PhD Pascal David
email: pascal17david@gmail.com

Jérémy Terrien

Michel Petitjean

Postural-and respiratory-related activities of abdominal muscles during post-exercise hyperventilation

Keywords: Electromyography, biomechanics, postural control, respiration

The present study focuses on the role of superficial abdominal muscles revealed by electromyographic recordings during the maintenance of a bipedal stance perturbed by postexercise hyperventilation. Twelve healthy subjects performed six 30-second postural tests: one pre-exercise test while breathing quietly, then one test every minute for the five minutes immediately following a maximum-intensity, incremental cycling exercise test. Displacement of the centre of pressure in the sagittal plane was monitored over time. Myoelectric activities of the obliquus externus (OE), obliquus internus (OI) and rectus abdominis (RA) muscles were recorded by surface electromyography (EMG). Metabolic parameters were measured with a portable telemetric device. The change in ventilatory drive induced by exercise was accompanied by a significant increase in both postural sway parameters and EMG activities.

For OE and OI, the increased EMG activities were prominent during expiration, whereas OI was silent during inspiration. OE and RA were activated during both expiration and inspiration. It is concluded that the compensation of respiratory disturbances of the erect posture appears to be less effective when minute ventilation increases. The patterns of muscle activity suggest that abdominal muscles are controlled differentially and that their functional coordination is dependent on the respiratory demand.

The ability to maintain balance plays a fundamental role in motor programming. In many physical and sporting activities, this ability is considered as a key factor for supporting voluntary movement [START_REF] Bouisset | Posture, dynamic stability, and voluntary movement[END_REF]. In addition to gravity and other external forces, internal forces related to voluntary movement and cardiorespiratory activities may disturb postural stability.

In an upright stance at rest, it is well known that quiet breathing perturbs body balance in the sagittal and frontal planes, and that the effects of compensatory motions of the trunk and lower limbs are more pronounced in the sagittal plane [START_REF] Hodges | Coexistence of stability and mobility in postural control: evidence from postural compensation for respiration[END_REF]. When the respiratory demand increases, the deeper and faster rib cage movements lead to greater postural sways, which seem to be more compensated by the postural control system when respiration is under automatic control, suggesting the existence of functional links between respiration and postural control centres [START_REF] Hodges | Coexistence of stability and mobility in postural control: evidence from postural compensation for respiration[END_REF][START_REF] David | Postural control and ventilatory drive during voluntary hyperventilation and carbon dioxide rebreathing[END_REF].

Abdominal muscles that constitute the anterolateral wall of the abdomen contribute significantly to postural control [START_REF] Urquhart | Postural activity of the abdominal muscles varies between regions of these muscles and between body positions[END_REF]. In an upright stance, De Troyer [START_REF] Troyer | Mechanical role of the abdominal muscles in relation to posture[END_REF] reported tonic abdominal muscle activity, reflecting the antigravitational function of these muscles. Due to their anatomical arrangement, the abdominal muscles have distinguishable actions on trunk movement, and thus, have an important role in the control and movement of the lumbar spine and pelvis [START_REF] Hodges | Abdominal mechanism and support of the lumbar spine and pelvis[END_REF]. In addition, abdominal muscles participate in a wide range of postural adjustments, for instance, they are activated to preserve the whole body balance in response to external biomechanical perturbations [START_REF] Horak | Central programming of postural movements: adaptation to altered support-surface configurations[END_REF]. They can also be activated prior to the onset of voluntary movements to compensate predictable movement-related postural disturbances [START_REF] Hodges | Contraction of the abdominal muscles associated with movement of the lower limb[END_REF].

In addition to their contribution to postural activities, abdominal muscles also contribute to respiration [START_REF] De Troyer | Action of the respiratory muscles[END_REF]. The myoelectric activities of these muscles are reduced during quiet breathing because expiration depends primarily on the elastic recoil of the respiratory system. However, abdominal muscles become increasingly active and show phasic, A c c e p t e d M a n u s c r i p t expiratory-related activity in parallel with increasing peripheral oxygen demand due to exercise [START_REF] Campbell | The behaviour of the abdominal muscles and the intraabdominal pressure during quiet breathing and increased pulmonary ventilation; a study in man[END_REF][START_REF] Abraham | Respiratoryrelated activation of human abdominal muscles during exercise[END_REF]. By their contraction, they contribute to the regulation of the end-expiratory lung volume and expiratory airflow, and assist inspiration by regulating the length of the diaphragm [START_REF] Troyer | Mechanical role of the abdominal muscles in relation to posture[END_REF][START_REF] Henke | Regulation of end-expiratory lung volume during exercise[END_REF]. Thus, abdominal muscles are generally regarded as the principal muscles of active expiration.

Several studies have investigated the strategies used by the central nervous system (CNS) to adequately coordinate the postural and respiratory functions of abdominal muscles during daily activities [START_REF] Hodges | Coordination of the respiratory and locomotor activities of the abdominal muscles during walking in humans[END_REF][START_REF] Saunders | Postural and respiratory activation of the trunk muscles changes with mode and speed of locomotion[END_REF]. From these studies, it seems that: (i) both postural and respiratory functions can be performed simultaneously; and (ii) the CNS seems to be able to prioritize one function over the other if necessary. In this context, high-intensity physical activity represents a physiological challenge for the CNS; it requires rapid adjustments of respiratory function essential for the maintenance of blood gas homeostasis, as well as the involvement of the postural control system to compensate for respiratory-related postural disturbances [START_REF] Hodges | Coexistence of stability and mobility in postural control: evidence from postural compensation for respiration[END_REF][START_REF] David | Postural control and ventilatory drive during voluntary hyperventilation and carbon dioxide rebreathing[END_REF]. Accordingly, the aim of this study was to investigate the influence of postexercise hyperventilation on the recruitment of the abdominal muscles during standing in healthy young adults. The increased metabolic and postural sway parameters expected following a cycling exercise test [START_REF] Vuillerme | Effects of a 200 W-15 min cycling exercise on postural control during quiet standing in healthy young adults[END_REF][START_REF] David | Leg muscles activities during hyperventilation following a cycling exercise[END_REF] should reveal the abdominal activation strategies selected by the CNS to appropriately manage postural disturbances and respiratory demand.

Materials and Methods

Participants

Twelve healthy university students participated in this study (10 males and 2 females; mean age: 20.6 ± 1.8 yrs; mean weight: 69.2 ± 9 kg; mean height: 1.7 ± 0.1 m). All subjects had been fully informed of the experiment's aims and procedure (in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki) and gave their written consent. None of them had any known A c c e p t e d M a n u s c r i p t 5 diseases or injuries that might have impaired balance or respiration. In order to evaluate the subjects' pulmonary capacity, routine spirometric tests using a Fleisch pneumotachograph (Masterlab, Jaeger, France) were performed by the same experimenter. The normality of parameters such as tidal volume (V T ) or vital capacity (VC) was judged according to the reference values proposed by the European Respiratory Society [START_REF]Volumes pulmonaires et débits ventilatoires forcés[END_REF].

Data collection

A piezoelectric force plate (type 9281, Kistler AG, Winterthur, Switzerland) was used to continuously record the displacement of the centre of pressure (CoP). Since respiratory movements mainly concern the sagittal plane, we only considered the anteroposterior displacement of the CoP (CoP A-P ). The force plate signal was sampled at 1,000 Hz using a 12bit analogue-to-digital converter (Daq Card AI-16E-4, National Instruments, Austin, TX) and then stored on a computer for off-line processing. Electromyographic (EMG) signals were recorded unilaterally from the right obliquus externus (OE) abdominis, right obliquus internus (OI) abdominis and right rectus abdominis (RA) muscles in a bipolar mode using two 8-mm-diameter silver chloride surface electrodes (Beckman, Fullerton, CA). Pairs of electrodes (centre-to-centre spacing: 20 mm) were placed about 2 cm lateral to the midline and 1 cm above the umbilicus for the RA, 15 cm lateral to the umbilicus for the OE and 1 cm medial to the anterior superior iliac spine (ASIS) and beneath a line joining both ASISs for the OI, following SENIAM recommendations [START_REF] Hermens | Development of recommendations for SEMG sensors and sensor placement procedures[END_REF].

Impedance of the skin-electrode interface was maintained below 5 kΩ. A ground electrode was placed over the sternum. Surface EMG electrodes were connected to a bipolar multichannel amplifier (Gould 6600, Gould Electronics, Cleveland, Ohio), with a bandwidth frequency ranging from 10 to 500 Hz and the gain adjusted to between 1,000 and 5,000.

Experimental procedure

Subjects performed a total of 6 postural tests, each corresponding to the maintenance of a bipedal stance for 30 s with their eyes open. Subjects were asked to stand barefoot on the force plate, relax with their arms hanging alongside the trunk and focus on a target placed 2 m in front of the subject at eye level. The foot position was standardized by placing foot prints on the force plate. The foot prints were drawn so that the respective longitudinal axes formed a 30° angle and intersected the force plate's anteroposterior axis, with the heels 2 cm apart. A reference test (pre-effort postural test) was carried out in quiet conditions prior to a maximal incremental cycling exercise (ICE) test. The exercise testing procedure has been described previously in detail [START_REF] David | Leg muscles activities during hyperventilation following a cycling exercise[END_REF]. Briefly, the exercise test was performed on a friction-loaded cycle ergometer (Monark 824E, Stockholm, Sweden). The increase in workload was individualized minutes (PEPT 1 to PEPT 4 ).

Data analysis

Off-line signal processing was performed in Matlab 6.

Results

Effects of ICE on metabolic and postural parameters

The mean maximal power output produced by the subjects at the end of ICE was 249.6 ± 49.9 W. As shown in Table 1, measurements taken at PEPT 0, immediately following ICE, prompted a significant increase in all cardiorespiratory parameters (p < 0.01). Significant increases in postural sway parameters were also observed (p < 0.05). The analysis of the CoP A-P signal immediately after ICE showed that CoP A-P displacement was cyclical (Fig. 2).

