Florence Gétreau

Paolo Manfredo Maria Settala

Museae Septalianum Terzago

Septalae Manfredi

Patritii

Dott Fis

Colleg

Maria Paolo

Italiano Terzago

Sig Dal

Francesco Pietro

Dottor Scarabelli

Fisico

Depictions of the Church Serpent in France: Characteristics, Uses, Symbolisms

 The present article offers an opportunity to continue the analysis of this documentation, to broaden the corpus to include types of artwork that have not yet been mentioned (for example stone or gilded-wood relief), and to ponder the symbolic value of these depictions.

No doubt that of all the aerophones the serpent counts among those least encountered in visual sources 2 . Indeed, its cumbersome morphology and inelegant hold did not encourage artists to include it in their compositions. It is too bulky to be grouped with other instruments in still-life scenes, and the musicians who play it, for the same reason, do not appear particularly graceful, such that they are rarely to be seen in genre painting.

It is merely as an introduction devoid of any intent to broaching the subject of the Italian origin of the serpent, that we remind the reader of the publication in 1664 by Dr Paolo Maria Terzago of the first edition, in Latin, of the catalogue of the Museo Settala in Milan 3 . He describes therein the "Serpens harmonicus, quorum usus olim galliae familiaris" ("An harmonious serpent with which use the French are long since familiar") and refers to Mersenne's Harmonie universelle. It is not known whether it was for this first edition or the second one, in an Italian translation by Pietro Francesco Scarabelli 4 , that Carolus Gallutius was assigned to prepare the plates illustrating the instruments for which fourteen drawings (signed five times with his surname and twice with "Carolus a Sole"), apparently never etched, have fortunately survived and may be seen at the Estense Library in Modena.

1.

One of the plates depicts no. 17 of the Italian version of the catalogue, described as "A very large serpent two ells high and nearly one span wide at the end, which makes a bass so loud that it seems to shake the rooms and walls of the churches" (Un très grand serpent de deux aunes de hauteur et à l'extrémité large presque d'un empan, qui fait une basse tellement éclatante qu'il semble mettre les murs des chambres et des églises en mouvement) 5 . It resembles very closely the model illustrating Mersenne's work. Furthermore, two quite instructive details rendered by Mersenne's illustrator seemed to have inspired Carolus Gallutius: the view in profile of the mouthpiece and a portion of its shank; and the same mouthpiece viewed from the front, also separately from the body of the instrument.

Gallutius's drawing is rather linear, with relief obtained by shading, and the holes quite undeveloped. What makes his drawing precious, however, is that both the serpent and its mouthpiece are hung separately on a panel by means of an extremely suggestive nail and lace.

Although trivial, such details contribute effectively to reconstructing the genuine atmosphere of Manfredo Settala's cabinet of instruments, with its panoply of specimens hung vertically, and very mundanely, on the walls of his gallery.

The frontispiece engraved by Léonard Gaultier (1561 ?-1641 ?) [START_REF] Jacques | frontispiece to Devises pour les tapisseries du Roy, où sont représentés les quatre Éléments et les quatre Saisons de l'année[END_REF] for Les CL. Pseaumes de David et les X. Cantiques, Insérés en l'Office de l'Église (The 150 Psalms of David and the 10 Canticles, Inserted into the Service of the Church), translated into French verse by Michel de Marillac and published in Paris by Edme Martin in 1625, confirms the ordinary use of the serpent in worship in France and represents, to the best of our knowledge, the oldest depiction of the instrument to be found in that country. On this title page it is presented as part of a trophy comprising several instruments including a bass or tenor cornett and a treble cornett (fig. 1). A copy of this volume belonging to Marie de Médicis is now in the Dutuit collection of the museum of the Petit Palais in Paris [START_REF] Sébastien | inspired by the cartoon by Jean I LE FEBVRE (fl 1662-1700) after Charles LE BRUN, Tenture des Éléments. L'Air (Wall-Hanging of the Elements. Air)[END_REF] , while other specimens are held at the Bibliothèque nationale de France.

The Celestial Serpent and the Serpent-playing Cherub

5. See Frank P. BÄR, « Le Museo Settala à Milan au XVII e siècle : une collection d'instruments de musique à l'esprit français », Musique-Images-Instruments, 2, 1996, p. 58-87. Reprod. fig. 6. 6. Emmanuelle BRUGEROLLES, David GUILLET, « Léonard Gaultier, graveur parisien sous le règne de Henri III, Henri IV et Louis XIII », Gazette des Beaux-Arts, vol. 135, 2000, p. 1-24. See also the Référentiel des autorités Sudoc (www.idref.fr/029215471) that lists an important part of his production as author, engraver, illustrator, printer and commercial publisher. It is not until the 1660s that new depictions of the serpent are to be found in great ceiling decoration and church furnishings. The imposing vault of the dome of Val-de-Grâce church (fig. 2a) was painted between 1663 and 1666, around the same time that Manfredo Settala, as we have seen, printed the catalogue of his collection wherein a French serpent appears. In Val-de-Grâce, Pierre Mignard (1612-1695) produced one of his masterpieces [START_REF]of the cascades of trophies of instruments[END_REF] . The height of the vault makes it impossible for the naked eye to discern its details, which include a serpentplaying angel that accompanies different choirs (fig. 2b) alongside several fellow instrumentalists who play the violin and, on another part of the cupola, the flute, a positive organ, a lute, an ancient lyre, and a trumpet.

While more of a symbolic than realistic idealized depiction (if we consider the morphological imprecision of the instrument, the approximation of its hold, and the incoherence of its proportion to the size of the angel), it shows in any event the sacred function of the serpent and the suavity of its celestial sound that bring to mind the preciousness evoked in Mersenne's text: "The sound can be made so soft as to be proper to join to the voices in sweet chamber music whose affectations it imitates, and the diminutions, of which it can perform thirty-two notes per bar" (Et l'on peut tellement en addoucir le son qu'il sera propre pour joindre aux voix de la Musique douce des chambres, dont il imite les mignardises, & les diminutions, qu'il peut faire de trente-deux notes à la mesure […]) 9 .

Even in places remote from contact with the royal liturgy, serpent-playing angels embody the customs of the kingdom's parishes in the form of statuettes that frequently decorate the organ. Two serpent-playing angel figures can be seen on the organ case of Notre-Dame de Saint-Omer, sculpted by the Piette brothers in 1717 (fig. 3). Another example was produced around 1737 in the workshop of the builder Christophe Moucherel (1686-1765 ?) [START_REF] Jules | Versailles, Chapel Royal, musicians' gallery, organ case (base, west side)[END_REF] for the organ case of Saint-Salvi collegiate church in Albi. Here, the nude angel incidentally appears far too plump to hold his instrument correctly (fig. 4). In any event he is hardly the only one of his kind, as another job by this same maker shows 11 .

The Trophy of the Gradual of Notre-Dame de Paris

In researching the organological characteristics of the serpent, the lack of still lifes (a pictorial genre found in very reduced formats in the 17 th century) is compensated by the existence of other media. Artists make the most of these by including the serpent in exuberant trophies wherein it can be observed in greater detail, and discovered in the company of other instruments, which allows its diverse musical functions to be deduced.

The Gradual of Notre-Dame de Paris, held in the music department of the Bibliothèque nationale de France [START_REF]Trophée d'instruments avec serpent (Trophy of Instruments with a Serpent), mid-relief sculpted wood panel[END_REF] , constitutes an exceptional visual source for our subject. In Book III, "Gradualis de tempore Ecclesiae Parisiensis pars III incipiens a dominica Resurrectionis usque ad festum Corporis Christi exclusive", the Feria 2, the day following Easter, marks the joy that follows Lent and Holy Week, and the resumption of the use of musical instruments (fig. 5a). On folio 20, a magnificent banner of instruments including two intertwined serpents decorates the top of the leaf. The note "manu et industria Joannis Fossard" found on folio 3 seems to indicate that Jean Fossard was probably the copyist of the music and the text. The banner decorations are by Étienne Compardel who signed "Compardel pinxit 1669" on folio 2. His biography is quite well known: born in Leiden in 1640, his activities can be followed until 1692. Beginning in 1670 he was a member of the Académie de Saint-Luc, the powerful painters' guild, and twenty-three years later was elected a member of the Académie de peinture. He was a "peintre en mignature", meaning he worked in gouache on vellum and notably depicted flowers and birds [START_REF] De | Habit de Musicien[END_REF] .

The dropped initials of this precious gradual are by the calligrapher Étienne Damoiseletas attests the presence of the note "necnon Stephani Damoiselet, litterarum capitalium titulorumque scriptoris" on folio 3 -, writing master to Louis de France (1661-1711), active between 1652 et 1677. He contributed to the manuscript of Denis Gautier's Rhétorique des 11. It is appropriate to mention this other organ by Christophe Moucherel at Saint-Just et Saint-Pasteur Cathedral in Narbonne, built from 1739 to 1741, on which a serpent-playing angel motif is found twice; another example is the organ case sculpted by Melchior Verly for the Claude Parisot organ built in 1741 in the abbey church of Mondaye. 12. BnF Music, Rés-Vma-ms-1412. 13. He is the author of two works that belonged to the purveyor of books to the king's library, J. J. de Bure, Occupation de l'âme pendant le St. Sacrifice de la messe, and a Recueil d'oiseaux, painted on velum. On this last, a large miniature signed "Compardel" depicts the artist painting birds in a garden. See Bulletin du bibliophile et du bibliothécaire, 1897, p. 164.

Dieux in 1652 [START_REF]Serpentiste en habit de ville (Serpent Player in Street Clothes), Rouen manufactory ceramic tile[END_REF] , and participated in the elaboration of the Plans des forêts de l'Ile de France (1669) wherein the illuminations are also by Étienne Compardel [START_REF] Roussel | frontispiece to the Motets Melez de Symphonie by Marc-Antoine Charpentier[END_REF] .

