B Chamak

B Bonniau

CHAPTER TEN: Autism and Social Movements in France: Exploring Cross-cultural Differences

Introduction

Social movements in the field of health have emerged to challenge healthcare access and quality of care, as well as advocate for broader social change [START_REF] Brown | Social movements in health: an introduction[END_REF].

Scholars interested in health social movements explore the dynamics that propel actors to mobilize collectively around health issues and examine, as well, the links between 'health' and other social movements organized around cleavages such as race, gender and class, among others [START_REF] Barnett | U.S. Health Social Movements and Public Policy: Autism and Alzheimer's[END_REF].

This chapter provides a comparative perspective on autism advocacy using insights gleaned from the study of health social movements. In the field of autism advocacy and activism, there are deep divisions between parents' groups and autistic persons' organizations (sometimes referred to in the U.S. context as self-advocates) about how to best represent autism and advocate for autistic people. In addition, these actors clash over views about the fundamental nature of autism itself. As such, autism advocacy incorporates all of the characteristics of an embodied health movement (EHM), one of the three types of health social movements identified by Brown and Zavestoski (Orsini 2008). EHMs are typically organized around conditions for which scientific agreement on aetiology, diagnosis and treatment has not been reached [START_REF] Brown | Social movements in health: an introduction[END_REF].

Until recently only parents' associations expressed their grievances and challenged representations of autism, mainly by adopting a biomedical model of autism. These parent-led associations, many of which promote a deficit-model of autism are assuming an increasingly important role in shaping public policy in the field of autism (Chamak 2008a). Today, however, newly formed associations of autistic individuals are taking parents' associations to task for speaking on their behalf, and challenging the medical model of autism (Chamak 2008a;[START_REF] Ne'eman | Difference is not a disease[END_REF][START_REF] Orsini | Political Economies of Hope: Mapping the contested terrain of autism activism[END_REF][START_REF] Ortega | The cerebral subject and the challenge of neurodiversity[END_REF][START_REF] Silverman | Critical Review: Fieldwork on Another planet: Social Science Perspectives on the Autism Spectrum[END_REF]Sinclair 2005).

In recent decades, the medical definition of autism has also changed. The widening of the diagnostic criteria for autism introduced in the early 1990s in the international and American classifications of diseases redefined boundaries between normality and abnormality (Chamak 2008a;[START_REF] Eyal | The Autism Matrix: The Social Origins of the Autism Epidemic[END_REF][START_REF] Grinker | Unstrange Minds: Remapping the world of autism[END_REF][START_REF] Hacking | Historical Ontology[END_REF][START_REF] Silverman | Critical Review: Fieldwork on Another planet: Social Science Perspectives on the Autism Spectrum[END_REF]. By including verbal persons in the autism category, the classifications enabled more people to fit the diagnosis of autism.

Autistic self-advocates begin from the premise that autistic adults are able to communicate to others what autism is like from the inside [START_REF] Dekker | In our own terms: Emerging autistic culture[END_REF]. Several published autobiographical and other first-hand accounts by persons with autism spectrum disorder (ASD) provide valuable insights into both the nature and the subjective experience of autism (Chamak 2008b;Hacking 2007;Murray, this volume;[START_REF] Peeters | We teach people with autism: but what have I learned from them?[END_REF]. People who recognise themselves as autistic have begun to campaign against being labelled as suffering from a mental disease, shifting the discourse from victim-blaming to system-blaming (Chamak 2008a). The success of their mobilisation efforts rests in part on changes brought about in the way their potential members view not only their life situation, but also themselves. At the international level, the historical dynamics of this mobilization shows that the people concerned refuse the representation of autism as a disease and criticize a society in which autism is solely understood according to a deficit model (Chamak 2008a(Chamak , 2010;;Murray, this volume). The first association of autistic persons, Autism Network International (ANI), set up in 1991 in the U.S., defends the idea that autism is neither a disease nor a disability, but a different mode of cognitive functioning.

The neurodiversity concept, which rallies individuals who view autistics as having a different mode of cognitive functioning, was first developed by Judy [START_REF] Singer | Why can't you be normal for once in your life? From a 'Problem with no Name' to the emergence of a new category of difference[END_REF], an Australian whose mother and daughter have Asperger's Syndrome and who is on the spectrum herself. She argued: "the key significance of the 'autistic spectrum' lies in its call for and anticipation of a politics of neurological diversity, or neurodiversity. The 'neurologically different' represent a new addition to the familiar political categories of class/gender/race and will augment the insights of the social model of disability" (Singer 1999, 64). In the foreword to the edited collection Women from another planet (Miller 2003), Singer asserted: "We are the first wave of a new liberation movement, a very late wave, and a big one, just when you thought the storm of identity politics, with its different minorities jockeying for recognition, was surely over. We are part of the ground swell of what I want to call neurological liberation" (p. xii). The neurodiversity concept has spread successfully via the Internet as illustrated by the accounts of autistic persons [START_REF] Meyerding | Thoughts on finding myself differently brained[END_REF][START_REF] Ne'eman | Difference is not a disease[END_REF][START_REF] Nelson | Declaration from the Autism community that they are a minority group[END_REF]) and through the development of the website, neurodiversity.com. The autism rights movement adopts the neurodiversity concept and encourages autistic and nonautistic people to accept autism as a variation in functioning rather than a mental disorder to be cured.

The aim of this chapter is to analyse the different forms of activism among autistic persons in a variety of contexts and especially to explore the particularities of the French case as compared with movement organizing based mainly at the international level. The disability movement and awareness of the significance of gender dynamics in autism are not as developed in France as elsewhere (Chamak 2010) and this context influences the form of activism. In a previous work, one of the authors has identified differences between the international movement and the French one, as the latter does not refer to neurodiversity and rejects the idea of an autistic community (Chamak 2010).

In preparing this chapter, we analyzed first hand accounts written by autistic persons, including 29 autobiographies i and 25 accounts published in edited collections (e.g. Sinclair 1992) or posted online (For example see [START_REF] Dekker | In our own terms: Emerging autistic culture[END_REF][START_REF] Meyerding | Thoughts on finding myself differently brained[END_REF][START_REF] Ne'eman | Difference is not a disease[END_REF][START_REF] Shelly | Women from another planet? Feminism and AC awareness[END_REF][START_REF] Sinclair | Don't mourn for us[END_REF]Sinclair , 2005)). Discourse produced from Websites, newsletters, publications and colloquia from the associations, mostly ANI, ASAN (the Autistic Self-Advocacy Network) and 'Aspies for Freedom' was also analysed. For the French case, we focused on Satedi, the only association that exists in France for autistics. Satedi has French, Belgian and Canadian members. In addition to analysis of the website and forum exchanges, 15 in-depth interviews were conducted with French, Belgian and Canadian respondents diagnosed as autistic or as having Asperger's Syndrome. Unlike the international movement, Satedi does not challenge the medical and deficit models. They do challenge, however, the definition of autism as a mental disease. A comparison of the international autism rights movement with the French case allows us to demonstrate the heterogeneity of movements for autistic people and illustrates the need to examine how historical and cultural factors influence how social movements express their grievances, and challenge society and the state.

Autism Advocacy at the International Level: the Emergence of an Autistic Community

By publishing autobiographical books in which they give their personal view of what it is like to be autistic, the American Temple Grandin (1986) and the Australian Donna Williams (1992) took part in the development of an identity politics around autism, allowing other people to recognize themselves in their accounts (Chamak 2008a). Temple Grandin and Donna Williams were the first ones to express themselves through the medium of autobiography and have been followed by other autistic authors including the Swedish Gunilla Gerland (1997) and the Americans Liane Holliday [START_REF] Willey | Pretending to Be Normal: Living with Asperger's Syndrome[END_REF] and Edgar Schneider (1999).

The self-advocacy movement developed in the North American context when Jim Sinclair and other autistic persons participated in the Autism Society of America (ASA) national conference in 1991 and decided to found ANI, an association interested in stimulating autism self-advocacy, autistic peer support and empowerment. Sinclair, Williams and Kathy Grant co-founded ANI, which has grown from a small group to an international community [START_REF] Sinclair | Autism Network International: the development of a community and its culture[END_REF]). Sinclair has played a leading role in organizing the movement and developing the idea that being autistic means being different and different does not necessarily mean defective (Sinclair 1992, 295 His presentation at the International Conference on Autism, a joint conference of the Autism Society of America and the Autism Society of Canada, held in July 1993 in Toronto, directly challenged the 'autism as tragedy' narrative and drew a lot of attention to ANI [START_REF] Sinclair | Don't mourn for us[END_REF]. It led to a dramatic increase of exchanges on the online parents' forum, the only public forum about autism at that time. While some people strongly disagreed with Sinclair's presentation, most of the responses were positive (Sinclair 2005). Autistic persons became particularly active on the forum and parents launched attacks against these interventions. In response to these attacks, ANI decided to create an autistic cyberspace. At that time there

were not yet any public Internet sites such as yahooogroups to host email forums. ANI had to use a listserv on an academic server. In 1994, ANI launched its own forum and in 1996 the Autism Network International listserv (ANI-L) moved to its current home on the Syracuse University server. ii The influence of ANI increased and blazed a trail for autistic people from other countries to found a national movement [START_REF] Dekker | In our own terms: Emerging autistic culture[END_REF][START_REF] Shelly | Women from another planet? Feminism and AC awareness[END_REF]Sinclair 2005).

