Jens Thoemmes

Increasing use of 'market' concepts in negotiations, and contextualising factors

This chapter is based on a series of research projects on the negotiation of working time relating to company-level agreements in France (and in other European countries) from the early 1990s. Collective bargaining between employers and trade unions has profoundly changed the working conditions of companies. We propose to trace this change from what we have achieved over fifteen years of research in this field. Our aim is to deepen the theory of negotiation with particular respect to the role collective bargaining on working time plays in organisational structuring. Collective bargaining in French companies is framed by legislation. We therefore address the whole process of regulation of working time, which combines the activities of trade unions, employers, and the State.

Our theoretical framework draws firstly on the theory of social regulation (Reynaud 1979), and then on the theory of organizational work, developed by Gilbert de Terssac. De Terssac (2003) argues that work also involves organising; the organizational component cannot be separated from the productive. The usual distinction between the work of management viewed as organizational work, and the execution of work as productive work without an organizational dimension is meaningless. On this theory, collective bargaining can be considered as work that takes place in the productive sphere, which itself is characterized by a relationship of subordination. In this sense the work of negotiators produces social change, and modifies working conditions. Our paper aims to focus on this change.

The negotiation process developed over a period of 150 years, initiated originally by the labour and union movement. The impetus for changes to working conditions was linked to the protection and health of workers at their workplace. However, the last 20 years have seen a new direction, where market concepts are increasingly employed in negotiations. A particular emphasis on changes involving variable norms of work duration, as well as incentives to maintain or create employment, show new forms of coordination of labour and product markets. The use of market concepts is generally widespread in the developed economies. Historically as well as in the current period, globalisation results from the application of market concepts,. But the collective bargaining experience in France still concerns a fairly regulated state of labour. We will show that there is no necessary contradiction between the use of market concepts and a regulated state of labour, and that trends towards the introduction of market concepts go beyond narrow conceptions of precarious forms of labour, like part-time work or temporary work, to penetrate the core of the workforce.

From some perspectives, working conditions may worsen as a result of the use of new market concepts. We will see that the focus of employers and unions is not on precarity in the classical way (part-time, temporary work), but on stability of employment and on collective agreements. Nevertheless, public policy and different pieces of legislation aimed at commodifying working-time and working conditions. But the introduction of new market methods is a negotiated terrain. Companies and unions do not blindly follow legislative intentions: there is a complex give-and-take process that changes the outcomes of collective agreements.

Regulation of working time and the market

1.1 Trends towards the reduction of working time over the last century While issues of employment and flexibility tend to focus on the importance of labour markets and product markets, a brief review of the legislation of working time in France shows, by contrast, that the slow emergence of working-time regulations was based on other concerns.

For a century and a half, working time has been constructed as a collective norm, a measure of stability around what might be called a standard by an anchoring of rules in labour law, and the creation of special inspectors charged with overseeing the implementation of these regulations in business. This standard of working time emerged in three great periods: the first (from 1830 to 1841) established state intervention in the relationship between employer and employees, and the second dedicated inspectors as the actor responsible for enforcing the law and punishing abuses by employers. The third , established the time-standard for all with a stable week, fixed daily hours, 2 consecutive days off and 5 weeks of leave.

A law in 1906 established a weekly rest day on Sunday. The Labour law stipulates, however, that "some exceptions (concerning weekly rest days) may occur in some cases, with a weekly rest day on another day than Sunday" (Article L. 221-2, quoted by Grossin, 1992, p. 249). The 8-hour day established by law (23 April 1919) had been a trade union issue from 1888. But its implementation was gradual and sectoral. This law was passed after the First World War, following the conflict that led the government of Clemenceau to avoid a test of strength with the trade unions. Strikes with factory occupations in May-June 1936 led to two further laws "establishing the first 40-hour week without loss of pay", and introducing paid holidays (Fridenson, 1993, pp 25-26).

The four main components of the working time standard temporal order are:

-a standard or social norm (covering weekly and daily rest times and holiday entitlements), -state intervention as a normative power -the common rule creates collective recipients -sanctions are highly developed.

The search for competitive flexibility from the 1980s saw a revision of this conception of time and was characterized by the abandonment of the traditional scheme of collective bargaining around the limitation of working hours which was at the centre of discussions for a century and a half. The length of daily and weekly working hours in itself, which were the subject of the very constitution of the labour movement, were abandoned by unions, employers and by public policies in favour of the logic of production and their extensions through various methods of temporal flexibility. . This paper aims to explore this new way of dealing with working time. What is the content of this new direction? By what process has this direction become widespread? Does this new tendency mark the end of protections for individuals at work? Or is it a new way of negotiating under the auspices of markets that actually retains an established way of seeing working time?

1.2 Shifting the view from health to markets Employers and unions, backed by the state, have clearly changed the way of conceiving workingtime. That does not mean a shift in power to employers, but certainly a change in union policies: less health and more employment could be the summary. How does this view fit with the shift to markets? Our contribution will address the period 1982-2002. Collective bargaining has indeed changed the nature of the process. The rationality of the process based on the health of the worker has been replaced by a rationality linked to markets. In just 20 years of collective bargaining, the variability of working hours, the desire to be 'close' to product markets, and employment stability have replaced the trend towards reducing working hours and improving employee welfare. The first two of these issues are employer aspirations, while the third is on the labour movement agenda. This evolution is also reflected in the legislation. This is what we have termed the arrival of 'markettimes' [START_REF] Thoemmes | Les 35 heures en rafales[END_REF]. However, the change in rationality of the process and the outcomes for organizations have neither been predictable nor inevitable: they are the result of the work of the negotiators which can be considered as organizational work.

Theories of industrial relations (primarily Anglo-Saxon), already addressed the issue of markets in the context of collective bargaining. The work of [START_REF] Dunlop | Industrial Relations Systems[END_REF] and [START_REF] Kochan | The Transformation of American Industrial Relations[END_REF] show the importance of the environment in general and the influence of the market in particular for the content of collective bargaining. In their book The Transformation of American Industrial Relations, [START_REF] Kochan | The Transformation of American Industrial Relations[END_REF] discuss changes in the industrial relations system in the United States explicitly referring to Dunlop's Industrial Relations Systems: key players such as employees, management and the government produce rules, while incorporating the surrounding context, including economic, technical and other legal and social forces. Thus the introduction of concepts such as "markets" and "environment" in addition to the analysis of the traditional forces of collective bargaining is central in the understanding of the system of industrial relations in the United States.

With respect to Europe, we would also like to stress the presence of another element in the relationship between industrial relations and markets, namely the construction of Europe as an entity: the creation of a common market which could influence the industrial relations system of European countries. Does Europeanization, the political construction of a market, ultimately produce a harmonization of social systems? And what are the relationships that emerge within the industrial relations system which remain national? Regarding relations between the state of industrial relations and the market in Europe, the arguments in Industrial Relations in the New Europe edited by [START_REF] Ferner | Industrial Relations in the New Europe[END_REF] remain valid. Their analysis is based on 17 nations and their industrial relations, following the Maastricht Treaty agreements on the single currency and the social charter. The context of Europeanization cannot conceal the extreme variety of situations from one State to another. In the introduction (op. cit.), the authors emphasize the progressive integration of European economies in a global economy dominated by multinational enterprises. By refusing to view the development of industrial relations as a simple passage from a Fordist economy to a post-Fordist economy (the theory of economic regulation), the authors focus on the link between the economic context and regulatory institutions. Regarding the decentralization of industrial relations, [START_REF] Ferner | Industrial Relations in the New Europe[END_REF] put forward, inter alia, the promotion of decentralization through political choice with a legitimacy linked to market forces, as was the case in England. While the conclusion focuses on a weakening of unions in most European countries, [START_REF] Ferner | Industrial Relations in the New Europe[END_REF] emphasize that the effects of recession and growing instability did not originate through labour market competition, but rather through the uncertainties generated by product market competition.

In sum, market-related concepts and working-time and working conditions can be understood in a wider perspective as a globalisation issue linked to political choice and new forms of legitimacy. This issue is particularly pertinent for developed countries, especially the United States and the European Union.

The use of the concept of organizational work

We would argue that industrial relations must also incorporate the theory of social regulation [START_REF] Reynaud | Conflit et régulation sociale. Esquisse d'une régulation conjointe[END_REF], Terssac 2003 eds.). With respect to social regulation and the market, we would like to deepen the concept of 'organizational work' put forward by Terssac (2003). For us, collective bargaining is itself a genuine form of 'organizational work' undertaken by employers, unions and by the state. Market-times are the results of a long term process in which collective bargaining is considered as work producing a result. Indeed, in the words of Terssac (2003: 123), the learning process represented by organizational work, goes through different phases of experimentation, generalization and differentiation before reaching a more or less stable state. Outcomes or results are achieved through the confrontation of different projects and collective actors.

The main reason for using this form of theorisation is to consider 'organising' activities as a job itself, as an activity that serves productive activities, and should therefore be analyzed as work (De Terssac 2003). Collective bargaining is part of organizational work in the sense that it structures the world of work and defines its conditions. From this perspective we can trace the slow introduction of a new form of French collective bargaining, one that did not arrive unprepared or without any actors.