Different authors have commented upon this exceptional gradual [START_REF] Roussel | frontispiece to Médée et Jason[END_REF] . At first glance it can be discerned that the style of the dropped initials is relatively awkward as regards the rendering of the instruments, whereas Étienne Compardel's banner is the product of a totally different skill (fig. 5b).

A rather fanciful positive organ whose symbolic (sacred music), ornamental, and compositional functions are nonetheless fundamental, is placed quite symmetrically and somewhat artificially on a sort of Eden prairie. The two gilded cantorial staves decorated with fleurs-de-lis were the attributes of the cantors of this cathedral church, since they were used to direct the singing and to maintain order in the choir. Then we notice music books, a cornett, and two bouquets of enormous flowers tied with a delicate ribbon that recall the anemones and roses to be found in the same period on the sound boards of Parisian harpsichords and the vellums of the king [START_REF] Anonymous | France, c. 1700, carved wood[END_REF] .

Two very large oboes, the bells of which rather awkwardly join up behind the central pilaster of the organ, are intertwined with two serpents (fig. 5c). Vincent Robin 18 revealed these long oboes to be bass cromornes the characteristics of which can be discovered both on the frontispiece of Borjon de Scellery's Traité de la musette, published in Lyons in 1672 [START_REF]Frontispiece to the Notice sur l'instruction des jeunes aveugles by Sébastien Guillié (1780-1865)[END_REF] , and in Garsault's Notionnaire of 1761 [START_REF] Anonymous | Le Concert. Sachons nous accorder[END_REF] . These bass cromornes are very well individualized since one seems to be of ebony, in three joints with ivory or bone collars, and equipped with a crook ending in a pirouette and a reed; the other is of light brown wood, in four joints with ivory or bone collars. Note that its bell is decorated with a ratcheted ring in bright metal and acanthus motifs. This sort of decoration is undeniably reminiscent of the pewter inlay motifs visible for example on the preparatory cartoon by Charles Le Brun (1619-1690) for the Gobelins tapestry Les mois : Avril ou le Château de Versailles [START_REF] Anonymous | L'Essentielle est d'accorder nos instruments pour que l'harmonie produise son effet, coulour etching[END_REF] . This tradition of pewter inlay would be continued on the large bagpipes of central France of which numerous specimens from the end of the 18 th century are extant [START_REF] Bazin | Procession à Saint-Sulpice, oil on canvas[END_REF] .

Before examining the serpents, let us continue our evaluation of Compardel's capacity for observation and restitution by turning our attention to the two string instruments lying on both sides of the composition: the lute and the bass viol. The realism of the first (fig. 5d) is striking and it exhibits the characteristics of the all-too-rare extant instruments from the years 1660-1670: its body is made up of nine wooden ribs [START_REF] Normandie | Le serpent du village (In Normandy. The Village Serpent Player)[END_REF] the flame of which is visible, its neck is fitted with the usual eight frets, eleven double courses and one single course, that is to say, twenty-two pegs, all of ebony or stained wood, with that of the highest-pitched string on a pulley. Notice the precision of the eight frets around the neck, and with what sense of detail Compardel has graced with a ravishing knot the red rope for maintaining the lute to the buttoning of the musician's clothing.

As for the bass viol, (fig. 5e), it seems to be constructed in a warm brown wood reminiscent of the materials employed by Michel Collichon one generation later in Paris [START_REF]Anonymous, Le joueur de serpent (The Serpent Player), oil on canvas, 19 th century[END_REF] . It has six strings. Its neck, tailpiece and hook bar are of stained wood or ebony veneer. The rendering of the wide (braided?) purfling on the edge of the top is remarkable. The pattern of the bow in black wood (ironwood?)short, arched, with a wedged frog and ivory counterweight buttonis highly interesting and quite different from that seen in the portraits of the violists of Marin Marais's generation [START_REF]La Rage souffle par sa bouche et l'Enfer est dans son coeur (« Fury blasts from his mouth and Hell is in his heart[END_REF] . The peg box, with its extravagant Iroquois head, recalls the fantasy of Collichon's viol heads, which include Bacchus, a pirate, and a cherub. Finally, we believe the perspective view of the bridge to be a unique case in French painting that could serve as a source of inspiration to today's luthiers.

Lingering over all these details will enable us to appreciate the two serpents depicted in the middle of the banner (fig. 5c). Their crosswise and symmetrical presentation allows the instrument to be shown front and back. Notice the wide brass ferrule with ratcheted edge that surrounds and reinforces the bell. Notice also the flat ring, placed on the second fold, equipped with a carrying ring for installing a strap. Lastly, the socket receiving the crook and the colourless mouthpiece (in horn or ivory?) are also very well observed details. Yet Compardel's know-how feels the effects of the constraints the banner format imposes, and also has its limitations: perspective is sometimes uncertain; aside from the inexact number of finger holes on the cromornes, it can be observed that the viola da gamba is set up backwards, as though strung for a left-handed player, that the number of its pegs does not correspond to the instruments made at the time, and that it is vocal music that is noted in the music books, but also that the detailing of all these can hardly be treated further. Finally, if the finger holes on the large reed instruments on Compardel's banner are examined closely, their number is obviously imaginary.

In any case this trophy of instruments confirms at a glance the richness of the instrumentarium to which the serpent belongs, in the context of the cathedral: bass cromorne, treble cornett, recorder, oboe, lute, and bass viol.

Allegories of Air in the form of trophies

In 1668, one year before the confection of the Notre-Dame Gradual, the king ordered from Jacques Bailly a decorated title page, also painted on parchment, meant to introduce the This surprising trophy painted on parchment continues an iconographic tradition developed to contribute to the glorification of the monarchy, to be seen in the hanging les Quatre Éléments, woven by the Gobelins after the cartoons by Charles Lebrun that were first produced by Jean Lefevbre's workshop in 1666, and etched by Sébastien Leclerc in 1670 and 1679 (fig. 7a). The borders of L'Air were an ideal pretext to assemble a great variety of wind instruments. These offer a wealth of insights into the typology of the reed, lip-reed, and fipple aerophones at the height of Louis XIV's reign 27 . Placed at the bottom of the composition, the serpent, far from the noise of war and the hunt (fig. 7b), makes up a trophy alongside several types of oboes and flutes.

Stone relief sculptures of cascades of instruments for the Chapel Royal at Versailles

Let us now turn to another particularly fertile source, representing a completely different technique with quite different proportions: the large relief sculptures, forming eight cascades of instruments, that decorate the musicians' gallery of the Chapel Royal at Versailles, on either side of the organ (fig. 8a andb). These cascades of instruments were sculpted in midrelief by six artisans, Jean de Lapierre, Jean de Dieu, Jean Voiriot, Nicolas Montéan, Pierre Lapierre, sculpteur, en l'année 1708) 29 . The text of this invoice is far from clear and it remains rather difficult to understand which cascades are ultimately by Lapierre or by his collaborators. Lapierre does not seem to have been able to complete the ensemble of trophies according to the program he had conceived as described above, which explains the confusion between several of the motifs 30 in the invoice: the sums therein are modified since it seems, from the amount ultimately paid, that he only produced two. Whereas an examination of the trophies shows that six of them use the serpent motif, this instrument is itemized only once in Lapierre's long invoice:

Firstly. A large group […] comprising two children […] holding diverse musical attributes, seated on a pedestal […].

Plus, above the fanlight supporting the said group, is wrought a large cascade of music trophies fourteen and a half feet high by five wide, arranged in two groups of which the first is filled with a large lyre [harp] five feet long enriched with cherub heads, acanthus, mouldings and other ornaments, accompanied by lutes, bassoons, oboes, flutes, and other musical instruments enriched with large palm branches, as well as a garland of flowers that intertwine the whole from top to bottom. The second group comprises a basse de violon with its bow, four and a half feet long. Accompanied by a finely treated theorbo, bassoon, 28. Alexandre MARAL, La Chapelle royale de Versailles. Le dernier grand chantier de Louis XIV, Château de Versailles/Arthena, 2011, p. 62. 29. A. MARAL, La Chapelle royale, op. cit., p. 244, note 231. AN, O 1 1784. This document is already mentioned in the Comptes des Bâtiments du roi, published 1881-1901, V, col. 215. 30. The simballon certainly refers to the hammered dulcimer also called tympanon, cymbalom or pantaléon at the time. In fact a specimen appears on the trophy that we have numbered "7" and which Maral does not attribute to Lapierre even though it is listed in his invoice. flutes, oboes, music books, and other instruments enriched with laurel branches and the spaces of the said groups filled by a simballon [dulcimer] with laurel branches, as well as the said garland of flowers that intertwines the second group of trophies and ends with a large fringed tassel that finishes the bundle from which is suspended all the said trophies, and attached to a large ornate button at the top of the work accompanied by a large ribbon knot by way of drapery of which the ends are trimmed with fringes, the whole very richly wrought and in perspective with much care. For having made the said works and the necessary models, the sum of 1700 800 livres. Plus another similar group, eight feet high and five wide, situated on the fanlight of the passage of the sacristy of the gallery, comprising two children […] holding different musical attributes […]. Plus, above the fanlight bearing the said group, is wrought a large cascade of music trophies comprising a large harp five feet high, decorated with a cherub's head and very rich foliage, grouped with violins, serpents, bassoons, oboes, books and other musical instruments enriched with large palm leaves, olive branches, and a garland of flowers that intertwine the said group from top to bottom, the whole suspended by a large bundle trimmed with fringe, attached to an ornate button and the bottom ending in a fringed tassel, the said group eight feet high and five feet wide, the whole wrought with much care and precision, for the sum of 1050 livres 450 livres. Total: 6 250 2 650 livres31 .