In previous research, one of the authors analysed the historical dynamics of ANI (Chamak 2008a). Findings revealed that its members share certain values and have developed their own terminology using the word 'neurotypical' (NT) (or normies) for non-autistic persons, 'aspie' to refer to a person diagnosed with Aspergers's Syndrome, 'autie' to refer to a person diagnosed with autism and the term 'cousin' is used to refer to a non-autistic person who has some other significant social and communication differences (Sinclair 2005). They have their own set phrases and in-jokes, each of which is part of an autistic culture that facilitates the mobilization of a collective identity. Certain testimonies of autistic persons show that this movement enables them to share experiences, to avoid loneliness and to have a more positive view of their condition [START_REF] Lawson | Life behind glass. A personal account of autism spectrum disorder[END_REF][START_REF] Newport | Your life is not a label: a guide to living fully with autism and Asperger's syndrome for parents, professionals, and you![END_REF]Schneider 2003). ANI challenges representations of autism by contesting negative cultural representations of autism and celebrates an alternative collective identity based on abilities rather than deficiencies.

Not only does ANI take a leading role in bringing together and representing autistic people, it also structures different social spaces, such as a space for collective learning (in the form of a forum, a newsletter and conferences). When Sinclair, Williams and Grant decided that their "mission was to advocate for civil rights and self-determination for all autistic people" (Sinclair 2005, website of Autism Network International), they set boundaries between the private autistic connections and the exchanges with parents and non-autistic people. Distinguishing 'us' from 'them', the forum has been subdivided into an 'AC' section for messages of interest to autistic people and cousins, and a 'Parents' Auxiliary' (PA) section for messages about parenting. Jim Sinclair (2005) explained that the idea of an exclusively 'autistic space' was a guiding theme when they decided to create their own autistic conference in 1996: Autreat. Most Autreat attendees live in North America but people also come from different regions of the world (Canada, Australia, Finland, Israel, Japan, New Zealand, Norway and others) [START_REF] Dekker | In our own terms: Emerging autistic culture[END_REF][START_REF] Shelly | Women from another planet? Feminism and AC awareness[END_REF]Sinclair 2005). ANI and Autreat conferences enabled autistic persons from different countries, including Martijn Dekker in the Netherlands and Sola Shelly in Israel, to set up new online communities and associations around the world.

Sola Shelly, one of the founders of the Autistic community of Israel (ACI), explained at an Autreat meeting in 2004 that she had been formally diagnosed and is also the mother of an autistic adult. In her view, "[a]utistic culture expresses the special way that autistic people perceive the physical, emotional and social world" [START_REF] Shelly | Women from another planet? Feminism and AC awareness[END_REF]). She was surprised to learn that much of the writing about autistic culture was produced by female authors and quoted the book: Women from another planet? Our lives in the Universe of Autism [an anthology initiated and edited by Jean Kearns Miller (2003)]. This book focused on the interplay between the roles of women in society and their characteristics as auties or aspies [START_REF] Shelly | Women from another planet? Feminism and AC awareness[END_REF]). It provided a framework for advocacy as well as recommendations for the development of positive autistic identities. Building on insights provided by this book, Kristin [START_REF] Bumiller | Quirky citizens: autism, gender, and reimagining disability[END_REF] analysed the broader implications of grassroots autism rights activism for women and for the feminist movement and showed that gender identity matters for the experience of autism. Girls are much less likely to be diagnosed and to gain access to services, especially if they are not on the severe end of the spectrum [START_REF] Davidson | The Gendered Dynamics of Diagnosis for Girls and Women with Autism[END_REF].

Conversely, males with autism are more likely to be stereotyped as violent. Females might receive more encouragement to develop the kinds of social skills that render them better able to compensate for the problems that they have than males. However, being better able to compensate for a problem does not mean one does not have the problem [START_REF] Dekker | In our own terms: Emerging autistic culture[END_REF]. As a group whose identity is based on difficulties conforming to social norms, autistic people are likely targets for social discrimination and resistance towards this discrimination is essential for participation in society [START_REF] Bumiller | Quirky citizens: autism, gender, and reimagining disability[END_REF].

At the international level, the Autism Rights Movement (see http://www.autismhelp.org/points-autism-rights-movement.htm), which includes organizations such as ANI, ASAN and Aspies for Freedom, has contributed to building a positive collective identity for autistic people and has been pivotal in mobilizing against discrimination. The valuing of genuinely autistic traits and persons comes with certain risks, however, and may be coupled with a devaluation of non-autistic characteristics and individuals. For example, the Institute for the Study of the Neurologically Typical, the satirical web site created by Muskie, a highfunctioning autistic woman, defines "neurotypical syndrome as a neurobiological disorder characterized by preoccupation with social concerns, delusions of superiority, and obsession with conformity" (Website, Institute for the Study of the Neurologically Typical, http://isnt.autistics.org). The negative picture of non-autistic people mirrors the more familiar devaluation of autistic people encountered throughout popular culture. At times, the strategy fuels conflict between non-autistic and autistic persons, as well as among autistic persons, because the descriptions of non-autistic persons are caricatured:

Neurotypical individuals often assume that their experience of the world is either the only one, or the only correct one. NTs find it difficult to be alone. NTs are often intolerant of seemingly minor differences in others. When in groups NTs are socially and behaviorally rigid, and frequently insist upon the performance of dysfunctional, destructive, and even impossible rituals as a way of maintaining group identity. NTs find it difficult to communicate directly, and have a much higher incidence of lying as compared to persons on the autistic spectrum (http://isnt.autistics.org) Analysis of the forum exchanges suggests that certain autistic persons may use these negative descriptions, but not in a metaphorical way. Some of them believe quite firmly that as autistic persons, they are genuinely superior to non-autistics. For example, Fistfullo1337 wrote in Aspies For Freedom forum in 04/04/2007: "I have never suffered from this gift, I cherish it, nourish it, make it so I have solace in knowing that I am biologically superior to NTs, you should do" (sic). In the same forum, Scandy007 wrote in 09/02/2010: "Autistic people and people with Asperger's are a mental evolution of humankind with (possibly) the highest natural intelligence there is". One might interpret these characterizations and excessive generalizations just as inappropriate as negative depictions of autistic persons.

The Internet has played a crucial role in the emergence of the autistic community by facilitating exchanges and by promoting positive self-identification for autistics. As Martijn Dekker explains (1999), the Internet is, for many autistics, what sign language is for Deaf people. Dekker set up a mailing list server on his computer in the Netherlands called Independent Living on the Autistic Spectrum (InLv). In 1997, Dekker travelled to the U.S.

where he met several autistic persons and concluded that autistic communication appears to occur without much protocol and in a direct way with less non-verbal communication. [START_REF] Davidson | Autistic culture online: virtual communication and cultural expression on the spectrum[END_REF] explored the distinctive styles of autistic communication and referred to the Wittgensteinian concepts of 'language games' and 'family resemblances': "You might not be able to say exactly what these features are, but you tend to recognize them when you see them" (Wittgenstein 1988, 66). The notion of shared experiential background led [START_REF] Davidson | Autistic culture online: virtual communication and cultural expression on the spectrum[END_REF] to argue that a place on the spectrum could constitute membership of an autistic 'form of life,' "a shared background and cultural association among members who tend to respond to and communicate about situations in certain ways rather than others" (Davidson 2008, 794).

Ari Ne'eman, the president of the Autistic Self Advocacy Network (ASAN), has been active in the autistic culture and disability rights movements for a number of years. On the ASAN website, Ari Ne'eman (2006) explains:

Society has developed a tendency to examine things from the point of view of a bell curve. How far away am I from normal? What can I do to fit in better? But what is on the top of the bell curve? The answer is mediocrity. That is the fate of American society if we insist upon pathologizing difference and seek to 'cure' it. The person who is socially isolated because he views the world in a different light may use that difference in perception to invent something revolutionary.

On December 16, 2009 President Barack Obama announced that Ari Ne'eman would be appointed to the National Council of Disability, a federal agency charged with advising Congress and the President on disability policy issues. In April 2010, he was appointed as a public member to the Interagency Autism Coordinating Committee, a Federal advisory committee that coordinates all efforts within the Department of Health and Human Services concerning autism. The fact that a proponent of autistic culture is a member of this committee might be taken to suggest that the highest political authorities in the U.S. are open to recognizing the existence of an 'autistic community'.

