S Le Roy
email: leroy@laplace.univ-tlse.fr

G Teyssedre

Ion generation and transport in low density polyethylene under electric stress

Keywords: space charge, low density polyethylene, ions, transport, cumyl alcohol

Synthetic materials

such as cross-linked polyethylene (XLPE) are increasingly used as electrical insulation in HVDC power cables, compared to oil impregnated insulation. However, because of their dielectric properties, these materials can accumulate charges in the insulation, generated by dissociation of species or injected at the electrodes. This accumulation phenomenon can cause an increase of the electric field which can lead to the dielectric breakdown of the material, meaning thereby stopping the distribution of electricity. It is therefore important to understand these charge accumulation mechanisms for HVDC application, and particularly the role of ions, generated by dissociation of by-products of cross-linking agents, that can transport and take part to space charge accumulation. In this goal, we have considered a simple model material consisting of low-density polyethylene (LDPE) films soaked in cumyl-alcohol, a by-product often encountered in peroxide-crosslinked XLPE and thought to dissociate under field to provide ionic carriers. The impact of the soaking time, electric field and temperature on space charge density profiles recorded using the Pulsed Electro Acoustic method (PEA) and on charging current are presented and compared to those obtained on unsoaked LDPE samples.

I. INTRODUCTION

The increasing demand in energy implies a fast development of the electrical transport network over long distances across different countries. In these conditions, high voltage direct current (HVDC) links are now preferred over alternative current (HVAC) ones. Thanks to its electrical and mechanical properties, cross-linked polyethylene (XLPE) has become the challenging material in electrical insulation for HVDC cables. However, this material can store charges when submitted to an electrical stress, increasing the electric field locally, and potentially leading to the ageing of the material or its dielectric breakdown [START_REF] Montanari | Electrical Degradation Threshold of Polyethylene Investigated by Space Charge and Conduction Current Measurements[END_REF]. These charges can originate from injection processes at the electrodes or from dissociation of species in the volume of the material. Carriers generated by ionization can be electrons or holes that can travel across the material and be extracted at one electrode. However, generated carriers can also be ions that can also travel if not too big, but cannot be extracted at the electrode. These ions will accumulate inside the dielectric, giving rise to an increase of the electric field that will disturb the applied field. Polyethylene crosslinking agent, dicumyl-peroxide (DCP), is known to lead to by-products such as acetophenone, alphamethylstyrene, or cumyl alcool, that are thought to dissociate when submitted to an electric field [START_REF] Andrews | The Role of Degassing in XLPE Power Cable Manufacture[END_REF]. This has already been put forward [START_REF] Hirai | Chemical Group in Crosslinking Byproducts Responsible for Charge Trapping in Polyethylene[END_REF][START_REF] Hussin | Analysis of Space Charge Formation in LDPE in the Presence of Crosslinking Byproducts[END_REF], when polyethylene has been soaked in these different by-products in order to see the impact of their presence on space charge measurements mainly. In these works, space charge measurements were performed fields, beyond 25kV/mm, and the authors concluded that cumyl alcohol introduces the highest amount of charges. In the present paper, we focus on the role played by cumyl alcohol only on space charge accumulation. Applied fields are low compared to previous studies [START_REF] Hirai | Chemical Group in Crosslinking Byproducts Responsible for Charge Trapping in Polyethylene[END_REF][START_REF] Hussin | Analysis of Space Charge Formation in LDPE in the Presence of Crosslinking Byproducts[END_REF][START_REF] Kato | Investigation of the Breakdown Characteristic of LDPE including Cumylalcohol under DC High Electric Field[END_REF], in order to better understand the way ions can be generated in the material.

II. SAMPLE PREPARATION

Low density polyethylene (LDPE) has been chosen as it is the base material for XLPE, and it is does not contain any byproducts or additives able to dissociate. LDPE samples of thickness 250 to 300 µm have been prepared, and then soaked in liquid cumyl alcohol at 70°C, the melting temperature of cumyl alcohol being of 32°C. This temperature of 70°C has been chosen as it remains low compared to the melting temperature of LDPE, which is of the order of 110°C. Hence, the chemical structure of the sample should not be changed due to the soaking temperature. Fig. 1 presents the variation of the sample weight (%) as a function of the soaking time. The absorption rate is high for the first hour of soaking, while it increases slightly from 2 to 8 hours. The weight increase is comparable to what has been obtained previously by different authors [START_REF] Hirai | Chemical Group in Crosslinking Byproducts Responsible for Charge Trapping in Polyethylene[END_REF][START_REF] Hussin | Analysis of Space Charge Formation in LDPE in the Presence of Crosslinking Byproducts[END_REF], although the soaking time is longer in our case compared to what has been set in the literature. This is mainly due to the temperature during the soaking time, which is lower in our case (70 vs. 80°C).

