulation of reform models and to new researches on the historical roots of the ottoman urban old regime. The aim is then to reconsider the interpretation of the Ottoman urban reforms of the second half of Nineteenth century in this new interpretative scheme, which takes into account with a different perspective both the heritage of previous forms of urban governance and the meaning of the circulation of reformative models. The intent is also, once the general frame has been submitted to an effort of complexity, to confront some other arguments on modernity in an Ottoman context. If modernisation came in a different way that it has often been assessed, what does it mean for the content of the concept of modernity? This is why I will also try in this paper to discuss the limits of the Ottoman urban modernity and their causes. The present research relies on various case studies, taken in the Arab Provinces of the Ottoman Empire, from the Maghreb to the Middle-East, but does in no way pretend to cover the whole geographical field. The intent is rather to use case studies often taken on the margins of the Empire to discuss some commonly accepted assertions about the functioning of the Empire as a whole and about its relationship to administrative modernity. The aim is to try and go further the "importation" paradigm which often sums up the process of modernisation of the Ottoman bureaucratic apparel. The stake is, from a study of the evolution of the forms of urban government, to discuss and challenge the excessive importance of a vision of an only imported modernity into what is often implicitly or explicitly considered as the empty space of pre-reform urban government. Through a study of what I call the urban Ottoman old regime (the use of this term being based upon a comparative method with Western European historiographies -not the importation of a content, but the use of a concept), my intent is to try and propose some revisions into the interpretation of the reforms themselves. The purpose is also to discuss the thesis presenting municipalities as essentially extraneous to the urban Ottoman situation before the reforms. There were in my opinion forms of urban government shaping a system of old regime urban government, based upon the prerogatives of the merchants and their assemblies, sometimes some forms of urban nobility, and the administrative role of guilds in the urban order. These forms served as a base for reforms which cannot thus be read as extraneous anymore to the previously existing urban society and have to be interpreted differently. But this assertion is not intended to close debates. Instead, I conceive it as a methodological proposal, and as a way to bring new elements into debates about the relationship between Ottoman societies and modernity. It is also a way to shift discussion towards other fields. If modernity came as a reform of an old regime (and not as a mere creation), many questions do remain about the factors that sometimes blocked its implementation: communal caesurae, colonial influence, nationalisms.

In the Ottoman Empire, the way in which cities were governed before the reforms has long remained a little explored domain of the historical research. Interest for this matter generally begins with the period of the reforms of the second half of the Nineteenth century, and with what has long been characterized as a unilateral European influence. My point is to soften this traditional view by both having an attention to the forms of urban government that pre-existed the reforms and the European influence (because before this, cities where ruled) and discussing the circulation of influences and models of government at the time of the reforms. The intent is to build a complex image of the path, but also sometimes the failed path, towards modernity.

Aspects of the urban old regime in the Ottoman Empire

Methodical and theoretical considerations I use in my research the term Old régime. This might be surprising as this concept has been built in a different cultural area: it is indeed intellectually linked to a European context, with French, English or Italian declinations. But this matter of facts must not be seen as europeocentrism: not only I do prefer in the social sciences the explicit use of concepts that an implicit cultural background, but also I estimate that historical research has to go further than the boundaries of cultural studies. What I retain from readings about the European old regime are concepts that I think are useful for the analysis of the Ottoman situation. My use of the concept of old regime is in no way the transposition of a content, but only the use of a tool, a concept. I don't suggest any parallelism, I just think that at some stage of the research the use of this tool is useful. What does old regime means for me: it refers to a society of corps, in which the individuals are part of broader groups, structured according to several factor, be them: belonging to a confessional community, belonging to a professional community, belonging to a privileged group (a group which benefits from a "private law" i.e. which does not respond to the general rule, aristocracy for example). In this kind of society, the social mechanisms are determined by these factors. And my conception of what is modernity is the consequence of the definition of old regime (I don't like the term pre-modern as it is an anachronism and defines a society in reference to an uncertain future). Modernity refers to a society in which individual are defined for themselves. This is, in my opinion, the key point. In a modern society, your role in the society does not only depend on who you were born, to which community you are belonging and of which professional community you are part of. It is particularly important in the case of civic life. In an old regime society your civic rights do depend on these factors. In a modern society you have civic rights for what you are: an individual. That is why religion is not at the heart of my research: in an old regime society, one must of course act according to the general principles of the moral, whose background is religious, but I will show that in the case of urban government it is not a religious ruling. The idea of modernity in the region must take into account this aspect of tradition. Tradition is not the rule of religion.