The simultaneous recording of the mechanical and respiration signals revealed displacements of CoP A-P backwards during inspiration and correspondingly forwards during expiration. All cardiorespiratory and postural parameters remained significantly higher (p < 0.05) 4 minutes after ICE, with the exception of ∆x, which returned to pre-effort values two minutes after ICE. Although no phasic abdominal EMG activity was observed during the pre-effort postural test (Fig. 4A), the activity of these muscles recorded immediately after ICE clearly displayed phasic bursts, especially with OE and OI. A typical time course of respiration and abdominal EMG recordings is illustrated in Fig. 4B. From the mean patterns of EMG activity (calculated across all analogous respiratory cycles), the results showed that phasic bursts of OA and OI EMG activities occurred simultaneously with expiration (Fig. 2). From the whole group, quantification of EMG activities within the respiratory cycle revealed a significant (p < 0.05) increase in RMS values for all three abdominal muscles during expiration (Fig. 3B). For OE and RA, the results also showed a significant (p < 0.05) increase in RMS values during inspiration, yet these increases were less pronounced, especially for OE (p < 0.05).

Abdominal muscle activities

Discussion

The results show that post-exercise hyperventilation in standing posture involves: (i) a periodic movement of the CoP that is time-locked to respiration; and (ii) different abdominal muscle activation strategies.

Abdominal muscles are thought to contribute to respiration, particularly if the oxygen demand is increased by exercise. Indeed, previous studies have reported respiratory-related abdominal muscle activity thresholds for minute ventilation equal to or greater than 40 L/min [START_REF] Campbell | The behaviour of the abdominal muscles and the intraabdominal pressure during quiet breathing and increased pulmonary ventilation; a study in man[END_REF][START_REF] Abraham | Respiratoryrelated activation of human abdominal muscles during exercise[END_REF]. Persistent EMG activity in abdominal muscles throughout the post-exercise recovery for minute ventilation values above 40 L/min suggests that these muscles played an important role in respiration. Although pulmonary ventilation remained significantly higher one minute especially OE and OI. These results are in good agreement with those obtained in previous work [START_REF] Henke | Regulation of end-expiratory lung volume during exercise[END_REF], where increases in intra-abdominal and intra-thoracic pressures at the end of expiration during heavy exercises were reported, suggesting the stiffening of the abdomen by abdominal muscle contraction.

The comparison of muscle activation patterns between abdominal muscles showed that only OE and RA were activated during inspiration. Several possible explanations could account for the selective activation of these muscles during inspiration. During high-intensity physical activity, the OE and RA muscles could be stretched with the greater excursion of the rib cage motion as attested by the backward CoP displacement and value of V T /VC measured in this study, resulting in a muscle stretch reflex. Therefore, the activity of these muscles would increase during inspiration, presumably to maintain upright posture as suggested previously by Beith and Harrison [START_REF] Beith | Stretch reflexes in human abdominal muscles[END_REF]. Another possible explanation involves the gradual, controlled relaxation of the abdominal muscles during inspiration, known to prevent rib cage distortion and to assist diaphragmatic function by providing agonist-antagonist muscles cooperation [START_REF] Kenyon | Rib cage mechanics during quiet breathing and exercise in humans[END_REF]. Lastly, the increase in RA myoelectric activity observed during both inspiration and expiration could express a specific postural strategy, intended to enhance the stiffness and stability of the trunk by increasing intra-abdominal pressure [START_REF] Hodges | Intra-abdominal pressure response to multidirectional support-surface translation[END_REF]. The levels of activity in the OE and RA muscles, which remained significantly higher 4 minutes after ICE despite minute ventilation values below 40 L/min, suggest that their contribution was dedicated to postural regulation rather than respiratory supply. In healthy upright subjects at rest, the respiratory-related postural disturbances are compensated by motion of the trunk and lower limbs that are phase-locked to respiration [START_REF] Hodges | Coexistence of stability and mobility in postural control: evidence from postural compensation for respiration[END_REF].

However, the degree to which the respiratory disturbances are compensated has been shown

to depend on various factors, including mobility of the postural chain [START_REF] Kantor | Does body stability depend on postural chain mobility or stability area?[END_REF] and low back pain [START_REF] Hamaoui | Does respiration perturb body balance more in chronic low back pain subjects than in healthy subjects?[END_REF]. Our results show that the degree of compensation also depends on the respiratory demand. Indeed, standing subjects displayed CoP A-P displacements of greater amplitude, backwards during inspiration and correspondingly forwards during expiration, suggesting a reduced postural compensation for respiration when breathing at high levels of minute ventilation. These results are consistent with previous studies that report a higher coherence between respiratory movement and CoP displacement with increased respiration [START_REF] Hodges | Coexistence of stability and mobility in postural control: evidence from postural compensation for respiration[END_REF][START_REF] David | Leg muscles activities during hyperventilation following a cycling exercise[END_REF]. It this context, it was suggested that the lumbar spine and pelvis (for which the abdominal muscles play an important role in their control and movement [START_REF] Hodges | Abdominal mechanism and support of the lumbar spine and pelvis[END_REF]) are considered as a key factor for compensating for respiratory disturbances [START_REF] Hodges | Coexistence of stability and mobility in postural control: evidence from postural compensation for respiration[END_REF][START_REF] Kantor | Does body stability depend on postural chain mobility or stability area?[END_REF]. Thus, a decreased postural compensation to respiration could be due to changes affecting postural and respiratory activation of the abdominal muscles. Previous studies have shown dual modulation of trunk muscle activity with regard to respiration and posture [START_REF] Saunders | Postural and respiratory activation of the trunk muscles changes with mode and speed of locomotion[END_REF][START_REF] Hodges | Postural activity of the diaphragm is reduced in humans when respiratory demand increases[END_REF]. Based on these studies, a lower contribution to the maintenance of posture by the OE and OI muscles immediately after the cessation of cycling exercise could account for a reduced postural compensation for respiration [START_REF] Hodges | Coexistence of stability and mobility in postural control: evidence from postural compensation for respiration[END_REF], and thus the greater postural oscillations measured in the present study.

The posturographic and EMG examinations associated with breathing pattern analysis reflect the complex and multivariate strategies used by the CNS to adequately coordinate the postural and respiratory functions of the abdominal muscles. As evidenced by the patterns of muscle activity, the present data suggest that: (i) both postural and respiratory functions can be performed simultaneously; and (ii) the CNS seems able to prioritize one function over the other when respiration increases, suggesting a selective coordination between the rhythmical A c c e p t e d M a n u s c r i p t 12 respiratory drive and the postural drive to the abdominal muscles. This supports the observations reported by Hodges et al. [START_REF] Hodges | Postural activity of the diaphragm is reduced in humans when respiratory demand increases[END_REF], Saunders et al. [START_REF] Saunders | Postural and respiratory activation of the trunk muscles changes with mode and speed of locomotion[END_REF] and more recently by David et al. [START_REF] David | Postural control and ventilatory drive during voluntary hyperventilation and carbon dioxide rebreathing[END_REF], which showed that different respiratory drives impact postural control differently, at least at the ankle level. Otherwise, if our results reinforce the existence of functional links between respiration and postural control centres, the strategies used by the CNS could also be influenced by the state of functional systems involved in the movement [START_REF] Bouisset | Posturo-kinetic capacity and postural function in voluntary movements[END_REF]. Reduced posturo-kinetic capacity, through physiological limitations of the coordination of the postural and respiratory functions of the trunk muscles [START_REF] Smith | Disorders of breathing and continence have a stronger association with back pain than obesity and physical activity[END_REF], would explain the impaired mechanism of compensation for increased respiration in low back pain subjects [START_REF] Hamaoui | Does respiration perturb body balance more in chronic low back pain subjects than in healthy subjects?[END_REF]. In our study, all subjects succeeded in maintaining an upright posture despite minute ventilation values of up to 100 L/min. Their experience in various sports activities, reflecting not only greater neuromuscular control of trunk muscles [START_REF] David | Neuromuscular efficiency of the rectus abdominis differs with gender and sport practice[END_REF], but also a greater ability to maintain and restore balance in challenging conditions [START_REF] Mouchnino | Coordination between equilibrium and head-trunk orientation during leg movement: a new strategy build up by training[END_REF], had probably improved the ability of their CNS to adequately manage respiratory drive and postural control. Insofar as effects of respiration on postural sway increase with age and disease [START_REF] Manor | Posturo-respiratory synchronization: effects of aging and stroke[END_REF], the present results have clinical implications, suggesting that interventions such as abdominal wall muscle training may increase compensatory abilities in posturally unstable patients. Moreover, rehabilitation programs aimed at improving the motor control of trunk stability must be coordinated with hyperventilation challenges.

In conclusion, the compensation of periodic respiratory disturbance to posture is less effective when the respiratory demand increases. The patterns of muscle activity suggest that abdominal muscles are controlled differentially and that their functional coordination is dependent on the level of ventilation, reinforcing the existence of functional links between respiratory centres and the postural control system. The present study was focused on young healthy adults. Changes in respiratory and postural conditions tested on various populations  EMG activities of OE and OI were prominent during expiration.

 OI was silent during inspiration.

 OE and RA were activated during both expiration and inspiration.

 Functional coordination of abdominal muscles is dependent on the level of ventilation.

*Research Highligts

A c c e p t e d M a n u s c r i p t 6 Electromyographic

 6 signals were sampled at 1,000 Hz using the 12-bit analogue-to-digital converter described above and then stored on the computer for off-line processing.Oxygen uptake ( 2 O V  ) was measured telemetrically using a portable gas analyser (Cosmed K 2 , Vacumetrics Inc., Ventura, CA). Minute ventilation ( E V  ) was also measured, along with the tidal volume (V T ) and breathing frequency (f R ) components. Heart rate (HR) was obtained from a chest strap (Xtrainer Plus, Polar Electro Oy, Kempele, Finland). The respiratory signal was obtained by measuring variations in the timing of breaths via a custommade connection realized inside the Cosmed K 2 portable unit. When the subject expires through the face mask, the revolutions of the turbine produce a voltage signal. Conversely, when the subject inspires, the turbine stops and leads to the cancellation of the voltage signal.The square-wave output signal was transmitted simultaneously with the CoP A-P and EMG signals to the 12-bit analogue-to-digital converter acquisition system. The experimental set-up is illustrated in Fig.1.