What is the interest of using this concept of organizational work? The analysis by De [START_REF] De Terssac | Du train à vapeur au TGV[END_REF] is based on the reorganization of an existing company, the management of SNCF (rail) freight. The reorganization passes through three stages of learning. A first phase called "experimental" covers the invention of new working rules, while a second phase of "generalization" applies it to all equipment and facilities. Finally a third phase of "differentiation" adapts this pattern to specific projects. For them, according to Reynaud's preface, "organizational learning is not a long river, it is characterized neither by the continuity of the progression of ideas, nor by harmonious collaborations nor by an equilibrium of power".

In a concluding chapter entitled 'Sociology of the organizational work of maintenance', de Terssac et Lalande specify the scope of the three phases: "the experimental phase is characterized by learning by trial and error: to invent effective solutions and to test them compared to the objectives; the focus is placed here on experience, practice and observation which builds knowledge of maintenance" (op. cit., p. 187). After this first phase, which aims to seek solutions to problems, the second phase of generalization induces learning by application to indicate that the goal is well known (aligning the production sites on the same pattern and showing the outcome: the objective is to generalize the patterns established in the previous phase (op. cit., p. 188). We will show in analogy that the 35 hours law implemented a generalization of a new pattern of organization, coupled with the collective bargaining of businesses. Finally comes the adjustment phase, where a learning process takes a third way. "However, there is no questioning of the founding principles: one is in a logic of improved operations at the margin" (op. cit. 189). We will build on the concept of organizational work occurring in three phases to analyze the dynamics of collective bargaining in connection with the legal framework.

Of course we recognize the limits of this approach in relation to national policies covering all businesses. While in an individual company a modernization project can be clearly identified by actors heading in the direction of modernization, or by those who oppose the project, with governments that change and with a wide variety of situations to be resolved it seems more difficult to clearly identify a national-level policy. Instead of using the term 'modernization' here, we use the term 'social change'. Indeed there is a difference between a company and larger territory. The single company gives rise to a form of regulation with clearly demarcated borders, and linkages between projects and production rules. National public policies, however, produce standard-setting covering a range of extremely heterogeneous situations, without an explicit sense of organisational development over time. The great planner does not exist. Social change over a long period in our case is established without being consciously put in place. In sum, this application of organizational theory and the concept of work to collective bargaining -which is a work of negotiation [START_REF] Dugué | Le travail de négociation[END_REF] -is of course an 'ex post' construction that we use to explore our empirical findings.

The organizational work of collective bargaining in five steps: introducing the concept of markets (1982-2002)

The concept of organizational work at a regional or national level raises questions. Indeed, the complexity of this approach is linked to the multiplicity of actors and levels of regulation: the national level and the level of business, the level of legal initiatives and collective agreements. This association between company and public policy is mediated in many cases by regionalized branch agreements, which redefine the balance between law and company agreements [START_REF] Jobert | Ré-institutionnaliser la négociation collective en France[END_REF]. In this paper we report primarily on the interaction between law and company bargaining. The analysis of collective bargaining over a period of 20 years in a French region i shows the organizational work that was needed to establish a new rule which we call 'market times', (Thoemmes 2006a). This rule was not the automatic result of a process. It has suffered setbacks, especially when collective bargaining did not follow the proposals of lawmakers. (1982)(1983)(1984)(1985)(1986)(1987)(1988)(1989)(1990)(1991)(1992)(1993) Working-time laws changed considerably from 1982. The initiative clearly came from the government, combining working-time reduction and flexibility issues. The influence of employers and unions on the different laws remains unclear. While working-time reduction and employment creation have always been union objectives, the give-and-take process related to flexibility was clearly also in the employer's interest. Three legal rules affected the period in question. The order of 16 January 1982 reduced legal weekly working hours from 40 to 39, introduced a fifth week of paid leave, and invented the principle of 'modulation' (varying duration of work over a defined period) to 42 hours per week. The Delabarre law of 26 February 1986 then defined the reduction of working hours as a trade-off for the 'modulation' of working hours. Finally, the Seguin law of 11 June 1987 allowed 'modulation' agreements in which the reduction of working hours was only optional. This first phase of collective bargaining deals with the genesis of the collective variability of working hours, here specifically the method called 'modulation-annualisation', a varying duration of work over a defined period, especially a 12 month period [START_REF] Bunel | Modulation/annualisation dans le cadre des 35 heures: entreprises et salaries sous contrainte[END_REF]. This concept is understood by us as including several methods introduced over time which institute a "corridor" allowing for the variation of weekly working hours (between 32 hours and 44 hours, for example), and where hours that exceed the average (35 hours for example) are not regarded as overtime. Of course, overtime already allowed negotiators or entrepreneurs to vary working hours, and partial unemployment benefits already allowed for the compensation of employees for loss of employment activity. But the peculiarity of this phase from 1982 to 1993 relates to an early normalization of changing working time (including variability for all) by means of collective agreements. The first types of 'modulation' (1982, 1986 and 1987) indeed included this variability in different forms and conditions within the 'normal and usual' working hours. The variable standard thus first emerged in these laws. The genesis of the particular types were formalized by law and by "exploratory" use by negotiators. But in fact they were rarely used by businesses; few such agreements came through: in our sample there were only 8 such agreements per year. (1993)(1994)(1995)(1996) Two laws characterized the next period focussing on the above mentioned give-and-take process and on the possibility of individual time saving. Once again the government drove the changes. The first was the 'five-year law' of 20 December 1993. It established an extension of the period over which hours of work could vary, and put in place an experimental subsidized incentive to reduce working hours (an annual reduction of 15% in working hours, compulsory reduction of salaries, and recruitment of at least 10%). This was followed by the law of Time Saving Accounts (TSA) of 25 July 1994, which allowed the accumulation of worked hours and days giving rights to extra paid leave. The extra paid leave had to be taken before the expiration of a five-year period. The individual TSA was permitted only within the terms of a collective agreement. The TSA could be used also by the employer to vary within certain limits the effects of a reduction of working hours over a period of several years. The variable standard (modulation) of working hours was linked by the legislature to compensatory methods (reduction of working hours) and to complementary methods (TSA).

Genesis

Experimentation

The second phase thus begins in 1993, by experiencing a new give-and-take process between working hour cuts and modulation-annualisation. This could be seen as a consequence of the little impact that the latter method had witnessed during the previous phase. It is not that a give-and-take process would not have been possible before, but the innovation of Article 39 of the 1993 Act explicitly laid down a new opportunity to experiment with modulation, combined with the reduction of working hours and employment, funded with financial compensation by the state (Morin et al.1998). This innovation introduced by the 'five-year law' underlines our analysis of the phase from 1994 to 1996 as 'experimentation' or 'testing' of a new give-and-take process through collective bargaining. However, this did not succeed -the 'testing' failed. On the one hand, it was drowned in a set of pre-existing flexible time mechanisms: the negotiation seemed 'broken'. Indeed, we identified 28 different topics on working time in the agreements. On the other hand, only a few companies proceeded to this kind of give-and-take: the annual rate of use of 'modulation' decreases in our regional sample to only six agreements per year. However, the failure of this experiment laid the foundations for another period initiated by the de Robien law from 1996 to 1998, which succeeded in 'repositioning' collective bargaining in the give-and-take process already suggested by the previous laws. (1996)(1997)(1998) This period covers a single piece of legislation which was very important in influencing the process of ongoing negotiations. This law reflected the organizational learning process that had taken place through company-level negotiation but also through the a back and forth relationship with Parliament. The de Robien law of 11 June 1996 provided state funding where companies created or maintained employment within at least 10% of the original situation while voluntarily agreeing to reduce average working hours by at least 10%. While initiated by the government, this law responded to the demands from local actors, employers and also unions, in a period of economic uncertainty. The goal was primarily to avoid lay offs and to support employment.

Refocusing

From the perspective of company bargaining this third phase, after genesis and experimentation based on article 39 of the 'five-year law', again attempted to establish an exchange: 'reduction' against 'variability' in the framing of a single law (de Robien). Indeed this law focused more strongly on 'jobs' than the previous laws. This time, collective bargaining finally and effectively decided between various mechanisms of temporal flexibility and proceeded to their association with the reduction of working hours.

What changed and why do we consider that this law is a turning point in collective bargaining? On the one hand, certain articles were modified: there was an extension of the period of subsidies, the inclusion of job creation, the reduction of working hours and there was no corresponding obligation to reduce wages. On the other hand, it was a single piece of law with no other intention than focusing on the question of working time. This law profited from a media or publicity effect which, according to some of our interlocutors, played in favour of the acceptance of the method. It promoted a kind of collective 'local time sharing' to prevent unemployment and which tried to end a certain industrial relations log-jam indicated by the low number of company agreements. Now, although collective bargaining still had 'no obligation to reach an outcome' , it effectively moved into a concession-bargaining give-and-take process. The reduction of working hours was traded against modulation-annualisation and established a new standard. In this "refocusing of collective bargaining" phase the variable standard of working time definitely entered collective bargaining. New agreements (one in two) were increasingly negotiated at the regional level over a two-year period: 49 out of 96 new agreements. This time the law was able to induce the desired response in companies, but without becoming a systematic or a widespread form of agreement. However, the total number of agreements remained at a relatively low level (48 new agreements per year).