Premièrement. Un grand groupe […] composé de deux enfants […] tenans divers atributs de musique, assis sur un pied d'estail […]. Plus, au-dessous de l'imposte qui porte led. groupe, est travaillé une grande cheutte de troffées de musique de quatorze pieds et demy de haut sur cinq de large, composée en deux groupes dont le premier est rempli d'une grande lire [une harpe] de cinq pieds de long enrichis de testes de chérubins, feuilles d'acantes, moulures et autres ornemens accompagné de luts, bassons, aubois, flûtes et autres instrumens de musique enrichis de grandes branches de palmes, ainsi que d'une guirlande de fleurs qui entrelasse le tout depuis le haut jusques en bas. Le second groupe est composé d'une basse de violon avec son archet, de quatre pieds et demy de long. Accompagné d'un t[h]éorbe fort soigné[,] de basson, flûtes, hautbois, livres de musique et autres instrumens enrichis de branches de lauriers et les intervalles desdits groupes sont remplis d'un simballon avec des branches de lauriers, ainsi que laditte guirlande de fleurs qui entrelasse le second groupe de trophées et va se terminer avec une grosse oupe à frange qui termine la liasse d'où est suspendu tout lesd. trophée et attachée à un gros bouton orné au haut de laditte ouvrage acompagné d'un grand neud de ruban en manière de draperie dont les bouts sont ornés de franges, le tout très richement travaillé et en perspective avec beaucoup de souin. Pour avoir fait lesd. ouvrages et les models requis, la somme de [1700 livres : barré et remplacé par] 800 livres. Plus un autre pareil groupe, haut de huit pieds et large de cinq, situé sur l'imposte du passage de la sacristie de la tribune, composé de deux enfants […] tenant divers attributs de musique […]. Plus, au-dessous de l'imposte qui porte led. groupe, est travaillé une grande cheutte de trophée de musique composé d'une grande harpe de cinq pieds de haut, orné d'une teste de chérubin et de feuillage très riche, groupé avec des viollons, serpans, bassons, hautbois, livres et autres instrumens de musique enrichis de grandes palmes, branche d'oliviers et d'une guirlande de fleurs qui entrelasse led. groupe depuis le haut jusques en bas, le tout suspendu par une grande liasse ornée de frange, attachée à un bouton orné et le bas terminé par une houpe de frange, led. groupe a huit pieds de haut et cinq pieds de large, le tout travaillé avec beaucoup de souin et d'exactitude, pour la somme de [1050 livres : barré et remplacé par] 450 livres. Total : [6250 : barré et remplacé par] : 2 650 livres

To make sense of this long invoice, it must be compared with the "General account of the Furthermore, Monthéan, Voiriot, Dedieu, Varin, Bercher, and Marin were paid the sum of 2 300 livres on the basis of an "invoice for six low reliefs and six music trophies in the spaces between the columns of the apse amounting to 9 000 livres" (mémoire de six bas-reliefs et six trophées de musique dans les intervalles des colomnes du chevet montant à 9 000 livres) 33 .

Referring to our diagram showing the placement and the structure of these trophies starting from the south 34 (fig. 8), we observe that six of them (trophies 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 8) include a serpent motif (fig. 9a,b,c,d,e,f,g,h), which underscores to what point this instrument must have been omnipresent in the music of the Chapel Royal.

Among the specimens depicted, four have a reinforcing ferrule decorated with geometric motifs on the bell. Several also have reinforcing rings on certain folds, also decorated. Lastly, four display a sort of festoon (branded in the leather, as on the outside curve of 16th-century cornetti). The crook is also visible several times, but posed problems of perspective to the sculptors. The refined workmanship that these makers lavished on their representations of the instruments for the Chapel Royal can be seen by comparing them to extant contemporaneous specimens.

Notice here also, grouped around the serpent, the great variety of instruments: violins and viol of different ranges, lute and theorbo, guitar, dulcimer, harp, numerous wind instrumentsrecorder, flute, different models of oboe, bassoons, trumpetssmall cymbals 35 , and triangles.

The case for the symbolic but also very real predominance of the serpent in the gallery of the Chapel Royal is made persuasively by the north panel of the base of the organ, built by Clicquot and Tribout in 1709-1710 36 , adorned with doubtless the most magnificent depiction ever of a serpent used in the king's service (fig. 10) 37 . Neither the "Invoice of sculpted woodworks made for the service of the King […] according to the drawings and models of Monsieur de Coste […] by Desgoulos, Belan, Taupin, Legoupil, and Lalande, sculptors, in the year 1710" 38 , nor its pay statement 39 allow the sculptor of this ornamental panel to be identified. The instrument presents a beautiful pelmet decoration around the bell, as well as a reinforcing ring with pearl motifs in simplified form at the narrowest end of the bore wherein the crook is inserted. The mouthpiece is turned slightly towards the viewer, which does not allow for its characteristics to be established with precision.

Panels in Churches

Around 1730, Gilles-Marie Oppenord (1672-1742) and Juste-Aurèle Meissonnier (1693-1750) perpetuated a Versailles tradition 40 by realizing, for the sacristy of Saint-Sulpice church in Paris, an imposing sculpted oak panel that presents a cascade of trophies symbolizing the Attributs de l'Église et du culte catholique (Attributes of the Church and the Catholic Faith) (fig. 11a), amongst which the serpent and two music books accompanied by 35. In the Journal concernant le gardemeuble de la couronne […] Commençant le Deux janvier 1705 et finissant le 31 décembre 1710, we found a record of the delivery "for the new chapel of Versailles palace" (pour la nouvelle chapelle du château de Versailles), on 4 June 1710, of "ten brass cymbals, by Pezart" (dix cimbales de cuivre jaunes, par Pezart) who was purveyor of copperware since 1685. AN, O 1 3450, f. 2. 36. Marina TCHEBOURKINA, « L'orgue de la chapelle royale de Versailles : à la recherche d'une composition perdue », L'Orgue. Bulletin des Amis de l'orgue, 208, 2007-IV, p. an oboe (fig. 11b) support emblems of the papacy [START_REF] Émile | Oppenord et l'église Saint-Sulpice[END_REF] . The serpent is equipped yet again with a finely worked ring around the bell, consisting of a chevron and a frieze of four-lobe flowers, as well as a serrated ring reinforcing the crook and the mouthpiece. The same quality of detail is to be found in the ovum motifs decorating the bell and the upper bulb of the oboe.

The panel that adorns the choir of Marmoutier Abbey Church (Bas-Rhin), sculpted between 1761 and 1768, shows a trophy consisting entirely of instruments, including a serpent and bassoon as well as three different-sized violins [START_REF] Alphonse | Notes sur le mobilier du choeur de l'ancienne église abbatiale de Marmoutier[END_REF] (fig. 12).

Fashion Plates and the Serpent Player's "Outfit"

The famous print by Nicolas de Larmessin (1684-1725) of the Habit de Musicien (Musician's Outfit) (fig. 13) is one in a series of fashion plates depicting the trades in Paris [START_REF] Paul | Les costumes grotesques et les métiers de Nicolas de Larmessin. XVII e siècle. Habits des métiers et professions[END_REF] .

These prints, sold on rue Saint-Jacques, enable us to remark how the cumbersome serpent rubs shoulders with another equally unwieldy instrument, used in the Horse Guards as well as in the convents: the marine trumpet. The sheet of music placed on the left arm of the musician near the violin bears the title "Le Dieu des eaux". The one above the spinet reproduces the notation of a "Sarabande", a frequent dance movement in keyboard suites, while that near the marine trumpet is a lute or guitar tablature. There is no connection to church music in these notations intended to symbolize the diverse forms of music-making. For once the serpent's bulk is a real advantage for the engraver seeking "grotesque" and varied motifs as well as cover for his plate.

No doubt contemporary with this well-known outfit that embodies the height of versatility, is an earthenware tile from Rouen held in the Musée Carnavalet in Paris (fig. 14). It perhaps came from the workshops of Louis Poterat, who carried on in Rouen with royal letters patent between 1673 and 1696 [START_REF] Chantal | L'apparition de la porcelaine tendre à Rouen chez les Poterat. L'hypothèse protestante ?[END_REF] and was the only earthenware employer at that time. This blue earthenware tile shows a serpent player in street clothes. Is the border of the tile, with its large fleurs-de-lis, intended to establish a connection with the officers of the Chapel Royal? It is tempting to make the suggestion. In any case it remains, along with a detail on the early 18 thcentury Corpus Christi screen held in the Musée du Vieil Aix 45 , one of the few images of a musician at work in the period of the Ancien Regime.

Commercial Images for Publishers and Dealers

The serpent appears elsewhere in publishers' frontispieces and in the advertisements 16). It presents a trophy of wind instruments wherein the serpent is placed alongside a trumpet and a hunting horn, a bass viol, a violin, a guitar, a theorbo and a lute, and an oboe and flute, which strongly recalls the ensembles present on the trophies of the Chapel Royal. This instrumental variety would allow a single cartouche to frame the titles of highly diverse sacred or secular musical works.

A three-dimensional, painted wood shop-sign for a music and instrument dealer, held at the Musée de la Musique (fig. 17), is more surprising. It presents a very stylized serpent.

Attempting to date it is no easy matter. The model of bassoon with keys (only one is visible) could have been made around 1700. The proportions of the violin could make it a viola (quinte de violin). Considering that the screw-and-eye tensioning system only appears in archival documents and visual sources after 1740, is the bow really equipped with a button? 46 As regards the oboe, it still has a fontanelle, a detail which connects it with the only extant model by the Parisian maker Dupuis, active in the last decades of the 17 th century 47 . But its construction is too rustic to allow a precise analysis and consequently a dating. Although this sign until now has been dated to the end of the 18 th century, we believe it to be much older. A cartouche for a music dealer, engraved by Christophe Guérin (1758-1831) after Joseph Melling (1724-1796), shows a shop window filled with instruments (fig. 18). The three-coil orchestral horns are to the fore, the double bass and the new pedal harp also. At the back can be glimpsed a bassoon and a serpent that could represent church as well as military music. A mandolin lying on a pianoforte also shows how fashionable all these newcomers are.