The French-speaking Association: the Notion of a Community is Rejected

The lone association of autistic persons in France, Satedi, was set up in December 2003, 12 years after ANI. At the outset, Satedi was closely related to Autisme France, a parents' association and it adopted the claims and positions of this association. Currently, Satedi has distanced itself from the parent association and acquired more autonomy, but the aims remain different from those encountered in the international context. Whereas the international movement campaigns against the biomedical model of autism, Satedi has accepted the definition of autism as a neurodevelopmental disease. In the French context, the persistence of psychoanalytical interpretations of autism in the professional milieu may influence the adoption of the neurological hypothesis by Satedi. The analysis of the forum exchanges, the website content and the interviews with French autistic persons suggests that most Satedi members have internalized the notion of disability and the definition of autism as a dysfunction of the brain. In the forum, Yoyo wrote: "I know well that it is a disability without curing. There are those who were born deaf or blind, we were born autistic" (15 October 2010). For Kikuta: "If I had to put a name on my problem, I would have defined it as a dysfunction of the brain" (2 April 2010) and Gib explained: "My memory is very selective and I do not understand its functioning. All is complicated. It is not easy to have a queer brain" (24 December 2008).

Satedi's main aims are to help autistic persons and their families, and influence autism research and government autism policy. It explicitly does not associate with the broader international autism rights movement. The leaders of Satedi reject the notion of community, nor do they refer to the notion of neurodiversity. Exchanges on the forum illustrate the differences between French and Canadian members of Satedi, with the latter referencing the notions of community and neurodiversity, and expressing hostility with the notion of disability. In July 2009, when Dorry and Idlem (both pseudonyms) from the Canadian province of Quebec intervened to promote the neurodiversity concept and refused the definition of autism as a disability, some French participants responded that they preferred the term 'disability' rather than being stigmatised as having a psychiatric disease. The adoption of the notion of disability is also a means to get services and help. In December 1996, autism was officially recognized as a disability by law in France (n°96-1076). Changing the status of autism from a psychiatric disease to a disability enabled autistic persons to be granted rights and to receive disability benefits provided by the 1975 law (and now by the 2005-102 law for the equality of rights of the disabled persons).

Idlem argued in July 2009: "Autism is not a disability. Autism tends to be viewed as a disease only because people refer to and so help to construct it as a disease". According to Idlem, "the autistic persons are closer to the better way of evolution than the NTs". When Idlem defined autism as a "racial advantage", the president of Satedi intervened and threatened to exclude him from the forum. The president of Satedi, who moderates the forum, is hostile to the notion of community and views the concept of neurodiversity as a product of "folklore". iii He disagrees with Idlem's idea that autism should be seen as an advantage rather than a disability. Another French member (Samoju) responded to Idlem in August 2009: "If autism is a racial advantage, why do you exchange in a forum for people who describe their difficulties?"

The leaders of Satedi have staked out a moderate position, one that enables them to be taken seriously by professionals, parents and political authorities, many of whom often consult them about autism. They participated in the elaboration of the Plan Autisme (2008)(2009)(2010), a government program which aimed to improve services for autistic persons by offering earlier diagnosis, better integration in school for autistic children and services for autistic adults. The National Ethics Advisory Committee called on Satedi for opinions on ethical issues regarding autism. Two Satedi members were invited to participate in the working group for the elaboration of guidelines for professionals concerning therapies and services for autistic persons. Had Satedi embraced the concept of neurodiversity and the notion of an autistic 'community', its autistic members would most likely have been excluded from the discussions with professionals, parents and political authorities. Interviews with parents, professionals and autistic persons [START_REF] Chamak | Les transformations des représentations de l'autisme et de sa prise en charge en France: le rôle des associations », in Nouveau malaise dans la civilisation[END_REF] evidence this drastic difference from other countries like U.S., Australia or Sweden.

Socio-cultural and Political Differences

In order to understand the differences between the ideas and claims of the international movement and those of the French movement, it is important to analyse aspects of the historical, political and socio-cultural context in France. The French system is characterized by a partnership between the State and the parent associations and by historical and cultural features, such as the longstanding opposition towards communitarianism [START_REF] Saunders | Anticommunautarisme and the government of religious difference[END_REF]).

The French model contrasts with the American model in which communities play a crucial role in social organization [START_REF] Donzelot | Faire société. La politique de la ville aux Etats-Unis et en France[END_REF]. With reference to the universalistic ideas of the Age of Enlightenment, French society accords priority to universal rights over communal bonds and particularistic values. The French model favours 'universalism', which treats all citizens in the same manner and rejects 'particularism', according to which people are to be treated differently based on the group to which they belong [START_REF] Etzioni | From Empire to Community: a New Approach to International Relations[END_REF]. Proponents argue that disabled persons are better served by a model of universalism than by a civil rights or 'minority group' approach [START_REF] Bickenbach | Models of disablement, universalism and the international classification of impairments, disabilities and handicaps[END_REF].

The French preference for universalism and its resistance towards cultural diversity inhibits public recognition of groups, minorities or communities, although not completely.

The French Constitution (one nation, one language, one state) proclaims that "France is an indivisible, secular, democratic and social Republic" that shall guarantee equality before the law of all citizens without distinction according to origin, race or religion. This principle is not always applied, however, since gender, ethnic origin and disabilities are often used as grounds for discrimination. and has adopted the anti-communitarianism goal of defending the Republic and the universalism of republican citizenship against the particularism of identities attached to all forms of communitarianism. It opposes long-lasting as well as more recent communitarianist identity campaigns, ranging from Breton regionalism to gender-based community campaigns [START_REF] Saunders | Anticommunautarisme and the government of religious difference[END_REF].

Modern-day Anglo-American communitarianism began in the 1970s and 1980s in reaction to John Rawls' book A Theory of Justice [START_REF] Rawls | A Theory of Justice[END_REF]. Their proponents question the universalistic claims of liberal theory and critique notions of individualism and advocate the social nature of the self [START_REF] Sandel | Liberalism and the Limits of Justice[END_REF][START_REF] Walzer | Spheres of Justice: A Defence of Pluralism & Equality[END_REF]. Community is closely associated with symbolic boundary construction. In the United States, community can be a symbol for egalitarianism, the quest for a place where every individual is recognized as an equal member of the community. Yet the idea of community is ubiquitous and versatile. It is a potentially powerful idea for crafting diverse political projects [START_REF] Collins | The new politics of community[END_REF]. French anticommunitarianism opposes "a political order that must view individuals first of all through the communitarian prism that is assigned to them" (Saunders 2008, 166).

Unlike the United States, Canada, or other European countries, in France social movements demanding autonomy for disabled people eschew the language of civil rights [START_REF] Galli | L'association vivre debout: une histoire d'autogestion[END_REF]. Civil society forces rally around the management of specialised structures directed by parent associations. This method of organization enables delegation of public services to the associations managing structures set up for disabled people and constitutes the foundation of the partnership between the State and the associations [START_REF] Barral | Disabled Persons' Associations in France[END_REF]. In some cases, the institutionalisation of the relationships between the State and the associations has taken on personalized forms, with circulation between services of the State and associations. For instance, high-ranking civil servants join the boards of the associations and some administrators of associations become civil servants [START_REF] Barral | Disabled Persons' Associations in France[END_REF].

Recently, the French government labeled autism the "Great National Cause for 2012."

This label gave the French parents' associations the benefit of free publicity for campaigns on public TV and radio channels, and enabled them to raise awareness of their demands. They present the autism situation in France as a scandal (as illustrated by numerous articles in the French newspapers), criticize the persistence of psychoanalytical frameworks associated with certain French psychiatrists, and highlight the need for access to free behavioral treatments.

However, the parents' associations do not always adopt positions considered satisfactory by those most directly concerned: autistic people. Regarding the differences between the parents' associations and those representing autistic persons, Clarke and van Amerom (2007, 772) noted that:

Organizations, sometimes called charities, certainly have more power and economic suasion than diagnosed individuals. Their construction of problems clearly represents a more powerful perspective than do the blogs of one or even many individuals. Moreover, in order to exist and to justify their continued existence, charities constantly have to seek financial support by claiming to be helping those in need.

In their recent book, The Autism Matrix, Eyal et al. (2010, 4) argue that the new institutional matrix (community treatment, special education, and early intervention programs), following the deinstitutionalization of mental retardation, signalled a massive change in the social organization of expertise: "It was pushed forward by challenges to psychiatry from relatively marginal groups--special educators, occupational therapists, behavioural psychologists, activist social scientists identified with the anti-psychiatric movement--and parents". In the U.S, the National Association for Retarded Children (NARC) played a crucial role and so did the National Society for Autistic children (NSAC)--both parent groups. They all sought to undermine the dominance of the psychiatric profession, which had in the past ignored or belittled their expertise. In the new network of expertise, parents were recognized as credible experts.

At the international level, the aims of the autistic rights movement are very different from those of the parents' associations, since they aim to deconstruct the notion of disability and the deficit model. In their review and critique of models of disability, [START_REF] Bickenbach | Models of disablement, universalism and the international classification of impairments, disabilities and handicaps[END_REF] argue that while disability movements were correct to criticize the medical model for turning a socially-constructed disadvantage into a problem with a person's body or mind, they suggest that the extreme position they advocate is equally problematic. [START_REF] Bickenbach | Models of disablement, universalism and the international classification of impairments, disabilities and handicaps[END_REF]Bickenbach et al. ( , 1178Bickenbach et al. ( -1179) ) conclude that: the politics of disablement will be torn by an internal struggle between two antagonistic political strategies. The first characterizes disabled people as a social minority group who must seek out their basic civil rights and fight against discrimination in order to correct the injustices of the past and the present. The second insists that disablement is a universal human phenomenon that has been systematically ignored with dire and unjust social consequences.

