Katia Chirkova
email: katia.chirkova@gmail.com

Franz K Huber

Caroline S Weckerle

Henriette Daudey

Gerong

Gerong Pincuo

Plant Names as Traces of the Past in Shuiluo Valley, China

Keywords: plant name, loanword, cognate, language contact, linguistic history, Tibeto-Burman

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Introduction

Plant names are of great interest for comparative and historical studies of languages, as evidence of both genetic relatedness and past contact between ethnic groups. Plants that are central to the traditional culture of a group, such as crops, tend to have names that are cognate (historically related) in related languages. For example, a comparative analysis of crop names, correlated with the history of crop domestication and agricultural development, may yield important clues to the population history of entire regions and to the phylogeny of entire language families (for East Asian languages, see for instance Bellwood 1984Bellwood -1985;;[START_REF] Bradley | Proto-Tibeto-Burman grain crops[END_REF][START_REF] Sagart | The Vocabulary of Cereal Cultivation and the Phylogeny of East Asian Languages[END_REF]Sagart et al. 2005).

Plants may also be encountered as novel objects brought in from the outside by trade or by cultural contact, such as Old World crops (wheat, barley, peach) introduced to the Americas, or New World crops (such as maize, common bean, potatoes) introduced to Europe. Names for such novel plants are subject to various naming strategies, including borrowing the original term (thus creating a loan word) or using semantically similar native terms (see for instance [START_REF] Brown | Lexical Acculturation in Native American languages[END_REF] in relation to the incorporation of European words into Amerindian languages). Alternatively, plants may be encountered as novel objects when ethnic groups move into a new area. Together with toponyms and terms for local fauna, terms for local flora are among the first concepts to be taken over by the newcomers (e.g., Schneider 2007:39, 56, 79).

All in all, plant names with similar form and meaning shared by different languages (as cognates or as loanwords) may offer valuable information on the degree of relatedness between these languages, on past contact between the ethnic groups that speak them, and on their migration history. The present paper explores this assumption in relation to names for commonly used plants in five Tibeto-Burman languages spoken in one mountain valley located in the Hengduan ( 横断) Mountains Region in southwest China.

The Hengduan Mountains are renowned for their extreme biological, ethnic, and linguistic diversity. The region is one of the hotspots of global biodiversity [START_REF] Myers | Biodiversity Hotspots for Conservation Priorities[END_REF][START_REF] Wang | Regional overview: China and East Asia[END_REF]. It is also one of the most ethnically and linguistically complex areas of China, as it served for centuries as a migration corridor for various Tibeto-Burman groups (e.g., [START_REF] Hsu | Introduction. In Naxi and Moso Ethnography: Kin Rites and Pictographs[END_REF]. The region's remote and mountainous location has thus far been a major obstacle to its exploration. As a result, we know little about the local ethnic groups and their languages, and especially about their complex interaction. This paper addresses these issues by focusing on shared common plant names in the local languages to provide independent insights on the relationships between these languages and their contact history.

The Study Site and Its People

The study site, Shuiluo Valley (水洛), lies at approximately 28°N and 101°E. It is located in Shuiluo Township (水洛乡), which is part of Muli Tibetan Autonomous County (Muli Zangzu Zizhixian 木里藏族自治县, Written Tibetan [hereafter WT] smi li rang skyong rdzong) in Sichuan Province (四川省) in the People's Republic of China (Figure 1). 1 Shuiluo Valley is drained by the Shuiluo River (水洛河), a tributary of the Yangtze (Muli Gazetteers 2010:306). The elevation in the valley ranges from ca. 2200 m at the valley floor to over 6200 m at the summits of the surrounding mountains. Local vegetation can be broadly divided into five belts: (a) subtropical shrub vegetation from the valley floor to the altitude of 2400 m, (b) pine forest (Pinus yunnanensis Franch.) from 2400 to 2800 m, (c) pine mixed forest from 2800 to 3500 m, (d) conifer mixed forest from 3500 to 4400 m, and (e) alpine shrub forest above 4000 to 4500 m (Weckerle et al. 2006:5).

Figure 1. Location of Shuiluo Valley and place names mentioned in the text

There are five local ethnic groups in the study area. These are: 2 1. Pumi (普米), historically the local ethnic majority, self-designation /pʰɻṍmə/.

Until recently, the Pumi language served as a local lingua franca. Currently, Mandarin Chinese is replacing the Pumi language in this role.

2. Tibetans, self-designation /pè/, WT bod. The local name of the group in the national Mandarin Chinese language, Gami (嘎米), stems from Pumi /kámə/, possibly "helpers" (hereafter Kami).

3. "Shu people," self-designation / EP ʃʉ-hĩ/ or / EP ʂu-hĩ/ . The local name of the group, Xumi (旭米), is also reportedly of Pumi origin, / ɕùmə/ "Shu people" (hereafter Xumi). Mosuo and Naxi are closely related and collectively known as "Na" people, as they all have /nɑ/ as part of their self-designation [START_REF] 杨福泉 | Namuyi" yu "Na" zhi zuqun guanxi kaolue "纳木依"与"纳"之 族群关系考略 [The ethnic relationship between the Namuyi and Na][END_REF].

With the exception of the Xumi group, which is limited to Shuiluo, all local ethnic groups have a broader distribution beyond Shuiluo Township and the borders of Muli County. Tibetans also live to the north and west of Muli, 3 the Pumi also live to the north and southwest of Muli, 4 and the Na groups also live to the southwest of Muli. 5 The respective cultural and historical centers of these groups lie (a) to the northwest of Muli for Tibetans (the Tibetan Empire, instituted by Srong btsan sgam po in the seventh century), (b) to the southwest of Muli for Na groups (the Naxi kingdom in the Lijiang [ 丽江] area, founded in the mid-thirteenth century), and (c) in Muli and surrounding areas of southwest Sichuan for Pumi (La et al. 2009:27).

Xumi are presently the ethnic majority of Shuiluo Township (with a total of six villages), followed by Kami (with two villages in the upper reaches of the Shuiluo River)

and Pumi (with one village in the upper reaches of the Shuiluo River and one village in the middle reaches of the Shuiluo River). Together the three groups account for over 85% of the population of the township (Muli Gazetteers 2010:28). Mosuo and Naxi, on the other hand, are in the minority. The Mosuo group has one village in the middle reaches of the Shuiluo River, whereas the Naxi group has two villages in the lower reaches of the Shuiluo River.

The settlement in the valley is an outcome of complex migration processes. Pumi are likely to be among the oldest inhabitants of the area. Tibetans, on the other hand, are likely to have arrived in the area around 680 AD following the military and political expansion of the Tibetan empire in the seventh century (Kessler 1986:20). The history and origin of the Xumi group is disputed. Two alternative hypotheses are that the Xumi are among the oldest inhabitants of the area, or that there was a migration to Shuiluo sometime in the Qing (清) dynasty from the areas to the south of Muli, which was in turn traditionally populated by Na groups (Chirkova 2009:6-7). Xumi have strong links to Na groups and some Naxi historians even consider Xumi as branch of the Na ethnos (Guo and He 1994:8-9; see also Rock 1947:110, footnote 60). Na groups have also been present in Shuiluo throughout its history. Between the fifteenth and the seventeenth centuries, Shuiluo Valley, along with several other valleys which are now part of Muli County, were controlled by Naxi Mu (木) kings from their capital in Lijiang (Rock 1947:110, 114). The Naxi troops were forced to withdraw only in the early years of the Qing dynasty (Wellens 2010:28). The present-day Naxi and Mosuo inhabitants of Shuiluo Valley, on the other hand, represent recent migrations from the historically Naxi and Mosuo areas to the south of Shuiluo ( Muli Gazetteers 2010:562; essentially Eya, see Figure 1).

Given its location at the intersection of the Tibetan, Na, Xumi, and Pumi groups, 6 Shuiluo has a long history of multi-ethnicity and relatively equal multilingualism. As a result, the local groups display a high degree of sociocultural and linguistic homogeneity.

The local groups also share religious practices, which combine Tibetan Mahayana Buddhism with non-Buddhist religious practices that center on worshipping ancestors and deities (e.g., [START_REF] Oppitz | Naxi and Moso Ethnography: Kin Rites and Pictographs[END_REF][START_REF] Weckerle | Plant Knowledge of the Shuhi in the Hengduan Mountains, Southwest China[END_REF]Wellens 2010:119-131, 132-158).

The local languages are typologically similar. They are phonologically and morphologically monosyllabic and tonal, with a simple syllable structure (of essentially the type (C)(C)(G)V, where C is a consonant, G is a glide, V is a vowel nucleus, and brackets indicate optional constituents). They are isolating (weakly agglutinative), and with a basic order SOV with modifier preceding modified.

The precise relationship of most local languages to each other and their broader affiliations within the Tibeto-Burman language family are a matter of dispute. This is not surprising in view of the complex history of the area and the little data that are available on the local languages. Kami is the only language whose genetic position is uncontroversial. It belongs to the Kham dialect of Tibetan of the Bodish subgroup of Tibeto-Burman (e.g., Gesang 1964;[START_REF] Qu | Zangyu fangyan de yanjiu fangfa 藏语方言 的研究方法 [Methods in the study of the Tibetan dialects]. Xinan Minyuan Xuebao 《西南民院学报》[END_REF]. Xumi and Pumi are considered as members of the putative Qiangic subgroup (e.g., Bradley 1997a:35-38;[START_REF] Sun | Lun Zang-Mian yuzu zhong de Qiang yuzhi yuyan 论藏缅语族 中的羌语支语言 [On the Qiangic branch of the Tibet-Burman language family[END_REF]. Naxi and Mosuo (or Na languages) are unclassified and held to be transitional between the Qiangic and Lolo-Burmese subgroups (Bradley 1997a:37). The position of the Xumi language is the least clear of all Shuiluo languages for it has been argued to be more closely related to Na languages than to its putative sister language within the Qiangic subgroup, Pumi (e.g., [START_REF] Chirkova | Shixing, a Tibeto-Burman Language of South-West China: A Grammatical Sketch with two Appended Texts[END_REF][START_REF] Chirkova | The Qiangic Subgroup from an Areal Perspective: A Case Study of Languages of Muli[END_REF]Guo and He 1994:8-9).

Data Sources and Methods

Our study builds on previous ethnobotanical fieldwork in the Shuiluo Valley by Weckerle and Huber between 2004and 2010(e.g., Weckerle et al. 2005a, 2005b[START_REF] 杨福泉 | Namuyi" yu "Na" zhi zuqun guanxi kaolue "纳木依"与"纳"之 族群关系考略 [The ethnic relationship between the Namuyi and Na][END_REF].

That work includes documentation of plant use by the local groups and the analysis of the traditional knowledge concerning wild collected plant species. It also includes pile sorting and preference ranking tasks for identifying local plant categories (see Weckerle 2005b[START_REF] Weckerle | Plant Knowledge of the Shuhi in the Hengduan Mountains, Southwest China[END_REF].