A c c e p t e d M a n u s c r i p t 7 based

 7 on each subject's predicted maximum oxygen uptake and converted into maximum watts (Wmax) to make it easier to increase the load during the test. The test involved two consecutive periods: a 3-min warm-up (with a workload corresponding to 20% of Wmax) and a 10-min period of incremental exercise from 20 to 100% of Wmax, with an increased workload stage every minute. Five post-effort postural tests (PEPTs) were then carried out: immediately after the ICE (PEPT 0 ) and during the first 30 seconds of each of the next 4

  5 (The Mathworks Inc., Natick MA). The respiratory and CoP A-P signals were passed through a 4th-order low-pass Butterworth filter with a cut-off frequency of 15 Hz. Kinematics of the CoP A-P were analyzed by computing the sway path (SP) and the mean amplitude (∆x). The cardiorespiratory values were averaged every 5 seconds and stored for further analysis. For each subject, the V T to VC ratio was used as an index of ventilatory change. The post-processing of raw EMG data included offset correction and full-wave rectification using an absolute function. Due to the proximity of the electrode sites to the heart, the three EMG signals were passed through a 4thorder high-pass Butterworth filter with a cut-off frequency of 30 Hz [19]. During the postural tests, myoelectrical activities were quantified by computing the root mean square (RMS) value. The RMS values were then averaged according to the phase of the respiratory cycle and expressed as percentages of each subject's baseline values acquired during the pre-effort postural test.

A c c e p t e d M a n u s c r i p t 8 2. 5

 85 Statistical analysisData distributions were checked for normality using a Kolmogorov-Smirnov test and for equality of variance using a Fisher-Snedecor test. Non-normally distributed data underwent log-transformation. A simple analysis of variance with repeated-measures was performed on the postural test to assess the effects caused by ICE on metabolic ( V T /VC, f R , HR), electromyographic (OE RMS, OI RMS, RA RMS), and postural sway (SP, ∆x) parameters. Post hoc testing using the Tukey honestly significant difference test was used to identify local differences. Differences were considered significant when p < 0.05. Data are presented as mean ± one standard deviation. All data analyses were performed with Statview software (SAS institute Inc, Cary, NC).

A c c e p t e d M a n u s c r i p t 9 In

 9 comparison to reference values, ICE led to a significant (p < 0.01) increase in OE (+249%), OI (+116%) and RA (+183%) RMS values. All myoelectric activities remained significantly higher (p < 0.01) 4 minutes after ICE, with the exception of OI, which returned to pre-effort values one minute after ICE (Fig.3A).

A c c e p t e d M a n u s c r i p t 10 after

 10 ICE (60-90 litres/min), the EMG activity of OI returned to pre-effort values. Thus, our results revealed differential activity and presumably different physiological roles of abdominal muscles during standing, as well as during respiratory muscle mass derecruitment following the onset of the post-exercise recovery. Synchronization of abdominal muscle activities with expiration leaves no doubt about the expiratory contribution of these muscles,

A c c e p t e d M a n u s c r i p t 11

 11

A c c e p t e d M a n u s c r i p t 13 forFig. 1 . 2 OFig. 2 .

 13122 Figure captions

Fig. 3 .

 3 Fig. 3. Obliquus externus abdominis (OE), obliquus internus abdominis (OI) and rectus

Fig. 4 .

 4 Fig. 4. Simultaneous recordings of respiration (inspiratory phase: low-magnitude pulse signal)

A c c e p t e d M a n u s c r i p t



  Post-exercise hyperventilation involves periodic movement of the CoP in phase with respiration.

Table 1 .

 1 Cardiorespiratory (  , V T , V T /VC, f R , HR) and postural sway (SP, ∆x) parameters measured in postural tests before (pre-effort test), just after (PEPT 0 ) and over the next 4 minutes following (PEPT 1 to PEPT 4 ) an incremental cycling exercise (mean ± standard deviation). * and ** denotes significant differences between the pre-effort postural test and the post-effort postural test at p < 0.05 and p < 0.01, respectively.

				Tables
					2 V Pre-effort test O V  , E PEPT 0	PEPT 1	PEPT 2	PEPT 3	PEPT 4
	V 	O	2	(L STPD .min -1 )	0.36 ± 0.05	3.43 ± 0.70**	2.35 ± 0.41**	1.19 ± 0.2 **	0.77 ± 0.14**	0.66 ± 0.16**

Acknowledgements

Acknowledgements

We are grateful to the anonymous reviewer from ServiceScape for the English revision of the manuscript. Submission type: Original Article (full paper) Abstract word count: 196 Manuscript word count: 2,993 (excluding figures, tables, reference, and abstract) Number of tables: 1 Number of figures: 4

Conflict of interest statement

The authors declare that there is no conflict of interest.

Conflict of interest statement

The authors declare that there is no conflict of interest.


Pollet Samvelian
email: pollet.samvelian@univ-paris3.fr

Pegah Faghiri

Persian Complex Predicates: How Compositional Are They?

Keywords: Persian complex predicates, compositionality, idiomaticity, Construction Grammar

In this paper, we address the issue of compositionality of Persian complex predicates. We argue against the "radical" or "fully" compositional views prevailing in the studies within the generative framework. We further show that any a priori compositional account of Persian complex predicates is doomed to failure, since the respective contribution of the verb and the preverbal element cannot be determined a priori and irrespective of the other member. We claim, nevertheless, that a compositional account of these combinations is possible, provided compositionality is defined a posteriori as in idiomatically combining expressions. We then present a Construction-based account that allows to account for the productivity of Persian complex predicates in a way which does justice to their compositionality without overlooking their idiomaticity.

Introduction

Although Persian complex predicates (CPr) have been a focus of interest for almost thirty years now, most of theoretical studies have unfortunately explored a limited set of data. As a consequence, their empirical underpinnings are not reliable and their generalizations turn out to be inaccurate when a larger set of data is taken into account.

The problem is particularly sharp when it comes to the issue of compositionality, one of the most discussed questions in recent studies. Since [START_REF] Karimi-Doostan | Light verb constructions in Persian[END_REF] seminal work on light verb constructions in Persian, a "radical" or "fully" compositional view of Persian CPrs has progressively become prevailing in the studies within the generative framework. Despite substantial variations, these studies all rely on the assumption that not only the verb and the non-verbal element of a CPr have each a precise contribution to its meaning but also that their contribution is defined a priori and remains consistent through all their combinations to form a CPr. Divergences only rise with respect to the "division of labor" between the components and between the lexicon or on the syntax.

Although these studies do not deny the idiomaticity of Persian CPrs, they nevertheless claim that at least the argument structure and the eventive/aspectual properties of a CPr can be deduced on the basis of its component parts.

In this paper, after discussing one of the recent and most influential "constructionist" analyses of Persian CPrs, namely [START_REF] Folli | Determinants of event type in Persian complex predicates[END_REF], we show that none of the generalizations put forward by the authors hold a close scrutiny and that contrary to their claim, the respective contribution of the verb and the preverbal element of a CPr cannot be determined a priori and irrespective of the other member. We further claim that any a priori compositional account faces similar problems.

We argue, nevertheless, that a compositional account of the Persian CPrs is possible, provided compositionality is defined a posteriori as in idiomatically combining expressions in the sense of Nunberg, Sag and Wasow (1994). We then present a Construction-based compositional account of Persian CPrs developed by [START_REF] Samvelian | Grammaire des prédicats complexes. Les constructions nom-verbe[END_REF] and Samvelian and Faghiri (in press) and implemented in the PersPred database [START_REF] Samvelian | Introducing PersPred, a syntactic and semantic database for Persian complex predicates[END_REF][START_REF] Samvelian | Extending the coverage of a MWE database for Persian CPs exploiting valency alternations[END_REF].

Folli, Harley and Karimi's (2005) Account of Persian CPrs

The compositionality of Persian CPrs may seem strikingly obvious when examples such as those in (1) and (2) are considered: 1 1 Glosses follow the Leipzig Glossing Rules (www.eva.mpg.de/lingua/resources/glossing-rules.php). The following non-standard abbreviations are used for clarity: COP = copula, DOM = differential object marking, EZ = Ezafe. 'Omid was slapped by Sara.'

(2) a. maryam (hamiše) in ettefāq=rā be yād dāšt

Maryam always this event=DOM to memory have.PST.3SG

'Maryam (always) remembered this event.' (durative reading) b. maryam (nāgahān) in ettefāq=rā be yād āvar-d

Maryam suddenly this event=DOM to memory bring-PST.3SG

'Maryam (suddenly) remembered this event.' (punctual reading)

In these examples:

(a) The referential meaning of the CPr and the roles assigned to the event participants are determined by the nominal element, since the semantic participants of the CPr, as in (1b), are identical to those of the noun within the NP it projects, as in (1a).

(b) The verb, on the other hand, determines the argument mapping, since its substitution by another verb entails a change in the mapping of the participants and the grammatical functions, as in (1b) and (1c).

(c) The verb seems to determine also a part of the aspectual properties of the CPr, since the verb alternation in (2), dāštan 'to have' vs. āvardan 'to bring', gives rise to an aspectual contrast.