In France, the autistic rights movement is almost absent, since the cultural influence and especially the hostility to communitarianism, prevails among French autistic persons (Chamak 2010). The deficit model is relatively well accepted and the distance from the international trend favours relations with the State, parents and professionals. The radical discourse produced at the international level by some autistic persons such as Amy [START_REF] Nelson | Declaration from the Autism community that they are a minority group[END_REF] is badly received in France. If reference to the brain is widespread in France, as in other countries, the notion of an 'autistic community' is flatly rejected by political authorities and professionals, as well as autistic persons themselves.

Neurodiversity and the Brain

In November 2004, Amy [START_REF] Nelson | Declaration from the Autism community that they are a minority group[END_REF], one of the founders of Aspies for Freedom, drafted a proposal for the autistic community to be considered a social minority group by the United Nations. From her point of view, "it could help to end discrimination for those who have this neurological difference". For Kathleen Seidel, who owns and operates the website neurodiversity.com, diagnosis is an aid because "we could make sense out of things that had been inexplicable to us; we felt validated. I encountered the word neurodiversity, and it just sang to me. I thought, 'What a beautiful word that encompasses the reality that God has many different ways to build a brain'" [START_REF] Solomon | The Autism Rights Movement[END_REF].

Such references to the brain and differences regarding cerebral functioning are widespread in the recent discourse of autistic persons, as well as in society at large. The neurodiversity concept and reference to the brain are used by the Autism Rights Movement to construct a collective identity redefining autism as a difference and not as a disease. A symposium entitled 'Personhood in a neurobiological age. Brain, self and society' held in London in 2010 iv , questioned: "To what extent neuroscience is reshaping our understanding of human beings? To what extent people are going to recognize themselves in brain language?" Alain Ehrenberg (2010) answered that 1°) "Neuroscience does not change anything about our concept of person, either descriptive or normative" and 2°) "If people are moving towards recognizing themselves in their brain, this will be a social process, not a biological truth that everybody will eventually recognize as a truth based on proof established on an empirical basis coming from the laboratory. This claim means it will be learned: these are not neurobiological facts that are at stake, but their transformations into social and moral references to act in social life. From this perspective, this recognition is a new language game . . .". Many authors (including Ehrenberg 2004;[START_REF] Ortega | The cerebral subject and the challenge of neurodiversity[END_REF][START_REF] Vidal | Brainhood, anthropological figure of modernity[END_REF] emphasised the present-day diffusion of neuroscientific concepts beyond the laboratory and their penetration in society. Discourse about the brain and its illustration using brain-imaging influence the way we talk about ourselves. Researchers in the social sciences and humanities have investigated the role of neurological vocabulary in the elaboration of identities (Ortega, this volume) and found that the widespread use of brain metaphors and analogies is changing the way people understand their own subjectivities (Hacking 2007). The functioning of the brain is used as an explanation for the functioning of the person, as illustrated by Jane Meyerding. When she discovered she was autistic, she thought: "It's my brain that doesn't fit" (Meyerding 2003, 169). She describes herself as being 'differently brained' [START_REF] Meyerding | Thoughts on finding myself differently brained[END_REF]. This is the new language adopted by some advocates for autistic persons.

Conclusion

The neurodiversity concept has helped to shape for autistic persons a collective identity, "a perception of a shared status which may be imagined rather than experienced directly" (Polletta and Jasper 2001, 285). Beyond recruitment, identity work is crucial to sustaining solidarity and commitment [START_REF] Polletta | Collective Identity and Social Movements[END_REF]. The question of collective identity is central when studying social movements. Indeed, a social movement process is in place when collective identities that go beyond specific campaigns and initiatives develop. Collective identity is a process that is strongly associated with recognition and the creation of connectedness [START_REF] Diani | Organizations, coalitions, and movements[END_REF]. How is collective identity constructed in the course of mobilization? How are common interests defined? How has an autistic culture developed within that community? Who is accepted in the group? Who is not? At the international level, an autistic community emerged from a group including those with Asperger's Syndrome, autistic persons and 'cousins'. Non-autistic people can participate, but decision-making power and organizational leadership rest in the hands of autistic people. ANI is aligned with the disability rights movement whereas Satedi is not. The French-speaking association has accepted the notion of disability and the biomedical model. It favoured the constitution of a network, but not a community, a concept that has a negative connotation for French people.

The collective identity of the French autistic persons is focused on sharing experiences but not on using the neurodiversity concept. Activists may define their identities in different ways depending on the strategic situation. In the context of the massive contemporary changes, refocusing attention on contested perspectives of community organization sheds light on how people organize themselves and others for diverse political ends.

  Anti-communitarianism is enforced by state institutions, including the High Council for Integration (Haut Conseil à l'Intégration) established in 1998 and the High Authority for the Struggle against Discrimination and for Equality (Haute Autorité de Lutte contre les Discriminations et pour l'Egalité, HALDE). The legal setting for this institutional activity is provided by two laws: the 1901 law on associations and the 1905 law on the Separation of Church and State. The 'Observatoire du communautarisme' was established in August 2003

  ): Being autistic does not mean being inhuman. But it does mean being alien. It means that what is normal for other people is not normal for me, and what is normal for me is not normal for other people. . . . But my personhood is intact. My selfhood is undamaged. I find great value and meaning in my life, and I have no wish to be cured of being myself. If you would help me, don't try to change me to fit your world.


B Gony

K Berger

B Douine

M R Koblischka
email: m.koblischka@mx.uni-saarland.de.

J Lévêque

Improvement of the Magnetization of a Superconducting Bulk using an Iron Core

Keywords: High-temperature superconductors, Magnetic cores, Magnetization, YBCO bulk

In most studies, the magnetization was carried out without the iron core which is not the case in superconducting electrical applications. So in this paper we study the magnetization of YBCO bulk using a Pulsed Field Magnetization method in a symmetrical iron core. This iron core has the same structure as the iron core in an electrical motor. We have tested a new process of magnetization, firstly without the iron core and secondly with the iron core where we find an enhancement about 36 % of the trapped magnetic field. The contribution of the iron core in this improvement was discussed. These experimentations help to carry out the magnetization of the superconducting bulk in the superconducting motor or in the coupling applications.

I. INTRODUCTION

HE new kinds of High Temperature Superconductors (HTS) are promising materials for the permanent magnet applications [START_REF] Campbell | Bulk high temperature superconductors for magnet applications[END_REF]- [START_REF] Vanderbemden | Behavior of bulk high-temperature superconductors of finite thickness subjected to crossed magnetic fields: experiment and model[END_REF]. The superconducting bulks can play many roles in the industrial applications: the application of magnetic bearings [START_REF] Coombs | Superconducting magnetic bearings for energy storage flywheels[END_REF], [START_REF] Mulcahy | Test results of 2-kwh flywheel using passive pm and HTS bearings[END_REF], and the application of high power density rotating machines [START_REF] Mcculloch | Brushless ac machines with high temperature superconducting rotors[END_REF]- [START_REF] Stumberger | Design of a linear bulk superconductor magnet synchronous motor for electromagnetic aircraft launch systems[END_REF] because it can trap or shield a high value of magnetic fields [START_REF] Tomita | High-temperature superconductor bulk magnets that can trap magnetic fields of over 17 tesla at 29 K[END_REF]- [START_REF] Muralidhar | Improvement of critical current densities in bulk superconductors of the 123-Type[END_REF].

The maximum value of remnant magnetic induction in a permanent magnet is less than 1.5 Tesla for the neodymiumiron-boron to date. By using the principle of trapping the magnetic field in a high critical temperature superconductor, it is possible to obtain 4 T on the surface of a superconducting bulk at 77 Kelvin, i.e. in liquid nitrogen, and also up to 17.6 T at 26 K [START_REF] Durrell | A Trapped Field of 17.6 T in Melt-Processed, Bulk Gd-Ba-Cu-O Reinforced with Shrink-Fit Steel[END_REF].

Furthermore, increasing the induction value is very important. For example in an application that aims to transfer an effort, by increasing the value of the induction produced, we can increase the value of the magnetic energy in the air gap and thus the electromagnetic torque.

There are several methods of magnetization but we chose the most convenient method to execute in situ, it is PFM for "Pulsed Field Magnetization" method. The general principle of this method is a discharge a capacitor bank in a coil which we call the inductor. This discharge will generate a magnetic field pulse that will induce eddy currents and trapping a magnetic field in the superconductor bulk. This value of trapped magnetic field in the bulk depends on the critical current density J c of the bulk, the size of the bulk, and the form of the magnetic field pulse applied on the bulk [START_REF] Douine | A new direct magnetic method for determining in bulk superconductors from magnetic field diffusion measurements[END_REF]- [START_REF] Gony | Influence of the inductor shape, and the magnetization processes on a trapped magnetic flux in a superconducting bulk[END_REF].

