Pierre Clément
email: pierre.clement@univ-lyon1.fr

Jérémy Castéra
email: jeremycastera@gmail.com

Multiple Representations of Human Genetics in Biology Textbooks (PrePrint, before corrections)

Keywords: Epigenetics, Genetic determinism, International comparison, Metaphor, Textbooks

Multiple ways of representing the emerging new genetic knowledge and its implications have resulted from recent research including the Human Genome Project. In this chapter, we discuss that the presentation of human genetics is now less deterministic, formulated in a more systemic approach, taking into account the interaction between the genes and their environment (epigenetics), discussing the notion of biological determinism, and including connections with ethical and social implications. How are these new genetic trends represented today in biology textbooks? Do multiple ways exist across cultures, languages, and countries? Two complementary sets of data are presented and discussed: (1) the representation of human genetic diseases in French biology textbooks, showing a frequent absence of a systemic approach with nevertheless some exceptions; and (2) a comparative analysis of biology textbooks in 16 countries, showing the common similarity in their use of an implicit message through the same clothes and hairstyle of identical twins, but strong differences-in their use of the metaphor genetic program-which depended on the sociocultural context of each country. We argue that the renewal of the taught representations of human genetics is not only correlated with the renewal of scientific knowledge, but also with implicit values underlying each country's sociocultural context.

Introduction: Different Representations of the Genetic Determinism

For many years, the teaching of genetics has only been centered on the determinism of the phenotype by the genotype as shown in Figure 1. is limited and even dangerous, at least in human biology and more generally. The human phenotype includes not only the anatomy and physiology of any person, but also his/her appearance built during his/her life; his/her illnesses and health; and his/her behavior, emotions, intelligence, skills, and any other learned competence. Most of these features are sociocultural and cannot be reduced to genetic determinism. For the learner, these ideas must be introduced in a more systemic manner. This does not mean that the genome is not important in explaining some phenotypic aspects, but to reduce all the phenotypes to a genetic influence is more ideological than scientific, expressing innatist ideas, namely, hereditarianism.

Several works illustrate the danger of this deterministic reductive representation. For instance, to justify sexism a sociological analysis showed the imprinting of innatist values [START_REF] Nelkins | The DNA mystique: the gene as a cultural icon[END_REF]. These authors suggested a parallel between DNA and the soul: Today, these are the genes that allow [us] to talk about personality traits, the nature of immortality, and the sacred meaning of life, in a way that resembles that of religious narratives [...]. DNA took in mass culture, the aspect of an entity similar to the soul. (p.

67)

Other authors, in biology or in epistemology of biology, developed the idea that genes take the place of God to explain the determinism of human behavior and performances, and that the genetic program is a kind of predestination by God: everything happening was written in advance (Clément & Castéra, 2007;[START_REF] Kupiec | Ni Dieu, ni gène [Neither God, nor gene[END_REF][START_REF] Keller | Le siècle du gène [The century of the gene[END_REF].

Innatist ideas were very strong during the first half of the 20 th century, with a large extension of the Nazis' ideology. During this period, the research in genetics was growing and being structured in France into institutes of genetics and eugenics. More recent workssuch as those of the psychologists J. [START_REF] Keller | In genes we trust: The biological component of psychological essentialism and its relationships to mechanisms of motivated social cognition[END_REF] in Germany, or [START_REF] Dambrun | Why does social dominance orientation decrease with university exposure to the social sciences? The impact of institutional socialization and the mediating role of ''geneticism[END_REF] in France-showed that, even today, differences among genres or ethnic groups are often justified by this deterministic representation of genetics, which is therefore linked to sexism and racism.

The idea of environmental influence on human phenotypes and performances became nevertheless more and more accepted during the 20 th century. Consequently, the traditional debate nature VERSUS nurture was progressively replaced by a new representation nature AND nurture. Percentages of contributions from both genotype and environment were proposed, for instance, to explain intelligence from research on twins (see the famous fraud of Burt reported by [START_REF] Lewontin | Not in our genes: Biology, ideology and human nature[END_REF]). This additional representation (genes + environment, see Figure 2) is still very popular in students' conceptions (e.g., [START_REF] Lewis | All in the genes? Young people's understanding of the nature of genes[END_REF][START_REF] Lewis | Traits, genes, particles and information: Re-visiting students' understandings of genetics[END_REF] and even in school textbooks and teachers' conceptions [START_REF] Clément | L'identité biologique n'est pas que génétique : un défi pour un enseignement citoyen [The biological identity is not only genetic: A challenge for a citizenship teaching[END_REF]Forissier & Clément, 2003). Nevertheless, this representation is scientifically incorrect because the genes and their environment cannot be added; rather they interact, as has been demonstrated by researchers in genetics (e.g., [START_REF] Jacquard | Eloge de la différence: La génétique et les hommes[END_REF]. What is the part played by each in the development of the heart, the brain, or the liver in our body? When the genotype and the environment interact, it is impossible to evaluate their importance by a percentage. All biologists agree with an interactive representation shown in Figure 3 (e.g., [START_REF] Atlan | The end of "everything is genetic[END_REF][START_REF] Jacquard | L'avenir n'est pas écrit[END_REF][START_REF] Lewontin | The triple helix[END_REF]. However, the interaction can be more complex than that in the representation in Figure 3, as for example, [START_REF] Lewontin | The triple helix[END_REF] description in Triple Helix: Genes, Organism and Environment. Similarly, [START_REF] Forissier | Teaching "biological identity" as genome / environmental interactions[END_REF] described three levels of interaction (see Figure 4):

(1) between the genes and their environment (epigenetics)(see Figure 5);

(2) between the phenotype and its environment, for example, when one has an accident resulting in amputation of one's leg; and

(3) between ( 1) and (2), for example, genetic manipulation or the use of a diet without phenylalanine to correct the effects of the gene mutation that causes phenylketonuria [START_REF] Jacquard | Eloge de la différence: La génétique et les hommes[END_REF]. & Clément, 2003) Since the late 20th century, the reductionist representation of genetic determinism-all by the genes-has declined [START_REF] Atlan | The end of "everything is genetic[END_REF], giving more and more importance to the theories of complexity [START_REF] Atlan | Entre le cristal et la fumée: essai sur l'organisme vivant[END_REF][START_REF] Morin | Introduction à la pensée complexe [Introduction to complex thought[END_REF] with the new paradigms of emergence [START_REF] Stengers | La Vie et l'Artifice: les visages de l'émergence [Life and Artifice: Faces of the emergence[END_REF] and epigenetics [START_REF] Wu | Genes, genetics, and epigenetics: A correspondence[END_REF]Morange, 2005aMorange, , 2005b)). The interaction between the genes and their environment (see Figures 3 and4) is now accepted by the scientific community opening a postgenomic period that follows the limited information from human DNA sequencing. The main results of the Human Genome Project were first published in the special issues of Nature and Science in February 2001. Most authors have insisted on the importance of interactions between several levels of biological organisation, with DNA being one of these levels [START_REF] Lewontin | The triple helix[END_REF][START_REF] Képès | L'épigénétique comme aspect de la post génomique [Epigenetics as an aspect of post-genomics[END_REF]; see Figure 5). Nevertheless, there are two kinds of definition and representation of epigenetics (see Figure 5). involves all the levels of feedback. At each level there is an interaction between a biological organisation and its environment (modified from [START_REF] Atlan | The end of "everything is genetic[END_REF].

(1) (2)
The strict scientific definition of epigenetics (Pouteau, 2007, p.155) is only concerned with the control of the activity of genes by chemical modifications of the DNA itself (e.g., by methylation) or of proteins of the chromatin around the DNA (e.g., histones acetylation). A broader definition of epigenetics is concerned with all the nongenetic processes which, in interaction with the genes, are acting to build a phenotype. This last definition does not differ from the notion of epigenesis used during the 17 th century against the preformationist ideas, and was used again in the 1940s by Waddington for the nongenetic processes by which the phenotype is emerging (for Waddington, "epigenesis + genetics = epigenetics") (Van Speybroek, 2002). The human cerebral epigenesis is a possible illustration of this kind of emergence, by interaction between the human genes (as the basis of the cerebral ontogenesis)

and other processes such as selection of neural networks by individual activity-natural selection of synapses [START_REF] Changeux | L'homme neuronal The neuronal man[END_REF] and neural Darwinism [START_REF] Edelman | Neural Darwinism: The theory of neuronal group selection[END_REF].

More generally, the concepts of determinism or instructions are much debated today in biology. The alternative representation, from the consensual schema of the Darwinian theory of evolution (see Figure 6), shows that several different structures, coming from processes of differentiation, are selected by their interaction with the environment and only the most adapted ones survive. This schema is documented for the cerebral epigenesis, with a first step of having redundant innervations, some of which are then selected for differentiation when they become functional depending on the activity of the organism [START_REF] Changeux | L'homme neuronal The neuronal man[END_REF][START_REF] Edelman | Neural Darwinism: The theory of neuronal group selection[END_REF]. More recently, this same schema exists for embryology and cellular differentiation, namely, cellular or molecular Darwinism [START_REF] Kupiec | L'origine des individus [The origin of individuals[END_REF][START_REF] Kupiec | Le hasard au coeur de la vie. Les gènes jouent-ils aux dés ? [Chance at the heart of life: Genes do they play at dice?[END_REF]Paldi & Coisne 2009;Kupiec, Gandrillon, Morange, & Silberstein, 2009;[START_REF] Gayon | Déterminisme génétique, déterminisme bernardien, déterminisme laplacien [Genetic determinism, Bernard's determinism, Laplace's determinism[END_REF].

