Justine Isserles

Katrin Kogman-Appel

Sarit Shalev-Eyni

Dalia Ruth Halperin

Judith Olszowy-Schlanger

Aron Dotan

Jordan Penkower

Philippe Cassuto

Viktor Golinets

Geoffrey Khan

Michaela Bauks

Elvira Martín

Con- Treras Finally

21 The Karaites, defended by Judah Hadassi (writing in Eshkol ha-Kofer, in 1149), considered that everything in the biblical text was holy, including every detail of its vocalization and accentuation. See Dotan 2007, 2.2.4. 22 Mishne Torah, Sefer Ahavah, Hilkhot Sefer Torah, 8:5: "The book/codex (sefer) on wich I base myself for these matters [copy of the Scrolls] is a book/codex (sefer) which is popular in Egypt, which includes twenty-four books and which was in Jerusalem for some years, where it served as a model for correcting books/codices (sefarim). Everyone used to rely on it for Ben Asher had corrected and studied it for years, correcting it many times as he copied it. I used it for the liturgical scroll (Sefer Torah) that I copied according to it."

בירושלים שהיה ספרים, ועשרים ארבעה כולל שהוא במצריים, הידוע הספר הוא אלו, בדברים עליו שסמכנו וספר ה כמו רבות פעמים והגיהו שנים, בו ודיקדק אשר בן שהגיהו לפי סומכין, הכול היו ועליו, הספרים; ממנו להגיה שנים מכמה כהלכתו. שכתבתי תורה בספר סמכתי ועליו, שהעתיקו. 23 An exemplar or model codex is a good quality Masoretic codex dedicated to the preservation of the entire biblical tradition, including both its written and reading traditions. It was used as a model for copying and revising liturgical Scrolls and codices. See Olszowy-Schlanger 2012b, 28; Khan 2012, 7-8. Maimonides does not conclude that all model codices should be Ben Asher codices, but just that the codex which he used for Torah scrolls was Ben Asher's, which was popular in Egypt. Some scholars argue that this codex is what is known today as the Aleppo Codex. On the spread of the Mishne Torah in Ashkenaz, see Soloveitchik 2009; Woolf 2005. 24 According to Martín-Contreras/Seijas de los Ríos-Zarzosa 2010, 33-34, the Ben Asher tradition became prevalent everywhere during the 14 th century. 25 For example, the Codex Reuchlinianus (dated 1105/6) shows an 'extended infralinear Tiberian graphic system' that allows us to trace its pronunciation back to the supralinear system of vocalization which was used until the end of the 11 th century.

Prologue

The present book is an edition of micrographical Masoretic notes. I started work on this project during the first phase of the project on "Material Text Cultures" at the Collaborative Research Centre 933 of the Heidelberg University.¹ The main purpose of the Center is to promote textual anthropology in the study of material artefacts in non-typographic societies.² This rigorous theoretical and practical approach focuses on various material artefacts that display written texts, and seeks to understand not only the written texts themselves (as with textual philology), but also the significance of the textification and textualization³ produced by the context of their production, as well as their meaning and practical reception in the specific social and cultural backgrounds that produced the artefacts.⁴ There is therefore an active relationship between the texts (considered as philological units), the artefacts (the material objects on which the texts are written and which are operative within the social space), the producers of the textartefact (Textproduzent), and the recipients of the text (Textrezipient).⁵ Within this framework, the meaning of a written text is never "immanent". Instead, it is the result of various human practices of reception, as when we "annotate, read, memorize, quote, extract, dramatize, illustrate, copy, comment, interpret, hide, [and] react to" a text.⁶

The focus of the Subproject B04 ("Scholarly Knowledge, Drollery or Esotericism? The Masorah of the Hebrew Bible in its Various Material Properties") of the CRC 933 is on the material properties of an important textual tradition that accompanies the biblical text. In this project, we approach the reception practices associated with the Hebrew Bible through the 'textualization' of Masoretic knowledge in the Middle Ages. The Masorah of the Ashkenazim often takes specific ornamental or figurative micrographical forms,⁷ which have yet to be analyzed within the context of 'Masoretic studies', an area of research which focuses on the transmission of the biblical text.⁸ Our project seeks to clarify whether the relationship between the Masorah included in biblical manuscripts and Masoretic traditions a) remained constant throughout the textual tradition conserved in biblical artefacts; and b) whether its reception varied when we consider an expanded field of applications, especially rabbinical commentaries.⁹ This general framework allows for different approaches. While one of my colleagues seeks to discover how much Masoretic knowledge rabbinical commentaries exhibit,¹⁰ I analyze the philological content of micrographical drawings in Hebrew Bibles. This has led me to focus on a specific Ashkenazic manuscript (MS Vat. Ebr. 14) and to prepare the critical edition of micrographical Masoretic notes presented in this book. On another level, the results of this philological analysis have also led me to evaluate the relationships between texts and images in the micrographic Masorah and its concrete functions in light of the reception practices associated with such biblical manuscripts, a question illuminated at an international conference organized in Heidelberg in November 2013.¹¹ The results of my analysis of the relationship between texts and images in the micrographic Masorah can be found in a separate article.¹²

The Masorah (or massoret) is, in a broad sense, a compilation of information which preserves the biblical text from corruption: it includes details on the vocalization and accentuation of the consonantal text, as well as Masoretic notes and handbooks.¹³ Strictly speaking, the Masorah "denotes an apparatus of instructions for 12 See Attia 2015. 13 For an exhaustive presentation of the Masoretic System, see Dotan 2007 [1977]; Tov 1992, 72-76; Martín-Contreras/Seijas de los Ríos-Zarzosa 2010, 37-49; Golinets 2012; Khan 2012. For an example of a Masoretic compilation, see the Sefer Okhla we-Okhla, edited in Frensdorff 1864; Graetz 1887; Díaz Esteban 1975; Ognibeni 1992 and 1995; Dotan 1967; Tov 1992, 74-75. Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:20 AM the writing of the biblical text and its reading […] to ensure that special care would be exercised in the transmission of the text".¹⁴ This textual apparatus includes the Masora Parva (the 'small Masorah' located on the side margins),¹⁵ the Masora Magna (the 'great Masorah', written on the upper and lower margins, as well as the 'collative Masorah'), and the Masora Finalis (notes placed at the end of the book or codex).¹⁶ Each of these types of Masorah serves a specific function in the transmission of the biblical text. The Masora Parva (hereafter MP) plays a central role in this tradition: it is composed of an abbreviated note which is placed directly adjacent to the word or expression concerned in the biblical text (called a lemma). It points to specific problems: it clarifies spellings (defective or plene), accents, or vocalizations, and explains whether a term is a hapax legomenon ( ,)ל̇ whether something should be read into the text even though it is not written down (qere-we la-ketiv), or conversely whether the reader should omit to read something that is written on the page (ketiv we-la-qere). It also states how many times this problem occurs in the biblical text. The Masora Magna (hereafter MM) is commonly composed of two to four ruled lines of text located on the upper and lower margins of the folios. Its function is to expound on the MP's notes, which it repeats before giving a detailed list of the simanehon (i.e., a list of all the instances of a particular lemma). The 'collative Masorah' provides the reader with collected lists of specific phenomena, such as different types of hapax forms. Among other things, the Masora Finalis gives information about the number of verses in each book.

Masoretes are known to have been committed to writing down vowels, accents, and Masoretic notes prior to the 8 th century.¹⁷ However, the vocalizations, accentuations, and Masoretic notes (MP and MM) they transmitted in these early manuscripts¹⁸ did not necessarily concord.¹⁹ There are no extant written sources before the 9 th or 10 th century. Indeed, these early manuscripts attest to the prevalence of the Tiberian (Ben Asher and Ben Naftali) tradition, even if "the Tiberian Masoretic tradition had not fixed on the school of one particular Masorete" at the close of the Masoretic period.²⁰ In his Mishne Torah compiled between 1170 and 1180, Maimonides, who was against 14 Tov 1992, 72. 15 "On two sides of the columns of the text in the eastern and Spanish codices, and on the side corresponding to the external margin of the page in the Ashkenazi Bible" (Olszowy-Schlanger 2012b, 31). 16 According to Olszowy-Schlanger 2012b, 31, Masoretic notes were probably being inserted on the margins of Tiberian biblical codices by the ninth century. Cairo Genizah fragments suggest that before that, they were gathered in separate booklets. 17 Dotan 2007, 613. 18 Díaz Esteban 1954. 19 Martín-Contreras/Seijas de los Ríos-Zarzosa 2010, 46. Scholars frequently find notes contradicting the main text and vice versa (see in this Edition, Case 5, note ii; Case 8, note vi; Case 12, note viii). Thus, while the consonantal text of the Masoretic Bible tended to have been standardized, the Masoretic apparatus seems to have remained rather heterogeneous. 20 Khan 2012, 5. The two known schools are the Ben Asher and the Ben Naftali's traditions. Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:20 AM the influence of the Karaites,²¹ declared a Ben Asher codex (the 'popular in Egypt') to be an authoritative reference work for those wishing to copy other Torah Scrolls.²² Indeed, he asserted that this codex had been used as a model codex in Jerusalem.²³ As a matter of fact, the Ben Asher Tiberian manuscript version(s) of the Hebrew Bible gradually did become predominant.²⁴ This means that the Masoretic tradition developed in one of the two following ways: either the standard Ben Asher Tiberian and non-standard (expanded) Tiberian traditions (such as the tradition which appeared in the Codex Reuchlinianus) both reached Europe at the same time,²⁵ but the expanded Tiberian tradition eventually fell out of use and the standard Tiberian tradition alone survived; or else, the expanded (non-standard) Tiberian tradition is the older one and was in circulation in Europe long before the advent of the standard Ben Asher Tiberian tradition. These two hypotheses frame my reflections on the tradition of Ashkenaz, which developed sometime between the 11 th and the first half of the 13 th centuries.

Today, the standard Tiberian tradition is widely attested and studied in manuscripts which in some cases predate the 12 th century,²⁶ but the significance of the differences that exist between medieval manuscripts is still a matter for debate, especially in the case of late medieval sources, as their variants are less studied.²⁷ Some scholars have pointed out that later Ashkenazic manuscripts may have stemmed from a specific cultural background with its own ancient traditions, and suggested that these traditions may have resisted the process of Masoretic standardization. In other words, the fact that Askenazic traditions seem not to be authoritative (from a standard Ben Asher point of view) does not mean that their story should not be told or that they escape the scope of scholarly enquiry today. Furthermore, in the case of the tradition of Ashkenaz, biblical manuscripts often feature a wealth of ornamental and figurative micrographical Masorah which have not been properly examined up until now. The following edition seeks to plug these gaps by engaging with the difficult questions raised by the transmission of the Masoretic tradition in non-Sephardic and non-Eastern areas.

Introduction

There can be no doubt that the great scholar Elijah Levita had access to a great number of medieval manuscripts. Regarding his methodical preparations to gather Masoretic information for the Sefer ha-Zikhronot, the biblical and Masoretic concordance he compiled before publishing his Massoret ha-Massoret in 1538, he explained: How I labored therein, neither resting nor being satisfied, and searched the correct and excellent book, giving my mind hereunto! Now I swear, […], that more than once or twice I performed a day or two day's journey to a place, which I either knew myself or of which I had been informed, that there is to be found therein a reliable index of the Masorah. When I examined [the Masorah], and found it and corrected it, I selected from it the choice and correct articles, as roses from among thorns. Indeed, most of the correct Codices I found to be Spanish, and it is upon these that I relied, and it is their method that I followed. […] I found the Book Ochla Ve-Ochla […] There is no other book which so thoroughly treats on the Masoretic rules, excepting the scattered glosses around the margin in the Codices which, however, contain numberless errors. For the scribes have perverted them, as they did not care for the Masorah, but only thought to ornament their writing, and to make even lines so as not to alter the appearance [of the codex].¹ Levita claims in these lines that Sephardic sources are the most accurate, by which he means that they are more closely related to the standard version of the biblical text (i.e., the so-called Ben Asher Tiberian tradition).² This assertion implies that Levita rejects other Western-European (Ashkenazic or Italian) manuscripts as sources of valid biblical or Masoretic knowledge. Secondly, he claims that the Masorah that is found within the annotated and ornamented manuscripts is greatly defective. This is not so far from what Jacob ben Hayim Adonyah announced in his introduction to the Biblia Rabbinica (Venice: Bomberg, 1524-1525):

Moreover, most of these [Masoretic remarks] are written in a contracted form and with ornaments, so much so that they cannot at all be deciphered, as the desire of the writer was only to embellish his writing and not to examine or to understand the sense [of the Masorah].³ Adonyah and Levita considered the Masorah to be the primary principle of biblical exegesis and wanted to understand it in order to restore the keys to the Torah.⁴ They believed, in line with the Renaissance mentality,⁵ that this knowledge had been utterly neglected, and could only be rediscovered through an edition of the 'original' Masoretic text of the Hebrew Bible, accompanied by a sort of Urmasorah.

Masoretic Contents versus Masoretic Layout?

Modern scholarship does not consider an original biblical text to have ever existed.⁶ The transmission of the biblical and Masoretic knowledge of the East to other areas of the Jewish World⁷ is difficult to trace, as dated Hebrew sources are scarce or fragmentary prior to the 12 th century.⁸ The oldest Hebrew biblical codices known today are dated or estimated to be dated no earlier than between the 9 th and 10 th centuries. Among them, six eastern manuscripts are generally held as the most prominent ones: the Aleppo Codex (910-930 by Aron ben Moshe Ben Asher)-which may have been the codex referred to in the above mentioned quotation as the one which Maimonides described and used-, the Cairo Codex (dated 894/5), MS BL Or. 4445 (10 th century?), the Leningrad Codex (dated 1008/9), the Damascus Pentateuch (JNUL 24°5702 or Sassoon 507) and MS Sassoon 1053.⁹ There is a second gap of c. 200 years between these eastern sources and the oldest remaining European Hebrew sources. The first Hebrew manuscripts produced in Europe most likely originated in Italy in the 11 th century.¹⁰ Although the first Bible of its kind surfaced in 1105/6 (Codex Reuchlinianus),¹¹ the oldest Ashkenazic manuscripts are dated later, from the end of the 12 th century. This leaves us without material sources on the versions that were in circulation in the second half of the 11 th century, at the lifetime of the main Jewish exegete Rashi (R. Shlomo Bar Isaac of Troyes).¹² In addition to this lack of information, Ashkenazic Bibles are still described in the same terms as those used by Levita. Whereas Sephardic manuscripts are considered to transmit a standard Tiberian consonantal text (and, by extension, an accurate Masorah), the vocalized and accentuated biblical text transmitted within Ashkenazic manuscripts is thought to have an "infinitely" greater number of discrepancies from the Ben Asher Tiberian text.¹³ Furthermore, despite the fact that there are no philological studies or editions of late medieval Ashkenazic Masoretic notes, it is commonly asserted that medieval Ashkenazic communities were unfamiliar with Masorah. Indeed, the mere presence of ornamental and figurative Masorah in their manuscripts is often presented as evidence of this lack of understanding.¹⁴ Nevertheless, to neglect Ashkenazic manuscripts solely on the basis of their existing ornamental or figurative micrographical elements is to preemptively eliminate the possibility that these manuscripts may had been produced in the context of specific reception practices associated with the Bible in the Middle Ages.

What is a Figurative Masorah (Masora Figurata)?

Thus far, the only scholars to have studied the phenomenon of using diminutive letters to draw decorative patterns are art historians. They consider it to be a specifically Jewish art of illumination.¹⁵ Its origin remains unclear, but it appears for the first time in the earliest eastern biblical codices.¹⁶ Scholars are yet to agree on a common terminology to describe this phenomenon.¹⁷ The term Micrography designates the art 1193, Bologna, Bib Univ 2208-9 (Prophets, Hagiographa, see MPMA IV, Ms. 91). Nine dated Bibles predate 1240: 1215, Vatican City, Vat. Ebr. 468, La Rochelle (complete Bible); 1215-6, Vatican City, Vat Ebr. 482, from La Rochelle (complete Bible); 1215-1216, London, BL, Ar. Or. 2 (PMH); 1233, Berlin, SB, Or. Quart. 9 (PMH); 1236, Milan, Ambriosiana, Ms 30inf-32inf (complete Bible); 1237-38, Breslau, Univ. Lib. M 1106 (PMH); 1239, Vatican City, Vat. Ebr. 14 (PMH); 1240, Parma, BP, 2345 (Hagiographa). 13 See Pérez Castro 1977, 161. This conclusion is based on variants of the consonantal text found in the Leningrad Codex, Or. 4445 and Cairo Codex, with two Sepharadic manuscripts, M1 of the Complutense University Library of Madrid, JTS Ms. 44a (Hilleli), and two Ashkenazic manuscripts Paris BnF Hébr. 1-3, G-I-1 of the Escorial (Chersin? 1306). 14 See Dotan 2007, § 3.3.5.4., Ornamentation of the text. Olszowy-Schlanger 2012b, 39-40 writes: "The micrographic Masorah took on an aesthetic function rather than that of an aid to the study of the biblical text: the small size of the characters, their varying alignments, and the increasing disregard for the correspondence between the biblical text and the masoretic notes show that the Masorah was scarcely even understood". Sirat 2002, 50-51 estimates that the Masorah written in micrography was never meant to be read.

of writing in minute letters as well as the drawing itself, which can sometimes create confusion. Moreover, these types of micrographical forms and their contents have generally not been inventoried, whether in Hebrew manuscripts or more specifically in Ashkenazic biblical manuscripts.¹⁸ Hebrew paleography considers that there are no minuscules or majuscules in Hebrew. Instead, several styles of script (square, semi-cursive, cursive) are found within each type of script (Oriental/Eastern, Italian, Byzantine, Sephardic, Ashkenazic).¹⁹ The size of the letters can be very small. Ornamental (non-representational, abstract) forms created with letters written in a small size are called 'ornamental micrographic forms' (see Appendice, Scheme 1). I shall call figurative (i.e. somehow recognizable) forms made of very small-sized minuscule letters 'figurative micrographic forms'. The 'alphabetical' (i.e. scriptural) Masorah uses Masoretic notes to write another text in the shape of a word.²⁰ With regard to its layout, a micrographical form can be confined to a margin, cover an entire carpet page, or be located in an initial-word panel (often at the beginning of a book), or colophons.²¹ When a biblical Hebrew manuscript contains micrographic elements, the layout of the Masorah is altered.²² If the textual content of the micrographic element does correspond to Masoretic notes, we talk about an ornamental (micrographic) Masorah or figurative (micrographic) Masorah. In other words, a figurative Masorah (also translated as Masora Figurata) combines the art of writing with figurative patterns and a Masoretic content.

Ornamental and figurative Masorah became a special attribute of Ashkenazic and Sephardic manuscripts in the beginning of the 13 th century.²³ This scribal practice was widespread enough during Juda he-Hassid's (1150-1217) lifetime to incur his condemnation.²⁴ Yet, the figurative or ornamental Masorah found in Sephardic manuscripts defines the term Masora Figurata as "the practice of having the minute letters form the shape of subjects (which are not necessarily related to text)". Metzger 1986 designates micrography as nothing more than a very small minuscule script (i.e. a technique). Halperin 2013, 5 speaks of micrography when the contours of a text written in minuscule script evokes various visual designs. 18 Fronda 2013, 46. 19 Beit-Arié 2003, 68-69. 20 See Case 1 and 13 of my edition. I thank the participants of the Conference held in Heidelberg on "Text-Image Relationship and Visual Elements in Written Hebrew Sources" for having shared their thoughts with me about how to address this phenomenon. The reader will note that Ginsburg uses the expression "alphabetical Masorah" to designate the "alphabetical Masora Finalis" that Adonyah compiled in alphabetical order at the end of his edition, see Ginsburg 1897, 194 and did not obscure their philological Masoretic content.²⁵ In the case of Ashkenazic manuscripts, however, the matter seems more complex.²⁶

Why Edit Figurative Masorah?

This book aims to answer the two following questions: a) what is the philological link between Masorah produced in Ashkenaz and the Masorah (understood as an apparatus) of the eastern standard Tiberian codices, which was written according to the oldest available sources, and b), do the ornamental and figurative micrographic elements produced in the Ashkenazic context point to a loss of Masoretic knowledge, or can they be seen to constitute accurate and comprehensive Masoretic notes? Did their form distort their semantic content?

Not only has Hebrew micrography not been inventoried,²⁷ but there are no typologies of medieval biblical manuscripts.²⁸ This means that it is not possible to assess whether micrographic forms really constituted an impediment to the transmission of the biblical Masorah in Ashkenazic communities. This critical edition is the first significant step taken to address this issue. This book provides an edition of figurative micrographic Masorah from one of the oldest Ashkenazic manuscripts, i.e., the MS Vat. Ebr. 14 copied by Elijah ben Berechiah ha-Naqdan in 1239. This edition should be considered as an experimental case study, a trial in itself. To this day, no one has edited figurative Masorah. Even C. Ginsburg in his monumental Masorah has never elaborated on the lists coming from Ashkenazic, Sephardic, Yemenite and eastern manuscripts.²⁹ It is only very recently, that D. Halperin edited micrographical carpet pages from the Catalan Mahzor and called for further research in this field.³⁰ The biblical manuscript I have chosen to work on is the MS Vat. Ebr. 14 (hereafter Vat14).

Elijah ha-Naqdan copied this Pentateuch with Five Scrolls and Haftarot in 1239, in an unknown region of northern France.³¹ The manuscript is dedicated to a patron, R. Asher, unlike the MS Or. Quart. 9 (hereafter B), which was also copied by Elijah. Vat14 is a medium-sized codex. It is one of the oldest preserved Ashkenazic manuscripts to be explicitly dated,³² and the oldest to present an extensive series of sixty-four figurative Masorah, including the representation of human beings.³³ My recent codicological and paleographical analysis of these two manuscripts³⁴ confirmed that both of these codices show evidence of professional thirteenth-century handwork in a northern French 'Gothic' script, which was possibly related to the Anglo-Norman type.³⁵ Although both codices only include the Pentateuch, Five Scrolls and Haftarot,³⁶ their philological features are not exactly the same, which is a sign that they may have been copied from different sources and for different purposes.³⁷ The scribe's cultural context can therefore then be identified as either Anglo-Norman or northern French with lingering Anglo-Norman influences.³⁸ Little is known of Elijah himself other than the fact that he copied, vocalized, and added the Masorah to two manuscripts (B and Vat14), producing B in 1233 in RDWM³⁹ (possibly Rouen)⁴⁰ and Vat14 in 1239.⁴¹ His father, Berechiah ben Netronai ha-Naqdan, was identified as a prolific scholar who travelled between Normandy and England during the second half of the 12 th century and had knowledge of Abraham Ibn Ezra's works.⁴² There is also a scholarly reference to Berechiah ha-Naqdan in the Sefer Ha-Shoham, by Moshe ben Isaac ha-Nessiyah, a thirteenth-century English grammarian.⁴³ In several of his colophons, Elijah evokes the contributions his father made to the fields of grammar, biblical exegesis,⁴⁴ Hebrew translation (Fox Fables called Mishlei Shu'alim), ethics and science (he paraphrased Adelard of Bath's Questiones Naturales, wrote a book on Physics and Philosophy, and translated a lapidarium into Hebrew).⁴⁵ Born to an aged Berechiah,⁴⁶ Elijah was arguably a talented professional scribe and a learned scholar in his own right.

Critical Editions of Masoretic Notes

It has been demonstrated elsewhere that there are many factors preventing the production of a critical edition of the Hebrew Bible.⁴⁷ As such editions concentrate on the consonantal biblical text, the notes compiled in the Masorah are generally not in the focus of critical editions.⁴⁸ Six major biblical editions include an edited Masorah. Adonyah's edition of the Biblia Rabbinica (Venice: Bomberg, 1524-1525) was the first of its kind to provide a consonantal text and a Masoretic apparatus (MP, MM and MF), which became a textus receptus.⁴⁹ The second edition was the Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia (BHS), where the consonantal text of the Leningrad Codex (hereafter L) is edited and where G. Weil provides a "fully corrected and normalized realization of the Masorah", which means a clear reconstruction.⁵⁰ The third one was the Biblia Hebraica Quinta (BHQ): contrary to the BHS, it reproduces the Masora Parva and Magna of L, but without providing any critical apparatus.⁵¹ This diplomatic edition recognizes that L's Masoretic notes have their "deficiencies" while nevertheless refusing to correct them.⁵² The fourth one was the Hebrew University Bible, which provides a descriptive edition. It includes the biblical text of the Aleppo Codex (or what remains of it) with four apparatuses, bearing witness to the diversity of the biblical text, and a Masorah without an apparatus which is comprised of the MP and MM of the Aleppo Codex.⁵³ The fifth, and probably the finest, is the Cairo Prophets' Codex edition.⁵⁴ This edition presents the MP alongside the biblical text (rafim included), and includes separate volumes with the MM, the hapax legomena and an analytical index on the MP.⁵⁵ In addition, D. Lyons has published a facsimile critical edition of the cumulative Masorah in the same codex.⁵⁶ Lastly, the sixth one is the M1's edition, which only includes the lemmas (unvocalized and unaccented) and their Masoretic notes (MP/MM).⁵⁷ The critical notes to this edition only call attention to the text's most significant deviations from the eastern Tiberian manuscripts. However, there are very few such differences, as M1 is considered to be a good representative of the standard Tiberian Masorah.

Within a field of research where many late medieval manuscripts still remain unedited, the construction of critical apparatuses may contribute "to bear out our conclusions pertaining to the study of the Bible text".⁵⁸ That is why a complete edition of the vocalized consonantal biblical text of Vat. Ebr. 14 (Pentateuch, Five Scrolls, Haftarot, i.e. 292 folios), together with its vocalized Targum⁵⁹ and all its Masoretic notes, as well as a critical apparatus, was originally planned. Unfortunately, however, it was not possible to undertake the vast amount of work this would have required in the time allotted to this project. As a result, this book only provides an edition of the micrographical Masorah found in thirteen folios from the Book of Exodus. I shall publish the rest of the manuscript in the future.

Structure of the Edition

I have chosen to focus this edition on all the folios from the Book of Exodus that include at least one figurative Masorah (13 folios) Castro 1980; Dotan 1986; Ortega Monasterio 1995; Fernández Tejero 1995; Azcárraga Servert 1997 rather than on the Book of Genesis, where there are more cases of figurative Masorah, is that this offers the possibility of comparing Vat14 with three major eastern Tiberian codices (O, D, L), whereas Genesis would only allow a comparison with L. The selected folios always include a regular Masorah in the upper margin and a figurative Masorah in the lower margin. Instead of only editing the figurative parts of the Masorah, I chose to work on the folio as a whole, in order to understand the behavior of the scribe.⁶⁰ Another reason for this choice is that some regular Masoretic notes begin in the upper margin and continue in the lower margin, where the figurative section of the Masorah is located.