In the literature, the study of the magnetization was carried out without an iron core [START_REF] Mizutani | Pulsed-field magnetization applied to high-Tc superconductors[END_REF]- [START_REF] Chen | Optimization of pulsed-current profile for magnetizing high Tc bulk YBCO superconductors[END_REF], which is not the case in most of the electrical applications. In the traditional motors and in the magnetic coupling applications, an iron core exists, so it is really useful to study the magnetization of a superconducting bulk by using an iron core.

In our knowledge, any detailed study was never carried out concerning the magnetization by a PFM method in a symmetrical iron core. So, we tested and compared the magnetization by PFM method with/ without a symmetrical iron core. We also discussed the results and the role of the iron core in the magnetization process.

First, we present the experimental means that we use for magnetizing. Then we present the new applied process of magnetization that we have studied for two cases: without iron core and with an iron core. Finally, we compare the results and show the contribution of the iron core in the magnetization.

II. EXPERIMENTAL MEANS

In this section, we present the superconducting bulk, the inductor, the two principles of magnetization with and without iron core, and a new process of magnetization. The work was carried out at the temperature of liquid nitrogen 77 K.

A. Superconducting bulk

We carried out all measurements on a superconducting bulk of YBCO which has a 31 mm of diameter, and 16.7 mm of height. The critical temperature of this superconducting bulk type is 92 K. This bulk does not have any holes inside, Fig. 1.

We always measure the magnetic field at the surface of superconducting bulk. We put two Hall sensors, HPP-NP from Arepoc, adapted to low temperatures: The first one is at the T Fig. 1. The superconducting bulk used. ASC2014-3LPo2H-04 2 center of the bulk surface, and the second is on the edge of bulk surface, at 10 mm from the first sensor. The distance between the active part of the sensor and the surface of the bulk is 0.5 mm.

B. Inductor

We use a copper coil as an inductor, Fig. 2, around the superconducting bulk due to its simple installation in industrial applications which has following parameters: 17 turns, an effective external diameter of 62 mm, an effective internal diameter of 32.6 mm, and an effective height of 20 mm. The section of the copper is about 9 mm² this section helps us to carry out some peaks of current with a current density more than 500 A/mm².

C. Magnetization circuit and operating mode

In order to apply the PFM method, we use an electrical circuit which consist of an autotransformer, a rectifier AC/DC, 24 capacitors in parallel for a total capacity of 79.2 mF, a thyristor, a diode, a coil, and some measuring devices, e.g. oscilloscope, voltmeter and amperemeter, see Fig. 3.

Basically, to carry out a magnetic field pulse, we should:  charge the capacitor with a proper level of tension;  discharge the capacitor in the copper coil. We have done the magnetization in 2 different cases:

1. Without iron: The first experimentation part is carried out without any iron in the vicinity of the superconductor, Fig. 4.

2. With iron: The second one is carried out with an iron core which contains 200 sheets of isolated iron for decreasing the induced current in the magnetic core. Figure 5 shows a schematic of this E-I type iron core with the coil and the superconducting bulk inside it.

This magnetic circuit is almost the same as the one of a motor application like the synchronous motor proposed in Fig. 6 where the superconducting bulks are at the places of permanent magnets. Field lines will flow in the air, iron, and superconducting bulk. ASC2014-3LPo2H-04 3 Figure 7 shows the realized magnetic circuit that contains the magnetization coil, the superconducting bulk, and the two Hall sensors. The dimensions of this circuit magnetic are: 130 mm high, 150 mm of width and 74 mm depth. The air gap between the bulk and the iron core is about 7 mm.

III. PROCESS OF MAGNETIZATION

This process is used for the two cases of magnetization, with and without iron. This process of magnetization is a new kind of direct magnetization, i.e. the bulk doesn't have any magnetic field when a higher magnetic field pulse is carried out. In the first part of this process, Fig. 8(a), one pulse is applied according to an initial charge voltage level of the capacitors and we save the maximum applied field and the trapped magnetic field in the bulk after 8-10 minutes. These values are saved for the two Hall sensors. Then we heat the bulk in order to remove the trapped magnetic field. Then we cool down the bulk in order to prepare it, and we apply a new magnetic pulse corresponding to an increase of 10 V applied to the capacitor bank. We repeat these steps: heating, cooling, applying a higher pulse, and we save the results until the maximum of trapped field is reached.

In the Figure 8 We repeat the pulse C, 3 to 6 times, for enhancing the trapped magnetic field without heating the bulk. As an example, in Fig. 8

(b), C3 t B > C4 C2
,, tt BB and C1 t B , so the optimal pulse is C3 where we find the optimal trapped magnetic field C3 t B .

IV. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

A. Without iron

The process of magnetization was applied in the superconducting bulk, and we found the optimal magnetic pulse by repeating the best pulse 4 times. The Figure 9 shows this last pulse: The current pulse has a maximum value of 4745 A, and a duration of 6 ms. The magnetic pulse has a maximum value of 1.60 T on the bulk surface center, and a 0.54 T of stable trapped magnetic field after 10 min. The maximum value measured by the second sensor at the edge is 1.12 T, and the stable trapped magnetic field is 0.39 T. These curves were taken from the oscilloscope, and filtered after that using Matlab. B. With iron By using the same process of magnetization, we find the optimal pulse by repeating the best pulse 5 times. The maximum value of the current is 2734 A. The sensor at the center and the sensor at the edge measure a maximum value of magnetic flux density of 1.43 T, and 1.79 T respectively. These sensors measure respectively a 0.85 T, 0.60 T of trapped magnetic flux density after 10 min, Fig. 10.

C. Comparison with/without iron

Figure 11 shows a magnetic field comparison between the magnetization with and without the iron core. We clearly see the enhanced trapped magnetic field with the iron core. We have an increasing of 36.5 % of trapped magnetic field at the center of the bulk when we do the magnetization inside the iron core, and 35 % at the edge of the bulk. In the case of the magnetization inside of the iron core, the maximum value of the current pulse for the optimal field is 43 % lower of its value without the iron core. As we know that the magnetic field without the bulk reaction in the air gap is proportional to the value of the current pulse, so we also decrease the applied magnetic field by 43 %. We remark that the duration of the two current pulses is nearly the same.

In order to study the contribution of the iron core magnetization, we have done this test: we have removed the iron core after the stabilization, at point A, and we observe the value of the trapped magnetic field, Fig. 12. After the new stabilization of the trapped magnetic field, we put again the superconducting bulk in the iron core, at point B, where we find a new fast increase of the trapped magnetic field. After the new stabilization of the trapped field we remove the iron core a second time, at point C, where we found also a fast decrease of the field. We put the iron core a second time, at point D, and we can also observe a new increase of the trapped magnetic field in the same order of magnitude as for the previous case. Fig. 12. The influence of the iron core on the trapped magnetic field in the superconducting bulk. The zones I, III, and V correspond to the evolution of the trapped magnetic field when the iron core is in place. Respectively, the zones II and IV correspond to the phases when the iron core is removed.

We can find that the decrease of the value of the trapped magnetic field between the level of the point A, and the level of the point B is due to the change of the magnetic field distribution applied on the superconducting bulk surface. This value is lost if we remove the iron, and we cannot reproduce it without a new magnetic pulse. When we put again the iron core in point B, the fast increase of the magnetic field cannot be explained by current density redistribution in the superconductor. Moreover, the difference between the value at the points B and C, is reproduced between the points C and D. So we can conclude that this change of trapped magnetic field between the points B and C, which is around 70 mT, is only due to the fact that a bigger part of the trapped magnetic flux is oriented in the direction of the iron core, the one that we measure. This phenomenon is reversible as for permanent magnets, and the stored energy in the YBCO bulk does not change.

As known, the trapped magnetic field can be increased by increasing the size of the YBCO bulk or by decreasing the cooling temperature. For the same size, at 30 K the trapped magnetic field can be more than 10 times the one at 77 K [START_REF] Tomita | High-temperature superconductor bulk magnets that can trap magnetic fields of over 17 tesla at 29 K[END_REF]. Some other experiments have to be done at lower temperature, in order to study the influence of the iron core on the magnetization process with higher trapped magnetic field.

V. CONCLUSION Through our experimental results, we have proved than the magnetization of superconducting bulks using an iron core enhances the trapped magnetic field up to 36 % compared to classical process without iron. A simple coil around the bulk is needed. With the use of iron, we have also decreased the current of the optimal pulse by 43 %. A new phenomenon concerning the iron core contribution have been clearly shown and explained. This study will help to carry out the magnetization of bulk superconductors for the superconducting motors or magnetic coupling applications.

Fig. 2 .

 2 Fig. 2. The magnetization coil.

Fig. 4 .

 4 Fig. 4. The bulk YBCO inside its coil (left) and a sketch with the Hall sensors view (right).

Fig. 5 .

 5 Fig. 5. A schematic of the E-I type iron core used.

Fig. 6 .Fig. 3 .