In all these cases, stochastic processes are very important for the differentiation, even if they are in interaction with the pre-existing biological structures. For instance, a mutation can be stochastic but dependent on the pre-existing gene. Similarly, the first redundant synapses can be stochastic but the functional synapse depends on the interaction between cells in a precise location and so on. The same stochastic processes exist in molecular and cellular biology for understanding cell differentiation, embryology, and other biological processes.

Cell differentiation results from the general schema, shown in Figure 6, of an interaction between stochastic processes and biological pre-existing structures.

In consequence, any determinism seems to be a special case of a probabilistic phenomenon though the regularity of such emergence is not in contradiction with the stochastic processes.

For instance, when tossing a coin, each event (head or tail) is totally stochastic, but is regularly 50% / 50% after a thousand tosses for a fair coin. used by researchers who try to identify the genetic determinism of a precise feature; however, this procedure is dangerous and scientifically wrong when it reduces any feature, and particularly any sociocultural human feature, to genetic determinism. Moreover, any research in biology today focuses on the analysis of greater complexity more with a systemic approach including interaction between biological structures, between them and their environment, and also with stochastic processes.

The social challenges of these scientific debates about multiple representations of human genetics are very important for improving health as well as for arguing against fatalism and exclusion of citizenship based on sexism or racism. The dangers of innatist ideas have been stated by researchers in several countries-for instance, in the USA, by [START_REF] Lewontin | Not in our genes: Biology, ideology and human nature[END_REF], Lewontin (2003), [START_REF] Beckwith | A historical view of social responsibility in genetics[END_REF], [START_REF] Gould | Darwin et les grandes énigmes de la vie (Darwin and the great mysteries of life)[END_REF]; in the UK, by [START_REF] Rose | L'idéologie de / dans la science[END_REF]; in France, by [START_REF] Jacquard | Eloge de la différence: La génétique et les hommes[END_REF], [START_REF] Clément | Persistent myth of the "chromosome of crime", also called "chromosome of aggressiveness[END_REF], [START_REF] Stewart | Au delà de l'inné et de l'acquis [Beyond the innate and the acquired[END_REF], [START_REF] Atlan | The end of "everything is genetic[END_REF], [START_REF] Kupiec | Ni Dieu, ni gène [Neither God, nor gene[END_REF], [START_REF] Clément | L'identité biologique n'est pas que génétique : un défi pour un enseignement citoyen [The biological identity is not only genetic: A challenge for a citizenship teaching[END_REF], [START_REF] Jacquard | L'avenir n'est pas écrit[END_REF], [START_REF] Séralini | Génétiquement incorrect[END_REF], and others.

In the second part of this chapter, we analyze the multiple representations of genetic determinism and discuss the related issues from two sets of data: (1) an analysis of genetic diseases in French textbooks; and (2) an analysis of two indicators of genetic determinism (photos of human twins and the metaphor genetic program) in biology textbooks of 16

countries.

An Analysis of Genetic Diseases in French Textbooks

Human genetic diseases are frequently used as examples in chapters on genetics in French secondary school textbooks. But the choice of a particular example over another can significantly impact the message to the learner. For this reason, we chose to list genetic disease examples found in chapters on genetics in school textbooks and to explore the way these examples are presented. Do they illustrate genetic determinism in a strict reductive sense (see Figure 1) or rather do they introduce more complexity and systemic approachshowing interactions between the genome and its environment (see Figures 3 and4)-and possibly notions of epigenetics (see Figure 5) or debates on genetic determinism (see Figure 6)? Every human genetic disease is the result of interactions between the genotype and its environment [START_REF] Chakavarti | Nature, nurture and human disease[END_REF] even when they appear illustrative of a simple, linear model of genetic determination (see Figure 1). For example, in the case of phenylketonuria (a monogenic disease), a special diet can completely prevent the occurrence of mental retardation. Furthermore, a genetic disease represents a malfunctioning of or mutation in one or multiple genes, but is not always hereditary [START_REF] Séralini | Génétiquement incorrect[END_REF]. In our analyses, we separate genetic diseases into two large categories-monogenic diseases, caused by a mutation in a single gene, and polygenic diseases, where multiple genes play a role in symptom development [START_REF] Swynghedauw | Biologie et génétique moléculaire[END_REF]. Our research addresses both monogenic and polygenic diseases as well as chromosomal anomalies.

We analyzed 18 biology textbooks, published by four different French publishers, containing chapters dealing with human genetics [START_REF] Castéra | Genetic diseases and genetic determinism models in French secondary school biology textbooks[END_REF]. As genetics is only taught in the last four years of secondary education in France (i.e., students aged 15-18 years), only these school levels were included in the study. The main results are now summarized in the following section.

The first result indicates that the examples of genetic diseases or anomalies present in the textbooks are not reflecting their prevalence around the world. Monogenic diseases, which are rare, are the most represented (between 51% to 91% of examples, depending on the school level; see Table 1). For instance, cystic fibrosis affects 1 in 13,000 births in France 1 . Even the chromosomal anomalies are relatively rare (1 in 800 births in France has Down syndrome2 ).

On the other hand, polygenic diseases are much more frequent: one American in two and one European in three will develop a cancer during the course of his or her lifetime [START_REF] Séralini | Génétiquement incorrect[END_REF]. Also there were 177 million diabetic patients in the world in the year 2000 and, according to [START_REF] Shaw | Global estimates of the prevalence of diabetes for 2010 and 2030[END_REF] A final point is that not even one of the analyzed textbooks contained the word epigenetics, nor any one explained its content. Further, there was no debate on the notion of genetic determinism and no mention of the possible alternatives as shown in Figure 6. These new concepts and representations of the human genetics were too recent (1999 to 2005) to be introduced in the analyzed textbooks (published between 2001 and 2004). The Didactic Transposition Delay (DTD)-the time between the scientific publications and their introduction in syllabuses and textbooks [START_REF] Quessada | An epistemological approach to French syllabi on human origins during the 19th & 20th centuries[END_REF]-is longer, and we hope these new representations will be present in the more recently published textbooks.

Nevertheless, important advancements have been made since publication of the previous French curricula and biology textbooks in 1995 toward a less simplistic presentation of the causes of genetic diseases-no longer only limiting these diseases to a single gene (that was totally dominant in the previous textbooks; see [START_REF] Abrougui | La génétique humaine dans l'enseignement secondaire en France et en Tunisie[END_REF]. In the new syllabuses, multiple genes, as well as the interaction between the genome and its environment, are presented. Complex determinism models for diseases (such as cancers or diabetes) help to prevent students' minds from being ingrained with the single, oversimplified conception of genetics, which nevertheless continues to predominate in biology textbooks.

Images of Twins and the Metaphor Genetic Program in Textbooks of 16 Countries.

The results presented here come from research in the context of the project BIOHEAD-Citizen (Biology, Health and Environmental Education for Better Citizenship) (BIOHEAD-Citizen, 2004[START_REF] Kupiec | L'origine des individus [The origin of individuals[END_REF]. This research project included a comparison of the biology textbooks dealing with six selected topics, one of which is human genetics.

We analyzed 50 textbooks in 16 countries (with number of textbooks analyzed given in parentheses): Cyprus (2), Estonia (2), Finland (2), France (11), Germany (3), Hungary (3), Italy (7), Lebanon (4), Lithuania (2), Malta (2), Morocco (2), Poland (1), Portugal (4), Romania (1), Senegal (1), and Tunisia (3). The number of textbooks studied in each country differed because (i) in some countries, human genetics was taught at only one school level, whereas in other countries it was taught at two or more school levels; (ii) in some countries, there was only one official national publisher for school textbooks, whereas in others there were several private publishers. In the latter case, the most significant publishers were chosen.

For each analyzed textbook, a long grid was completed. We present here only some results, dealing with two indicators.

First Indicator: Photos of Human Twins

Photographs are considered as scientific images because they convey a scientific message [START_REF] Clément | L'imagerie biomédicale: définition d'une typologie et proposition d'activités pédagogiques [Biomedical imagery: Definition of a typology and proposition of pedagogical activities[END_REF]. In this specific case, the message is the morphological similitude of identical twins, which corresponds to the identity of their genotypes. In contrast, some images are intended to show morphological differences between fraternal twins. Nevertheless, the images of monozygotic twins-the same clothes, the same hairstyle, the same behavior and so on-can also have an implicit ideological message when they strongly suggest that features other than morphological ones can be genetically determined. Consequently, for each image of twins in the textbooks, we examined whether the twins were presented as having the same clothes, style and behavior; or, on the contrary, if the images showed differences illustrating the paradox of the twins-psychologists such as [START_REF] Zazzo | Le Paradoxe des jumeaux [The twins paradox[END_REF] showed that identical twins tend to differ in their psychological characteristics and sociocultural appearances. Identical twins are also a good illustration of possible epigenetic differences. For instance, [START_REF] Fraga | Epigenetic differences arise during the lifetime of monozygotic twins[END_REF] showed that in 35% of the monozygotic twins studied, there were differences in the methylation of their DNA and histones acetylation; these epigenetic differences are more important in the older twins and in twins with different lifestyle or medical history.