Data reported in this study were collected in one field trip (of 1 month) to Shuiluo in November 2011. Seventy plant species belonging to 44 families were collected and identified in the field based on plant knowledge from previous fieldwork. The reference herbarium specimens were deposited at the herbarium of the Kunming Institute of Botany (KUN), Chinese Academy of Sciences. All specimens were stored in transparent plastic bags and presented to language consultants as fresh plant material. The collected plants were classified into the following eight categories of use (as based on previous ethnobotanical fieldwork): (a) field crops, (b) fruit trees, (c) wild collected food plants, (d) fodder, (e) fuel wood, (f) medicinal plants, (g) ritual plants, and (h) others [START_REF] Weckerle | Plant Knowledge of the Shuhi in the Hengduan Mountains, Southwest China[END_REF]. A complete list of all collected plants together with their Xumi, Kami, and Pumi meaning equivalents is provided as supplemental material on the Journal's website (https://ethnobiology.org/publications/journal).

We collected linguistic data for each language in different villages (Figure 1; Table 1). The majority of language consultants were middle-aged men, proficient in the contact language, Mandarin, and knowledgeable in plant use. (The male-gender bias is due to the fact that proficiency in Mandarin is low among local farmer women.)

Language consultants were asked to name the specimens in the plant collection and instructed to clearly repeat each name three times. For Kami and Pumi, which are represented by one consultant each, we additionally cross-checked the collected data against the data collected in previous fieldwork by Weckerle, Huber, and Chirkova, as well as with other informants of these languages interviewed in the administrative seat of Muli County, Qiaowa Town. The collected data were transcribed in the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA). Kami forms were provided with their Tibetan etymologies (based on regular sound correspondences between Kami and Old Tibetan, as discussed in [START_REF] Chirkova | A First Look at Kami, the Tibetan Dialect of Muli[END_REF]).

While we used the plant collection to record plant names in all five languages of Shuiluo Valley, further analysis of the collected data was complicated by the fact that the local languages were previously little-documented (or not documented at all, as in the case of the local Mosuo and Naxi varieties) and thus required additional fieldwork and research. Since we were able to collect additional data on the Xumi, Kami, and Pumi languages, these were chosen as the main focus of our analysis. Naxi and Mosuo forms in the main text are cited in phonemic transcriptions if quoted from published sources (for those plants that were previously documented (as in [START_REF] He | Naxiyu Jianzhi 《纳西语简志》 [A brief description of the Naxi language[END_REF][START_REF] Huang | Zang-Mian Yuzu Yuyan Cihui 《藏缅语族语言词汇》 [A Tibeto-Burman lexicon[END_REF], and in phonetic transcription if based on firsthand fieldwork.

Our analysis focused, on the one hand, on the names of field crops and, on the other hand, on plant names that are similar in form and meaning in two or more languages throughout the remaining categories of use. The former category of plant names was used as an indication of a relative degree of relatedness between the studied languages. This is because plant names whose use is more universal (such as field crops)

are more likely to show widespread cognancy, and, if multiple names are shared, to suggest a close genetic relationship between the languages under investigation (cf. from Xumi, (e) loanwords from Chinese (yet another dominant regional language), and

(f) cognates.

As the second step for each shared form, we attempted to distinguish between these possible sources. Chinese loanwords were few and easy to identify given that the presence of the Han Chinese in the area generally postdates the establishment of Muli County in 1953 (e.g., Li 2010:115-117). Tibetan borrowings in the local languages were more numerous, given that Shuiluo and Muli traditionally fall within the sphere of Tibetan cultural influence. Tibetan was identified as donor for the shared plant name if it had Tibetan etymology. The following sources for Tibetan plant names were used:

Hübotter (1957), [START_REF] Gammerman | Slovar' tibetsko-latino-russkix nazvanij lekarstvennogo rastitel'nogo syr'ja, primenjaemogo v tibetskoj meditsine [A Tibetan-Latin-Russian Dictionary of Tibetan Medicinal Plants[END_REF], and the Rangjung Yeshe Tibetan-English Dictionary (2003).

We used a combination of strategies to detect loanwords from Na languages and Pumi. For those plant names that had been previously documented in other varieties of Na languages (essentially the crop names, as in He and Jiang 1985:141-142;[START_REF] Huang | Zang-Mian Yuzu Yuyan Cihui 《藏缅语族语言词汇》 [A Tibeto-Burman lexicon[END_REF], and in other varieties of Pumi (as in [START_REF] Lu | Pumiyu Fangyan Yanjiu 《普米语方言研究》 [A Dialectal Study of the Pumǐ Language[END_REF], we were able to compare these previously documented forms with our Shuiluo data. If the plant name was shared among different varieties of Na languages, the latter were taken to be the source of the shared forms in the languages of Shuiluo. The same applies to Pumi. In the case of those plant names that had not been previously documented (the majority of forms), we relied on comparative firsthand data from two varieties of Pumi investigated by the authors of the article, the Wadu (瓦都) variety spoken in Ninglang (宁蒗) County, and the Yiji (依吉) variety, spoken in Muli County (to the southeast of Shuiluo Township; Figure 1).

Corresponding plant names in these two varieties of Pumi were identified on the basis of Shuiluo Pumi plant data and recorded with three native speakers of Wadu Pumi and two native speakers of Yiji Pumi (all middle-aged men). The basic reasoning was again as follows: if a particular plant name was shared in Shuiluo, Wadu, and Yiji varieties of Pumi, Pumi was taken to be a possible source for the shared plant name in the Shuiluo languages.

As the final step of our analysis, we examined the distribution of plant names with similar form and meaning in relation to their categories of use. We then assessed the resulting patterns against the background of the existing historical and linguistic accounts of the Xumi, Kami, and Pumi languages as outlined above.

The proposed analysis is admittedly tentative. All local languages are unwritten, spoken in a multilingual setting, and little-documented. Both our documentary record and the historical data are sketchy, if not entirely absent, and the preliminary state of research on the languages precludes a systematic investigation of the layering of lexical material (e.g., as discussed in [START_REF] Andersen | Introduction[END_REF][START_REF] Sagart | History through Loanwords: The Loan Correspondences between Hani and Chinese[END_REF]. In addition, the overall number of plant names shared between any two given languages is insufficient to exhaustively address the issue of regular sound correspondences between them.

Nonetheless, despite the preliminary nature of our findings, our study has the potential to contribute to the furthering of our understanding of the linguistic history of Shuiluo as it provides (a) new data for future, more systematic historical-comparative studies of the local languages based on a larger body of evidence, and (b) independent support for the existing historical and linguistic accounts of the local languages.

Results

Field Crops

The field crops discussed in this section represent the core cultigens of the local ethnic groups and account for the major portions of their diet. They include (a) species of native origin and of early introduction (Table 2) and (b) species that were introduced more recently (Table 3). 7 Given that Na languages are conventionally held to be transitional between the Qiangic and Lolo-Burmese subgroups, sharing lexical material with both subgroups (Bradley 1997a:37), Table 2 also includes reconstructed Lolo-Burmese forms from Bradley (1997b[START_REF] Bradley | Proto-Tibeto-Burman grain crops[END_REF]. [Matisoff 2003:39, 605]).

Finally, we note that names for "wheat" (Triticum aestivum L.) and "barley" in Xumi, Naxi, and Mosuo share the base element "wheat" (Xumi / H dzɹ̩ /, Naxi and Lianmu Mosuo /dze³³/). Names for "barley" in these languages combine this base element with a modifier element of unknown etymology (Xumi / LP mɐ-dzɹ̩ / or / EP mɛ-dzɹ̩ /, Naxi /mɯ³³-dze³³/, Lianmu Mosuo /mə³³-dze³³/). By contrast, in the name for "barley" in Shuiluo Pumi (/mədʑî/), which is similar to Xumi, Naxi, and Lianmu Mosuo forms, there appears to be no connection between the element /dʑî/ in second-syllable position and the native Pumi term for "wheat" /ɕɐ/ (the same applies to Wadu Pumi, /mədzǐ/ "barley" vs. /ɕɐ/ "wheat"). This suggests that the Pumi name for "barley" is a loanword from Na languages, rather than a native Pumi word.

Table 3 lists names for maize (Zea mays L.) and common bean (Phaseolus vulgaris L.), two New World crops which were introduced into the area sometime during the last 500 years (see [START_REF] Ho | The Introduction of American Food Plants into China[END_REF] in relation to maize). The two species are traditionally grown together in Shuiluo, as they are in the Americas, and they probably arrived in China together. Consistent with cross-language naming tendencies for items of acculturation (e.g., [START_REF] Atran | Folk Biology and the Anthropology of Science: Cognitive Universals and Cultural Particulars[END_REF]Berlin et al. 1974:53;Brown 1999:50-54, 159-160), native terms for these plants were coined through extending to them the application of the native labels for their closest local analogs: "wheat" in the case of "maize" and "soybean" in the case of "common bean".

The term for "maize" in many languages of China is a compound that contains the "wheat" etymon. To give an example, one of the first Chinese names for "maize" was "foreign wheat", fanmai (番麦) ; which was later replaced by "jade wheat," yumai (玉麦) (Warman 2003:39-40). The use of the "wheat" etymon in the name for "maize" is also common in many Tibeto-Burman languages (e.g., Bradley [1997b] for Lolo-Burmese).

Shuiluo languages may be no exception to this pattern. The names for "maize" in Shuiluo languages are all disyllabic forms. In Middle Xumi, Naxi, and Mosuo, they combine a base element with the meaning "wheat" (Xumi / H dzɹ̩ /, Naxi and Mosuo /dze³³/) with a modifier element of unknown etymology (/kʰɑ/ or /qʰɑ/ with a low tone). The similarity of the name for "maize" in Middle Xumi to that in Lianmu Mosuo vis-à-vis different names for "maize" in Upper and Lower Xumi is likely due to the close contact between Middle Xumi and Lianmu Mosuo. The word for "maize" in Middle Xumi is therefore likely a loanword from Mosuo.

In the remaining languages, the same modifier element of unknown etymology (/kʰɑ/ or /qʰɑ/ with a low tone) is combined with the element /ʂɹ̩ /, /ʂə/, /ʃɐ/, or /ɕə/ in secondsyllable position. Given the strong tendency for disyllabic forms for "maize" to contain the "wheat" etymon, we tentatively analyze this element as "wheat," possibly relatable to Burmic *ša³ (Bradley 2011:137). We note that in Lower Xumi, Shuiluo Pumi, and Kami, there is no direct connection between that second-syllable element and native words for "wheat." This suggests a possibly external source for the term "maize" in these languages.