Building on data comparable to those in (1) and ( 2), [START_REF] Karimi-Doostan | Light verb constructions in Persian[END_REF] provides one of the first serious attempts to formalize the respective contribution of the verb and the non-verbal element in CPr formation. Based on [START_REF] Butt | The structure of complex predicates[END_REF] work on argument structure, Karimi-Doostan proposes a projectionist account in terms of argument "fusion" or "reformation". Following [START_REF] Grimshaw | Light verbs and theta-marking[END_REF], he assumes that the light verb (LV) does not assign theta-roles and thus does not have an argument structure. However, it displays aspectual properties and assigns an aspectual role. Being thematically defective, the LV must combine with another element, namely the preverbal element of the predicate, to develop into a syntactically and semantically complete verb. This combination gives rises to two kinds of CPrs, either compositional or non-compositional. The first kind results from the combination of the LV with a predicative noun, that is, a noun displaying an argument structure, such as sili 'slap' in (1). Non-compositional CPrs are formed when the LV combines with a "thematically opaque" noun, a noun that does not display an argument structure. yax zadan 'to freeze' (Lit. 'ice hit'), qofl kardan 'to lock' (Lit. 'lock do') and āb dādan 'to water' (Lit. As mentioned previously, [START_REF] Karimi-Doostan | Light verb constructions in Persian[END_REF] analysis postulates a categorical distinction between compositional and non-compositional CPrs. Noncompositional CPrs are disregarded, even though, a part of the regularities mentioned above also hold for them. [START_REF] Megerdoomian | Event structure and complex predicates in Persian[END_REF][START_REF] Megerdoomian | The status of the nominal in Persian complex predicates[END_REF] and [START_REF] Folli | Determinants of event type in Persian complex predicates[END_REF] are representative examples of constructionist approaches to Persian CPrs. Based on work by Hale andKeyser (1993, 2002) and [START_REF] Borer | The projection of arguments[END_REF], these studies claim that the syntactic and the semantic properties of a CPr are derived from the syntactic construction in which the verb and the preverbal element are inserted, and not from their respective lexical entries. A fully compositional approach is thus maintained, but the burden shifts from the lexicon to the syntax.

In Folli et al.'s (2005) approach, the verb in the CPr realizes the v head in Hale and Keyser's approach, as illustrated in ( 4)-( 6), corresponding respectively to gerye kardan 'to cry' (Lit. 'cry do'), bidār šodan 'to awake' (Lit. 'awaken become') and bidār kardan 'to awaken' (Lit. 'awaken make' 'Papar awakened Kimea.' [START_REF] Folli | Determinants of event type in Persian complex predicates[END_REF](Folli et al. :1375, (17b)) , (17b)) In this approach, the thematic role of Agent/Cause is assigned by v to its external argument [START_REF] Kratzer | Severing the external argument from its verb[END_REF][START_REF] Marantz | No escape from syntax: Don't try morphological analysis in the privacy of your own lexicon[END_REF]): kardan, in ( 4) and ( 6), but not šodan, in (5), form an agentive predicate. In other words, in Folli et al.'s approach, the LV, being the lexical realization of v, is responsible for the agentive properties of the CPr, while the non-verbal element plays no role: "(…) the Agent-selecting properties of any given light verb are consistent across all Complex Predicates formed with a given LV." [START_REF] Folli | Determinants of event type in Persian complex predicates[END_REF](Folli et al. :1376) ) "(…) it is clear that agentivity is a property of the LV in the CPr, and never depends on the nature of the NV element selected." [START_REF] Folli | Determinants of event type in Persian complex predicates[END_REF](Folli et al. :1377) ) 2 Note that [START_REF] Megerdoomian | Event structure and complex predicates in Persian[END_REF] claims the same: "(…) the choice of the light verb determines whether an external argument is projected." (Megerdoomian 2001:69) This claim is supported by the fact that changing the verb in a CPr entails a change in the mapping between the arguments and the grammatical functions, as illustrated in (3).

Following [START_REF] Bashiri | Persian Syntax[END_REF], it is claimed that the verb determines also some aspectual properties of the CPr, namely dynamic vs. stative and durative vs. punctual: "In addition to determining whether the CPr is causative and its external argument is agentive, the light verb distinguishes between eventive and stative CPrs." [START_REF] Folli | Determinants of event type in Persian complex predicates[END_REF](Folli et al. :1378) ) "Normally the eventiveness of a complex predicate depends on the light verb involved and not on the non-verbal element." [START_REF] Folli | Determinants of event type in Persian complex predicates[END_REF](Folli et al. :1379) ) 2 [START_REF] Folli | Determinants of event type in Persian complex predicates[END_REF] notice, however, an exception here: Predicates formed with movement verbs such as āmadan 'to come' or gozaštan 'to pass' may be agentive or not, depending on the non-verbal element. This is due to the fact that in most languages, movement verbs may have both, an inchoative/unaccusative or an agentive/unergative reading. The agentivity of the CPr depends on the selected reading of the verb.

"Another property that partially depends on the LV is the duration of the CPr." [START_REF] Folli | Determinants of event type in Persian complex predicates[END_REF](Folli et al. :1379) ) This explains the aspectual contrast between (2a) and (2b) above. Like Agentselection, aspectual/eventive properties of a given LV are consistent through all its combinations to form a CPr. For instance, dāštan 'to have' is always stative.

The non-verbal element, the authors claim, determines the aktionsart properties of the CPr, that is, its telicity, and its referential meaning: "(…) the telicity of the CPr is dependent on the non verbal element involved, in a very transparent fashion." [START_REF] Folli | Determinants of event type in Persian complex predicates[END_REF](Folli et al. :1374) ) More precisely, if the non-verbal element of the CPr is a prepositional phrase, a particle, an adjective or an eventive noun, the CPr is telic, otherwise, that is, if the nonverbal element is a non-eventive noun, the CPr is atelic.

Why "Radical" Compositional Approaches Are Doomed to Failure

Notwithstanding their differences, "radical" compositional approaches all face the same set of problems, since they build on the wrong assumption that the respective contribution of the components participating in CPr formation is consistent through all their combinations and can be defined a priori. As it has been extensively argued in [START_REF] Samvelian | Grammaire des prédicats complexes. Les constructions nom-verbe[END_REF], the same verb can give rise to CPrs with different agentive and eventive properties. Likewise, the non-verbal element's contribution can vary through its combinations with different verbs. This section provides examples of inconsistencies in the behavior of the verb and the non-verbal element of the CPr (Section 3.1).

Two more issues remain with these approaches. The first one concerns the lexical semantics of the CPr and the second the collocational or idiosyncratic association between the LV and the non-verbal element. As we will see in Section 3.2, in most cases, the precise meaning of a CPr cannot be driven from its component parts, even in the case of semantically transparent and fully compositional CPrs. Furthermore, the association between the LV and the non-verbal element is not always predictable on the basis of the properties of each member (Section 3.3).

The Non-consistent Contribution of the CPr Component Parts

In this section we show that neither the verb nor the non-verbal element has a consistent and invariable contribution through its combinations to form a CPr.

The Non-Consistent Contribution of the Verb

Recall that in Folli et al.'s (2005) analysis, the verb is responsible for Agent-selection and some aspectual properties. At this point, it should be mentioned that the only criterion to which [START_REF] Folli | Determinants of event type in Persian complex predicates[END_REF] resort is the compatibility of a CPr with the adverb amdan 'intentionally'. Agentive CPrs, are compatible with amdan, while non-agentive ones are not. Note that this criterion singles out only a part of agentive predicates, namely those whose first argument is human, while, agentive predicates are defined by their capacity to project an external argument (human or not). Thus, appealing to this criterion alone, which wrongfully rules out causative predicates with a non-human first argument, is not satisfactory. Hence, in order to obtain a reliable diagnosis of agentivity, we will use two additional criteria: a) the possibility for the nominal element of the CPr to be rā-marked, and b) the availability of a passive counterpart for the CPr.

rā-Marking of the Nominal Element of the CPr

Persian displays Differential Object Marking (DOM), realized by the enclitic =rā and triggered roughly by definiteness [START_REF] Lazard | Le morphème rā en persan et les relations actancielles[END_REF]. Consequently, the possibility for an argument of a given verb to be rā-marked amounts to the capacity of the latter to project an external argument (Samvelian 2006-2007). 3 As for CPrs, several studies [START_REF] Samiian | Origins of phrasal categories in Persian: An X-bar analysis[END_REF][START_REF] Ghomeshi | Lexical/syntactic relations without projections[END_REF][START_REF] Samvelian | Le statut syntaxique des objets nus en persan[END_REF], 2012; among others) have noted that the nominal element of some CPrs can be modified, quantified, determined and eventually rā-marked under some conditions. The relevant fact for our discussion is that rā-marking can involve the nominal element of "(semantically) intransitive" (unergative) CPrs, such as harf zadan 'to talk' (Lit. 'talk hit'), tohmat zadan 'to accuse' (Lit. 'slander hit') and aks gereftan 'to photography' (Lit. 'photo take'). Although the CPrs in these examples combine with only one direct argument, namely the one realized as the subject, and as such are semantically "intransitive" (or unergative), the nominal element can nevertheless be rā-marked. This is possible because these CPrs project an external argument, or, in other words, are not unaccusative. Building on extensive data, Samvelian (2006Samvelian ( -2007) ) shows that in unaccusative CPrs, the nominal element can never be rā-marked.

4 By "semantically intransitive" we mean CPrs that select only one semantic argument, the subject of the CPr. Consequently, the LV combines with one nominal (non-prepositional and non-subject) element, which is the nominal element of the CPr itself, as opposed to "transitive" CPrs, like rang zadan 'to paint' and āb dādan 'to water', in which the LV combines with two nominal (non-prepositional and non-subject)

elements. In the case of the latter, the nominal element of the CPr cannot be rā-marked. To sum up, the possibility for the nominal element of a CPr to be rā-marked constitutes a sufficient condition for considering the CPr as unergative or causative and thus projecting an external argument.5

Availability of a Passive CPr Counterpart

In Persian, the passive voice is realized by a periphrastic construction, whose properties are parallel to those of copula-predicative complement constructions [START_REF] Moyne | The so-called passive in Persian[END_REF][START_REF] Dabir-Moghaddam | Passive in Persian[END_REF]Bonami and Samvelian, in press). This construction involves the past participle of the lexical verb and the auxiliary šodan -Dynamic CPrs: jāru zadan 'to broom', sili zadan 'to slap', qadam zadan 'to walk'.

'become'. (
-Stative CPrs: barq zadan 'to be shiny', laq zadan 'to be unsteady'.

-Durative CPrs: jāru zadan 'to broom', qadam zadan 'to walk'.

-Punctual CPrs: sili zadan 'to slap', hads zadan 'to guess'.

 The verb kardan 'to do' [START_REF] Folli | Determinants of event type in Persian complex predicates[END_REF] -Dynamic CPrs: aks gereftan 'to take photos', andāze gereftan 'to measure'.

-Stative CPrs: ruze gereftan 'to fast', mātam gefertan 'to be sorrowful'.