Let us summarize this evolution: genesis, testing and refocusing can be used to describe the phases of negotiations induced by the law. These phases led qualitatively and quantitatively to the production of a new type of agreement. The pivotal position of the de Robien law can be seen to have highlighted the exchange of working time cuts with the maintenance of employment to enable the greater use of flexible time arrangements. One could say that in a particular context the law created the conditions for a more favourable response by companies: based on clear commitments in terms of jobs, on an extension of the duration of the subsidies (up to 7 years) and without obligation to reduce wages. But wage moderation was also experienced in this phase. Some agreements limited wages increases in future years. Under these conditions, the unions seemed to accept some flexibility related to the variability of working hours in order to maintain or create jobs. The 'variable standard' effectively entered collective bargaining.

The genesis, experimentation, and refocusing are subsets of the experimental phase of organizational work within the analysis of [START_REF] De Terssac | Du train à vapeur au TGV[END_REF]. If we have chosen to qualify these three sub-phases as distinct phases, it is because the orientations of legislators and negotiators show clear differences between them: the genesis phase is followed by the formal creation of an experimentation phase that lead to a choice between different methods; refocusing then introduces a variable standard of working hours that corresponds to the actual social practices taking place, proposed by the legislature and accepted by the company negotiators. (1998)(1999)(2000)(2001)(2002) The laws on the 35-hour week in France then generalized this new blueprint for collective bargaining, while the reduction of working hours was extended to all businesses. Moreover, the terms of the trade-offs (annualisation, jobs, subsidies, future wage moderation in some cases) clearly derived from the previous phase.

Generalization

There were two parts to the generalization law. The Aubry law (1) of 13 June 1998 established legal working time as 35 hours per week from January 2000 for companies with more than 20 employees and from January 2002 for the rest. The subsidies given to companies were related to the volumes of employment created. The Aubry law (2) of 19 January 2000 set a ceiling of a maximum of 1,600 hours per year, without any obligations on employment volume. From a collective bargaining perspective this fourth phase can be viewed as the generalization of the new action plan for collective bargaining. The 35-hours law of 1998 moved the situation from 'voluntary' to 'mandatory' negotiation. The pressure exerted by the spectre of legally-enforced reductions in working time promoted company-level bargaining. It also disseminated widely the new general standard in business. The agreements followed in the path of previous de Robien agreements: significant reductions of working hours, state subsidies and variable norms of duration. In our sample of 1,232 new regional agreements (Aubry law 1 and 2), two out of three companies, more than 800 companies, agreed modulation-annualisation mechanisms. Only 37.9% (under Aubry 1) and 30.7% (under Aubry 2) of agreements did not introduce this type of mechanism.

Differentiation 1998-2008

The fifth phase of differentiation begins at the same time as the generalization in 1998. With Aubry 1 and 2, this phase went beyond the time extensions given to very small businesses to implement the law. The laws also created three different categories of managers (those time measured in hours worked, those measured by days worked and those whose working time was not measured at all) (Aubry 2), and allowed exceptional treatment for certain industries. The assumption was that the generalization needed adaptation to different contexts in order to become effective. From an organizational point of view, this phase of differentiation should not be seen as inconsistent with generalization, since in our view, the global objective is not only to generalize the reduction of working hours, but also to promote 'market-times' including in this specific form, its variability, employment and state subsidies. Does this interpretation of a change in pattern of action apply to newer developments regarding overtime for example? We believe that we are still in the stage of differentiation of the legal rule and are neither in a phase of abandonment of the 35 hours, nor in the case of a return to a process of rationality putting "health" and well-being at the centre of discussions which had opened up the reduction of working hours 150 years ago. Without being able to push our analysis beyond our regional sample of the 2000 agreements of the period 1982 to 2002, we believe that recent developments nonetheless reinforce our analysis on two points.

Firstly, laws and decrees on overtime in recent years have opened the possibility of increasing the quota of overtime and of further fiscal subsidies regarding over-time (no more income tax on overtime). Recent laws could result in an extension of real working hours (Laws 2005(Laws -296, 2007(Laws -1223)). However, this type of extension of working hours does not change the legal duration of work (remaining at 35 hours a week) and they are perfectly in line with the variability of working hours. The legal duration has not changed but its potential variability is expanding with the increasing use of traditional means (such as over-time).

Secondly, collective bargaining has produced some emblematic agreements in the region demonstrating the new logic of 'market-times'. Thus recently an important subcontractor to the auto industry reached an agreement on a working week of 38 hours per week without derogating from the 35-hours law. The additional quantity of work performed by each employee was actually placed on a time savings account and called 'time capital'. This account was maintained for several years (2008,2009), until the company, for the purpose of reorganization, gave the time back without any individual choice for the employee (2009,2010), thereby absorbing the voluntary accumulated leave (company agreement, July 2007). This was an example of 'market-times' based on a time savings account on a multi-year time horizon. A new standard driven by the needs of production has entered into a collective agreement.

The entire cycle of organisational work we described is coming to an end. The phase of differentiation will perhaps initiate a new cycle. The 35-hour rule could be abolished, but what would happen to the give and take process which promoted flexibility? The variability of working hours and the issue of labour and product markets could survive the abandonment of the reduction of working hours. Certainly, we could see a return to a focus on diminishing the legal duration of work "in itself" (before 1982), or we could experience its extension. The first option seems unrealistic given the initiatives in favour of over-time and given the recent political pressure against further working time reductions. Nevertheless the current crisis could provoke a new debate on further working time cuts. But this would be compensated for by new market related mechanisms as shown by the Aubry law. The second option, the unconditional extension of legal working-time, would change the terms of trade between unions and employers and its legitimacy would also be viewed differently. It would be hard to explain why the unions would accept giving up the advantages of working-time reductions in favour of accumulating flexible market related mechanisms alone.

3.Discussion

An analysis of collective bargaining over 20 years shows that the negotiators have not complied with a planned political initiative that would have produced a new rationality for negotiation. Rather, this result was achieved by trial and error and a give-and-take process including changes in the legal framework. Negotiators are framed by legal action, but retain their freedom to change and to interpret it. This is precisely the purpose of the phases that we have identified.

We discussed successively five phases of the negotiation of company agreements: genesis, experimentation, refocusing, generalization and differentiation of the rule. The rule has been produced by law and by collective bargaining. Its meaning can be seen as the arrival of markettimes, and as another way to negotiate labour conditions. The first element of the rule is related to the introduction of mechanisms to implement and control the variability of working hours (variable standard or norm). The second element concerns the issue of employment, including its stabilization. This new articulation of labour and product markets is gained by reducing the duration of work and has been heavily subsidized in the past decade. Negotiators could very well have had recourse to a shift to part-time work, night work and weekend work as traditional forms of precarious labour. This is not the option that the negotiations that we have discussed put as central.

Although the new scheme of action is also a generalization of temporal flexibility, it is by no means an obvious shift to 'standard forms of insecurity or precarious work'. Employment stability, with the control of variability of working-time circumscribes the new pattern of collective bargaining: the rationality of the negotiation process has shifted from health to markets. This perspective suggests analyzing collective bargaining as the scope of an exchange between groups who have to take into account changing environmental conditions. This view of negotiation as a combination of the effects of markets and the production of arrangements seems fundamental [START_REF] Kochan | The Transformation of American Industrial Relations[END_REF]. Working time has been the tool of choice for spreading 'market-times', under specific conditions, to a large number of French companies. The five phases of organizational work which led to this new scheme are certainly only one way to describe an evolution in the long run. From an analytical perspective we are dealing indeed with an accumulation of specific practices, an aggregation of partial results, framed by laws, and produced by variable groups, political parties, unions, employers and governments. One cannot easily compare a region or a nation to a productive enterprise in which 'modernization' may pursue an objective involving all parts of the company (De [START_REF] De Terssac | Du train à vapeur au TGV[END_REF]. Yet the advantage of using the concept of organizational work is, in our view, its heuristic value, based on longitudinal analysis, the line of laws and negotiations, the analysis of their parentage and the learning process even through the boundaries that usually separate groups. Companies have interpreted the legal framework reflecting at the same time the concerns of local negotiators. We are certainly experiencing a shift of the production of standards to the company and to the local businesses. Negotiated public action (Groux, 2001) has more a sense of encouragement of negotiation, rather than a rigid and unifying law. The instruments are the laws on working time (Lascoumes and Le Gales 2004), but also the various agreements that have been formulated through an effective 'work of negotiation' [START_REF] Dugué | Le travail de négociation[END_REF]. Indeed, collective bargaining did not always follow particular incentives and legal recommendations. This view suggests a focal area for collective action. Negotiators have felt that the 'market' is an area of compromise and conflict, not just an 'external pressure' [START_REF] Haipeter | Atmende Betriebe, atemlose Beschäftigite? Berlin: Edition Sigma[END_REF]). The market is not an external reality, but a stage upon which social groups operate [START_REF] Chessel | Autour de la consommation engagée. Enjeux historiques et politiques[END_REF].