The fact that the Ashkenazic Masorah has not yet been fully studied and is not well understood makes it difficult to trace a potential Ashkenazic Masoretic tradition. Although Ashkhenazic Masoretic notes may have been copied from different sources than the consonantal texts, I consider them to belong to the same Ashkenazic Masoretic tradition and deal with both. This edition reduces the biblical text to a word (the lemma) and to the notes that accompany it. In other words, my critical apparatus focuses on both biblical lemmas and Masoretic notes, in order to see if they tally with each other. However, the eastern standard Tiberian sources remaining rather incomplete (L is the only very old complete Bible preserved with all its components), and it was only possible to compare the Masoretic notes from identical biblical passages.⁶¹ Although I am in the process of testing and comparing the entirety of the notes in each manuscript, in this edition, I only focus on selected passages.

Finally, I chose to present the lemmas and their notes according to the order of the Hebrew verses rather than according to the order in which they appeared on the page.

Editorial Steps for Masoretic Micrographical Notes

Micrographical figurative Masorah have never been edited before, I devised a specific methodology inspired by the work of D. Halperin.⁶² Here is the methodology I followed: 1. Identify the figurative Masorah located inside Vat14, which contains vast ornamental micrographic elements.

The resulting inventory shows that Vat14 includes 64 figurative micrographical elements and 11 simple drawings. The figurative Masorah are distributed as follows: 21 in Genesis, 12 in Exodus, 4 in Leviticus, 8 in Numbers, and 19 in Deuteronomy.⁶³ 2. Localize the lemma through the circellus (if available) and its relevant MP, or attribute each MP note to one lemma. While manuscripts O, D, L, M, V and R are consistent on this matter, the manuscripts of ha-Naqdan are less consistent, which can make it difficult to attribute the Masoretic notes to a lemma. 3. Transcribe the lemma and its MP. Because a MP note always originally refers to a lemma, I have decided to reproduce each lemma as it appears in Vat14-i.e., fully vocalized and fully accented (including the circellus and the rafim, even if these elements are rather inconsistent).⁶⁴ 4. Localize the relevant MM while deciphering and transcribing the textual elements of each figurative form.⁶⁵ As is generally the case, the MM is connected to a MP or a lemma from the central text. B contains some figurative forms; however, their location and text do not match those of Vat14 (see Appendix 3). There are a few small-scale instances of legible ornamental Masorah to be found in V. R offers some isolated figurative forms and an alphabetical Masorah (which forms the colophon) at the end.⁶⁶ L, O, and D do not contain ornamental or figurative forms in Exodus.⁶⁷ O (and to a lesser degree D) presents a regular cumulative Masorah in its margins, and the MM is confined to the lower margins.⁶⁸ M1 does have some ornamental and figurative Masorah, which according to E. Contreras-Martín, were used to elaborate the abundant Masoretic material.⁶⁹ 5. Mark each segment of a Masoretic list located inside a visual figurative form with arrows and captions (1, 2, 3, etc.)

= D V ~ O ֿה ֯ כָ ְ ֿ֣ד יָ L ה ֯ כָ֔ ְ ֿ֣ד יָ B ה כָ ְ ד ָ י֯
where the rafe on the heh is a contra-mappiq and the rafe on the dalet or khaf is a contra-dagesh. In view of this, our apparatus on the lemmas does not include variants of the rafim and circellus. 65 The software I used to perform these tasks was Adobe Pro. I thank Sebastian Seemann for his help. 66 See f. 555r, and Sirat 1994, 30-31 (fig. 12) Some figurative forms contain several notes on different lemmas, without following the order of the lemmas and the biblical text. In order to indicate this material construction, I have used arrows to highlight decipherable lists⁷¹ and to show how to read the notes located inside the ornamental or figurative Masorah.⁷² 6. Edit the lemma, the MP and the MM or textual elements using editorial software.⁷³ Each note in the MP or MM has been transcribed as it appears in the manuscript Vat14 and connected with the biblical term to which it belongs (the lemma). The MP or MM note generally begins with a short codified explanation of the Masoretic problem.⁷⁴ These parts are sometimes translated into English at the end of the section when they are complex. In the MM, the simanim have been systematically identified. 7. Compare the notes with those of other manuscripts or with other sources if the note is unknown. Each lemma, MP or MM note was systematically compared with: a) available Ben Asher eastern Tiberian sources on Exodus. G. Weil's edition of the Masora Magna was used to perform this task, as it was a guiding tool for identifying some of the Masoretic notes. b) those found in other Ashkenazic manuscripts on Exodus. When there was no record in any of the manuscripts included in my apparatus of a note found in Vat14, I tried to identify it in the lists found in Sefer Okhlah,⁷⁵ Frensdoff's Die Massora Magna,⁷⁶ and Ginsburg's edition of the Masorah.⁷⁷ 8. Edit the above-mentioned comparisons in the critical apparatus located in footnotes. Circellus and rafim variants are not reported in the critical apparatus. Neither are slight changes in the order or wording of the simanim. Each entry has three notes corresponding to the lemma in the central text of Vat14, its MP, and its MM. Some comments and translations are provided in the footnotes to each section. 9. Review and proofread the edition.

The Manuscripts of the Critical Apparatus

The philological perspective adopted in this edition explores the function of textualization in the figurative forms of Ashkenazic Masorah. The apparatus was built from a comparison between a few important eastern Tiberian Codices (MS Or. 4445, the Leningrad Codex, the Damascus Pentateuch, MS M1)⁷⁸ and the later Ashkenazic tradition, as represented by Vat14⁷⁹ especially, but also MS Or. Quart. 9⁸⁰ (the other manuscript copied by Elijah ha-Naqdan), MS Valmadonna 1⁸¹ (the oldest Ashkenazic Bible with links to the same cultural area than the two I have just mentioned) and the MS Vat. Ebr. 482 (the second La Rochelle Bible). The Hebrew text of O, D and L was used in recent editions.⁸² The Hebrew text of Vat. Ebr. 482 has only been used in G. B. Kennicott's purely consonantal edition at the end of the 18 th century, while the Targum of Vat. Ebr. 14 was used by A. Berliner in 1884.⁸³ Although we are aware that these philological comparisons are based on remnant manuscripts which are most likely of a different nature (model codex, popular Bible, or liturgical Bible),⁸⁴ the variants that could emerge from these comparisons may help to differentiate them and build a typology of Bibles in a second phase of research.

A/ Standard Tiberian Sources: O, D, L and M

In terms of the eastern sources, I examined the four eastern codices that define the standard Tiberian tradition:⁸⁵ the Leningrad Codex, Cairo Codex,⁸⁶ Aleppo Codex,⁸⁷ and MS BL Or. 4445. Only two of these manuscripts display available folios on the Book of Exodus: the Leningrad Codex and Or. 4445. I had access to digitized images and facsimile editions of these manuscripts.⁸⁸ In addition to this corpus, I examined 78 For practical reasons, we were unable to include the other biblical manuscripts kept at the Russian National Library. See Beit-Arié 1993a, 111-128, esp. 111-112 and BHQ, vol. 18 the Damascus Pentateuch (hereafter D)⁸⁹ as well as M1 of the Complutense University Library,⁹⁰ a Sephardic manuscript which is considered to be a good representative of the Ben Asher Tiberian tradition and was contemporary to Vat14.⁹¹ Here is a brief description of each one of these eastern sources: • MS St. Petersburg, National Library, Evr I B19 a , from the first collection of Firkovitch [Leningrad Codex], (L) This is the most well-known and complete ancient manuscript of the Hebrew Bible.⁹² It was copied in the East/Orient and its colophon is dated 1008/9. Contemporary biblical editions of the Bible (the BHS and BHQ, for example) are based on this manuscript. Recently, a complete description of this document was made available.⁹³ It is one of the most popular and widely-used biblical codices today, along with the Aleppo Codex.⁹⁴ • MS London, British Library, Or. 4445, (O) The manuscript is missing its original beginning and ending, as well as a few isolated folios.⁹⁵ Only the text from Gen 39:20 to Deut 1:33 has been preserved. Its Oriental script suggests it may have been written in Persia in the 9 th or 10 th century. According to Aron Dotan, the scribe was Nissi ben Daniel ha-Cohen.⁹⁶ The codex contains wellknown annnotations quoting a living R. Ben Asher ("melamed ha-gadol Ben Asher") who has been identified as Aaron Ben Asher.⁹⁷ The dates of the consonantal text and one of the Masoretic apparatuses are currently being debated. Some scholars agree with D. Ginsburg that the consonantal text could predate the 10 th century⁹⁸ while its Masorah could have been written a century later, at the time of Aaron ben Asher.⁹⁹ However, following in the footsteps of P. Kahle and I. Yeivin, Dotan argues that the annotations mentioning Ben Asher's name postdate the Masorah. This unedited codex allows us to "peep into the early stages of Masoretic practice"¹⁰⁰ and 20% of its Masoretic notes are from the school of Ben Naftali .¹⁰¹ There are a few sample studies of this manuscript¹⁰² and an edition is being planned.¹⁰³ It is used in the BHQ (as M B ) for variants of the consonantal text.

• MS Jerusalem, JNUL 24°5702 [or MS Sassoon 507, called the Damascus Pentateuch],

(D) According to M. Beit-Arié,¹⁰⁴ it dates from the 10 th century. I. Yevin established a comparison between the Masorahs found in D and the Aleppo Codex, and this led him to suggest that some of D's Masoretic notes were vocalized and accentuated according to the Babylonian system.¹⁰⁵ This unedited manuscript is quoted in the BHQ's apparatus (as M S5 ) and remains of great interest.¹⁰⁶ Although O and D have not been edited as such, they were used along with L to prepare the edition of the BHS (especially its Masorah), even if there is no clear mention of these manuscripts in this edition.¹⁰⁷

• MS Madrid, Complutense University Library, 118-Z-42 [M1], (M)

M is kept at the Library of the Complutense University of Madrid. This Sephardic Hebrew manuscript from the second half of the 13 th century is generally attributed to the Toledo School. Several codicological descriptions are available, but its origins remain unclear.¹⁰⁸ The codex was the property of Cardinal Francisco Ximenes de Cisneros and was used to prepare the Complutensian Polyglot Bible printed in 1520.

The BHQ refers to it as M M1 in its apparatus. Spanish scholars are currently editing its entire Masorah.¹⁰⁹

B/ Ashkenazic Sources Compared with Vat14: V, R and B

The three Ashkenazic manuscripts to be compared with Vat14 in the critical apparatus are the MSS Or. Quart. 9 (B), Valmadonna 1 (V) and the Vat. Ebr. 482 (R). The reader will find a detailed description of Vat14 in the Appendix.¹¹⁰ Here is a brief description of all the manuscripts used in the critical apparatus:

• MS London, Valmadonna Trust 1, (V)

The oldest Ashkenazic manuscript included in the critical apparatus is the MS London, Valmadonna Trust 1. This important manuscript is the oldest Bible identified as coming from northern Europe and Ashkenaz.¹¹¹ It was produced in 1189, either in England or in Normandy.¹¹² Like Vat14, this very large parchment manuscript¹¹³ is comprised of a Pentateuch with the Aramaic translation following the Hebrew verse by verse and Masoretic notes (MP and MM). It has sustained severe damage, and the text has been only partially preserved and is sometimes illegible.¹¹⁴ The upper margin of the manuscript was trimmed, and some lines of the Masora Magna have been lost as a result: however, it seems that these Masoretic notes were reduced to one or two lines of text, instead of spreading over two or three lines as in other manuscripts.¹¹⁵ Despite the paleographical and codicological importance of this manuscript, which contains the first traces of the biblical tradition in northern Europe, its Masorah has not yet been edited or studied.

• MS Vatican, BAV, Vat. Ebr. 482, (R) This manuscript is a very large parchment codex, which contains the Pentateuch with the Targum in its external margins, the Prophets, and the Hagiographa, including in each case their vocalization, accentuation and Masorah.¹¹⁶ Hayim ben Isaac copied it in La Rochelle in 1216,¹¹⁷ according to a later Latin annotation which mentions the Jewish year 975.¹¹⁸ The same scribe had already completed another manuscript-the MS Vatican, BAV, Vat. Ebr. 468-for his master Solomon ben Joseph ha-Kohen on the 6 th of Tishri 4976 [1215] in La Rochelle.¹¹⁹ Unlike Vat. Ebr. 468, Vat. Ebr. 482 was not lavishly decorated by a later hand, and its Masorah remains legible.

• MS Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Or. Quart. 9, (B) B is very closely related to Vat14 from a codicological and paleographical point of view,¹²⁰ as both were written by the scribe. B is a very small parchment Bible,¹²¹ copied by Elijah ha-Naqdan in Rouen (RDWM) in 1233. It contains the Pentateuch, Five Scrolls and Haftarot, accompanied by the Targum.¹²² Some of the figurative forms in the manuscript are very small. There are 12 such minute designs in Genesis and 16 in Deuteronomy. According to Isaac ben Moses of Vienna , their small size demonstrated the copyist's great level of skill, since small penmanship was prized as elegant and refined.¹²³ The paleographical features match Vat14, but not the philological contents, which seem to have been copied from other sources.¹²⁴

Expected Results

The comparison of Vat14 with L, O, D, M and with V, R and B will provide evidence for the following assumptions: a) standard or Ben Asher Tiberian sources had a great influence on the Ashkenazic Masorah of Elijah ha-Naqdan. Even if they had been transcribed in micrographic forms, most of the notes from Vat14 can be found in the oldest eastern Tiberian sources and b), the figurative Ashkhenazic Masorah does not systematically create an impediment to the transmission of philological knowledge.

This edition does not attempt to provide final conclusions on Ashkhenazic Masoretic traditions. What it does, however, is to lay the foundations for examining the role that a previously overlooked body of evidence played in the philological transmission of the Masorah in northern Europe, while also providing new interpretations for the material presence of figurative Masorah in Ashkenazic codices.

Editorial Rules

Sigla used in the critical apparatus: = the same symbol (or one with a similar meaning) is found in one or more of the other manuscripts of the apparatus Example taken from Case 1, figure 1:

֣ע 1 ַ בּ ֯ ְ שׁ יַ וַ ] = O D L M V R B 2 ֣עֿ ַ בּ ֯ ְ שׁ יַ ]וַ = O D L M | ~ V תורה של ראשון רביע |< B 3 ֣ע ַ בּ ֯ ְ שׁ יַ ]וַ = D M (only the part 1b, see Weil 1273) | ~ V תורה של ראשון רביע | < O L B R
The 'MMor /1/' in the previous example is located in figure 1 (reproduced above), arrow 1.

The arrows 7a, 7b, 7c in this figure are related to the MMfig /7a/, /7b/, /7c/ in the edition.

3. Within the edition, the references to a footnote in Arabic numerals (1 , 2 , 3 ) correspond to the critical apparatus which is located directly under each case.

Edition 4. Within the edition, the references to a footnote in Roman numerals ( i , ii , iii ) correspond to comments located at the bottom of the page. 5. If a MP note has no MM, or if a MM note has no MP, the other manuscripts are mentioned in the apparatus. The apparatus always shows whether the missing note is present in other manuscripts.2 6. The critical apparatus lists the manuscripts in geo-chronological order (O, D, L, and M for the standard Tiberian Masorah / V, R and B for the Ashkenazic Tradition)

*** (Weil 373) (Weil 2347) (Weil 618)

י 1 ֥ ֵ כּ ֯ ְ ר ]בִּ = O D L M V R | ~ B י ֥ ֵ כ ְ ר י 2 בִּ ֥ ֵ כּ רְ֯ ]בִּ ~ ברכוהיM ברך הוא רפיין ב̇ מ̇ ב̇ דגשין ברכי לשון כל ברכיהם על כרעו | ~ V דשג לישו̇ כל | < O D L R B 3 י ֥ ֵ כּ רְ֯ ]בִּ Ø O D L M V R | B דגש
ים 4 ֞ ֺהִ אל ]וֵ = O M R | ~ L D V ים ֞ ֺהִ ֽאל וֵ | B ים ֞ ֺהִ ל אֱ ים 5 וֵ ֞ ֺהִ אל ]וֵ = O D L M R | < V ים 6 B ֞ ֺהִ אל ]וֵ = L D (without בקריה ה̇ מן ,חד see Weil 371) M R | < O V B 7 ֿד ֣ ֺ ק ִפְֿ י֯ ֿד ֣ ֺ ק פָּ Gen 50:24 8 דס̇ ג̇ MP 9 Ø MM ֿד 7 ֣ ֺ ק פְֿ ִ י֯ ֿד ֣ ֺ ק ]פָּ ~ O D L M V R B ד ֣ ֺ ק יִפְ ד ֧ ֺ ק ֿד 8 פָּ ֣ ֺ ק ִפְֿ י֯ ֿד ֣ ֺ ק ]פָּ ~ M (only on )פקד בליש חס̇ ה̇ | L R (only on )פקד ה̇ | D (only on )פקד וחס̇ ה̇ | < O V B 9 ֿד ֣ ֺ ק ִפְֿ י֯ ֿד ֣ ֺ ק ]פָּ Ø O L V R B | ~ M D R (on פקד only, see Fernández
֣ע 01 ַ בּ ֯ ְ שׁ יַ ]וַ = O D L M V R B 11 ֣עֿ ַ בּ ֯ ְ שׁ יַ ]וַ = O D L M | ~ V תורה של ראשון רביע | < B 12 ֣ע ַ בּ ֯ ְ שׁ יַ ]וַ = D M (only the part 1b, see Weil 1273) | ~ V תורה של ראשון רביע | < O L B R Edition 13 וּ ט֣ נְ ַ ח ֯ יַּ וַ Gen 50:26 14 ל̇ MP 15 ל̇ ויחנטו /2/ MMor וּ 31 ט֣ נְ ַ ח ֯ יַּ ]וַ = O D L M V R B 14 ו ט֣ נְ ַ ח ֯ יַּ ]וַ D L V R ב̇ | < O B M 15 ו ט֣ נְ ַ ח ֯ יַּ ]וַ B הרפאים ב̇ | < O L V M R 16i ם ֶ שׂ ֥ו֯ יִּ וַ Gen 50:26 17ii ק̇ ויישם MP 18 Ø MM ם 61 ֶ שׂ ֥ו֯ יִּ ]וַ = V B | ~ O D L R ם ֶ ֥ישׂ יִּ ם 71 וַ ֶ שׂ ֥ו֯ יִּ ]וַ = V B | ~ L ומל̇ ל̇ | D M R ל̇ | < O 18 ם ֶ שׂ ֥ו֯ יִּ ]וַ Ø O D L M V R B [ Masora Finalis] 19 ו̇ ט̇ מן בר }בר{ לא כהנים ותורת שמות דואלה פסוקים רישי̇ כל /3/ MMor 19 = B | O ל״ד אל״ף ספר של הפסוקים סכום ד̇ פ̇ | D L תקל״ד אלף ספר של סכום | M ספר של סכום ושלשה ארבעים וסדריו ב̇ מ̇ ופרשותיו תחיה חרבן ועל וחצי ד̇ ל̇ ך̇ א̇ וסימן תקל״ד אלף | V פסוקי סכום ופרשיותיו חלק ד̇ פ̇ תחיה החרבן ועל וחציו ד̇ ל̇ ך̇ א̇ וסימנהון וארבע ושלשים מאות ארבע בראשית ספר ג̇ מ̇ וסדריו י̇ב̇ | R חרבן ועל וחציו ד̇ ל̇ ך̇ א̇ וסימן וארבעה ושלשים מאות וחמש אלף דספרא פסוקי סכום ג̇ מ̇ וסדריו י̇ב̇ ופרשיותיו תחיה *** EXODUS 1 ה ְמָ י֑ ָ ר צְ ִ מ֯ Exod 1:1 2 ח כ̇ MP 3 Ø MM ה 1 ְמָ י֑ ָ ר צְ ִ ]מ֯ = O D L M V R B 2 ה ְמָ י֑ ָ ר צְ ִ ]מ֯ = O D L M R B | < V 3 ה ְמָ י֑ ָ ר צְ ִ ]מ֯ Ø O D L M V R B 4 ֭ ן בֿוּלֻ ְ ז֯ ר ֥ ָ שכֿ ָ שׂ יִ
֭ ן בֿוּלֻ ְ ז֯ ר ֥ ָ שכֿ ָ שׂ ]יִ = O D B | ~ L V R M ֭ ן בוּלֻ זְ ר ֥ ָ שכ ָ שּׂ ֭ 5 יִ ן בֿוּלֻ ְ ז֯ ר ֥ ָ שכֿ ָ שׂ ]יִ ~ L D R ל̇ | ~ V בתור̇ פסוק̇ ד̇ י̇ מילין ד̇ מן | < O B M 6 ֭ ן בֿוּלֻ ְ ז֯ ר ֥ ָ שכֿ ָ שׂ ]יִ ~ B ל̇ | < O D L M [V?] R 7 ו י֑ ָ ח אֶ ל כָֿ וְ Exod 1:6 8 Ø MP 9 [ ]ל̇ אחיו וכל /4/ MMor ו 7 י֑ ָ ח אֶ ל כָֿ ]וְ = R | ~ O D L V B M יו ֔ ָ ח אֶ ל כָֿ ו 8 וְ י֑ ָ ח אֶ ל כָֿ ]וְ Ø L V M R | O D B ו 9 ל̇ י֑ ָ ח אֶ ל כָֿ וְ ] < O D L M V B 10 א ֥ ֵ ֿ ל מָּ ִ ת ֯ וַ Exod 1:7 11 ב̇ MP אותם הארץ ותמלא ( Gen 6:11) iii מפניהם | חמס הארץ ותמלא 12 ב̇ ותמלא /5/ MMor ( Exod 1:7) א 01 ֥ ֵ ֿ ל מָּ ִ ת ֯ ]וַ = O D L M V R | ~ B א ֥ לֵּ מָ ִ ת א 11 וַ ֥ ֵ ֿ ל מָּ ִ ת ֯ ]וַ = R | < O D L M V B 12 א ֥ ֵ ֿ ל מָּ ִ ת ֯ ]וַ < O D L M V B R 14 ה֭ מָ כְּ ַ ח ְ ֿת ֽ ִ נ֯ Exod 1:10 15 ל̇ MP 16 ל̇ נתחכמה MMu 14 ה֭ מָ כְּ ַ ח ְ ֿת ֽ ִ ]נ֯ = O D L M V R | ~ B ה֭ מָ כְּ ַ ח ְ ת  61 נִ ה֭ מָ כְּ ַ ח ְ ֿת ֽ ִ ]נ֯ = D M V R | < O L B 16 ה֭ מָ כְּ ַ ח ְ ֿת ֽ ִ ]נ֯ < O D L V B M R 17 ה ֗ בֶּ ְ ר יִ
ה 71 ֗ בֶּ ְ ר ]יִ = O D L V R B M 18 ה ֗ בֶּ ְ ר ]יִ O B V R ה̇ | L D א̇ מ̇ ב̇ דכות כי וכל ה̇ | M וכי כי וכל ה̇ ה 91 כות ֗ בֶּ ְ ר ]יִ = O L | ~ V (Weil 372) | < D M R B Edition 20 ֚ ףֿ נוֹסַ ֯ וְ Exod 1:10 21 ב̇ MP ( Jer 36:32) דברים עליהם נוסף וחד 22 iv בתו̇ ב̇ ונוסף /6/ MMor 20 ֚ ףֿ נוֹסַ ֯ ]וְ = O D L M V R B 21 ֚ ףֿ נוֹסַ ֯ ]וְ = V | ~ D ָ וא֗ ֗ בַ ג̇ | < O L M R B 22 ֚ ףֿ נוֹסַ ֯ ]וְ = D (Weil 3601) | < O L M V B R 23 ם ַ ח לְ נִ וְ
ם 32 ַ ח לְ נִ ]וְ = O D L M V R B 24 ם ַ ח לְ נִ ]וְ Ø O D B | ~ L ה̇ | M פתח ה̇ | V R ם 52 הַ ַ ח לְ נִ ]וְ = D L V M R
1 וּ ֥ יע֯ ִ ר פְֿ ַ תּ Exod 5:4 2 ל̇ MP 3 Ø MM וּ 1 ֥ יע֯ ִ ר פְֿ ַ ]תּ = O D L M V R B 2 וּ ֥ יע֯ ִ ר פְֿ ַ ]תּ = O D V | ~ L M R ל̇ ומל̇ | < B 3 וּ ֥ יע֯ ִ ר פְֿ ַ ]תּ Ø O D L M V R B 4 ם֯ ֽ ֶ תּ בַּ ְ שׁ הִ וְ Exod 5:5 5 ל̇ MP 6 Ø MM 4 ם֯ ֽ ֶ תּ בַּ ְ שׁ הִ =]וְ O D L M V R B 5 ם֯ ֽ ֶ תּ בַּ ְ שׁ הִ ]וְ = O D R | < L M V B 6 ם֯ ֽ ֶ תּ שׁבַּ ִ ח ]וְ Ø O D L M V R B 7i וּן פֿ֗ ֯ סִ ֹאֿ ֿת
וּן 7 פֿ֗ ֯ סִ ֹאֿ ]ֿת ~ O D L M R B וּן פ֞ ֹאסִ ת | V וּן פ֞ ֹאסִ ֽ וּן 8 ת פֿ֗ ֯ סִ ֹאֿ ]ֿת ~ O ל̇ | ~ B כן כת ל̇ | ~ R מל̇ ל̇ | ~ M ורפיא̇ א̇ כת כות ל̇ | ~ L ד̇ | ~ D בת וּן 9 ד̇ פֿ֗ ֯ סִ ֹאֿ ]ֿת = O (see note vii) | ~ B כן כת ל̇ תאספון | < L D M R 10 ים֙ קִ ֯ ֹﬠֲ צ Exod 5:8 11 דמי̇ בתו̇ ב̇ MP 12 Ø MM 10 ים֙ קִ ֯ ֹﬠֲ ]צ = O L M R B | ~ D L V ים֙ קִ ﬠֲ ֹֽ  11 צ ים֙ קִ ֯ ֹﬠֲ ]צ ~ O R ב̇ | L דמי קול וחס̇ ב̇ | D י ֣ ֵ מ ְ ד וֹל ק֚ ב̇ | M ודין אחיך דמי קול בתור̇ ב̇ | < B V 12 ים֙ קִ ֯ ֹﬠֲ ]צ Ø O D L M V R B
ים 31 ֖ ִ שׁ נָ אֲ ֯ הָ ל ]ﬠַ = V B(?) | ~ O D L M R ים 41 על- ֖ ִ שׁ נָ אֲ ֯ הָ ל ﬠַ ] ~ O D M V R ה̇ | < L B ל 51  ﬠַ ים ֖ ִ שׁ נָ אֲ ֯ ]הָ = D V R

שׂוּ 61 ֥ﬠֲ

ַ יֿ ]וְ = B | ~ D M V שׂוּ- ֥ﬠֲ יַ וְ | ~ O L R שׂוּ- ﬠֲ יַ שׂוּ 71 וְ ֥ﬠֲ ַ יֿ ]וְ = O M | ~ D V R ג̇ | < L B שׂוּ 81  ֥ﬠֲ ַ יֿ ]וְ = O M R
< L D B V 19 ם֯ ֗ ֶ תּ אַ Exod 5:11 20 פס̇ רא̇ ד̇ MP 21 Ø MM 19 ם֯ ֗ ֶ תּ ]אַ = O D L M V B | ~ R ם ֶ ֞ תּ  02 אַ ם֯ ֗ ֶ תּ ]אַ = O D L M (circellus without note) R | < V B 21 ם֯ ֗ ֶ תּ ]אַ Ø O L M V | D R B אתם היום נצבים אתם עשיתי אשר ראיתם אתם לכם קחו לכו פסוק רא̇ ד̇ אתם יהוה אום עדי 22 ע ֛ רָ֯ ֿגְ נִ Exod 5:11 23 לָ MP 24 קמץ ל̇ נגרע /4a, 4b/ MMfig-MMor ע 22 ֛ רָ֯ ֿגְ ]נִ = O D L M V R B 23 ע ֛ רָ֯ ֿגְ ]נִ = M V R | ~ O D ל̇ | < L B 24 ע ֛ רָ֯ ֿגְ ]נִ < O D L M V B R
ים 82 ֖ ִ שׂ ֹֿגְ נּ הַ ]וְ = O D L M V R B ים 92  ֖ ִ שׂ ֹֿגְ נּ הַ ]וְ = R | < O D L M V B ים 03  ֖ ִ שׂ ֹֿגְ נּ הַ ]וְ < O D L M V R

ים 13

֣ ֿ צִ ]אׇ = O D L M V R ים 23 B ֣ ֿ צִ ]אׇ = O D L M R | < V ים 33 B ֣ ֿ צִ ]אׇ < O D L M V R
וּ 24 ק֥ ﬠֲ צְ יִּ ]וַ = O D L M V R B 43 וּ ק֥ ﬠֲ צְ יִּ ]וַ Ø B M | O D L V R וּ 44 ז̇ ק֥ ﬠֲ צְ יִּ ]וַ = L (Weil 402) M R | < O D B V
x The list lacks but does not exist in the other manuscripts of our apparatus.