My first point in my illustration of both the substance of old regime urban rule and the confrontation to modernity is about the Bonaparte experience in Egypt (Misr). This military expedition can be interpreted of course as a first colonial attempt to take control of an ottoman province and as an expedition containing all the morally condemnable aspects of a conquest, with its parts of violence and despise. But there is anyway an aspect that I think is linked to the object of my study. When French soldiers and scientists arrived in Egypt with Bonaparte, a confrontation between Old régime and administrative modernity happened. Although it was a biased confrontation in which violence and conquest often prevailed, it brings some interesting questions. The French army was in great part composed of officers who had fought old régime structures in France and Europe, during the Revolutionary period, and considered a duty to help other people dismantle old régime. For them, and we are now fully aware of the great ambiguity of the whole context, Egypt was a country in which the revolutionary could provide the external support that was needed for the completion of a modernization process in the society and its structures, in which modernization meant a fight against what was constituting the base of old regime: aristocracy, privileges, guilds, confessional communities. I don't intend to rehabilitate Bonaparte in any way. I just wanted to underline that at the turning point of the XIXth century, the debate about Old régime was a matter of discussion, and that in the mind of revolutionaries, there was little difference between old régime in Europe and the one in the Middle-East. I don't intend to use this matter of facts to rehabilitate what appears to be an excuse for the promotion of a military conquest. But I have other purposes. The first one is to discuss the very existence of old-régime-like structures of urban government in the Arab world. We can still read very often that before modernity there was no structured urban government in the region. In my opinion it is wrong and the use of the concept of old regime might prove of great help in illustrating it. The European historiography has known great progresses in the reading of old régime urban government2 . The most significant seem to me those accomplished in Italy and Great-Britain. In France of course a lot has been done too3 . But the cliché on the end of the Old Régime in one night (the 4 th of August, 1789) is too strong, even if it has been discussed and nuanced, to allow productive comparisons. Italy and Great-Britain present a variety of situations, much more interesting for discussion. In Great-Britain, administrative modernity arrives within the Old régime, which is never cancelled. The very example of the city of London, where medieval charges still exist today in the heart of European capitalist and political modernity illustrates this fact. Italy is interesting for its historiographical tradition and interpretations of the passage from the communal form of urban government, with all its variety, to the modern municipal. What we learn from this example is that modernity can arrive along different paths, and most of all that modernization is often an adaptation of old régime4 . For the Ottoman Empire, some interesting efforts have been recently made to take into account this reality5 . But a discussion of the concept of old regime in an Ottoman context is still lacking.

Here is what I intend when using the term old régime urban government:

-an urban government in the hands of the local élite (merchant bourgeoisie or aristocracy, depending on the typology of the city) -structures of urban power coming from the guilds -existence of an assembly of the notables or the merchants, with a broad range of powers in the urban government -existence of a system of urban taxes based upon property and trade -existence of some executive charges, reserved to the members of the city elite (aristocrats or merchants depending on the typology of the city) -definition of the city as a collective body in front of the central government Such a situation does not mean that the central State was absent. The governor had an important role in regulating the relationship between the (organized) local notability and the central sphere. My intent is now to illustrate how the urban situation in the Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire often corresponds to this frame.