In sum, if working time over 20 years of collective bargaining has been emancipated, a longitudinal study of more than 2,000 enterprise agreements shows a change of substance. We observed a trend for collective bargaining to replace an emphasis on action related to the health and well-being of the worker, to one related to priorities determined by markets. The rationality of the action has changed. This does not mean that all protection for people at work has been abandoned, but that a change of perspective and preferences has nevertheless been made. This change of perspective does not favour precarious work in the traditional way: part-time, temporary work, temporary unemployment or other forms of precarious contracts. This change concerns a far bigger number of employees. The point is that the majority of 'non-precarious' employees are submitted to the new regime. In other words the core of the workforce is experiencing market-times, because the change was made through law and collective bargaining. Finally, the market-times bring us back to the globalisation. As we showed recently [START_REF] Thoemmes | L'évolution d'une règle d'organisation sur 10 ans : l'accord collectif chez un constructeur d'automobiles en Allemagne[END_REF], the German automaker VW, while having a completely different system of industrial relations, seems to be taking a similar route. German companies are adopting more and more market-times without being as systematic as in the French case. Other societies can experience market-times in different ways. We think, nevertheless, that collective bargaining is necessary to establish new rules. This is especially the case over measures in favour of employment and offering protection against unemployment, which cannot be negotiated or explained with a theoretical conception that markets are 'out of control'. On the contrary, regulation was necessary to establish the scheme of action in the French case. One might call this 'negotiated globalisation'.

NOTES

i This paper reports on a series of studies on company bargaining in a region of southern France over two decades. In all, we had access to an exhaustive sample of 2000 agreements covering the period 1982 to 2002. Partial results were published either in the form of reports, articles or book chapters. The objective of this paper is not to go into the detailed analysis made during these four studies, but rather to submit for discussion a sociological assessment covering the whole period.


Thomas Meany
email: thomas.meany@mq.edu.au

Lutfi A Ngah

Matthew J Collins

Alex S Clark

Robert J Williams

Benjamin J Eggleton

M J Steel

Michael J Withford

Olivier Alibart

Sébastien Tanzilli

Hybrid photonic circuit for multiplexed heralded single photons

Keywords: numbers: 03.67.Hk, 42.50.Dv, 42.50.Ex, 42.65.Lm Quantum information, Non-classical light, Integrated optics, Nonlinear optics

A key resource for quantum optics experiments is an on-demand source of single and multiple photon states at telecommunication wavelengths. This letter presents a heralded single photon source based on a hybrid technology approach, combining high efficiency periodically poled lithium niobate waveguides, low-loss laser inscribed circuits, and fast (>1 MHz) fibre coupled electro-optic switches. Hybrid interfacing different platforms is a promising route to exploiting the advantages of existing technology and has permitted the demonstration of the multiplexing of four identical sources of single photons to one output. Since this is an integrated technology, it provides scalability and can immediately leverage any improvements in transmission, detection and photon production efficiencies.

Spontaneous parametric downconversion (SPDC) is one of the most commonly exploited methods to generate photons in quantum information science (QIS) applications [1]. However, the spontaneous nature of the process, bounding the probability that N sources each simultaneously create a pair of photons, prevents the demonstration of advanced QIS protocols [2]. Furthermore, the power of the pump laser cannot simply be scaled to increase the pair generation rate since multi-photon events result in noise. Although schemes have been developed which can tolerate multi-photon pairs [3], the majority of protocols have stringent limitations on additional noise [4]. Increasing the repetition rate of the pump laser increases the number of photon pairs generated by a source per second [5], while the probability of generating a photon pair per pulse remains constant. In contrast, active temporal multiplexing schemes can increase the probability of obtaining a photon pair per pulse [6], however due to implementation challenges there has been to date no experimental demonstration. To address this, Migdall et al. proposed a spatial multiplexing scheme to increase photon rates while maintaining the corresponding noise level [7]. This scheme relies on spatially separated heralded sources being actively routed to a single output. A bulk optic demonstration of a multiplexed source used a pair of SPDC crystals [8]. This method suffered from large space and stability requirements and was not scalable beyond a pair of sources. Integrated optics offers a route to miniaturisation, stability and scalability which enabled a number of QIS circuit demonstrations such as a controlled-NOT operation [9], heralded multiphoton entanglement [10] and on-chip quantum relay operation [11]. Here we propose a hybrid photon source which uses SPDC waveguides and laser written components to produce four heralded photons (Fig. 1a). We then use fast fibre-based switches to actively route photons to the desired output (Fig. 1b). Using this architecture we have control over both the photon wavelength and number through temperature tuning and electronically addressed switches.

The first demonstration of integrated spatial multiplexing, using a pair of χ (3) silicon photonic crystal (SiPC) waveguide sources and a single switch, has shown that this method can enhance photon rates [12]. However, the fabrication of identical on-chip SiPC sources remains an obstacle that has limited investigations of N > 2 sources. SPDC in χ (2) nonlinear waveguide crystals, permits low-noise photon pair generation and softproton exchanged (SPE) waveguides, formed in periodically poled lithium niobate (PPLN), have the highest reported brightness to date [13]. However, for functional monolithic circuits, nonlinear chip sections for photon pair generation and linear regions for photon routing must be combined [11,14]. Incorporating a range of optical functions results in challenging fabrication procedures which require a range of separate masks. Recently, the femtosecond laser direct-write (FLDW) technique has attracted interest for the fabrication of lowloss, linear waveguide circuits. Requiring no lithographic masks, it allows high speed device fabrication and offers an inherently 3D routing capability. Low-loss linear complex waveguide circuits have been demonstrated in borosilicate glasses [15]. To date however, FLDW waveguides in lithium niobate have shown high loss modifications due to the combination of high refractive index and tightly packed crystalline structure [16]. This moti-vates our goal of combining low loss linear optical circuits in borosilicate glasses with the high efficiency nonlinear properties of PPLN proton exchanged waveguides.

The layout of the on-chip portion of the experiment is shown in Fig. 1a. The pump laser (spectrally filtered Chameleon, Coherent) provides 1.2 ps-duration, timebandwidth limited (∆λ p = 0.5 nm) pulses, at a wavelength of λ p = 710 nm and at a repetition rate of 76 MHz. The pulses are sent to a polarisation maintaining fiber pigtailed to an FLDW 1-4 waveguide splitter. The 1-4 splitter uses four evanescently coupled waveguides, in a 3D interaction region, to separate the input pump field [17]. It is then butt coupled to the input facet of the nonlinear chip to pump the four identical photon pair generators simultaneously. The latter consists of four identical quasi-phase-matched PPLN waveguides, 10 mm in length, fabricated using SPE [13]. They are designed to produce photon pairs, by SPDC, at 1310 nm and 1550 nm within a bandwidth of 30 nm when pumped with 710 nm picosecond pulses. The parametric fluorescence spectra, from each PPLN waveguide channel, coincide at 1550 nm, for a sample temperature of 363.0±0.1 K (see Fig. 2). The output spectrum from the sources can be tuned (see inset of Fig. 2). Approximately 4 nm of central wavelength shift is available for each 1 K of temperature shift across the communications band. The output photon pairs are then collected using four FLDW integrated wavelength division multiplexers (WDM), operating at 1310/1550 nm. The WDMs consist of pairs of coupled waveguides whose coupling is wavelength dependent. A range of couplers were fabricated and extinction ratios of 10 dB±1 dB were obtained for an interaction length of 3.35 mm and a waveguide spacing of 7 µm, comparable to previous demonstrations [18].

In order to obtain indistinguishable single photons in a single temporal mode [19], suitable bandpass filters are employed to achieve a coherence time greater than the pulse duration of the pump laser [20]. In the heralding arm, single photons are collected using optical circulators and core scanned, laser inscribed, fibre Bragg gratings (FBG) [START_REF] Williams | Withford[END_REF]. These are set to reflect photons at 1312 nm with a bandwidth of 85 GHz. In the heralded arm, 100 GHz filter (DiCon MTF-08) is used to transmit energy-matched paired photons at 1548 nm, while the pump bandwidth is 300 GHz. The heralding photons are detected by four InGaAs detectors (IDQ 210), triggered by the 76 MHz pump laser, with a gate window of 5 ns and a deadtime of 3 µs. Upon detection of a photon, the output of these detectors then triggers both the lead lanthanum zirconium titanate (PLZT) switches and another InGaAs detector (IDQ 201), with an adjustable gate window. The arrangement of these switches is shown in Fig. 1b where three switches can be used to combine the 1550 nm outputs from each source to the final detector. Using in-fibre polarisation controllers and an analyser at the output, we ensure photons are identical in polarisation, while path lengths are controlled using variable Single channel 1 is shown for comparison. The solid lines in the graphs represent the predicted CAR obtained from Eq. 1 using data contained in Table 1. The error bars are given by Poissonian photon statistics.

delays to ensure maximal temporal indistinguishability.