The results of the analysis are spectacular (Clément & Castéra, 2007;Castéra & Clément, 2007;Castéra et al., 2008). In all the images of identical twins in the textbooks, twins had exactly the same clothes, hairs, and so on (except one case where the color of the jacket was different, as well as the length of the hair), whereas the images clearly differ for the fraternal twins. Consequently, for all these images, the representation of genetic determinism corresponded to Figure 1 ("genotype  phenotype") with, moreover, implicit innatist ideas that are not scientifically correct, suggesting that the sociocultural features (e.g., clothes, hairstyle etc.) would be determined by the genes.

Second Indicator: Occurrence of the Metaphor Genetic Program

This hereditarianist expression genetic program now appears questionable. The deterministic representation of genetics (see Figure 1) suggesting that everything of our life is written in our DNA program-as a predestination written in the plan of God for some religions-is no longer accepted by biologists [START_REF] Abrougui | Enseigner la génétique humaine: citoyenneté, ou fatalisme ? [Teaching human genetics: Citizenship or fatalism?[END_REF][START_REF] Atlan | The end of "everything is genetic[END_REF][START_REF] Morel | Programme génétique : concept biologique ou métaphore ?[END_REF][START_REF] Kupiec | Ni Dieu, ni gène [Neither God, nor gene[END_REF]Clément & Forissier, 2007;[START_REF] Noble | La musique de la vie. La biologie au-delà du génome[END_REF]. Consequently, [START_REF] Atlan | The end of "everything is genetic[END_REF] and other authors proposed to replace genetic program by genetic information. Is the Didactic Transposition Delay (DTD) sufficient for observing a diminution or suppression of this expression genetic program in the analyzed textbooks? The results (see Table 3) showed important differences in using this expression among the textbooks of 16 countries. In the textbooks of some countries, the expression genetic program is very commonly used:

(1) The Maltese textbooks are in fact British textbooks published in 1986. At that time, the deterministic model was very popular in several countries [START_REF] Abrougui | La génétique humaine dans l'enseignement secondaire en France et en Tunisie[END_REF]. In these Maltese textbooks, the term genetic program was not used, but the same message was in the expression: "the DNA molecule forms a code which instructs the cell" (10 occurrences in a textbook and one occurrence in another textbook for 15-16 year olds) (see Table 3). The message is that the cells could simply follow these instructions to produce the phenotype, just like a program.

Table 3

Total Occurrences of "Genetic Program" and Some Expressions with the Same Implicit (2) In Finnish textbooks, we found a strong presence of the notion genetic program: 70 occurrences versus only five occurrences of genetic information in recently published textbooks (2004 and 2006). So even though the scientific community no longer uses the expression genetic program, the Finnish textbooks still do. In another work, we found a trend of the Finnish teachers' conceptions clearly correlated with the implicit metaphor genetic program [START_REF] Castéra | The genetic determinism of human performances. A comparison between teachers' conceptions in Finland and France[END_REF].

(3) In Portuguese textbooks, there is both a persistence of the notion of a genetic program with at least one occurrence by level, and an absence of a clear evolution between the various levels. A possible explanation in this case is the difficulty in changing the scientific and ideological content of the chapter on human genetics.

(4) In France, there are strong differences in the occurrences of this metaphor genetic program among the textbooks from three different publishers, and also across school levels (the higher the level, the fewer its use) and it completely disappears at the end of the curriculum. Compared to syllabuses and French textbooks published in the 1990s, the occurrence of the metaphor genetic program is very infrequent in today's textbooks, with this being increasingly replaced by the notion genetic information. Nevertheless, the disappearance of the term genetic program is not complete, suggesting the influence of other parameters. One parameter is pedagogical. Teachers start using genetic program for teaching the youngest students and progressively use genetic information more frequently. This initial simplification (to start with the message "genotype  phenotype") i s educationally dangerous; [START_REF] Clément | The structuring influence of first images on the construction of science concepts. An historical and didactical approach[END_REF] showed that the first concepts taught are those most memorized by students. The second parameter is the different strategies among the publishers. Thirdly, it is also possible that the difficulty of completely suppressing the notion genetic program was because that this was extremely central in the previous syllabuses.

Therefore, the textbook authors and publishers still use this notion with a certain difficulty to change their traditional way of thinking.

(5) (6) (7) In Moroccan, Lebanese, and Senegalese textbooks, we found the same kind of results as in those in France, possibly indicating a French influence, but sometimes with delay. On the contrary some countries do not use, or else very rarely use, the metaphor genetic program in textbooks.

(8) Tunisian textbooks use only the concept of genetic information throughout the three school levels where human genetics is taught. The total absence of the use of genetic program is probably a consequence of the growing influence of Tunisian researchers in Didactics of Biology [START_REF] Abrougui | La génétique humaine dans l'enseignement secondaire en France et en Tunisie[END_REF]. Nevertheless, that does not yet mean a total disappearance of innatist ideas from the Tunisian textbooks [START_REF] Clément | Héréditarisme, béhaviorisme, constructivisme: le système nerveux dans les manuels scolaires français et tunisiens [Hereditarianim, behaviorism, constructivism: Nervous system in French and Tunisian school textbooks[END_REF], nor does it mean its disappearance from the Tunisian teachers' conceptions [START_REF] Kochkar | Les déterminismes biologiques. Analyse des conceptions et des changements conceptuels consécutifs à un enseignement sur l'épigenèse cérébrale chez des enseignants et des apprenants tunisiens [Biological determinism : Analysis of Tunisian teachers' and learners' conceptions and conceptual changes resulting from education on cerebral epigenesis[END_REF][START_REF] Kochkar | Enseigner des valeurs ou des connaissances ? L'épigenèse cérébrale ou le "tout génétique[END_REF].

(9) In Germany, the metaphor genetic program is totally absent. As in other Western

European countries and the USA, genetic research developed in eugenics institutes has the goal of building genealogical trees and tracking patterns of occurrence of diseases and disabilities [START_REF] Wolf | Krankheitsursachen Gene. Neue Genetik und Public Health [Genes and causes of disease: New genetics and public health[END_REF]. According to O' Mahony and Schäfer (2005), the collective memory of the Nazis' eugenics program is an important background for not referring to a genetic program in communicating about human genetics.

(10) In Cyprus, the textbooks use exclusively genetic information: eight occurrences in the textbooks for 15-16 year olds and 17 occurrences in the textbooks for 17-18 year olds. The explanation is not easy: it can be an effect of the complex history of this country, as well as a desire to avoid using the metaphor of a computer program. This could show the same desire as in Germany being cautious in dealing with hereditarianist ideology. The common past of Germany and Italy during the Second World War certainly had an influence on the way human genetics was taught, albeit sometimes awkwardly. For example, in one of the textbooks, the metaphor of the books of life is used. According to this metaphor of the book of life, it would be enough to know the alphabet and the genetic syntax to reach the essence of the human being. Today, such a conception is scientifically unacceptable and ethically dangerous.

(12) In the Lithuanian textbooks, there is just one occurrence that could be considered as a notion similar to genetic program: the reproduction of cells is programmed in genes, but there is never the precise expression: genetic program. In Lithuania, the explanation for this absence seems to be deeply rooted in the past: the notion was traditionally absent in the previous syllabuses and textbooks. We have verified this for textbooks published since 1979. Only one exception was found in a Hungarian textbook with the term programmed by a gene (exactly the same expression quoted above in a Lithuanian textbook). Our hypothesis is that in these countries there was one official line to teach biology based on the work of Lysenko (Лысенко) and Michurin (Мичурин) in the former Soviet Union, with a negation of the idea of a genetic program, even if at the end of the 1960s, the pseudo-scientific, neo-Lamarckism ideas of Lysenko and Michurin were rejected. The role of DNA in hereditary information was then accepted and presented in all textbooks. However, without the idea of a genetic program, and the differences between human individuals were also always explained by environmental or social conditions.

(16) Romania also was formerly influenced by the Soviet Union; we found five occurrences of genetic program and 19 occurrences of genetic information in the unique Romanian textbook, dealing with human genetics (with only 13 pages devoted to this topic).

In conclusion, there were contrasting results from the biology books used in these 16 countries. In each country's textbooks, the representations of identical twins were linked not only to a scientific message (morphological resemblance correlated with the same genome) but also to an implicit ideological message (a suggested genetic determinism of sociocultural features such as clothes or hairstyle). This kind of social representation of identical twins, deeply anchored in nonscientific ideologies, is in contradiction with the renewal of scientific knowledge in human genetics, such as the importance of epigenetic processes in explaining differences even between monozygotic twins.

On the contrary, there were interesting differences among the 16 countries in terms of the use in their textbooks of the metaphor genetic program, which was sometimes replaced by another deterministic metaphor book of life. Language is never neutral and the expression genetic information is less ideological than genetic program, less deterministic and more open to interactions with environmental and epigenetic processes from a systemic perspective. We suggest several hypotheses to explain the occurrence (or absence) of the metaphor genetic program in each of these 16 countries. They illustrate interactions between science (the taught science) and society (its history and other characteristics), as well as ethical, cultural, and social implications of this use, and interactions between the taught scientific knowledge (K) with implicit values (V) and social practices (P)-the KVP model [START_REF] Clément | Science et idéologie: exemples en didactique et épistémologie de la biologie [Science and ideology: Examples in didactics and epistemology of biology[END_REF][START_REF] Clément | Didactic Transposition and the KVP Model: Conceptions as Interactions Between Scientific Knowledge, Values and Social Practices[END_REF].