Space charge measurements and current measurements have been performed on pure and soaked LDPE samples for different applied electric fields and different temperatures. Space charge measurements were recorded using the Pulsed Electro Acoustic method (PEA). For space charge and current measurements, no electrodes have been deposited on the sample to avoid cumyl alcohol evaporation during processing of the electrodes. Hence, for PEA measurements, the top electrode (high voltage) is a semiconductor, whereas the bottom electrode (grounded) is in Aluminum. For current measurements, brass electrodes of 25 mm diameter were used; measurements were realized at room temperature.

At the end of each measurement step (PEA or current), the sample weight has been recorded. The sample weight returns to its initial value after each measurement, meaning that the cumyl alcohol disappeared from the sample, even at room temperature.

III. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

A. Untreated Samples Space charge measurements have been performed on untreated LDPE for different applied voltages (20 min polarization, 20 min depolarization for fields of 10, 15, 20 and 25kV/mm at 25°C), and will serve as reference in this study (Fig. 2). Positive charges are observed, coming from the anode, and travelling across the sample with time. During depolarization, positive charges remain in the dielectric. An increase of the applied voltage implies an increase of the positive charge density measured in the bulk. No negative charges are detected in these profiles, although they can be present, but hidden by the dominant positive charges. This kind of profiles is always measured for pure LDPE under low applied voltage at 25°C [START_REF] Li | Space Charge Characteristics of LDPE Nanocomposite/LDPE Insulation System[END_REF].

B. Effect of the applied field on treated samples

The same experimental protocol of application of the voltage has been used on LDPE samples soaked for 4 hours in cumyl alcohol at 70°C (polarization/depolarization of 30 min). The space charge pattern (Fig. 3) differs from that of the untreated sample of Fig. 2. Under 10 kV/mm stress, positive charges are detected at the vicinity of the cathode (i.e. heterocharges), as soon as the voltage is applied. Negative charges are also detected next to the anode, their density being lower than that of positive charges.

Under 25 kV/mm field, positive homocharges, coming from the anode, are observed as well as positive heterocharges. The charge in the bulk remains positive during depolarization. The presence of cumyl alcohol, either at the surface or in the bulk of the dielectric, changes completely the space charge behaviour, going from a dominance of positive homocharges to the dominance of positive heterocharges. Even the charge injection detected at 25 kV/mm for the treated sample seems stronger than the one at 25 kV/mm in an untreated one. This is due to the presence of heterocharges at the vicinity of the anode, increasing the electric field locally and hence increasing the charge injection. The same phenomenon holds at the cathode, as negative charge injection can be detected. Current measurements have been performed on reference LDPE and samples soaked for 4 hours, under fields of 10 and 15 kV/mm (Fig. 4) during 30 min. For untreated samples, the current decreases with increasing time, and there is no stabilization. For treated samples, the current is higher than the untreated one, the difference being of more than one decade in the case of 15 kV/mm. Moreover, the shape of the current is different compared to an untreated sample, as the current seems to stabilize at long time. For 10 kV/mm, the current even seems to increase with time. Such feature has already been observed in polyethylene (LDPE and XLPE) but only when the electric field is high and charge packets can be measured [START_REF] Teyssedre | Charge distribution and electroluminescence in crosslinked polyethylene under dc field[END_REF][8].

C. Effect of the soaking time on space charges measurements

The concentration of cumyl alcohol present in the LDPE sample is directly linked to the soaking time. In order to see the impact of the by-product concentration on the space charge pattern, the soaking time has been increased from one hour to four hours. The applied electric field was set to 20 kV/mm at room temperature, and the polarization/depolarization times were 1 hour/1hour, to observe the dynamic of charge accumulation. Fig. 5 shows the space charge measurements for soaking times of 1, 2 and 4 hours. When the soaking time is short (1h), i.e. when the concentration of cumyl alcohol is low, or when the cumyl alcohol concentration is not homogeneous inside the dielectric, a small amount of heterocharges are detected at each electrode during polarization. These charges are present short after application of the voltage, and their density does not change to a large extent with polarization time. No charge injection is detected for this time, even if heterocharges are present, increasing the electric field at the electrodes.