Case 2: f. 67 bis r, Exodus 5:4-5:15 (Weil 403) (Weil 433)

ה ֦ ֶ שׂ ֿתﬠֲ ה ֧מָּ לָ Exod 5:15 46 ֹ ֦ ד י̇ MP 47 Ø MM ה 54 ֦ ֶ שׂ ﬠֲ ַ ֿת ה ֧מָּ ]לָ = O D L M R B | < V ה- ֦ ֶ שׂ תﬠֲ ה ֧מָּ ה 64 לָ ֦ ֶ שׂ ﬠֲ ַ ֿת ה ֧מָּ ]לָ ~ O D L M R בטעם ]בזה[ ד̇ י̇ | V בטע̇ ד̇ | < B ה 74  ֦ ֶ שׂ ﬠֲ ַ ֿת ה ֧מָּ ]לָ Ø O D L V B R | M (
48 ן֙ ָ תּ ]נִ = O D L M V R | ~ B ן֙ ַ תּ  94 נִ ן֙ ָ תּ ]נִ see f. 67 bis v | ~ D M R ָ ד / ד̇ | < O L V B 50 ן֙ ָ תּ ]נִ ~ L D M R
יו 2 ֔ ָ ֿד בָ ﬠֲ ֣בֿ֯ ֿת-לֵ אֶ ]וְ = O D L R | ~ V B יו ֔ ָ ד בָ ﬠֲ ֣ב לֵ ת אֶ יו 3 וְ ֔ ָ ֿד בָ ﬠֲ ֣בֿ֯ ֿת-לֵ אֶ ]וְ ~ D L R ל̇ | < O V B ֿת- 4  אֶ וְ יו ֔ ָ ֿד בָ ﬠֲ ֣בֿ֯ ]לֵ Ø D L V R B | ~O (see alphabetical list on )ואת 5 י ֛ ִ ֿת ִ ֯ שׁ Exod 10:1 מלעיל וב̇ (Isa 16:3) כליל שתי (Jer 31:21) לבך (Exod 10:1) למען 6iii ג̇ MP 7 [= MP] MM י 5 ֛ ִ ֿת ִ ֯ ]שׁ O D L V R | ~ B י ִ ת ִ י 6 שׁ ֛ ִ ֿת ִ ֯ ]שׁ = O L V R | ~ D מלרע וחד מלעל ב̇ ג̇ | ~ B חס̇ י 7 ב̇ ֛ ִ ֿת ִ ֯ ]שׁ L R
ל 11 ֥ ַ יוּכֿ לא ֥ ]וְ ~ O D L V R B ֖ל ַ ל 21 יוּכֿ ֥ ַ יוּכֿ לא ֥ ]וְ Ø R B | O D L ד̇ (Weil 2268) ל 31  ֥ ַ יוּכֿ לא ֥ ]וְ ~ O נקרא כבר שהיה מה נראה כי והיה לשאת. עוד .ייי יכול ולא הארץ. עין את וכסה וסימנהון ד̇ יכול ולא | = V (but afterwards) | < D L R B
וּ 41 א֨ לְ ]וּמָ = O D L V R B 15 וּ א֨ לְ ]וּמָ Ø O L R B | D בתו]רה[ ג̇ | V פסוק̇ ראש בתו̇ וּ 61 ג̇ א֨ לְ ]וּמָ < O D L V R B 17 וּ ֖ ד בְֿ ﬠַ ַ יֿ וְ
וּ 71 ֖ ד בְֿ ﬠַ ַ יֿ ]וְ = O D L V R B 18 וּ ֖ ד בְֿ ﬠַ ַ יֿ ]וְ ~ O R D ל̇ | ~ V (circellus without MP) | < L B וּ 91  ֖ ד בְֿ ﬠַ ַ יֿ ]וְ Ø D L V R B | O (in
1 ףֿ קוֹ֑ ְ שׁ מַּ ַ ל-ה֯ ﬠַ ]וְ = O D L V R | ~ B ף ֑ ֹ ק ְ שׁ מַּ ל-הַ ﬠַ  2 וְ ףֿ קוֹ֑ ְ שׁ מַּ ַ ל-ה֯ ﬠַ ]וְ ~ L V R ל̇ | ~ O קר̇ דמי̇ מיח זוג̇ ו̇ ועל תלית על י תנ̇ אל | ~ D על וחד על וחד אל חד זוג̇ ו̇ ל̇ | < B ? 3 ףֿ קוֹ֑ ְ שׁ מַּ ַ ל-ה֯ ﬠַ ]וְ Ø L V R B | O D ועל וחד על וחד אל חד דמיין מיחדין זוג̇ ו̇ (= Frensdorff 89) 4 ֽהוּ לֻ ֺאכְֿ י Exod 12:8 5 חס̇ ד̇ MP 6 Ø MM ֽהוּ 4 לֻ ֺאכְֿ ]י = O D L V R ֽהוּ 5 B לֻ ֺאכְֿ ]י ~ L D V R חס̇ ד̇ | < O ֽהוּ 6 B לֻ ֺאכְֿ ]י < O D L V R B 7 וֹ בּֽ ְ ר ל-קִ ﬠַ וְ Exod 12:9 8 Ø MP 9 ל̇ קרבו ועל /1/ MMfig וֹ 7 בּֽ ְ ר ל-קִ ﬠַ ]וְ = O D L V R B 8 וֹ בּֽ ְ ר ל-קִ ﬠַ ]וְ Ø L D V R B | O D וֹ 9 ל̇ בּֽ ְ ר ל-קִ ﬠַ ]וְ < O D L V R B
) חס̇ ל̇ והנותר /2/ MMfig ר 01 ֥ ָ ֹֿת נּ הַ ]וְ = O D L V R B 11 ר ֥ ָ ֹֿת נּ הַ ]וְ Ø B | L וחס̇ ל̇ | V R חס̇ ל̇ | O חס̇ ג̇ | D בלש חס̇ ר 21 ג̇ ֥ ָ ֹֿת נּ הַ ]וְ D ותשבע ותאכל דמלכ̇ בניהם שמות דואלה תותירו ולא וסימנ̇ חס̇ ותתר נתרו והנתר | < O L B V R
13ii ה֘ כָֿ ָ כ֘ ֯ וְ Exod 12:11 14 ב̇ MP ( Exod 12:11) מתניכם אתו תאכלו וככה ( Neh 5:13) ורק נעור יהיה 15 ב̇ ככה /3/ MMfig

13 ה֘ כָֿ ָ כ֘ ֯ ]וְ = V | O D L B R ה֘ כָ כָ  41 וְ ה֘ כָֿ ָ כ֘ ֯ ]וְ D ב̇ | O L נעור יהיה ב̇ | < V R B 15 ה֘ כָֿ ָ כ֘ ֯ ]וְ D ב̇ וככה ורק נעור יהיה וככה אתו תאכלו וסימנהון | < O L V R
ים 61 ֗ ִ ר ֿגֻ ֲ ]ח = V | ~ O D L R ים ֔ ִ ר גֻ ֲ ח | ~ B ים ֗ ִ גוּר ֲ ים 71 ח ֗ ִ ר ֿגֻ ֲ ]ח Ø O | V מל̇ וחד חס̇ ב̇ ג̇ | R חס̇ ב̇ ג̇ | B חס̇ וב̇ מל̇ ל̇ | L ג̇ | D מל̇ וב̇ חסר חד ים 81 ג̇ ֗ ִ ר ֿגֻ ֲ ]ח ~ R חגרים מתניכם וסימנהון מל̇ וחד חס̇ ב̇ ג̇ חגרים עיני את ואשא דמשפטים איש מאות ושם | ~ D ]שמ׳ אתו תאכלו וככה וסימנ̇ חס̇ וחד מל̇ ב̇ ג̇ חגרים אופז בכתם חגרים ומתניו דשפטים איש מאות ושש | < O L V B 19iii ֿת ֹ֗ א ֯ לְ Exod 12:13 20 ו̇ וחס̇ ל̇ MP 21iv ו̇ חס̇ ל̇ לאת /4/ MMfig ֿת 91 ֹ֗ א ֯ ]לְ = O D L V R [[B]] 20 ֿת ֹ֗ א ֯ ]לְ ~ O D L חס̇ ל̇ | V (circellus without MP) | < R [[B]] 21 ֿת ֹ֗ א ֯ ]לְ < O D L B V R 22 י֙ ִ יֿת ִ ֙ א ָ ר וְ
22 י֙ ִ יֿת ִ א֙ ָ ר ]וְ = O D L V R [[B]] 23 י֙ ִ יֿת ִ א֙ ָ ר ]וְ Ø [[B?]] | O D L V R  42 י̇ב̇ י֙ ִ יֿת ִ ֙ א ָ ר ]וְ D L R (Weil 445) [[V?]] | < O [[B]]
ii The calligraphy of these accents is similarly made in V.

iii In B, the verse was forgotten and then added in the upper margin.

*ו*ן 52 ֖ ֹ אשׁ ִ ר ]הָ = L V | O D R ן ֖ ֹ אשׁ ִ ר הָ | < B וֹן ֖ אשׁ ִ ר *ו*ן 62 הָ ֖ ֹ אשׁ ִ ר ]הָ O D R חס̇ ל̇ | L חס̇ ב̇ | V ב̇ ואו חס̇ | < *ו*ן 72 B ֖ ֹ אשׁ ִ ר ]הָ Ø O D L R B | V מים
י 82 ֽ ִ ﬠ בִֿ ֯ ְ שּׁ ]הַ = O D L R V | ~ B י ֽ ִ יﬠ בִֿ ְ שּׁ י 92 הַ ֽ ִ ﬠ בִֿ ֯ ְ שּׁ ]הַ ~ L R בתור̇ חס̇ ג̇ | ~ O חס̇ ה̇ | ~ D חס̇ ח | ~ V מציעי יוד חס̇ ב̇ | < B 30 י ֽ ִ ﬠ בִֿ ֯ ְ שּׁ ]הַ ~ V אצם תרועה שופר ועברת העם וישבתו תשביתו חס̇ ה̇ השבעי האיתנים בירח השבעי להקוץ השישי עתי השישי | < O D? L R
31 אשׁוֹן֔ ִ ר הָ וֹם יּ֤ ]בַּ ~ O D L R B אשׁוֹן֙ ִ ר הָ וֹם יּ֤ וּבַּ | ~ V אשׁן֙ ִ ר הָ וֹם יּ֤  23 וּבַּ אשׁוֹן֔ ִ ר הָ וֹם יּ֤ ]בַּ Ø O L R | V B מצע̇ ו̇ חס̇ ב̇ | D ד̇ אשׁוֹן 33 ס̇ ִ ר הָ וֹם יּ֤ ]בַּ = O | ~ B בארבעה בראשן בליש בעינייניה ו̇ חס̇ ב̇ | < D? L V R
vi This note concerns the second הראשון of Exod 12:15 . There is an erased waw, like in L, and an additional graphic sign in V (perhaps indicating that it should be erased). The waw is missing in O and D. In B, the lemma is written plene, with waw. vii In B, the verse was forgotten and then added in the upper margin, without vowels. viii Probably a mistake, see note hereunder. ix This MP is misplaced and should be written instead of the previous one.

x See Weil 877. The notes concern the dagesh written in the shin of ל ֥ ֵ שּ וּבָֿ (missing in O, D, L, R and perhaps V xiii ). It means: "A verb is never connected to an adverb, except in famous expressions such as ידבר ר בֵ ַ ד (Exod 4:14 , i.e., an infinive absolute followed by a verb at the Imperfect becomes an adverb). That is why the term ל ֥ ֵ שּ וּבָֿ is punctuated [with a dagesh]." xiv Captions:

Unauthenticated

The lintel (of the front door of a house from Exod 12:7 ):

1 משקוף I Unleavened bread and bitter herbs will be eaten (from Exod 12:8 ):

יאכלהו ומרורים מצות IIa Matsot, unleavened bread (from Exod 12:8 ):

2 מצות IIb Pure animal roasted on fire (from Exod. 12:5 and 12:10):

xi Lemma written on f. 76r. xii מצת four times without waw (as vowel). xiii The examination of the manuscript is not possible. xiv According to P. Cassuto, the form in Exod 4:14 is a model to explain the form in Exod 12:9. Here is the idea: as MeVuShal is a Pu'al, hence U-VaSheL must be from the same bynian, an infinitive construct pi'el (with dagesh, hence ל ֥ ֵ שּ )וּבָֿ and not an adverbial form (without dagesh). Weil 4051) | אור והיה שבעת עליו ותבך הימ̇ שבעת את יאכל מצות וסימנהון ו̇ הימים שבעת אחריו ושל דיחזקאל החג ימי ושבעת לבנה R (Weil 4051) 4i ֿ ָך֥ יאֲ ִ ֽ ֯צ הוֹ Exod 13:09 (Weil 458) (Weil 459)

Ø MM ים 1 ֿ֑ ִ מ יָּ ֯ הַ ֿת ֣ ַ ﬠ בְֿ ִ ]שׁ = O D L V R ים 2 B ֿ֑ ִ מ יָּ ֯ הַ ֿ֣ת ַ ﬠ בְֿ ִ ]שׁ = L R | ~ D ו̇ | < O V ים 3 B ֿ֑ ִ מ יָּ ֯ הַ ֿ֣ת ַ ﬠ בְֿ ִ ]שׁ Ø O L V B | D (part of
5ii י̇ חס̇ ב̇ MP ( Deut 7:19) הנטויה 6 חס̇ ב̇ MMfig /1/ 4 ֿ ָך֥ יאֲ ִ ֽ ֯צ ]הוֹ ~ B ָך֧ יאֲ ֽ ִ הוֹצ | O D L V R ָך֥ אֲ ֽ ִ  5 הוֹצ ֿ ָך֥ יאֲ ִ ֽ ֯צ ]הוֹ = O L V R | ~ D הגדולות המסות כן כת ב̇ | B יוד  6 *חסר ֿ ָך֥ יאֲ ִ ֽ ֯צ ]הוֹ < O D L V R B 7iii הִ ֑ ָ ֿד מוֹﬠֲ ֯ לְ Exod 13:10 8 Ø MP 9 ל̇ למועדה /2/ MMfig 7 הִ ֑ ָ ֿד מוֹﬠֲ ֯ ]לְ = V B | ~ O? D L R הּ ֑ ָ ֿד מוֹﬠֲ  8 לְ הִ ֑ ָ ֿד מוֹﬠֲ ֯ ]לְ Ø V | L ל̇ | O R ומל̇ ל̇ | D מועדה וכל וחד ל̇ | B בתו̇  9 ל̇ הִ ֑ ָ ֿד מוֹﬠֲ ֯ ]לְ < O D? L V R B 10 ה ימָ ֿ ֽ ִ יָמ ים ֿ ֖ ִ מ יָּ מִ
ה 01 ימָ ֿ ֽ ִ יָמ ים ֿ ֖ ִ מ יָּ ]מִ = O D L V R B 11 ה ימָ ֿ ֽ ִ יָמ ים ֿ ֖ ִ מ יָּ ]מִ Ø D B | O D? L V R ה 21 ה̇ ימָ ֿ ֽ ִ יָמ ים ֿ ֖ ִ מ יָּ ]מִ = O L V R B (Weil 457) | < D 13iv ֿ ָך֤ ֯ אֲ ֽ ִ בֿ וְ Exod 13:11 14 י̇ וחס̇ ק̇ יבאך MP 15 Ø MM 13 ֿ ָך֤ ֯ אֲ ֽ ִ בֿ ]וְ = B V | ~ O D L R ֿ ָך֤ אֲ ֽ ִ  41 יְבֿ ֿ ָך֤ ֯ אֲ ֽ ִ בֿ ]וְ = V | ~ O D L חס̇ ל̇ | < R B (see MM) 15 ֿ ָך֤ ֯ אֲ ֽ ִ בֿ ]וְ Ø O D L V R | ~ B חסר
19 ר֙ ֯ ֹ מ ֲ ]ח = O D L V R B 20 ר֙ ֯ ֹ מ ֲ ]ח = O D L B | ~ V בתו̇ חס̇ ד̇ | < R 21 ר֙ ֯ ֹ מ ֲ ]ח = O | ~ L V חס̇ ד̇ בתו̇
ה 22 ֔ כָֿ ְ ד ֣֯ ]יָ = O D L V R | ~ B ה כָ ְ ד ה 32 יָ ֔ כָֿ ְ ד ֣֯ ]יָ = O L V B | < D R 24 ה ֔ כָֿ ְ ד ֣֯ ]יָ < O D L V B R 25 ֿת ֹ֖ פֿ טוֹטָ וּלְ Exod 13:16 26 Ø MP 27 ל̇ ולטוטפת /5/ MMor ֿת 52 ֹ֖ פֿ טוֹטָ ]וּלְ = O L R B | ~ D V ת ֹ֖ פ וֹטָ טֽ ֿת 62 וּלְ ֹ֖ פֿ טוֹטָ ]וּלְ Ø L R B | D כן כת ב̇ | O כן כת ל̇ | V ֿת 72 ג̇ ֹ֖ פֿ טוֹטָ ]וּלְ ~ B ודין שמע אם דוהיה בתראה ויו חס̇ ב̇ לטוטפת | V[?] ג̇ ולטוטפת לטוטפת והיה ובימנהון | < O D L R 28 ם ֣ ָ ח נָ Exod 13:17 29 קמץ ל̇ MP 30 [[ ]]ל̇ נחם /6/ MMfig ם 82 ֣ ָ ח ]נָ = O D L R V | ~ B ם ֥ ַ ח ם 92 נָ ֣ ָ ח ]נָ ~ O D L V ל̇ | < B R ם 03  ֣ ָ ח ]נָ ~ O ל̇ ם ָ ח נָ (in a list of casus lêt) | < D L V R B 31 ים ֗ ֹלהִ ֯ אֱ ר ֣ ַ מ אָ
ים 13 ֗ ֹלהִ ֯ אֱ ר ֣ ַ מ ]אָ = O D L V ים 23 B ֗ ֹלהִ ֯ אֱ ר ֣ ַ מ ]אָ ~ O D L ו̇ | ~ V ד̇ | < ים 33 B ֗ ֹלהִ ֯ אֱ ר ֣ ַ מ ]אָ (Weil 19) | < O D L V R B 34 ם ֥ ֵ ח נָּ יִ
ם 43 ֥ ֵ ח נָּ ]יִ O D L V R | ~ B ם ֥ ֵ ח נָ ם 53 יִ ֥ ֵ ח נָּ ]יִ Ø B R | O D L V ם 63 ד̇ ֥ ֵ ח נָּ ]יִ = O D V (Weil 1403) | < L R B ם ֥ ָ ֹֿת א ְ ר בִּ
ם 73 ֥ ָ ֹֿת א ְ ר ]בִּ = O D L V R B 38 ם ֥ ָ ֹֿת א ְ ר ]בִּ Ø R B | O L ג̇ | D מל̇ וחד חס̇ ב̇ ג̇ | V חס̇ ב̇ ם 93 ג̇ ֥ ָ ֹֿת א ְ ר ]בִּ = O D L
| < V R B 40 ים ֿ֛ ִ שׁ מֻ ֲ ח ֯ וַ Exod 13:18 41 וחס̇ חמשים וב̇ וחס̇ ל̇ MP 42 וחסר ל̇ וחמשים /8/ MMor ים 04 ֿ֛ ִ שׁ מֻ ֲ ח ֯ ]וַ = O D L V R ים 14 B ֿ֛ ִ שׁ מֻ ֲ ח ֯ ]וַ = D בלש ג̇ | ~ O ד̇ | ~ L V R B וחס̇ ים 24 ד̇ ֿ֛ ִ שׁ מֻ ֲ ח ֯ ]וַ ~ O R ובני ראובן בני ויעברו חמשים. תעברו ואתם ישראל. בני עלו וחסירין וסימנהון ד̇ וחמשים חמשים החמשים. קצה[ ]אל גד. | < D L V B ***

Other Texts

Caption:

( Exod 13:13) זכר חמור פטר I Correction in Exod 13:09: יהוה Addendum and correction in the margin on Targum of Exod 13:7 (by Elijah ha-Naqdan ):

Addendum in Exod 13:10 :

ֹ֭את ז הַ Addendum in the margin of the Targum in Exod 13:13 .