Figure 3a shows heralded single photon rates, for individual channels and multiplexed outputs. Single channel 1 (black) and channel 2 (green) have maximum coincidence rates of 27 Hz each, for pump powers of 4.25 mW. Single channels 4 (blue) and 3 (dark green) show rates of 17 Hz and 6 Hz. By actively multiplexing, the source brightness is increased. First channel 1 and 4 (MUX-2-1) are combined using a single switch and then subsequently channels 1, 2 and 4 (MUX-3-1) are routed to a single output (See Fig. 3a). This results in coincidence rates, for all pump powers, above those obtained from any individual channel. However, when multiplexing 4 channels (MUX-4-1) the coincidence rate is approximately the same as that observed for 3 channels (MUX-3-1), a feature that is discussed in detail below. It can be seen in Fig. 3a that in the range of pump powers from 2.2 mW to 3.2 mW, there is a deviation from a linear trend, observed for all channels, in the source brightness. This was caused by a change in the coupling between the fibre pigtail and the 1-4 waveguide splitter. The index matching adhesive used to bind these facets can expand with temperature, due to the high laser intensity, resulting in a consistent change in output power from the 1-4 splitter. Furthermore, this adhesive has a damage threshold of approximately 20 mW, meaning that individual channels could not be pumped beyond a pump power of 4.5 mW.

The coincidence-to-accidental ratio (CAR) is a metric used to characterise the signal-to-noise ratio of a photon source. Figure 3b shows CAR values for all individual channels. The CAR can be expressed as a function of C, the coincidence rate per pulse,

CAR = C/( C η S + d I )( C η I + d S ), (1)
where η I,S are the net signal and idler efficiencies for each channel, and d I,S the dark count rates per pulse [12]. It can be seen in Fig. 3b that the CAR values for a range of coincidences are different for each channel. Table I shows that this is due to differences in detector performance and intrinsic waveguide performance. Channel 3 has a low photon production efficiency, combined with a low detection efficiency and high dark count rate resulting in a CAR substantially below the other channels. When multiplexing, for a fixed CAR value above 10, the photon rate is increased above the single channel values while the noise remains constant (see Fig. 3c). This is the key feature of the spatially multiplexed source as it demonstrates an increase in the heralded single photon rate, by a factor of 3, while maintaining the corresponding signal-to-noise ratio. However, the effect of the dark count rates and low efficiency of single channel 3 reduces the CAR for the MUX-4-1, since the coincidence contribution from single channel 3 is low but its dark counts are added. When multiplexing 3 sources, excluding single channel 3, a clear increase in single photon rates can be observed over a CAR range of 10-20. We note the CAR values for lower coincidence rates do not show an enhancement due to dark count rates >1 kHz in the single channel heralding detectors (see Table I).

The loss in each channel also varies due to differences in individual component losses required for interfacing and multiplexing: PPLN facet extraction efficiency (3 dB), laser written WDMs (3 dB), circulators and FBGs (3 dB), pump suppression filters (1 dB), polarisation controllers (1 dB), variable delays (1.5 dB), PLZT switch (1 dB) and bandpass filter (3.5 dB). Increasing the uniformity of these individual component losses and reducing them can significantly increase the overall source performance. The inefficiency of source 3 is mainly due to combined imperfections in the lithographic processes used for both the waveguide and periodic poling fabrication steps. The stability of the system can be improved by using index matching adhesives showing a reduced sensitivity to thermal fluctuations which stands as the limiting factor to the temporal stability. Ideally, the 1548 nm filter bandwidth should equate to the sum of the pump and the 1312 nm filter bandwidth, corrected by the phase-matching acceptance of the nonlinear waveguide. Any deviation from this results in a loss and reduction of the overall CAR and this factor has been estimated to be 0.5 in our case. By using a 200 GHz filter for the 1548 nm photons that factor could be improved.

We have interfaced PPLN waveguide based sources of photons with laser written waveguide circuits to produce four spatially separated heralded photons, tunable across the communications band of 1520-1580 nm. We show the feasibility of actively routing photons to pairs of outputs and a single output using electronically controlled switches. Our output photon rates are an order of magnitude higher than a previous integrated spatial multiplexing demonstration [12] and almost double the rate of a previous demonstration of integrated bidirectional multiplexing [22]. We have interfaced, simultaneously, the largest number of SPDC sources on a single chip which is comparable to bulk optic demonstrations [2]. This shows the practicality of hybrid integration for the preparation of single and multiple photon states. By increasing photon rates, while maintaining a fixed signal-to-noise ratio through multiplexing, we have demonstrated the scalability of our technique.

FIG. 1 .

 1 FIG. 1. (a) A picosecond laser pumped array of 4 identical PPLN waveguides, where a pair of FLDW chips couple light in and out of the device. (b) The output of the WDMs is sent to a multiplexing setup. Four single photon channels at 1310 nm, which are filtered by fibre Bragg gratings (FBG) and circulators (Circ), herald the arrival of 1550 nm photons. Radio frequency (RF) electronics control the switches for routing 1550 nm photons and polarisation controllers (PC) control the polarisation.

FIG. 2 .

 2 FIG. 2. The output spectra of the individual PPLN waveguide channels. Considering the bandwidth of the pump pulse and the length of the sample, the expected output bandwidth is 30 nm centred at 1550 nm. The colours correspond to individual PPLN channels 1 (black), 2 (green), 3 (dark green) and 4 (blue). The inset shows the change in central wavelength as a function of temperature.

FIG. 3 .

 3 FIG. 3. (a)Heralded photon rate vs. pump power for single channels and a 4-1 multiplexing scheme (b) CAR vs. coincidence rate for each single PPLN waveguide channel. (c) CAR vs. coincidences for multiplexing 2, 3 and 4 channels. Single channel 1 is shown for comparison. The solid lines in the graphs represent the predicted CAR obtained from Eq. 1 using data contained in Table1. The error bars are given by Poissonian photon statistics.

  Acknowledgement This research was conducted in part by the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for Ultrahigh bandwidth Devices for Optical Systems (CE110001018) and the Optofab node of the Australian National Fabrication Facility. We acknowledge financial support from the CNRS, the European ICT-2009.8.0 FET open project "QUANTIP" (grant 244026), the MARA, the Conseil R??gional PACA, the Australian Research Council DECRA program (DE130101148) and Chunle Xiong for detection apparatus from the DECRA program (DE120100226).

TABLE I .

 I Maximum measured CAR and calculated photon pair production rate excluding all loss, µ, from each PPLN channel, losses for idler and signal arms (ηI,S), heralding detector efficiency (ηDetector) and dark count rates (d Herald ) are shown for the multiplexing detection arrangement.

	Single channel	1	2	3	4
	µ (×10 -3 )	12.8 23.1 1.9 10.8
	Max. CAR	21 15 7 25
	ηI (dB incl detector) 19 21 26 20.5
	ηS (dB incl detector) 33 33.5 32 33.1
	ηDetector (%)	17.5 17.5 7.5 12.5
	d Herald (kHz)	1.8 1.5 2	1


PRIMARY SCHOOLS TEACHERS' CONCEPTIONS OF ENVIRONMENT. A COMPARISON BETWEEN AUSTRALIA AND FRANCE.

Frances Quinn (1) andPierre Clément (2) (1) University of New England, Armidale, Australia: fquinn@une.edu.au

(2) S2HEP, University Lyon 1, Université de Lyon, France Pierre.Clement@univ-lyon1.fr Abstract: Both Australia and France are similarly developed countries with comparable egalitarian societies but differ in some issues such as energy generation, agricultural and mining history, GMO cultivation, immigration. Both countries have implemented Education for a Sustainable Development (ESD) in their respective education systems. This paper explore primary teachers' conceptions of the environment, and how these relate to the broader national socio-scientific differences.

Using the questionnaire of the European research project Biohead-Citizen, we compared, by multivariate analyses, conceptions of 98 Australian and 272 French primary school teachers.

The Australian teachers' conceptions significantly differ from those of French teachers, mainly being more pro-GMO, more anthropocentric and believing more that some animals can feel happiness. The most anthropocentric and pro-GMO conceptions are correlated with more belief in God, practising religion, and trusting more in private than in public institutions, for schools, for health services and pensions. They also agree more with the propositions: "It is for biological reasons that women more often than men take care of housekeeping", "Ethnic groups are genetically different and that is why some are superior to others" and "There are too many foreigners in my country: the government should limit immigration". Some hypotheses are proposed to interpret these differences, such as resistance to GMOs in France and Australia's immigration history. The greater endorsement in the Australian sample of values against equality between men and women, or among ethnic groups, is more difficult to explain, but may possibly relate to education or to characteristics of the local sociopolitical contexts.

INTRODUCTION

Australia and France differ in relation to some socio-scientific issues likely to be associated with differences in environmental and socio-political views. For example, Australia was the last country to ratify the Kyoto protocol, is the world's largest coal exporter, and in contrast to France generates no nuclear power. Both countries have a strong agricultural sector, with Australia having rapidly cleared much of its native vegetation for agriculture and mining. Although GMO cultivation (of maize) has been banned in France, GM canola has just been introduced to cultivation in Australia. Australia has seen rapid large scale immigration since colonisation by Europeans only 223 years ago and currently 25% of the Australian population is foreign-born in comparison to 8.9% of the French population (OECD 2010). The gender gap in unpaid work is larger in Australia than France (Craig & Mullen 2010).