When the soaking time increases, more heterocharges, positive and negative, are measured inside the dielectric. Consistently with results shown in Fig. 3, the positive heterocharges seem to spread towards the middle of the dielectric, going against the electric field. During depolarization, these charges disappear slowly from the dielectric. For a soaking time of 4 hours, the observations are the same as for 2 hours of soaking time, and positive charge injection is also detected at the anode. When the voltage is set to zero, the injected positive charges seem to disappear immediately, whereas the positive heterocharges, present in the second half of the dielectric, disappear slowly and are still present after one hour of depolarization. It seems that there are two mechanisms for charge disappearance: the first one, fast, implying charge injected from the electrode, and a second one, slower, implying heterocharges. This goes in the direction of two kinds of species, one mobile, i.e. electrons (holes), and the second, slower: ions. These ions could have been created by dissociation of the cumyl alcohol, leading to an immobile negative ion, and a mobile positive one (H + ). A second possibility is the ionization of the cumyl alcohol, leading to the creation of a positive ion, immobile, and an electron. However, this last hypothesis is only valid if ionization provides more electrons (and ions) than charge injection, as negative charge injection also occurs at the cathode, enhanced by the local electric field.

D. Effect of temperature on heterocharge build up

Space charge measurements have been performed for LDPE samples soaked for 4 hours in cumyl alcohol, at temperatures of 10, 25 and 50°C, and for different electric fields, in order to see the impact of the temperature on the dynamics of heterocharges. The experimental protocol consists of polarization/ depolarization cycles of 20 min, with increasing fields. At 10°C (Fig. 6a), the charge dynamics is comparable to what has been measured at 25°C (Fig. 3), i.e. positive and negative heterocharges are present even at low field, and there is an increase in the amount of heterocharges that spread towards the middle of the dielectric with time. The only difference here is that the density of negative heterocharges seems higher compared to T=25°C, and the injection of positive charges at the anode at 25 kV/mm is not observed. At T=50°C (Fig. 6b), the space charge patterns are more difficult to interpret. Heterocharges seem to be present, with a lower density compared to T=25°C. At high fields (25 kV/mm), charge injection is detected at the cathode.

E. Outcomes for modelling purpose

Obtained results pave the way on features to consider for understanding and modelling of charge build-up in by-product containing materials. Dealing with soaked samples, the concentration profile, function of soaking time and temperature has to be built, along with the evolution of the concentration profile (outgassing) in the atmosphere where measurements are carried out. Concerning physical processes of charge generation and transport, evidence of ionic species formation has been given and the kinetics as well as the nature of ions has to be anticipated. Aside that, electronic carriers generated at the electrodes are still present and their contribution must be superposed to that of ionic phenomena. A more difficult task is to estimate the impact by-products may have on the transport of electronic carriers. Finally, owing to the polar nature of the byproducts, orientation polarization (and related gradient) has to be considered as possible contributions to displacement current and charge density profile.

IV. CONCLUSION

The presence of cumyl alcohol in LDPE samples has a strong impact on the dielectric behavior as probed by space charge and current measurements. It increases the charging current by more than one decade, for moderate field (15 kV/mm), and it creates heterocharges, that disturb the electric field at the electrodes, and provides more space charge in the dielectric compared to a pure LDPE sample. An increase of the soaking time in cumyl alcohol implies an increase of the heterocharge density. However, it is difficult to link the soaking time to the concentration in cumyl alcohol, as it is not sure that the absorption is homogeneous in the volume of the LDPE sample. Physico-chemical measurements need to be performed to answer to this question. The presence of heterocharges has been attributed here to ions introduced by the cumyl alcohol, that either dissociate to form an immobile negative ion and a proton, that accumulate at the cathode, or that ionize, forming an electron and an immobile positive ion. More work needs to be done to identify the type of ions that are created when introducing cumyl alcohol in a LDPE matrix.

Fig. 1 .

 1 Fig. 1. Weight monitoring of a LDPE sample soaked in liquid cumyl alcohol at 70°C.

Fig. 2 .

 2 Fig. 2. Space charge distribution as a function of time and space in an untreated LDPE for a protocol of 20 min polarization, 20 min depolarization, for fields of 10, 15, 20 and 25 kV/mm, at 25°C. Colour bar represents charge density scale in C/m³.

Fig. 3 .