׃ יּהָ ֽ לֶ לְ ֽ ַ ח ְ תּ ֯ וַ Exod 20:25 2 וחס̇ ל̇ MP 3 Ø MM 1 יּהָ ֽ לֶ לְ ֽ ַ ח ְ תּ ֯ ]וַ = B | ~ O D L V R הָ ֽ לֶ לְ ֽ ַ ח ְ תּ  2 וַ יּהָ ֽ לֶ לְ ֽ ַ ח ְ תּ ֯ ]וַ = O D | ~ L V R B?  3 ל̇ יּהָ ֽ לֶ לְ ֽ ַ ח ְ תּ ֯ ]וַ Ø O D L V R B 4 י ֑ ִ ח בְּ
י 4 ֑ ִ ח בְּ זְ ]מִ = [[O]] D L V R [[B]] 5 י ֑ ִ ח בְּ זְ ]מִ Ø B | O D L V R י 6 ח ֑ ִ ח בְּ זְ ]מִ = R | < O [[D ?]] L (but Weil 2410) V B 7 ֿת ֔ ﬠִ בִֿ ֯ ְ שׁ ֙ וּבַֿ Exod 21:2 8 י̇ חס̇ ל̇ MP 9 י̇ [[ ]]חס̇ ל̇ ובשבעת MMl ֿת 7 ֔ ﬠִ בִֿ ֯ ְ שׁ ֙ ]וּבַֿ = V | ~ B ת ֔ ﬠִ בִ ְ שׁ וּבַ | ~ D ת ֔ ﬠִ בִ ְ שּׁ וּבַ | ~ O L R ת ִ ע֔ בִ ְ שּׁ ֙ ֿת 8 וּבַ ֔ ﬠִ בִֿ ֯ ְ שׁ ֙ ]וּבַֿ = O L R | ~ V כת ל̇ כן | ~ D B דחס̇ חס̇ ֿת 9 ל̇ ֔ ﬠִ בִֿ ֯ ְ שׁ ֙ ]וּבַֿ < O L [[D]] V R B 10 וֹ פּ֥ ֿגַ ֯ ם-בְּ אִ Exod 21:3 11 דס̇ ל̇ MP 12 Ø MM וֹ 01 פּ֥ ֿגַ ֯ ם-בְּ ]אִ = O D L V R B 11 וֹ פּ֥ ֿגַ ֯ ם-בְּ ]אִ ~ O L B אם אם בהון אם פס̇ י̇ב̇ (on lemma ,אם Weil 519) | ~ D R ג̇ (on ו פּ֥ ֿגַ ֯ ,בְּ like in L on ו פּ֥ ֿגַ ֯ בְּ in Exod 25:4) | < V B וֹ 21  פּ֥ ֿגַ ֯ ם-בְּ ]אִ Ø O [[D]] L V R B ר ֹ֤ מ ֯ אָ
ר 31 ֹ֤ מ ֯ ]אָ = O D L V R B 14 ר ֹ֤ מ ֯ ]אָ ~ D מל̇ וג̇ חס̇ ג̇ ו̇ | < O L V R B 15 ר ֹ֤ מ ֯ ]אָ ~ B יאמר אמר ואם ודין מצא לך שנאתה חס̇ ב̇ | < O [[D]] L (but Weil 1487) V R 16i ישׁוֹ֙ גִּ הִ וְ Exod 21:6 17ii Ø MP 18iii בפרש ב̇ והגישו MMl 16 ישׁוֹ֙ גִּ הִ ]וְ = O D L V R B 17 ישׁוֹ֙ גִּ הִ ]וְ Ø B |O ג̇ | D פסוק̇ ראש ל̇ | L בפסו̇ ב̇ | V ובפסוק ל̇ | R  81 ב̇ ישׁוֹ֙ גִּ הִ ]וְ < O [[D]] L V R B 19 ֑ה זוּזָ מְ ל-הַ אֶ Exod 21:6 20 Ø MP 21 דסמ̇ ל̇ המזוזה אל MMl ֑ה 91 זוּזָ מְ ל-הַ ]אֶ = O D L V B R 20 ֑ה זוּזָ מְ ל-הַ ]אֶ Ø O B | L V R ל̇ | D והמזוזה וחד ֑ה 12 ל̇ זוּזָ מְ ל-הַ ]אֶ < O [[D]] L V R B 22 ע ֙ צַ ָ ר וְ Exod 21:6 23 Ø MP 24 ל̇ ורצע MMl ע 22 ֙ צַ ָ ר ]וְ = O D L V R B 23 ע ֙ צַ ָ ר ]וְ Ø O V R B | D L ע 42 ל̇ ֙ צַ ָ ר ]וְ < O [[D]] L V R B 25 ַ ע ֔ צֵ ְ ר מַּ ֯ בַּ Exod 21:6 26 ל̇ MP 27 ל̇ MMl 25 ַ ע ֔ צֵ ְ ר מַּ ֯ ]בַּ = O D L V R B 26 ַ ע ֔ צֵ ְ ר מַּ ֯ ]בַּ = O D L | < V R B 27 ַ ע ֔ צֵ ְ ר מַּ ֯ ]בַּ < O [[D]] L V R B 28 ם ֽ ֹלָ ע לְ Exod 21:6 29 Ø MP 30 חס̇ ח י̇ והם iv יובל של עולם אל שאינו לפי חס̇ לעלם MMl ם 82 ֽ ֹלָ ע ]לְ = O D L V R B 29 ם ֽ ֹלָ ע ]לְ Ø V B R | O D חס̇ י̇ | L בתור̇ חס̇ ם 03 י̇ ֽ ֹלָ ע ]לְ = B טעם לעלם יובל של לעולמו רק ועד לעולם זה שאין חס̇ שהיא | < O [[D ?]] L (but
אֿת 13 ֥ ֵ צ ֯ ]כְּ = O D L V R אֿת 23 B ֥ ֵ צ ֯ ]כְּ = D L V R | ~ O השמש משה ג̇ | < אֿת 33 B ֥ ֵ צ ֯ ]כְּ = V | < O [[D?]] L (but Weil 1426) R B
37 הִ ֖ ָ ֿד ﬠָ ]יְ = O D L V R B 38 הִ ֖ ָ ֿד ﬠָ ]יְ Ø R B | O ד̇ | D L V  93 ג̇ הִ ֖ ָ ֿד ﬠָ ]יְ < O [[D]] L (but Weil 513) V R B
iv The first part of the note refers to a Jubileum יובל like in ועד לעולם and in the biblical commentary of Rashi , Ibn Ezra, and Mekhilta. This note is also in B.

v Erased text or non-text. בפלגותהון vi is the expected term. (Weil 535)

Unauthenticated

ֿ֣ת 1 נַ בְֿ ]לִ = O D L M V R B 2 ֿ֣ת נַ בְֿ ]לִ Ø V | L M R קמ̇ וחד פת חד ב̇ | O D ת לבנָ וחד ל̇ | B ֿ֣ת 3 ל̇ נַ בְֿ ]לִ ~ L
| < O [[D?]] M V R B 4 ר הַ ֿ ֹֽ ט לָ Exod 24:10 5 Ø MP 6 ורפ̇ ל̇ לטהר /2/ MMfig ר 4 הַ ֿ ֹֽ ט ]לָ = O D L M V R B ר 5  הַ ֿ ֹֽ ט ]לָ Ø M R B | ~ O D L V ר 6 ל̇ הַ ֿ ֹֽ ט ]לָ = O | < [[D?]] L M V R B 7 י֙ ילֵ צִ אֲ Exod 24:11 8 MP Ø 9 ל̇ אצילי MMu 7 י֙ ילֵ צִ ]אֲ = O D L M V R B 8 י֙ ילֵ צִ ]אֲ Ø M R B | O D V ל̇ | L  9 ב̇ י֙ ילֵ צִ ]אֲ < O D L (but
10 זוּ֙ ֱ ח  יֶּ ֽ ]וַ = D L M R | ~ B זוּ֙ ֱ ח יֶּ וַ | V זוּ֙ ֱ ֽח  יֶּ ֽ וַ | O זוּ֙ ֱ ֽח יֶּ  11 וַ זוּ֙ ֱ ח  יֶּ ֽ ]וַ = O D L ב̇ | ~ M אש בן ודין לך ויחזו ליש בתרי̇ ב̇ יחזו וֽ נפ̇ בן ויחזו | < V R B 12 זוּ֙ ֱ ח  יֶּ ֽ ]וַ O (Weil 3729) |< [[D?]] L (but Weil 3729) V R B 13 ה ֜ הוָ יְ ר אמֶ ֨ ֹ יּ וַ Exod 24:12 14 בט̇ י̇ב̇ MP 15 Ø MM ה 31 ֜ הוָ יְ ר אמֶ ֨ ֹ יּ ]וַ = O D L M V B | ~ R ה֙ הוָ יְ ר מֶ ֹא֚ יּ ה 41 וַ ֜ הוָ יְ ר אמֶ ֨ ֹ יּ ]וַ = O D L M V R < B 15 ר אמֶ ֨ ֹ יּ וַ ה ֜ הוָ ]יְ Ø O [[D?]] L (but Weil 439) M V R B 16 i ה ֔ וָ צְ מִּ הַ וְ ה֙ ָ
תּוֹר הַ וְ Exod 24:12 17 Ø MP ( 2Kgs 17:37) החקים ואת ( Exod 24:12) 18 דס̇ ב̇ והמצוה והתורה /3/ MMor (Weil 537)

16 ה֙ ָ תּוֹר הַ ]וְ = O D L M V R B 17 ה֙ ָ תּוֹר הַ ]וְ Ø O M V B | D L R  81 ב̇ ה֙ ָ תּוֹר הַ ]וְ D? L (Weil 536) | < O M V B 19 ם ֽ ָ ֹֿת הוֹר לְ Exod 24:12 20 ל̇ MP 21 ל̇ להורתם MMu 22 ל̇ להורתם /MMfig /4 ם 91 ֽ ָ ֹֿת הוֹר ]לְ = O L M B | ~ D V ם ֽ ָ ֹת וֹר הֽ ם 02 לְ ֽ ָ ֹֿת הוֹר ]לְ D L M V B כן וכת ל̇ | < O 21 ם ֽ ָ ֹֿת הוֹר ]לְ < O D L M V B
]וְ = O D L M V R | ~ B ֽים נִ ֵ ק זְּ ל-הַ אֶ ֤ים 42 וְ נִ ֵ ק זְּ ל-הַ אֶ ]וְ = O D L | < M V R ל- 52 B אֶ וְ ֤ים נִ ֵ ק זְּ ]הַ = O | < D L M V R B
ן 82 ֨ ֹ כּ ְ שׁ יִּ ]וַ ~ O D L M R B ן ֹ֤ כּ ְ שׁ יִּ וַ [[V?]] 29 ן ֨ ֹ כּ ְ שׁ יִּ ]וַ Ø O L B | D R ה̇ [[V ]]?ה̇ | M וא̇ חס̇ ד̇ ה̇ ן 03 מל̇ ֨ ֹ כּ ְ שׁ יִּ ]וַ L M V
31 ה֙ אֵ ְ ר ]וּמַ = O D L M V | ~ B ה אֵ ְ ר  23 וּמַ ה֙ אֵ ְ ר ]וּמַ Ø L B | O D R זֵ | M ודין האופנים ב̇ | V קמצ̇ [?] 33 ה֙ אֵ ְ ר ]וּמַ = O [[D?]] L (Weil 539) R | < M V B 34 חוּ קְ ֿ יִ וְ
חוּ 43 קְ ֿ יִ ]וְ = O D L M [[V]] R | ~ B וּ ֥ ח קְ יִ חוּ 53 וְ קְ ֿ יִ ]וְ ~ D L ו̇ | ~ O M רפ̇ ו̇ | R י̇ | < [[V]] חוּ 63 B קְ ֿ יִ ]וְ M (Weil 560) | < O [[D]] L (but Weil 560) V R (but Weil 1853) B ***

Other Texts

Uncertain (reading marks?):

iii ? ל̇ / ? ק̇ / ? ל̇ Addendum on Exod 24:9 (end of the verse) and on its Targum (beginning of the same verse) by Elijah ha-Naqdan.

ii There are two different lists probably combined here: the one וֹ ויקחו (Weil 560) and the list on the posal form ֺ י יקחו (Weil 1853). iii See Appendix 2, Graphic Signs. (Weil 558) (Weil 643

Unauthenticated

ים 11 ֛ ִ ד מֻּ ﬠַ ]הָ = O L M D V R ים 21 B ֛ ִ ד מֻּ ﬠַ ]הָ = M | ~ O חס̇ א̇ י̇ מ̇ ב̇ מל̇ כל̇ | L D R חס̇ א̇ י̇ | < V ים 31 B ֛ ִ ד מֻּ ﬠַ ]הָ = O R L M
ם 41 ֥ ֶ יה ֵ ֿד מּוּ֯ ]ﬠַ = L | ~ O D M V R ם ֣ ֶ יה ֵ וּֿד מּ֥ ﬠַ | ~ B ם ֣ ֶ יה ֵ ֿד מֻ ם 51 ﬠַ ֥ ֶ יה ֵ ֿד מּוּ֯ ]ﬠַ = O L M D V | < B 16 - ﬠַ ם ֥ ֶ יה ֵ ֿד ]מּוּ֯ ~ B מל̇ ד̇ עמודיהם | ~ O L M R
ים 31 ֑ ִ מּ סַ ֿת ֶ ר ֹ֣ ט ]קְ = O L D M R V | ~ B ים ֑ ִ מ סַ ֿת ֶ ר ֹ֣ ט ים 41 קְ ֑ ִ מּ סַ ֿת ֶ ר ֹ֣ ט ]קְ Ø M V B | O L D ד̇ | R ה̇ ים 51  ֑ ִ מּ סַ ֿת ֶ ר ֹ֣ ט ]קְ = O L (Weil 580) R ( )ה̇ | ~ D ̇(דwithout 2Chr 2:3) | < M V B 16 וֹ יבֿ֛ יטִ הֵ בְּ Exod 30:7 17 Ø MP 18 ומל̇ ל̇ בהיטיב MMu וֹ 61 יבֿ֛ יטִ הֵ ]בְּ = O L R B | ~ D M V וֹ יבֿ֛ יטִ ֽ ֵ ה וֹ 71 בְּ יבֿ֛ יטִ הֵ ]בְּ Ø O | D M V R B ומל̇ ל̇ | L וֹ 81 ל̇ יבֿ֛ יטִ הֵ ]בְּ < O D L M V R B 19 ֿת ֙ ֹל ﬠֲ הַ וּבְֿ Exod 30:8 20 Ø MP 21iii וחס̇ ל̇ ובהעלת MMu ֿת 91 ֙ ֹל ﬠֲ הַ ]וּבְֿ = O D L M V R B 20 ֿת ֙ ֹל ﬠֲ הַ ]וּבְֿ Ø B | O בהעלות וחד ל̇ | D L R ל̇ | D בלש =(ד̇ Weil 581) | M V וחס̇ ֿת 12 ל̇ ֙ ֹל ﬠֲ הַ ]וּבְֿ = O (CM) ל̇ ובהעלות ל̇ בהעלת | ~ D L (Weil 581) | < M V R B 22 ה[ ֑ ָ ח נְ ]וּמִ ֣ה ֹלָ ע וְ Exod 30:9 23 דס̇ ל̇ MP 24iv Ø MM ה 22 ֑ ָ ח נְ וּמִ ֣ה ֹלָ ע ]וְ = O D L M V R B 23 ה ֑ ָ ח נְ וּמִ ֣ה ֹלָ ע ]וְ = O | ~ D L V R ב̇ | < M B 24 ה ֑ ָ ח נְ וּמִ ֣ה ֹלָ ע ]וְ Ø L M V R B | O (CM) ל̇ ומנחה ועלה | D האולם דלתות סגרו גם עליו תעלו לא וסימנהון ב̇ ועלה
i Four cases announced but generally an additional case is also given. ii The list is composed of 4 instances and one additional. The last instance most likely contains a mistake: ומקדשים instead of .ומקטרים iii Elijah wrote probably a MP note instead of a MM note. iv The MM in D refers to the term ועלה (we-ʽolah).

Unauthenticated

]כּ = O D L M V R | ~ B ל ֹ֗ ל 73 כ ֹ֗ ]כּ ~ D ב̇ | ~ O פסו̇ ראש בטע̇ ב̇ | < L M V R B 38 ל ֹ֗ ]כּ < O D L M [[V]] R B **
ה 1 ָ ֣יח נִּ ]הַ = O D L M V R | ~ B ה ָ ֣יח נִ ה 2 הַ ָ ֣יח נִּ ]הַ Ø B | O L V R ב̇ | D והמישני ב̇ | M ה 3 ל̇ ָ ֣יח נִּ ]הַ < O [D?] L M [[V]] R B *** [ 4ii ל ֜ אֵ ָ ר ְ שׂ יִ וּלְ ק ֙ ָ ח צְ ֿ יִ לְ ם֩ הָ ָ ר בְ אַ ]לְ
4 ם֩ הָ ָ ר בְ אַ ]לְ = O D L M V R B 5 ם֩ הָ ָ ר בְ אַ ]לְ Ø O L B R | < D M V ֹ  6 ד ם֩ הָ ָ ר בְ אַ ]לְ = D M [V ?] (Weil 4147) | < O R B [ 7iii ל ֜ אֵ ָ ר ְ שׂ יִ ]וּלְ Exod 32:13 [ 8 ו̇ MP] 9 Ø MM ל 7 ֜ אֵ ָ ר ְ שׂ יִ ]וּלְ = O D L M V R B 8 ל ֜ אֵ ָ ר ְ שׂ יִ ]וּלְ = D L R | < [O?] M V B 9 ל ֜ אֵ ָ ר ְ שׂ יִ ]וּלְ Ø R | O D L M V B (
ץ 01 ֶ ר ֙ אָ ל-הָ כָֿ ]וְ = O D L M V R B 11 ץ ֶ ר ֙ אָ ל-הָ כָֿ ]וְ Ø O M B | < D L V R ץ 21 ה̇ ֶ ר ֙ אָ ל-הָ כָֿ ]וְ = R (Weil 310) < O [D?] L (but Weil 310) M [[V?]] B 13v ם ֽ ָ ֯ ֹל ע לְ Exod 32:13 14 ו̇ חס̇ ח י̇ MP 15vi Ø MM ם 31 ֽ ֹלָ ע ]לְ = O D L M V R B 14 ם ֽ ֹלָ ע ]לְ = O D L V | < M R B 15 ם ֽ ֹלָ ע ]לְ Ø O D L (but Weil 25) M R V | B לעלם
ֿת 61 ֖ ֻ ֿד ﬠֵ הָ ֿת ֥ ֹ ח לֻ ֛י נֵ ְ ]וּשׁ = O D L M V R B 17 ֿת ֖ ֻ ֿד ﬠֵ הָ ֿת ֥ ֹ ח לֻ ֛י נֵ ְ ]וּשׁ Ø O D V R B | L M ֿת 81 ג̇ ֥ ֹ ח לֻ ֛י נֵ ְ וּשׁ ֿת ֖ ֻ ֿד ﬠֵ ]הָ < O D L M V R B 19 ים֙ בִֿ ֯ ֻ ֿת כְּ Exod 32:15 20 חס̇ ו̇ MP 21 Ø MM 19 ים֙ בִֿ ֻ ֿת ]כְּ = O D L M V R B 20 ים֙ בִֿ ֻ ֿת ]כְּ O M R B חס̇ התו̇ \ אורי̇ כל | D חסר̇ ז̇ | < L V 21 ים֙ בִֿ ֻ ֿת ]כְּ Ø O D L M V R | < B כן כת ל̇ כתבים ל̇ \ חס̇ אוריתא כל כתבים 22 ים ֖ ִ ֹלה אֱ ה֯ ֥ ֶ שׂ ﬠֲ מַ Exod 32:16 23 דס̇ ל̇ MP 24 Ø MM ים 22 ֖ ִ ֹלה אֱ ה֯ ֥ ֶ שׂ ﬠֲ ]מַ ~ O D L M V R B ה ֥ ֵ שׂ ﬠֲ ים 32 מַ ֖ ִ ֹלה אֱ ה֯ ֥ ֶ שׂ ﬠֲ ]מַ ~ O D L M R ל̇ | < B V 24 ה֯ ֥ ֶ שׂ ﬠֲ מַ ים ֖ ִ ֹלה ]אֱ Ø D L M [V?] R B | O (CM) ל̇ אלהים מעשה

Other Texts

MM anticipating on הורד in Exod 33:5 : viii וסימ̇ ג̇ הורד V Captions quoting Exod 32:19 and describing the figurative form and its elements (the Mount; beneath the Mount, the unbroken and then the broken tables):

ההר I ההר תחת II אתם וישבר ה[לחת ]את מידו וישלך ההר תחת III
לוחות שברי IV Uncertain signs (reading marks?):

ix ל? Addendum of the entire verse of the Targum on Exod 32:14 , in the margin, not from Elijah ha-Naqdan . (Weil 603) ד ]ﬠֶ = M (Weil 2796) | < O [[D?]] L (Weil 2796) (Weil 604) O, ff. 76v, 77v-78r; in D, see Löwinger 1978, I, 177, 180-181; in L, ff. 52v-53r; in M, ff. 30r, 31r-31v, and Ortega Monasterio 2002, 143-145; in V, ff. 48v, 50v-51r; in R, f. 72v, 74r; in B, ff. 56r, 56v-57r. i From f. 102r. ii From f. 102r. (Weil 619) v This lemma in Exod 25: (Ginsburg 1883, II, list No. 564, 235) ***

19 ה֯ ֖ ָ ר פְּ כַֿ ]אֲ = O D L M V R B 20 ה֯ ֖ ָ ר פְּ כַֿ ]אֲ = L M V R | ~ O בתו̇ ב̇ פניו | D אמר כי ב̇ | < B 21 ה֯ ֖ ָ ר פְּ כַֿ ]אֲ Ø O D L M [[V?]] R B 22 י ֿ נִ ֣ ֵ ח מְ
י 22 ֿ נִ ֣ ֵ ח ]מְ = O D L M V R B 23 י ֿ נִ ֣ ֵ ח ]מְ = D L M V R | < O B 24 י ֿ נִ ֣ ֵ ח ]מְ < O D L M V R B 25 ֿ ָך֖ ְ ר פְֿ סִּ ֽ ִ מ Exod 32:32 26 ל̇ MP 27 ל̇ מספרך \6\ MMor 25 ֿ ָך֖ ְ ר פְֿ סִּ ֽ ִ ]מ = O D L M V R B 26 ֿ ָך֖ ְ ר פְֿ סִּ ֽ ִ ]מ = D L M V R B | < O 27 ֿ ָך֖ ְ ר פְֿ סִּ ֽ ִ ]מ < O D L M V R 28 נּוּ ֖ ֶ ח מְ אֶ Exod 32:33 29 ל̇ MP 30 ל̇ אמחנו \7\ MMor נּוּ 82 ֖ ֶ ח מְ ]אֶ = O D L M V R נּוּ 92 B ֖ ֶ ח מְ ]אֶ = O L M R | < D V נּוּ 03 B ֖ ֶ ח מְ ]אֶ < O D L M V R B 31 י ֽ ִ ר פְֿ סִּ מִ Exod 32:33 32 ל̇ MP 33 ל̇ מספרי \8\ MMor י 13 ֽ ִ ר פְֿ סִּ ]מִ = O D L M V R B 32 י ֽ ִ ר פְֿ סִּ ]מִ = D L M | < O V R B 33 י ֽ ִ ר פְֿ סִּ ]מִ < O D L M V R B
34 ר֚ ֶ שׁ ל-אֲ ]אֶ = V | ~ O D L M R B ר- ֶ שׁ אֲ ל֚  53 אֶ ר֚ ֶ שׁ ל-אֲ ]אֶ = D L V R | < O M B 36 ר֚ ֶ שׁ ל-אֲ ]אֶ = O L (Weil 602) | < D M [[V?]] R B 37 ףֿ ֹ֥ גּ יִּ וַ Exod 32:35 38 ל̇ MP 39 Ø MM 37 ףֿ ֹ֥ גּ יִּ ]וַ = O D L M V R B 38 ףֿ ֹ֥ גּ יִּ ]וַ = O | < D L M V R B 39 ףֿ ֹ֥ גּ יִּ ]וַ Ø O D L M V R B ֤ה הוָ יְ ר ֥ ֵ בּ ַ ד יְ וַ Exod 33:1 41 לאמר חס̇ ט̇ MP 42 Ø MM ֤ה 04 הוָ יְ ר ֥ ֵ בּ ַ ד יְ ]וַ ~ O D L M V R B D ֺה ֤ הוָ יְ ר ֙ בֵּ ַ ד יְ ֤ה 14 וַ הוָ יְ ר ֥ ֵ בּ ַ ד יְ ]וַ ~ L V R בתור̇ י̇ | ~ D בתו̇ ג̇ דחס̇ לאמר | < O M B 42 ֤ה הוָ יְ ר ֥ ֵ בּ ַ ד יְ ]וַ Ø O L M B | V וסי-
֯ ָ יֿת ֖ לִ ﬠֱ ]הֶ = O M R B | ~ D L V ָ ית ֖ לִ ﬠֱ ֽ ֶ  44 ה ֯ ָ יֿת ֖ לִ ﬠֱ ]הֶ = O D L R B | ~ V תנינא ית לִ ﬠֱ הֵ קדמא ג̇ ָ העלית | < M 45 ֯ ָ יֿת ֖ לִ ﬠֱ ]הֶ Ø O D M B | L V R
ד 94 ֤ ֵ ]הוֹר = O D L M V R B 50 ד ֤ ֵ ]הוֹר Ø O B | D L M R ג̇ | V אלהים המים אל ד 15 ג̇ ֤ ֵ ]הוֹר = [[D]] L M
ֿת 1 ֹ֣ א ְ ר ]לִ = O D L V M V R B 2 ֿת ֹ֣ א ְ ר ]לִ = O D M V R | < L B 3 ֿת ֹ֣ א ְ ר ]לִ = L (Weil 608) V B | < O D M R 1 In
13 ֹֿד֯ פֿ֖ אֵ לָ ] = V B | ~ O D L M R וֹד פ֖ אֵ  41 לָ ֹֿד֯ פֿ֖ אֵ ]לָ ~ D L M V R > | חס̇ וחד מל̇ ב̇ ג̇ O B 15 [ ֹֿד֯ פֿ֖ אֵ לָ M | < O D L V B R 16 וּ֯ ֔ שׂ ﬠֲ ֿ יַ וְ Exod 35:10 17 רפיין ג̇ MP 18 Ø MM 16 וּ֯ ֔ שׂ ﬠֲ ֿ יַ ]וְ = O D L M V R B 17 וּ֯ ֔ שׂ ﬠֲ ֿ יַ ]וְ = D L V | < O M R B 18 ֿ וּ֯ ֔ שׂ ﬠֲ ֿ יַ ]וְ Ø O D M R B | V L (
ָ שׁ ָ ר ת-קְ אֶ ]וְ = O D L M R B | ~ V יוְ ֔ ָ שׁ ָ ר ת-קְ אֶ יו 02 וְ ֔ ָ שׁ ָ ר ת-קְ אֶ ]וְ Ø O L M V R B | D ת- 12 ל̇ אֶ וְ יו ֔ ָ שׁ ָ ר ]קְ < O D L M V R B 22 ו֯ ֕ ָ יח ִ ר בְּ Exod 35:11 23 ק̇ חיו MP 24 Ø MM 22 ו֯ ֕ ָ יח ִ ר ]בְּ = O D L M R | ~ V וְ ֕ ָ יח ִ ר בְּ | ~ B ו ָ יח ִ ר  32 בְּ ו֯ ֕ ָ יח ִ ר ]בְּ = V D M | ~ O כן כת ב̇ | ~ L חס̇ ב̇ | < R B 24 ו֯ ֕ ָ יח ִ ר ]בְּ Ø O [[D]] M V R B | L
יו 52 ֖ ָ דּ ַ ֿת-בּ֯ אֶ ]וְ = O D L M R | ~ V יוְ ֖ ָ דּ בַּ | ~ B יו ֖ ָ דּ בַּ ֿת אֶ יו 62 וְ ֖ ָ דּ ַ ֿת-בּ֯ אֶ ]וְ ~ D L M V R ד̇ |< O B יו 72 ֖ ָ דּ ַ ֿת-בּ֯ אֶ ]וְ L (Weil 620) M V | < O [[D]] R
ֿת 82 ֧ ַ ֺר נ ]מְ = O D L M V R B 29 ֿת ֧ ַ ֺר נ ]מְ Ø O D L M V R B 30 ֿת ֧ ַ ֺר נ ]מְ < O D L M V R B

Other Texts

Uncertain signs (reading marks?):

ים 61 ֔ ִ ח ָ ֿת נְּ הַ ֯ ת ֚ ]אֵ = O D L M R | ~ B ים ֔ ִ ח ָ ֿת נְ הַ ת ֚ אֵ | ~ V ים ֔ ִ ח ָ ֿת נְ הַ ת ֨ ים 71 אֵ ֔ ִ ח ָ ֿת נְּ הַ ֯ ת ֚ ]אֵ ~ O ל̇ | ~ M הפדר ואת הנתחים את ראש את תנינ̇ הפדר ואת הראש ואת הנתחי̇ את קדמאה סימן | < D L V R ים 81 ֔ ִ ח ָ ֿת נְּ הַ ֯ ת ֚ ]אֵ < O D L M? V R B 19 ֯ ַ ֹח יחו֖ נִ Lev 1:9 20 מל̇ ג̇ MP 21 Ø MM 19 ֯ ַ ֹח יחו֖ ]נִ = O D L M V R | ~ B ַ ֺח יח  02 נִ ֯ ַ ֹח יחו֖ ]נִ = O M | ~ D L R בתו̇ מל̇ ג̇ | ~ M מל̇ ג̇ | < V B 21 ֯ ַ ֹח יחו֖ ]נִ Ø O D L M V R

Concluding Remarks

This edition tackles the prevailing disregard for the philological features of Ashkenazic biblical manuscripts by examining the material characteristics of some of these codices. It represents the first attempt ever made to trace and evaluate the transmission of Masoretic knowledge in northern France. As described above, this know ledge, can be transmitted through micrographical figurative designs and shows to what extent the Masorah of Ben Asher Codices was followed in Europe.