-Durative CPrs: ruze gereftan 'to fast', āftāb gereftan 'to sunbathe'.

-Punctual CPrs: pāyān gereftan 'to end', bārān gereftan 'to begin to rain'. From the data examined in this section, it can be concluded that the contribution of the LV is not consistent through its combination with various non-verbal elements to form a CPr neither with respect to agentivity nor to aspectual properties. A compositional approach to Persian CPrs that determines the contribution of the verb a priori and regardless of the other member of the CPr is thus doomed to failure, unless all the above-mentioned counterexamples are overlooked.

The Non-Consistent Contribution of the Non-Verbal Element

The contribution of the non-verbal element of the CPr is also assumed to be consistent by compositional approaches. In Folli et al.'s (2005) analysis, for instance, the nonverbal element is responsible for aktionsart. Adjectives and prepositional phrases form a Small Clause with their complement and thus always give rise to telic CPrs (accomplishment or achievement), while CPrs formed with a nominal element may either be telic or atelic, depending on the noun: eventive nouns form telic and noneventive nouns atelic CPrs.

In this section we will provide examples against Folli et al.'s assumption.

The Non-Consistency of Adjectives

The examples below show that CPrs containing an adjective are not systematically telic.

( when a larger range of data is taken into account.

The Non-Predictable Semantic Content of the CPr

The non-predictability of the meaning of the CPr is another significant impediment to fully compositional approaches. In order for the latter to work, the meaning of the CPr must be derivable on the basis of the meaning of its components. However, as mentioned in several studies [START_REF] Goldberg | Words by default: Optimizing constraints and the Persian complex predicate[END_REF][START_REF] Karimi-Doostan | Light verb constructions in Persian[END_REF][START_REF] Family | Explorations of semantic space: The case of light verb constructions in Persian[END_REF][START_REF] Bonami | Persian complex predicates: Lexeme formation by itself[END_REF][START_REF] Samvelian | Grammaire des prédicats complexes. Les constructions nom-verbe[END_REF][START_REF] Samvelian | Introducing PersPred, a syntactic and semantic database for Persian complex predicates[END_REF]among others), numerous Persian CPrs are semantically opaque. Moreover, as shown by [START_REF] Samvelian | Grammaire des prédicats complexes. Les constructions nom-verbe[END_REF] and [START_REF] Bonami | Persian complex predicates: Lexeme formation by itself[END_REF], even when a CPr is semantically transparent, it is barely ever the case that its meaning is fully predictable from the meaning of its component parts. CPrs are subject to various levels of lexicalization, in a way that closely parallels what is seen with lexemes formed by morphological means. 8

Specialization

In some cases, the meaning of the CPr is a specialization of the predictable meaning of the combination: čāqu zadan (Lit. 'knife hit'), is not only to hit somebody with a knife but to stab them; dast dādan (Lit. 'hand give') does not only imply that you put your hand in somebody's else hand, but that you shake hands with them; āb dādan (Lit.

'water give'), like to water in English, is not just pouring water on something, and finally šir dādan (Lit. 'milk give') is not just the action of giving milk to somebody, but to breast-feed them.

8 There are of course instances of CPrs with a fully predictable meaning. These are mostly CPrs formed by a predicative noun, which conveys the entire lexical meaning of the CPr, e.g. anjām dādan 'to realize' (Lit.

'accomplishment give'), tekān xordan 'to move' (Lit. 'movement collide'), faryād zadan 'to shout, to cry' (Lit.

'shout hit') and entexāb kardan 'to choose' (Lit. 'choice do').

Semantic Drift

In other examples semantic drift has taken place, either by metaphor or by metonymy.

The link between the compositional meaning and the lexicalized meaning is sometimes still recoverable synchronically. For instance, the lexicalized meaning of guš kardan 'to listen' (Lit. 'ear do') can be recovered via metonymy: The CPr designates the prototypical action accomplished by ears. In zanjir zadan, the elliptical element of the meaning, sine 'chest', can also be recovered: the CPr comes from bā zanjir (be) sine zadan 'to hit one's chest with chains' or zanjir be sine zadan 'to hit chains against one's chest'.

However, in numerous other cases the initial link is no longer perceivable by the speakers. ru gereftan 'to become cheeky' (Lit. 'face take') and dast andāxtan 'to mock' (Lit. 'hand throw'), for instance constitute opaque sequences in synchrony. [START_REF] Folli | Determinants of event type in Persian complex predicates[END_REF] do not propose any explicit treatment for the issue raised by these examples, namely the fact that argument structure and eventive properties does not exhaust the meaning of a CPr and even if one assumes that they can be determined on a constructionist basis, still they do not allow to determine the exact meaning of most of CPrs, which can be more or less idiomatic.

The Collocational Association between the CPr Components

Another problem faced by fully compositional accounts is the collocational association between the verb and the non-verbal element of the CPr. Thus, it may happen that two synonymous nouns combine with two different verbs to form synonymous CPrs, as it is the case with rašk and hesādat, both meaning 'envy' or 'jealousy', which respectively combine with bordan 'to take' and kardan 'to do' to form rašk bordan and hesādat kardan, both meaning 'to envy' or 'to be jealous'. Likewise, āroq 'burp' combines with zadan 'to hit', āroq zadan 'to burp', while sorfe 'cough', which is semantically close to āroq, combines with kardan, sorfe kardan 'to cough'. However, such facts have either been overlooked or minimized in the studies on Persian CPrs. [START_REF] Folli | Determinants of event type in Persian complex predicates[END_REF] Here is the explanation provided by the authors: "(...) certain NV elements may not be combined with the unaccusative xordan 'collide', because the events that they denote can only be caused agentively -they are, in essence, inherently unergative." [START_REF] Folli | Determinants of event type in Persian complex predicates[END_REF](Folli et al. :1390) ) No criterion is provided for the identification of inherently unergative nouns, but let us admit that dād and kār are indeed such nouns. We note however that although kār Consequently, the fact that dād does not combine with xordan cannot be accounted for on the basis of its syntactic or semantic properties. This restriction is idiosyncratic and must be stipulated.

To conclude, in this section we showed that none of the generalizations stated by [START_REF] Folli | Determinants of event type in Persian complex predicates[END_REF] withstand a close scrutiny.

Compositionality Revisited

Despite all the problems mentioned in the previous section, we claim that a compositional account of Persian CPrs is still possible, provided compositionality is defined a posteriori, like in idiomatically combining expressions, in the sense of Nunberg et al. (1994). This view of Persian CPrs can be developed into a Constructionbased approach [START_REF] Goldberg | A Construction Grammar approach to argument structure[END_REF], where:

1) Each CPr corresponds to a Construction.

2) CPrs can be grouped in classes according to their semantic and syntactic properties and each class can be represented by a partially fixed Construction.

3) Constructions can be structured in networks, thus accounting for different semantic and syntactic relations between CPrs.

Persian CPrs as Idiomatically Combining Expressions

With respect to their compositionality, Persian CPrs are comparable to Idiomatically

Combining Expressions, that is, "idioms whose parts carry identifiable parts of their idiomatic meanings" (Nunberg et al. 1994:496). This means that the verb and the nonverbal element of a CPr can be assigned a meaning in the context of their combination.

Thus, the CPr is compositional, in the sense that its meaning can be distributed among its components, and yet it is idiomatic, in the sense that the contribution of each member cannot be determined out of the context of its combination with the other one. This is the line of argumentation developed by Nunberg et al. (1994) to support a compositional view of expressions such as spill the beans. Although the meaning of the sequence is conventional or idiomatic, in that it must be learned and cannot be driven from its component parts, the sequence is still compositional, in that its meaning can be distributed among its components. In the context of its association with beans, spill means 'to divulge', and in the context of its association with spill, bean means 'secret'.

This view of Persian CPrs is defended in recent studies by [START_REF] Müller | Persian complex predicates and the limits of inheritance-based analyses[END_REF], [START_REF] Samvelian | Grammaire des prédicats complexes. Les constructions nom-verbe[END_REF] and Samvelian and Faghiri (in press). Table 2 illustrates this point for a set of CPrs formed with zadan. Each line contains examples of CPrs where the verb can be assigned a meaning comparable to that of a lexical verb in English, in combination with a set of nouns.

An important advantage of this approach is that not only it provides a finegrained and empirically valid compositional analysis of Persian CPrs, but it also allows to account for their productivity. Given the meaning assigned to zadan and the meaning of the CPr as a whole, new combinations can be produced and interpreted.

For instance, tag zadan 'to tag' (Lit. 'tag hit'), formed with the loanword tag, is created on the basis of barčasb zadan 'to label' (Lit. 'label hit'), tambr zadan 'to stamp' (Lit. 'stamp hit'), etc. [START_REF] Samvelian | Grammaire des prédicats complexes. Les constructions nom-verbe[END_REF] provides a thorough study of CPrs formed with zadan 'to hit'.

On the basis of a detailed syntactic and semantic classification, the author establishes a  Instrument-zadan Cons: jāru -'to broom', mesvāk -'to brush one's teeth', otu -'to iron', šāne -'to comb'...  Forming-zadan Cons: javāne -'to blossom', juš -'to sprout', kapak -'to mouldy', tāval -'to blister', zang -'to go rusty'...  Slandering-zadan Cons: ang -, bohtān -, ettehām -, tohmat -'to slander'... Note that in this approach, all lexicalized CPrs are listed in the lexicon, contrary to Folli et al.'s approach, which claims that Persian CPrs, despite their idiomaticity, need not to be listed.9

Constructions in Networks

We adopt furthermore a type hierarchy or an inheritance hierarchy of Constructions of varying levels of specificity (Michaelis, to appear)

Subclasses and Superclasses

Some semantic classes can be grouped together into a more abstract class. In this case, the Construction associated with them is the subtype of a less specific Construction.

For instance, the Spreading-zadan Construction can be considered as a subtype of Locatum Construction. Locatum verbs [START_REF] Clark | When nouns surface as verbs[END_REF]), e.