 3 Fig. 3. Space charge distribution as a function of time and space in a LDPE soaked in cumyl alcohol for 4 hours at for a protocol of 30 min polarization/30 min depolarization. Fields of 10, 15, 20 and 25 kV/mm, at 25°C.

  Cite as: S. Le Roy, G. Teyssedre, "Ion generation and transport under electric stress in a low density polyethylene matrix", IEEE Int. Conf. on Electrical Insulation and Dielectric Phenomena (CEIDP), Ann Arbor, MI, USA, 18-21 Oct. 2015. Proc. CEIDP, pp. 63-66, 2015. DOI: 10.1109/CEIDP.2015.7352092

Fig. 4 .

 4 Fig. 4. Current measurements for untreated LDPE (reference) and LDPE soaked in cumyl alcohol for 4 hours, for applied fields of 10 and 15 kV/mm.

Fig. 5 .

 5 Fig. 5. Space charge distribution as a function of time and space for a protocol of 1 hour polarization/1 hour depolarization at 20 kV/mm and 25°C, for a LDPE sample soaked during a) one hour, b) two hours and c) four hours in cumyl alcohol at 70°C.

  Cite as: S. Le Roy, G. Teyssedre, "Ion generation and transport under electric stress in a low density polyethylene matrix", IEEE Int. Conf. on Electrical Insulation and Dielectric Phenomena (CEIDP), Ann Arbor, MI, USA, 18-21 Oct. 2015. Proc. CEIDP, pp. 63-66, 2015. DOI: 10.1109/CEIDP.2015.7352092

Fig. 6 .

 6 Fig. 6. Space charge distribution as a function of time and space for a LDPE sample soaked four hours in cumyl alcohol, for a protocol of 20 min polarization/20 min depolarization and for fields of 5, 10, 15, 20 and 25 kV/mm. Space charge measurements performed at a) 10°C, and b) 50°C.


Myriam Bouveret

Prof. Dr Sabine De Knop

Françoise Gallez

Manon Hermann

Constructionalization of verbal causative periphrases in French faire, laisser, mettre à, donner à + Vinf

Introduction

This study focuses on causative verbal periphrases. As [START_REF] Tesnière | Éléments de syntaxe structurale[END_REF], one of the first researchers in French Syntax, points out: "The normal causative auxiliary in French is the verb faire 'make' which has a fairly considerable number of uses. (a1 . La condensation de la vapeur d'eau fait pleuvoir 'The condensation of the water vapor causes the rain to fall', b. Bernard fait tomber Alfred 'Bernard knocks down Alfred', c. Charles fait frapper Alfred par Bernard 'Charles gets Alfred to be hit by Bernard',2 (…)" (1988: 266)) or d. Elle me fait penser à une fleur 'She reminds me of a flower'. In the causative structure, a new valence is expressed by the addition of another actant, a causative agent (b. and c.) or a causative source (a. and d.) of human nature (d.) or a natural element (a.) whose intervention can be direct (b. and c.), or indirect (a. and d.). While the canonical causative periphrastic construction in French is faire Vinf 'make', which is called a factitive, the causative form donner à Vinf 'give' corresponds to similar constructions encountered in several languages of typologically distinct families; Castilian, Khmer, Polish, Tibetan, Kurdish, among other languages (see [START_REF] Akin | Grammar in usage and grammaticalization of dan 'give' constructions in Kurmanji Kurdish[END_REF][START_REF] Akin | Grammar in usage and grammaticalization of dan 'give' constructions in Kurmanji Kurdish[END_REF][START_REF] Corre | Aoj 'give' in Khmer: Meaning extensions and construction types[END_REF][START_REF] Gougenheim | Étude sur les périphrases verbales de la langue française[END_REF][START_REF] Newman | Give: A Cognitive Linguistic Study[END_REF][START_REF]The Linguistics of Giving[END_REF][START_REF] Waldenfels | The grammaticalization of 'give' + infinitive. A comparative study of Russian, Polish and Czech[END_REF].

We extended our analysis to the other causative French verbal periphrases in order to constitute the whole paradigm of faire Vinf 'make', mettre à Vinf 'put', laisser Vinf/laisser à Vinf 'let' and donner à Vinf 'give'. Our methodology is based on a set of seven criteria meant to analyze verbal constructions, which makes it possible to refine the notion of causativity in these periphrases. Causation is then analyzed the same way as other categories such as TAM (Tense, Aspect, Modality), namely as a grammatical category that can give rise to semi-auxiliaries or to complex causal predicates or, more broadly, verbal causal periphrases.