Education for Sustainable Development (ESD) is well implemented in the school curricula of the two countries. Australia has a very strong policy framework for ESD -although the extent to which this is implemented by schools is variable and arguably threatened by recent moves to national high-stakes literacy and numeracy testing. Environmental Education for Sustainability policy in Australia is also, on the face of it, more focused on values than in France (http://www.curriculum.edu.au/values). In France, Environmental Education has mainly been developed since the 90s, becoming in 2004 Environmental Education "to" and then "for" Sustainable Development, and ESD ("Education au Développement Durable") since 2007. In France as well as in Australia, the best examples of ESD are found in Primary Schools, where the same teacher can encompass all the dimensions of ESD, and there is more possibility of interdisciplinarity, and pedagogical innovations, than in the more tightly circumscribed secondary school systems.

RESEARCH QUESTIONS

In consequence, the present work aims to explore differences in Australian and French primary schools teachers' perceptions of nature, the environment and environmental education. Specifically we are investigating:

• their ethics and values relating to the utilization and/or preservation of the environment [START_REF] Wiseman | A higher-order model of ecological values and its relationship to personality[END_REF], corresponding to anthropocentric and / or ecocentric values;

• their opinions about genetically modified organisms (GMOs) and their use;

• their opinions about the ability of all animals to feel or not feel happiness;

• if the teachers' conceptions differ significantly according to variables such as gender, age, level of instruction, religion;

• whether there are correlations between the teachers' conceptions of environment and their socio-political and religious opinions, and their conceptions related to human rights and equality.

METHODS

We used the questionnaire constructed for the Biohead-Citizen research project (2004)(2005)(2006)(2007)(2008), where most of the questions are focused on possible interactions between scientific knowledge and values [START_REF] Clément | Biology, Health and Environmental Education for better Citizenship: teachers' conceptions and textbook analysis in 19 countries[END_REF]. Examples of questions will be given below with the results. Each teacher filled out the questionnaire in a totally anonymous context. The sample comprises 98 in-service and pre-service primary school teachers in Australia (New South Wales), and 272 in France (Rhône-Alpes and Languedoc-Roussillon). The data were analysed by multivariate analyses [START_REF] Munoz | Teachers' conceptions of nature and environment in 16 countries[END_REF], with the free software "R" and the collaboration of the statistician Charline Laurent).

MAIN RESULTS

A PCA (Principal Components Analysis), as well as a Hierarchical Ascendant Classification, defines 4 categories of conceptions of environment:

1 -A pole more focused on utilization of resources, with an anthropocentric ethic, and more acceptance of GMOs.

2 -An opposite pole more focused on preservation of environment, with an ecocentric ethic, and more reticence against GMOs.

Inside these two poles, there are two groups of conceptions, which differ according to whether teachers think that animals such as frogs, snails or flies can feel happiness or not.

A A Co-Inertia Analysis crossing the PCA from the variables Environment with a PCA from the socio-political and religious opinions shows that the most anthropocentric and pro-GMO conceptions are correlated with more believing in God, practising religion, and trusting more in private than in public institutions, for schools, for health services and pensions; and that these positions are more frequent in Australia than in France.

Another Co-Inertia Analysis crossing the PCA from the variables Environment with a PCA from the variables "human rights", shows a significant correlation: the teachers with the most anthropocentric and pro-GMO conceptions, also agree more often, for example, with the propositions A38 ("It is for biological reasons that women more often than men take care of housekeeping"), A35 ("Ethnic groups are genetically different and that is why some are superior to others") and A26 ("There are too many foreigners in my country: the government should limit immigration"): figure 1. That means that in Australia somewhat more teachers than in France wish to limit immigration (A26) and justify some inequality between men and women (A38) or between ethnic groups (A35) on biological grounds.

There are no significant differences among teachers' conceptions related to most of the other known parameters (gender, level of instruction, religion), except a little effect of age linked to the knowledge tested by item A49 -"If a person eats genetically modified plants, his/her genes can be modified". The younger the teachers, (in both Australia and France) the more they disagree with this proposition.

A38 -"It is for biological reasons that women more often than men take care of housekeeping" A35 -"Ethnic groups are genetically different and that is why some are superior to others" A26 -"There are too many foreigners in my country: the government should limit immigration"

DISCUSSION

Although the differences between Australian and French teachers are quite small, when compared to other countries in the world (see Clément & Caravita in this symposium, with the comparison between 24 countries), they are significant and raise several issues.

The finding that Australian primary teachers have significantly greater anthropocentric views with associated environmental utilisation ethic and acceptance of GMOs is likely to reflect broader national cultural differences outlined earlier in this paper, perhaps related to the relatively recent and lucrative history of utilisation of land for agriculture and mining in Australia. While GMOs are contentious in Australia, they are still being cultivated and there does not seem to have been the same widespread public opposition to the extent that has been experienced in France.

The Australian teachers' greater opposition to immigration may relate to the much higher proportion of immigrants in the Australian population and current concerns and media coverage about the arrival of 'illegal immigrants" and long standing fears of being "swamped by Asians".

More surprising is the greater number of conceptions in Australia justifying inequalities between men and women, and between ethnic groups on biological grounds. This raises the question whether this is a lack of biological knowledge, or also a justification of ideological positions on gender roles.

Figure 1 -

 1 Figure 1 -Answers of the 98 Australian teachers (AU) and of the 272 French teachers (FR)to the above propositions (in black: "I don't agree", in white: "I agree")

Table 1 -

 1 Between Analysis, completed by a randomisation test (Monte-Carlo type), shows that Australian teachers' conceptions significantly differ from those of French teachers (p<0.001), mainly being more pro-GMO for the four questions related to GMO (e.g. A12 & A39: table more anthropocentric (e.g. A32: table1) and believing more that animals such as frogs and snails can feel happy (e.g., A29: table 1). A somewhat larger proportion of Australian than French teachers think that Environmental Education should be more focused on providing knowledge than developing responsible behaviour (17.3% vs. 5.5%). Answers of the 98 Australian teachers and 272 French teachers to some of the propositions of the questionnaire.

	Country	I don't	I agree
		agree
	Australia 14.3% 27.6% 37.8% 20.4%

That fewer Australian than French teachers see Environmental Education as about developing responsible behaviour also signals a mismatch between the explicitly action-and behaviouroriented EE policies in Australia and what is happening in Australian classrooms.


Pierre Clément
email: pierre.clement@univ-lyon1.fr

Silvia Caravita
email: silvia.caravita@istc.cnr.it

Varga A ( Hungary

J ( Lithuania

DIVERSITY OF TEACHERS' CONCEPTIONS RELATED TO ENVIRONMENT AND HUMAN RIGHTS. A SURVEY IN 24 COUNTRIES

Keywords:

The environmental, social and economical dimensions of ESD include human rights as equality of all the human beings independently to their gender, ethnic group, religion or sexual orientation. To analyse teachers' conceptions on environment and on human rights, and to identify eventual links between them and with controlled parameters, a large survey has been done in 24 countries (8 749 teachers). The data are submitted to multivariate analyses.

In the less developed countries, the teachers' conceptions are more anthropocentric, less awareness of the problem of the limit of resources in our planet, and less reticent to use GMO (genetically modified organisms). These teachers are more believing in God, more practising religion, more for "a strong central power", "against the separation between science and religion". The priority of ESD in these countries is poverty and development, while it is to avoid wasting and excessive consumption in the most developed countries.

The teachers with the most anthropocentric conceptions more agree with these propositions: "It is for biological reasons that women more often than men take care of housekeeping" and "Ethnic groups are genetically different and that is why some are superior to others", and more disagree with: "Homosexual couples should have the same rights as heterosexual couples". These points illustrate that some socio-cultural traditions can differ from values of ESD (the universal human rights).

THEORETICAL BACKGROUND

Most of the countries include now ESD (Education for a Sustainable Development) in their national curricula, even if some of them still call it EE (Environmental Education, e.g. in Brazil or in Colombia, where EE already included social, economical and political dimensions), or EES (Environmental Education for Sustainability, e.g. in Australia) avoiding the word "Development" more understood as "Growth" than as a possible "Metamorphosis" of our societies. The topics of ESD are far to be limited to ecology or environmental problems; they also include the social and economical dimensions of SD (Sustainable Development, Brundtland report 1987), including human rights.

ESD is focused on learners' competences. « The conceptualization adopted in DeSeCo (OECD 2002) is holistic in the sense that it integrated and related external demands, individual attributes (including ethics and values) and context as essential elements of competent performance" (Rychen, 2004, page 21). In each competence, "knowledge (including tacit knowledge), motivation, capacities, attitudes, values, emotions, (are) mobilized for effective actions in particular contexts » (Rychen, 2004, page 22).

The values underlying ESD were categorized in diverse works (synthesis in [START_REF] Caravita | Construction and validation of textbook analysis grids for ecology and environmental education[END_REF]. Several of these values are also underlying Education for All, Education to Citizenship and Human Rights : e.g. for the equality of all the human beings independently to their gender, ethnic group, religion or sexual orientation (UNESCO, 2009, page 9). Other values, more focused on Environment and Sustainability, are specific to ESD.

ESD is facing a paradoxical injunction, taking into account the local socio-cultural specificities, but also universal values (mainly scientific and citizenship values). To face this question, we did an international survey implying different socio-cultural contexts. Our research is trying to identify eventual interactions between scientific knowledge and values in teachers' conceptions (as suggested by the KVP model: Clément 2006, analysing conceptions as possible interactions between scientific knowledge, K, values, V and social practices, P), and the present communication is focused on the analysis of eventual correlations between values related to environment and those related to some human rights.