As a general conclusion, the multiple representations of human genetic determinism in school textbooks not only correspond to the renewal of the scientific knowledge in human genetics but are also correlated with sociocultural parameters, values, and, social practices, which differentiate the way by which human genetics is taught in different countries.

Figure 1 .

 1 Figure 1 . The most common representation of genetic determinism

Figure 2 .

 2 Figure 2. The additive representation of the genetic determinism (genotype + environment)

Figure 3 .

 3 Figure 3. The interactive representation of the genetic determinism (genotype in

Figure 4 .

 4 Figure 4. Interactive representation with three levels of interaction (adapted from Forissier

Figure 5 .

 5 Figure 5. Epigenetic feedback loops. Epigenetics sensu stricto (1) is the feedback

Figure 6 .

 6 Figure 6. Darwinian selection as an alternative to the biological determinism.

  , this figure was predicted to rise to 300 million by the year 2025. The prevalence of examples of monogenetic diseases probably corresponds to textbook authors' wish to present conceptual ideas as simply as possible for the youngest students (14-15 year olds)-with the visual images of the chromosomes of the Down syndrome, the definition of a gene as a portion of chromosome, and then as a portion of DNA-while the definition of a gene is currently under debate (e.g., Chevassus-Au-Louis, 2001; J. Keller, 2003; Abrougui & Clément, 2005)-and finally a clear example of a monogenetic disease such as Duchenne muscular dystrophy. Nevertheless, the danger of the choice of these examples is to deeply anchor the deterministic representation of Figure 1 in the students' minds. More complexity is introduced to students of 15-16 years old, with nearly half of the examples dealing with polygenic diseases, and even sometimes with modulator genes. The main examples are diabetes (sometimes presented as monogenic in the previous school levels, but no more here) and half of the examples are cancers.

  This under-representation of the environmental influence in the examples of genetic diseases is consistent with the biomedical model of health predominating in French biology textbooks. In contrast, textbooks from other countries are more focused on the model of health promotion[START_REF] Carvalho | Comparing health education approaches in textbooks of sixteen countries[END_REF].

Figure 7 .

 7 Figure 7. Environmental influence in ten genetic disease examples in the analyzed French

Meaning*

  Occurrences in two or more textbooks from different publishers (figures separated by a hyphen). ** Occurrences in two textbooks from the same publisher but from science section or humanity section (figures separated by a hyphen). *** Occurrences in one biology textbook and one psychology textbook in Portugal (figures separated by a hyphen

( 11 )

 11 In the Italian textbooks, the precise expression, genetic program, occurs only twice and just in one textbook. The textbooks generally use terms like hereditary patrimony and genetic patrimony which are more neutral than genetic program, with less implicit meaning.

  and Hungary are three other countries included in or influenced by the former Soviet Union, and their textbooks show the same trend as in Lithuania: no one mention of genetic program, but several mentions of genetic information.

Table 1

 1 Occurrences of Genetic Diseases by Both School Level and Type of Genetic Determinism in

	the School Textbooks Analyzed
	Genetic	Monogenic Polygenic Chromosomal	Total Number of
	Determinism			Anomaly	Occurrences per
	School				School Level
	Level
	3 ème (14-15 year olds)	14 (64%)	0 (0%)	8 (36%)	100% 22
	2 nde (15-16 year olds)	10 (91%)	1 (9%)	0 (0%)	100% 11
	1 ère (16-17 year olds)	27 (51%)	25 (47%) 1 (<1%)	100% 53
	Terminale S (17-18 year olds)	12 (57%)	3 (14%) 6 (27%)	100% 21
	Terminale S Spé Bio (17-18 year olds)	10 (71%)	0 (0%)	4 (29%)	100% 14
	Environmental influence is rarely addressed in the School Level 3

ème

and is included in no more than one-third of genetic disease examples presented in the textbooks for the School Levels, 2 nde , 1 ère , and Terminale. These results demonstrate the predominance of simplistic, causal deterministic mechanisms of genetic diseases (see the representation in Figure

1

) in the French secondary school textbooks studied.

Table 2

 2 Environmental Influence on Genetic Disease ExamplesHowever, diseases significantly influenced by environmental factors (e.g., diabetes, cancers) are relatively frequent in textbooks for 15-16 and 16-17 years old students. The presence of such examples contributes to a less simplistic representation of genetic determinism. As shown in Figure7, the environment is mentioned in the discussion of cancers and diabetes in more than 50% of cases studied. In case of monogenic diseases or chromosomal anomalies, the environment can influence a disease by rendering the disease either partially reversible (e.g., by means of an adapted education in the case of Down syndrome) or completely reversible (e.g., in the case of phenylketonuria); however,

	School Level	3 ème (14-15 year olds)	2 nde (15-16 year olds)	1 ère S (16-17 year olds)	Terminale S (17-18 year olds)	Terminale spécialité year olds) (17-18	Tota l
	(1) Number of occurrences of genetic disease examples	22	20	144	24	25	235
	(2) Number of occurrences of
	genetic diseases mentioning	3	6	49	6	4	68
	environmental influence
	(2) Number of …
	environmental influence as percentage of (1) number of …	14%	30%	34%	25%	16%	28%
	genetic diseases examples

environmental influence is rarely mentioned in French textbooks. Such representation is only justified for cystic fibrosis and Duchenne muscular dystrophy, both of which are strongly

Based on the online data from France's Centre d'Epidémiologie sur les causes médicales de décès (CéPiDc) at: http://www.invs.sante.fr/surveillance/maladies_rares/mortalite_mucoviscidose.htm ( d a t a r e t r i e v e d i n A u g u s t

2011)

Depending the age of the mother, from 1/1 500 (20 years old) to 1/100 (40 years old)[START_REF] Herman | Bedside estimation of Down syndrome risk during first trimester ultrasound screening[END_REF]

Acknowledgments

This research was financed by the BIOHEAD-Citizen project (2004)(2005)(2006)(2007)(2008): Biology, Health and Environmental Education for Better Citizenship (E.C., STREP n° CIT2-CT2004-506015, FP6, Priority 7). We would like to thank our colleagues from the 16 countries who, in the context of this project, analyzed the textbooks of their country and provided us with the results for writing this chapter.


Pierre Clément
email: pierre.clement@univ-lyon1.fr

Values in Science and in Science Education

Keywords:

We call values that which founds a judgment (good or bad, important or not, right or wrong, true or false, beautiful or ugly, expensive or cheap, …). After giving some definitions, this paper analyzes the values that are identifiable inside science, and then inside science education.

The value of science comes from its economical and political importance, but science seeks the truth by observing important values: a scientist must be honest, modest, always critical, rejecting any dogmatism and any fraud, but also creative, imaginative and able to work collectively. Nevertheless, a scientist is a human being with emotions and ideologies often interfering with his/her work and results. Some examples are discussed. Science must be separated from religion but the values of science and those of ethics overlap (bio-ethics, citizen values).

UNESCO promotes Education for All, even if there are still important inequalities among countries. The values of science education are analyzed, and developed furtheron the example of ESD (Education for a Sustainable Development). They are then analyzed in some images of science textbooks, showing implicit ideologies linked to the scientific messages. They are also identified through different pedagogical styles. The analysis of teachers' conceptions, through an international survey covering more than 8 000 teachers, reveals deep differences among countries, as well as opposite systems of values, in interaction with social practices and actual or out-dated scientific knowledge, illustrating the KVP model as is also the case throughout this paper.

-Definition of values

Values guide individual and social actions. For this reason, regular surveys have been undertaken to identify values in different countries around the world, particularly in Europe (Ronald [START_REF] Inglehart | World values surveys and European values surveys[END_REF]-World values surveys and European values surveys, 1981[START_REF] Lévy-Leblond | The triple helix[END_REF][START_REF] Chalmers | Science and its fabrication[END_REF]-1993, and1995-1997: ICPSR 2790). These surveys have shown a great stability of answers over time in each country, with nevertheless some evolution. The latest surveys were carried out in 1999 and in 2008 [START_REF] Bréchon | La France à travers ses valeurs[END_REF]. Nine domains of values were included in these surveys: identities (related to family, nation, health, …), sociability, individual moral and social norms, environment and nature, family, work, economy, religion, politics. Science and science education were not included in these surveys, possibly because it is too complex a question, science being often (and wrongly) considered as "value free", neutral, objective.

Nevertheless, more and more researchers consider "the reemergence of values in science education", as is the title of the very interesting collective book coordinated by Corringan, Dillon and Gunstone (2007). On the first page, the authors insist on the dominant stereotypes, saying: "How can you be doing a book on values and the science curriculum? Good science doesn't have values." After a large interview study in U.K, Levinson and Turner (2001, p.7) wrote: "half of all science teachers interviewed feel that their teaching of science should be 'value free', that it does not yield issues that have social or ethical implications" [START_REF] Ratcliffe | Values in the science classroom -The enacted curriculum[END_REF].