The corpus consists of examples extracted from two sources: Europresse3 (newspapers and press reviews, year 2021), and Frantext-ATILF (database 9 th -21st century), (as an additional source for diachronic examples, BFM 2019 (the ENS-Lyon database of medieval French 9 th -15th century. Our theoretical model for the present study is Construction Grammar (CxG) (Bouveret & Legallois 2012[START_REF] Goldberg | Constructions: A Construction Grammar Approach to Argument Structure[END_REF]) with a special focus on the perspective applying constructional insights to foreign language pedagogy, more specifically the acquisition of constructions (see Boas 2022[START_REF] De Knop | From construction grammar to embodied construction practice[END_REF][START_REF] Gilquin | Exploring L2 constructionist approaches[END_REF][START_REF] Gilquin | Exploring L2 constructionist approaches[END_REF].

Concepts and methodology

We develop our approach by first explaining our criteria, which will allow us to contrast causative constructions, particularly when it comes to comparing different languages that take into account the whole causative construction and argument structure from a syntactic and semantic point of view. Then, we will compare the French causative periphrasis with these criteria in order to differentiate the four quasi synonym verbs in causative complex-predicate : periphrastic constructions built with an infinitive combined with a first predicate: faire, mettre, laisser, donner. The criteria we develop in this study will strongly help with differentiating and making a choice in order to help the foreing language learner figure out which relevant construction to use in a given context. Then, we observe different syntactic and semantic elements in the construction, such as the type of subject, direct, indirect, agentive, nonagentive, or the type of causation (internal or external (see criteria in section below 2.2.)) that have an impact on the meaning of the four similar causative constructions.

Causative periphrases

The notion of causation is a fundamental category in the human conceptualization of the world and a cross-linguistic cognitive category [START_REF] Sanders | Causal Categories in Discourse and Cognition[END_REF][START_REF] Shibatani | The causative continuum[END_REF]. As a universal property across languages, it refers to a complex reality, a causative situation, where someone or something causes someone else to act or cause a change of state / position of an object or a patient. Semantically, causative utterances involve at least two elements, a causative entity and an entity that undergoes the effect resulting from the cause. In other words, there are two events: a causative event and a caused event. The event caused is temporally subsequent to the causative event and the event caused is entirely dependent on the occurrence of the causative event.

Dixon ranks the means of expression of causation on a scale of compactness (Dixon 2000: 74), in decreasing order, such as lexical causatives, morphological causatives and syntactic / periphrastic causatives. Causative value is inherent in the semantics of lexical causative verbs, which are the most compact. For causative verbs, the event caused is an integral part of the lexical information conveyed by the verb, for example, kill, break, close, etc. Generally, lexical causatives fall into three groups, depending on the type of result they encode: (a) change of state (crack, crumble, decompose); (b) change of location (sliding, spinning, swinging) and (c) emitting certain sounds or lights (shining, radiating, buzzing) [START_REF] Levin | A Preliminary Analysis of Causative Verbs in English[END_REF]. Some intransitive verbs, when used with a complement, can become causative [START_REF] Novakova | La transitivation causative : approche contrastive et typologique[END_REF]) (resign / he resigned Claire). Morphological causatives include different morphological processes. The addition of a causative affix to the verbal root is the most common (e.g. -iser in standardiser, standard +-iser 'make smth standard'). Syntactic causatives of the faire Vinf 'make' type are the least compact as they involve complex predicates. Those are the periphrastic causative verbs that we will focus on in this chapter.

Criteria for analyzing causative verbal constructs

These criteria applied to verbal constructions are partly inspired by [START_REF] Dixon | A typology of causatives: form, syntax and meaning[END_REF][START_REF] Gosselin | Sémantique de la temporalité en français[END_REF][START_REF] Gosselin | Temporalité et modalité[END_REF][START_REF] Gosselin | L'aspect de phase en français : le rôle des périphrases verbales[END_REF][START_REF] Levin | English verb classes and alternations: a preliminary investigation[END_REF][START_REF] Levin | Argument realization[END_REF], Sanders & Sweetser 2002[START_REF] Shibatani | The causative continuum[END_REF]. They make it possible to contrast units of distinct levels, morphemes, periphrasis, lexical units, complex words or phraseological units. In order to differentiate the causative periphrases within the paradigm, we distinguish the following seven criteria: In our opinion, these criteria are necessary for analyzing any event structure, in particular causative constructions. Furthermore, in contrastive analyses across languages, using such criteria help with refining the comparison between distinct systems.