A comparison between the Masoretic notes on Exodus located within figurative forms in Vat14 and the Masorah on Exodus found in a group of eastern Tiberian manuscripts (O, D, L, M) made it possible to create a critical apparatus, and therefore to evaluate how influential the standard Tiberian sources apparently had been on Elijah ha-Naqdan. Going one step further, the use of V, R and B in the apparatus introduces the possibility of interrogating early medieval Ashkenazic sources that might reflect an expanded Tiberian tradition. The thirteen case studies I examined are not sufficient to draw definitive or general conclusions on the Masoretic tradition transmitted by Vat14. A critical edition of the entire manuscript is needed before this can happen. Nonetheless, this partial edition sheds light on several issues, and suggests further steps for investigation.

I/ There is a close philological link between the Masorah of Vat14 and those of the eastern Tiberian sources

This critical edition demonstrates that, in the majority of cases I examined in Vat14, not only was it possible to identify the Masoretic notes but they were comprehensive and presented strong parallels with those of the oldest eastern Tiberian codices (O, D, L). Furthermore, this led me to discover a list of Masoretic notes compiled in the Sefer Ochlah we Ochlah. 1 More research is needed in order to ascertain whether or not this list was copied directly from an independent codex. Although this question lies beyond the scope of the present study, the present edition nevertheless strongly suggests that Naqdan had access to manuscripts containing ancient material. In particular, one of the notes that Elijah wrote in the margin of Vat14 (Vat14, f. 256r) provides evidence that, while reviewing a segment of text, he made a comparison with a Masoretic note (or biblical passage?) 2 in a yashan noshan mugah, a very old corrected Masoretic Bible (or exemplar). 3 Is this a reference to an older Ashkenazic manuscript used as an exemplar in the area where Elijah was copying Vat14 or was it his way of referring to a model codex in the Ben Asher Tiberian tradition? 4 Although it is not possible to answer this question here, it certainly seems probable that Elijah was familiar with Tiberian sources.

Comparing Vat14 to other Ashkenazic manuscripts (V, B and R) has familiarized me with their numerous variants. My edition demonstrates i) that Vat14 has both Ben Asher Tiberian philological features and other features which I will call for now 'Anglo-Norman', ii) that V and B also present Ben Asher Tiberian philological features but include more Anglo-Norman features than Vat14, and iii) that R displays only Ben Asher Tiberian philological features and has almost none of the Anglo-Norman features that appear in Vat14, V and B. 5 There is much that we do not know about the origins of these variants, and this is largely due to the fact that not many of the oldest Hebrew sources produced in Europe have survived. In the frame of reference defined by the two hypotheses of European Masoretic transmission which I proposed in the Prologue, 6 these elements (i, ii, and iii) could be interpreted both as local developments of the Ben Asher Tiberian tradition in northern France and as surviving traces of a preexisting non-standard Tiberian tradition, or indeed as exhibiting the hypothetical influence of non-Tiberian traditions. I am inclined to agree with the first interpretation, mostly in light of the fact that the variants of Vat14, V and B seem to be different from those found in Codex Reuchlinianus, which scholars consider to be representative of the non-standard (expanded) Tiberian tradition produced in Europe. 7 Nevertheless, the variants found in Vat14, V and B call for further research in 3 In general, the term mugah הּ( גָּ )מֻ was used to describe an attribute of Masoretic Bibles in general but it could also refer to a 'model' codex. See Appendix 2, Annotations. 4 The sole purpose of exemplar manuscripts or model codices was to preserve the entire biblical tradition, i.e., both the written and the reading traditions. They were used as models for the copy of other manuscripts (or Torah Scrolls) and each region had books which were considered authoritative and copies were made of them. Olszowy-Schlanger 2012b, 23; Khan 2012, 7-8. 5 R, which is related to Vat. Ebr 468 and dated 1215, is written in an Ashkenazic palaeographical script. Its Masorah is closer to the Masorah of O, D, and L than to the Masorah of Vat14, V and B. In this case too, these differences may be explained by the manuscript's material and cultural context: La Rochelle was a famous Atlantic harbor, and this maritime activity may have meant that a number of manuscripts were in circulation, along with other goods. Although he wrote in an Ashkenazic script, the scribe may have had more contact with non-Ashkenazic manuscripts (and therefore been more familiar with the Tiberian tradition). 6 See end of the Prologue. the fields of grammar, linguistics, vocalization, 8 Masoretic notes (specific Masoretic annotations from England or northern France) and Hebrew paleography. 9 In the perspective of textual anthropology, the variants that exist between the four Ashkenazic (Vat14, V, B and R) and the eastern manuscripts that I have examined could also be explained by the original purpose of these manuscripts and the kinds of sources they were copied from. Of course, the fact that the scribes themselves did not leave us any direct information on these questions means that any interpretation is necessarily speculative. It is known in the particular case of Vat14, that R. Asher, the manuscript's patron, wanted Elijah to make a copy of a Pentateuch with Five Scrolls and Haftarot (as opposed to a complete Bible), whether because this kind of Bible had become traditional in Ashkenazic communities 10 or because they had a specific purpose (for the liturgy, to study, or for teaching children or women?). 11 Elijah mentions that he had a look into a mugah (exemplar) in one specific case (f. 256r, see above). This small annotation might be an indication that he was not copying Vat14 from a complete Masoretic Bible but directly from another 'Pentateuch-Five Scrolls-Haftarot' exemplar.

II/ The presence of figurative elements in the Masorah represents neither a loss nor a distortion of Masoretic knowledge, but instead illustrates a development in the transmission of the Masorah

As this critical edition demonstrates, the use of figurative Masorah in Vat14 does not imply a loss of Masoretic knowledge or a semantic distortion of the Masorah. Only two of the 160 biblical lemmas which I edited in this book and which were the subject of a MP or/and MM note, were illegible figurative Masoretic notes (Case 1: marks I and II; Case 11: marks II). 12 All the other textual uncertainties highlighted by the present edition (e.g. illegible passages, unidentified text or unclear graphic signs) are independent from the use of figurative or ornamental micrographic forms. 13 In other words, Vat14 is a northern French manuscript dated 1239, where the use of figurative forms is not at odds with the transmission of the Masorah in the Ben Asher Tiberian tradition: instead, its Masoretic notes are comprehensive and do not really depart much from the Ben Asher Tiberian tradition.

However, I have to add two additional points: first, my preliminary work may create the impression that there are fewer MP and MM notes in manuscripts Vat14, B, and V than in the Ben Asher Tiberian manuscripts I examined (O, D, L, M, or indeed R, as the apparatus shows). In other words, it may seem that annotations are relatively scarce in the Ashkenazic Anglo-Norman manuscripts I examined (Vat14, B, V). 14 However, it should be noted that we still do not know what constituted the model codex of the Anglo-Norman Jewish community 15 between the 11 th and the 12 th centuries. 16 It would be an overinterpretation to assume that this lack of sources necessarily points to the Anglo-Norman Ashkenazic community's lack of biblical, grammatical or Masoretic knowledge. During Elijah ben Berechiah ha-Naqdan's lifetime, the activities of Moshe Yom Tov of London 17 (author of the Masoretic tretease Sefer Derakhey ha-Niqud we ha-Neginnah) and his disciple Moshe ben Isaac ha-Nessiya (author of the biblical dictionary Sefer ha-Shoham) had fostered the creation of a thriving grammatical and Masoretic school. 18 Second, as Levita pointed out, 19 the masran (i.e., the scribe who specialized in the addition of Masoretic notes) also produced figurative forms involving both drawing and writing, which sometimes required the repetition of some occurrences inside a Masoretic list 20 or the inclusion of related biblical verses. 21 We found very few instances of truncated or unidentified Masoretic notes. 22 The Masoretic notes included in the figurative forms of Exodus in Vat14 are almost invariably related to lemmas located inside the same folios where they appear. If a lemma does appear on a previous or following folio of its associated figurative form, this does not disrupt the text's philological discourse. Instead, such discrepancies are considered to constitute isolated occurrences, just as in manuscripts without figurative Masorah, where they can also be found. In one specific case (see Case 8), Elijah ha-Naqdan seems to have elaborated a special figurative form, by using a collection of Masoretic notes related to the word 'amudim (pillars) in order to draw an architectural structure (i.e., the gates and pillars of the court of the Tabernacle). This creates a relationship between the figurative form he drew and the Masoretic list he chose.

***

In conclusion, this critical edition demonstrates that in the 13 th century, the Ben Asher Tiberian tradition was comprehensively transmitted to the Ashkenazic community through figurative and ornamental forms. The ornamental or figurative textualization of the Masorah, which is a specific characteristic of Ashkenazic artefacts from the 13 th century onwards, probably did not originally impede the transmission of Masoretic knowledge, so much as represent a singular development in the transmission of the Ben Asher tradition. I show in another publication that the function of these figurative forms was not simply decorative. Instead, they had a range of uses, including illustrating the main text, helping with memorization, alluding to Rabbinic Medieval biblical literature, and challenging Masorah learners and experts. 23 The departures from the Ben Asher Masoretic tradition which my critical apparatus highlights probably reveal how difficult it was to homogenize and standardize the Masorah during the Middle Ages. Local scribal subtraditions probably go some length toward explaining this fact. Nevertheless, the dearth of studies on Ashkenazic Bibles and the late medieval Masoretic tradition in Europe suggests that it may be worth considering the possibility that some of these variants may be evidence of a specific northern French tradition. If so, this may have implications for our understanding of the exegesis and the rabbinical commentaries of the period, particularly on those of Rashi and his school.

Parchment

The parchment used is medium thick. Despite the shaving traces visible on both sides, it is possible, as it is common in Ashkenaz, to distinguish between the flesh side (white and smooth) and the hair side (grey and lint). 8 Sometimes, the grain is equally visible. Some 42 holes are visible, some of which being stitched. 9 Another portion of parchment was used to complete the beginning (ff. 1-3). The last folio (f. 292v) is strongly damaged.

Ink

Elijah, the principal scribe, used a brown ink for text and Masorah (even figurative), and for some marginal annotations as well as for some embellishments. Other hands, two of which, wrote in the margins with several types of brown and dark brown ink. One later hand (Italian, 16 th century) used a grey ink (f. 45r-v, 56v, 57r, 59v, 226r). Some initials 10 were probably originally decorated by Elijah himself in a brighter ink (for instance f. 199v). Colored pigments (red, blue, and gold) were superposed afterwards. 11 These colors were used to differentiate and embellish the internal section of each book.

Quires

All quires are quaternions, 12 except quire No. 19, which is a ternion. They are complete except quire No. 1, which lost four folios at the beginning (replaced by a later hand), and the last quire, which lost three folios at its end. Folio 292r lost its left part, leaving the colophon partly incomplete. Catchwords are inserted at the end of each quire and there is no systematic method of decoration of it. 13 According to these, the text is complete. As usual, these catchwords are sometimes decorated. 14 In the organization of the quires, the 'rule of Gregory' is respected. 8 Beit-Arié 1981 [1977], 22-23. 9 Holes: ff. 24, 31, 32, 33, 34, 36, 39, 42, 60, 61, 63, 65, 68, 72, 79, 80, 92, 110, 115, 117, 121, 123, 129, 133, 139, 144, 150, 195, 207, 218, 223, 228, 234, 244, 250, 265, 266, 267, 269, 273, 288, 289. Stitched wholes: 9, 31, 32, 52, 65, 66, 67, 69, 82, 85, 86, 104, 107, 111, 113, 114, 134, 135, 136, 151, 291. 10 Decorated word at the beginning of book, a Parasha, a section. 11 Colored pigments on headings: ff. 7r, 12r, 17r, 23r, 27r, 31r, 44v, 49r, 55r, 60r, 63v, 72v, 77v, 85v, 94r, 98r, 104r, 109v, 113r, 117v, 121r, 122v, 125v, 127v, 131r, 138r, 140r, 143v, 149r, 155r, 161r, 166r, 170r, 173v, 178r, 191v, 196r, 199v, 204r, 209v, 214v, 219v, 223v, 228v, 234v, 238r, 240v, 242v, 244r, 246r, 248v, 252. 12 A common feature in Ashkenaz, Beit-Arié 1981 [1977], 43. 13 Halperin 2014, 327 and 344. 14 Beit-Arié 1981 [1977], 54. Pricking, Ruling There are only partial pricking traces on the outer margins, since the manuscript was trimmed. 15 Ruling is made with a hard point on the hair side of each folio. 16 The structure of the ruling is complex entailing a grid with additional lines. In general, there are 31 ruled lines for 30 written lines, the last ruled line remains usually unwritten.17

Unauthenticated

Mise en page, mise en texte The written text as well as the Masorah follows the ruling. Generally, the main text is laid out in three columns (185 × 45 mm each, with interspaces of 12 mm), but not in all cases. For instance, there is one column in a 'chessboard' layout on f. 79v (Shirat ha-Yam, Exod 15:1-18 ) and as well as between Deut 31:27 and Deut 31:30 (Song of Devorah) ; two columns in 'chessboard' layout at the beginning of the parasha Ha'azinu (Deut 32:1-32:43 ). The Aramaic verses alternate verse-by-verse with Hebrew ones, but several irregularities have been observed. 18 The Masora Magna in the upper margins is always written following the ruled line, whereas in the lower margins, it does not follow the ruling and displays an array of waves, geometric elements and sixty-four figurative elements, replacing the regular layout. The Masora Parva is always located at the right of the column in each verso side and at the left of each column in each recto side. 19 Justification of the left and right margins is always respected because of the presence of the Masora Parva, whereas at the end of the book, this justification becomes centralized on the page and takes the shape of an upside down triangle or 'cul-de-lampe'. There are very few protruding lines (half a letter). Generally, letters are elongated at the end of the lines (like the ῾ayin, 'alef, he, ḥet, taw, lamed, mem sofit), anticipating the next line. A specific graphic sign can be used to fill the empty space. This mise en texte is present to direct the eyes and guide the reading. 20 The first word at the beginning of the Parasha, of each of the Scrolls and of the first Haftarah, are four times larger than the average letter. 21 The size of the script is similar for Hebrew or Aramaic text. Blank spaces also reproduce the ancient division into paragraphs, similar to that of the Torah Scrolls (open and closed sections). The punctuation used is the classical two dots (:) after each verse, Hebrew or Aramaic. Corrections are rare but have been made by the scribe, in square script, when biblical or targumic words have been forgotten and introduced by a specific graphic sign (e.g. f. 35r).

Graphic designs

A lot of graphic elements from this manuscript have been mentioned by N. Golb. Nevertheless, the list of figurative elements is incomplete and there are more of them which are either of micrographic nature or simply drawn. 22 There are 64 figurative micrographic elements (detailed in the table hereunder). In Genesis, there are 21 micrographic elements; in Exodus, 12 elements; in Leviticus, 4 elements; in Numbers, 8 elements; in Deuteronomy, 19 elements. Simple drawings (see SD in the table below) are also present instead of a micrographic figurative element, as well as ornamental Masorah (waves, geometric patterns), 23 and additional drawings inspired perhaps from Latin manuscripts from Rouen. 24 codices and scrolls are clear, even if the biblical codex is, in itself, a departure from the strict rules of liturgical scrolls (Olszowy-Schlanger 2012b, 28). 22 See Golb 1976, 144, n. 411. Golb's list is partial as he has mentioned some non-micrographic drawings but forgot others. See Attia (forthcoming) for the analysis of some figurative forms in Genesis. 23 The main ornamental pattern is made up of slight waves in the lower margins, every two to four folios, instead of regular horizontal lines. Some geometrical (round or triangular forms) occur as well but a lesser extent. 24 Golb 1976, 144, n. 413; Golb 1998, 435. 25 A last phenomenon in Vat14, found also in B, is a frequent use of the letters 'ל and 'ק in the external margins of the folios. 40 Our critical edition did not succeed in interpreting these marks according to their classical meaning, i.e., casus lêt (hapax) for the first and the mark of a qere for the last. The meaning of these two written signs remains unclear. As an hypothesis, this two marks may be some witnesses of an oral teaching.

Annotations, corrections Diffe rent hands added notes, corrections, and explanations. These marginal notes were identified by Golb,41 and were erroneously all attributed to Elijah ha-Naqdan . There are, at least, two or three different annotators. The annotations that are clearly made by Elijah are on ff. 75v (edited in the edition), 124r, 173v, 177r, 180v, 241v, f. 256r, whereas those which may be by the hand of Elijah, in his cursive script, on ff. 13r, 17r, 27r, 179v, 240v, 254r or 256r, 259v, 275r and 292r. One of them, on f. 256r, is clearly written in the semi-cursive script similar to the script used in the colophon on f. 292r. This note (f. 256r) is of a great interest because Elijah refers to the massoret (the Masoretic note or the biblical text) [START_REF]Nb Folio (Vat14) Subject Biblical text from the folio 53 235v Alph[END_REF] of an old Masoretic Bible (yashan noshan mugah), i.e., ל]אל[ ש]בח[ חמישי אלף לפרט צ"ט שנת אב בחדש כ"א ג' ביום וסיימתיהו means "I finished [this book] on the third day [Tuesday], 21 st of the month of Ab of the year 99 according to the small count [of the] fifth millennium, praise to the Lord." Accordingly, the manuscript should be dated from 1339, if we read 99 as 5099, but it has been interpreted as 4999, i.e. 1239, essentially for chronological and palaeographical reasons. 56 N. Golb supported the date of 1239 and was followed by Richler, as stated in his catalogue, despite the fact that the day of the week does not match with Tuesday. 57 A. Neubauer also suggested the date 1219 [i.e. 9794 = ]עט which gives the correct day of the week mentioned in the colophon (Tuesday), 58 but in my opinion, the paleographical ductus of the letter Ayin is unrecognizable here.

Hebrew script

The scribe uses the following scripts: 1) a calligraphic square script (see Plates 1-13), Ashkenazi type, of a Northern French type, similar to the script of MS Or. Quart. 9 , 59 2) a bookhand semi-cursive script, 60 3) a possible cursive script in some annotations f. 263r and f. 281v (see before). The vowels and accents are written according to the Tiberian system. 56 Elijah, son of a scholar of the 12 th century, may have not lived in the 14 th century, his script show s clear features of Gothic northern French script form the 13 th century, and the MS , written by the same scribe, is dated according to the same system (see Appendix 3). 57 The 21 st Av of 4999 is a Sunday. 58 Neubauer 1890a, 520. 59 Engel 2010; Engel 2014; Olszowy-Schlanger 2003, 128. Further palaeographical research is required on the sub-geo-cultural areas of Ashkenaz. 60 See Golb 1976, Plate 18.

Ink

A dark brown ink is used, turning sometimes to orange. The Masorah is written in a lighter brown ink after f. 137.

Quires

The manuscript is made up of 18 quaternions, 4 ternions (quires No. 11, 16, 23, 25) and 3 quinions (quires No. 4, 12, 18). The first and the last ternions are incomplete (one folio is missing in each). If the difference between the sides is visible, the 'rule of Gregory' is respected. Oftentimes, the first recto and last verso of a quire are bright and shiny. A majority of quires end with a catchword made up of one or two words, anticipating the first word(s) of the next folio. Nonetheless, some catchwords had been cut. 6 Pricking, Ruling The pricking for the ruling is sometimes visible only in the outer margins of each recto side of the folio, when the parchment has not been trimmed. The ruling was made with hard point more frequently on flesh sides, which are brighter in appearance. A grid supplemented by additional lines composes three small columns of text. There are 30 or 31 ruled lines and generally 29 written lines.

Mise en page, mise en texte

The written text is generally arranged in three small columns (21 mm) and the manuscript resembles the Masorah like Vat14: most of the ornamental or figurative micrographical drawings are located in the lower margins. The 'chessboard' layout is employed like in Vat14 on f. 43v (Shirat ha-Yam, Exod 15:1-18 ), on f. 128v (Ha'azinu , but in two main columns) and on f. 267r (Song of Devorah). On the contrary to Vat14, there are no specific Initial word panels at the beginning of each book. A space of ten ruled lines is left blank before a new biblical book. The word Hazaq (be fortified!) is often written at the end of a biblical book. Sometimes, a decorative drawing is placed before the beginning of the next book. Blank spaces are visible for the closed and open sections of the Torah readings. The end of the lines are completed like in Vat4.

Graphic elements

The ornamental patterns are similar to Vat14. The manuscript exhibits ornamental Masorah (small waves) in most of its lower margins. In addition, 23 figurative micrographic elements are drawn (12 in Genesis and 14 in Deuteronomy). Among these 23 elements, only vegetal, animal or architectural elements are drawn. Only the micro-

7

  See the Introduction for further definitions. 8 Martín-Contreras 2013. 9 Cf. Liss, on-line MTK presentation. 10 I am referring to the PhD of my colleague Kay J. Petzold, Die Idee des einen Textes. Die frühe Masorah der Hebräischen Bibel bei den mittelalterlichen jüdischen Bibelkommentatoren. Untersuchung schrifttragender Artefakte der Masorah und ihres Verhältnisses zur Rezeptionspraxis der Hebräischen Bibel anhand ihrer Benutzung und Kommentierung durch Rav Shlomo Yitzchaki (Rashi) conducted within the framework of Subproject B04. 11 SFB 933 International Conference, Subproject B04: Text-Image Relationship and Visual Elements in Written Hebrew Sources from the Middle Ages to Early Modern Period, Heidelberg, 10-12 November 2013.

  The 'MMor /1/' note is a Masora Magna note located in an ornamental form, see figure No. 2, arrow 1.2. In each figure, the Arabic numbers(1, 2, 3) juxtaposed to the arrows correspond to the numbers indicated in the edition after MMfig or MMor (MMfig /1/, /2/, /3/, etc.) Roman numbers (I, II, III) correspond to non-Masoretic notes edited at the end of the section (see the section 'Other Texts').

Figure 1 :

 1 Figure 1: Case 1, lower margin with captions

Case 2 :

 2 f. 67 bis r, Exodus 5:4-5:15 Two stars (Moshe / Aharon), Key of David's house Plate 2: MS BAV, Vat. Ebr. 14, f. 67 bis r © 2014 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana

  Figure 2a: Case 2, lower margin with captions

Figure 2b :

 2b Figure 2b: Case 2, external margin with captions

13 ים

 13 ֖ ִ שׁ נָ אֲ ֯ הָ ל ﬠַ Exod 5:9 14 בק̇ ה̇ MP וחבירו (Exod 5:9) האנשים על העבודה תכבד 15 וסימניהון דסמיכין ה̇ האנשים על /2/ MMfig viii ( 1Chr 19:5) לדו]י[ד ויגידו ]ו[ילכו ( Zeph 1:12 / Zeph 1:10) ההוא ביום והיה [?]