Synonymous Constructions

The same Construction can be realized by different verbs, e.g. kardan 'to do' and kešidan 'to pull' also form Instrumental predicates, e.g. jāru kardan and jāru kešidan 'to broom'. 'iron collide'), ātaš zadan 'to set fire' vs. ātaš gereftan 'to take fire' (Lit. 'fire take').

All of the relations described above can be structured in a network using multiple inheritance hierarchies. Figure 3 provides a partial hierarchy of Persian CPrs.

Class Coherence, Size and Productivity

In our approach, the productivity of the Persian CPrs is accounted for via the analogical extension of the existing classes. It can be compositionality-based or not. In the first case, new combinations are created on the basis of the meaning assigned to the Construction as a whole and to its components (see Table 2). However, we want to defend the idea that productivity is not always compositionality-based and that noncompositional Constructions (or classes) can also be productive. CPrs is also related to other parameters such as the coherence of the classes and their size.

The Construction associated to each class is an abstraction based on the most salient and regularly shared properties of its members. Classes vary in their coherence and the meaning associated to the Construction can be more or less abstract or specific.

In some classes, the meaning of each CPr can be straightforwardly derived from the meaning associated to the Construction. This is the case in the Spreading-zadan Construction: For each member the paraphrase 'N0 applies N2 on N1' provides its meaning and its syntactic properties. This situation yields a fully compositional class, where the verb is comparable to a semi-lexical or lexical verb and the relation between the verb and the nominal element is comparable to the semantic selection of an argument by a verb. One could even consider the creation of a lexical entry for the verb zadan with the meaning of 'to apply', especially with respect to the fact that zadan alternates with mālidan 'to apply' in these combinations. Consequently, the class is highly productive and listing all potential combinations, apart from lexicalized ones, is impossible.

Some other groupings are based on more abstract properties. For instance, CPrs corresponding to the Forming Construction denote heterogeneous processes implying the eruption, the forming or the transformation of an entity, e.g. kapak zadan 'to go mouldy' (Lit. 'mould hit'), tāval zadan 'to blister' (Lit. 'blister hit'), yax zadan 'to freeze' (Lit. 'ice hit'), zang zadan 'to go rusty' (Lit. 'rust hit'). Contrary to the previous case, the nominal element is not exclusively selected via its conceptual properties and the link between the components is more collocational: javāne zadan 'to blossom' (Lit. 'blossom hit') vs. gol dādan 'to flower' (Lit. 'flower give') and not gol zadan. Consequently, one can assume that the productivity of this class is not comparable to that of the previous one.

Classes also vary with respect to their size. It is expected that fully compositional classes should be large, since new combinations can regularly enrich the class. This is indeed the case with the Spreading-zadan Construction, for instance, which constitutes one of the largest classes of CPrs formed with zadan. However, some compositional classes are restricted due to the small number of nouns that could fit in the Construction. For instance, the Scream Emission Construction corresponds to only about twenty CPrs, which is not surprising, given the number of nouns denoting a cry in Persian.

Finally, the issue of the productivity cannot be investigated without integrating the concurrent possibilities, that is, the competing verbs to form a CPr: various verbs can be used with the same non-verbal element to realize the same "verbal concept", thus giving rise to the existence of synonymous CPrs. This situation is reminiscent of the choice between competing affixes to form a new word in construction morphology.

Conclusion

The "fully" compositional view of Persian have become so prevailing that it now seems to be taken for granted. In this paper we advocated for a view going against this widespread consensus. We showed that not only the lexical meaning of Persian CPrs is barely ever fully predictable from the meaning of their component parts, but also that even more abstract properties, such as argument and event structure, cannot be determined a priori, on the basis of solely one component of the CPr regardless of the other one.

In line with [START_REF] Goldberg | Words by default: Optimizing constraints and the Persian complex predicate[END_REF] and [START_REF] Family | Explorations of semantic space: The case of light verb constructions in Persian[END_REF], we argued that Persian CPrs must be listed since they correspond to conventional pairings of forms and meanings.

However, we defended the idea that there is no contradiction between storage and a compositional account of these combinations, provided compositionality is defined a posteriori, in the sense of Nunberg et al. (1994) for idiomatically combining expressions.

The Construction-based approach we outlined is based on the assumption that despite their idiomaticity, Persian CPrs can be grouped upon their syntactic and semantic similarities. Productivity results in this account from the possibility to analogically extend the existing classes and can be compositionality-based or not.

To finish, we want to insist on the importance of considering a large set of data before drawing generalizations on CPr formation in Persian. Like morphological lexeme formation processes, CPr formation in Persian displays a great amount of

'

  water give') are examples of non-compositional CPrs. CPr formation involves the fusion of the information encoded in the respective lexical entries of the verb and the noun. LVs are divided into three categories with respect to their aspectual properties: Initiatory, such as dādan 'to give', Transition, such as xordan 'to collide, to strike' and Stative, such as dāštan 'to have'. Some verbs may belong to more than one category, for example kardan 'to do', which is either Initiatory or Transition, and thus has two lexical entries. The aspectual category of the LV determines the aspectual type of the CPr. Initiatory verbs form CPrs with at least one external argument, that is, either unergative or transitive (or causative) CPrs. They are thus compatible with nouns having at least one external argument, which refers to the initiator of the action denoted by the CPr and is associated to the aspectual role Initiatory assigned by the verb. Transition verbs form CPrs with a single internal argument, or, in other words, unaccusative predicates. They are thus compatible with nouns having at least one (internal) argument. The latter is mapped into the subject function and receives the Patient role. A mapping rule ensures the correct association between an LV and a preverbal element. For instance, a noun like šekast 'defeat', which assigns Agent and Patient thematic roles, can either combine with an Initiatory verb or a Transition verb.In the first case, its external argument (i.e. the Agent) is mapped into the subject function, as in (3a), while in the second case, it is the internal argument that becomes the subject, as in (3b).

  does not combine with xordan to form an unaccusative CPr, it nevertheless combines with šodan 'to become': (36) darbāre=ye in matlab besyār kār šo-d-e ast about=EZ this subject very work become-PST-PTCP COP.3SG 'A great deal of work has been done on this topic.' Moreover, other "inherently unergative" nouns like sili 'slap' or kotak 'beating' combine also with xordan to form unaccusative CPrs: (37) omid az sārā sili xor-d Omid from Sara slap collide-pst.3sg 'Omid was slapped by Sara.'

  Figure 1. Subtypes of Locatum-zadan Construction

  So, along with the Instrument-zadan Construction, there are also the Instrument-kešidan Construction and the Instrument-kardan Construction. These three partially fixed Constructions are sub-types of a more abstract Construction, with no lexically fixed element, that is, the Instrument Construction. Synonymy rises when the same noun occurs in the same Construction realized by different verbs.

Figure 2 .

 2 Figure 2. Instrument (active) Construction

Figure 3 .

 3 Figure 3. Partial hierarchy of Persian CPrs

  ). Persian CPrs are thus the non-incorporated counterpart of verbal constructions suggested byHale and Keyser.

	(6)	vP
	DP		v'
	Papar	AP		v
	D		A
	Kimea-ro	bidār kard
		'awake' 'made'
	(4)	vP
	DP		v'
	Kimea	N		v
		gerye 'cry' kard 'did'
	'Kimea cried.'
	(Folli et al. 2005:1374, (15b))
	(5)		vP
		AP		v
	DP		A
	Kimea		bidār	šod
		'awake' 'became'
	'Kimea awoke.'
	(Folli et al. 2005:1375, (16b))

Table 1 .

 1 Telic and atelic complex predicates (Adapted from[START_REF] Folli | Determinants of event type in Persian complex predicates[END_REF]:1386, Table 3)

	Telic Complex Predicates
	PP + LV:	be donyā āmadan 'to be born' (Lit. 'to world come'), be ātaš
		kešidan 'to put on fire (Lit. 'to fire pull')
	Particle + LV:	kenār āmadan 'to get along' (Lit. 'side come')
	Adjective + LV:	derāz kešidan 'to lay down' (Lit. 'long pull')
	Eventive noun + LV:	šekast xordan 'to be defeated' (Lit. 'defeat collide'),
		šekast dādan 'to defeat' (Lit. 'defeat give')
	Atelic Complex Predicates
	Non-eventive noun + LV:	dast xordan 'to get touched' (Lit. 'hand collide')
		kotak xordan 'to get beaten' (Lit. 'beating hit')
		dād zadan 'to yell' (Lit. 'scream hit')
		dast andāxtan 'to mock' (Lit. 'hand throw')

  4 Consider now the followings examples:

	(7) a. maryam harf	zad
	Maryam speech hit.PST.3SG
	'Maryam talked.'
	b. maryam in	harf-hā=rā	zad
	Maryam this speech-PL=DOM hit.PST.3SG
	'Maryam said these.'
	(8) a. maryam kār kard
	Maryam work do.PST.3SG
	'Maryam worked.'
	b. maryam in	kār-hā=rā	kard

Maryam thihs work-PL=DOM do.PST.3SG 'Maryam did these works.' (9) a. maryam az omid aks gereft Maryam from Omid photo take.PST.3SG 'Maryam took a picture/pictures of Omid.' b. maryam aks=e avval=rā az omid gereft Maryam photo=EZ first=DOM from Omid take.PST.3SG 'Maryam took the first picture of Omid.'