Decrypting the titles on the drawers of music helps to date this document. Thereon can be read: Quatuor de Boccherini (the first ones published in Paris were in 1767) [START_REF] Anik | L'édition musicale dans la presse parisienne au XVIII e siècle[END_REF] ; Symphonies de Haydn (the first ones were printed in the capital in 1769) [START_REF] Devries-Lesure | [END_REF] and Opéra de Gluck (his Alceste was available from Marchand in December 1776) [START_REF] Devries-Lesure | [END_REF] illustration shows a serpent hanging at the back of the workshop. Yet none of the known inventories of the workshops of Parisian instrument-makers in the 18 th century mentions the serpent, whether in the shop or in the stock of the craftsmen [START_REF] Sylvette | Documents inédits sur les luthiers parisiens du XVII e siècle[END_REF] , and no serpents are offered for sale [START_REF] De | Les ventes d'instruments de musique au XVIII e siècle[END_REF] .

While virtually nonexistent at the Conservatoire in the first years after its foundation, the serpent seems to have contributed on the other hand to the education of the young blind, as can be seen in this Masonic frontispiece (fig. 19) intended for the Notice sur l'instruction des jeunes aveugles (Manual for the education of the young blind) published by Sébastien Guillié (1780-1865) in Paris in 1819. It is filled with educational symbolism and is perfectly in tune with the times: the Turkish crescent placed behind the young man naturally recalls the military music of the First Empire, in the same way as the pedal harp that adorned the imperial and royal residences. The placement of the serpent near a military drum indicates its new function, far from the Church.

Revolutionary Imagery: the Allegory of Concord

Revolutionary imagery also conveyed unambiguous social symbolism. Notice that the third estate plays the violin, an instrument which despite its career at the court of the French kings continued to be associated with the village fiddler. The nobility, because it made its career in the army, enjoys the use of the "eloquent oboe" (as Bruce Haynes might have said) which was associated with the Grande Écurie du Roi, while the Church is once more here symbolized by the serpent.

These repetitive and stereotyped images keep trotting out an improbable desire for harmony, in a tone still conciliatory before the final rupture would occur. In Le Concert (fig. 20), the commentary is highly moral: Sachons nous accorder, et banissons l'envie, Pour jouir des plaisirs de la bonne harmonie ("Let us tune, and banish envy, To enjoy the pleasures of good harmony"). Another variant, also anonymous, titled Bon nous voilà d'accord ("Right! Now we're in tune") 53 is already toned down graphically but is also less expressive. Finally, in Le Concert, L'Essentielle est d'accorder nos instruments pour que l'harmonie produise son effet 54 (fig. 21) ("The main things is to tune our instruments so that the harmony makes an impression"), the motif is reversed and its graphic qualities further toned down. While the commentary insists on the instruments, the message remains quite stereotyped. Throughout the 19 th century, prints spread images that were sometimes a little naive but are today rich in insight, like the one Charles Wild produced around 1826 when visiting Amiens cathedral.

Cathedral, Parish, and Village Serpent Player

The use of the serpent continued in village churches but with much less solemnity (fig. 23 and 24). Whether in popular painting or in regionalist photography spread through postcards 55 , these images, along with contemporaneous caricatures, confirm the survival of this centuries-old rustic figure until the First World War.

Last Gasp

Our attempt at a typology shows that learned artworks predominate before 1789, while in the century thereafter, popular images spread more simplistic models, a phenomenon which can be understood as a symptomeven limited to the Churchof the multiple musical and social functions of the instrument in the course of its career.

Yet was the serpent not already breathing its last when the reptile reasserted itself and unleashed its fury on France? (fig. 25).

7 .

 7 See Marie de Médicis : un gouvernement par les arts, exhibition catalog, Château de Blois, 29 November 2003-28 March 2004, Paris, Somogy, 2003, p. 223-224, no. 92. Reprod.

  Devises pour les Tapisseries du Roy où sont représentez les quatre Éléments et les quatre Saisons de l'Année (Slogans for the King's Tapestries whereon the Four Elements and the 25. Florence GETREAU, « Les archets en France aux XVII e et XVIII e siècles : quelques repères iconographiques », Musique-Images-Instruments, 4, 1999, p. 118-131. Four Seasons of the Year are depicted). The texts were by Claude Perrault, François Charpentier, and Jacques Cassagnes 26 . At the top left of the composition (fig. 6a et b) L'Air(Air) is represented by a medallion filled with clouds, surmounted by an eagle spreading its wings over a trumpet of Renown. This first group is placed over an organ, another trumpet fitted out with a banner, and diverse wind instruments: a bass cromorne, an oboe, a recorder of which only the extremity is visible. A serpent, covered in its characteristic blackened leather, presents a relatively precise lead pipe and finger holes.

  Maral reprints the "Invoice for the sculpture of two groups of children and groups of cascades of music trophies made in bon banc and banc royal limestone above and below the fanlight on each side of the circular part of the gallery of the new chapel of Versailles palace by order of Mr Mansart […] the said groups made by Jean de Lapierre, sculptor, in the year 1708" (Mémoire de la sculpture de deux groupes d'enfans et groupes de cheuttes de trophées de musique faittes de pierre de bon banc et banc royal faitte au-dessus et dessous de l'imposte de chaque costé de la partie circulaire de la tribune de la chapelle neuve du chasteau de Versailles par ordre de Monsieur Mansart […] lesd. Groupes faits par Jean de

  expenditure for the construction of the new chapel […] of Versailles palace from the year 1689 […] until the end of the year 1710" (Estat général de la dépense faite pour la construction de la chapelle neuve […] du château de Versailles depuis l'année 1689 […] jusqu'à la fin de l'année 1710), since this reveals that Lapierre was also paid "The invoice for two low reliefs of children and music trophies between the columns of the apse of the gallery, amounting to the sum of 6 250 livres according to the invoice of the sculptor and settled at 2 650 livres […]" (Le mémoire de deux bas-reliefs d'enfans et trophées de musique entre les colonnes du chevet de la tribune, montant à la somme de 6 250 livres suivant le mémoire du sculpter et arresté à celle de 2 650 livres […]) 32 .

  32. A. MARAL, ibid., p. 360. AN, O 1 1784. 33. A. MARAL, ibid., p. 362. See also p. 244, note 232: Mémoire des ouvrages de sculpture fait en pierre de bon banc de la carrière royalle au chevet de la chapelle du château de Versailles par l'ordre de Monseigneur le marquis d'Antin […] par Dedieu, Voiriot, Monthéan, Varin, Bercher et Martin, sculpteurs (Invoice for works of sculpture made in bon banc stone from the royal quarry in the apse of the chapel of Verailles palace by order of His Grace the Marquis d'Antin […] by Dedieu, Voiriot, Monthéan, Varin, Bercher, and Martin, sculptors) AN, O 1 1784. Comptes des Bâtiments, published 1881-1901, V, col. 217 ; Marta-Mel EDMUNDS, Piety and politics. Imaging Divine Kingship in Louis XIV' Chapel at Versailles, Newark, Londres, University Press, 2002, p. 163. 34. Our diagram is laid out in the opposite direction from the reproductions in A. MARAL, op. cit., p. 282, fig.535to 542. We have decided to number the trophies as they appear on each side of the organ, starting from the south wall, on the right when viewing the organ.

  3-112. AN, MC, I, 240, p. 4-17. 37. A. MARAL, op. cit., p. 321, fig. 845. 38. AN, O 1 1784, Mémoire des ouvrages de sculpture en bois faits pour le service du roy […] suivant les desseins et modelles de Monsieur de Coste […] par Desgoulos, Belan, Taupin, Legoupil et Lalande, sculpteurs, en l'année 1710, partially published by Jean-Marc BAFFERT, « L'orgue de la chapelle du château de Versailles : glanes et images (1710-1937), L'orgue francophone, 22/23, December 1997, p. 14-21. 39. A. MARAL, op. cit., p. 366. Mémoire des ouvrages de sculpture en bois des portes de lad. Chapelle […] du buffet d'orgue, des lambris de sacristie […], montant à la somme de 113 571 livres (Invoice for works of sculpture in wood for the doors of the said Chapel […] for the organ case, for the panels of the sacristy […] amounting to the sum of 113 571 livres), AN, O 1 1784. See also in his work the fig. 845. 40 A. MARAL, op. cit., p. 109, fig. 169 and 170.

  circulated by music dealers. A future systematic investigation should no doubt yield new surprises that will complement these few examples. The frontispiece by Claude Roussel (1655?-172?) for Marc-Antoine Charpentier's (1643-704) Motets Melez de Symphonie, published in Paris by Jacques Edouard in 1709 (fig. 15), uses the same cartouche that three years before adorned the title page of Jean-Philippe Rameau's Premier livre de pièces de clavecin. It was reused in 1713 for the opera Médée et Jason by Jean-François Salomon (1649-1732) (fig.

  The use of the serpent in the Church became more discreet at the height of the Revolution and the Convention, and, although churches were authorized to open again in Paris on 31 May 1795, would remain all the more so after the royalist insurrection of 4 September 1797 until the Concordat of 1802. Bearing witness to the revival of the great religious ceremonies is the Procession à Saint-Sulpice, painted by Pierre-Joseph Bazin (1797-1866) in 1816 and still held in the parish hall of Saint-Sulpice church in Paris (fig. 22). In the imposing architecture of the edifice, this picture offers all the details of an official ceremony where two serpent players can be noticed amongst the officiating priests in surplices. A student of Anne-Louis Girodet-Trioson (1767-1824), Bazin specialized in miniature and developed a commemorative and finely descriptive painting technique, as attests the Création de la Maison d'éducation de la 53 Colour etching, 1789, Paris, BnF, Prints, Recueil. Collection de Vinck. Un siècle d'histoire de France par l'estampe, 1770-1870. Vol. 12 (pièce 1934-2080). 2051. IFN-694 3280. 54 Colour etching, 1789, Paris, BnF, Estampes, QB-1 (1789)-FOL.