25

  ץ ֥פֶֿ יָּ וַ Exod 5:12 26 בק̇ ג̇ MP אתם ]ייי[ ויפץ }אתם{ ייי (Exod 5:12) בקריה }בקריה{ ג̇ 27 ויפץ }ויפ{ /5a, 5b, 5c/ MMfig (1Sam 13:8) העם אתם (Gen 11:8) ץ 52 ֥פֶֿ יָּ ]וַ = O D L M V R B 26 ץ ֥פֶֿ יָּ ]וַ ~ O M V R ג̇ | ~ D ויוחל לקשש משם ג̇ | < L B ץ 72  ֥פֶֿ יָּ ]וַ = B M | < O D L 28 ים ֖ ִ שׂ ֹֿגְ נּ הַ וְ Exod 5:13 29 ל̇ MP 30 ל̇ והנגשים /6a, 6b/ MMfig-MMo

13 )

 13 ביומו יום דבר מעשיכם כלו 35 וסימניהון קמץ וחד פתח ל̇ כלו /8a (twice)/ MMfig ( Ps 72:20) ישי ]בן[ דוד תפילות }תפ{ כלו וא̇ /8b/ וּ 33 לּ֤ ]כַּ = O D L M V R | ~ B וּ לּ֤ וּ 43 כַ לּ֤ ]כַּ = L D M V B | < O B 35 וּ לּ֤ ]כַּ < O D L V R B | ~ M (on 5:13, an alphabetical list of terms, the verses with כלו are listed) 36 וּ כּ֗ יֻּ וַ Exod 5:1437 [ ]ל̇ ויכו /9/ MMfig= MP 38 Ø MM וּ 63 כּ֗ יֻּ ]וַ = O D L M V R | ~ B וּ יֻכ֗ וּ 73 וַ כּ֗ יֻּ ]וַ O L V R B ל̇ D וחס̇ ל̇ | < M 38 וּ כּ֗ יֻּ ]וַ Ø O D L י̇ עליהם /10/ MMor ם 93 ֶ ה֔ לֵ ]ﬠֲ = O D L M R | ~ V B ם ֶ יה֔ לֵ ם 04 ﬠֲ ֶ ה֔ לֵ ]ﬠֲ Ø V | D L B חסר ]ו[ ג̇ י̇ | O בתו̇ ל̇ | R M חס̇ ג̇ י̇ ם 14 בתר̇ ֶ ה֔ לֵ ]ﬠֲ < O D L (but Weil 675) M V R B42 וּ ק֥ ﬠֲ צְ יִּ וַ Exod 5:15 43 Ø MP וישם ( Exod 14:10) ]ו[פרעה (Exod 5:15) שטרי 44 וסימניהון בקרי̇ ז̇ ויצעקו /11/ MMfig ]וחבירו ( Ps 107:6) ממצוקותיהם ( 2Chr 13:14) ויפנו ( Jgd 4:3) ברזל רכב ( Josh 24:7) מאפל [( Ps 107:28)

Plate 3 :

 3 MS BAV, Vat. Ebr. 14, f. 72v © 2014 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana

Figure 3 :(

 3 Figure 3: Case 3, lower margin and captions

  | D צלך כליל שיתי למסלה לבן שתי אתתי שתי למען מלרע וחד מלעל ב̇ מל̇ וחד חס̇ ב̇ ג̇ שתי | V [= D] וסימניהון מלרע וחד מלעיל ב̇ ג̇ שתי | < ומכל ( Deut 11:9) ימים תאריכו ולמען (Exod 10:2) תספר ולמען 10 מתח]לפין[ זוגין MMu אבתיך את אהב כי ותחת ( Gen 6:19) בשר מכל החי וכל (1Chr 28:5 1) ]בנים[ הם רבים כי iv ( Exod 1:12) אתו יענו וכאשר ( Deut 4:37) [/Continuing in MMor /2] משניהם וטוב v ( Num 8:7) לטהרם להם תעשה וכה ( Ezek 37:18) אליך יאמרו וכאשר /2/ MMor לא וטוב ( Deut 11:9) ימים תאריכו ולמען ( Gen 9:5) לנפשתיכם דמכם את ואך ( Eccl 4:3) את (Josh 22:1 9) טמאה אם | ואך ( Gen 9:5) לנפשתיכם{ דמכם את }ואך ( Eccl 8:13) לרש]ע[ יהיה ן 8 ﬠַ ֡ מַ ]וּלְ = O D L V R B 9 ן ﬠַ ֡ מַ ]וּלְ Ø V B | L R פסוק̇ ראש ב̇ | O מיחד̇ ו̇ | D ולמעןלמען וכל מיחדין ו̇ ו̇ מ̇ ב̇ ן 01 דכות ﬠַ ֡ מַ ]וּלְ ~ D לך. ייטב ימים. תאריך באזני. תספר שמי. ספר וסמנהון ]בתורה[ ט̇ ולמען . פסוק̇ ראש תאריכו. בצדקתך. לא נסתך. ולמען ימיך. יאריכן | O תספר למען וסמנהון ומיחדין ו̇ ולמען תנחני. שמך ולמען תדבר. את הקים ולמען שמי. ספר ולמען ימיך. יארכון ולמען ימים. תאריך ולמען באזני. למען אתם ואטמא תינקו למען דעת למען למען ידעתיו בו ו̇ מן בר ]הון[ כוות בפסוקא ולמען למען וכל יהוה. מאת טבח טבח | R תאריך ולמען הארץ. בכל שמי ספר ולמען בנך. באזני תספר ולמען ט̇ ולמען וחברו. עבדי. דוד ולמען ותנהלני. תנחני שמך ולמען ימים. תאריכו ולמען בצדקתך. לא האדמה. על ימים ירשלים. ולמען | < L V B 11vi ל ֥ ַ יוּכֿ לא ֥ וְ Exod 10:5 12 Ø MP לשאת ( Isa 16:12) מקדשו (Exod 10:5) יוכל ולא וסי̇ 13 בקריה ד̇ יוכל לא /3a/ MMfig יכול לא ד̇ מן בר דכוותיה יכול ולא וכל ( Eccl 6:10) ממנו שתקיף ]עם[ עד לדין ( Jer 44:22) (1Kgs 5:17 ) יכול[ לא כי אבי דוד את ידעת ]אתה ידעת ולא אתה ( Gen 32:26) וירא /3b/ ( 2Chr 7:7) הימים דדוברי שלמה ויקדש ( 1Kgs 14:4) ואחיהו

Figure 4 :

 4 Figure 4: Case 4, lower margin with captions

Figure 5 :

 5 Figure 5: Case 5, lower margin with captions

Figure 6 :

 6 Figure 6: Case 6, lower margin with caption

  34 ֹא֯ ל Exod 21:8 35 ק̇ לו MP חומה ( Lev 11:21) כרעים (Exod 21:8) יעדה 36 וסימניהון בקריה ז̇ ט̇ מן חד /2a/ MMfig דעו ( Isa 63:9) צרתם [ v ?] ( 2Kgs 8:10) לו אמר ( 2S 16:8) חושי ( 1S 2:3) תרבו (Lev 25:30) ]]כ[[צפור ( Job 41:4) אחריש ( Job 13:14) יקטליני /2b/ (Ps 139:16 ) יו]]צ[[רו ( Ps 100:3) ( Isa 9:2) vi עליהון לוגתא /2c/ ותריין (Esra 4:2 ) זרובבל ( Prov 19:7) מרעהו ( Prov 26:2) ( 1Chr 11:20) הימים דדברי בשלשה שם ולא ( Isa 49:5) יאסף לא וישראל 34 ֹא֯ ]ל ~ O D L V R B א ֥ ֹ  53 ל ֹא֯ ]ל = O D L R B | ~ D לו וקרי לא כתב ֒ יה | V לא כתבין ו̇ ט̇ קר̇ לו לו  63 וקורין ֹא֯ ]ל = O (Weil 1795) < [[D?]] L V R B 37 הִ ֖ ָ ֿד ﬠָ יְ Exod 21:8 38 Ø MP ( Jer 47:7) אשקלון ( Mic 6:9) שמעו (Exod 21:8) והפדה 39 בקריה ג̇ יעדה MMl

Figure 7 :

 7 Figure 7: Case 7, lower margin with captions

  Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

Figure 8 :

 8 Figure 8: Case 8, lower margin with captions

Figure 9 :

 9 Figure 9: Case 9, lower margin with captions

Figure 10 : 1 [

 101 Figure 10: Case 10, lower margin with captions

Figure 11 : 10 וֹ

 1110 Figure 11: Case 11, lower margin with captions

  46viii וֹ[ י֖ ְ ד ]ﬠֶ Exod 33:4 [ 47 Ø MP] ( Ps 32:9) לבלום ( Ezek 7:20) עדיו וצבי ( Exod 33:4) 48 ג̇ עדיו \10\ MMor וֹ 64 י֖ ְ ד ]ﬠֶ = O D L M V R B 47 וֹ י֖ ְ ד ]ﬠֶ Ø O B | D L R ג̇ | M ליש בתרי וב̇ ל̇ | V א̇ בנביא̇ א̇ בתו̇ א̇ ג̇ וֹ 84 בכתובים י֖ ְ

Figure 12 :

 12 Figure 12: Case 12, lower margin with captions

  קְ = O D L M V R | ~ B ו ֙ ח וּ 11 קְ ֙ ח ]קְ = O D R | ~ M פס̇ ראש ט̇ | < L V B 12 וּ ֙ ח ]קְ R(Weil 3588) | < O D L (but Weil 3588) M V B13 ֹֿד֯ פֿ֖ אֵ לָ Exod 35:914 ו̇ חס̇ ג̇ MP והנשיאים v ( Exod 25:7 ; Exod 35:9) וחבירו { }וחב̇ ולחשן15 בתורה חס̇ ג̇ לאפד /4/ MMfig vi( Exod 35:27)

x?

  ק̇ \? ל̇ \ ל? Addendum on Exod 35:4 , by Elijah ha-Naqdan : ר אמ̇ לֵ Addendum on the Targum of Exod 35:4 , by Elijah ha-Naqdan: למימר Addendum on the Targum (entire verse) of Exod 35:6 , by Elijah ha-Naqdan. vii Probably .את viii The list seems incomplete and apparently in contradiction with the MP, unless the ז̇ is supposed to be a .ד̇ ix Elijah ha-Naqdan seems to have written three casus defective instead of four casus plene. x See Appendix 2, Graphic Signs. Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

Figure 13 :

 13 Figure 13: Case 13, lower margin with captions

7 A

 7 direct comparison with Codex Reuchlinianus (i.e. with the expanded Tiberian tradition) was not possible because the Book of Exodus is missing from Codex Reuchlinianus. However, Vat14 contains parts of the Book of Prophets (Haftarot), and a short comparison of Isa 42:5 in both manuscripts (f. 257r in Vat14 and 217r in a facsimile reproduction of Codex Reuchlinianus) shows that Vat14 does not follow the same rules of vocalization as Codex Reuchlinianus. Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

7

  Italics indicate the written text.

  Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

Figure 15 :

 15 Figure 15: MS BAV, Vat. Ebr. 14, f. 239r, lower margin (detail)

Figure 16 :

 16 Figure 16: STAATSBIBLIOTHEK ZU BERLIN -Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Orientabteilung, MS Or. Quart. 9, f. 113r

  969.21 See for instance the colophon of MS Vat. Ebr. 14 (Appendix 2).

	22 See Prologue.
	23 Garel 1978; Metzger 1986.
	24 Gutmann 1983, 49.

Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:20 AM

. My main reason for focusing my philological analysis on the Masoretic notes to Exodus which are found in Vat14, 53 Schenker/Hugo 2005, 17. 54 Dotan 1986

  . One of the best solutions for editing Masoretic texts is to "reproduce one single manuscript with complete fidelity to the original including vocalization and punctuation", see Ortega Monasterio/Gomez Aranda 2002, 231-232. 55 Pérez

  Gottstein 1995, xii. What is true for editions of early Oriental codices is also true for editions of late medieval codices. 59 I thank my colleague Johanna Tanja for letting me know that no extensive work has been done on the Targum Onqelos provided by Ashkenazic manuscripts.

	.
	56 Lyons 1999.
	57 See Azcárraga Servert 2001; Ortega Monasterio 2002; Seijas de los Ríos-Zarzosa 2002; Martín-Con-
	treras 2004; Fernández Tejero 2004; Azcárraga Servert 2004.
	58 See Goshen-Unauthenticated
	Download Date | 12/29/15 11:20 AM

  , lxxviii. 79 High definition (300 dpi) images provided by the Vatican Library. 80 High definition (600 dpi) images provided by the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin. 81 Images provided by the IHMH Jerusalem, courtesy of the Valmadonna Trust. 82 See above. MS Or. 4445 was also used in Ginsburg's edition, see Ginsburg 1897, 1029. 83 See Cod. 242, 486 and 611 in Kennicott 2003 [1776-1780], 90, 102, 107. De Rossi's edition focuses on most of the Kennicott manuscripts that present variants, see De Rossi 1784-1788 (-1798); Richler 2014 [1992], Appendix I, No. 22, 265-282. For the Targum of Vat14, see Berliner 1884, 250. 84 Further codicological and paleographical studies are needed, as well as a typology of Hebrew codices in the Middle Ages.

85 Martín-Contreras/Seijas de los

Ríos-Zarzosa 2010, 23-24, 32-33; Dotan 1993, 39. 86

On the Cairo Codex: MPMA I, MS No. 1. Dotan 1986. 87 On the Aleppo Codex: MPMA I, MS No. 6. 88 Beck et al. 1998. Images of Or. 4445 were provided by the British Library. Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:20 AM

  . For the reasons outlined above,1 this edition examines all the Masoretic notes (MP and MM) in each folio, whether or not they are located inside a figurative form.

	Frensdorff [a number] see Frensdorff 1864 Important Remarks to the Reader
			MF	Masora Finalis
			MM	Masora Magna
			MMu Masora Magna in the upper margin
		1 Masora Magna in the lower margin I distinguish between Masoretic notes found in figurative and ornamental forms MMl
	<	not found in O, D, L, M, V, R or B MMor Masora Magna in an ornamental (non-representational) element 2 using the following abbreviations: 'MMfig' and 'MMor' (see the abbreviations
	~	variant reading in another manuscript MMfig Masora Magna written in a figurative (representational) element 3 below) plus a number (such as /1/, /2/, etc.).
	Ø		no Masoretic note MP Masora Parva
	[…]	missing letter, partially decipherable or reconstituted PMH Pentateuch, Megillot (Five Scrolls), Haftarot Bible Example taken from Case 1, MMor (hereafter on p. 30):
	[[...]]	missing text Weil [a number] see the numbered list in Weil 1971	1	֣ע ַ בּ ֯ ְ שׁ יַ וַ Gen 50:25
	[?]		unidentified letter or word	2 ד̇ MP
	{…}		additional or repeated word Biblical Books 4 וישבע (Josh 6:26) יהושע וישבע (Gen 50:25) יוסף וישבע 3 וסימניהון ד̇ וישבע /1/ MMor
	(…)		Biblical verses	(Esra 10:5) עזרא וישבע (2Kgs 11:4) יהוידע
	|		this graphic symbol separates the different elements in the data found in the TORAH Micah Mic
			critical apparatus. Gen Genesis	Nahum	Nah
			Exod		Exodus	Habakkuk	Hab
			Lev		Leviticus	Zephaniah	Zeph
			Num		Numbers	Haggai	Hag
	(xxx)		commentary inside the apparatus Deut Deuteronomy	Zechariah	Zech
	ייי		Sigla for the Tetragrammaton	Malachi	Mal
			PROPHETS
	Abbreviations: Joshua		Josh	HAGIOGRAPHA / WRITINGS
	Manuscripts Judges		Judg	Psalms	Ps
	B		MS Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Or. Quart. 9 1 Samuel 1Sam	Proverbs	Prov
	D		Damascus Pentateuch, MS National Library of Israel (former JNUL), Jerusa-2 Samuel 2Sam Job Job
			lem, Hebr. Quart. 5702 1 Kings 1Kgs	Song of Song	Song
	L		Leningrad Codex, MS St. Petersburg, National Library, Evr I B19 a 2 Kings 2Kgs Ruth	Ruth
	M		MS Complutense University Library of Madrid, 118-Z-42 Isaiah Isa Lamentations	Lam
	O		MS British Library, Or. 4445 Jeremiah Jer	Ecclesiastes	Eccl
	R		MS Vatican Library, Vat. ebr. 482 Ezekiel Ezek	Esther	Esth
	Vat14 MS Vatican Library, Vat. ebr. 14 Hosea Hos	Daniel	Dan
	V		MS London, Valmadonna Trust, 1 Joel Joel	Ezra	Ezra
			Amos		Amos	Nehemiah	Neh
	Others	Obadiah	Obad	1 Chronicles	1Chr
	BHQ	Biblia Hebraica Quinta Jonah Jonah	2 Chronicles	2Chr
	BHS	Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia
	CM		Cumulative Masorah (CMu, CMl or CMfig, see below)

| additional word inside a Masoretic list * a second hand has rewritten the words or the vocalization *]א[* truncated Hebrew letter or graphic sign on a Hebrew letter 1

  כל ברכי על ברכיהם על ברכוה על פ̇ ר̇ ב̇ בר̇

4 ים ֞ ֺהִ אל וֵ Gen 50:24 5 ה̇ MP אל שמואל ויאמר (Gen 50:24) אחיו אל יוסף ויאמר 6 וסימניהון בקריה ה̇ מן חד ואלהים MMu ( Hos 13:4) תדע לא זולתי ואלהים ( 2Chr 35:21) מלאכים אליו וישלח (1Sam 28:15) שאול ( Ps 74:12) מקדם מלכי ואלהים

  Josh 6:26) יהושע וישבע (Gen 50:25) יוסף וישבע 12 וסימניהון ד̇ וישבע /1/ MMor

	Tejero 2004, 359)
	10 ֣ע ַ בּ ֯ ְ שׁ יַ וַ Gen 50:25
	11 ד̇ MP
	וישבע (

( Esra 10:5) עזרא וישבע ( 2Kgs 11:4) יהוידע

  בו ב̇ ובקרך ( Exod 1:12) יענו (Exod 1:10) הבה 19 וסימניהון בקריה ה̇ ירבה MMu ( Isa 55:7) לסלוח רבה יַ כי חד מן בר דכוותיה וכי כי דסמיך וכל ( Prov 29:16) ברכות

	Exod 1:10
	18 Ø MP
	( Deut 8:13)

  גם{ }ווהיינו (Exod 1:10 ) לו נתחכמה }נת{ הבה 25 וסימניהון פתחין ה̇ ונלחם /7a/ MMfig /7c/ (1Sam 17:32 ) י]פל[ אל שאול אל דוד ויא]מר[ (1Sam 8:20) הגוים ככל אנחנו גם והיינו כיום בגוים }ונלחם ( Dan 11:11) ונל̇ ויצא הנגב מלך ויתמרמר ( Zech 14:3) בגוים ונלחם ייי ויצא {( Zech 14:3) קרב ביום הלחמו

		Exod 1:10
	24	Ø MP
	/7b/

  הגבורים שלשת ויבקע ר מבאֿ מסעף צבאות ייי האדון }הנה /1f/ (Isa 10:33 ) ייי האדון הנה רה פאֿ (2Kgs 20:12 ) דמלכים שלח אמר כה כי ]שא[טך /1g/ (Ezek 16:57 ) תגלה בטרם טות השאֿ {( Isa 10:33) במערצה פאורה ויהי ]ונאש[אר /1h/ (Ezek 28:24 ) עוד יהיה ולא השאטים }הש{ ( Ezek 25:6) יען אלהי׳ ייי דוד זרע את ענה ואֿ ( Ezek 43:27) הימים את ויכלו תי ורצאֿ /1i/ (Ezek 9:8 ) v ונאשאשין כהכות׳ ( Hos 10:14) בפסוק ב̇ ארבאל שאון ם וקאֿ /1j/ (Zech 11:5 ) קוניהן אשר עשיר ואֿ (1Kgs 11:39 ) אתה דכאת ( Joel 2:6) עמים יחילו מפניו פארור /1k/ (Hos 4:6 ) מבלי עמי נדמו vi סך ואמאֿ ]למואל[ /1m/ (Job 19:2 ) נפשי תוגיון אנה עד ותדכאונני }ותד{ /1l/ (Ps 89:11 ) כחלל דכאית (Neh 6:8 ) למאר אלין ואשלחה בדאם /1n/ (Neh 12:38 ) השנית{ }והתוד׳ השנית והתוד]ה[ אשורי תטה אם מאום ( Job 19:2) במלין }במ׳{ ותדכאונני /1o/ (Neh 5:11 ) נא השיבו נשים [

	(2Sam 10:17 )
	[Continuing in lower margin]
	רפאינו את{ }רפאינו (Jer 51:9) /1b/ (2Sam 23:20 ) יהויד̇ יהוי̇ בן ובניהו הבאר /1a/ MMOr
	דשמואל ויאסף לדוד ויגידו }חלאמה /1c/ (2Kgs 2:2 1) המים מוצא אל ויצא רפאתי המים את
	עבדיך אל המראים ו ויראֿ ( 2Sam 11:1) השנה לתשובת ויהי המלאכים {( 2Sam 10:17)
	( 2Sam 23:15) דשמואל ויאמר דוד ויתאוה ר מבאֿ /1d/ (2Sam 11:24 ) בו ב̇ ( 2Sam 11:24)

Exod 5:7 8ii א̇ קרי̇ לא ח מ̇ מן חד MP iii לכם לתת תאספון לא ספון תאֿ 9 וסימני̇ קריין̇ ולא תיבותא במצע א̇ דנסבין ח מ̇ מן חד MMu כי (Num 11:25) הרוח מן ויאצל ( Num 11:4) בקרבו אשר iv והאספסוף (Exod 5:7) תבן אבימלך וישב ( Josh 12:20) ון מראֿ שמרון מלך ( Deut 24:10) מאומה משאת ברעך תשה ויגידו ים חטאֿ (Judg 4:17) הקיני חבר אשת יעל ותקח ( Judg 4:21) ט בלאֿ (Judg 9:4) בארומה מה חלאֿ (1Sam 18:29) מפני לרא שאול סף ויאֿ (1Sam 14:33) חטאים העם הנה למאר לשאול | בראדך שלח ההיא בעת דך בראֿ /1e/ (2Sam 23:16 ) vii ?] (Job 31:7 )

  Exod 5:9) בה וישו האנשים על העבדה תכבד 18 וסימניהון רפין ג̇ ויעשו /3/ MMfig ( Num 9:2) הפסח את ( Num 9:2) ישראל ]בני[ ויעשו (Exod 35:10 )

	| < O L M B
	16 שׂוּ ֥ﬠֲ ַ יֿ וְ Exod 5:9
	17 רפיין ג̇ MP
	יבאו (

ונאשאר v is the expected word instead of .ונאשאשין ואמאסאך vi is the expected word instead of סך .ואמאֿ vii The last two lines remain unidentified (see VII and VIII, fig.

2

). The list entails here 40 occurrences, including 3 verses repeated (2Sam 10:17, 2Sam 11:24, Isa 10:33). All the occurrences of Vat14 are listed in O, where 46 occurrences are quoting instead of 48. In Vat14 as well as in O, the lists are not full. viii According to Weil 2347, two verses could be missing: 2Kgs 18:27; Isa 36:12.

  Weil 3948) 48 ן֙ ָ תּ נִ Exod 5:16 [ 49 קמצין ]ג̇ MP ( Exod 5:16) עשו לנו אמרים ולבנים }ול{ לעבדיך נתן אין תבן 50 xi וסימני̇ קמץ ג̇ נתן /12a/ MMfig /12b/ (2Chr 28:5 ) אלהיו י׳׳י ביד ויתנהו ( Isa 33:16) ישכון מרומים הוא נאמנים מימיו נתן לחמו {(Exod 5:16 ) אומרים ולבנים לעבדיך }לעבד{ נתן אין וסימני̇ ג̇ }נתן

  Vat14, f. 67 bis v, this MM is repeated in the upper margin.

	| < O V B
	***
	Other Texts
	Two captions (see fig. 2):
	(Isa 22:22) דוד בית מפתח I
	(Zech 3:9) פתוחה מפתח הנני II
	Second hand (light brown ink):
	מפתח
	Unidentified material (in the ornamental form, see fig. 2):
	ו̇ בכבר]?[ III
	אלהי׳]?[ ייאמר IV
	חי׳]?[ על V
	Illegible material: VI, VII, VIII, IX, X (see fig. 2 and 3).

xi In Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

  Gen 29:21) ימי מלאו כי וסי̇ 16 vii לאו ומַ לאו מַ ג̇ מ ב̇ לאו ומִ לאו מִ ומלכים אוריתא כל MMu

	14 וּ א֨ לְ וּמָ Exod 10:6
	15 Ø MP
	ומלאו (

וסימני̇ ב̇ מ̇ ב̇ לאו ומַ לאו מַ קרייה שאר וכל ( Exod בתיך)6:01 ומלאו ( Exod 8:17) מצרים בתי (Ezek 43:2 6) יכפרו ימים שבעת ( Jer 51:11) השלטים מלאו

Case 4: f. 75v, Exodus 12:7-12:17

  a list of casus lêt) Unleavened bread, lintel, & burnt offering

	***
	Other Texts
	Captions:
	( Exod 10:4) בגבולך ארבה Ia/Ib
	12:11
	Uncertain signs or words:
	12:15
	12:7
	12:12
	12:8
	12:16
	12:9
	12:13
	12:10
	12:17
	12:14

viii ? ל̇ viii See Appendix 2, Graphic Signs. Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM Plate 4: MS BAV, Vat. Ebr. 14, f. 75v © 2014 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

  חס̇ וכתובים דאוריתא (Judg 18:1 6) מל̇ דשפטים 18 חגורים MMu

	B
	16 ים ֗ ִ ר ֿגֻ ֲ ח 12:11
	17 Ø MP
	( Exod 12:11 ; Dan 10:5)

  iv With a correction inserted by Elijah on the waw. בם v instead of .במעשיו

	*ו*ן ֖ ֹ אשׁ ִ ר הָ ]מיום[ Exod 12:15
	26 ו̇ חס̇ MP
	27	Ø MM
	Unauthenticated
	Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

  צּ֑ ]מַ Exod 12:18 [ 35 Ø] MP תקרב וכי ( Exod 13:6) שבעת ( Exod 12:18) בראשון 36 וסימני̇ xii ו̇ חס̇ ד̇ מצת /7/ MMfig ( Exod 29:2) סלת ]]בשמן[[ ( Lev 2:4)

	34 ֹֿת צּ֑ ]מַ = O D L V R B 35 ֹֿת צּ֑ ]מַ Ø V | O D L R חס̇ ד̇ | B (on Exod 12:15 )מצות חס̇ ד̇ מ̇ ב̇ מל̇ ֹֿת 63 כל צּ֑ ]מַ
	< O D L V R B
	***
	Other Texts
	Grammatical commentary placed as a MP (with circellus) on Exod 12:9 ל ֖ ַ שּׁ בֻֿ מְ ל ֥ ֵ שּ ֯ :וּבָֿ
	ל ֵ ש ובָֿ נקוד כך לפי ידבר ר בֵ ַ ד כמו ידועות במלות אם כי הפעול על הפועל יתחבר לא לעולם

Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM 34xi ֹֿת[

  חמר פטר וכל ( Gen 2:5) השדה שיח וכל 18vi וסימני̇ וכל ומצע̇ ראש פס̇ א̇ י̇ MMu ( Lev 15:17) עוד וכל בגד וכל ( Lev 15:20) תשכב אשר וכל ( Lev 7:9) תאפה אשר מנחה וכל ( 1K 10:21 ; 2Chr 9:20) וחבירו משקה כלי וכל (Josh 13:21) סיחון ממלכת וכל המישור ערי וכל י̇ וכל וכל ומצע פסוק | O ב̇ (on פטר )בכל | R פס̇ רא̇ ל 81 י̇ כָ ]וְ ~ D וכל וסימנהון וכל וכל ומצע̇ פסוק̇ ראש י֗ כלי וכל דיהושע המשיר ערי וכל עליו תשכב אשר וכל תאפה אשר מנחה וכל חמר פטר וכל השדה שיח משקה. כלי וכל הפ[גרים העמק ]וכל משקה | < O L V R B

	ול̇ ק̇	י̇
		16v	ל כָֿ וְ [...] ל כָֿ וְ Exod 13:13
			17 Ø MP
	( Exod 13:13) 19 ר֙ ֯ ֹ מ ֲ ח Exod 13:13
			20 ו̇ חס̇ ד̇ MP
	וירכיבם ( Gen 49:14) ה̇ }בין{ בין רבץ גרם חמר יששכר 21 וסימניהון חסירין ד̇ חמר /3a/ MMfig
	בשור { }בשו̇ תחרש לא /3b/ (Exod 13:13 ) בשה תפדה חמר פטר וכל ( Exod 4:20) החמר על
		( Deut 22:10) יחדו ובחמר

( Ezek 12:14) סביבות אשר וכל ( Jer 31:40) הפגרים העמק וכל ל 61 כָֿ ]וְ = V B | ~ O L R ֺל כ֨ וְ ... ל כָ וְ | ~ D ל ֨ ֺ כּ וְ ... ל כָ ל 71 וְ כָֿ ]וְ Ø V B | L בסיפ̇ פסו̇ ראש [ ]ח ז̇ | D

  | ~ B וכו̇ גרם חמר יששכר וסימנהון ו̇ חסר ד̇ חמר | < D R The waw seems erased in its lower part to look like a yod. v Different transmission of this note, see Weil 645. vi This note gives 11 verses but shows only 10. In D, 10 verses are indicated but only 8 verses are written. See Ginsburg 1883, II, 37, list 224, which announces 10 verses and gives 8 first verses like Vat14 (but not Jer 31:40 and not Ezek 12:14) and then gives 9 other cases of the form וכל .כל