An Ottoman Urban old regime

My first attempt to confront existing assertions on this field was about Tripoli (Trablus al-Gharb). I was able to demonstrate, studying both local and imperial archives, as well as local chronicles, that at least between the XVIIIth century and the Ottoman reforms of the middle of the XIXth century, this city was ruled by its merchants and notables and was organized according to principles that I qualified as constituting an urban old regime 6 . Both in local archives, in central Ottoman archives and in chronicles, I found echoes of the existence of a city assembly and of the charge of chief of the city. Tripoli, an Ottoman city of the Maghreb, that had known until 1835 a relative autonomy from the central power in Istanbul under the Qaramanli dynasty, was ruled by its notables, who were mostly merchants. These were members of the most prestigious guilds, traders and landowners. They sat in the jama'a al-bilâd, the city assembly, and designed their delegate as chief of the town, cheikh al-bilâd. Cheikh and jama'a had a broad range of powers, dealing with urban life at large: construction, public order, provision of food, market control, guild supervision, low ranges of local justice, urban taxes, relationship with the Ottoman Governor. The return into a more direct Ottoman rule in 1835 doesn't change this situation. It seems to me a typical institution of urban old régime. I was able to follow the activity and composition of the assembly, and of the persons in charge of the town from 1795 to the ottoman municipal reforms of the second half of the XIXth century. I have the names of the chief al-bilâd for the whole period, and found many details about the functioning of the institutions: meetings, nominations, conflicts… The urban old regime institution was fully into the Ottoman system. The notables were in direct contact with the Governor and the chief of the town embodied the city as a symbolic entity during official celebrations, be it of dynastic interest before 1835 or Imperial interest after. In my opinion, the Cadi, which is often seen as an urban ruler, only had a judicial competence in urban field: he intervened only to solve conflicts. The true essence of the ottoman urban old regime lies in the hands of the notability: merchants and guilds. After having found this reality for Tripoli, the question was: was this city an exception, or was it a reflection of a broader reality? I then looked in other cities, sometimes with the help of a team of colleagues, and here are some of the first results 7 . There were indeed in a great variety of cities, from the Maghreb to the Middle-East, such institutions of urban government, in the hands of local élites. In Algiers, Constantine and Ghadames, there was a cheikh al-bilâd, ahead of an assembly of notables, with powers of the same kind as those found in Tripoli: construction, markets, guilds, street order, wheat supply. In Tunis, there was a cheikh al-madina, with the same kind of competences. In these four cities, merchants dominated the notability and the city as a collective body was the emanation of this milieu, the guilds were the matrix of which. In others cities, mostly in the Middle-East, there were sometimes different forms of executive charges of urban government, like the nakib al-ashraf (Jerusalem, Tripoli -Trablus al-Sham-, Damascus). In these cities it seems that urban government was more in the hands of an aristocracy. But it does not mean that merchants were excluded, nor that aristocrats did not take part into trade activities. For Egypt, there were cheikh al-bilâd in villages and small towns. I have not yet assessed if their apparent absence in Cairo is the result of my research being less forward in this city or of a previous reform that could have suppressed the institution in this city. But what is sure is that Alexandria fits perfectly to the frame I describe, with the presence of strong urban institutions in the hands of the local elite. In the case of other Ottoman cities, including non-muslim, from what is today Greece to the Balkans, we have traces of such institutions of local urban government in the hands of merchants and guilds. Further south, in Sanaa, there was a cheikh al-madina. These urban charges were not merely symbolical. They represented a true old-regime-like structure for the urban society. And the range of competence covered perfectly what the concept of old regime suggests: street order, symbolic representation of the civic body in front of the central power, market control, trade regulation. In general, urban old regime institutions were also in charge of civic common goods, under the waqf regulation regime: walls of the city, common facilities (ovens, fountains, public buildings…). In Tripoli (Maghreb) for example, the seat of the machîkha-albilâd, were the jamâ'a-al-bilâd met, had been given in waqf by a rich women in the XVIIth century to the city administration. Of course many questions remain, and I don't intend in any way to avoid them. The exposition of what I call an Ottoman urban old regime doesn't sweep away all questions. Most of all remains the question of the relationship with the central power. The civic administration was in general the interlocutor with the Ottoman Governor. But in case of conflict with him, a direct recourse to Istanbul was possible. I found in the central archives traces of a bureau in charge from the XVIIe century on, of receiving complaints and petitions (chikkayet) by local notables. My interpretation is that these local notables didn't write only as single persons, but on behalf of the city as a whole or at least on behalf of the civic body they represented. This is my present research in Istanbul. The relationship with confessional communities is another question at stake. It seems that the Ottoman urban old regime had integrated the confessional question is a way typical of the old regime: for the Maghreb for instance, the civic assembly was the one of the Muslims. Inhabitants of other religions had a parallel representation. The cheikh-al-yahud for example for the Jews. Individuals were not equal, nor by religion neither by birth. But there were parallel systems of representation. This situation questions more the passage towards modernity than the old regime itself, the concept being made of such accommodation. In the old regime the individual is defined not for himself, but for the community to which he belongs (professional or religious). For cities in which the Muslim element was not dominant (Rhodes for example) it seems that communal institutions (Christian or Jewish) had the same civic role as the one described above. It seems that the Ottoman old regime had integrated communal governance into civic governance. Once again, it is not a problem in an old regime intellectual context. It will prove a problem for the passage towards modernity. And once again, it doesn't mean that the urban administration was relying upon religious principles: it integrated the communal definition of the individual. And for Muslims, the rule of the notables was in no way of course a religious rule. They were guided by the principles of Hisba, a civic morale based upon religious predicaments, as it is normal in an old regime society.