Dialectal Pumi data at our disposal provides an interesting perspective to the distribution of the name /kʰaʂə/ (or variants) "maize" in the area. Alternatively, southern Pumi varieties use a loanword from Naxi (as in Wadu Pumi, /qʰae-dzí/). This suggests one common source for the term "maize" in Muli and surrounding areas. Furthermore, the distribution of the name "maize" in different Pumi varieties also points to a split between northern and southern Pumi varieties before maize was introduced into the area. This correlates well with the historical account that links the In the case of "common bean," names for this species in most local languages are monosyllabic forms (e.g., Xumi / R nũ/ or / R nõ/, Naxi /nv̩ ²¹/, Mosuo /nu²¹/, Pumi /njû/ or /njô/). By contrast, in Kami the base element "bean," /sámɔ/, WT sran mo, is etymologically distinct and preceded by a modifier of unclear origin, /Nbònó/.

Furthermore, monosyllabic names for "common bean" in Xumi, Pumi, and Mosuo are used as base element in polysyllabic names for "soybean," an indigenous species, domesticated in the late second millennium BCE in North China (Ho 1975:76-81). That base element in names for "soybean" is preceded by modifier elements ("horse-fodderbean" in most languages). This naming strategy ("overt marking" [Brown 1999:28]) stands in clear contrast to that in the case of "maize," in which a monosyllabic name for a local species ("wheat") is used as base element in the disyllabic, descriptive name for a newly introduced species ("maize") (the same strategy can be observed in Kami names for "soybean" and "common bean"). The reverse strategy ("marking reversal" [Brown 1999: 28]) in the case of "common bean" in Xumi, Pumi, and Lianmu Mosuo is likely to reflect the fact that the newly introduced species surpassed the indigenous species in salience (see Brown 1999:139-140, 159): common beans are primarily used by these groups for food, whereas soybeans are primarily used for fodder.

Using names for the field crops of native origin as an indication of the relative degree of relatedness of the local languages, we can observe that (a) Kami is most distantly related to all other Shuiluo languages, (b) Xumi is likely to be closely related to Na languages, and (c) Pumi is relatively distant from both Xumi and Na languages, for its names for field crops are mostly distinct from those in the latter languages, with only three forms out of eight showing similarity in form and meaning (including one form, "barley," likely being a loanword). Names for "maize" in the local languages reflect, on the one hand, the importance of Na languages as a source of loanwords in the area to the southwest of Shuiluo (as in Wadu Pumi) and, on the other hand, the importance of a local linguistic variety (which is associated with Muli and surrounding areas) as a source of loanwords in most Shuiluo languages. However, the use of the Xumi word for "broom" (Upper Xumi / RP bjɛkɔ/) in Kami forms reveals Xumi as the source for these two plant names in Kami. (In Kami, these ritual plants are named after their use, which is ritual sweeping.)

Second, the two Kami forms that are identifiable with Tibetan roots ("pomegranate"

[Punica granatum L.] and "juniper"), thus suggesting Tibetan as the source for the corresponding Xumi forms, are shared in all or almost all subvarieties of Xumi. This possibly suggests previous contacts between Xumi and Tibetans, distinct from the present-day Upper Xumi-Kami contact situation in the upper reaches of the Shuiluo River. (In the case of "pine" [Pinus yunnanensis Franch.], WT thang, the source of that plant name is more difficult to identify, given that the form in question is a widespread Tibeto-Burman etymon, *taŋ [Matisoff 2003:662].)

Finally, in the remaining two cases ("sweet flag, calamus" [Acorus calamus L.] and Cornus oblonga Wall.), the Tibetan etymology of the forms is uncertain, whereas standard Tibetan meaning equivalents of these plant names are distinct from the corresponding Kami forms. For example, the standard Tibetan meaning equivalent of "sweet flag, calamus" is shu dag nag po. This leaves Xumi (or alternatively, some external source) as the donor for the shared names.

Plant Names Shared between Xumi and Pumi

Of the five plant names that are shared by Xumi and Pumi (Table 5), three names are also shared in Shuiluo Pumi and Wadu Pumi: "common bracken, eagle fern," "sand willow" (Salix cheilophila C.K. Schneid.), and "beard lichen" (Usnea longissima Ach.).

The status of these forms, as either cognates in Pumi and Xumi or Pumi loan words in Xumi, is difficult to establish with certainty. In one case ("beard lichen"), the shared form is a Pumi loanword in Xumi, as confirmed by our language consultants. This type of lichen grows at high altitudes, further from the subtropical shrub vegetation belt, which is home to the Xumi group. The Xumi traditionally use this type of lichen as a sponge, and refer to this species by its Pumi name. Conversely, the names for "common bracken, eagle fern" and "sand willow", which are both local common wild species, may be any of In two cases ("walnut" [Juglans regia L.] and "dandelion" [Taraxacum officinale agg. (L.) Weber ex F.H.Wigg.]), Wadu Pumi forms are distinct from Shuiluo Pumi forms.

Of these, the word for "walnut" deserves a special note due to its cultural importance in the Himalayan region. This crop, traditionally cultivated by different local ethnic groups has until recently been the main source for oil (Weckerle et al. 2005a:287). Given its importance, the name for this plant has been documented in previous studies of local languages (and in different varieties of Pumi and Tibetan). The list of names for "walnut" in the Tibeto-Burman languages of China in Huang et al. (1992:134) reflects three major sources for this plant name (Table 6). The distribution of the latter form is similar to that

Plant Names Shared between Kami and Pumi

Kami and Shuiluo Pumi only share three plant names (Table 7). The sources of the shared forms are relatively transparent. In the case of "peony" (Paeonia lactiflora Pall.), used in Chinese herbal medicine, the source of the form is Mandarin Chinese, danpi (丹皮) , literally "root bark of tree peony." On the other hand, in the case of Chinese weeping cypress ( Cupressus funebris Endl.), which is traditionally used as ritual incense by both groups, the source is clearly Tibetan, WT tsan dan "sandalwood."

The case of Cyrtomium falcatum (L. f.) C. Presl is more complicated. Tibetan is unlikely to be the source for the form, as the Kami name has no known Tibetan etymology. Wadu Pumi has no name for the plant, whereas the name for the plant in Yiji

Pumi is [pi ̃njae]. The source of borrowing in this case therefore remains to be investigated.

All in all, Kami and Shuiluo Pumi have very few plant names in common. This reflects a distant genetic relationship between the two languages and suggests relatively little contact between the two groups, at least in Shuiluo Valley. Interestingly, most of the plant names that are shared by Xumi, Kami, and Shuiluo

Pumi, are also shared by some other northern Pumi varieties (Wadu Pumi and Jiulong Pumi), as well as by the Shuiluo varieties of Mosuo and Naxi (see Table 9; Jiulong Pumi data are from Huang et al. [1992:132]).

Discussion and Conclusion

In this study we used shared plant names (both cognates and loanwords) in five Tibeto-Burman languages, with the purpose of gaining insight into the complex relationships between these languages and their contact history. Here is a summary of our major findings.

Our study of names for field crops corroborates existing historical and linguistic accounts of Kami, Xumi, Pumi, Naxi, and Mosuo. Kami is most distantly related to all other languages spoken in Shuiluo, as it has a distinct set of field crop names, dissimilar to those in all other local languages. Xumi is likely closely related to Na languages, as they share most names for field crops of native origin and of early introduction. Pumi is less closely related to either Xumi or Na languages, as it only shares two forms with these languages.

Likely candidates for loanwords in the local languages (such as "maize," "pear,"

"gromwell root") point to multiple overlaying cultural influences: (a) Tibetan, represented by ritual plant names (shug pa "juniper," 'bri mog "gromwell root," tsan dan "Chinese weeping cypress"); (b) (recent and marginal) Chinese (xueli "pear" and danpi "peony"); (c) local influential cultures and languages: (i) Na, associated with the area to the southwest of Shuiluo (/mə³³-dze³³/ "barley", /kʰɑ²¹-dze³³/ "maize," /ɡv̩ ³¹dv̩ ³¹/ "walnut"); and (ii) a linguistic variety, which appears native to Muli and surrounding areas (corresponding to the area of the distribution of northern Pumi varieties and some other Tibeto-Burman languages, such as Xumi or Lizu). The latter source accounts for the majority of shared plant names, including some plants of high cultural significance (such as /kʰɑʂə/ [or variants] "maize" or /kʰɑrɑ/ [or variants] "walnut") and names for many local wild and semi-wild varieties.

The scarcity of loan influence of Tibetan (with only four loan words across all categories of use: bse ma "pomegranate," shug pa "juniper," 'bri mog "gromwell root,"

tsan dan "Chinese weeping cypress") is surprising, given that the area traditionally falls in the sphere of Tibetan influence. The low degree of loan influence is likely due to the location of the study site at the very periphery of the Tibetan world. This is also suggested by the fact that only a few Kami plant names have Tibetan etymology. As newcomers to the area, Tibetans likely borrowed many terms for local flora from the indigenous language(s).

Overall, there is only a weak correlation between the distributional patterns of shared plant names in the local languages and the eight categories of use represented in our plant collection. This suggests that the area is likely to have long been inhabited by egalitarian communities, in which multilingualism is the normal mode of linguistic interaction and no clear dominant language can be discerned.

Plant names shared between most local languages (Tables 8 and9) combine in equal proportions, ritual plant names and names for plants of little or no known cultural significance ("others"). The former reflects the fact that the local groups share ritual practices. The latter suggests that the majority of the local ethnic groups are newcomers into the area borrowing names for local plants from some indigenous language(s). We note that Xumi and Pumi are two languages that share most plant names in the category "others" (seven shared plant names in total, see Tables 5 and8). This is in stark contrast to the very few plant names that they share in all other categories of use combined. This suggests that either Xumi or Pumi may be the original donor or the language that was most in contact with the donor after its arrival into the area.

The findings above have implications that go beyond the primary focus of our study of shared plant names in Shuiluo languages.

First, further linguistic work in the area needs to take into account the complexity of past contacts between the local ethnic groups, as can be glimpsed through their plant vocabularies. Related processes include (a) bidirectional borrowings between groups (as in the case of Upper Xumi and Kami), (b) multi-layered contacts with different varieties of the same language (as in the case of Xumi borrowings from Tibetan), and (c) possibly, parallel borrowings from some yet unidentified local language(s) (as in the case of plant names in the category "others").

Second, these complex contact scenarios have implications for our understanding of the regional sociolinguistic history. In addition to Tibetan and Chinese, which are traditionally seen as the most important sources of cultural influences in the area (e.g., Huang 1991:367), it is important to recognize local sources of loanwords: on the one hand, Na languages and, on the other hand, some other languages spoken in Muli and neighboring areas, whose identity still needs to be revealed. Careful identification of these indigenous languages is of significance for our understanding of the local linguistic history, and it also may shed light on the development and spread of some characteristic areal features (such as directional prefixes or multiple existential verbs; e.g., [START_REF] Sun | Lun Zang-Mian yuzu zhong de Qiang yuzhi yuyan 论藏缅语族 中的羌语支语言 [On the Qiangic branch of the Tibet-Burman language family[END_REF].