RESEARCH QUESTION

What are the teachers' conceptions, and mainly their values implied in competencies for ESD, in a variety of different countries? More precisely, is there some correlation between their values related to environment (as ecocentric or anthropocentric ethics) and their values related to some human rights as equality among all the human beings, independently to their gender, ethnic group, sexual orientation, or religion?

METHODS

The teachers' conceptions were analysed from their anonymous answers to a large questionnaire elaborated by the Biohead-Citizen project (Biology, Health and Environmental Education for better Citizenship, 2004Citizenship, -2008)), elaborated and validated collectively during two years, using previous interviews, pilot test, etc [START_REF] Clément | Biology, Health and Environmental Education for better Citizenship: teachers' conceptions and textbook analysis in 19 countries[END_REF]. 27 questions are related to nature, environment and environmental education, other questions are dealing with the eventual biological justification of differences related to the gender, to ethnic groups or to sexual orientation; other questions concern personal information, including political and religious opinions. We present here only some results of the survey.

In each country, the sampling was well balanced: 1/3 primary schools teachers; 1/3 secondary schools teachers of biology; and 1/3 secondary schools teachers of language. In each sample, there were half of in-service teachers, and half of pre-service teachers (end of their training). The countries were chosen from their diversity: 18 for the Biohead-Citizen project (13 in all Europe, 4 in Arabic countries and 1 in sub-Saharan Africa). More recently, were added 2 other European countries (Denmark and Serbia), 2 countries of sub-Saharan Africa (Burkina-Faso and Cameroun), Brazil and Australia. The number of the interviewed teachers in each of the 24 countries is indicated below on the figures 1 and 2 (total = 8 749).

The distribution of answers inside each of the 24 countries can be illustrated by histograms as below in figures 1 and 2. The data were analysed with different multivariate analyses (presented in other works as in [START_REF] Munoz | Teachers' conceptions of nature and environment in 16 countries[END_REF]. A between analysis was used to identify the answers which discriminate the most the countries, and a test of randomisation (Monte Carlo type) shows that the difference among the countries is very significant (p < 0.0001). A Co-Inertia analysis correlates the PCA from the questions related to environment with the PCA from questions related to the teachers' socio-political and religious opinions. Another Co-Inertia Analysis correlates the environmental variables with those related to some human rights (equality men -women, among ethnic groups, etc.). The 24 countries very significantly differ from several questions related to teachers' conceptions on utilisation of the environment (Several questions concerning teachers'conceptions on utilization of the environment make the difference mong the 24 countries:): as questions A16 (figure 1: "Our planet has unlimited natural resources"), A17 ("Society will continue to solve even the biggest environmental problems"), A18 ("Human beings are more important than other living beings"), A39 ("Genetically modified plants are good for the environment because their cultivation will reduce the use of chemical pesticides (e.g. insecticides, herbicides)").

Globally, teachers of the less developed countries have more anthropocentric conceptions, being less awareness than their colleagues from other countries of the problem of the limit of resources in our planet, and less reticent to use GMO (genetically modified organisms). These conceptions probably can be related with the importance of poverty in these countries, and the urgent necessity of a better economical development. The implementation of ESD in these countries has to take into account this specificity, not using the same situations as in developed countries where inverse problems are a priority (to avoid wasting and excessive consumption).

The first Co-Inertia Analysis shows a significant correlation between the same environmental variables (anthropocentric values) and some religious and socio-political parameters. The teachers having the most anthropocentric conceptions are the most believing in God and practicing religion, independently to the religion (e.g. in figure 1, A16 : most of the teachers in Cameroon are Christian, while >90% of them are Muslim in Senegal). Politically, these teachers are more for "a strong central power", "against the separation between science and religion", and for "laws to help firms". All these parameters are probably linked to the low level of development correlated with stronger religious practices.

The second Co-Inertia Analysis shows another set of correlations. The teachers with the most anthropocentric conceptions more agree, for instance, with the propositions A38 (figure 2: "It is for biological reasons that women more often than men take care of housekeeping") and A35 ("Ethnic groups are genetically different and that is why some are superior to others"), and more disagree with A41 ("Homosexual couples should have the same rights as heterosexual couples"). The biological justification of superiority of men or of some ethnic groups is today considered as ideological and not scientific; as an interaction KV (knowledge and values) justifying some still actual social practices (P). Why is it so present in teachers' conceptions in Arabic countries, but also in sub-Saharan Africa, and in countries of North and East Europe? These points, as other comments of the figures 1 and 2, and of all our results, will be presented and discussed in a larger publication. They illustrate that some sociocultural traditions can differ from some values of ESD (the universal human rights).

Figure 1 -Figure 2 -

 12 Figure 1 -Answers of the 8 749 teachers (grouped by country) to the questions A16 -"Our planet has unlimited natural resources"


DEVELOPMENT OF COMPETENCES AND CONDITIONS FOR GOOD PRACTICES IN ESD. A QUALITATIVE INTERNATIONAL SURVEY

Silvia Caravita (1) andPierre Clément (2) (1) CNR Roma (Italy), silvia.caravita@istc.cnr.it

(2) S2HEP, University Lyon 1, Université de Lyon (France), Pierre.Clement@univ-lyon1.fr Abstract: The concept of competence is still controversial. An operational definition in the educational field considers competence « holistic in the sense that it integrates and relates external demands, individual attributes (including ethics and values) and context as essential elements of competent performance". Each competence emerges from the interaction among « knowledge (including tacit knowledge), motivation, capacities, attitudes, values, emotions, mobilized for effective actions in particular contexts ».

Our qualitative analysis identified competencies expected by projects of Education for Sustainable Development and the conditions for their development. Reports about "good practices" of UNESCO associated schools and an inventory of case studies in Italian Secondary Schools have been analysed to highlight the five learning pillars (to know, to do, to be, to live together and to transform) pursued by these experiences. The specific competencies were matched with a list of ESD themes, and with phases of realization of projects aimed at producing some change in the close life-environment.

The development of the teachers' competencies seems to largely occur in parallel with the actualization of the experiences; teachers' and students' motivation appear mutually contagious and certainly play an important role.

The integration of disciplinary knowledge in real life problems, and the identification of unifying trans-disciplinary conceptual networks, need attention.

Key-Words: Education for Sustainable Development -Competencies -School practices

THEORETICAL BACKGROUND

The concept of competence is still controversial and even more so, its application in the real curriculum is far from being consistent with its potential innovative drive, as highlighted by the opinions and experiences expressed by the participants from 46 countries in the E-Forum on Approaches by Competencies (2006).

Conceptual and procedural knowledge were viewed as separate and independent cognitive competences in the solution of problems before being inter-related in a model of development in which either one or the other may develop first and influence the other depending on the experiences offered by the context to the learners [START_REF] Sophian | Beyond competence : the significance of performance for conceptual development[END_REF]. "Conceptual knowledge may guide their attention to relevant features of the problem and help them to organize their information in their representation of the problems. This well-chosen problem representation may then support generation and use of effective procedures" [START_REF] Rittle-Johnson | Developing conceptual understanding and procedural skill in Mathematics : an iterative process[END_REF] The initial tendency in cognitive sciences was to discriminate among ways of defining competencies which focused on cognition or performance or on knowledge domain (specific or general). The DeSeCo project achieved a consensus on an operational definition of competence in the educational field: « holistic in the sense that it integrates and relates external demands, individual attributes (including ethics and values) and context as essential elements of competent performance". Each competence emerges from the interaction among cognitive and practical abilities : « knowledge (including tacit knowledge), motivation, capacities, attitudes, values, emotions, mobilized for effective actions in particular contexts ». In addition to cognitive competencies, competence-related motivation plays a very important role.

The competent handling of a situation constitutes the principal criterion for evaluating situated competence [START_REF] Jonnaert | Revisiting the Concept of Competence as an Organizing Principle for Programs of Study: From Competence to Competent Action[END_REF]. Therefore, in a competency-based curriculum, exit profiles specify the classes of situations that learners must be able to handle competently by the end of their education.

RESEARCH QUESTIONS

The design of ESD strategies promoted by UNESCO is based on the integration among three dimensions: environmental, social and economical situated in cultural contexts, and on a constructivist perspective about teaching/learning that aims at developing learning to know, to do, to be, to live together, to transform The relevance of this interaction among knowledge, values and attitudes and practices is widely acknowledged by the educational systems as the fertile humus for the growth of competencies, but countries have specific priorities concerning the expected competencies. Many of the competencies envisaged for ESD correspond to the key-competences for education: act autonomously, use physical and socio-cultural tools (symbolic languages among them) for effectively interacting with life-environment, with others in heterogeneous groups, for participating as active citizen. But other competencies are strictly linked with the objectives and pedagogical approach of ESD that makes multi-disciplinarity, systemic and critical thinking the core of its actions.

Our research wants to explore which kinds of students' and teachers' competencies are potentially developed by the ESD projects in the actual school practice. To which extent are they specific of cultural contexts? Which are the features of the projects and the conditions in which they are enacted that teachers assumed to be effective for the growth of competencies? Can they be assessed? Which recommendations might be generalized for the diffusion of ESD ad also the transfer of its strategies to other areas of curricular teaching?