  Légion d'Honneur, painted in 1811. In 1824, he continued in this vein by depicting La communion de la Reine à la Conciergerie.

  Translation : Michael Greenberg (september 2014) 55 L'instrument de musique populaire. Usages et symboles, exh. cat., Paris, Musée national des Arts et Taditions populaire, Éditions de la Réunion des musées nationaux, 1980, p. 145, reprod. and p. 146, no. 269.

  8. Claude MIGNOT, « L'église du Val-de-Grâce au faubourg Saint-Jacques de Paris : architecture et décor (nouveaux documents. 1645-1667 », Bulletin de la Société de l'Histoire de l'Art Français, 1975/1976, p. 101-136 ; Le Val-de-Grâce : l'ermitage d'une reine, Paris, CNRS Éditions, 1994. See also Simon P. MAZIERE DE MONVILLE, La vie de Pierre Mignard, premier peinture du roy ; avec le poème de Millière sur les peintures du Val-de-Grace et deux dialogues de M. de Fenelon […] sur la peinture, Amsterdam, La Compagnie, 1731.

9. Marin MERSENNE, Harmonie universelle, Paris, Sébastien Cramoisy, 1636 ; facsimile reprint with an introduction by F. Lesure: Paris, Édition du CNRS, 1975, Livre cinquième, « Proposition XXIV », p. 281. 10. Christophe Moucherel is the author of the Mémoire instructif pour faire les devis, desseins, plans, marchez & réception des orgues, Rodez, 1734. Former collection of Geneviève Thibault de Chambure. Paris, BnF, Music, Rés. Vmd. 53(1). Published in facsimile in Textes sur les instruments de musique au 18 ème siècle, Geneva, Minkoff, 1972.

Antiquité et musique pour luth au XVII e siècle : les sources de l'iconographie et des arguments de la Rhétorique des Dieux », Bulletin de l'Association Guillaume Budé, 3, October 1995, p. 263-276. 15. Étienne COMPARDEL, Plans des forêts, bois et buissons du département de la grande maistrise des eaues et forests de l'Isle de France, Brie, Perche, Picardie et Pays reconquis / Les plans enluminés par Compardelle en […] 1668 et les tables escrites par E. Damoiselet, 63 velum leaves, Paris, Bnf, Maps and Plans, GE DD-4728 (RES). See Collections de Louis XIV : dessins, albums, manuscrits, exhibition catalogue, Roseline BACOU

  Le graduel exécuté au XVII e siècle pour Notre-Dame de Paris », Scriptorium. Revue internationale des études relatives aux manuscrits, 1 re année, vol. 1, fasc.1, 1946, p. 352-360 ; Bulletin du bibliophile, 1969, p. 84 ; Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique, vol. 66/1, 1971, p. 257 ("The decoration of the work is by Étienne Compardel […], assisted by Léonard Blondeau for the line drawing (and the staves?) and Étienne Damoiselet for the execution of the titles and the initials" [La décoration de l'ouvrage est due à Étienne Compardel […], aidé de Léonard Blondeau pour le tracé des lignes (et des portées ?) et d'Étienne Damoiselet pour l'exécution des titres et initiales]); Archives de l'art français, 26, 1984, p. 103 ; Allgemeines Lexikon der bildenden Künstler von der Antike bis zur gegenwart, Ulrich Thieme, Felix Becker (eds.), Leipzig, E.A. Seemann Verlag ; reprint : Munich, Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1992, t. 7/8, p. 283 ; Harry BLÄTTEL, International dictionary : miniature painters, porcelain painters, silhouettists, Munich, Arts & Antiques edition, 1992, p. 232 ; Allgemeines Künstlerlexikon: die bildenden Künstler aller Zeiten, begrundet und mitherausgegeben von Günter Meissner, Munich, K.G. Saur Verlag, 1998, vol. 20, p. 467. 17. Aline RAYNAL-ROQUES, Jean Claude JOLINON, Monique DUCREUX, Les peintres de fleurs. Les vélins du Muséum, Paris, Bibliothèque de l'image, 1998. 18. Vincent ROBIN, « Hautbois et cromorne en France aux XVII e et XVIII e siècles. Essai de clarification terminologique », Basler Jahrbuch für Historische Musikpraxis, XXVIII, 2004, p. 23-36.

	14. Denis GAULTIER, La Rhétorique des dieux [recueil de pièces pour luth], ca. 1652. Facsimile of the
	manuscript of the Kupferstichkabinett [des Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kultubesitz], Berlin, 78C12.
	Illustrations by Abraham Bosse, Robert Nanteuil, and Eustache Le Sueur, published by Damoiselet and
	Belluchau, introduction by François Lesure, Geneva, Minkoff, 1991. On Damoiselet, see also François-Pierre
	GOY, « ,
	Marie-Rose SEGUY (eds.), Paris, musée de l'Orangerie, Éditions de la Réunion des musées nationaux, 1977,
	p. 249, no. 247.
	16. Jean VEZIN, «

  19. Charles-Emmanuel BORJON DE SCELLERY (1633-1691), Traité de la musette, avec une nouvelle méthode pour apprendre de soymesme à joüer de cet instrument facilement et en peu de temps, Lyons, Jean Girin and Barthelemy Rivière, 1672 ; facsim. reprint : Geneva, Minkoff, 1972. 20. François-Alexandre-Pierre de GARSAULT (1693-1778), Notionnaire, ou Mémorial raisonné de ce qu'il y a d'utile et d'intéressant dans les connoissances acquises depuis la création du monde jusqu'à présent […], Paris, G. Desprez, 1761. Plate XXXVI. 21. Paris, Mobilier national, Inv. GMTT 108/4, musée national du château de Pau, P. 2337 (Inv. 1896). See Bruce HAYNES, The Eloquent Oboe. A History of the Hautboy from 1640 to 1760, Oxford University Press, 2001, p. 33 and 34, Pl. I.14. 22. Les cornemuses de George Sand. Autour de Jean Sautivet, fabricant et joueur de musette dans le Berry (1796-1867), exh. cat., Musées de Montluçon, 22 June 1996-7 October 1996, commissionership: Sylvie Douce de LA SALLE, Marie-Barbara LE GONIDEC, Jean-Jacques SMITH. See particularly "Boîtiers de cornemuses incrustées", p. 64-66. 23. See Joël DUGOT, Les luths (Occident). Catalogue des collections du musée de la Musique (vol. 1), Paris, Cité de la Musique, 2006, p. 92 (Les cahiers du musée de la Musique 7), lute by Jean Desmoulins, Paris, 1644. 24. Tilman MUTHESIUS, « Collichon, premier facteur de violes à sept cordes ? », Musique-Images-Instruments, 2 1996, p. 40-52. The author identified the wood of the body as mahogany. Recent research at the university of Montpellier has shown that it could be "Guyana mahogany", known as Cedrela odorata. My thanks to Joël Dugot for this information.

  Varin, and Denis Martin, between 1708 and 1709. Alexandre Maral's monumental monograph on the architecture and furnishings of the Chapel Royal affords numerous insights into this decorative program: It was to Lapierre, remunerated beginning January 1708, that were assigned several reliefs in the musicians' gallery, including a large trophy of musical instruments. Considering that the sculptors of the other six large trophies by Lapierre were paid afterwards, at a price of 26. Paris, BnF, Manuscripts, Ms. français 7819. See Collections de Louis XIV : dessins, albums, manuscrits, op. cit., p. 238, n°233 ; see also Émilie HAMIKA, Marie-Pierre LAFFITTE, « L'enluminure tardive à Versailles », exh. cat., Louis XIV. L'homme et le roi, Nicolas MILOVANOVIC, Alexandre MARAL (eds.), Paris, Skira/Flammarion, 2009, p. 298, cat. 178. 27. B. HAYNES, The Eloquent Oboe, op. cit., p. 30-32.less than one hundred livres per trophy, it can be supposed that Lapierre's mission was to establish a model 28 . C'est à Lapierre, rétribué dès janvier 1708, que furent confiés plusieurs reliefs de la tribune de la Musique, dont un grand trophée d'instruments musicaux. Dans la mesure où les sculpteurs des six autres grands trophées de Lapierre furent rétribués par la suite, et pour un montant inférieur de cent livres par trophée, on peut supposer que Lapierre a eu pour mission de définir un modèle

  45. For a reproduction of the entire screen, see Luc-Charles DOMINIQUE, Les Ménétriers français sous l'Ancien Régime, Paris, Klincksieck, 1994, plate between p. 176 and 177. 46. F. GETREAU, « Les archets en France aux XVII e et XVIII e siècles », op. cit. 47. See B. HAYNES, op. cit., p. 30-33 : "The Protomorphic hautboys", and Philipp T. Young, 4900 Historical Woodwind Instruments, London, Tony Bingham, 1993, p. 67.