  The subject of the CPrs involved in these examples is clearly not an Agent, but a Patient and the Locus of the process denoted by the CPr. The three criteria mentioned previously uncontroversially single out these CPrs as unaccusative:Consequently, not all CPrs formed with zadan are agentive.7 The same inconsistency is observed with respect to aspectual properties. Remember that in Folli et al.'s analysis, the verb is also responsible for durative vs. punctual and stative vs. dynamic distinctions. Once again, several examples go against this generalization:

	(12) a. maryam be omid tohmat 'This bread has gone moldy.'	zad
	Maryam to Omid accusation hit.PST.3SG b. in dar=e āhani zud zang zad
	'Maryam accused Omid.' this door=EZ iron-made early rust	hit.PST.3SG
	b. be omid tohmat 'This iron-made door quickly rusted.' zad-e	šo-d
	to Omid accusation hit.PST-PTCP become-PST.3SG c. āb yax zad
	'Omid was accused.' water ice hit.PST.3SG
	c. be omid tohmat 'The water froze.'	xor-d
	to Omid accusation collide-PST.3SG
	'Omid was accused.'
	As these examples show, even intransitive (unergative) CPrs can be passivized.
	-amdan 'on purpose' is not compatible with these predicates:
	(14) a. #in	nān amdan	kapak zad-e	ast
	this bread on-purpose mold	hit.PST-PTCP be.PRS.3SG
	'#This bread has gone moldy on purpose.'
	11) a. maryam in ketāb=rā b. #in dar=e āhani Maryam this book=DOM buy-PST.3SG xar-id amdan this door=EZ iron-made on-purpose early rust hit.PST.3SG zud zang zad 'Maryam bought this book.' '#This iron-made door quickly rusted on purpose.'
	b. in this book by=EZ ketāb (tavassot=e maryam) xar-id-e c. #āb amdan yax zad Maryam buy-PST-PTCP become-PST.3SG šo-d water on-purpose ice hit.PST.3SG
	'#The water froze on purpose.'
	-The nominal element can never be rā-marked:
	(15) a. *nān	kapak-hā=ye bozorg=rā diruz	zad
	examples: bread mold-pl=EZ	big=DOM	yesterday hit.PST.3SG
	b. *dar=e	āhani	in	zang=rā	zad
	(13) a. in nān door=EZ iron-made this rust=DOM hit.PST.3SG kapak zad-e ast
	this bread mold c. *āb in yax=rā	hit.PST-PTCP be.PRS.3SG zad
	(ii) 525 hektār be kāšt=e water this ice=DOM hit.PST.3SG sibzamini extesās	dād-e	šo-d
	525 hectare to cultivation=EZ potato	assigning give.PST-PTCP become-PST.3SG
	'525 hectares were assigned to the cultivation of potatoes.' -The passive construction with šodan 'become' is also excluded: *kapak zade šodan,
	(iii) agar dar vaqt-e	ezāfi hič gol=i		zad-e	na-šav-ad	(…)

'This book was bought by

Maryam.'

In the case of CPrs, the valency alternation corresponding to the passive alternation can be realized in two ways, either by changing the verb of the CPr, as in (3) above, or by realizing the periphrastic passive form of the verb in the CPr.

6

Note that these two possibilities are not mutually exclusive. This is not surprising, since, as

[START_REF] Samvelian | Grammaire des prédicats complexes. Les constructions nom-verbe[END_REF]

extensively argues, the nominal element of a CPr displays all properties of a syntactic complement, namely a direct object. Unaccusative CPrs, on the contrary, cannot be passivized,

(Samvelian 2006(Samvelian - 2007

). Now we have three criteria at our disposal in order to decide whether a CPr projects an external argument or not. As for aspectual properties, we keep the criteria used by Folli et al., which are mainly those of

[START_REF] Vendler | Verbs and times[END_REF]

. In what follows, we will provide examples of inconsistency in the contribution of a few LVs among the most productive in CPr formation. We should insist that these inconsistencies are not exceptional, as extensively documented by

[START_REF] Samvelian | Grammaire des prédicats complexes. Les constructions nom-verbe[END_REF]

.

• The verb zadan 'to hit' For

[START_REF] Folli | Determinants of event type in Persian complex predicates[END_REF]

, zadan is consistently agentive and is used as an example to support the consistency of LVs with respect to Agent-selection. However, although a great number of CPrs formed with zadan are indeed agentive, e.g. jāru zadan 'to broom'

(Lit. 'broom hit')

and tohmat zadan 'to slander' (Lit. 'slander hit'), there are numerous examples of unaccusative CPrs formed with zadan, as illustrated by the following if in time=EZ extra no goal=INDF hit.PST-PTCP NEG-become.PRS-3SG (…) 'If no goals are scored in the extra time…' *zang zade šodan, *yax zade šodan.

  consider kardan as the lexical counterpart of an abstract v, namely DO or CAUSE, which consequently projects an external argument, e.g. kār kardan 'to His real nature revealed in her/his behavior.' For sake of space, we apply the three criteria introduced above only to gir kardan.

	(17) a. #mu-hā=ye maryam amdan	lā=ye	zip gir	kard
	hair-PL=EZ Maryam on-purpose between=EZ zip blocking do.PST.3SG
	'#Maryam's hair was caught in the zip on purpose.'
	b. *mu-hā=ye maryam lā=ye	zip in gir=rā	kard
	hair-PL=EZ Maryam between=EZ zip this blocking=DOM do.PST.3SG
	c. *lā=ye	zip gir		kard-e	šo-d
	between=EZ zip blocking do.PST-PTCP become-PST.3SG
	• The verb gereftan 'to take'
	Likewise, gereftan forms agentive, as in (18), as well as non-agentive or unaccusative
	CPrs, as in (19):
	(18) a. maryam otāq=rā	andāze gereft
	Maryam room=DOM measure take.PST.3SG
	'Maryam measured the room.'
	b. maryam duš	gereft
	Maryam shower take.PST.3SG
	(16) a. mu-hā=ye maryam lā=ye 'Maryam took a shower.'	zip gir	kard
	hair-pl=EZ Maryam between=EZ zip blocking do.PST.3SG c. maryam tasmim gereft ke az irān be-rav-ad 'Maryam's hair was caught in the zip.' Maryam decision take.PST.3SG that from Iran SUBJ-go.PRS-3SG
	b. maryam kamkam 'Maryam decided to leave Iran.' be kār	kardan ādat kard
	Maryam little-by-llittle to work do	habit do.PST.3SG
	'Maryam got used to working little by little.' (19) a. in kār (tavassot=e maryam) anjām	gereft
	c. derāxt-hā zud rošd this work by=EZ	kard-and Maryam accomplishment take.PST.3SG
	tree-PL 'This work was done by Maryam.' early growing do.PST-3PL
	'The trees grew quickly.' b. xāne ātaš gereft
	d. māhiat=e house fire take.PST.3SG vāqeʔi=aš	dar raftār=aš	boruz	kard
	nature=EZ true=her/his in 'The house caught fire.'	behavior=her/his revelation do.PST.3SG
	c. zaxm-hā wound-PL healing take.PST-3PL eltiām gereft-and 'Her/Their application to the other CPrs gives similar results, singling out these CPrs as 'The wound healed.'
	clearly "non-agentive" or unaccusative. As for aspectual properties gereftan can form various types of CPrs:

work' (Lit. 'work do'), parvāz kardan 'to fly' (Lit. 'fly do') and rang kardan 'to paint' (Lit.

'paint do'). However, as for zadan, there are non-agentive CPrs formed with kardan, as illustrated by gir kardan 'to get caught' (Lit. 'blocking do'), ādat kardan 'to get accustomed' (Lit. 'habit do'), rošd kardan 'to grow' (Lit. 'growing do'), boruz kardan 'to reveal oneself' (Lit. 'revelation do'):

•

  The verb dāštan 'to have' Contrary to verbs like zadan and kardan, dāštan 'to have' is claimed by Folli et al. to form only stative CPrs. This claim is also contradicted by the following examples:

	b. divār kamkam	xaze bast
	wall little-by-little moss close.PST.3SG
	'The wall was little by little covered by moss.'
	c. āb	yax bast
	water ice	close.PST.3SG
	(20) a. maryam name=rā 'The water froze.'	be omid ersāl	dāšt
	Maryam letter=DOM to Omid sending have.PST.3SG
	'Maryam sent the letter to Omid.'
	b. dowlat	pāyān=e jang=rā	eʔlām	dāšt
	government end=EZ	war=DOM announce have.PST.3SG
	'The government announced the end of the war.'
	c. maryam romān=aš=rā	be mādar=aš	taqdim	dāšt
	Maryam novel=her=DOM to mother=her dedication have.PST.3SG
	(21) a. maryam bā	omid qarārdād	bast
	Maryam with Omid agreement close.PST.3SG
	'Maryam made an agreement with Omid.'
	b. polis tazāhor-konande-gān=rā be golule bast
	police demonstrator-PL=DOM	to bullet close.PST.3SG
	'The police shot at the demonstrators.'
	c. moštari-hā	jelo=ye	maqāze saf bast-and
	customer-PL front=EZ shop	line close.PST-3PL
	'The customers lined up in front of the shop.'
	(22) a. dast-hā=yaš		pine	bast-e=and
	hand-PL=her/his callosity close.PST-PTCP=COP.3PL
	'Her/his hands have become callous.'

'Maryam dedicated her novel to her mother.' In all these examples, dāštan alternates with kardan without changing the meaning of the CPr. The only notable difference between the two variants is the language register, the variant with dāštan is used in the formal register. Note also that contrary to Folli et al.'s claim, here the eventive properties of the non-verbal element are responsible for the dynamic interpretation of the CPr.

• The verb bastan 'to close, to tie' Bastan also can form agentive CPrs, as in (21), as well as unaccusative CPrs, as in (

22

).