But my point here is not just to assess the existence of an old-régime form of urban government in Maghreb and the Middle-East, in the hands of a local notability whose power came from the guilds, trade, land-ownership and the emanation of the reputation of the notable. Because the question is also about the passage to modernity and the many problems it raises. The vision of urban and administrative modernity is completely different whether we think that there were no institutions of urban government in the region at all, or if we have for sure that such institutions did exist. If there was nothing, or if all was in the hands of the Governor, just as is generally said, modernity might be a mere importation. But if there were elaborate forms previously, modernity might be a mix of reinterpretation of an existing reality and of the result of reforms, possibly with an external influence. The question then, now that we have established firmly the existence of old-régime-like forms of urban government in the region is to know how we can try and propose an interpretation of the passage (or sometimes of the failed passage) to urban administrative modernity, the form of which can be summarized by the use of the term municipality (baladiyya).

Towards a new interpretative paradigm in the history of the Ottoman urban reforms

Some considerations about the circulation of reformative models

The study of the Ottoman reforms has in my opinion to be inserted in both the new frame of analysis of the circulation of reformative models and the continuity/reform frame induced by the existence of an old regime substrate for urban government. But before possible circulations and influences, let's first concentrate on Europe. I prefer to have explicit comparisons than implicit cultural models. In Europe, if we put apart the example of France, where municipal and provincial modernization came by the revolutionary Law in one day in 1790 (even if we know that old régime has managed to come back later), municipal modernization has been a long-lasting process. It has been shown that in Great-Britain, the passage from a communal power, with medieval origins and linked to the guilds system, to modern municipalities has been very progressive. But researchers have assessed too that it is in this process that political modernity (with its liberal form of democracy) has emerged in the country. Italy brings the example of a country in the heart of Europe, with a great tradition of old regime municipal forms of urban government, where municipal modernity came very progressively. Old régime can survive until 1848 and later in many parts of the peninsula, and even with the modern laws of 1865 on municipalities, it has been shown that the qualification of electors by property has provided a way to preserve the functioning of Old régime political and social networks very late into the XIXth century. I am not an expert in the history of Europe. I just want to invite researchers dealing with the history of the Arab or Ottoman world to remember that even in Europe urban administrative modernity has come in a very progressive way and has brought some parts of ambiguity taken from previous old regime situations. Let me recall too the studies of Arno Mayer on the persistence of the Old régime 8 . This author has illustrated how in Europe, social structures inherited from the old regime have had an influence until the XXth century. When assessing the grade of modernity of the Arab or Ottoman world, we must of course look for very precise information about the societies we are dealing with, but also avoid implicit comparisons with a static image of Europe. If we have to discuss what is modernity and when it comes, how it comes, or why it doesn't come: much better an explicit comparison, based upon methodological principles. This is why any study of the "importation" tool has to integrate the "exportation" situation with nuances. But, furthermore, recent progresses in the historiography invite to revise ideas on the circulation of models in the urban administration. Both in France, Italy, Great Britain and the United States, the circulation of municipal reformative models has been the object of a renewed attention in the last decade 9 . These studies participate in the shaping of a more complex circulatory model, beyond the mere importation/exportation paradigm. This is why I would like to insert myself in this direction while examining the Ottoman Municipal reforms. More precisely, I would like to use new evidences on the urban old regime and new theories on the circulation of models to propose some new interpretation paths on the relationship between Ottoman cities and administrative municipal modernity.