  . The appearance of this commercial cartouche can thus be situated after this last date. Its motifs seem to corroborate the plate, etched by Robert Bénard (1734-1786), for l'Art du faiseur d'instruments de musique et lutherie (The Art of the Musical Instrument Maker and Instrument-Making), the supplement to Diderot's Encyclopédie printed in 1785 by Charles Joseph Panckoucke (1736-1798). Titled Luthier, Ouvrages et outils (Instrument-Maker, Works, and Tools), this

A. MARAL, La Chapelle royale, op. cit., p. 336-337.

2. This can be appreciated when consulting the data base of the


Delaplace Marie

Pagliara Francesca

Sposaro Antonio

HIGH SPEED RAILWAY SYSTEM AND THE TOURISM MARKET: BETWEEN ACCESSIBILITY, IMAGE AND COORDINATION TOOL

Keywords: Tourism, High Speed Rail, cities JEL : L83, R40, R50, R 58

The aim of this paper is to propose a state-of-the-art about the interactions between High-Speed Railway systems and the tourism market. Because of changes in accessibility, provided to the territories supplied by these systems, the actors expect a dynamic economy, in general, and of the tourism in particular. Although expectations are important in France as abroad, a literature review of studies carried out ex-post shows that the effects are not systematic, since they depend on the implementation of the High-Speed Railway service and on the characteristics of the territories. It can be noted that, if the high speed rail allows, in some cases, the increase in the number of tourists, a decrease of the stay may follow. To understand the role of High Speed Railway, it is necessary to take into account the changes of accessibility, but also its effects on the image of the destination and on the coordination of the stakeholders.

Expectations associated with HSR in terms of tourism development

Among the expectations associated with HSR, those relating to the development of urban and business tourism are various (1.1). These expectations depend on the stakeholders 'concerns. Nevertheless some exante studies tend to generalize the positive impacts on all served cities (1.2).

Expectations associated with HSRin terms of urban and business tourism

The expectations in the served cities by HSR in France and abroad are numerous (Bazin et al., 2011a). The expected improvements in the accessibility of a destination would lead to an increase of the transport demand. A revitalization of urban and business tourism isexpected [START_REF] Delaplace | Multiplication des dessertes TGV et Tourismes urbains et d'affaires, Regards croisés sur la Province et l'Ile de France[END_REF][START_REF] Bazin | Grande vitesse, activation des ressources spécifiques et développement du tourisme urbain : le cas de l'agglomération rémoise[END_REF][START_REF] Kamel | The non-transport impacts of High-Speed Trains on regional economic development : a review of the literature[END_REF][START_REF] Masson | Can the high speed rail reinforce tourism attractiveness ? The case of the high speed rail between Perpignan (France) and Barcelona (Spain)[END_REF] associated with an increase in tourism (Mannone, 1995[START_REF] Sands | The Development Effects of High-Speed Rail Stations and Implications for California, Institute of Urban and Regional Development University of Berkeley[END_REF].

Urban tourism is characterized by visiting museums, historical monuments, gastronomic activities in a given country, or shopping activities in large cities with famous shops. In France, the tourist characteristics vary by city, but overall it is a short-stay-tourist (two or three days) and often weekend, mainly by singles or couples or families with children (ODIT, 2008) belonging to different professions and socioeconomics categories with a variable income.

Business tourism (i.e. meetings, congresses, exhibitions (MICE)), is characterized by individual movements and / or collective decided by companies or administrations with the objective of reducing travel time. According to the French Club of Tourism Business (CFTAR), the preferred sites correspond to 78 % in city centers and are mainly selected by three criteria: geographical location, accessibility and accommodation facilities. Professionals and high-income socio-economic categories with a relatively sensitivity to price but very high sensitivity to the quality and speed of service practice this tourism. Like other forms of tourism, this type of tourism is characterized by a tendency to shorten the average length of stay.These types of tourism would benefit from HSR services because they facilitate travel. Indeed, if the station is located in the city centre, places of urban tourism are more easily accessible without loss of time for tourists. A HSR service allows moving faster on the spot, without fatigue, avoiding congestion and increasing difficulties to the heart of the city(existing when travelling by car), and even more so when the station is located in the city. It also allows foreign tourists visiting major cities to provide a secondary destination that can be visited during the day with a round trip by train.

1.2 Expectations resulting from the concerns of the actors In France, these expectations appear in the reports of public agencies.Dueto thecommissioning of theEastern European High SpeedLine(HSL) in France in 2007,it was assumed thatthe attractivenessof the Lorraine regionwould have beenincreased. "A new customer (tourist) may be referred: from Ile-de-France first, then European, from other parts of province last " (ISIS 2004: 49). Similarly, in 2005, the Economic and Social Council of the Alsace region stated that "at a time when tourism is stagnant, the arrival of the HSR is a real opportunity to renew the tourist supply, for example by promoting the incoming from the Ile de France customers " (CESA 2005: 8). The same expectations were present in Franche-Comté in Besançonconsidered World Heritage Site by Unesco (Villes et regions européennes de la grandevitesse, 2009). These expectations are always present in other projects: "South-west regions enjoy the benefits of the arrival of the HSR: (...) development of tourism, especially"short stay"travels" [START_REF] Rff | Economic impacts of high speed trains. Experiences in Japan and France: expectations in The Netherlands[END_REF]. This is particularly the case of cities that will be served by the TGV South-west including Bordeaux and Toulouse (Setec, 2005). In Lower Normandy (France), almost all the contributions made by the actors during the public debate of the New Paris-Normandieline (LNPN), evoke a tourism development [START_REF] Guinguand Cécile | La Ligne Nouvelle Paris Normandie, Quelles stratégies d'acteurs sur le territoire de la Basse-Normandie ? Institut Français d'urbanisme[END_REF]. Lower-Normandy being a favorite spot by some Parisians, the reinforced accessibility in Paris induced by the implementation of this new line will enhance tourist attractions. This is the case of Caen where the LNPN line should optimize the potential seaside tourism, the Greater Caen heritage, its coastline and develop short stays and cultural or professional events (such as congresses) (Communautéd'agglomération de Caen la Mer, 2011). Concerning the new Paris Orléans Clermont-Ferrand Lyon (POCL), it is expected that the city of Roannethat could be served by this HSR, sees its future service as a tool for the development of its gastronomic events [START_REF] Ville | Le tracé par Roanne, une évidence pour 3 fonctions ! Projet de Ligne à Grande Vitesse Paris / Orléans / Clermont Ferrand / Lyon[END_REF]. The same is expected byHSLArcomed,which should lengthen the duration of the tourist season and increasethe pre-existing amenity value as at Toulon to Genoa or Barcelona (Arcomed, Etude d'impact, 2008: 19). Elsewhere in Europe, expectations were equally strong. Thus, seeking to learn from the French experience (with the example of Lyon in particular) and from Japan,Rietveld et al (2001)believed that the city of Amsterdam has much to gain in terms of tourism by the future line HSL-South. In Britain, in Kent in the late 80s, tourism was considered the greatest opportunity for the commissioning of the Channel Tunnel (Gibb 1986: 368). InSpain, [START_REF] Feliu | High-Speed Rail in European Medium-Sized Cities: Stakeholders and Urban Development[END_REF] points out that tourism business have seen by the arrival of the new service in Lleida, an opportunity to promote tourism in the Pyrenees so that the station was called "Lleida-Pirineus." In the United States, the same tourist expectations forLGV projects are present. [START_REF] Nash | Environmental and Other Co-benefits of Developing a High Speed Rail System in California: A Prospective Vision 2010-2050[END_REF] argues that stations served by the service will benefit leisure travel. Todorovitch et al. (2011: 17) indicate ""Just as airports bring visitors and their spending power into the local economy, high-speed rail stations attract new tourists and business travelers who might not have made the trip otherwise". Murakami and Cervero (2012: 10) offer similar expectations for Kyoto, Japan and San Diego,California "Our research also suggests that a HSR system might be able to enhance the economic advantages of touristoriented clusters in relatively large cities (e.g., Kyoto in the western side of Japan, Anaheim and San Diego in Southern California)". The impact study of the HSR service in Ohio highlights the expected effects in terms of tourism development in a state with many amenities: "For international visitors high-speed rail will provide accessibility to the major attractions without the necessity to drive a car" (Transportation Economics & Management Systems, 2007: 130).

In Australia, the HS train between Melbourne and Canberra could bring a lot of new tourists in the towns of Shepparton, Albury-Wodonga and WaggaWagga. "The flow on benefits to tourism, sports and arts are likely to be high." (Edwards, 2012: 19). In general, and in many places in the world where HSR projects exist, the analysisshows the idea that from the commissioning of a HS line it should benefit the tourism sector « Besides business journeys, tourism is the first sector to show an immediate effect following the inauguration of an HST line. Indeed, the number of tourists in cities linked to the network tends to increase thanks to this alternative mode of transport" (Albalate, Bel, 2010: 25). The best tourist traffic would increase turnover in the sector and direct taxes on tourism spending. Seasonality of tourism could also be less marked and the rate of filling more balanced accommodation throughout the year. However, these analyzes and studies ex-ante, inspired mostly byex-post studies conducted in cities previously served by TGV, have a tendency to generalize some positive impacts identified in certain types of cities, with specific strengths in tourism without always taking into account the possible ambivalent effects.

Ex-Post, a potential dynamism despite some disappointed expectations and ambivalent impacts

Ex-post dynamism associated with a TGV service is sometimes observed in the short term and in some conditions, but expectationsare not always met (2.1) in particular due to a decrease in length of stay (2.2).

2.1 A possible dynamic in terms of attendance... The results of studies, conducted over 30 years in France, are very different as shown in Table 1.

Table 1: TGV Line and evolution of tourism in France Line and year of service Observations derived

LGV Paris-Lyon 1981 No impact on the activities of winter sports except change of profiles [START_REF] Bonnafous | The regional impact of the TGV[END_REF] Development of exhibitions and fairsnation-wide (Mannone 1995: 280) in Lyon.

Growthin the number of nights in smallcitiesaround Lyon (Beaune or Montbard).

Decrease in the number of nights (Dijon, Valence, neighborhoods around the station Lyon-Perrache).

Nodevelopment of business tourism in Dijon (Mannone, 1995). Business development of the convention center in Beaune but 10 years after the arrival of the TGV with the creation of the Palais des Congrèsin 1991 (Mannone, 1995).