 63 Fig. 6. A schematic of a motor with superconducting bulks.

  (a), four increasing magnetic pulses are applied in phases A, B, C, and D. magnetic fields after 8-10 min at the end of the pulsesthe charge voltage of the capacitors in phase C leads to the best magnetic pulse.

Fig. 8 .

 8 Fig. 8. (a) First part of the magnetization process. Finding the optimal charge voltage of the capacitors that leads to the best trapped magnetic field. (b) Second part of the magnetization process. Enhancement of the trapped magnetic field.

Fig. 9 .

 9 Fig. 9. Optimal magnetic and current pulse without any iron. Hall sensors are at the center and at the edge of the bulk.

Fig. 7 .

 7 Fig. 7. The realized iron core for the experiments.

Fig. 10 .Fig. 11 .

 1011 Fig.10. Optimal magnetic and current pulse with the iron core. Hall sensors are at the center and at the edge of the bulk.

ANR project REIMS, ANR-10-BLAN-0944.


P Martin

P Silvie

AFPP -COLLOQUE RAVAGEURS ET INSECTES INVASIFS ET ÉMERGENTS MONTPELLIER -21 OCTOBRE 2014 L'INFORMATIQUE AU SECOURS DU GESTIONNAIRE DE RISQUE SANITAIRE

Keywords: Filière, Importation, Tephritidae, La Réunion, risque phytosanitaire Pathways, import, Tephritidae, La Réunion, pest risk

Les transferts de végétaux frais entre continents, via les passagers ou les échanges commerciaux, ont permis à des espèces de Tephritidae d'investir de nouveaux territoires. Ces espèces allochtones sont sources de pertes de production agricole voire d'altération de l'écosystème. La fragilité de l'équilibre naturel des milieux insulaires rend ces territoires très sensibles aux introductions. Pour protéger l'agriculture locale sans entraver inutilement le commerce, une règlementation des importations est définie. Dans le cas de la Réunion, la mise à jour de la réglementation posait la question d'identifier, parmi 309 filières d'importation, celles susceptibles d'être infestées par une des 224 espèces jugées menaçantes. Cet article présente la méthode automatique utilisée pour identifier, au sein de bases de données, sites web et documents scientifiques, les 55 filières susceptibles d'être infestées par 16 espèces des genres Anastrepha, Bactrocera, Ceratitis, Dacus ou Rhagoletis.

INTRODUCTION

Les transferts de végétaux frais entre continents, via les passagers ou les échanges commerciaux, ont permis à des espèces de Tephritidae d'investir de nouveaux territoires. Selon le lieu d'arrivée, ces espèces allochtones ont pu entraîner des pertes de production agricole importantes voire une altération de l'écosystème local, tel que le déplacement d'espèces autochtones [START_REF] Duyck | A review of relationships between interspecific competition and invasions in fruit flies (Diptera: Tephritidae)[END_REF][START_REF] Duyck | Importance of competition mechanisms in successive invasions by polyphagous tephritids in La Réunion[END_REF]. Aussi, pour les milieux insulaires dont l'équilibre naturel est fragile, empêcher leur entrée puis leur établissement représente des enjeux économique et de développement durable majeurs. Les importations dans les îles françaises sont contrôlées en regard d'une réglementation nationale ou locale afin de protéger l'agriculture locale sans entraver inutilement le commerce. Pour l'île de La Réunion, qui sera l'exemple traité dans cet article, la réglementation est basée sur l'application de l'arrêté préfectoral de la Direction de l'Alimentation, de l'Agriculture et de la Forêt de la Réunion (DAAF, 2014) qui dénonce 45 espèces de mouches des fruits d'intérêt économique réparties selon 28 genres de fruits ou légumes-hôtes. Pour chaque entrée de ces végétaux, que ce soit par voies maritime ou aérienne, par le fret commercial ou via les passagers, les services douaniers doivent s'assurer de l'absence de ces espèces de mouches.

Afin d'adapter plus finement la politique des contrôles à l'importation, le Ministère Français de l'agriculture et de l'agro-alimentaire a demandé à l'Anses (Agence nationale de sécurité sanitaire de l'alimentation, de l'environnement et du travail) de produire une liste hiérarchisée des mouches Tephritidae les plus menaçantes pour les zones tropicales ultra-marines dont il a la gestion. Pour apporter une réponse en adéquation avec le contexte de chaque territoire, un Groupe de Travail (GT) a été constitué par l'Anses, comprenant des entomologistes experts des zones concernées. Dans un premier temps, le GT a établi une liste de 224 espèces de Tephritidae considérées comme les plus importantes au niveau mondial. Cette liste, appelée 'liste rouge', a été constituée à partir du Catalogue of life [START_REF] Roskov | Species 2000 & ITIS Catalogue of Life, 20th[END_REF] qui recense 4740 espèces de Tephritidae. Dans un second temps, les filières d'importation de fruits et légumes ont été identifiées à partir de l'inventaire des importations à La Réunion. Dans un dernier temps, pour pouvoir hiérarchiser les filières susceptibles de conduire à une introduction non volontaire d'une ou plusieurs des espèces de la liste rouge au moyen d'une méthode non décrite ici, il a été décidé de dresser au préalable un tableau intermédiaire appelé 'Matrice originale', au format Microsoft Excel®, tableau comprenant divers critères d'évaluation.

Cet article présente le cheminement adopté et les méthodes informatiques ayant conduit au remplissage automatique de la Matrice originale de La Réunion.

MATÉRIEL ET MÉTHODE

Le cheminement adopté pour parvenir à remplir la Matrice à partir des sources de données est représenté de façon linéaire dans la figure 1. Les flèches qui établissent des liens entre chaque composante représentent les méthodes informatiques appliquées entre les étapes.

LES SOURCES DE DONNEES

La littérature ne faisant pas état d'une base de données spatiale mondiale regroupant l'ensemble des espèces de fruit infesté par des Tephritidae, le GT a identifié plusieurs sources de données susceptibles de contenir des informations sur les espèces de mouches, leurs plantes-hôtes et leur aire de répartition géographique. Ainsi ont été utilisés cinq communications écrites [START_REF] Iwaizumi | Species and host record of the Bactrocera dorsalis complex (Diptera: Tephritidae) detected by the plant quarantine of Japan[END_REF][START_REF] Sauers-Muller | -Hosts plants of the Carambola fruit fly, Bactrocera carambolae Drew & Hancock (Diptera:Tephritidae), in Suriname, South America[END_REF][START_REF] Clarke | Invasive phytophagous pests arising through a recent tropical evolutionary raditation: the Bactrocera dorsalis complex of fruit flies[END_REF][START_REF] Uchoa | Fruit Flies (Diptera: Tephritidae): Biology, Host plants, Natural enemies, and the implications to their natural control. Book Chapter of Integrated Pest Management and Pest Control -Current and Future Tactics[END_REF][START_REF] Oliveira | Identificação de Moscas-das-Frutas Quarentenarias para o Brasil[END_REF], trois sites internet (Agropec Consultoria, 2013 ;CABI, 2013 ;[START_REF] Zucchi | Fruit flies in Brazil -Anastrepha species their host plants and parasitoids[END_REF], une base de données (De Meyer, 2013) Description of the automated filling of the original matrix.

LA LISTE ROUGE

Les 224 espèces retenues dans le travail préliminaire des experts du GT appartiennent à 20 genres distincts dont les genres Anastrepha, Bactrocera, Ceratitis, Dacus et Rhagoletis. Il est important de noter que l'adoption d'un référentiel terminologique ne reflète pas une position scientifique quant à la valeur de vérité potentielle des données représentées, mais permet de disposer d'un langage commun pour conduire le travail.

LES FILIÈRES D'IMPORTATION

LES DICTIONNAIRES DE SYNONYMES

L'existence de synonymes pour les espèces de Tephritidae et pour les espèces de fruit représente toujours une contrainte de juxtaposition de travaux basés sur l'analyse de la bibliographie. De plus, l'aptitude de certaines espèces de Tephritidae à infester toutes les espèces de fruits d'un genre donné devait être prise en considération. Ces contraintes ont conduit à l'élaboration de dictionnaires de synonymes qui ont permis de réaliser la correspondance entre les termes utilisés dans les sources de données et les référentiels terminologiques.

Le dictionnaire de synonymes pour les espèces de Tephritidae a été réalisé en rassemblant tous les synonymes des 224 espèces de la liste rouge proposés par le site Encyclopedia of life (www.eol.org). En un seul clic, ce site réunit, pour une espèce donnée, l'ensemble des dénominations recensées sur différents sites webs (NCBI Taxonomy, Species 2000 & ITIS Catalogue of life, Integrated Taxonomic Information System (ITIS), etc.). Le dictionnaire des synonymes résultant comporte un total de 573 enregistrements.

Pour les plantes-hôtes, le dictionnaire des synonymes a été produit à partir du dictionnaire des organismes (table t_vbayname) du logiciel PQR complété des données présentes au sein des autres sources de données. L'intérêt offert par PQR est qu'il comporte un grand nombre de synonymes de plantes cultivées sous les formes vernaculaires et latines binominales. Le dictionnaire résultant comporte au total 128.300 enregistrements.