The Tanzimat urban historiography

It is generally admitted that municipal reforms in the Ottoman Empire came in the context of the tanzimat, this broad movement of reforms that affects the whole administration and society, starting in the 1830's, with a certain European influence. I don't intend of course to contest this assertion. It has been widely shown that in many domains the reforms did indeed include a dimension of importation, be it technological or administrative. Experts have also circulated in both ways and the image of the tanzimat as an Europeanization effort can't be fully rejected. What is true for the military is also true in part for the urban affairs: European expertise was used in order to upgrade the Ottoman urban administration. But I'd like to replace the study of municipal reforms in the Ottoman Empire into the urban history of this region, and to examine the possible link with previous forms of urban government, in order to try and nuance some existing ideas about importation. What I argue is not that there was no dimension of importation, it is just that it was not an importation into a desert field. There was in every Ottoman city an old regime urban system. The reforms were reforms, not the creation of something essentially extraneous to local societies. Municipal reforms happened in the Ottoman Empire from the 1850's to the 1870's. The general idea, which of course corresponds to a degree of reality, is that there were first reforms in Istanbul, then in a set of test cities, and then in the whole Empire, culminating with the law of 1877 that formally creates modern municipalities. This story is quite well known and has been written by the greatest Turkish historians, from Ergin to Ortaylı. But I would like to invite researchers to think about the interpretation of this process of modernization. Our knowledge of the urban reforms comes largely from the enormous documentary and interpretative work made by historians such as Ergin and Ilber Ortaylı 10 . We can now 9 See, for example: Rodgers (Daniel), Atlantic Crossings. Social Politics in a Progressive Age, Cambridge (Mass.), Harvard University Press, 1998, 634 p. ; Topalov (Christian) (ed.), Laboratoires du nouveau siècle. La nébuleuse réformatrice et ses réseaux en France (1880-1914) consider this domain as well covered by the historiography. What I would like to propose is an interpretative discussion on the roots of the reforms. Reforms, in what has become the classical Turkish historiography, are seen as the application to the whole Empire of a model built in Istanbul, with a European influence. And it is perfectly true that the Ottoman administrative history confirms the fact that experts in Istanbul studied what happened in Europe in order to try and reinforce the coherence of the Ottoman urban administration through the implementation of municipal reforms. Let me just remember here that in the 1850', Europe itself was in no way an island of modernity and that the urban old regime model (itself very diverse according to the place) was still very strong, both institutionally and socially. Post-1848 Europe sees a return to old regime in many local situations. Municipal administrative apparels were also often not very modern in Europe at this time: weakness of the municipalities, lack of technical services, fiscal problems. But there was a trend towards municipal modernity, and indeed it must have influenced Ottoman reformers. The French historiography, generally based upon the study of foreign sources, has also insisted a lot on the importation tool. Reading this production gives the impression that cities were not ruled before the reforms (themselves inspired by a vague European model). My point here, once we have for sure that the reforms followed a complex track between importation and accommodation of the model to the Ottoman reality, is to stress on the fact that the municipal reforms in the Ottoman Empire were in no way the creation of something new, but the reform of an old-regime system that had been elaborated in an Ottoman context since the XVIIth century on the base of the local medieval roots of urban governance [START_REF]), Mouvements populaires et autonomisme urbain dans l'Asie musulmane du Moyen Âge[END_REF] . My interpretation is that there was an old regime urban government in Ottoman cities, and that reformers used it as a base for the implementation of the new administrative scheme. Furthermore, it couldn't have been different: the urban reforms in the Empire were part of an effort to secure the fidelity of local elites in a time of European imperialism. The new system couldn't have negated their historical prerogatives. Ottoman municipalities are the result of a compromise between local notables and central administrators. Where local élites were already caught in the net of imperialist patrons, the reforms