Third, using plant names to investigate the relationship and the history of contact between languages in complex multilingual areas, such as the one discussed in this paper, may be a promising way to provide independent insights into the local linguistic history.

Finally, linguistic research in such areas needs to go hand in hand with interdisciplinary teamwork and analysis of the local languages in the specific cultural and historical contexts that surround and shape them.

Notes

1 Place and ethnic names use the most commonly utilized and institutionalized names in the national Mandarin Chinese language (therefore using pinyin transcription and Chinese characters). Locations that have Tibetan names provide those in [START_REF] Wylie | A standard system of Tibetan transcription[END_REF] standard transliteration system of Written Tibetan.

2 Detailed phonological analyses of Xumi, Kami, and Pumi can be found in Chirkova and Chen (2013) and Chirkova et al. (2013) for Xumi; [START_REF] Chirkova | A First Look at Kami, the Tibetan Dialect of Muli[END_REF] for Kami; Jacques (2011) for Shuiluo Pumi; and [START_REF] Daudey | A Grammar of Wadu Pumi[END_REF] for Wadu Pumi. We generally follow the original tone notation as adopted in these phonological sketches. Tone notation in Xumi is provided in superscript letters: "R" stands for a rising tone; "H" stands for a high tone;

"EP" (equally-prominent) stands for a tonal pattern in which there is no salient rise or fall over any of the syllables, which both carry high-level pitch contours; "LP" (leftprominent) stands a prominence pattern, in which the high f0 peak is realized before the end of the first syllable, where the pitch starts to fall already and it continues to fall in the second syllable; and "RP" (right-prominent) stands for a tonal pattern in which the high f0 peak is realized over the last syllable of the word. Tone notation in Kami and Pumi is provided in tone diacritics: "á" stands for a high tone, "à" stands for a low tone, "ǎ" stands for a rising tone and "â" stands for a falling tone. Shuiluo Pumi transcriptions in the text are by Daudey and Gerong Pincuo. Their analysis of Shuiluo Pumi differs slightly from that in [START_REF] Jacques | Tonal Alternations in the Pumi Verbal System[END_REF]. Differences between the two analyses relate to vowel quality interpretation, no clear evidence in Daudey and Gerong Pincuo's analysis and /ʂã⁵⁵/, respectively, Lu 2001:378, 442). The first syllable of the Xinyingpan form may also be related to "wheat" (/ʂə⁵⁵/). The etymology of the second syllable is unclear. 13 The name refers to the specimen, which was a tip of a pine branch. 14 The second morpheme in the Upper and Lower Xumi forms is likely to be a lenited form of the root for "white": Upper Xumi / RP pʰu-tɕe-tɕe/, Lower Xumi / RP pʰʉ-tɕe-tɕe/.

15 The name for "dandelion" in Wadu Pumi, /qípù-pɐtsə/, lit. "cuckoo-flower," refers to the overlap of time in spring when the cuckoo appears and the dandelion starts to bloom. 16 The second syllable of this form is likely to be a lenited form of /dʒ/.

  4. "Muli Mongolians," speakers of the Moxie (摩些) or Mosuo (摩梭) language, self-designation /nɑ³³zɯ³³/ (He and Jiang 1985:2) (hereafter Mosuo). The Muli Mongolians see themselves as descendants of Kublai Khan's Mongol army that settled in the area in the thirteenth century. 5. Naxi (纳西), self-designation /nɑ³¹ɕi³³/ (He and Jiang 1985:2).

  Bradley 1997b:161-162). Plant names in the latter category, mostly including plants whose use is less universal, were taken to represent a combination of cognates and loanwords. As the initial step for our comparative analysis of shared plant names, we compiled a list of forms that are similar in form and meaning in (a) Xumi and Kami (a total of eight forms), (b) Xumi and Pumi (five forms), (c) Kami and Pumi (three forms), and (d) the three languages together (nine forms). The resulting list clearly reflected multiple cultural influences and represented a complex combination of (a) loanwords from Tibetan, (b) loanwords from Na languages, (c) loanwords from Pumi, (d) loanwords

  split of Pumi into the Northern and Southern dialects to the southwards movement of the Pumi group from their historical area of residence in southwestern Sichuan into Yunnan, which started in the Yuan (元) dynasty (1279-1368), and set forth in the Ming ([明], 1368-1644) and Qing ([清], 1644-1911) dynasties(La et al. 2009:28).

  H ʂu p.n. (II-III) H ʃu p.n. ʂú p.n. ʈʂʰú p.n.

  the following possibilities: (a) cognates in Xumi and Pumi, (b) Pumi loanwords in Xumi, (c) Xumi loanwords in Pumi, or (d) any combination of (a) through (c).

Table 1 :

 1 Interview locations and number of people interviewed per language

Language Village Name Village Location No of people interviewed

	Xumi	Lanman 兰满	upper reaches of the Shuiluo River	3
		Pingweng 平翁 middle reaches of the Shuiluo River	2
		Mianbang 免邦 lower reaches of the Shuiluo River	2
	Kami	Dulu 都鲁	upper reaches of the Shuiluo River	1
	Pumi	Siweng 四翁	upper reaches of the Shuiluo River	1
	Mosuo	Lianmu 联木	middle reaches of the Shuiluo River	3
	Naxi	Jiubao 九保	lower reaches of the Shuiluo River	5

Table 2 :

 2 Names for field crops of native origin or early introduction in Shuiluo languages 8The names for the field crops suggest several things about the five languages.First, Kami has the most transparent set of names for field crops of all Shuiluo languages, for all Kami field crop names have clear Tibetan etymologies. Second, consistent with the idea that Xumi may be closely related to Na languages and that Na languages share much lexical material with Lolo-Burmese languages, most Xumi field crop names appear cognate to Naxi and Mosuo field crop names, and some forms may be relatable to the Burmic stock (such as those for "highland barley"[Hordeum vulgare L. var. trifurcatum]

	Latin name,	English	Plant	Xumi	Kami TE	Pumi	Naxi	Mosuo LB
	family,	name	use
	specimen		category
	no.
	Hordeum	highland	Field	(I) kárə́	ka ru	kotsṍ	zɿ³³	zu³³	*zu³
	vulgare var.	barley	crop		p.n.	p.n.	p.n.	p.n.	p.n.	p.n.
	trifurcatum		Ritual
	(Schltdl.)
	Alef.
	(Poaceae)
	040426 1/3
	Hordeum	barley	Field	(I) LP mɐ-dzɹ̩	sʰúwɔ́	so ba	mədʑî	mɯ³³-	mə³³-
	vulgare var. nudum (L.)		crop Ritual	?-wheat	p.n.	p.n.	p.n.	dze³³	dze³³
	Hook.f.			(II) EP mɛ-dzɹ̩				?-wheat	?-wheat
	(Poaceae)			?-wheat
	041006 1/1			(III) LP mɐ-dzɹ̩
				?-wheat

H zũ p.n. (II) H zõ 9 p.n. (III) H zõ p.n. or "rice" [Oryza sativa L.]). Third, Pumi field crop names are mostly distinct from Kami, Xumi, Naxi and Mosuo forms. Three forms are shared between Shuiluo Pumi, Xumi, Naxi, and Mosuo: (a) "barley" (Hordeum vulgare L. var. nudum), (b) "rice" (possibly relatable to the Lolo-Burmese etymon *čan¹), and (c) the base element in "soybean" (Glycine max [L.] Merr.) (Xumi / R nũ/ or / R nõ/, Naxi /nv̩ ²¹/, Mosuo /nu²¹/, Pumi /njû/ or /njô/, relatable to Proto-Tibeto-Burman *nok, *s-nok, or *s-nuk

Table 3 :

 3 Names for 'maize' and 'common bean' in Shuiluo languages

	Latin name,	English	Plant	Xumi	Kami	TE	Pumi	Naxi	Mosuo
	family,	name	use
	specimen no.		category
	Zea mays L.

Table 4 :

 4 Plant names shared between Xumi and Kami (shared forms marked in bold)

	Latin name, family,	English name Plant use	Xumi	Kami	TE
	specimen no.		category
	Punica granatum L.	pomegranate	Fruit	(I-III) RP sɐmi p.n.	sèmí	bse ma p.n.
	040524 3/1		Ritual		p.n.
	Pteridium aquilinum	common	Wild food	(I) LP dɐɹɐ p.n.,	àŋɡə́
	(L.) Kuhn	bracken, eagle	Other		p.n.
	040513 1/3	fern
	Acorus calamus L.	sweet flag,	Medicinal (I-II) EP tɕʰɐtɐ p.n.	tɕʰìtá
	040612 1/1; 041010 1/1	calamus		(III) EP tɕɐtɐ p.n.	p.n.

RP ɐŋɡə p.n. (II) EP djɛɹɛ p.n., R djɛ p.n. (III) H djɛ p.n. RP ɕokɐ p.n. (III) RP ɕokɑ p.n. ɕòká p.n. (III) EP ʃʉtuʎu p.n., EP ʃʉtɕɐ p.n. (II) EP ʂɔkʰwɜ p.n. (III) LP ɕɑkʰwɐ p.n. sìkɛ́ p.n.

Plant Names Shared between Xumi and Kami Several

  observations can be made about the plant names shared between Xumi and Kami (Table4). First, in half of all cases ("common bracken, eagle fern" [Prinsepia utilis Royle], "juniper" [Juniperus spp.], and "rhododendron" [Rhododendron trichostomum Franch.], in their majority ritual plant names), plant names are only shared in Upper Xumi and Kami, whereas corresponding forms in Middle and Lower Xumi are different. This reflects the fact that Upper Xumi is in an intensive contact situation with Kami, which favors borrowing. Notably, these shared forms do not have Tibetan etymologies and are therefore likely to be Xumi loanwords in Kami. That borrowing is clearly bidirectional between Xumi and Kami can be demonstrated with Kami plant names for some other plants in our collection, for instance, Excoecaria acerifolia Didr.

(medicinal): Kami /bjɐkɔ/; and "Cape myrtle" (Myrsine africana L.) (others): Kami /bùlí bjɐkɔ/. Xumi names for these plants are distinct from the corresponding Kami names: e.g., Upper Xumi / EP ɐku-bjɛ/ p.n.-leaf, and / LP ɡile-bjɛkɔ/ p.n.-broom, respectively.

Table 5 :

 5 Plant names shared between Xumi and Shuiluo Pumi

	Latin name,	English	Plant	Xumi	Shuiluo	Wadu
	family, specimen	name	use		Pumi	Pumi
	no.		category
	Juglans regia L.	walnut	Fruit	(I-III) RP qʰɐɹɐ p.n.	kʰɑrɑ̀ p.n.	wùdú p.n.
	(Juglandaceae)		Ritual
	040429 1/2
	Pteridium	common	Wild	(I) LP dɐɹɐ p.n.,	dɑ̃ p.n.	dõ p.n.
	aquilinum (L.)	bracken,	food
	Kuhn	eagle fern	Other
	(Dennstaedtiacea			(II) EP djɛɹɛ p.n., R djɛ
	e)			p.n.
	040513 1/3			(III) H djɛ p.n.