Enfin, le dictionnaire de synonymes des territoires a été construit à partir de la table des territoires de PQR (table t_geog) complétée des données présentes dans les autres sources de données et traduites au moyen du traducteur automatique proposé par le site web Google (translate.google.com). Le dictionnaire des synonymes résultant comporte au total 366 enregistrements. Celui-ci comporte des variantes terminologiques d'ordre divers : langue (français vs. anglais), écriture (e.g. Vietnam vs. Viet Nam), type de l'espace considéré (île, pays, région, continent, etc.) et précision (« unknown »).

Pour chacun des termes de ces dictionnaires, la transcription de chaque donnée initiale en une donnée normalisée selon le référentiel a été effectuée avec le logiciel Microsoft Excel® au moyen de la fonction RechercheV.

LA BASE DE DONNÉES DES OPÉRATIONS (BDO)

La BDO constitue la source de données pour le remplissage automatique de la Matrice originale. Sa structure d'organisation est un tableau à deux dimensions implémenté dans un fichier Microsoft Excel®. Chaque ligne comporte un triplet décrit selon le type de données indiqué en colonne. Les trois premières colonnes permettent de décrire le 'triplet', i.e. la mouche, le fruit, le territoire. Les trois colonnes suivantes contiennent les références du document source : le nom de la source de données originale, le numéro (ou clé) de cet enregistrement au sein de la source de données, la référence bibliographique d'où provient le triplet lorsque l'information provient d'une source tiers. Trois colonnes supplémentaires comportent la transcription des triplets selon les référentiels terminologiques. Cette mise en correspondance du triplet source, complété des références de la source de données, avec la version transcrite du triplet permet de préserver l'origine de l'information afin d'en vérifier la validité si nécessaire.

Les trois référentiels terminologiques (Tephritidae, plantes-hôtes, territoires) ont été inscrits au sein d'onglets différents du fichier au format Microsoft Excel® dans lequel est implémenté la BDO.

Pour remplir la BDO à partir des sources de données, une première opération a consisté à localiser, au sein de chaque source de données, les espèces de Tephritidae observées sur des plantes-hôtes dans les territoires, ainsi que les informations susceptibles de compléter la matrice, à l'exemple de la nuisibilité du Tephritidae. Pour cette recherche, effectuée de visu, toutes les espèces de plantes-hôtes et de mouches des fruits ont été considérées, indépendamment de l'objectif final d'utilisation. Le transfert des données depuis les sources jusqu'à la base BDO a été variable selon la source. Pour les sources présentant des données sous forme 'structurée', comme les bases de données ou les tableurs, une requête a permis l'extraction des données intéressantes et leur copie dans BDO. Pour les autres sources de données (articles scientifiques, sites web, etc.), un prétraitement spécifique à chacune (suppression de textes intermédiaires, réorganisation des informations, etc.) a été réalisé au moyen de la plateforme de traitement du langage naturel GATE [START_REF] Cunningham | Text Processing with GATE (Version 6)[END_REF].

LA MATRICE ORIGINALE

Les experts du GT ont retenu 14 critères d'évaluation pour procéder ultérieurement à la hiérarchisation. Ces critères concernent la relation entre l'espèce de Tephritidae et le fruit (nuisibilité, etc.), la filière d'importation (quantité de fruits acheminée par bateau et par avion, si le fruit est plante-hôte dans le territoire d'origine, etc.), et la culture sur place (surface cultivée en champs et jardin, plante-hôte potentielle, etc.).

RÉSULTATS

Les résultats de trois étapes sont présentés dans ce chapitre : (i) la récupération des triplets (espèce de mouche/plante-hôte/territoire) dans les sources de données pour constituer BDO, (ii) le remplissage automatique de la Matrice originale, et (iii) la validation des enregistrements par les experts.

RECUPERATION DES INFORMATIONS A PARTIR DES SOURCES DE DONNEES

La Base de Données des Observations (BDO) a été constituée pour regrouper les informations sur les triplets identifiés à partir des sources de données recensées par le GT. Le nombre de ces triplets a différé sensiblement d'une source à l'autre (Tableau I).

Parmi les diverses sources de données, il n'a pas été possible de recueillir les données pour Uchoa (2012), [START_REF] Oliveira | Identificação de Moscas-das-Frutas Quarentenarias para o Brasil[END_REF] La composition des deux extractions (au niveau des espèces puis des genres de plantes-hôtes) permet de disposer de 1042 enregistrements concernant 196 filières. Ceux-ci proviennent de PQR (EPPO, 2013), de De Meyer (2013) et d'Iwaizumi (2004), la répartition de ces enregistrements entre les filières selon leur origine étant très variable. A titre d'illustration, pour les filières ayant le plus grand nombre d'enregistrements, 16 enregistrements sur les 22 de la filière la plus informée de la première extraction proviennent de De Meyer (2013), alors que les 110 enregistrements de la filière la plus informée de la seconde extraction proviennent de PQR.

Les deux extractions ont permis de recenser respectivement 17 et 28 espèces de Tephritidae de la liste rouge (cf.

Validation des enregistrements par les experts

Le pré-remplissage de la Matrice originale, au moyen des deux extractions, a donné lieu à l'identification de plusieurs enregistrements pour chaque filière, avec un nombre de Tephritidae variable. Le retrait des enregistrements jugés irrecevables par le GT (doublons, infestations de fruits dans des territoires notifiées par PQR ou De Meyer comme étant non avérées, espèces de Tephritidae déjà présentes à La Réunion, etc.) a conduit à l'identification de 85 enregistrements sur les 1042 extraits de Le pré-remplissage de la matrice a consisté à identifier, au sein de BDO, les filières susceptibles d'être infestées par une espèce de Tephritidae de la liste rouge. L'application de cette méthodologie à La Réunion a conduit à identifier de façon automatique 196 filières sur les 309 recensées dans l'inventaire de la SALIM, l'absence d'enregistrement pour les 113 autres les déclarant saines. L'absence dans BDO d'un grand nombre d'espèces de Tephritidae de la liste rouge pose la question des limites des sources de données utilisées pour la détection des filières à risques. En effet, l'identification de nouvelles sources de données pourrait conduire à reconsidérer l'état sanitaire de certaines filières. Toutefois, ce constat doit être modéré par les résultats de cette étude qui montre que sur les 96 espèces de la liste rouge présentes dans BDO, 28 espèces ont été insérées de façon automatique dans la matrice lors du préremplissage, et que seules 16 n'ont été in fine conservées par les experts.

CONCLUSION

La méthodologie adoptée dans ce travail a conduit les experts du GT à identifier 55 filières à risques pour La Réunion, concernant 16 espèces de Tephritidae. Pour le gestionnaire de risque, ce résultat est important car il indique dans un premier temps, sans ordre prioritaire, l'ensemble des filières d'importation à surveiller et les espèces invasives à détecter. Il n'est plus question de contrôler de façon systématique toutes les importations relatives aux 309 filières à la recherche des 45 espèces de Tephritidae notifiées dans la liste de la DAAF. La méthodologie présentée dans ce document a été développée pour pré-remplir la Matrice originale de La Réunion. Son caractère générique permet sa réutilisation en l'état pour pré-remplir les Matrices originales d'autres zones tropicales ultra-marines, dès lors que toutes les informations nécessaires sont réunies. D'une façon plus globale, cette méthode pourrait être employée pour identifier les filières à risques concernant d'autres espèces de végétaux et les bio-agresseurs afférents.

  et le logiciel PQR (Plant Quarantine data Retrieval system ; EPPO, 2013) mis à disposition sur internet par l'OEPP (Organisation Européenne et méditerranéenne pour la Protection des Plantes).

Figure 1 :

 1 Figure 1 : Cheminement du remplissage automatisé de la Matrice originale.Description of the automated filling of the original matrix.

Figure 2 :

 2 Figure 2 : Répartition du nombre de filières en fonction du nombre d'enregistrements extraits de BDO. Repartition of the number of pathways in relation to the number of records retrieved from BDO.

  Figure 3). Le nombre d'espèces de Tephritidae associé à chaque filière varie entre 1 et 5 pour la première extraction, et entre 1 et 6 pour la seconde. La filière comportant le plus grand nombre d'enregistrements de la première extraction, i.e. 22, relative à Prunus persica est susceptible d'être infestée par 5 espèces de Tephritidae (Bactrocera invadens, Ceratitis capitata, Ceratitis cosyra, Ceratitis quinaria, Ceratitis rosa) et celle de la seconde extraction relative à une espèce de Citrus relève de 3 espèces de Tephritidae (Bactrocera dorsalis, Bactrocera tryoni et Ceratitis capitata). La filière présentant le plus grand nombre de Tephritidae, i.e. 6, concerne les fruits du genre Malus, pour laquelle les 11 enregistrements associés font référence à : Anastrepha fraterculus, B. dorsalis, B. tryoni, C. capitata, C. rosa et Rhagoletis pomonella.