did not succeed [START_REF]See, for example[END_REF] . My interpretation is also an invitation to reinforce links between two aspects of the Turkish historiography. In my opinion, studies on the XVIIIth and early XIXth centuty have to be more strongly related to the tanzimat historiography. What is at stake now is precisely the interpretation of the possible link between what can not be read only as pre-reform and postreform. A more complex paradigm has to be built, which would include more dimensions and allow a reading of the continuities (as well as of the caesurae, but with a different perspective). The work of the great historian Ahmed Akgündüz, for example, provides a great variety of suggestions and is an invitation to go further in the interpretation of the passage between urban old regime and modernity 13 . Research on guilds also has to be interpreted in conjunction to the passage towards modernity, as guilds were at the hearth of the old regime urban system [START_REF]Crafts and craftsmen of the Middle East : fashioning the individual in the Muslim Mediterranean[END_REF] . Works by Onur Yıldırım or Dilaver Cebeci provide for example a large set of government has to read accordingly. Interestingly, in some situations, the Europeans defend old regime against modernity in order to preserve their patronage system upon local élites. But where the Ottoman remained, we witness such a process of municipal modernization: a local/central negotiation of the passage from old regime notability to municipal modern notability. The importance of property in the definition of the municipal notable helps granting former notables a position into the new system. Many questions of course arise. My intent is just here to replace the study of the reforms, and the evaluation of modernity, in a context of historical continuity. This does in no way mean that continuity could become a general explicative paradigm. If reforms are reforms and not a creation, it does not exclude tensions, conflicts, ambiguities and failures. It just suggest a different frame for interpretation. My intent is to discuss the concept of a possible Ottoman modernity in the field of urban life in the context of the passage towards new régime. This relies on several important arguments, the first of which is: there was an old régime. There was a tradition of urban government. There was a social network of notability controlling the urban life in relation with Ottoman governors. There were urban institutions. And merchants and guilds were generally at the center of this system. So the new régime can't be only the importation of foreign ideas and practices re-elaborated more or less extensively in Istanbul. Second point: the foreign influence is an important element. But let us be sure of what we are talking about. Because Europe itself, in the 1850's can't be seen as a block of municipal modernity. Yes the Ottoman Empire is late in creating municipalities only in the 1850's (and not the 1870', as my research has contributed to illustrate) if we consider that modernity is the law of revolutionary France in 1790. But no it is not late if we consider that Italy itself (the most prestigious country that there is in terms of urban civilization) has its municipal law in 1865 and that before this date old regime under different forms prevails in many cities. What is important, better than discussing the order of appearance, is to examine the context and the content of reforms. We can have diverse interpretations according to the place. But the general movement is the passage from a qualification for urban notables based upon the belonging to certain families or guilds, to a qualification based upon a quantitatively countable revenue, in a system linked with land-ownership and taxation. Families might be the same, but their belonging to notability comes from a different point of view. This is administrative modernity. Counting, statistics, fixed lists of electors. This does not mean that the social milieu is different. Modernity relies in a different definition. In some of the cities I have studied, modernity and colonization are linked. When the city is lost by the Ottomans before the 1850's, modernity, or new régime, might come, or not come, under a colonial rule. This is another very interesting debate. If it comes: how is it biased by colonial power? How external is modernity to local élites? To what extent are local traditional old régime rulers included into modern new régime? If excluded, what is the consequence? If it doesn't come: how-is-this that a modern European country doesn't provide colonies with urban new régime? From Algiers to Cairo, and then Tunis or Beirut we have the whole set of combinations to examine and discuss. This is another very interesting way to discuss modernity in the Arab world. It is part of the history I want to study.