RP ɐŋɡə p.n.

Table 7 :

 7 Shared plant names in Kami and Shuiluo Pumi

	Latin name, family,	English	Plant use	Kami	TE	Shuiluo
	specimen no.	name	category			Pumi
	Cyrtomium falcatum (L.		Medicinal	lɛ-lɛ́ p.n.		ljae-ljaè p.n.
	f.) C. Presl
	(Dryopteridaceae)
	040530 2/3
	Paeonia lactiflora Pall.	peony	Medicinal	tãṕʰi ̃̀ p.n.		di ̃̌pʰì p.n.
	(Paeoniaceae)
	040421 2/5; 040615 1/1
	Cupressus funebris Endl.	Chinese	Ritual	tsadẽ p.n. tsan dan	tsedi ̃ p.n.
	(Cupressaceae)	weeping			sandalwood
	040430 1/1; 050401 4/1	cypress

Table 8 :

 8 Plant names shared by Xumi, Kami, and Shuiluo Pumi be preceded by the root /kʰɑ/ of unknown etymology. Shuiluo Mosuo and Naxi names for "gromwell root" are similar to that in Middle and Lower Xumi ([kʰa³³ndʐə³³] and[kʰa³³ndʐə³⁵], respectively). (Wadu Pumi has a different name for this plant, /ɐdzí/. We do not know the names for this plant in the Naxi and Mosuo varieties spoken in the area around Wadu.)For the remaining seven plant names that are shared by Xumi, Kami, and Pumi, the Kami forms could not be identified with known Tibetan roots, and their Written Tibetan meaning equivalents are distinct from the local Kami names. Examples include "mint", Kami /adʒɛ/, WT meaning equivalent dngul par khang; Aster lavandulifolius

	Latin name, family,	English	Plant	Xumi	Kami	TE	Shuiluo
	specimen no.	name	use				Pumi
			category
	Citrus reticulata	tangerine	Fruit	(I) LP tɕĩdu p.n.	tɕedú p.n.		tɕi ̃dù p.n.
	Blanco (Rutaceae)		Ritual	(II) EP tɕĩdu p.n.
	040614 1/2			(III) EP tɕẽdo p.n.
	Pyrus sp.	pear	Fruit	(I) LP lɜ-dʑyɜ ?-fruit	súlé or səĺí		ɕìljǔ p.n.
	(Rosaceae) 040429 1/1			(II) EP swɜli p.n.	p.n.
				(III) LP ʎɐ-dʑyɐ ?-
				fruit

Table 9 :

 9 Plant names shared by Shuiluo languages with northern Pumi varieties and Lianmu Mosuo Most plant names that are shared in Xumi, Kami, and Shuiluo Pumi are wild species, of which the majority are of little or no known cultural significance (such as "Manchurian catalpa" [Catalpa bungei C.A.Mey.] or "cactus pear" [Opuntia ficus-indica (L.) Mill.]). The distribution of these plant names corresponds again to Muli and surrounding areas (i.e., Jiulong, as exemplified by Jiulong Pumi; Muli, as exemplified by Shuiluo and Yiji Pumi; Ninglang, as exemplified by Wadu Pumi). Given that names for local plant species are typically borrowed by migrants newly moved into the area (e.g., Haspelmath 2008:51), shared plant names discussed in this section may have been borrowed by the present-day inhabitants of Shuiluo from an indigenous language.

	Latin name,	English	Plant use	Xumi	Kami	Shuiluo	Wadu	Lianmu
	family, specimen	name	category			Pumi	Pumi	Mosuo
	no.
	Citrus reticulata	tangerine	Fruit	(I) LP tɕĩdu p.n.	tɕedú	tɕi ̃dù p.n.	tɕídù p.n.	tɕẽ⁵⁵du³¹
	Blanco (Rutaceae)		Ritual	(II) EP tɕĩdu p.n.	p.n.		Pumi Jiulong	p.n.
	040614 1/2			(III) EP tɕẽdo p.n.			tɕĩ⁵⁵du⁵⁵
							p.n.
	Osyris quadripartita	wild tea	Ritual	(I) RP ɐkɐɹ̩ p.n.	àkárù	ɐkɑŕɑ̀ p.n.	ɐkǽrù p.n. ɐ³³ka⁵⁵ɹu³³
	Salzm. ex Decne. (Santalaceae)	plant		(II) EP ɐkɐɹu p.n.	p.n.			p.n.
	040529 1/2; 040502			(III) RP ɐkaɹu p.n.
	1/1; 050402 1/1

Acknowledgments

We would like to thank our language consultants in Shuiluo, Wadu, and Yiji for their help in identifying plant names, Edwin Schmitt, Gerald Roche, and the three anonymous reviewers of this paper; and the journal's editors for their helpful comments and suggestions. We are also grateful to Yang Yongping (杨永平) and Han Xi (韩希) of the Kunming Institute of Botany and our interpreter Chen Yulin (陈玉林) for their help in organizing and carrying out the fieldwork, and to the Lijiang Teacher's College (丽江师 范高等专科学校) for their support of Daudey's and Gerong Pincuo's research on Pumi.

We gratefully acknowledge the financial support of (1) Agence Nationale de la Recherche of France (grant number ANR-07-JCJC-0063); (2) Endangered Languages Documentation Programme (ELDP, grant number MDP0257); and (3) Yunnan Provincial Education Bureau (云南省教育厅).

of /kʰɑʂə/ (or variants) "maize" and associated with Muli and surrounding areas. The high proportion of shared plant names in Xumi, Kami, and Shuiluo Pumi (Table 8) is remarkable. This is because these three languages are not closely related, as can be observed on the basis of field crop names. Furthermore, these languages do not appear to have been in the past in situations of close contact that would simultaneously involve all three languages (as can be observed on the basis of plant names shared between Kami and Pumi).

The source of borrowing for the shared forms can be identified with some certainty in two cases, "pear" (Pyrus sp.) and "gromwell root" (Lithospermum erythrorhizon Siebold & Zucc.). Pear was introduced in the area in the 1970s (Muli Gazetteers 1995:267). Not surprisingly, the name for the plant in the three languages is a loanword from Mandarin Chinese: xueli ( 雪梨) . It may not be accidental that the Chinese borrowing for this plant name is attested in the Xumi variety of Pingweng, in the middle reaches of the Shuiluo River. Pingweng is the administrative seat of Shuiluo Township, where Chinese is the language of administration. Conversely, the name for "pear" in the Upper and Lower varieties of Xumi is a native Xumi term.

Gromwell root is a ritual plant that is used for dying dough figures, which are an important component of local Tibetan Buddhist rituals, shared by all local groups. The Tibetan etymon 'bri is likely the source for the form in the three languages. Upper Xumi (/ RP tʂuŋɔ/) and Kami (/Ndʐəŋɔ/) both appear to reflect WT 'bri mog. In Middle and Lower Xumi (/ RP kʰɑtʂɹ̩ / and / RP kʰɑtʂɹ̩ /, respectively), the Tibetan etymon 'bri appears to 7 For each plant name we provide a scientific Latin name together with the specimen number, (whenever available) a common English name, categories of plant use, meaning equivalents in the local languages, and Tibetan etymologies underlying Kami forms (in italics). Literal translations are provided for all morphemes, whose meaning could be identified. In literal translations, "p.n." stands for "proper name" and indicates nonanalyzable native terms. Uncertain origins are indicated by question marks in the corresponding syllable slot. In the column "Xumi," "(I)" stands for the data collected in the village of Lanman, "(II)" stands for the data collected in the village of Pingweng, and "(III)" stands for the data collected in the village of Mianbang.

8 Naxi forms are from Huang et al. (1992:135-139, 144), Mosuo forms are from firsthand fieldwork. TE = Tibetan etymology; LB = Lolo-Burmese etymon.

9 Middle Xumi and Shuiluo Pumi distinguish between two kinds of "highland barley": (1) "white highland barley," Xumi / H zõ/, Pumi /kotsṍ pʰro/; and (2) "black highland barley,"

Xumi / EP zõ-ɲe/, Pumi /kotsṍ njaekɑ/.

10 The second syllable of this form is a lenited form of / H qʰɔ/ "bitter".

11 This type of millet is grown on less fertile land. It is planted together with rice and used predominantly for fodder.

12 Note that the Ludian form can be tentatively analyzed as consisting of the roots "wheat" (/ʂɐ⁵⁵/, Lu 2001:378) and "long" (/ʂᴀ5⁵/, Lu 2001:442). The same is possibly also true for the Qinghua form (the roots for "wheat" and "long" in that dialect are /ʃɐ⁵⁵/


Katia Chirkova

Introduction

Lizu is one of three closely related Tibeto-Burman languages spoken in Sìchuān 四川 省 Province in the People's Republic of China: Ersu, Lizu, and Duoxu (see Map 1).

The three languages are currently classified as dialects of one Ersu language (ISO-639 code ers). The Ersu language itself is classified as a member of the Qiangic subgroup of the Tibeto-Burman language family (e.g. Bradley 1997:36-37;[START_REF] Hongkai | Lun Zang-Mian yuzu zhong de Qiang yuzhi yuyan [On the Qiangic branch of the Tibeto-Burman language family[END_REF].

Map 1: Distribution of Ersu, Lizu, and Duoxu (Map by Franz Huber)

The Lizu people refer to themselves as /lî-zû/ or /lŷ-zû/ 'white people'. In Chinese, the group is variously known as Lǐrǔ 里汝, Lǚsū 吕苏, or Lìsū 傈苏 [START_REF] Hongkai | Ersu (Duoxu) hua jianjie [An outline of Ersu (Duoxu)][END_REF][START_REF] Bufan | Lüsuyu [The Lüsu language[END_REF][START_REF] Dehe | Ersu Zangzu Wenhua Yanjiu [Study of Ersu Tibetan culture[END_REF][START_REF] Yuqin | Yalongjiang Zhong-Xia-You Diqu de Zuqun Hudong yu Rentong--Yi Jiulong "Liru" Zangzu wei Zhongxin de Kaocha [Ethnic Groups in the Middle and Lower Reaches of the Yalong River: Interaction and Identity, A Case Study of the Lizu Tibetans of Jiulong County[END_REF]; in English, as Lizu or Lyuzu [START_REF] Chirkova | Essential characteristics of Lizu, a Qiangic Language of Western Sichuan[END_REF][START_REF] Takumi | 200 Basic words of the Lyuzu language (Naiqu dialect)[END_REF][START_REF] Yu | Proto-Ersuic[END_REF]. The total number of speakers is estimated at 7,000 people (Wang 2010: 3).