In this paper, I shall try to refute this dominant conception of 'value free' science and 'value free' science education. The social and ethical implications of science and of science education are today largely recognized, for instance in ESD (Education for Sustainable Development) or with the introduction of SSI (Socio-Scientific Issues) when teaching science (e.g. [START_REF] Sadler | Informal reasoning regarding socioscientific issues: a critical review of research[END_REF][START_REF] Simonneaux | Questions socialement vives and socioscientific issues: new trends of research to meet the training needs of post-modern society[END_REF]).

The large domain often called "Science and Society" ought to be called "Science in Society" (Levy-Leblond 1984[START_REF] Stengers | The need for a public understanding of sciences[END_REF] and I shall try to analyze further the interactions Science / Society, including values at every levels (Figure 1).

The IOSTE Mission Statement (figure 2) is pioneer in this field, not only "Encouraging the peaceful and ethical use of S&T in the service of humankind", but also "Stressing the relationship between science, technology and society" and "Emphasizing the cultural and human values of S&T", and listing several important values for all citizens: equity, cultural diversity, sustainable development, against poverty, discrimination and injustice. IOSTE identifies science and technology education with the real and changing needs of humankind as a whole and with specific needs of its component communities and nations.

IOSTE considers that S&T education should:

• Highlight education for citizenship and informed, critical and active participation in democracy • Stress the relationship between science, technology and society • Emphasize the cultural and human values of S&T • Promote equity in S&T and S&T education • Promote sustainable development; contribute to the fight against poverty, discrimination and injustice • Encourage the peaceful and ethical use of S&T in the service of humankind • Encourage cultural diversity and international understanding through S&T education • Stimulate international collaboration in the domains of research and development and promote cooperation with other international organizations.

Figure 2 IOSTE Mission Statement (from the website of IOSTE)

The main topic of the present IOSTE Symposium (Science & Technology Education for Development, Citizenship and Social Justice) encourages us to analyse deeper values involved in Science Education. These correspond to three kinds of values: (1) in Science;

(2) in Education ; and (3) in Science Education (Figure 3). All of them are in strong interaction with the social values of the national community.

Inside each of these domains, values are not necessarily consensual, and I will try in the last part of this paper to identify some opposite "systems of values" that are contrasted all around the world but with strong specificities in each country, illustrating the overlapping domains of the figure 3. In conclusion, we will clarify the point that a science teacher must combine both the values of Science (to be honest, modest, etc.) and the values of Education (Education for ALL, respect of students as future citizens, etc.), as well as specific values of Science Education.

Figure 3 -Science Education Values at the intersection between Science Values and Education

Values, which are in interaction with the Social Values of the Community.

(Modified from Hildebrand 2007, p.50) Before starting, I will try to propose a definition of 'Values', because this term is not clearly defined in the growing number of works or surveys dealing with values.

We call values that which is the base of, or founds a judgement. Depending on our values, we decide if something is good or bad, important or not, right or wrong, true or false, beautiful or ugly. My individual values are totally linked to social values, and they guide my actions, my practices, that are also social practices. Several years ago, I proposed to better identify the possible interactions between scientific Knowledge, Values and social Practices (the KVP model: [START_REF] Clément | La Biologie et sa Didactique[END_REF][START_REF] Clément | Science et idéologie : exemples en didactique et épistémologie de la biologie[END_REF][START_REF] Clément | Didactic transposition and the KVP model : conceptions as interactions between scientific knowledge, values and social practices[END_REF][START_REF] Clément | Conceptions, représentations sociales et modèle KVP[END_REF]; Figure 4) to analyse the conceptions of the different actors of the educational system, as well as the conceptions underlying the curriculum or the science textbooks (figure 5).

Figure 4 -

The KVP model (from [START_REF] Clément | Science et idéologie : exemples en didactique et épistémologie de la biologie[END_REF][START_REF] Clément | Didactic transposition and the KVP model : conceptions as interactions between scientific knowledge, values and social practices[END_REF] Figure 5 -KVP (interaction between Knowledge, Values and Practices) at all the levels of the didactic transposition (modified from [START_REF] Clément | Didactic transposition and the KVP model : conceptions as interactions between scientific knowledge, values and social practices[END_REF] 2 Values in Science

Values of Science

There is an intrinsic link between science, technology and social values. Nevertheless, scientific research is increasingly financed because it produces results important for industry and for governance. The economical and political gains stemming from science are the first illustration of the value of science in our society. These expected gains determine the financial value of science: what research programs will be accepted, why and by whom (government for civil or military applications, firms for their profits, …)?

The financial value of research and development shows great inequality around the world. For instance, in 2010, the internal expenditures for research and development was 403 billions of dollars in North America, 348 in Asia (for the first time ahead of Europe), 304 in European Union, but only 21 in South America and 7 in Africa (From: "Rapport 2010 de l'Observatoire des sciences et des techniques"). [START_REF] Hodson | Time for action: Science education for an alternative future[END_REF] said that social values underpin scientific and technological developments, but as we have just seen, economical and political power (and their values) play a decisive role.

Nevertheless, I am more interested here in the moral values of science because, while money is always necessary to do scientific research, the value of science, its degree of truth, cannot be measured only by its financing.

Science looks f o r t h e t r u t h t h r o u g h demonstration, experimentation, rationality of proofs. There are several trends in the philosophy of science which analyze how it functions (for a synthesis, see for instance [START_REF] Chalmers | What is this thing called science? 2nd ed[END_REF][START_REF] Chalmers | Science and its fabrication[END_REF]. As it was well shown by Popper (1972 and other works), a proposition is scientific only when it is open to refutation falsified, but is not (yet) refuted by other scientists. Science is not dogmatic and is constantly improving, developing. Most of the studies of Science Education dealing with NOS (Nature of Science) stress this specificity of scientific knowledge, and the importance of understanding and explaining how science is produced and permanently corrected and improved. This normal functioning of science is full of values: a scientist must be honest, modest in front of the experimental results, always critical, rejecting any dogmatism and any fraud, analyzing all the possible bias, but also creative, developing his / her work with imagination and rigor, and more and more collectively.

Unhappily, the number of frauds is regularly growing in the scientific community, as has been shown i n a r e c e n t p u b l i c a t i o n o f Fang, Steen & Casadevall (2012, Figure 6). Nevertheless, for these authors, this observed fraud concerns today only one scientific paper in 10 000, which is reassuring. More important is the fact that all research scientists are human beings, as shown by the description of their everyday life in their laboratories (Clément 1969[START_REF] Latour | Laboratory life: the social construction of scientific facts[END_REF]. At the time Latour was more radically critical, characterizing scientific knowledge of 'artefacts', but his most recent book (2012) is more consensual, recognizing specificities of science.

Nevertheless, this perspective is adopted in the following paragraph, where we show that beside the main values of science, it is possible to identify other values in scientific publications, reflecting social practices often linked to the scientists' own convictions or ideologies (possible frauds or plagiarism, shown in the figure 6, are only some practices comprising deviant facets of their ideology).

In summary of this paragraph 2.1, the KVP interaction in science involves important Values (to be honest, modest, critical, not dogmatic, imaginative,…) linked to scientists' social Practices (research work in the laboratory requires financial support, the need to publish, importance of building a reputation) which result in scientific Knowledge (published in Journals and not frefuted by other scientists).

-Other Values, and Ideologies, of scientists and science

Canguilhem is a recognized philosopher of biology [START_REF] Canguilhem | La connaissance de la vie[END_REF]. In 1981, he published an interesting book (Ideology and rationality in the history of sciences of life), identifying an implicit ideology inside the biological knowledge: the reductionism.

The history of genetics is an interesting example of an interaction between science and ideology. The origin of human features or performances has been often considered as the pure consequence of a genetic program, as a k i n d o f p r e d e s t i n a t i o n b y G o d : everything happening was written in advance [START_REF] Clément | L'Actualité des images de vrais jumeaux dans les magazines de vulgarisation et dans les scolaires[END_REF][START_REF] Kupiec | Ni Dieu, ni gène[END_REF][START_REF] Keller | Le siècle du gène [The century of the gene[END_REF]. Ideas of innateness were very strong during the first half of the 20 th century, reaching a high point with Nazi ideology. During this period, research in genetics was growing and being structured in France into institutes of genetics and eugenics. More recent work -such as that of the psychologists [START_REF] Keller | In genes we trust: The biological component of psychological essentialism and its relationships to mechanisms of motivated social cognition[END_REF] in Germany, or [START_REF] Dambrun | Why does social dominance orientation decrease with university exposure to the social sciences? The impact of institutional socialization and the mediating role of ''geneticism[END_REF] in Franceshows that, even today, differences among genres or ethnic groups are often justified by this deterministic representation of genetics, which is thus linked to ideologies such as sexism and racism. Since the late 20th century, the reductionist representation of genetic determinism -all by the genes-has declined [START_REF] Atlan | La fin du "tout génétique[END_REF], giving more and more importance to theories of complexity with the new paradigms of emergence [START_REF] Stengers | La Vie et l'Artifice: les visages de l'émergence [Life and Artifice: Faces of the emergence[END_REF] and epigenetics [START_REF] Wu | Genes, genetics, and epigenetics: A correspondence[END_REF]. The interaction between genes and their environment [START_REF] Lévy-Leblond | The triple helix[END_REF] is now accepted by the scientific community (Clément & Castéra, in press).