METHODS

Our study is a bottom up investigation carried out through a qualitative analysis of reports about ESD projects. We have concentrated on Secondary School projects and given priority to the variety of themes treated. Our sources of information are:

-UNESCO selections of "good ESD practices" that collect the reports written by the teachers following a predefined grid. The projects belong to five regional areas (Africa, Arabian area, Asia and Pacific area, Europe and North America, Latin American and Caribbean area)

-Inventories of case studies in the Italian Secondary Education collected by direct contacts with the coordinators of the projects.

The reports for each school project have been analysed by filling up a table as the one inserted below (most of the work was done in French). Twenty projects have been presently analysed. Ten Italian ESD experiences have been identified and the teachers who coordinate these projects have been interviewed to highlight their conceptions of competencies and of the positive and negative factors influencing the ESD activities in schools. The analysis of these interviews is still in progress.

Our formulation of the competencies that the students have possibly built has to be considered as an a-posteriori emergent construct, because it synthesizes the information contained in the table and the description of the pedagogical approach of the project.

The competencies have been clustered by ESD themes to highlght the aspects that were privileged; they have also been organized within a framework that links the competencies to different modalities of students' participation in the projects.

PRELIMINARY RESULTS

The examined projects document the great creativity and dynamism of the engaged teachers and schools. The development of the teachers' competencies seems to largely occur in parallel with the actualization of this kind of experiences because teachers' and students' motivation appear mutually contagious and certainly play an important role.

Actions aimed at introducing changes in the local environment, in making the school a point of reference and a resource for the community, make the goals of most of the experiences. The challenges faced by these goals, individually and collectively accepted, are at the origin of the high motivation: there are no pre-existing answers to the questions, everyone is intellectually and operatively engaged.

It is interesting to underline that the reports of the projects rarely use the term of competence to specify either what is envisaged either which were the results attained by the learning processes. We considered the competencies as the eventual integration of the five kinds of learning that were more or less explicitly indicated in the reports. We reproduce here an example from our report for the UNESCO (Clément and Caravita, 2011, p. 65): Motivations: willingness to share with others, interest in diversities, motivation to go beyond the surface of facts, availability to be involved in concrete social actions and policies Competencies: competence to make explicit the prejudices that undermine the cohesion of local society (racism, integralism, injustice, …); higher awareness of the factors which require a responsible engagement at the individual and social level to contribute to build a more sustainable future; capacity to communicate, to understand and to cooperate with other members of the community with openmindedness and appreciation for diversity; better understanding of the interdependence between ways of living and environmental quality.

Table N°11,
We found clear evidence that the competencies are cued by and coherent with the context itself, its demands, the situations/problems which are identified or which are created by the pedagogical approach. Therefore to formulate the competencies in general terms seems to erase the many important variations that distinguish the school class experiences among them when engaged in similar projects (without mentioning the individual differences). Listing standard ESD competences might result in a sterile exercise, even if it appears necessary for orienting the design and assessment of projects.

The activities planned by the teachers are finalised to "problems for sustainability and search for solutions " but the projects may involve the students in different phases of this process, therefore the contribution of the types of learning in building the competencies may differ. The students can mainly have the role of participants in "models" of action, or of designers of possible solutions, or of actors in the operational translation of projects. We therefore framed the competencies in categories [START_REF] Clément | Education pour le Développement Durable (EDD) et compétences des élèves dans l'enseignement secondaire -Une étude commandée par l'UNESCO[END_REF] that may help to reflect on how knowledge, abilities and values can be implicated in different ways.

One critical point in teachers' mediation, in fact, seems to be how to regulate the interaction among these components consistently with the purposes of the ESD project, how to capitalize on motivation and emotions as magnifiers of cognition. The integration of disciplinary knowledge in real life problems, the identification of unifying trans-disciplinary networks are issues which demand for greater attention in teachers' education and in the curricula.

  Accademia de Averroes Peace Programme, Pakistan Context: Communities where students experience the consequences of cultural and religious prejudices Knowledge: knowledge about cultures and religions of the social groups composing the community; awareness of the interconnections among discrimination, economic deprivation and social marginalization; understanding the interdependence between environmental and human health Cognitive abilities: ability to give meaning to cultural diversities, ability to search for relationships among socio-economic, cultural and environmental dimensions in contexts, critical thinking; ability to de-contextualize and generalize problems Practical abilities: abilities for establishing positive social relationships with different members of the community, skills for cooperating in actions of social solidarity, communication skills Attitudes: curiosity, openness, trust Emotions: empathy, appreciation, satisfaction, self-esteem, self-confidence Values and ethics: responsibility, valuing diversity, pursuing the ideal of justice


Richard Meunier

Alphonse Torres

Matthew Charles

Erwan Morvan

Marc Plissonnier

Frédéric Morancho

AlGaN/GaN MIS-HEMT gate structure improvement using Al2O3 deposited by PEALD

à la diffusion de documents scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, émanant des établissements d'enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés.

Toulouse, France

AlGaN /GaN heterostructures are very promising for the elaboration of high-power and high frequency devices because of their excellent electrical properties such as a high breakdown voltage, a high electron saturation velocity and a high mobility of the 2D electron gas. The Metal Insulator Semiconductor (MIS) gate structure with the introduction of high dielectric constant (high-k) materials as a gate dielectric represents one of the most promising ways to achieve viable power electronic devices [1,[START_REF] Maeda | Microelec. Proceedings of SPIE[END_REF]. Among various insulators commonly used in the world of microelectronics, Al 2 O 3 is mostly used for its deposition simplicity and has already lead to obtaining very good results, though it often needs post deposition treatments and surface pre-conditioning [START_REF] Saadat | Solid-State Device Research Conference[END_REF].

This work is focused on the capacitance/voltage C(V) and drain-current/gate-voltage I d (V g ) measurements analysis for two different atomic layer deposition (ALD) techniques. In both cases, tri-methyl aluminum (TMA) was used as a precursor, but in one case water is used as oxidizer while oxygen plasma is used in the other. MESA etching isolation and ohmic contacts using Ti/Al annealed at 900°C were realized before a 10nm Al 2 O 3 deposition, and a Cr/Au gate was used. The C(V) measurement were carried out on 400µm diameter diodes and Id(Vg) measurements were performed on 1mm width circular transistors with a 100µm gate length.

As we can see in Fig. 1, two distinct behaviors appeared depending on the oxidation process used during the ALD. The one using H 2 O showed a stepped C(V) curve while the one using oxygen plasma led to a smooth and steep non-stepped on/off transition. The threshold voltage (V th ) was also increased from ~9V to ~5V. In the latter case, the same sharp behavior and steady capacitance below V th was also obtained for frequencies as low as 1kHz, while the H 2 O samples led to negative capacitance below 50kHz.

Regarding I d (V g ) measurements, we see in Fig. 2 the same increase in V th as before, as well as a drastic gate leakage current (I leak ) reduction for the plasma oxidized sample. We were thus able to obtain a threshold slope of 80mA/decades between the on and off state.

Regarding C(V) and I d (V g ) results, the V th improvement can be linked to a reduction of trapped charges through the O 2 -plasma ALD deposition technique compared to H 2 O ALD. Furthermore, the better quality of the O 2 -plasma oxide is confirmed by stable low frequency measurements, while the negative capacitance with H 2 O deposition is characteristic of a leaky behavior.

Those trapped charges can be associated to the carbon contamination of the AlGaN surface. The improvement of the results between the two deposition techniques may come from a better carbon removal at the surface during the first cycles of plasma assisted ALD. This was confirmed through XPS analysis. If we look at Fig. 3, we can see the carbon level using PEALD is lower than the one for thermal ALD for samples with the same thickness of high-k deposited. Comparing to the AlGaN reference, the carbon level is slightly higher after high-k deposition due to a residue of CH 3 inside the Al 2 O 3 coming from the TMA precursor. As for the stepped behavior in the C(V) curves, it can be associated to a detachment at the gate periphery as shown on fig4. XPS analysis of thick Al 2 O 3 layers has also shown that CH 3 removal is more efficient using PEALD.

In this study, we have shown that using O 2 -plasma instead of water during the oxidation steps of the Al 2 O 3 ALD deposition drastically improves our device performances (threshold voltage and gate leakage current). Furthermore, these good results can be easily achieved without any specific surface preparation or postdeposition treatments.

Fig. 1 :

 1 Fig. 1 : C(V) measurements for MIS diodes with 10nm Al 2 O 3 deposited by thermal and plasma enhanced ALD .

Fig. 2 :Fig. 3 :

 23 Fig. 2 : I d (V g ) measurements for circular transistors with 10nmAl 2 O 3 deposited by thermal and plasma enhanced ALD .AlGaN : C 1s

AlGaN/GaN MIS-HEMT Gate Structure Improvement Using Al 2 O 3 Deposited by PEALD

  R. Meunier 1 , A. Torres 1 , M. Charles 1 , E. Morvan 1 , M. Plissonier 1 , F. Morancho 2

1 CEA-Leti, LC2E, 17 Rue des Martyrs, 38054 Grenoble Cedex 9, France 2 LAAS-CNRS, 7 Avenue du Colonel Roche, 31400