Lizu is part of a continuum of closely related linguistic varieties which are spoken in Jiǔlóng County (九龙县, Written Tibetan, hereafter WT, brgyad zur), Mùlǐ Tibetan Autonomous County (木里藏族自治县, WT smi li rang skyong rdzong) and Miǎnníng County (冕宁县) (see Map 2). Of these three locations, the group has the longest history of residence in Jiǔlóng. Migration to Miǎnníng and Mùlǐ started from the second half of the Qīng 清 dynasty and was triggered by an influx of Chinese and Yí migrants to Jiǔlóng around that time (Wang 2012: 35).

Map 2: Distribution of the dialects of the Lizu language (Map by Franz Huber)

Lizu is spoken in a multiethnic area and has been influenced throughout its history by many languages, most importantly, Tibetan, Southwest Mandarin (hereafter Mandarin), Pǔmǐ 普米, Nàmùyī 纳木依, and Northern Yí 彝.

Lizu is essentially used as the primary language of oral communication in family and community events. Most speakers are bilingual in Mandarin, and the current trend for the school-going generation is to become monolingual in Mandarin.

Lizu is but little documented and described, with only two grammatical sketches to date, both of which focus on the Lizu varieties spoken in Mùlǐ County [START_REF] Bufan | Lüsuyu [The Lüsu language[END_REF][START_REF] Chirkova | Essential characteristics of Lizu, a Qiangic Language of Western Sichuan[END_REF]). In addition, there are phonological sketches of the Lizu varieties of Miǎnníng, Mùlǐ, and Jiǔlóng (Ikeda 2009;[START_REF] Yu | Proto-Ersuic[END_REF][START_REF] Chirkova | Lizu: Illustrations of the IPA[END_REF], an analysis of auxiliary verbs in the Lizu variety of Miǎnníng (Lin, Yin, and Wang 2014); and basic vocabulary lists for Mùlǐ and Jiǔlóng varieties of Lizu (Sun et al. 1991;Huang et al. 1992;[START_REF] Takumi | 200 Basic words of the Lyuzu language (Naiqu dialect)[END_REF]. The present overview is based on first-hand fieldwork data on /ʃaetɕʰo pae/ 'eastern dialect', as spoken in Kǎlā 卡拉 Tonwship of Mùlǐ County.

Phonology

Initial consonants (39)

Initial consonant clusters

Lizu has complex consonant onsets of three types:

(a) prenasalized clusters with a homorganic nasal ("N"), which may occur before voiced and voiceless aspirated stops and affricates (e.g.

Prosodic system

Lizu has a hybrid prosodic system which combines lexical tone on monosyllabic words and prominence patterns with stress-like and tonal characteristics on polysyllabic words (both monomorphemic and polymorphemic) and compounds.

Roots are lexically specified for tone, whereas affixes are toneless.

The two contrastive lexical tones are: rising and falling, e.g. /lě/ 'be old' vs.

/lê/ 'be heavy'. The three prominence patterns are:

(a) The Equally-Prominent Pattern: Both syllables sound equally prominent, each syllable has a mid-level pitch contour, though the first is slightly higher than the second, and the second syllable has a falling pattern, e.g. /mîdzə/ 'hare, rabbit'.

( (from /ae/ 'I', the genitive particle /i/), the expected form is */ae=î/. For these reasons, prominence patterns on polysyllabic domains are notated phonetically.

Morphology

Lizu is isolating (weakly agglutinative). Major word-formation processes include compounding, affixation, and reduplication. The majority of affixes are derivational.

Nominal prefixes and suffixes are restricted to nouns referring to animate referents. They include: (i) one vocative prefix /ae-/ in kinship terms, e.g. /ae-wu/ 'maternal uncle'; (ii) three gender suffixes: (a) one feminine /-mae/, e.g. /wô-mae/ 'sow'; (b) two male /-Npʰae/ or /-bu/, e.g. /wô-Npʰae/ 'boar', /ɣae-bû/ 'male yak'; and

(iii) one diminutive suffix /-je/, e.g. /wô-jê/ 'piglet'.

Important verbal prefixes include: (i) three directional prefixes: /de-/ 'upward', /ne-/ 'downward', /kʰe-/ 'inward' (as in /dê-ji/ 'go up', /nê-ji/ 'go down', /kʰê-ji/ 'go inside, enter'); (ii) one perfectivizing suffix, /tʰe-/ (as in /tʰe-kʰe=ɐ/ 'have given');

and (iii) one comparative prefix /jae-/ 'more' (e.g. /(ɲî) jae-ljê/ '(illness) get better', from /ljě/ 'be good').

The noun phrase

Nouns are those forms that can take (in)definite marking, numeral-classifier phrases, and nominal particles (analytic case markers). Nouns can modify other nouns directly or in a genitive phrase (both in the pre-head position). There is no agreement with nouns of any kind marked on the verb.

The elements of the noun phrase and the order in which they may occur in Lizu has a multiplicative-additive number system. For example, the numeral /ʒê-zə Nɡê/ '49' is formed by multiplying ten by four and then adding nine. Numbers above one hundred are formed with the intrusive conjunction /lae/ 'and' between the hundred and the adjoined number, e.g. /tê ʑaê lae tê/ 'one hundred one'. Numeral formation is mostly regular. Numbers for 'one', 'three', and 'ten' distinguish between free forms (as above) and bound forms: (i) /tɕi/ 'one' in /tsʰe-tɕî/ 'eleven'; (ii) /sɐ/ 'three' in /tsʰə-sɐ/ 'thirteen' and /sɐ-tsʰə/ 'thirty'; and (iii) three bound roots for 'ten':

(a) /tsʰe-/ in the teen numbers, (b) /-tsʰə/ in /nê-tsʰə/ 'twenty' and /sɐ-tsʰə/ 'thirty', and (c) /-zə/ in numbers from forty to ninety.

Ordinal numbers are formed by adding the form /pʰôɕî/ to cardinal numbers, e.g. /pʰôɕî-tê/ 'first', /pʰôɕî-ně/ 'second', etc.

Classifiers and measure words

Lizu classifiers and measure words only combine with non-human nouns. They are used together with numerals to count nouns or to substitute for them.

Lizu has two bound classifiers: (i) /pu/ 'item' for small objects, e.g. /ɹwaê têpû/ 'one chicken'; and (ii) /kae/ 'strip' for elongated objects, e.g. /bɹaě tê-kae/ 'one rope'. They may occur bare and trigger a definite interpretation (e.g. /bɹae=kae/ 'the rope').

Free forms which lend themselves to classifier use can be subdivided into measure words (e.g. /dʒê tê kezə/ 'one bucket of water'), and repeaters, i.e.

classifiers that have the same form as the noun they modify (e.g. /ɡû tê ɡû/ 'one sentence', /Nbɹə̂ ʒê Nbɹə/ 'four horses').

The verb phrase

Verbs are those forms that can take directional or perfectivizing prefixes, the causative marker /su/, and the interrogative and negative marking. Verbs can be preceded by adverbial expressions, followed by markers expressing aspect, evidentiality, and modality, and nominalized by one of the nominalizers (see 6.3.1).

Most verbal markers behave like suffixes. They fall into two groups: (i) those that can be preceded by negative and question markers (hereafter auxiliaries, e.g. the progressive auxiliaries /bo/ and /ɡe/), and (ii) those that cannot (hereafter particles, e.g. the inferred particle /sae/).

Lizu does not have grammaticalized tense. Important types of aspects include perfective, imperfective, change of state, experiential, progressive, resultative, and continuative. For most auxiliaries and particles, the expression of aspect interacts with that of evidentiality. Lizu has a hybrid evidentiality system, which combines specification of source of information (direct, inferred, reported) and specification of speaker's perspective towards the source of, and access to, information (egophoric vs.

non-egophoric). The latter type bears close similarity to the 'egophoric' evidential pattern best described for Tibetic languages (e.g. References to concrete bounded events often combine the use of a (prefixed) verb form with the change of state particle /ɐ/, which denotes a change of state or situation (e.g. /kʰe-Ndo=ɐ/ inward-see=CS 'saw', as in ( 10)). In reference to past events, /ɐ/ stands in opposition to the inferred particle /sae/ (which denotes that the reported event is not directly witnessed by the speaker, but deduced from sensory observation) and the non-egophoric particle /dɐ/ (likely from the non-egophoric form of the verb 'go', /dɐ/). By contrast with these two particles, /ɐ/ comes to be associated with an egophoric reading. Compare the three particles in the same context: Conversely, a combination of a non-controllable verb with the first-person egophoric marker implies that the speaker has some control over the execution of the action or that she performs it deliberately (e.g. /aê tsʰê=bô/ 1SG cough=PROG.EGO 'I am coughing [on purpose]').

(
Adjectives (which are in their majority prefixed verbal forms) generally do not co-occur with either /bo/ and /ɡe/. Such combinations may have an inchoative reading (e.g. /mjaepʃə dê-ɲifu=ɡe/ face upward-be.red=PROG.N-EGO 'the face is beginning to get red'). Alternatively, they may portray the actor as actively experiencing the reported event (triggering certain pragmatic implications) (e.g. /aê de-Npʰje=bô/ 1SG upward-be.cold=PROG.EGO 'I am feeling cold [please fetch a coat for me].').

The resultative particle /tɕae/ is used to indicate the resulting state of an event.

(16) zǒ pûNɡê de-tɐ-tɐ̂ lae ne-ʑî=tɕae 3SG.N-VSB knee upward-hold-hold and downward-sit=RES 'She sits with her knees pulled up.'

The continuative particle /ɕi/ indicates that the event is continuos or reiterative.

(17) aê jî de-ŋɐ̂ ɕi 1SG belly upward-be.hungry CONT 'I am still hungry.'

Modality

Future events are expressed using modal particles and auxiliary verbs. These include:

(a) Unexpected information is signalled by the mirative particle /to/ (likely from the verb /tô/ 'look'), which is added as the last element of the verb complex (as in ( 5)).

Imperative

The imperative form is the same as the citation form of the verb, but it is distinguished from it by the rising intonation. Both prefixed and unprefixed forms may be used for imperative, as in the following examples. The difference between the two is that the prefixed form implies a definite limit to the demanded action, whereas the unprefixed form has no implication as to whether the demanded action is to attain a definite limit or not.

( An imperative can be made more polite by adding the particle /mɐ/ after the verb, as in /ne-dzə̂ mɐ/ 'please eat up'.

Causatives

Lizu has two types of causative: (i) non-productive lexical causative (such as /tsə/ 'feed', /fû/ 'dress') and (ii) productive causative with /su/. The former type expresses direct causation, as is common cross-linguistically (e.g. Shibatani and Pardeshi 2002), whereas the latter type can express both direct and indirect causation.

Productive causative derivations can be formed from instransitive verbs (both activity and stative) and transitive verbs. Both types of verbs share the same marking:

the causative particle /su/ is added to the verb stem, as in /lae=sû/ 'make come', /dê-dʒu=su/ 'make dry', /tʰe-le=sû/ 'make release'. The causee takes non-agentive marking, if denoting a human referent (as in ( 24)), or receives no overt case marking, in all other cases (as in ( 25)). In non-past contexts, a combination of the causative particle and the change of state particle expresses permission: /nê jî=su=ɐ/ 2SG go=CAUS=CS 'You may go now.'