In consequence, scientific knowledge of genetics was historically linked to two trends of values: (A) Values of fatalism, with a strict genetic determinism justifying inequalities among human beings; and (B) More citizenship values, with an interaction between genes and environment, and consequently more equal potentialities of human being when they born.

Even today, there are different practices of research in genetics, functioning on the trend (A), for instance still trying to identify a genetic determinism of intelligence, or on the trend (B), working on epigenetics or showing that the main human performances come from cerebral epigenesis. This KVP interaction is historically clear (and even today), allowing us to dress a list of biologists having the conception (A) (Burt, Eisenck, Dawkins, …) and an other list with the trend (B) (Lewontin, Rose, Kamin, Jacquard, Atlan, Stewart, Kahn, Kupiec, …). This clarification can be useful for biology teachers when they teach some hot topics in genetics.

The same critical analysis of scientific knowledge can be performed in other scientific domains. I will take another example: neurobiology. I made the critical analysis of a letter published in Nature in 1995 [START_REF] Clément | Using complex images in the popularization science : Scientific or ideological agenda ? in "Multimedia learning : cognitive and instructional issues[END_REF] The main image of this paper was reproduced on the cover of this issue of Nature (Figure 7) The title of this paper, as well as its main image, suggest that there is a significant difference between male and female brains concerning language, while the actual results showed no difference for three tested functions, including the semantic function, and a small difference at the limit of statistical significance for just the fourth function: rhyme of words which have no meaning. And even if some difference between male and female brains can be shown, this does not mean the difference is necessarily g e n e t i c a l l y determined. For instance, the brains of identical homozygote twins are not lateralised in the same way when one is right-handed and the other left-handed (Steinmetz et al 1995[START_REF] Changeux | L'homme de vérité[END_REF].

We can conclude that the message of this scientific publication, and of the Journal Nature, was more ideological than scientific; b u t i t w a s subsequently given wide publicity in other Journals and media [START_REF] Clément | Using complex images in the popularization science : Scientific or ideological agenda ? in "Multimedia learning : cognitive and instructional issues[END_REF].

Science, religion, ethics: what borders?

The main values of science (to be rigorous, rational, honest, critical, creative, etc., see above point 2.1) can explain how science aims as far as possible at the truth (even if the scientific knowledge is always under construction); but it is impossible to say that science is the only truth in our world. There are other categories of truth (aesthetical, emotional, social, practical, ethical, …) and claiming that only science is truth is an ideology, called scientism.

Each other category of truth has its own values, justifying our judgements, why we consider this abstract painting as beautiful or not, this love as true or not, etc.

Each religion, for instance, constructs its own system of values and system of truth.

Several of these values are convergent among different religions (do not kill, do not steal, …). Consequently, we may think that there is "a core of universal values" which are at the basis of moral philosophy, "defining at any moment the limits of what is unacceptable, unjustifiable, intolerable" (Canto-Spenber, 2002, my personal translation).

These "universal values" are at the basis of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted today in 191 countries all around the world1 .

These universal values also function in science, and are respected by each researcher when working. The problem of the borders between values of science and other values is nevertheless crucial, and double:

(1) Avoiding the interference inside science of values that are outside the field of science, such as religious or emotional values.

(2) Avoiding the interference of scientists in decisions or opinions that are outside the field of science (religious, ethical, affective fields).

The problem is complex.

( (2) Nevertheless, the society cannot accept a total independence of the scientific research (functioning often on public funding) and in most of countries, as well as in upper levels such as the European Community, there are Committees of Ethics and other institutions of control, with two types of functions: to accept or not some experiments as being ethical or not (e.g. when using animals or human beings); to accept or not some economical or social use of the scientific results, when they can be dangerous (nanotechnology, toxic drugs or food, GMO, assisted procreation, use of stem cells, etc.).

These last examples are interesting illustrations of KVP interactions: values can control some socio-economical practices and the use or development of scientific knowledge.

For Stephen Jay [START_REF] Gould | Rocks for Ages. Science and Religion in the Fullness of Life. Library of contemporary thought[END_REF], a well-known biologist who is a specialist of evolution, there must be a clear distinction between Science and Religion, that he calls two NOMA (Non-Overlapping MAgisteria). We prefer to speak about Science and Morals (including religion, but also values of non believers) and to define these two domains by their respective KVP (knowledge, values and practices): figure 8. There is an overlapping, for all bioethical questions, and for all citizenship values. Some values are specific to the domain of morals, some others to the domain of science, while some are the same for the two fields. For instance, to be honest and against any fraud was in the list of values of all scientists, but it also is a more general citizenship value.

-The values of Science Education

-Values of Education

UNESCO promotes Education for All, rooted in a fundamental value: the equality of all the human beings around the world. Nevertheless, there are still strong differences among countries, from 26.2% of literacy in Mali to 100% in Georgia, to take the extreme values of the PNUD Report 2011. The latest UNESCO Report (20122 ) shows that the number of children out of school is no longer decreasing (61 millions in 2010 as in 2008; it was decreasing before, from 108 millions in 1999).

There are two sets of values in competition: to give priority to a high level of education for few students, or to favour basic education for all. This determines the choice of each government, but also of international aid. For instance, the UNESCO Report (2012) points out that the price of one grant for a Nepalese student to go to University in Japan would permit to 229 children to go to secondary school in Nepal.

One more remark: the help of developed countries to students of poor countries can have a vested interest, because it can favour the brain drain: the best students often stay in US or Europe while they are a cruel loss for their country of origin.

The Four Pillars of Education, described in the Delors' Report to UNESCO: "Learning: The Treasure Within" (1996), are the basis of education: 1. Learning to know, 2. Learning to do, 3. Learning to live together, 4. Learning to be. UNESCO then added a fifth pillar from ulterior works (for instance Black 1999): 5. Learning to transform oneself and society (Clément & Caravita, 2011, p.14). Each of these pillars includes citizen values.

Most of these values are implicit, but are often more explicit when presenting the taught topic. For instance, [START_REF] Reiss | What should be the aims of school science education[END_REF] focuses the aims of education on two points: autonomy and well-being, while he proposes more aims for science education: supply of future scientists, scientific literacy, individual benefits, democracy, social justice or sociopolitical action, criticality. Nevertheless, most of these points deal more with general education (and with some of the five pillars of education proposed by UNESCO) than specifically with science education alone.

In several countries, religious education is included in the curriculum, and is focused on values, with possible apparent contradictions between science and religion, for instance for teaching evolution (there are several books on this problem, e.g. [START_REF] Coquidé | L'évolution du vivant. Un enseignement à risque[END_REF], Jones & Reiss 2007).

A contrario, in some countries such as France, religious education is proposed only outside school, with nevertheless a cultural presentation of all the religions at school. This position, called "laïcité" (a word difficult to translate in English: "secularity"?) is the contrary of the promotion of atheism or agnosticism, because it aims at developing a total respect of any religion [START_REF] Baubérot | Histoire de la laïcité en France[END_REF][START_REF] Baubérot | Laïcité, 19052005, entre passion et raison[END_REF][START_REF] Baubérot | Laïcités sans frontières[END_REF]. Very recently, the new French Minister of National Education decided to enrich the French school curriculum by teaching "morale laïque" (secular morality) at all levels of primary and secondary school, to try to supply a certain deficit of taught citizen values.

More generally, as shown in Figure 3, science education values include all the science values and all the education values, with possible specific values linked to science education. Analyzing the knowledge involved in education, [START_REF] Shulman | Knowledge and teaching: Foundations of the new reform[END_REF] distinguished seven categories: content knowledge (CK); curricular knowledge; pedagogical content knowledge (PCK); general pedagogical knowledge (PK); knowledge of learners and their characteristics; knowledge of educational contexts; and knowledge of educational ends, purposes, and values. He is mentioning values only in the seventh category, while we shown in the present paper that values are present in each of the seven categories, interacting with the teacher's knowledge and social practices (including pedagogical practices). Some of the Shulman's categories also correspond to the different steps of the didactic transposition (figure 5) including knowledge but also values and practices at each level.

To go further in the characterization of the values in science education, I will take an example, the Education for a Sustainable Development (ESD). Then, as for the research scientists, I will make the comment that teachers of science are human beings, with their own ideologies that can interact with their teaching of science, due to values that are theoretically outside the citizen values of science and of education. I will illustrate this point in two directions: firstly a critical analysis of some textbooks and secondly by an analysis of teachers' conceptions of some topics in biology.

-The example of ESD (Education for a Sustainable Development)

The goal of ESD is to develop students' competences including the five pillars of education defined by UNESCO. 9). As other countries (Brazil, Colombia, …), Australia is reticent to use the terminology ESD, because the word "development" is often understood as "growth", while it is not possible for all the countries around the world to have the very high level of consumption of the U.S.