Business development of conference in Chambéry as in Grenoble, primarily due to the existence of centers performing globally recognized research able to generate such an activity (Mannone, 1995).

LGV Atlantique 1989Atlantique -1990 Growth in the number of conferences at Le Mans, from 15 events Congresses in 1987 to 30 in 1993.

In 1993, 70% of the centre's clients were from the Île-de-France and 70% of attendees came by TGV [START_REF] Amiard | Grande vitesse ferroviaire et développement économique local : une revue de la littérature[END_REF]. Development of business tourism in Tours (10 Congresses in 1984, 22 in 1985, 120 in 1996and 134 (Faye, 1998) also related to the opening of the Congress center.

Increased 43% of hotel rooms in the center of Nantes between 1988 and 1993 but occupancy rates are not up to the expectations (Vickerman&Ulied, 2006).

LGV Nord 1993 Growth in the number of hotels and three and four stars hotel rooms, respectively from 16 to 27 and 1300 to 2100 in Lille.

Growth in visitorsfrom 34,000 in 1990 to 149,000 in 1995 and 517,000 in 2003 and the number of foreignvisitorsincreasedfrom 26% in 199026% in to 36% in 200326% in (CSEF, 2005) ) LGV Méditérannée 2001 Growth in the number of days Congress welcomed from 109,021 in 1996 to 294,124 in 2009 [START_REF] Ville De Marseille | Le tourisme made in Marseille, Direction de la communication[END_REF] No fulfillment of all expectations in terms of tourism in Avignon [START_REF] Feliu | High-Speed Rail in European Medium-Sized Cities: Stakeholders and Urban Development[END_REF].

LGV

Est-européenne 2007

Growth of 7% in the number of French nights from 2007 to 2008 in Strasbourg (Tourisme-Alsace, 2008).12% in growth of number of "business" events, 11% in national or international events, 23% in number of days of seminars and 40% in sales "meetings" between June 2005 -2006 and June-December 2007 in Strasbourg (Tourisme-Alsace, 2008). Overnight stays are also growing in Nancy and Metz. Decrease of hotel occupancy rates in Metz and Nancy, compared to 2006 (-4.7 points for Metz, Nancy -3 points). Twoyearslater, only Strasbourg seems to show dynamism [START_REF] Insee | La ligne à Grande Vitesse Est-européenne : une évaluation de l'impact sur le tourisme[END_REF]. Promotion of business tourism in Reims: beyond expectations. Growth in congress from 16 in 2005 (4 international) to 19 in 2007 (2 international) to 27 in 2010 (9 international) (AUDRR, 2012).

Source: the authors

In addition, the analysis conducted by Bazinand al. (2013) in some small and medium-sized cities in the North, Atlantic and Eastern Europe served by the LGV shows that, despite an improvement in the accessibility even in cities with a tourist heritage, the increase in tourists due to the TGV is minimal.For cities of intermediate size, positive effects can be registered on condition that they are pre-equipped by tourist amenities, corresponding to a "basket of goods" for the tourist to diversify its visits (Bazinand al, to be published).City size is a factor to take into account for the connection between TGV service and dynamism of tourism (Delaplace, 2012b). In terms of urban tourism, and business tourism, no general trend seems to appear in France. amenities and overall accessibility of cities are the most important factors in the development of business tourism.

Abroad, the effects are equally well mixed. In Spain, as in France, Urenaand al. (2009) argue that large intermediate cities served by HSR as Lille, Zaragoza oreven more Cordoba would see a growth in urban and business tourism. Similarly Todorovitchand al. (2011) reported that tourism grew 15% annually in Lleida and business conventions 20%. However, they emphasize that this was not the case of Tarragona, because of the remoteness of the station relative to the most attractive coastal areas. The study of DB International GmbH (2011) on pairs of relatively similar cities served and not served by HS services in France, Germany and Spain, shows the inability to generalize the dynamic evolution of the nights in the served territories. In Spain, it is also shown that the dynamism of the nights is strongly correlated to all cities regardless of whether they are or are not crossed by HSR. The study led by SEEDA (2008) on thirteen cities in Germany, Holland, Britain and France shows that few cities seem to have experienced a revitalization of tourism. An increase of tourist movements is however mentioned in Taiwan [START_REF] Cheng | High-speed rail in Taiwan: New experience and issues for future development[END_REF] or in China, where some cities have benefited from a HSR service [START_REF] Wang Xin | Effects of the high speed rail network on China's regional tourism development[END_REF]. Provinces served in China "are likely to have approximate 20 percent additional numbers of foreign arrivals and 25 percent greater tourism revenues than provinces without such systems" (Chen, Haynes, 2012 :1). In Japan, Okabe (1979, cited by Rietveldand al 2001. 9) describes an increase in tourist visits in cities served by HSR, while it decreased in the not served cities.

Here it can be seen the extreme heterogeneity of situations, often referring to specific cases, which underlines their necessary contextualization (Delaplace, 2012a). TGV and effects cannot be understood independently by socio-economic characteristics of the areas they serve, in tourism as in the other contexts (Bazinand al., 2013c).

Moreover, if the number of tourists mightincrease, the duration of their stay, in some cases,can be reduced.

Sometimes a decrease of the length stay is registered.

It is likely to occur a reduction in length of stay and in number of nights. Indeed, as the club TGV Rhin-Rhone emphasizes (2010:2) "the offer of TGV allows to come and go during the day, while visitors currently remain on the site one or two nights".Survey databetween 1980-1985 on the Paris-Lyon Linestarted in 1981 [START_REF] Bonnafous | The regional impact of the TGV[END_REF] show a decrease in the length of stay in Dijon, Lyon and ValencePerrache while this is not the case of Beaune and Montbard. In fact, in Dijon, this service has helped to reduce the proportion of business travelers who spend the night there. The occupation rate decreased from 66% to 58% in 1994 thanks to a significant increase in the number of rooms. In Lyon, the increased accessibility has also induced a reduction of the length of stay, which moved from 2.3 to 1.7 days in 1993 (Mannone 1995: 280). At Le Mans, the arrival of the service has contributed to reduce the duration of eventsfor residents and conversely to promote non-residential ones, i.e.fewerevents over severaldays but more events in one day. In this city, the average length of stay increased from 2 to 3 days to 1.5 days a few years after the arrival of TGV service. The events had an average duration of one day earlier than generally encountered in France by the national Congress in the mid-1990s (1.5 days versus 2.5 days nationally) [START_REF] Amiard | Grande vitesse ferroviaire et développement économique local : une revue de la littérature[END_REF] . This decrease in the duration of the events is due to the TGV, but also to the strategy taken by the Palace of Culture and Congress, which focused on daily events to bypass the limited capacity of three-star hotels in the city. Similarly, according to INSEE analysis, between 2007 and2008, the [START_REF] Marne | Données de fréquentation en hôtellerie dans la zone Reims Champagne en 2009[END_REF]. Equally, the average tenure of the convention center in Reims has decreased from 3.81 days in 2005 to 2.68 in 2010 (AUDRR, 2012). This reduction in length of stay also follows the strategies of business companies, in order to reduce budgets, moving towards daily congress.

In other countries, the same phenomena are recorded. In Japan, Okabe (1979, cited by Rietveldand al 2001. 9) shows a reduction in overnight stays including the cities served. In China, the HSR service from Hangzhou would likely impact negatively on the hotel industry sofar that visiting Hangzhou and return in Shanghai ispossible in the day [START_REF] Chen | Assessing the Impacts of High Speed Rail Development in China's Yangtze River Delta" Megaregion[END_REF]. To conclude on this point, if the number of visitors making urban tourism can grow with the arrival of HSR, a significant reduction in the length of stay can lead to an overall reduction in spending by tourists [START_REF] Levinson David | Accessibility impacts of high-speed rail[END_REF], this trend reveals contradictory effects of HSR on tourism (Albalate, Bel, 2010).

The issue is to identify the mechanisms by which a dynamic tourism can be associated with HSR service.

HSR trains and tourism: improving accessibility, renewed image and coordination tool

If a TGV service can play a role in boosting tourism, it is because it is likely to affect the behavior of tourists and their choice of the destination. This may be because of the provided services making cities more accessible (3.1), but also because it is used in terms of signal to improve the image of cities (3.2). But we would like to underline that it is also because in some cases, it is used as a coordination tool in the destination (3.3).