Conclusion : Questions about the Ottoman urban modernity and its limits

In the frame of the conceptualization of the relationship between Islam and Modernity, I would like to advance a few theoretical proposals. The first one is about tradition. We can't have an only religious definition of tradition. Of course Hisba, the Coranic principle of good behavior and good government is central in urban old regime. Every ruler has to behave according to it. But it does not mean in any way that we are dealing with a religious rule. My idea is that old regime urban structures in the Arab and Ottoman world were deeply rooted in a secular tradition, to the base of which we find guilds. So in our debates about Modernity and Islam, my first point is: Modernity is not an alternative to Islam, it is an alternative to old regime. Islam was in old regime but was not old regime. Old regime was not an application of the myth of a Coranic government. A ruler, though having to act as a good Muslim as every individual, was a ruler because of his belonging to a certain category of the society, merchant for example. This is very important in present debates: not to confuse tradition and religion, old regime and religious rule. The past is old régime. In this old regime, religion had a specific position, different from the one in modernity. What is central then is the study of the definition of the individual: its role in society, its beliefs. In an old regime situation, urban civic rights depended most of all, from money.

The second point of course is about modernity. If tradition has to be complexified, modernity also. The evolution of the structures of urban government shows that modernity is the passage to a different kind of society, in which the definition of the role of the individual has changed. Modernity then is both linked to what existed before and marks a break. But modernity is also biased in the Ottoman Empire by new factors: colonization for example. But I wouldn't like to give all the responsibility of the failure of the passage to modernity in some societies exclusively to colonization. It has a responsibility, for example in keeping old regime governance for "natives" and giving modernized structures to settlers. There are also numerous other aspects of this facts. But the Ottoman modernization itself did not succeed in confronting some very important questions, for example:

-The role of confessional communities: as the Ottoman old regime found kind of a balance in this matter, modern municipal councils did not always bring a modern solution and often the Ottomans had to accept the surviving into modernity of previous forms which were the negation of modernity itself. Many impasses in the definition of the individual, but also many debates on nationalism(s) in the next decades come from this founding ambiguity of the Ottoman modernity. -The role of the central state in relation to local autonomies -The repartition of competences between government functions and economical functions. So here are some of the points I wanted to raise, in the intent of participating in the debates going on here, but also in our society, about Modernity and Islam, the Ottoman heritage and nationalism, or the relationship between Europe and the Empire.

,

  Paris, Ehess, 1999, 574 p. ; Saunier (Pierre-Yves) (ed.), Contemporary European History, Special Issue -Municipal Connections: Co-operation, Links and Transfers among European Cities in the Twentieth Century, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, XI, 4, 2002. 167p. ; Dogliani (Patrizia) and Gaspari (Oscar) (eds.), L'Europa dei comuni. Origini e sviluppo del movimento comunale dalla fine dell'Ottocento al secondo dopoguerra, Rome, Donzelli, 2003, 306 p.; Ewen (Shane) Saunier (Pierre-Yves) (eds.), The Other Global City, Palgrave, forthcoming 2007. 10 See, for example: Ergin (Osman Nuri), Mecelle-i Umûr-ı Belediyye, Istanbul, 1995, 8 vol. (1 st ed. 1914-1922); Ergin (Osman Nuri), Beledi Bilgiler, Istanbul, Hamit Bey Matbaasi, 1932 ; Ergin (Osman Nuri), Türkiye'de Sehirciligin Tarihî Inkisafi, Istanbul, 1936, p. 167-171; Ergin (Osman Nuri), Türk Belediyecilik ve Sehircilik Tarihî Üzerine Seçmeler, Istanbul, 1987; Ortaylı (Ilber), Tanzimat'dan Sonra Mahalli Idareler, Ankara, Türkiye ve Ortadogù Amme Idaresi Enstitüsü Yayinlari, 1975 (reed. as Tanzimat Devrinde Osamnli Mahallî Idareleri (1840-1880), Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu, 2000); Ortaylı (Ilber), Tanzimat Devrinde Osamnli Mahallî Idareleri (1840-1880), Ankara, Türk Tarih Kurumu, 2000, p. 124; Ortaylı (Ilber), Tanzimatdan Cumhuriyete Yerel Yönetim Gelenegi, Istanbul, 1985 ; Ortayli (Ilber), Istanbul'dan Sayfalar, Istanbul, 1986; Ortaylı (Ilber),

Dr. Nora Lafi is a researcher in Ottoman Urban Studies with the Zentrum Moderner Orient in Berlin. She also chairs with Pr. Ulrike Freitag a research programme on cosmopolitanism in the Middle-East at Wissenschaftskolleg in Berlin. This research was made possible by a financing from the Deutsche Forschung Gemeinschaft (DFG).

The most useful synthetic effort is : Berengo (Marino), L'Europa delle città. Il volto della società urbana europea tra Medioevo e età moderna, Turin, Einaudi, 1999, 1040 p.

For France, see, for example : Bely (Lucien), Dictionnaire de l'Ancien Régime, Paris, Puf, 1996. On the medieval roots of old regime urban government : Bove (Boris), Dominer la ville. Prévôts des marchands et échevins parisiens de 1260 à 1350, Paris, CTHS, 2004, 720 p.