  To conclude, almost none of the empirical generalizations on the respective contribution of the verb and the non-verbal element stated byFolli et al. (2005) hold

	(24) a. maryam omid=rā c. #maryam omid=rā (30) a. mār pust andāxt	az dar yek sāʔat be masxare gereft daqdaqe dur dāšt
	Maryam Omid=DOM from worry Maryam Omid=DOM in one hour to mocking take.PST.3SG far have.PST.3SG snake skin throw.PST.3SG
	'Maryam kept Omid far from worries.' (Lit.) '#Maryam mocked Omid in one hour.' 'The snake sloughed off.'
	b. maryam omid=rā b. #mār do ruz pust andāxt sāl-hā az	daqdaqe dur dāšt
	Maryam Omid=DOM year-PL from worry (27) a. maryam esteqbāl az dānešju-yān=rā be ohde dār-ad far have.PST.3SG snake two day skin throw.PST.3SG
	'Maryam kept Omid far from worries for years.' Maryam welcome of student-PL=DOM to charge have.PRS-3SG (Lit.) '#The snake sloughed off for two days.'
	c. #maryam omid=rā 'Maryam is in charge of welcoming the students.' dar panj daqiqe az daqdaqe dur dāšt c. mār ye-ruze pust andāxt
	Maryam Omid=DOM in five minute from worry b. maryam sāl-hā esteqbāl az dānešju-yān=rā be ohde dāšt far have.PST.3SG snake in-one-day skin throw.PST.3SG
	(Lit.) '#Maryam kept Omid far from worries in five minutes.' Maryam year-PL welcome of student-PL=DOM to charge have.PST.3SG 'The snake sloughed off in one day.'
	'Maryam was in charge of welcoming the students for years.'
	(25) a. maryam pul c. #maryam dar yek sāʔat esteqbāl az dānešju-yān=rā be ohde dāšt lāzem dāšt
	Maryam money necessary have.PST.3SG Maryam in one hour welcome of student-PL=DOM to charge have.PST.3SG
	'Maryam needed money.' (Lit.) '#Maryam was in charge of welcoming the students in one hour.'
	b. maryam sāl-hā	pul	lāzem	dāšt
	Maryam year-PL money necessary have.PST.3SG 3.1.2.3. The Non-Consistency of Nouns
	The following examples show that non-eventive nouns, contrary to Folli et al's (2005)
	claim, can form telic CPrs:
	(28) a. maryam otāq=rā		andāze gereft
	Maryam room=DOM measure take.PST.3SG
	'Maryam measured the room.'
	b. #maryam otāq=rā		panj daqiqe andāze gereft
	Maryam room=DOM five minute measure take.PST.3SG
	(Lit.) #Maryam measured the room for five minutes.'
	c. maryam otāq=rā		dar čand sāniye	andāze gereft
	Maryam room=DOM in few second measure take.PST.3SG
	23) a. maryam xabar=rā 'Maryam measured the room in a few seconds az omid penhān dāšt
	Maryam news=DOM from Omid hidden have.PST.3SG
	'Maryam hid the news from Omid.' (29) a. nān kapak zad
	b. maryam xabar=rā bread mold hit.PST.3SG se	sāl	az	omid penhān dāšt
	Maryam news=DOM three year from Omid hidden have.PST.3SG (26) a. maryam omid=rā 'This bread went moldy.' be masxare gereft 'Maryam hid the news from Omid for three years.' Maryam Omid=DOM to mocking take.PST.3SG b. #nān se ruz kapak zad
	c. #maryam xabar=rā 'Maryam mocked Omid.' dar yek sāʔat az bread three day mold hit.PST.3SG	omid penhān dāšt
	Maryam news=DOM in one hour from Omid hidden have.PST.3SG b. maryam omid=rā (Lit.) '#This bread went moldy for three days.' sāʔat-hā be masxare gereft (Lit.) '#Maryam hid the news from Omid in one hour.' Maryam Omid=DOM hour-PL to mocking take.PST.3SG c. nān ye-ruze kapak zad
	'Maryam mocked Omid for hours.' bread in-one-day mold hit.PST.3SG
	'This bread went moldy in one day.'

'Maryam needed money for years.' c. #maryam dar panj daqiqe pul lāzem dāšt Maryam in five minute money necessary have.PST.3SG (Lit.) '#Maryam needed money in five minutes.' The CPrs used in these examples, namely penhān dāštan 'to keep hidden' (Lit. 'hidden have'), dur dāštan 'to keep far away' (Lit. 'far have') and lāzem dāštan 'to need' (Lit. 'necessary have') are formed with an adjective and nevertheless are not telic.

3.1.2.2. The Non-Consistency of Prepositional Phrases

Like adjectives, PPs are claimed by

[START_REF] Folli | Determinants of event type in Persian complex predicates[END_REF]

to form only telic predicates. Once again, the existence of several atelic CPrs containing a PP goes against this generalization. In the following examples, be masxare gereftan 'to mock' (Lit. 'to mocking take') and be ohde dāštan 'to have the responsibility of, to be in charge of' are two examples of atelic CPrs formed with a PP.

  These examples show that while tamiz 'clean' and hamum 'bath' both combine with kardan 'to do' to form agentive CPrs, only tamiz 'clean' combines with šodan 'to become' to form an unaccusative CPr. According to[START_REF] Folli | Determinants of event type in Persian complex predicates[END_REF]Folli et al. ( :1389)), such restrictions are not idiosyncrasies and can be accounted for on the basis of the syntactic properties of šodan, which "selects for a predictive small clause complement, while kardan can select for either a nominal complement (when it gets a 'do' meaning) or a small clause complement (when it gets a 'make' reading)." This explains the success of a kardan/šodan alternation in CPrs with a predicative non-verbal element, and its failure in CPrs with a nominal element. Let us now consider the following examples:These examples show that there is no ban on the combination of nominal nonpredicative nouns with šodan to form unaccusative CPrs, which implies in turn that the restrictions exemplified byFolli et al. in examples (31) and (32) cannot receive a syntactic explanation, but are idiosyncratic in nature.The same problem rises for some other restrictions noted byFolli et al., namely dād zadan 'to shout' (Lit. 'shout hit') vs. *dād xordan (Lit. 'shout collide'); kār kardan 'to work' (Lit. 'work do') vs. *kār xordan (Lit. 'work collide').

	(32) a. bačča=ro	hamum kard-am	(Folli et al. 2005:1389, (62))
	child=DOM bath	do.PST-1SG
	'I bathed the child.'
	b. *bačče hamum šo-d
	child bath	become-PST.3SG
	(intended) 'The child was given a bath.'
	(33) a. polis	maryam=rā	jarime kard
	police Maryam=DOM fine	do.PST.3SG
	'The policeman fined Maryam.'
	b. maryam jarime šo-d
	Maryam fine	become-PST.3SG
	'Maryam was fined.'
	(34) a. divār-hā=rā	pārsāl	rang kard-im
	wall-PL=DOM last-year paint do.PST-1PL
	'[We] painted the walls last year.'	, for instance,
	acknowledge this collocational association but do not address it thoroughly and state b. divār-hā=rā pārsāl rang šo-d-and hasty generalizations on the basis of a restricted set of examples: wall-PL=DOM last-year paint become-PST-3PL
	(31) a. miz=o 'The walls were painted last year.' tamiz kard-am	(Folli et al. 2005:1389, (60))
	table=DOM clean do.PST-1SG (35) a. maryam dar=rā qofl kard 'I cleaned the table.' Maryam door=DOM lock do.PST.3SG
	b. miz tamiz šo-d 'Maryam locked the door.'
	table clean become-PST.3SG b. dar qofl šo-d 'The table got/became cleaned.' door lock become-PST.3SG
	'The door was locked.'

  . Constructions are thus structured in networks, which represent different relationships such as hyponymy/hyperonymy (subtypes vs. supertypes), synonymy and valency alternations. Each Construction belongs to several different Construction types. Consequently, a given Construction type can inherit properties from multiple dominating types.

  The Communicatingzadan Construction, e.g. telefon zadan 'to phone' (Lit. 'phone hit'), telegrāf zadan 'to send a telegraph' (Lit. 'telegraph hit'), bisim zadan 'to walkie-talkie', 'to communicate by means of a walkie-talkie' (Lit. 'walkie-talkie hit'), illustrates this situation. While it is impossible to assign a meaning to zadan in these combinations, recent combinations such as imeyl zadan 'to email' or esemes zadan 'to text, to sms' are nevertheless created by analogical extension. We furthermore hypothesize that the productivity of Persian

This explains why the analysis of =rā as an accusative case-marker is common in the studies with the generative framework[START_REF] Karimi | Case and specificity: Persian râ revisited[END_REF][START_REF] Ghomeshi | Topics in Persian VPs[END_REF] among others).

Note that the reverse is not true, that is, the fact that the nominal element of a CPr cannot be rā-marked does not necessarily imply that the CPr is unaccusative, since rā-marking depends on a variety of conditions a part of which are semantic or pragmatic.

It must be mentioned that[START_REF] Folli | Determinants of event type in Persian complex predicates[END_REF] categorically reject this second option, claiming that verb alternation is the only available option to form the passive variant of a CPr (pp. 1395-1396). Samvelian (2012) gives however several attested counterexamples. Here are some additional examples from Bijankhan Corpora (http://ece.ut.ac.ir/dbrg/bijankhan/): (i) 22 nahang az marg=e goruhi nejāt dād-e šo-d-and 22 whale from death=EZ collective rescue give.PST-PTCP become-PST-3PL '22 whales were rescued from a collective death.'

For more examples, see[START_REF] Samvelian | Grammaire des prédicats complexes. Les constructions nom-verbe[END_REF] and the PersPred Database[START_REF] Samvelian | Introducing PersPred, a syntactic and semantic database for Persian complex predicates[END_REF].

Note however that this does not imply that the whole sequence is listed as a lexical entry in the lexicon.For an implementation of this approach see[START_REF] Müller | Persian complex predicates and the limits of inheritance-based analyses[END_REF].

This work is related to the work package LR4.1 of the Labex EFL, a public grant funded by the French National Research Agency (ANR) as part of the "Investissements d'Avenir" program (reference: ANR-10-LABX-0083).

list of abstract Constructions, each associated to a syntactic structure, argument structure and an abstract meaning.

Persian CPrs as Constructions

A Construction, in the sense of [START_REF] Goldberg | A Construction Grammar approach to argument structure[END_REF] and [START_REF] Kay | Grammatical constructions and linguistic generalizations: The What's X doing Y? construction[END_REF], is a conventional association between a form and a meaning. Given that Persian CPrs have a conventional meaning, they each correspond to a Construction, and are thus comparable to lexemes. Constructions can be of various levels of abstractness and can be organized hierarchically, going from the most specific ones to the more abstract ones. [START_REF] Samvelian | Grammaire des prédicats complexes. Les constructions nom-verbe[END_REF] applies this approach to a set of CPrs formed with the verb Here are examples of CPrs associated with each Construction:

 Spreading-zadan Cons: āb -'to wet', āhār -'to starch', kare -'to butter', rang -'to paint', vāks -'to polish'... idiosyncrasies. Regularities apply within small and medium-sized sets and rarely concern the whole set of combinations formed with a given verb. A careful investigation of data is necessary if sound and reliable generalizations are intended.