	22 ה ֔ כָֿ ְ ד ֣֯ יָ Exod 13:16
	23 מל̇ ל̇ MP
	24 מל̇ ל̇ ידכה /4/ MMor
	Unauthenticated
	Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

iv

  Exod 13:17) העם ינחם פן 36 וסימני̇ בק̇ ד̇ ינחם /7/ MMor ( Ps 110:4) ינחם ולא ייי נשבע ( Judg 2:18) מנאקתם ייי ינחם כי (1Sam 15:29)

	Exod 12:17
	35	Ø MP
	ינחם ולא ישקר לא ישר̇ נצח וגם (

  ויקבץ (1S 17:24 ) איש וכל ( Exod 13:17) בשלח 39 וסימני̇ ג̇ בראתם MMl

	Exod 12:17
	38 Ø MP
	( 2Chr 15:9)

  ובחר ( Exod 21:14) יזיד (Exod 20:26) במעלות 6 וסימני̇ בקריה ח מזבחי MM מגישים ( Mal 1:10) תאירו ( Isa 60:7) צאן כל ( Isa 56:7) והביאותים ( 1S 2:33) אכרית לא ( Mal 1:7)

	זְ מִ Exod 20:26
	5 Ø MP
	( 1S 2:28)

  Exod 21:5 14 ו̇ חס̇ ג̇ MP (1Sam 20:21) לנעד (Judg 15:2) שנא (Exod 21:5) העבד 15 חס̇ ג̇ אמר MMl

  22 See previous footnote.

23 ֤ים נִ ֵ ק זְּ ל-הַ אֶ וְ Exod 24:14 24 דס̇ ל̇ MP 25 דסמיך ל̇ הזקנים ואל MMu 26 ל̇ הזקנים ואל /5a/ MMor 27 { דס̇ ל̇ הזקינים }ואל דסמי̇ ל̇ הזקנים ואל { הז̇ }ואל }ואל{ /5b/ MMfig ֤ים 32 נִ ֵ ק זְּ ל-הַ אֶ

  26 See previous footnote. 27 See previous footnote. ישראל ( Num 10:12) העבן ( Exod 24:16) כבוד 30 וסימני̇ בקרי̇ ה̇ וישכן MMu ( 1Chr 23:25) בירושלם ( Job 15:28) נכחדות

	28 ן ֨ ֹ כּ ְ שׁ יִּ וַ Exod 24:16
	29 Ø MP
	( Deut 33:28)

  Lev 13:32) הנתק ( Lev 13:3) בנגע ( Exod 24:17) כבוד 33 וסימני̇ קמצין ז̇ ומראה MMu ולא ומראה פתח וחד ( Da 8:26) הערב ( Da 1:13) הילודים ( Ezek 10:9) האופנים ( Num 9:16) ( Num 12:8) בחידת

	Ø MP
	יכסנו (
	|< O [[D?]] R B

  Exod 25:2 35ii בק̇ ו̇ י̇ MP ( Lev 24:2) אליך ויקחו ( Exod 25:2) ישראל בני אל דבר 36 וסימני̇ ו̇ מן חד ויקחו /6/ MMor ישר̇ בני את תצוה ואתה ישר̇ בני את ( Exod 12:3) בעשור לאמר ישראל בני עדת כל אל דברו ( 2Kgs 7:13) ויאמר מעבדיו אחד ויען ( Num 19:2) התורה חקת זאת ( Exod 27:20)

  קדמאה ( Exod 38:10) עשרים עמודיהם תיניינא ( Exod 27:10) עשרים ועמדיו 10 קדמאה CMu ( Exod 38:13) מזרחה קדמה ולפאת תיניינא ( Exod 27:13) מזרחה קדמה לפאת החצר ורחב עשר]ה[ חמש תיניינא ( Exod 27:14) לכתף קלעים אמה עשרה וחמש קדמאה קדמה /1/ CMfig ולכתף תיניינא ( Exod 38:15) אמה עשרה חמש השינית ולכתף ]תיניינא[ (Exod 38:14) אמה פס̇ מצע̇ ארבעה עמודיהם קדמאה (27:11) בארך צפון לפאת וכן קדמאה תנינא (38:11) באמה מאה צפון ולפאת תיניינא (38:1) רחבו ארכו אמות חמש תנינא (27:12) ים לפאת (38:12) קלעים ים ולפאת תיניינא (38:19) פס̇ רא̇ ארבעה ועמדיהם | ~ V (MMu/MMl in f. 39r) חצר את קדמאה מזרחה קדמה לפאת קדמאה (38:9) החצר קלעי החצר את תנינא (27:9) האחת לפאת לחצר קלעים ראש עשרים ועמודיהם תנינא [(27:10) עשרים עמודיו ]קדמאה (38:13) קדמה ולפאת תנינא (27:13) ולכתף קדמאה (38:14) הכתף אל עשרה חמש תנינא (27:14) לכתף אמה עשרה וחמש (38:10) פסוק (38:15) ומזה מזה השנית ולכתף תנינא (27:15) אמה חמש השנית | ~ M (Ortega Monasterio 2002, 93 on Exod 27:3) Exod 27:10) קדמא העמדים ווי 13 vi וסימניהון ו̇ חס̇ א̇ י̇ עמדים /2a/ MMfig }העמ{ את והמשיני ( Exod 38:17) לעמדים והאדנים ( Exod 38:12) ולפאת ( Exod 27:11) אל /2b/ (1Kgs 7:21 )

	iii [[Exod 38:16 ]] (Exod 27:16 ) החצר ]ו[לשער [ ii ?] ( Exod 27:15) השנית
	]קדמאה 01 ~ Vat14 (on Exod 38:10-15 in f. 109v, all instances from Exodus) (27:1) רחב ארך אמות חמש קדמאה
	החצר ורחב וקדמאה (27:16)

| < O D L R B 11iv ים[ ֛ ִ ד מֻּ ﬠַ ]הָ

Exod 27:10/11 12v [ חס̇ ג̇ ]י̇ MP ותיניינא ( vii העבדם את ויקם ( 1Kgs 7:6) ועב ועמדים ( Judg 16:26) העמדים viii [1Kgs 7:41 ] (2Chr 3:16 ) שרשרות ויעש ( Ezek 40:49) האילים אל }א{ ( Jer 27:19) העמדים

  [[D?]] | ~ B (all instances from Exodus) אילן מ̇ ב̇ חס̇ עמודי לשון כל עמודיו ואת (36:36) לה ויעש (27:17) החצר עמודי כל (26:37) למסך ועשית (26:32) דפרכת עמודי העמודים ווי (?38:12) עשרה עמודיהם (38:11) צפון ולפאת (38:12) עשרה עמודיהם (36:38) חמשה והאדנים (38:14) שלשה עמודיהם (38:13) קדמה ולפאת עשרה עמודיו (38:12) ים לפאת (?38:17) העמודים ויי זה תניינא (38:17) לעמודים | < V ii Illegible letters are written; the bottom of the pillar was first drawn and a second hand added some letters (maybe .)עמודי̇ iii The instance of Exod 38:16 is missing. It would correspond to Exod 27:16 in other lists. iv See folio 94r. v See folio 94r. vi There is a contradiction between the MM and the MP (one gives 11, the other gives 13 instances). These kinds of contradictions exist also in O, D and L. vii The term expected is .העמדים viii The instance 1Kgs 7:41 is probably missing, see Weil 558. In D, p. 189, on Exod 38, there are 2 lists on :העמודים 3 cases plene in the Pentateuch (with waw) and 11 cases defective (without waw). In V, on Exod 38:11 , there are 12 cases defective for .עמודים This indicates that there are several transmissions of this list. Exod 27:15) ומזה מזה }מ{ השנית ולכתף { }לכ̇ 16 xi וסימני̇ מל̇ ד̇ עמודיהם /3/ MMfig ( Exod 38:15) עמדיהם עשרה חמש ( Exod 27:16) החצר

	14ix ם[ ֥ ֶ יה ֵ ֿד מּוּ֯ ]ﬠַ Exod 38:12
	Unauthenticated
	Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

15x

[ מל̇ ]ד̇ MP לשער (

  Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

	36 ל ֹ֗ כּ Exod 30:14
	37 פס̇ רא̇ ג̇ MP
	38 פסו̇ ר̇ ג̇ כל /5/ MMfig
	ל 63 ֹ֗

  * ל̇ Addendum on Exod 30:6 in the margin, not from Elijah ha-Naqdan : דוּת ﬠֵ הַ ל ﬠַ ר ֶ ש אַ ת ֵ ֹר פ כַ הַ י נֵ פְ לִ וְ Addendum of the entire verse of the Targum on Exod 30:7 , by Elijah ha-Naqdan.

	Other Texts
	Uncertain signs (reading marks?):

vii ? ל̇ \? vii See Appendix 2, Graphic Signs. Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

  Exod 32:13 [ 5 Ø MP] עבדיך ולישראל וליצחק לאברהם זכר 6 וסימניה̇ ד̇ וישר̇ יצחק אברהם \1a\ MMfig ו[ישראל יצחק ]אברהם אלהי ייי ( 1Kgs 18:36) אליהו ויגש המנחה בעלות ויהי ( Exod 32:13) ( 2Chr 30:6) א̇ ישראל אלהי ייי אל שובו \1b\ (1Chr 29:18 ) פסוק ראש

  Exod 32:13) עבדיך ולישראל ליצחק לאברהם זכר 12 וסימ̇ ה̇ הארץ וכל \2a\ MMfig ( 2Sam 15:23) גדול קול בכים הארץ וכל ( Gen 41:57) iv הבאים בתוך \2b\ לשבר מצרימה באו ( 1Kgs 10:24) שלמה פני את פ{ }את \2c\ (1Sam 14:25 ) ביער }ב{ הארץ וכל

	Weil 967)
	10 ץ ֶ ר ֙ אָ ל-הָ כָֿ וְ Exod 32:13
	11 Ø MP
	הארץ וכל (

  הוא אות לעלם ועבדו ימלך ייי לעלם שמי זה באדם רוחי ידון לא וסימנהון באוריתא חס̇ ו̇ לעלם לבבם והתנחלתם לעלם ונלחו סיני בהר אתו לדבר ככלתו משה אל ויתן 18 וסימניהון ג̇ העדות לחת ושני \3\ MMfig ( Exod 34:29) משה ברדת ויהי ( Exod 32:15) משה וירד ויפו ( Exod 31:18)

	16 ֿת ֖ ֻ ֿד ﬠֵ הָ ֿת ֥ ֹ ח לֻ ֛י נֵ ְ וּשׁ Exod 32:15
	17 Ø MP

  Num 33:54) והתנחלתם ( Exod 32:34) נחה 36 וסימניהון דסמיכין ה̇ אשר אל \9\ MMor ( Ruth 1:16) תלכו ( Ezek 42:14) בגדים ( Ezek 1:12) דסיפר̇ קדמה

	34 ר֚ ֶ שׁ ל-אֲ אֶ Exod 32:34
	35 דס̇ ה̇ MP
	הרוח (

  לאמר חס̇ י̇ לך משה אל יהוה וידבר דריש סיני במדבר דשביעית סיני יהוה בהר אהרן בני שני מות אחרי מזה עלה לך רד לך מנהון הזה היום בעצם וחברו מואב בערבית דפסח סיני במדבר סיפרא | R לך וסימנהון י̇ משה אל ייי ידבר בעצם בערבית דפסח סני פס̇ ריש במדבר דשביעי בהר מות אמרי מזה עלה | D משה אל ייי וידבר בתורה ג̇ לאמר דחס מות אחרי עלה לך רד לך

	43 ֯ ָ יֿת ֖ לִ ﬠֱ הֶ Exod 33:1
	44 ג̇ MP
	45	Ø MM
	43

  עמים באף ( Judg 7:4) המים העם (Exod 33:5) עדיך הורד 51 וסי̇ ג̇ הורד \11\ MMor [ x באף המים עדיך וסימנהון ג̇ הורד MMu]

	[[V?]] R B
	49ix ֿד[ ֤ ֵ ]הוֹר Exod 33:5
	[ 50 Ø MP]
	( Ps 56:8)

  7 in Vat14 (f. 90r) is defective. vi The MM note in Vat14 matches its consonantal text, always showing a defective spelling in Exodus. B follows Vat14. R follows the standard Tiberian tradition (2 cases plene and 1 defective). Interesting is the case in V: the MP note on Exod 35:7, it indicates 2 cases defective and 1 plene (and not 2 plene and 1 defective!) but the consonantal text shows three defective terms (like Vat14 and B). This could be an example of an Anglo-Norman or northern French feature. דּ ַ ֿת-בּ֯ אֶ וְ Exod 35:12 26 דס̇ ז̇ MP הקטרת }ה{ מזבח [ vii ו]? ( Exod 35:13) השלחן ודבתרו 27 וסימנ̇ דסמ̇ ד̇ בדיו ואת /6/ MMfig

	יו ֖ ָ
	viii ( Exod 35:15)
	Unauthenticated
	Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

  וס]מ[ניהן [ ix ]חס̇ מל̇ ד̇ ( Exod 35:14) המאר כליה ואת המאר מנרת ואת /7/ MMfig ואת }ואת ( Num 4:9) המאר ( Exod 25:31) המנרה תעשה (Exod 35:14) כליה }ואת{ {( Exod 35:14)

	B
	28 ֿת ֧ ַ ֺר נ מְ 35:14
	29	Ø MP
	ואת 30

  24 Case 12. 23 For further details on the relationships between text and image and the functions of the micrographical elements in Vat14, see Attia 2015. 24 See for instance Himmelfarb 2011.

	The dimensions in f. 27r are: ([18] + 3 + [20] + 185 + [20] + 8 + [34]) x ([40] + 45 +
	[6+6] + 45 + [6+6] + 45 + [6] + [35]). 7
	Unauthenticated Unauthenticated
	Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

***

  Published in Golb 1976, Plate 21.

	Nb Folio (Vat14) Subject	Biblical text from the folio
	1	7r	Ark of Noah	Gen 6:6-6:17
	SD 8v	Birds (sent by Noah)	Gen 7:21-8:9
	2	9r	Noah performing a sacrifice	Gen 8:10-8:21
	3	12r	Abram leaves / Horseman	Gen 11:23-12:4
	4	16v	Gateway / hands	Gen 17:10-17:23
	5	17r	Calf, Table,Tree	Gen 17:23-18:8
	6	23r	Cave of Machpela	Gen 22:21-23:10
	7	24v	Eliezer, the servant, on a horse 25	Gen 24:16-24:30
	8	25r	Rivka	Gen 24:31-24:43
	9	27r	Esau hunts a deer	Gen 25:18-25:30
	10 31r	Jacob's scale	Gen 28:9-28:20
			Unauthenticated
			Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

The Sonderforschungsbereich 933 -Materiale Textkulturen. Materialität und Präsenz des Geschriebenen in non-typographischen Gesellschaften is being financed by the DFG (Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft)

between 2011 and 2015. http://www.materiale-textkulturen.org/ (seen14.7.2014). 2[START_REF] Hilgert | Text-Anthropologie'. Die Erforschung von Materialität und Präsenz des Geschriebenen als hermeneutische Strategie[END_REF] Meier et al. 2015. 3 See Oesterreicher's terminological distinction between Verschriftung (textification) and Verschriftlichung (textualization): "the former applying to the shift in medium and the latter to the gradual change in conception of a discourse or discourse tradition, whereby 'writtenness' plays an increasingly important role in its transmission and reception"; See[START_REF] Bakker | Signs of Orality. The Oral Tradition and its Influence in the Greek and Roman World (Mnesmosyne Supplementum 188)[END_REF], 32 note 5 and Oesterreicher 1993. 4 Metzeltin 2013, 446: "La socialisation et la sociabilité des êtres humains sont basées sur la communication verbale. Celle-ci se réalise par la textification de descriptions, d'argumentations et de narrations. Les textifications stables ont besoin de supports matériels. On ne peut les comprendre que dans des contextes de production et de réception. Dans ce sens, l'anthropologie textuelle de Metzeltin et This, avec leur focalisation sur la structuralité signifiante des textes, et l'anthropologie des textes de Hilgert, avec sa focalisation sur la contextualisation des textifications, fournissent des instruments élaborés de travail pour l'analyse et la compréhension des textifications des systèmes de connaissance." 5 For H. Jauß, the 'Author-Text-Reader' relationship is essential to understanding a text. The Reader socializes the text. The text must be read, in order to enter history and have a socio-cultural function. Consequently, we seek to discover what a text meant for its readers a given time and what constituted their horizon of expectations (Erwartungshorizont); Jauß 1978, 12. 6 Hilgert 2010, 90 and 97. © 2015 Élodie Attia, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 License. Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:20 AM

Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:20 AM

Levita, Massoret ha-Massoret, 1538, Venice, Introduction II, seeGinsburg 1867b, 93-94.

Ginsburg 1897, 906;[START_REF] Castro | Códices bíblicos hebreos; evaluación comparativa de varios manuscritos toledanos, askenazies y orientales[END_REF][START_REF] Am Fernández Tejero | Los manuscritos hebreos biblícos españoles[END_REF]

Ginsburg 1867a, 78-79.

Ginsburg 1867b, 103 and ff.; Ginsburg 1867a, 44-78, esp. Rashi's commentary,

59-65. 5 See Attia 2012, Chapter VII. Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:20 AM

Tov 1992, 8-9, 11.

In terms of their geographical origins, Hebrew manuscripts usually come from the East (Palestine, Egypt, Iraq and Persia), Sephardic areas (the Iberian Peninsula, the Maghreb, Sicilia, southern France, the Ottoman Empire after 1492), Ashkenazic areas (France, Germany, England, northern Italy and Eastern Europe), and the Byzantine region (Crimea, Greece, southern Italy),Olszowy-Schlanger 2012b, 32-33.

8 The Database of Hebrew dated or documented manuscripts (Sfardata) which was started in 1965 only has records for 3139 dated and documented items (i.e., 47% of the items of the Database), and among them only 12 codicological units are dated from before 1000-all of them are from Yemen, the Orient or Sephardic areas. See Beit-Arié 1991 and 1992. http://sfardata.nli.org.il/sfardatanew/home. aspx (seen 01.07.2014

). 9 According toYeivin 1980, 15-22;[START_REF] Yeivin | The Biblical Masorah (in Hebrew), Jerusalem[END_REF] Yeivin [2003]], 6-27. See also Beit-Arié 1993a on the sixteen dated manuscripts which

predate 1028. 10 Ancient Italian Hebrew manuscripts are still systematically studied. See MS. Vat. Ebr. 31, dated 1072/3 (MPMA II, Ms. 38) and the Ms. London, BL, Add. 27214 (which contains seven codicological units, dated 1090/1, MPMA III, 43). 11 The first European Bible is probably the Ms. Karlsruhe, BL, Cod. Reuchlin 3 (dated 1106, Prophets Hagiographa, cf. MPMA III, Ms. 48). It was initially described as a 'pre-Masoretic' Bible. However, Morag argues that the phonetic system reflected by its vocalization system is fuller than in the standard Tiberian traditions, which is Palestinian and post-Masoretic, see Morag 1959, 229. 12 Only four dated Ashkenazic manuscripts predate 1200, among them two Bibles: 1177, Bologna, Bib Naz. II-I-7 (Talmud Bavli, see MPMA IV, Ms. 71); 1188/9, London, BL, Ar. Or. 51 (Grammatical Dictionary of Saruq, see MPMA IV, Ms. 84); 1189, London, Valmadonna Trust Library 1 (PMH, see afterwards); Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:20 AM

[START_REF] Metzger | La Masora Ornementale et le décor calligraphique dans les manuscrits hebreux espagnols au Moyen Âge[END_REF] Ferber 1976-77;[START_REF] Sirat | La lettre hébraïque et sa signification -Micrography as Art (Études de Paléographie hébraïque)[END_REF][START_REF] Gutmann | Massorah Figurata. The Origins and the Development of a Jewish Art Form[END_REF][START_REF] Metzger | Ornamental Micrography in Medieval Hebrew Manuscripts[END_REF][START_REF] Kogman-Appel | Jewish Book Art between Islam and Christianity. The Decoration of Hebrew Bibles in Medieval Spain (The Medieval and Early Modern Iberian World 19)[END_REF][START_REF] Shalev-Eyni | Jews among Christians. Hebrew Book Illumination from Lake Constance[END_REF][START_REF] Halperin | Illuminating in Micrography. The Catalan Micrography Mahzor-MS Hebrew 8 o 6527 in the National Library of Israel[END_REF]

On the origins of micrography, seeHalperin 2013, esp. 5-21.

For instance,Ferber 1976-77 establishes a distinction between the device (micrography) and its form, which is decorative when it is either abstract or illustrative (when figurative). Gutmann 1983, 52 Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:20 AM

See for instance the edition of the MS M1 at the Complutense University Library of Madrid, which contains several instances of ornamental and figurative Masorah.

An Ashkenazic codex of the 14 th century (MS Erfurt 1) prompted one scholar to speak of 'semantische Verfremdung',Liss 2012, 22.

Wurthwein/Fischer 2014, 42.

[START_REF] Ramirez | Un texto puntuado y masora de la escuela de Ahron ben Moseh ben Asher[END_REF][START_REF] Ramirez | Un texto puntuado y masora de la escuela de Ahron ben Moseh ben Asher[END_REF][START_REF] Ramirez | Un texto puntuado y masora de la escuela de Ahron ben Moseh ben Asher[END_REF] Goshen-Gottstein 1963, 689.

See Dotan 1993.

Beit-Arié 1993a;Sassoon 1932, 22-23, n. 507; see also the Introduction to the facsimile byLöwinger 1978, 9.

105Yeivin 1968, esp. 321-

322.106 I thank A. Dotan for having approved the use of D in the

present work. 107 Some of the notes which Weil records in the BHS are only recorded in O and D. See also

[START_REF] Kelley | The Masorah of Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia. Introduction and Annotated Glossary[END_REF]. 108Ginsburg 1897, 771-

776. del Barco 2003, Ms. 1, 109-112. I thank Javier del Barco for suggesting that the codex may possibly have originated in Aragon and Catalonia instead of Toledo, in Castile. 109 See infra, footnote 57. The manuscript is available on-line. 110 See Appendix 2. Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:20 AM

MPMA IV, MS No. 85; Beit-Arié 1993b, 238-242; Olszowy-Schlanger 2003, 238-242;[START_REF] Schrijver | Malachi Beit-Arié on the only Dated Medieval Hebrew Manuscript written in England[END_REF]

Olszowy-Schlanger 2003, 238.

Olszowy-Schlanger 2003, 71.

Available text: Gen 45:13-47:5 and Gen 50:6 to Num 31:3; see MPMA IV, MS No. 82.

This idea of a 'reduced' Masora Magna seems to be attested by the presence of graphic signs used to fill the blank space left in some lines.

Sefer Or Zarua of Isaac ben Moses of Vienna 1862, § 555, 152. "Fine script is not a good thing, because it is easily erased. [The scribe] wrote in small letters in a bid for glory. It would be better if he aimed lower and made his letters slightly bigger."

See Attia (forthcoming). Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:20 AM

This symbol means that one or more of the manuscripts either contains the same Masoretic note or another with a similar meaning. Example: the MM on ירבה (Exod 1:7). The same note is found in both Vat14 and L: although their terminology is slightly different, their meaning is the same.UnauthenticatedDownload Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

Introduction, What is a Figurative Masorah?

See note supra.

According to the Leningrad Codex order (Ben-Asher, Dotan 2001, vi) and the SBL Handbook of Style (Alexander et al. 1999, 73). Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

See above, Structure of the Edition. Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

Although a MM note on one lemma in Exodus can also occur somewhere else in the manuscripts when this lemma appears again, it was not possible to check this in the allotted time and I strictly focused my edition on the equivalent folios of Exodus. See Introduction, n. 61.UnauthenticatedDownload Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

In O, f. 42r; in D, seeLöwinger 1978, I, 99; in L, f. 31v; in M, ff.

22r-23v, see Fernández Tejero 2004, 358-360 and Ortega Monasterio 2002, 23-24; in V, ff. 3v-4r; in B, f. 34v; in R, ff. 44v-45r. Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

iii This is from Gen 6:13 .UnauthenticatedDownload Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

InO, ff. 45v-46r; in D, see Löwinger 1978, I, 108-109; in L, ff. 33v-34r; in M, f.

23v-24r, and Ortega Monasterio 2002, 54; in V, ff. 8v-9r; in R, ff. 48r-48v-45r; in B, f. 37r. i The Masoretic accent (reviah) is above the rafe of the letter peh. ii See Weil 430 (according to MP from L quoting 4 cases) and Weil 898 (reconstituing 48 cases). iii להם is the expected word instead of .לכם iv This word is cut in the middle because of a hole in the parchment.UnauthenticatedDownload Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

InO, ff. 51r; in D, see Löwinger 1978, I, 120-121; in L, ff. 36v-37r; in V, f. 15r; in R, ff. 52r-52vr; in B, f. 40r; M is lacunary on this part, see Ortega Monasterio

2002, 11. i From the previous folio in Vat14, where no MP is written.ii The rafe is between the beth and the daleth in the last word. iii This note is located in the external margin, where it should be a MP note. iv Ezek 1:23 is missing. v 2Sam 16:7 is missing. Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

InO, ff. 52v-53r; in D, see Löwinger 1978, I, 125-126; in L, ff. 37v-38r; in V, ff. 17v-18r; in R, ff. 53v- 54r; in B, f. 41r; M is lacunary on this part, see Ortega Monasterio

2002, 11. i In D, p. 126 upper margin, there is a list of hapax according to .אל\על Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

Marked with some strokes.

Marked with some strokes. Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

Marked with some strokes. xv From Exod 12:15 ; Deut 14:26 ; Lev 22:19 ? xvi The list seems to be interrupted. See Ginsburg II, list 364, 391. xvii See Appendix 2, Graphic Signs. Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

In O, see ff. 54v-55r; in D, seeLöwinger 1978, I, 129-130; in L, ff. 38v-39r; in V, ff.