See, for example: Cerutti (Simona), Giustizia sommaria. Pratiche e ideali di giustizia in una società di Ancien Régime (Torino XVIII secolo), Rome, Feltrinelli, 2003, 228 p.

For example: Salzmann (Ariel), Tocqueville in the Ottoman Empire. Rival Paths to the Modern State, Leyde-Boston, Brill, 2004.

Lafi (Nora), Une ville du Maghreb entre Ancien régime et réformes ottomanes : Genèse des institutions municipales à Tripoli de Barbarie (1795-1911), Paris, L'Harmattan, Collection Villes, 2002, 305p. See also : Lafi (Nora), « Ville arabe et modernité administrative municipale », Histoire urbaine, n°3, 2001, p.149-167.

For the collective part of this work, see: Lafi (Nora) (Ed.), Municipalités méditerranéennes. Les réformes urbaines ottomanes au miroir d'une histoire comparée (Moyen-Orient, Maghreb, Europe méridionale), Berlin, Klaus Schwarz, 2005, 373 p.

Mayer (Arno), The Persistence of the Old-Regime. Europe to the Great War, New-York, Pantheon, 1981, 368 p.

suggestions [START_REF] Yıldırım | Osmanlı esnafında uyum ve dönüşüm: 1650-1826[END_REF] . In other words, what the introduction of a renewed dimension of complexity into the reform paradigm suggests, is first a closer link between historians of the old regime and historians of the modernity. But the renewal also challenges many domains of the study of the relationship of Ottoman societies to modernity.

What the existence of an urban old-regime system changes in the interpretation of the new regime Once again, it is in Tripoli that I first found the evidence of a continuity between the old regime and the municipality. It is not a case: this city of the Maghreb escaped longer than others to the European colonial occupation (Algiers was taken before modernity was on the agenda and for Tunis is was already too late in the 1860'). Tripoli also represented an important stake for the Ottomans: to save the last western province in Africa. That is why the implementation of the municipal system was so important. It occurred between the 1850' and the 1870' in different phases, corresponding both to the elaboration of the new administrative scheme in Istanbul and, most of all in my opinion, to the phases of a mediation and negotiation with local notables. As the urban government was in the hands of the notability, through the city assembly and the charge of chief of the city, it is with them that Ottoman governors, such as 'Ali Ridha Pacha al-Jazayri (himself the son of an Algerian ottoman urban notable exiled in Istanbul) negotiated not only the implementation of the reforms, but also the content of the reforms. The municipality is in no way only the result of the importation of an external model: it is rather the result of a long negotiation (with phases of conflict) with the local notability, which embodied the old regime. In Tripoli thus, the creation of the modern municipality is in no way a reform that comes in a context of a lack of local urban government. It is just a passage from old to new régime, with all the usual ambiguities of such a process. The cheikh al-bilâd becomes mayor (rais al-baladiyya). The jama'a al-bilâd becomes municipal council (majlis al-baladiyya). The competences remain mostly the same, such as the composition of the assembly. Same families of notables, same social networks. The place where the assembly (qahwa al-cheikh-al-bilâd, a café given in waqf to the town) used to meet becomes city hall (baladiyya) [START_REF]On the civic role of cafés in Old Regime Ottoman Arab cities : Lafi (Nora), "Espace de loisirs, espace politique: le café dans le monde arabe au XIXe siècle[END_REF] . This doesn't mean that there is no reform. Just that it is a reform, and not the creation ex-nihilo of something that previously did not exist. The process is quite the same in the other cities of the Arab provinces of the Empire [START_REF]Municipalités méditerranéennes[END_REF] . From Jerusalem to Aleppo, Damascus to Beirut, there were forms of urban old regime, and in general, they have a great influence on the shape of the modernized municipal scheme. Researches on the Ottoman Balkans by Tetsuya Sahara tend to show similar processes [START_REF] Sahara | Municipal reforms in Japan and Turkey : the Belediye system of the Tanzimat period and Municipal Laws in Meiji Japan[END_REF] . In many regions, the colonial influence introduces many ambiguities and the question of local