Learning objectives of EES

http://www.environment.gov.au/education/publications/sustainable-future.html Schools implementing this vision will plan learning experiences that enable students to achieve the following learning objectives or outcomes. Some are specific to environmental education for sustainability, while others are more generic and relevant across several or all key learning areas.11

Knowledge and understandings

This includes an understanding of:

• the nature and function of ecological, social, economic and political systems and how they are interrelated;

• the natural and cultural values intrinsic to the environment;

• the impact of people on environments and how the environment shapes human activities, with particular reference to unique and distinctive Australian heritage traditions and settings; • the ways different cultures view the importance of sacredness in the environment; • the role of cultural, socioeconomic and political systems in environmental decision making; • the principles of ecologically sustainable development;

• the responsibilities and benefits of environmental citizenship, including the conservation and protection of environmental values; • the importance of respecting and conserving indigenous knowledge and cultural heritage; and • how knowledge is uncertain and may change over time, and why we, therefore, need to exercise caution in all our interactions with the environment.

Skills and capabilities

The ability to engage in:

• explorations of the many dimensions of the environment using all of their senses;

• observations and recording of information, ideas and feelings about the environment;

• identification and assessment of environmental issues;

• critical and creative thinking about environmental challenges and opportunities;

• consideration and prediction of the consequences (social, cultural, economic and ecological) of possible courses of action; • oral, written and graphic communication of environmental issues and solutions to others; • cooperation and negotiation to resolve conflicts that arise over environmental issues; and • individual and collective action to support desirable outcomes.

Attitudes and values

These are reflected in an appreciation and commitment to: • respecting and caring for life in all its diversity; • conserving and managing resources in ways that are fair to present and future generations; • building democratic societies that are just, sustainable, participatory and peaceful; and • understanding and conserving cultural heritage.

Figure 9 -Learning objectives of EES in Australia

In figure 9, it is interesting that the learning objectives are grouped in three categories similar to the three poles of the KVP model (figure 4). Values are clearly present in the goals of ESD as well as in the schooling document of Australia (figure 10). Several of them correspond to values listed above for the values of science or of education. Some are more specific to EES.

The nine 'values for Australian schooling' have emerged from Australian school communities and from the National Goals for Schooling in Australia in the Twenty-First Century:

• care and compassion In other countries, the values implied in ESD were identified and listed by several authors. [START_REF] Forissier | Les valeurs implicites dans l'Education à l'Environnement. Analyse de la formation d'enseignants de SVT et des conceptions de futurs enseignants français[END_REF] showed that all the analyzed textbooks and other books presenting Environmental Education mainly mentioned t w o v a l u e s : r e s p e c t a n d responsibility. [START_REF] Goffin | Problématique de l'environnement[END_REF][START_REF] Goffin | L'éducation relative à l'environnement, un défi pour le XXIème siècle[END_REF]) listed a system of four values: STAR (Solidarity, Tolerance, Autonomy and Responsibility). More recently, Alaya called these values CARTAS (Citizenship, Autonomy, Responsibility, Altruism, Solidarity). All these values correspond to the category "ethical values" of the synthesis provided by [START_REF] Caravita | Construction and validation of textbook analysis grids for ecology and environmental education[END_REF] and reproduced in Figure 11.

As indicated above, and also by UNESCO (2009), most of these values of ESD also correspond to the values of Education for All, Education for Citizenship and Human Rights. They promote fundamental equality among all the human beings (independently of their gender, ethnic group, religion or sexual preferences), solidarity with the future generations, the respect of our Planet, the fight against inequalities, exclusions, poverty, … for the well-being of all (health, resources, peace).

Ecological:

Referring to the maintenance of natural systems that require biodiversity; to the perceived quality of the environment (local and global); to the feeling of "interbeing" with the other living beings; to the acceptance of constraints for human action, population growth, etc.; to the awareness and acceptance of the planet as a limited pool of resources.

Aesthetic:

Referring to an appreciation of beauty and harmony through our senses; to the pleasure gained by this perception; to the value assigned to beauty relative to other environmental affordances.

Economic:

Referring to the exchange of goods and services among people and countries; to the definition of the value of resources (natural resources, labour, knowledge, technology); to the ownership of resources; to equity in the accessibility of goods; to the creation and distribution of profit; to the criteria for calculating the costs and benefits of human plans of actions.

Cultural:

Referring to the maintenance of the attitudes and the practices of social and cultural units (traditions, habits, knowledge); to the free circulation of information; to the accepted/promoted agencies of cultural changes; to the image of science.

Social:

Referring to the maintenance of the cohesiveness of the social environment; to the management and ruling of individual freedom and of interactions within a society; to attitudes about diversities (gender, sex, age, culture); to the evaluation of quality.

Political:

Referring to the ways of managing, ruling and controlling the interactions between individuals and society, humans and environment; the attainment and diffusion of human rights; the rights of minorities; the participation of citizens.

Ethical:

Referring to taking responsibility as users of resources, as consumers of affordances (goods, services, information), as citizens who vote, as living beings empowered by conscience; to equity, justice, respect, tolerance as objectives of individual and society actions.

Existential:

Referring to the ways of conceiving and managing one's own life and private sphere in relation to the environment where one lives; to the value assigned to the quality of life, to the person, to life itself (and to the other forms of life); to the role assigned to the spiritual dimension (religious, artistic, ideological) in one's own life; to the attitudes related to risk taking, to sacrifice enduring, with happiness seeking.

Figure 11

Categories of values pertaining to different dimensions of human practical and intellectual activity that are relevant to Environmental Education (From Caravita et al, 2008) Nevertheless, while these values are consensual in all the international texts, we will see below that they are not accepted by all teachers. And scientists, like the populations, do not have the same philosophy of environment, displaying different ethics, more or less anthropocentric, ecocentric or biocentric (Theyss 1993[START_REF] Larrère | Les philosophies de l'environnement[END_REF][START_REF] Forissier | Les valeurs implicites dans l'Education à l'Environnement. Analyse de la formation d'enseignants de SVT et des conceptions de futurs enseignants français[END_REF]. [START_REF] Wiseman | A higher-order model of ecological values and its relationship to personality[END_REF] showed two main trends in conceptions related to environment: the pole "preservation" and the pole "utilization", that were also confirmed from our data of the project Biohead-Citizen3 [START_REF] Munoz | Teachers' conceptions of nature and environment in 16 countries[END_REF]. Figure 12 shows that Sustainable Development (SD) is clearly differentiated from two extreme of poles: one the left, biocentrism / preservation (deep ecology, preferring for instance the life of birds rather than the life of hunters); on the right anthropocentrism / utilization, with an unlimited exploitation of resources, that was clearly dominant in the industrial countries (capitalist or socialist) during the 20 th century. This central position of SD can be rooted in materialist or spiritualist values. Nevertheless, inside SD it is possible to find t h e d i f f e r e n t e t h i c s o f n a t u r e a n d e n v i r o n ment (anthropocentred, ecocentred or biocentred), with a juxtaposition of attitudes and values that can be divergent faced with environmental problems. Our analysis of teachers' conceptions in several countries (paragraph 3.4 below) showed this divergence (Clément & Caravita 2012) and in the last part of the present paper, I will identify systems of values including those related to Environment. Before that, I will say some words on implicit values found in scientific textbooks.

Values in biology textbooks

-Values linked to implicit ideologies

Let us start with an example: two textbooks of applied science for the same rural schools (Classiques Hachette publisher, 1959) for children 11-12 years old (end of primary school), with one science textbook for boys, and another for girls. When analyzing the content of the two science textbooks, half of the content is similar in both, but half is very different, dealing with different topics related to the social practices of rural men and women at this period. There is here a strong interaction between the taught scientific knowledge and social practices (KP). Figure 13 illustrates one page specifically dedicated for boys, and one page for girls. A posteriori, more than 50 years after, this gender specialization of the scientific knowledge appears as totally sexist, as if women only had to do housekeeping and men mechanics. There is an implicit value, in interaction with the knowledge of the taught science and technology, and with the social practice, clearly illustrating the KVP model. Today, happily, this kind of gender difference would be unacceptable in science textbooks. Nevertheless, even today, we found other images in science textbooks with implicit values linked to ideologies. I will take just two examples.

Figure 14 -Extract of an Italian Biology textbook (Italia, Il Capitello, senior high school, 2001, p.277) Analyzing the topic 'human origins' in the biology textbooks of 19 countries, in the context of the Biohead-Citizen project (see above, footnote 2), we found in several countries the type of images illustrated by Figure 14 [START_REF] Quessada | Human evolution in science textbooks from twelve different countries[END_REF]. This image is scientifically wrong, because there is not a single line in the evolution of humankind, but a bush-like evolution. Nevertheless this incorrect image is regularly reproduced by the social practices of the publishers of textbooks, because it is a popular image, easy to obtain. More important, we identified implicit values in this image: the emergent Homo sapiens is a male, and a white one, similar to the archetype of Adam. The implicit ideologies here are sexism and Occidentalism, with a reticence to teach the African origin of our species. Analyzing the topic 'human genetics' in the biology textbooks of 19 countries, here also in the context of the Biohead-Citizen project, the only images of identical twins showed them with the same morphological features (face, eyes, hair, …), that is scientifically correct and is the main function of these images: from the same genes correspond the same anatomical features. Nevertheless, each pair of twins had invariably also the same clothes, the same hair style, etc, as if these cultural features (chosen by the parents for their children) would also be determined by the genes, and that is scientifically wrong.