20r-20v; in R, f. 55v; in B, ff. 42r-42v; M is lacunary on this part, see Ortega Monasterio 2002, 11. i The letters tsadeh and the yod are joined by a stroke. ii The note means "Twice defective spelling (without yod)". This is in contradiction to the lemma written plene, but such cases are not specific to Vat14. iii The dot under the letter heh is a mappiq. Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

InO, ff. 62r-62v; in D, see Löwinger 1978, I, 145-146; in L, ff. 43v-44r; in V, ff. 30r-30v ; in R, f. 61v; in B, f. 37r; M is lacunary on this part, see Ortega Monasterio

2002, 11. Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

i This lemma appears twice in Exod 21:6.ii O indicates a MP on both cases, L on the first one and V on the last one.iii It is possible that Elijah wrote this note as a MM and not as a MP.UnauthenticatedDownload Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

vii This MM note indicates 7 cases, 5 with patah and 2 with qamats, as recorded in V. viii The mappiqim are placed under the letter heh in Vat14, V and B. ix Four times mappiq.x The lemma is on folio 86r.UnauthenticatedDownload Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

InO, ff. 65v-66r; in D, see Löwinger 1978, I, 152-153; in L, f. 45v; M, f.

26r and Ortega Monasterio 2002, 79; in V, ff. 34v-35r; in R, ff. 64r-64v; in B, f. 49r. Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

i The waw seems to be shortened in Vat14, V, B and R.UnauthenticatedDownload Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

See also in Vat14, f. 94r and 109v; in O, ff. 67v-68v and 82v; in D, seeLöwinger 1978, I, 157-158, 159-160 and 189-190; in L, ff. 47r and 55r; in M, ff.

26v-27r and see Ortega Monasterio 2002, 90-95; in V, ff. 38r-39v and 55v; in R, f. 66r ; in B, ff. 50v-51r and 59v. i The calligraphic form of the Masoretic accent zarqa on the last letter is similar in V and B.UnauthenticatedDownload Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

InO, ff. 72v-73r; in D, see Löwinger 1978, I, 168-169; in L, ff. 49v-50r; In M, f.

28v and Ortega Monasterio 2002, 113-115; in V, ff. 44r-44v; in R, ff. 69v-70r; in B, ff. 53r-v. Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

InO, ff. 74v-75r; in D, see Löwinger 1978, I, pp. 173-174; in L, ff. 51r; in M, ff.

29v-30r and Ortega Monasterio 2002, 125-128; in V, ff. 46v-47r; in R, f. 71; in B, ff. 54v-55r. i Lemma and MP on f. 100r. ii Lemma and MP on f. 100r. iii Lemma on f. 100r. MP facing Targum. iv Refers to Gen 42:5 .UnauthenticatedDownload Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

v The waw has been erased. vi The only manuscript that has the MM in Exod 32:13 is B, but it seems that B contained more verses than the number it indicated. See Weil 25.UnauthenticatedDownload Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

viii This MM exists in Vat14, f. 101v, on באף המים עדיך סמני' ג' הורד הורד (see Weil 604). ix See Appendix 2, Graphic Signs. Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

In O, see ff. 75r-75v; in D, seeLöwinger 1978, I, 174-175; in L, ff. 51r-51v; in M, ff. 30r-30v, and Ortega Monasterio

2002, 128-130; in V, ff. 47r-47v; in R, f. 72r; in B, ff. 55r-55v. i The list is incomplete from two occurrences.ii Sometimes the lemma is להם ויאמר or ישראל אלהי יהוה אמר .כה iii The list continues in the MM placed in the lower margin. iv Illegible. v List completed with a repetition at the end. The list in D is very similar.UnauthenticatedDownload Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

In O, see ff. 85r-85v; in D, seeLöwinger 1978, I, 197-198; in L, ff. 56v-57r; in M, f. 34r, see Ortega Monasterio

2002, 174-175 and see Azcárraga Servet 2004, 3-5 ; in V, ff. 59v-60r ; in R, ff. 79v -80r; in B, ff. 61v-62r. Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

See Case 4, on Exod 12:7, lemma ף קוֹ֑ ְ שׁ מַּ ַ ל-ה֯ ﬠַ .וְ

According to G. Khan, whom I thank for this comment, it is not totally clear whether the author is referring to a Masoretic note from an old manuscript or to the biblical text in an old manuscript. Although it would be more usual to understand the term massoret to refer to a Masoretic note, further research is needed on the use of the term massoret in the context of the 13 th century. © 2015 Élodie Attia, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs

3.0 License. Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

Cf. S. Blapp's lecture, "The Diversity of the so-called Non-standard Tiberian Vocalization Tradition of Biblical Hebrew", X th EAJS Congress, Paris, 22d July 2014.

A type of script (i.e. one of the material features of an artefact) does not always systematically attest to the influence of an original, local, cultural milieu. Likewise, the absence of a Sephardic feature in an Ashkenazic manuscript does not prove that there was no contact between these communities: on the contrary, travel and cultural (mystical) exchanges between Provence, Spain and Ashkenazic communities were common at that time. That is why researches focused on both the codicological and the palaeographical features of manuscripts, as well as their philological elements and the interpretations they induced, will help to determine the geographical origin and date of many currently undated biblical manuscripts. We still lack a reconstruction of the biblical textual culture of every Ashkenazic sub-geo-cultural area, seeOlszowy-Schlanger 2003, 118.

10 Ashkenazic Bibles often include the Pentateuch, the Five Scrolls, the Haftarot, and a verse-byverse arrangement of the Targum, see Olszowy-Schlanger 2012b

, 34. 11 A typology of late medieval biblical manuscripts has yet to be created. See[START_REF] Goshen-Gottstein | The Rise of the Tiberian Bible Text[END_REF][START_REF] Stern | The Hebrew Bible in Europe in the Middle Ages. A Preliminary Typology[END_REF] Khan 2012, 8;[START_REF] Kogel | The Reconstruction of a Sefer Haftarot from the Rhine Valley. Towards a First Typology of Ashkenazi Pentateuch Manuscripts[END_REF]. According to G. Khan, there are only three kinds of biblical manuscripts: liturgical scrolls, model codices (exemplars to be copied), and popular Bibles (which include translations, commentaries, etc. in addition to the biblical text). Any further research on this question should take into account the oldest European manuscripts, the biblical fragments of the Cairo Genizah (seeDavis Outhwaite 1978[START_REF] Beit-Arié | Unveiled Faces of Medieval Hebrew Books. The Evolution of Manuscript Production -Progression or Regression?[END_REF], and those discovered in the European Genizah (Books within Books Data Base project).Unauthenticated

Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

I have examined the manuscript at the Vatican Library, Rome, in November

See also the description inRichler 2008, 9-11; Golb 1976, 121-123, 142-144; Golb 1985, 240-244, 340-343;[START_REF] Golb | The Jews in Medieval Normandy. A Social and Intellectual History[END_REF], 328-333, 434-439. Cassuto 1956, 17-19; Assemani 1756, 14-15. 2 Pentateuch (ff. 1v-242r) with Genesis (ff. 1v-63v), Exodus (ff. 63v-113r), Leviticus (ff. 113r-143v),,.3 Five Scrolls (ff. 242v-257r) with Canticles (ff. 242v-244r), Ruth (ff. 244r-246r), Lamentations (ff. 246r-248r), Ecclesiastes (ff. 248v-252v), Esther (ff. 252v-257r). The order of the Five Scrolls in Vat 14 corresponds to the same order of the Five Scrolls in the MS London, Valmadonna Trust 1 , see MPMA IV, MS No. 85, 82-87. The order given in the Babylonian Talmud, Baba Batra, 14a. 4 Extracts of Prophets are read during synagogal service after the reading of the Parasha on Shabbat). The Haftarot on Genesis (traditionally Isa 42:4-43:10) appear to stop here at 43:1, see f. 251v. 5 The list of Haftarot according to the French rite is found on f. 263r, 265r, 281r-v and probably written by Elijah ha-Naqdan, the main scribe of the manuscript. 6 The foliotation is chaotic, seeRichler 2008, 9. No corrections have been made since and the following folio numbers were omitted:43, 44, 53, 54, 58, 73, 91, 103, 154, 163, 184-191 and 232. The following numbers were assigned to two consecutive folios:49, 52, 67, 123, 124, 127, 200 and 216. Following f. 257, there are two other folios numbered 250 and 253 (in addition to ff. 250 and 253 in their correct place).UnauthenticatedDownload Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

Even if Beit-Arié 1981 [1977], 70and Sirat 1973and Sirat -1974, 446 , 446 have argued that this is the case, a discovery was made recently by Justine Isserles concerning the presence of not only outer but inner prickings in a Mahzor Vitry (MS New York, JTS, 8092 ) dated 1204 in a margin on f. 37r in the same handwriting as that of the main scribe. See Isserles 2012, Chapter 3, 47-48. I thank Justine Isserles for having shared this information with me prior to the publication of her thesis which is in preparation.

16[START_REF] Beit-Arié | Hebrew Codicology. Tentative Typology of Technical Practices Employed in Hebrew Dated Medieval Manuscripts[END_REF] [1977], 70-

71. 17 Beit-Arié 1981 [1977

], 85. 18

Attia 2014. 19 Eastern and Sefaradic manuscripts show a different layout, see

Prologue, n.

15. 20 Laufer 1983. 21 Corresponding to the halakhic prescription (for the copy of Torah Scrolls) of space of four blank lines separating consecutive books of the Pentateuch. The interaction between the rules of copying Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

See ff. 123v, 129v, 137v, 155v, 171v, 179v. Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

Müller quotes the manuscript in his Acta eruditorum (1687), 134.

Wolf 1715Wolf -1733, 166-167;, 166-167;[START_REF] Richler | Guide to Hebrew Manuscript Collections[END_REF] Richler [1992]], 230.

See Introduction, 18. Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:22 AM

Acknowledgements Plate 16: STAATSBIBLIOTHEK ZU BERLIN -Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Orientabteilung, MS Or. Quart. 9, f. 197r, colophon Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM Isa 9:2 65 Isa 10:33 38, 39 Isa 16:3 45 Isa 16:12 46 Isa 22:22 42 Isa 27:1 75 Isa 33:16 42 Isa 34:14 66 Isa 36:12 39 Isa 38:9 88 Isa 42:4-43:10 119 Isa 42:5 110 Isa 49:5 65 Isa 55:7 33 Isa 56:7 63 Isa 58:5 88 Isa 60:7 63 Isa 63:9 65 Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

project on "Scholarly Knowledge, which is financed by the German Research Foundation and focuses on "Material

Index of Biblical Verses and Occurrences

Gen 2:5 58 Gen 2:15-3:12 133 Gen 3:1 59 Gen 3:3 59 Gen 6:6-6:17 122 Gen 6:11 33 Gen 6:13 33 Gen 6:19 45 Gen 7:21-8:9 122 Gen 8:10-8:21 122 Gen 9:5 45 Gen 11:3 99 Gen 11:5 99 Gen 11:8 40, 45 Gen 11:23-12:4 122 Gen 14:1-22 133 Gen 17:10-17:23 122 Gen 17:23-18:8 122 Gen 22:8-23:6 133 Gen 22:21-23:10 122 Gen 24:16-24:30 122 Gen 24:31-24:43 122 Gen 25:18-25:30 122 Gen 27:37-28:13 133 Gen 28:9-28:20 122 Gen 29:21 46 Gen 30:7-30:20 123 Gen 30:32-31:12 133 Gen 31:16 59 Gen 31:52-32:9 123 Gen 32:26 46 Gen 34:1-25 133 Gen 35:13-35:28 123 Gen 35:29-36:14 123 Gen 36:41-37:21 133 Gen 37:1-37:11 123 Gen 37:22-38:11 133 Gen 38:12-39:4 133 Gen 39:5-40:3 133 Gen 40:3-41:3 133 Gen 40:12-40:23 123 Gen 41:38-41:50 123 Gen 41:51-42:6 123 Gen 41:57 86 Gen 42:5 86 Gen 42:25 94 Gen 44:5-44:17 123 Gen 45:13-47:5 21 Gen 47:15-47:23 123 Gen 47:24-48:3 123

1Sam 1:3 57 1Sam 2:3 65 1Sam 2:17 82 1Sam 2:19 57 1Sam 2:28 63 1Sam 2:33 63 1Sam 8:20 34 1Sam 10:18 93 1Sam 13:8 40 1Sam 14:25 86 1Sam 14:33 38 1Sam 15:23 82 1Sam 15:29 59 1Sam 17:1 93 1Sam 17:24 60 1Sam 17:32 34 1Sam 18:29 38 1Sam 19:3 51 1Sam 20:21 64 1Sam 28:15 31 2Sam 10:15 93 2Sam 10:17 38, 39 2Sam 11:1 38 2Sam 11:24 38, 39 2Sam 12:7 93 2Sam 15:23 86 2Sam 16:8 65 2Sam 23:15 38 2Sam 23:16 38 2Sam 23:20 38 1Kgs 5:12 127 1Kgs 5:17 46 1Kgs 7:6 76 1Kgs 7:21 76 1Kgs 7:41 76 1Kgs 9:21 50 1Kgs 10:21 58 1Kgs 10:24 86 1Kgs 11:39 39 1Kgs 14:4 46 1Kgs 18:36 86 2Kgs 2:21 38 2Kgs 7:13 72 2Kgs 8:10 65 2Kgs 9:6 93 2Kgs 11:4 27, 31 2Kgs 17:33 66 2Kgs 17:37 71 2Kgs 18:27 39 2Kgs 19:20 93 2Kgs 20:12 38 2Kgs 22:15 93 2Kgs 22:18 93 1Chr 2:15 52 1Chr 11:20 65 1Chr 12:12 52 1Chr 19:5 39 1Chr 23:25 71 1Chr 23:31 66 1Chr 24:10 52 1Chr 25:14 52 1Chr 28:51 45 1Chr 29:18 86 2Chr 2:3 81 2Chr 3:16 76 2Chr 5:3 52 2Chr 7:7 46 2Chr 8:14 66 2Chr 9:20 58 2Chr 13:11 81 2Chr 13:14 41 2Chr 15:9 60 2Chr 28:5 42 2Chr 30:6 86 2Chr 30:13 93 2Chr 33:7 59 2Chr 34:23 93 2Chr 34:26 93 2Chr 35:21 31 2Chr 36:22 88 Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM Unauthenticated Download Date | 12/29/15 11:21 AM

Donkey (redeem of male firstlings)

Plate 5: MS BAV, Vat. Ebr. 14, f. 77v © 2014 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (Weil 579) | ~ M (extended, Ortega Monasterio 2002, 114) Weil 1151) | ~ R תישא כי וסמניהון בתורה בטעמ̇ פס̇ רא̇ ד̇ לקחו כי לעשר תכלה כי תפגע כי ראש את (~ Weil 1151) < O D L M V 34 ֣ה| זֶ Exod 30:13 ( Eccl 9:3) רע ( Josh 9:12) לחמנו ( Exod 30:13) יתנו 35 פס̇ רא̇ ג̇ MP ( Eccl 9:13) רע ( Josh 9:12) לחמנו (Exod 30:13) יתנו זה 36 פס̇ רא̇ ג̇ זה /4/ MMor (Weil 3714 without Es 7:11) D (Weil 3714) 2Sam 10:15) ארם ( 1Sam 17:1) פלשתים ( Judg 20:14) בנימן ( Judg 10:17) עמון (Neh 12:28 ) המשררים ( Ezra 3:1) אחד כאיש השביעי החדש ( 2Chr 30:13) [Neh 7:1 and2Sam 10:15 [START_REF] Ginsburg | The Massorah Compiled from Manuscripts Alphabetically and Lexically Arranged I[END_REF], I 102, No. 1011and 4, 120, No. 1011)

Codicological and Paleographical Description

Pentateuch (with Targum ), Five Scrolls (with Targum) and Haftarot copied, corrected, vocalized and completed with Masorah by Elijah ben Berakhiah ben Natronai ha-Naqdan for R. Asher , a patron, [310 ff], parchment, 289 × 228 mm, place of copy not mentioned but dated from Tuesday 21 st Av 99 [24 th July 1239] according to colophon, f. 292r. 1 The manuscript is a complete and homogenous volume except that the folios 1r-3v have been lost and replaced by an Italo-Ashkenazic hand in the 15 th century. The codex contains the Pentateuch (ff. 1-242r), 2 the Five Scrolls (ff. 242v-257r) 3 and the Haftarot 4 according to the Ashkenazic rite (ff. 257r-292r). 5 The vowels and the accents are written according to the Tiberian system. The Targum is provided for the Pentateuch only, and the Masoretic notes (Masora Parva and Magna) on the Pentateuch and Five Scrolls (until f. 257v), with regular, ornamental and figurative Masorah. The foliotation is very irregular as stated in the new catalogue. 6 Format, size Vat14 is a medium-sized codex of 310 folios measuring approximately 300 × 240 mm. The written space measures approximately 185 × 165 mm. an exemplar. 43 The scribe wrote first a 'large' waw )ו( in the word ויזתא (Esth 9:9), 44 but then he explained in the outer margin that he looked in an exemplar where he did not find this feature:

שני שיהיו נמצא גדולה היתה אם כי גדולה אינה ויזתא מן הוי״ו כי מוגה נושן ישן במסרת ראיתי גדולות. ביתא באלפא ווי״ן שני שיהיו אפשר ואי ]וזה[ ודין גחון על הולך של וי״ו במסרת גדולות ווי״ן "[On a large waw erased in Esth 9:9 :]ויזתא I saw in the massoret of an old biblical exemplar that the waw in ויזתא (Esth 9:9) is not large. If it were large, there would be two large waw )ו( in the massoret, one with the waw in גחון על הולך (Lev 11:42) and here. And it is not possible to have twice a large waw."

In the Haftarot parts, Elijah wrote in semi-cursive script on the folios 265r, 281r and 281v, the indication בצרפת מתחילין כאן meaning "Here in France begins (the reading of the Haftarot)". 45 The indication יותר כאן מצאתי לא meaning "Here, I did not find anymore notes", written in the lower margin on ff. 206v and 225v, witness the work of Elijah who was searching for Masoretic notes. Another hand (Scribe 2) made annotations (sometimes quoting Ibn Ezra ) in a very light grey ink, in a cursive Ashkenazic script, on ff. 45r, 45v, 46 56v, 47 57r. Another hand (Scribe 3) added notes in old French written in Hebrew letters (f. 171r, 233v, 241v). 48 Another hand added a drawing (pot?) on f. 275v.

Identification of the scribe, punctuator and masran

From the f. 4r till f. 292r, the only one scribe, corrector, punctuator and masorete is Elija h ben Berakhiah ben Natronai ha-Naqdan . His name, Elijah אליה or Elijahu ,אליהו is pointed out many times in the manuscript: ff. 159v, 209v, f. 234r-241v (colophon written in alphabetical Masorah), 49 239r (inside a letter of the colophon written in alphabetical Masorah), 242r, 264v, and 292r. According to the main colophon on f. 292r, the codex Vat14 was copied for R. Asher , a patron.

On f. 159v: inside the Masora Magna, Elijah signalized his name with dots, using one of the biblical verses from the Masoretic list.

On f. 209v: the letters of his name are marked with dots and floral patterns. On ff. 234r-241v: the scribe wrote a colophon formed by letters made in micrographic script (alphabetical Masorah, see Plate 14 and fig. 15): 43 A model codex, see Prologue, n. 23. 44 On 'large letter', see Dotan 2007, § 1.2.2.4. Like Vat14, V (f. 236r) and B (f. 145r) displays a large waw in Esther 9:9. On the contrary, there is no such modification in L and M (O and D are not transmitting the book of Esther). 45 The same note at f. 263r may be from another hand. Not recorded in by Golb 1976, 143-144, n. 410

השם ויזכהו On f. 239r: inside the word מבנים of the colophon (f. 234r-241v), he replaced Masoretic notes by another colophon that has never been identified:

On f. 242r: he added a scribal formula (from 2Sam 10:12):

ואמן אמן ואמן אמן ואמן |אמן ולהצליח לעשות השם| יזכהו יזק לא| והנקדן הסופר ונתחזק| חזק 52 ואמ'. אמן On f. 264v: his name pointed out, on the top of the left column, twice inside the left column.

On f. 292r: on the last folio of the manuscript, strongly damaged on the left hand side, the scribe supplied another colophon in semi-cursive script, with details and the date of its completion, only of which some parts remain. 53 In the colophon, the scribe listed the works composed by his father, Berakhiah ha-Naqdan

History of the volume

The first quire was restored then rewritten by an Italo-Ashkenazic Italian scribe (square script, ff. 1-3 + talon) and owned by Italian Jews during the 16 th century if not more, as several Hebrew annotations attest. See f. 1r, [... ben] Rav Cohen in 1442, a Dolce of Castelleto in 1540; on f. 242v, before the beginning of the Song of Songs, Isaac wrote that he took an oath in 1557. 61 According to the Assemani's catalogue, the MS Vat. Ebr. 14 would have been part of the 288 Hebrew MSS of Palatine Library of Heidelberg, given by Maxilimian I of Bavaria to the Pope Gregorio XV in 1622. 62 Nevertheless, Umberto Cassuto suggests another provenance. The manuscript would have belonged to the old manuscripts of the Palatine Library (outside the Ulrico Fugger 's collection, bearing the shelfmark Vet. 494 | Nov. 14 on f. 1r), and would have been possessed by an Italian Jew, Jacob ben Abraham Rossello , a relative of Mordekhay ben Jacob Rosselo living in Ferrara in 1550. 63 Kennicott and De Rossi used the manuscript in their editions 64 as well as A. Berliner for his Targum 's edition. 65 This manuscript is announced to be digitized and fully available on-line in the future. 66 61 Cassuto 1956, 19; Richler 2008, 11. 62 Assemani 1756; Richler 2014 [1992], 93, 219. 63 Cassuto 1935, 56, 69, 70. 64

Codicological and Paleographical Description

Bible : Pentateuch, Five Scrolls, Job and Haftarot copied, corrected, vocalized and completed with Masorah by Elijah ben Berakhiah ben Natronai ha-Naqdan , 198 ff, parchment, c. 134 × 115 mm (c. 90 × 78 mm), finished on Wednesday the 26 th October 1233 (f. 197r) in the city of Rouen (RDWM .)רדום This manuscript kept at the SBB is an homogenous volume. 1 From f. 1r till the end, the only copyist, corrector, punctuator and masorete is Elijah ha-Naqdan. The biblical text contains the Pentateuch (ff. 3-129v), 2 Five Scrolls (ff. 130r-146r), and the Haftarot according to the Ashkenazic rite (ff. 160r-196v). From f. 182r onwards, the title 'Other Haftarot' describes the beginning of Festivals' Haftarot. The Targum Jonathan appears in the Haftarot of Pesach (f. 190r) and Shavuot (f. 194v), mostly alternating verse-by-verse. 4 The text provides Masoretic notes MP and MM on Pentateuch and Five Scrolls. The foliotation is correctly added in Latin on every recto.

Format, size

The MS Or. Quart. 9 is a very small bible (pocket Bible) similar to, for instance, MS Paris, BnF, Hébr. 33 . 5

Parchment

Several kinds of parchments were used in several thicknesses (from very thin to medium thick) and several colors of tanned skin can be observed. The differentiation between the hair and flesh (brighter) sides is usually visible, but the shaving has sometimes erased these differences.

1 I have examined the manuscript at the Staatsbibliothek in October 2011. Steinschneider 1878, 22-23, n. 43; Golb 1976, 123, 141-142; Golb 1976, 123, 141-142; Golb 1985, 238-240; Golb 1998, 325-328; Werner 2002. 2 Genesis (3r-34v), Exodus (34v-61v), Leviticus (62r-81r), Numbers (81r-107v), Deuteronomy (108r-129v).

3 Song of Songs (ff. 130rv-132r); Ecclesiastes (132r-136v), Ruth (ff. 136v-138v), Lamentations (ff. 138v-140v); Esther (ff. 140v-146r). Not in the same order as in Vat. Ebr. 14. 4 The Targum Jonathan begins on f. 190r with a delay: first, the verses Joshua 5:2-4 are quoted, then the Targum on these verses, and after, Hebrew and Aramaic alternate. The same is visible on f. 194v, for Shavuot, Ezekiel, 1:1-3, then Targum , then alternating after verse 1:4. On Targum layout, see Attia 2014. 5 See Sirat 1997, 246-247, 257 (fig. 9).

Unauthenticated

Identification of the scribe

The name of the scribe appears twice. Firstly, at the end of Deuteronomy, f. 129v, Elijah ha-Naqdan is identified through alphabetical micrography (see Plate 14, at the end of the description). Lastly, the name of Elijah ben ha-[word erased!] Berakhiah ha-Naqdan appears in the colophon f. 197r. 11 The name of the city RDWM )רדום( was mentioned by Steinschneider in his complete transcription of the colophon. 12 Here an extract:

גדול והחכם והדיוקן והתנא והקרא הנקדן ברכיה ר' [ 16 Rouen (as Rodomus or Rodoma) was suggested by H. Gross and followed by N. Golb. 17 This interpretation is contested by G. Nahon, suggesting Dormans (Marne) . 18

Dating

The dating of the Colophon I, f. 197r (above mentioned) is incomplete and does not mention the century the manuscript was written in. 19 According to the small count of the 4 th millennium, the year 94 could indicate 4094, but like in Vat. Ebr. 14, it should be read 4994, matching with Wednesday the 26 th October 1233. This allows a chronological proximity with Berakhiah ha-Naqdan (second half of the 12 th century, Elijah as a son of his old age) and a palaeographical coherence with Vat. Ebr. 14. 20 Hebrew script The scribe uses a calligraphic square script, of the Ashkenazic type, described as the Northern French square script. 21 Even if the script is of a very small size (2 mm), it is similar in all points to the script of MS Vat. Ebr. 14. Vowels and accents are written according to the Tiberian vocalization system.

11 see Golb 1976, illustration 20. 12 Steinschneider 1878, 22-23; Golb 1976, 123. 13 Erased. 14 Erased. Golb 1976, 123 16 Kennicott 2003 [1776-1780] statt 1783, 520. 17 Gross 2011 [1969], 622-624, esp. 623; Golb 1998, 269-274. 18 Nahon 1975; Nahon 2011, 36

Plates Credits

Images of MS Vat. Ebr. 14, ff. 63v, 67 bis r, 72v, 75v, 77v, 85v, 93r, 98r, 100v, 101r, 104r, 113r, 239r are reproduced by the permission of the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, with all rights reserved. Images of MS Or. Quart. 9 , ff. 110v, 129v and 197r are reproduced by the permission of the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin -Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Orientabteilung, with all rights reserved.

Front cover: STAATSBIBLIOTHEK ZU BERLIN -Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Orientabteilung, Ms. Or. Quart. 9, f. 110v: Hydra.