Figure 3 :

 3 Figure 3 : Espèces de Tephritidae identifiées dans les deux extractions de BDO.Tephritidae species identified in the two extractions of BDO.

  et le site web du CABInternational (2013). Pour les articles, malgré la présence des trois composantes du triplet au sein de chaque ligne des tableaux, les relations entre les plantes-hôtes et les territoires n'étaient pas établies. Dans le cas du CAB International (2013), la présentation des informations des 63 fiches relatives à des espèces de Tephritidae s'effectue au moyen de plusieurs onglets qui différencient les plantes-hôtes, les lieux où elle a été observée, etc. Mais ce découpage ne permettait pas de relier les plantes-hôtes avec les territoires.Pour les autres sources, les extractions ont pu être faites. Pour les deux premiers articles (cf. Tableau I), les triplets étaient structurés selon des colonnes de données, permettant une mise en forme des données à moindre coût. En revanche, le troisième article a demandé de composer deux tableaux et leurs légendes pour accéder aux triplets. Triplets identifiés dans les sources de données.Triples identified in the data source. Les données de cette base étant enregistrées au format sqlite3, une reconstruction du modèle relationnel a été faite, afin d'établir une requête permettant l'extraction des triplets avec le logiciel RazorSql® et leur intégration directe dans BDO. En complément des triplets, les informations extraites étaient les références bibliographiques, le degré d'hébergement de la plante (hôte majeur, mineur, anecdotique) et la présence du Tephritidae sur le territoire (« Present/no detail », « Present/widespread », « Absent/invalid record », etc.). De façon à mémoriser ces informations dans BDO, trois colonnes supplémentaires ont été ajoutées. Nombre et proportion des espèces de la liste rouge présentes dans BDO en fonction du genre de Tephritidae. Number and proportion of red list species present in BDO according to the gender of Tephritidae.

	Source de données Nb	Nature de la source de données Nb	Spécifique aux Tephritidae	Territoire couvert Nb	Nb	Nb de triplets
	Iwaizumi (2004) Sauers-Muller (2005) Genre d'espèces de la liste	Article scientifique Article scientifique d'espèces présentes %	Oui Oui Genre	Pays d'Asie Suriname d'espèces de la liste	d'espèces présentes	64 21	%
	Clarke et al. (2005) rouge Adrama 1	Article Scientifique dans BDO 0 0	Oui Monacrostichus	Pays du Sud-Est de l'Asie rouge dans BDO 1 0	127	0
	Uchoa (2012) Anastrepha	39	Chapitre de livre 21 54	Oui Neoceratitis	Pays d'Amérique du 2	1	0	50
	Anomia	1	0	0	Nitrariomyia	Sud 1			0	0
	Oliveira et al. (2002) Bactrocera 74	Bulletin de l'Embrapa 19 26	Oui Oedicarena	Régions du Brésil 1		0	0	0
	Agropec Consultoria 1 Callistomyia (2013) Zucchi (2008) Capparimyia 1 CAB International Carpomya 4 Ceratitis 20 (2013) De Meyer (2013) Dacus 30 PQR (EPPO, 2013) Dirioxa 1	Site web Site web 100 0 Site web 25 18 0 1 1 90 Base de données 17 57 Logiciel gratuit 0 0	Non Rhagoletis Non Rhagoletotrypeta Non Territoires du monde Régions du Brésil 35 9 Régions du Brésil 1 0 Taomyia 1 0 Toxotrypana 1 1 Non Territoires d'Afrique Trirhithrum 8 7 Non Territoires du monde 417 877 (1) 219 26 0 392 0 0 100 88 17 380 Zonosemata 1 0 0
	disponible sur internet REMPLISSAGE AUTOMATIQUE DE LA MATRICE Total					436 080
	(1)
	Les sites web Agropec Consultoria (2013) et Zucchi (2008) ont permis de disposer, respectivement, de Au total, 436 080 triplets ont été recensés dans l'ensemble des sources de données, dont 417 877, i.e.
	219 et 392 triplets concernant les infestations au Brésil. Dans le cas d'Agropec Consultoria (2013), le site 96%, provenaient de PQR (Tableau I). Sur ce total, 21 800 triplets font référence à une des 224 espèces
	web rassemble les espèces déclarées absentes du Brésil (Statut = A1) et celles présentes (Statut = A2). Ce de Tephritidae de la liste rouge. Toutefois, seules 95 espèces (soit 42% des 224 espèces) y sont

site permet également d'extraire les données relatives à un statut au moyen d'un filtre. Pour BDO, l'extraction a concerné les espèces ayant pour valeur de Statut A2. Les triplets obtenus concernaient des familles et des ordres divers de bio-agresseurs (Tephritidae, Tortricidae, Xanthomonadaceae, etc.) qui ont ensuite été triés pour ne conserver que les Teprhitidae. En revanche les triplets obtenus à partir de

[START_REF] Zucchi | Fruit flies in Brazil -Anastrepha species their host plants and parasitoids[END_REF]

ne concernaient que des espèces du genre Anastrepha. Tableau I : toutes espèces confondues La base de données de De Meyer (2013) a permis d'obtenir 17 383 triplets au moyen d'une requête. Cette base, au format Microsoft Access®, concerne 47 espèces de diptères, dont autres que Tephritidae, présents dans différents territoires d'Afrique. En complément des triplets, les informations extraites sont la référence bibliographique ainsi qu'un indicateur de validité de la donnée attribué par l'auteur de la base de données. Pour conserver cette information dans BDO, une colonne supplémentaire a été ajoutée. Enfin, le logiciel PQR (EPPO, 2013) de l'EPPO a permis d'obtenir 417 877 triplets. Ces triplets concernent aussi bien des Tephritidae que d'autres espèces de bio-agresseurs (Bemisia tabaci, Phytophthora capsici, etc.), observés sur 229 territoires et 796 genres de plantes-hôtes. Les organismes nuisibles sont redevables des listes A1 et A2 de l'EPPO et de la Directive européenne 2000/29 mises à jour. Ce logiciel ne permettant l'extraction que d'un seul triplet à la fois, nous avons souhaité accéder au jeu de données brutes sans utiliser son interface d'accès (le logiciel PQR). présentes. Le tableau II présente une répartition du nombre d'espèces présentes dans BDO par genre de Tephritidae. Celui-ci montre que pratiquement toutes les espèces du genre Ceratitis sont présentes dans la base de données (18/20), une grande proportion d'Anastrepha (21/39) et de Dacus (17/30), mais seulement quelques Bactrocera (19/74) et Rhagoletis (9/35). Ces 21 800 triplets concernent 718 espèces de plantes-hôtes relevant de 310 genres différents, répartis selon 218 territoires. Tableau II : ORIGINALE Une première extraction de BDO a consisté à rechercher les filières d'importation de la Réunion au sein des 21 800 enregistrements. Celle-ci a permis de recenser 281 enregistrements d'intérêt pour ce territoire. Un enregistrement est constitué du triplet, exprimé selon la source de données et transcrit selon les référentiels terminologiques, complété des références bibliographiques et des informations supplémentaires identifiées dans PQR (EPPO, 2013) et De Meyer (2013). Ces 281 enregistrements concernent 122 filières potentiellement infestées. Le nombre d'enregistrements identifiés pour chaque filière diffère sensiblement entre elles, i.e. entre 1 et 22. La répartition du nombre de filières par nombre d'enregistrements est représentée par les triangles dans la Figure 2.

DISCUSSION

  Pour produire ce travail, certaines sources de données n'ont pu être mobilisées pour cause d'absence d'indication de la relation entre les plantes-hôtes et les territoires. C'est le cas par exemple de la revue d'Uchoa (2012) ou de l'encyclopédie électronique du CAB International (2013) qui font respectivement référence à 14 et 63 espèces de Tephritidae. Pour cette dernière, pourtant, de nombreuses références à PQR témoignent de la connaissance de cette information, qui n'est pas relayée. Pour ces sources de données ayant pour vocation de servir de référence scientifique, cette absence correspond au refus de souscription à la logique de capitalisation des connaissances. Pour les auteurs d'articles scientifiques, les relecteurs et les éditeurs, il apparait primordial de ne pas négliger ces liens avant la publication des travaux.La liste rouge établie par le GT comportait 224 espèces de Tephritidae d'intérêt économique. En utilisant PQR, la base de données développée par l'organisation inter-gouvernementale en charge de la coopération européenne en matière de santé des plantes, le GT s'attendait à ce qu'un grand nombre d'espèces de Tephritidae jugées menaçantes pour les cultures agricoles soient présentes. Pourtant, et malgré l'ajout de sources de données supplémentaires, seules 46% des espèces de la liste rouge sont présentes dans BDO. Parmi les absentes, on peut noter de nombreuses espèces des genres Bactrocera et Rhagoletis. Se pose alors la question de la considération des espèces non répertoriées par l'organisation européenne, et de leur autorisation à entrer en Europe et les territoires qui en dépendent.

BDO, correspondant à 55 filières d'importation. Ces filières concernent des genres ou espèces de fruit redevables de 11 genres distincts, tels que Citrus, Malus et Prunus, 17 territoires et 16 espèces de Tephritidae.