Adverbs

High frequency adverbs that modify adjectives include: degree marking adverbs: /tʰetɕi-ɐ/ 'very' (of verbal origin, etymology unclear; e.g. /tʰe-tɕi-ɐ̂ Nbɹə-Nbɹə/ 'very tall') and /dɐžu/ 'particularly' (e.g. /dɐžu Nbɹə-Nbɹə/ 'particularly tall'). Greater intensity in adjectives is also commonly expressed by reduplication (also of disyllabic forms), e.g. /Nbɹə-Nbɹə/ 'very tall', /dê-ly dê-ly/ 'very white'. The comparative form of adjectives is formed with the comparative prefix /jae-/ (e.g. /jae-Nbɹə/ morebe.tall 'taller'). The superlative degree of adjectives is formed by adding the form /ɲîlae/ to the comparative form, e.g. /ɲî-laê jae-Nbɹə/ 'the tallest'. The two degree marking adverbs and the comparative prefix may also be used with some stative verbs, e.g. /ʃəNɡê=i ɕo ʃə̂ jae-h ̃ae/ thigh=GEN top meat more-be.attached 'there is more meat on the thighs [of the bear]'.

Manner adverbs are derived from adjectives by adding /mû/ 'make', as in /ljelje-mû/ 'carefully' (from /ljě/ 'be good').

Phrase and clause structure

Lizu is verb-final. Syntax operates predominantly through word order and the use of The verb complex is the only necessary element for an utterance to be considered a clause, and the verb complex may be simply a predicate noun.

Nominal preficates

Declarative equational sentences juxtapose a subject with a nominal predicate without an overt copula, as in (3). The copula verb /ʑǐ/ is used in negated equational sentences, as in (4). The use of /ʑǐ/ in declarative sentences conveys factual or assertive meaning.

(

Negatives and interrogatives

Negative particles include the negative /mɐ/ (as in ( 7) or ( 26)) and the prohibitive /tʰɐ/ (as in ( 25)). They are prefixed just before the main verb (or auxiliary), or after the directional prefix, if there is one.

The interrogative particle distinguishes between (i) a free form, /jɐ/, which occurs as the last element of the sentence, and (ii) a bound form, /ɐ/, which is prefixed just before the main verb (or auxiliary), or after the directional prefix, if there is one.

The free form is used in content questions with nominal predicates (as in ( 28)) and in disjunctive questions (as in ( 29)). Disjunctive questions are formed by repeating the entire verb complex, first positive and then negative. The free form of the interrogative particle in inserted in between the two tokens.

( 'You may feed a pheasant, but it won't turn into a chicken; you may feed a fox, but it won't turn into a dog (proverb, A leopard cannot change its spots).'

Noun-modifying constructions

Lizu employs multiple strategies for nominalization, including:

(a) Nominalization with the genitive particle /i/, as in /ɲô-Nɡô laemû ne-h ̃ukae=î/

'that covered with a copper pot' (see (1)).

(b) Nominalization with one of the three nominalizers: (i) agentive /su/ 'the one who V' (from the generic noun /sû/ 'person'), e.g. /dzə=sû/ 'the one who eats '; and (ii) two patient nominalizers: /ly/ 'the one to V', e.g. /dzə=lŷ/ 'things to eat'; and /tɕae/ 'the one being V' (from the resultative particle /tɕae/), e.g. /ɡae-ɡae=tɕae/ 'toy, lit. the one being played with'.

(c) Nominalization with definiteness markers (e.g. /dê-ʃu=bi/ 'the yellow one', /Ntʃʰɐ=bô/ 'the smart ones') and classifiers (e.g. /de-nɐ=kae/ 'the black one').

Nominalization and relativization constructions are essentially the same type of nounnoun constructions, see ( 1), (3), and ( 4) for examples.

Adverbial clauses

Adverbial clauses appear in a topical position. Subordinating morphemes combine native Lizu and borrowed Mandarin conjunctions. These include /kʰae/ 'when' (as in Complements of verbs of speaking and thinking are introduced by the complementizer /dʑǐ/ 'say', which may be further followed by the egophoric progressive auxiliary /bo/ or the non-egophoric progressive auxiliary /ɡe/. /dʑǐ/ is not a completely grammaticalized element. It continues to be used as a verb of speaking /dʑǐ/ 'say', as in (12). It may (i) specify the exact author of the information (in combination with either /bo/ or /ɡe/, as in (9), or (31)); and (ii) be used as a reported marker to signal that the reported situation is based on someone else's verbal account, so that the speaker is uncommitted to its truthfulness (only in combination with /ɡe/, as in ( 21)).

Abbreviations

  let any blood out.'

  nominal and verbal particles and auxiliaries. The grammatical relations of subject and object are not grammaticalized. The clause structure is based on the pragmatic relations of topical material (clause-initial) vs. focal material (clause-final). The "unmarked" word order is S/A -DirO -IndO -V. Tracking of referents in discourse often involves the use of zero anaphora. Temporal and local phrases are most often clause initial. (26) Nbjê-wu de-tê tê ɲî=î ɕo dɐžu mountain-head upward-take one day=GEN top particularly mjɐ-mjɐ-mû mû=ly mɐ=ɲê many-many-make make=NMLZ.PNT NEG=exist.ABST 'The entire day when [the body of the deceased] is transported up the mountains, [the ritual priest] does not have much to do.'

  was in fact a deity.'

(

  33)), /lae/ 'and'(as in (17) or (33)), /tɕəu/ jiù 就 'just', /tsǒ/ cái 才 'then and only then'.(33) aê laě kʰaê ae-dʑî ae-jɐ̂ dɐ̌ 1SG come when 1SG-family.GEN VOC-elder.brother go.N-EGO 'When I came, my brother had already left.'In conditional clauses, the protasis is marked by the contrastive marker /le/, and the hypothetical verb form is built by adding the change of state particle /ɐ/ to the verb, as in (19). In counterfactual conditionals, the verb of the main clause is also marked by the change of state particle.(34) nê lae=ɡê h ̃ûsə=ɐ le aê mɐ=ji=ɐ had known you would come, I would not have left.'6.3.3. Complement-taking predicatesComplement clauses introduced by complement-taking predicates(Noonan 1985: 110-133) may be connected to the matrix clause hypotactically (as in (35)) or paratactically (as in (36)):(35) ae-dʑî ae-jɐ̂ Npʃe=su=bî Npʃe=ɡê 1SG-family.GEN VOC-elder.brother steal=NMLZ.AGT=DEF steal=PROG.

  Personal pronouns in Lizu distinguish singular, dual, and plural number in all persons.Singular forms are /ae/ 'I', /nê/ 'you, thou', and /tʰê/ and /zǒ/, both meaning 'he/she/it'. /tʰê/ refers to something or someone visible in the speech situation. It functions as both pronoun and demonstrative. /zǒ/ refers to something or someone absent or out of sight.

	(1) [[ɲô-Nɡô copper-pot 'the child who was covered with a copper pot' laemû ne-h ̃ukae=î] INS downward-cover=GEN child=DEF jaeqɐ=bî] (2) tɕě de-nɐ̂ ɕê-pû cloud upward-black three-item 'three black clouds' Definiteness is expressed by three definite markers (i) /bi/ (singular, both animate and some properties. In (3), /le/ marks clause-initials topics (see also (18), (22), (27), and (31) for more examples). (3) [Nbǒ tsu=sû=bi le] [kʰwae-kʰwae] hat wear-person=DEF CTR father's.elder.brother-father's.elder.brother [o-tʰê tɕê ʃɐ-ʃɐ-su=bî le] that-that hair be.long-be.long-person=DEF CTR father. The non-contrastive topic marker /ne/ refers to the given information which is shared by the speaker and the hearer. Consider sentence (6), which occurs in a traditional story after sentence (5), and in which 'butter', already introduced in the story, is marked by /ne/. (6) mě=bi ne zǒ ne-dzə̂ butter=DEF TOP 3SG.N-VSB downward-eat 'As for butter, he ate it [himself].' (7) nê=ɐ mɐ=sə̂ sê=ɐ sə=ɡê? jɐ-ɲê tɐje=pɐ̂ jae-de-tsʰaê previous?-day today=CMPR more-upward-be.hot 'It was hotter yesterday than it is today.' 4.1. Pronouns (10) milô=i kʰû jo-jo=ɐ̂ kʰe-Ndo=ɐ̌ mirror=GEN inside self-self=N-AGT inward-see=CS 'He saw himself in the mirror.' The main interrogative pronouns include /xae[-te]/ 'what, lit. what-one', /sê/ 'who', /kʰae[-ke]/ 'where', /ɲî-kʰae/ 'when', /tɕʰî-bi/ 'how many'. 4.2. Numerals 2SG=N-AGT (8) Lizu has a decimal counting system, with numerals for 10, /tɕʰe-tɕʰê/; 100, /ʑae/, WT
	(4)	[ne=î	ae-baê	dzə=sû]	[aê le]	mɐ=ʑî
		2SG =GEN VOC-father	eat=NMLZ.AGT 1SG CTR NEG=COP
		'The one who ate your father is not me.' Lizu has one anaphoric pronoun, /jô/ 'self'. It is typically used in logophoric
	function in indirect speech:
	/le/ can follow another nominal particle, as in (5):
	(9) the noun phrase in the clause, include: jô lae tê-Ndzê=saê h ̃û Other nominal particles, which indicate the semantic and pragmatic roles of dʑi=ɡê (5) dʒaemae=bi=ɐ le mě tsə=bo=tô self and one-ride=INF? want say=PROG.N-EGO
		wife=DEF=N-AGT CTR butter ' "I would also like to ride [on the tree branch]," said [the bear].' feed=PROG.EGO=MIR
	relation to the head noun (N) are: (a) Contrastive topic and focus marker /le/, and non-contrastive topic marker /ne/ 'As for [Gesar's] wife, [the demon] was apparently feeding her butter [to fatten
		her in order to eat her].'
	/jô/ may be reduplicated to express reflexive meaning:
	Dem Gen phrase/Rel clause	N	Adj Num	Clf	Def Particles

inanimate), e.g. /jaeqɐ=bî/ 'the child', /ɡaemi=bi/ 'the garment'; (ii) /bo/ (plural, animate), e.g. /jaeqɐ=bô/ 'the children'; and (iii) /bae/ (plural, inanimate), e.g. /ɡaemi=bae/ 'the garments'. Alternatively, definiteness can be expressed by the use of a bare classifier, e.g. /mɹae=kae/ arrow=strip 'the arrow'. The numeral /tê/ 'one' can be optionally used as indefinite marker, as in /meɬjô tê/ 'a lightning'.