Accessibility and services associatedwith TGV routes, amongotherelements of boostingtourism

The short-termstays by the urbanor business touristcanbenefitfrom a TGV service sinceitimproves the accessibility of the destination.This is the case when the distance between the origin and destination of tourists is relatively low. In addition, a TGV shift is cheaper and faster than traveling by car. When traveling alone or in couples, the service can lead to a reduction in the cost of transport. In addition, in the case of business tourists, sensitivity to quality of service (on-board services, frequency, regular interval train, etc.)and reduced journey times are very important. Therefore, tourism dynamic can be achieved with a good service for a stay of a weekend with regard to the urban tourism, and a week regarding the business one. This improved accessibility could then expand the market area of the city in terms of tourism and / or influence the choice of destination. According to gravity models (see [START_REF] Crampon | A New Technique to AnalyzeTouristMarkets[END_REF] the first study of this type), the number of visitors that a destination can attract, depends on the size of the population in the area of the target market and its location, the number of tourists is inversely proportional to the increase of distance. An innovation of service such as the TGV (Delaplace, 2012b) modifies the link between tourists and the distance as the reduction of travel time can be seen as a decrease in the distance. From an economic point of view, a TGV service can reduce the generalized cost of transport. Therefore,the behavior of the choice of the tourists and the choice of destination changes [START_REF] Masson | Can the high speed rail reinforce tourism attractiveness ? The case of the high speed rail between Perpignan (France) and Barcelona (Spain)[END_REF]: the area of the market and competition can be extended.TGV service may also play a role in the choice of destination, especially in the probability of return to the destination, i.e. becoming a "repeater". In their model of choice of destination, Woodsideand Lysonski(1989) consider many interacting elements, such as variables for the traveller, marketing variables, awareness of the destination, the preferences of travelers in terms of destination and situational variables (Woodside and Lysonski 1989: 9). If the transport is intrinsically linked to tourism, its role is not explained. In particular, few studies investigate the role of the TGV service in the choice of destination and in the probability of return. A survey was carried on in 2012 in Paris in a few attractions of the capital and at the Gare de Lyon, to identify whether the TGV service could influence the choice of destination for tourists and the probability of return. Here Delaplaceand al. (2014) show that the rail service affects 49% of respondents; that is the third most important element after the heritage and historical culture and architecture. About the probability of returning to Paris for tourism, the modeling results show that the variable TGV is very significant. The presence of the TGV influence the choice of young tourists, because it allows to go faster, to reduce travel time, because the stations are easy to access and because young people have a good knowledge of promotional offers to come back (Delaplaceand al.,2014). On the contrary, the analysis led by Valeriand al. (2012) in Rome reports to different results: HSR service does not affect the choice of revisiting Rome, but influences the probability of visiting other cities connected by HSR. The analysis conducted in Madrid [START_REF] Pagliara | Proceedings of the conference Urban Transport XX -Urban Transport and the Environment in the 21st century[END_REF] shows the same results. HSR service does not automatically play a role on the choice of destination even if it improves accessibility. However, it can improve tourism through image effects wherever there are tourist amenities located nearby and / or easily accessible.

3.2HSR services, travel services and improvement in the image of the city If tourism is a resource that can be activated by a TGV service [START_REF] Feliu | High-Speed Rail in European Medium-Sized Cities: Stakeholders and Urban Development[END_REF], so that it can be operational, it is necessary that the city has some specific amenities (Bazinand al., 2010, 2011b[START_REF] Mannonne | L'impact régional du TGV sud-est[END_REF]Manonne Masson, Petiot, 2009). If that is the case, a TGV service can improve the image of the city and its attractiveness by asserting its identity and, thereby, enabling it to develop its tourist attractions. Apart from the direct use of the service in terms of accessibility, there is an image effect that can be seen as an additional characteristic to rail services that corresponds to an incremental innovation (Delaplace, 2012b). Thischaracteristic, described as semiotic, is a positive factor both for stakeholders of the served territoriesand for tourist. As a clothing brand adds value to a suit, equally the TGV services provide benefit to the served areas. This image enhancement is extensively discussed in the literature (see Bazinand al. 2011a, for a review on the subject) and it is seen as a factor whose tourism can benefit. (Bazinand al. 2013c[START_REF] Mignerey | Les effets territoriaux de la grande vitesse[END_REF], Setec Organization, 2005, SEEDA, 2008). This image effect is then amplified by important communication policies of the citiesduring the commissioning of the TGV service producinga localizationeffect. In many French cities, the role of the TGV service was highlighted [START_REF] Carrouet | Du TGV Rhin-Rhône au territoire Rhin-Rhône : réticularité, mobilité et territorialité dans un espace intermédiaire[END_REF], regarding the cities served by the LGV Rhin-Rhône or ISIS 2004 for the East European LGV (study of the city of Metz, Nancy, Epinal, Thionville)). These policies are obviously more limited in small towns and the effects of notoriety vanish with increasing routes and cities served over time. This image effect is also amplified due to urban policies launched at the arrival of TGV service achieving a renewal of the surrounding neighborhoods to the station, the creation of shopping centers, an increase in the real estate and / or residential and a re-organization of the public transport. This image effect is also associated with a "club"policy for the cities served in France, which is not only symbolic. In fact, the SNCF, at the time of commissioning of the last routes, created TGV club. This is the case of the 320 club, the Friends club of the TGV East-European organization whose mission is to "implement local actions and / or regional (...) able to promote the development of the project in the territory of East European TGV (...), to contribute to its success and maximize socio-economic benefits for the community". Similarly in 2009, the SNCF TGV Rhin-Rhône created a club. In these clubs joinmanypublic stakeholders atdifferentscales (cities, provinces or regions), as well as private ones.Although it is difficult to measure this image effect, some trends are evident.In Reims, for example, recently, if tourists coming from the Ile de Franceregioncontinue to increase, the data collected from the tourist office at the station show that the share of tourists travelling by TGV has decreased. Thus, the destination Reims is now one of the possible destinations, among the cities served by TGV service, worthy of a communication policy to encourage the renewal of the cultural supply. Paris Operators (France tour as the Bull) sell the destination of Reims to Parisians and foreign tourists by the commissioning of the TGV service, offering them high quality products and knowledge related to the tasting of Champagne. Local operators have recently launched new tourism products, such as visits to vineyards with a four-wheel drive vehicle. But tourists do not all come by the TGV service. However, these data show that European tourists (especially the British and the Spanish) will use train more. Chinese and Americans visiting to Paris also arrive in the city for a day trip with TGV.

The development of tourismisalsoinfluenced by the collective strategies of the stakeholders in the area.

3.3

The TGV service, a coordination tool, for the purpose of tourismdevelopment A TGV service can also be a coordinationtool. In fact, stakeholders try to identify the benefits that can be gained in terms of tourism and minimize the negative effects that may occur because of the service. Thus, the studies, the diagnosis, whose aim is to anticipate possible changes in area are generally carried out a priori or a posteriori (see Chevalier 1990[START_REF] Amiard | Grande vitesse ferroviaire et développement économique local : une revue de la littérature[END_REF][START_REF] Bazin | L'arrivée de la LGV en Champagne-Ardenne et la nécessaire réorganisation des rapports de proximité[END_REF] for France). These diagnoses may change the expectations of the public actors, investing in service, concerning the future of their territory. Local actors may also go into partnership This is the case when a communication plan is established collectively by different actors (city development agency, department, region, tourist offices, etc..)to promote the destination. The objective is to avoid conflicts in terms of communication that can blur the image of the city and thus make it more readable. Collective appropriation can also take place through the production of packages incorporating TGV, accommodation, visits and / or entertainment and events, tickets etc.. Tourist offices in different territories may close such circuits encouraging tourists to visit other places on a larger territory (Bazinand al., 2011b). It is essential to combine the resources available in the served territory. It may be working on new products by diversifying the basket of territorialized goods and services [START_REF] Pecqueur | Qualité et Développement territorial : l'hypothèse du panier de biens et de services territorialises[END_REF] that the tourist can build on site. It can be done by building a kind of thread allowing tourists to create their own "basket of territorialized goods and services" [START_REF] Pecqueur | Dans quelles conditions les objets patrimoniaux peuvent-ils être support d'activité ?[END_REF]. It can be also developing tours during the night to encourage the tourist to stay the night. Lastly, it can be done by diversifying the cultural supply (Club TGV Rhin-Rhône, 2010). These actions require strong coordination between -the various stakeholders within the same city: public, private actors and non-profit organizations concerning by theaccommodation, entertainment and culture industries, -the HSR operator and other transport operators, -as well as the population, essential part, involved into the "development tourism "of the city (EquipeMIT, 2000). The challenge is to retain the tourist and / or get him/her back. This is the case today, for example in Nantes (a large city in the west part of France), where all stakeholders (public, private, business tourism, tourism Leisure and SNCF (Bazinand al. 2013b) are working together. There is also a collective appropriation to articulate tourism and transport at the heart of the city. Thus the "Voyage à Nantes"which is an annual event begins at Montparnasse station in Paris. In terms of articulation of transport networks, from the station, the coordination between actors is also important so that the time saved in the train ride is not lost on arrival. The development of tourism in served destinations is finally conditioned by the strategy of the railway operator. It can foster a dynamic tourism especially in the short term through commercial actions (promotional tickets, etc.). For example, at the time of commissioning of the LGV East-European, the railway operator in France, SNCF, sold tickets at a reduced price, which has led to the development of tourism in the cities served the eastern HSL. Similarly, willingness to provide additional offers during special events in the city is important. It can then direct tourists to some cities. For instance,during the Christmas markets, SNCF mostly sold Strasbourgas a destination. In the same way, in Lille at the large market, the capacity of certain TGV between Paris and Lille increased (Delaplace 2012a). Coordination within the destination is so fundamental.

Conclusion

This state-of-the-art shows that the HSR routes may, in some cases, contribute to the development of tourism since tourism is based on intrinsically mobility behavior. Speed, safety and comfort of movement also impact on the choice of destination. The arrival of a HSR service in cities generates expectations and high hopes. However, the concrete analysis of its role is not yet demonstrated. Many expectations are not met and if a HSR service allows getting faster, it allows coming back quickly, minimizing the economic impact. If the connection between HSR service and tourism is now deeply investigated, the results of studies are often controversial. A generalized analysis of the role of this service in the development of tourism must be built. This can be done by carrying out surveysin the served cities to identify if the HSR service is a key element in the choice of the destination or not. Some have been made in big cities (Paris, Roma, Madrid), in two theme Parks (Disneyland and Futuroscope in France) but we need to obtain more information concerning medium sized cities in different countries. The question is to know if the HSR is really more important in France due to its anchorage in the habits of the French [START_REF] Delaplace Marie | Can High Speed Rail foster the choice of destination for tourism purpose?[END_REF] or if other reasons are present.

  duration of tourist accommodation declined in almost all areas and the same in Reims in 2007 (INSEE Lorraine, 2009). Thus in the area of Reims Champagne, if the number of overnights grew between 2006 and 2007 (from 903 467 to 955 195), from the date of commissioning of the LGV, it has reduced from 2008 (931,958) to descend below the starting level in 2009 (897 205) (INSEE CA, CA ORT,