Figure 15 illustrates one of these images, where each pair of twins is immediately identifiable from the color of their clothes. The implicit ideology is here innatism, the belief that most of human features and performances are determined by our genes, that is out-dated today, all scientists insisting on the importance of the interaction between our genes and their environment, and no more on a kind of predestination written in our genetic program (Clément &[START_REF] Clément | L'Actualité des images de vrais jumeaux dans les magazines de vulgarisation et dans les scolaires[END_REF]in press, Castéra et al. 2008).

The value underlying this ideology is fatalism: our citizen freedom is reduced if we believe that everything is written in our genes (genes taking the place of God, as developed by [START_REF] Kupiec | Ni Dieu, ni gène[END_REF]. This strong interaction KV (scientific knowledge / Values) is also linked to social practices (illustrating here also the KVP model): the way parents dress their children when they are identical twins, and the difficulty of publishers of textbooks to find images of identical twins, with different features (not only clothes, but also morphological traits differentiating even identical twins, as explained today by epigenetics).

-Values linked to the pedagogical style

More frequent, and easier to identify, are differences of pedagogical styles among different science textbooks.

Here also in the context of the Biohead-Citizen project, we collectively defined four categories of pedagogical styles within the science textbooks that were analysed: (1) only informative, (2) injunctive, (3) persuasive and (4) participant. See for instance Berthou et al 2008 for more precise definition of these four styles, and their use to analyse the topic 'environment and pollution' in French textbooks. When using the informative and injunctive pedagogical styles, the textbooks consider children as passive, in a behaviourist conception of teaching, whereas this conception is constructivist with the 'participant' style (problems to solve, inquiries to do, etc.). I do not develop this important point here because it is more familiar to the readers of this paper than the preceding points.

-Teachers' values

A large part of the research in the Biohead-Citizen project consisted of a n a l y z i n g teachers' conceptions related to the six topics of the project (Environmental Education, Health Education, Human Reproduction and Sex Education, Evolution, Human Genetics, Human Brain). This research was then enlarged to other countries, after the end of the Biohead-Citizen project. Several publications present parts of our results. I just illustrate them, here, with unpublished data coming from 21 countries (8 of them being added after the Biohead-Citize project), from a total of 8078 teachers (Figure 16). I will then present a more general analysis of teachers' values, taking into account other published results.

In each country, the sample is the same: 1/3 primary schools teachers (half pre-service, half in-service); 1/3 biology teachers in secondary schools (half pre-service, half inservice) and 1/3 language teachers in secondary schools (half pre-service, half inservice). The protocol for gathering data is the same in each country, totally anonymous. teachers, grouped by countries (21 countries): A25: "It is for biological reasons that women cannot hold positions of as high responsibility as men can." (four boxes from "I agree" to "I don't agree") P12b: Five boxes between "I practice religion" to "I do not practice religion"

Figure 16 shows, as do all our results, that there are important and very significant differences among countries. While less than 10% of teachers practice a religion (boxes 1+2 of the question P12b) in Denmark, Sweden of France, more than 90% of them practice in Senegal, Morocco or Algeria. The differences are also significant for the answers to the question A25 (explaining by biological reasons the absence of women in high responsibility positions), and there is a significant correlation between the answers to the questions A25 and P12b, but a correlation does not automatically imply a causal relation. For instance, in Tunisia, while 85% of t h e i n t e r v i e w e d t e a c h e r s p ractice religion, 'only' 37% agree or rather agree with the proposition A25 : more than half who practices religion do not agree. It was nevertheless surprising to see that between 30% to 45% of teachers agree or rather agree with the proposition A25 in the tested African countries and also in Georgia and in Lebanon, while this 'knowledge' (a biological difference between men and women explaining that women cannot hold positions of a high responsibility) is today totally out-dated (it was defended by some biologists only at the end of 19 th Century and beginning of 20 th Century). The persistence of this outdated knowledge illustrates a KVP interaction. The correlation is very significant for the answers to the questions A25 and P12b: the more a teacher practices religion, the more he or she indicates agreement with the proposition A25. Nevertheless, there is no difference among Christian and Muslim teachers. In Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco and Senegal, all the interviewed teachers or most of them were Muslim. In Cameroon, most of them are Christian, while in Burkina it is half / half, in Lebanon 1/3 Christian, 2/3 Muslim and only 8% of interviewed teachers are Christian in Senegal. When, in the same country, there are both Muslim and Christian teachers, there is no significant difference between them.

As illustrated in another text of the present volume IOSTE XV (Clément et al.), sexism is more apparent in the answers to the question A38 (It is for biological reasons that women more often than men take care of housekeeping): from 5% of agreement in France to 70% in Algeria, with all the % between these two extremes and also with differences among the European countries.

More globally, we did different multivariate analyses from our data dealing with evolution, human genetics, ecology and environment. In particular we did co-inertia analyses to identify the main correlations between the answers, showing different conceptions among the interviewed teachers. The most correlated answers were found from the following topics:

• Creationism (related to the origin of life: A64, the origin of humankind: B28, the role of God in species evolution: B48, etc.: see, for the list of all the questions, Quessdad 2008, [START_REF] Clément | Creationist Beliefs in Europe[END_REF], Quessada & Clément 2012[START_REF] Clément | Chance and Determinism in Evolution: Teachers' Conceptions in 21 Countries[END_REF] • sexism (biological differences attempting to justify gender differences: as the questions A25 and A38 commented above) • racism (A35: Ethnic groups are genetically different and that is why some are superior to others.) • homophobia (A41: Homosexual couples should have the same rights as heterosexual couples.) • anthropocentric attitudes (e.g. A16: Our planet has unlimited natural resources).

And other questions: see [START_REF] Munoz | Teachers' conceptions of nature and environment in 16 countries[END_REF], Clément & Caravita 2012. • Degree of believing in God (P12a) and of practising religion (P12b, above figure 16) • Political opinions (e.g. A42: Only a strong central power can put some order in my country. A37: Religion and politics should be separated. A51: Science and religion should be separated.)

From these correlations, two opposite systems of conceptions (as defined in Clément 2010) emerge, each one being characterized by a system of values: (A) A pole with highest degree of sexism, racism, homophobia, and also the most creationism and more anthropocentric opinions, linked to a higher degree of believing in God, practising religion (figure 16), politically for a strong central power and no separation between religion and politics, as well as between science and religion. (B) A pole with the totally inverse conceptions.

Nevertheless, the conceptions of several teachers are located between these two poles, and other oppositions of conceptions can be identified even if less structuring the data than the opposition between (A) and (B).

In conclusion, the most important here has been to point out that a value is not isolated, but generally inserted in a system of values. To improve science teaching, and the training of science teachers, it is important to identify these values, which are in interaction with social practices. Both (V & P) claim to be rooted in scientific knowledge (K) that can be out-dated (as the biological differences between men and women, evoked to justify a gender inequality). These opposite systems of values are linked to opposite socio-political opinions and practices, themselves correlated with opposite philosophical trends: e.g. Hobbes for (A) and Rousseau for (B). More work is to be done to analyse if these opposite systems of values are or not (and more or less) correlated with pedagogical trends: e.g. more active vs. more traditional pedagogy, or 'education for all' vs. 'education for only an elite'.

Figure 1 -

 1 Figure 1 -Science in Society. The values structuring the life in society (only some of them are indicated in this graph) are also pertinent for Science and Technology.

Figure 6 -

 6 Figure 6 -The number of declared frauds is growing in scientific publications(graph reproduced fromFang, Steen & Casadevall, 2012, PNAS)

Figure 7 -

 7 The cover of the issue ofNature volume 373, N° 6515 (1995)

Figure 8 -

 8 Figure 8 -The possible overlapping of Science and Morals can be reinterpreted by analyzing the KVP dimensions of Science and Moral (from Clément et al 2009)

Figure 12 -

 12 Figure 12 -Situation of Sustainable Development related to different values and ethicsofNature and Environment (translated from Clément 2004)

Figure 13 -

 13 Figure 13 -Extract of the science textbook for boys (on the left), and for girls (on the right) Classiques Hachette publisher, 1959

Figure 15

 15 Figure 15Image of identical twins in a French textbook of biology(Belin, SVT, 5ème 2004 & 4ème 2004, for pupils 1315 years old)

  For more details on our methodology, see our other communication in IOSTE XV (Clément et al) and other publications (for instance Clément & Quessada 2008 or Clément 2012 for Evolution, Castéra & Clément 2012 for Human Genetics, Munoz et al 2009 or Clément & Caravita 2011 & 2012 for Environmental Education).

Figure 16 -

 16 Figure 16 -Teachers' answers to two questions of the questionnaire BioheadCitizen. N = 8078

Nevertheless, some authors consider these values as more relative to the context than universal. For instance,[START_REF] Ljalikova | Les valeurs universelles entre l'Individu et la Société : Analyse de la Déclaration universelle des Droits de l'Homme[END_REF], analyzing the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, considered its values as "changing and fluctuating".

UNESCO, Rapport mondial de suivi sur l'éducation pour tous 2012.

Biohead-Citizen : Biology, Health and Environmental Education for better Citizenship, FP6 of the European Community, CIT2-CT-2004-506015, 2004-2008, coordinated by G.Carvalho, P.Clément & F.Bogner.

Acknowledgements -I wish to warmly thank Susan George and John Stewart for improving the quality of English of this text; Charline Laurent for the statistical analyses; and the European project Biohead-Citizen (Biology, Health and Environmental Education for better Citizenship: CIT2-CT-2004-506015).