Possession may be expressed by a simple juxtaposition of two nouns or noun phrases, e.g. /laepʰae-Ndʒə/ 'tiger skin'. Alternatively, possession, part-whole relationship and other related meanings may be expressed by the genitive particle /i/, e.g. /laepʰae=i mêNtʃʰo/ 'tiger's tail'. /i/ may fuse with the root vowel of its host, also triggering palatalization on the initial of the host. Some frequent forms that result from this type of fusion include (i) /tɕʰǐ/, the genitive form of the third person singular pronoun /tʰê/; and (ii) /dʑî/ 'of the family' (from /dê/ 'family'), as in (20).

/le/ indicates the presence of alternatives to the topicalized or focalized element. It typically occurs in parallel predications, in which two referents are contrasted for [ɲae-ɲae] father's.married.sister-father's.married.sister 'The one wearing a hat is my uncle, that one with long hair is my aunt.' In (4), /le/ marks contrastive focus in immediate pre-verbal position. It signals that the focused content is different from the hearer's expectation. This sentence is an answer to the suggestion that the speaker, a magic animal, is the one who ate the hearer's (c) Non-Agentive Marker /ɐ/ (or /wɐ/, in free variation) /ɐ/ signals primarily human arguments of the verb (except for agent). It indexes the (definite and animate) patient in monotransitive clauses (as in (

7

)), and the goal or beneficiary in ditransitive clauses (as in (

5

)). NEG=kill who=N-AGT kill=PROG.N-EGO 'If I don't kill you whom do I kill?' (d) Coordinative /lae/ 'and', as in /tɐjê lae jɐ-ɲê/ 'today and yesterday' (e) Instrumental /laemû/ (possibly, a combination of /lae/ 'and' and the verb /mû/ 'make'), e.g. /ɲô-Nɡô laemû ne-h ̃ukae/ 'cover with a copper pot' (as in (

1

)) (f) Locative /ke/ 'at, on', e.g. /ɡôpu=ke/ 'on the plane' (g) Comparative /pɐ/, as in /tʰê=pɐ/ 'like that'. /pɐ/ is also the marker of the basis of comparison in the comparative construction:

Dual forms are formed with the root /dze/, e.g. /ae-dzê/ 'the two of us'. They may be optionally followed by the expression /ne-tʰê/ 'two-that', e.g. /ae-dzê ne-tʰê/ 'the two of us'.

Plural forms are formed with the root /ɹə/, e.g. /ae-ɹə/ 'we', /nê-ɹə/ 'you', /tʰêɹə/ and /zô-ɹə/ 'they'.

Demonstrative pronouns are /kû-tʰê/ 'this' and /o-tʰê/ 'that'. Plural forms are formed with the plural definite markers /bae/ and /bo/, /kû-tʰê=bae/ 'these', /o-tʰe=bô/ 'those (people)'.

brgya; 1,000, /tû/, WT stong; and 10,000, /Nbô/, WT 'bum. Cardinal numerals one to nine are: /tê/ 'one', /ně/ 'two', /ɕê/ 'three', /ʒê/ 'four', /h ̃ɐ/ 'five', /tʃʰû/ 'six', /kŋ ̩ / 'seven', /dʑê/ 'eight', /Nɡê/ 'nine'.

  3SG.VSB garment PRF-break N-EGO 'he tore the cloth' vs. /ɡaemi=bi tʰe-tsê dɐ/ garment=DEF PRF-break N-EGO 'the garment got torn'. The functional equivalent of a passive construction is hence derived by omitting the agent and using a transitive verb ambitransitively. If the agent is not omitted, it may be marked by the nominal

	the verb: (i) controllable (verbs that denote actions performed by knowing agents of
	their own will, e.g. 'drink') vs. (ii) non-controllable (verbs that denote actions over
	which agents have no direct control, e.g. 'cough') (e.g. Tournadre 2008). Controllable
	verbs may be used with both egophoric and non-egophoric markers, while non-
	controllable verbs are generally only used with non-egophoric markers. Overall, use
	of an egophoric marker implies that the speaker is responsible for conceptualizing or expression /le-kê/ 'hand?-LOC?':
	observing the reported event or situation and commited to its truthfulness; whereas
	use of a non-egophoric marker has the opposite effect (see 5.1 for examples). Adjectives ("lexeme[s] that denote a descriptive property and that can be used (11) kû-tʰê tsʰê=bi (lɐpʰae=i le-kê) ne-dzə̂ dɐ̌
	to narrow the reference of a noun", Haspelmath 2010: 670) are formally a subset of this-that goat=DEF tiger=GEN hand?-LOC? downward-eat N-EGO
	'This goat was eaten (by a tiger).'
	Bare verb stems may be used to refer to generic facts and permanent
	situations. Prefixed verb stems may be used to refer to iterative bounded events:
	(12) aê	nê=ɐ	xae-te	dʑǐ	tʰê	ne-mû
	1SG	2SG=N-AGT what-one say	3SG.VSB downward-make
	'Whatever I tell him, he does.'
	Lizu does not have passive voice as a morphological category. To use as examples
	situations depicted in the "Cut and break clips" (Bohnemeyer et al. 2001), a situation

[START_REF] Tournadre | Arguments against the concept 'conjunct'/'disjunct' in Tibetan[END_REF][START_REF] Tournadre | Towards a new approach to evidentiality: Issues and directions for research[END_REF]

. Lizu egophoric markers are prototypically correlated with the overt presence of the first person in an utterance or with its anticipation in direct questions (the answer to which normally uses the first person); non-egophoric markers are used in all other cases. Use of the markers is also correlated with the semantic category of verbs (intransitive stative verbs). Like verbs, adjectives function as (intransitive) predicates, take verbal prefixes, and the causative, interrogative, and negative marking.

In contrast to other verbs, adjectives can modify a noun directly in the post-head position (e.g. /Nbɹə̂ dê-ly/ 'white horse'), whereas other verbs can modify a noun only in the pre-head position (e.g. /Ndzê-Nbɹə/ 'riding horse').

Lizu has a subclass of existential verbs that categorize S/O arguments in terms of their animacy and orientation in space:

(a) /dʒô/ 'have, exist (animate)', e.g. /jaeqɐ̂ dʒô/ 'have children' (b) /dʒwae/ 'exist (inanimate)', e.g. /tʰê=kê laepʰî tê dʒwae/ 'there is a vase there' (c) /bô/ 'possess (inanimate)', e.g. /baedʒê bô/ 'have money' (d) /ɲê/ 'have (abstract)', e.g. /sə̂ ɲê/ 'have things to do' (e) /h ̃ae/ 'exist (be attached)', e.g. /se-pû tê-pû h ̃ae/ 'there is a tree [there]' (f) /dʒê/ 'exist (inside a container)', e.g. /ʃomô dʒê/ 'have strength' in which a man tears a piece of cloth (clips cb01chand.mpg) and that in which a piece of cloth gets torn by itself (cb08cspont.mpg) are both described in Lizu with the same verb form: /tʰe-tsê dɐ/ PFV-tear N-EGO, respectively /tʰê ɡaemi tʰe-tsê dɐ/

5.1. Aspect and evidentiality

The basic distinction between Lizu perfective and imperfective aspect is expressed by lexical-derivational means (verbal stems and prefixes). Bare verb stems tend to be imperfective. Perfective forms are derived by adding (telicity-inducing) prefixes to bare verb stems (e.g. /dzə/ 'eat' vs. /ne-dzə/ 'eat up; have eaten', /tsə/ 'feed' vs. /tʰetsə/ 'have fed').

  denotes an activity in progress (as in (15)). Used in combination with a controllable verb and the first person actor, /ɡe/ denotes an activity certain to occur in the immediate future (e.g. /aê tô=ɡê/ 1SG look=PROG.EGO 'I will look.'). Used in combination with a non-controllable verb /ɡe/ always has a progressive reading, regardless of the person of the actor (e.g. /aê tsʰê=ɡê/ 1SG cough=PROG.N-EGO 'I am coughing', tsʰê=ɡê/ 3SG.N-VSB cough=PROG.N-EGO 'He is coughing').

	13a) tʰê		kʰae-dzə	kʰaê	jaeqwɐ=baê dzə̌ tʰê-dʑy	=sae
	(13b)					dɐ̌
	(13c)					=ɐ
	3 SG.VSB cooked.rice-eat when all=DEF.PL	eat	PFV-finish	=INF
						N-EGO
	(14) Ndʒû-dzə kʰû-pʰô	laě	mǐ
	lunch-eat	inside-side come EXP
	'[He] came by in the morning.'
	Progressive aspect marking distinguishes between the egophoric auxiliary /bo/ and
	the non-egophoric auxiliary /ɡe/:
	(15) aê	tô=bô.	zǒ	tô=ɡê.
	1SG	look=PROG.EGO 3SG.N-VSB look=PROG.N-EGO
	'I am looking. He is looking.'
	/bo/ mostly co-occurs with controllable verbs, whereas /ɡe/ freely co-occurs with

=CS

'At dinner, he ate it all.' (13a: inferred, for example by empty plates on the table

;

13b: non-egophoric; 13c: egophoric, direct source of information)

The experiential auxiliary /mǐ/ indicates that an event has taken place at least once in the past and could be repeated: both controllable and non-conrollable verbs, albeit with different meanings. Used in combination with a controllable verb and the second or third person actor, /ɡe/

  Desire to perform an action is expressed by the use of the auxiliary verb /h ̃û/ 'want'. Its use is restricted to first person actors in declarative sentences or their anticipation in direct questions. By contast, used with second and third person actors,

	The epistemic particle /tʃǔ/ 'likely', which signals likely and hypothetical (c) /h ̃û/ must be followed by the reported marker /dʑi=ɡê/ (see 6.3.3):
	situations:
	(18) (21) zǒ tɐjê	le	mě ɲî-wu	ne-Ndê=saê h ̃û	dʑi=ɡê	dê-tsʰae	tʃǔ
	3SG.N-VSB	house-buy	want	say=PROG.N-EGO
	today CTR 'He wants to buy a new house.' sky downward-be.good=INF upward-be.hot likely
	'Today the weather turned out lovely, it's going to be a hot day.'
	(b) The auxiliary verbs /Ndʒǒ/ 'know how to' (expressing the potential to perform an
	action, in relation to inevitable events, as in (19)) and /pʰae/ 'can' (expressing
	possibility, as in (20)). The two auxiliary verbs can be used for both epistemic and
	deontic readings.
	(19) kû-tʰê	h ̃ɹə=bi		ne-dzə=ɐ̌		le	nê-Nbʑi
	this-that mushroom=DEF downward-eat=CS CTR downward-be.poisoned
	Ndʒǒ
	know.how.to
	'If you eat this mushroom, you will die.'
	(20) tʰe-dʑî			wô-tsʰû	lŷ	mêNtʃʰo=i	ɕo
	3SG.VSB-family.GEN	pig-be.fat	year	tail=GEN	top
	de-tsʰû		pʰaě
	upward-be.fat can
	'Their pig may fatten by the end of the year.'