The French paradigm faire/ laisser/ mettre à/ donner à + Vinf

The factitive construction faire Vinf 'make' is the most common and allows flexible syntactic properties: (a) every syntactic construction is accepted (direct and indirect transitive, intransitive, passive, pronominal, THAT), (b) It is construed with any type of infinitive, and (c) with any kind of subject (agent, patient, beneficiary, source). It is therefore the most typical construction but also the most syntactically flexible since it's the only one amongst the four constructions to allow any argument structure and any subject in any possible causative situation, direct, indirect, mainpulative as seen above based on our Europress corpus. Faire 'make' can always be used when causality must be expressed, except with a permission value as opposed to the causative laisser Vinf 'let' construction (e.g.: let the dog out). The periphrasis of faire Vinf expresses direct, indirect or manipulative causality, but more typically it is used in a volitional agentive construction, contrasting with the laisser V'let' in permissive agentive uses.

Donner à Vinf 'give' is typically associated with cognition verbs (think, believe, guess, reflect, meditate, etc.), in constructions where the subject is agentive or non-agentive of an indirect or direct causal nature:

(1) 2010). We propose in this study our hypothesis of a give Vinf causative construction, whose causative meaning of the full lexeme comes from a grammaticalization process as a semi-auxiliary < full verb, and which is one of the typological meanings of to give across the world (Von Waldenfels 2012).

The construction donner à Vinf 'give to Vinf' from a diachronic and synchronic point of view

The construction donner à Vinf 'give to Vinf' appears firstly attested in a written text of the 12 th -early 13 th century (BFM 2019 database):

(5) seroit doneit a entendre 3SG-be-COND. 3SG-give to hear-INF 'would be heard' (Vie de saint Benoit, 12thC./13thC (manuscript Paris, BnF, fr. 24764, DialGreg2, p. 73.).

The following collocations are found in the BFM database with two classes of verbs, cognition verbs and food/drink or host verbs (13 th C à entendre 'to listen'; 14 th C a boire 'to drink', a congnoistre 'to know' 4 , a manger 'to eat' /15 thC : a hosteler 'to host' (à 'to' is found either with or without any accent). ( 6 Garin de Monglane, 1400: 11. Ca. 1460-FRANTEXT).

Medieval French still has a lot of phonetic variations, the different variations of the verb donner 'give' in abstract or concrete contexts are duner, donar, doner, donner. The construction is used most frequently by authors such as Christine de Pizan at the beginning of the 15th century. This period is known as the Moyen français 'Middle French' (Abeillé et al. 2020).

In parallel, the other constructions faire Vinf 'make' and laisser Vinf 'let' are found earlier. Faire Vinf 'make VInf' is first found in the 12 th. in BFM 2019 texts (faire tenir 'make hold', faire disne 'make dine'), also from the 12 th century pour laisser Vinf 'let Vinf' (laisser 'let'+ prendre 'take ', occir 'kill', aller 'go', ester 'be', perir 'die', cheoir 'fall') Thus, whereas the verbal causative periphrasis donner Vinf 'give' in diachrony is weakly attested from the 12th to the 13th century, it becomes more common between the 15th and 16th centuries, a period where other complex predicates expressions are plentiful, as argued by [START_REF] Fagard | La formation des prépositions complexes : Grammaticalisation ou lexicalisation[END_REF].

Nowadays, the construction (a), (b), (c) in Table 1 above, is a factitive construction similar to the faire Vinf 'make' kind, in which donner 'give' has a causative semi-auxiliary function, (d) is fully phraseological with an abstract meaning, coming from the concrete expressions and extended metaphorically and metonymically form concrete to abstract expressions, not present in diachonic corpora.

A semantic value of transfer is conferred to the give Vinf construction still present in some of its causative uses. Indeed, the verb give as a full lexeme [START_REF] Croft | Typology and Universals[END_REF][START_REF] Goldberg | Constructions: A Construction Grammar Approach to Argument Structure[END_REF] belongs to two constructions of transfer: a CAUSED-possession construction, expressing a concrete physical transfer, and a CAUSED-result construction, expressing a mental transfer of experience. We now compare and contrast the four constructions based on their argument structures.

Constructive criterion and argumentative structure, faire, laisser, mettre à Vinf

Faire Vinf 'make' is the most common construction, but also syntactically the most flexible construction, as it expresses all causal values except permission, which is typically expressed by laisser Vinf 'let'. The subject with faire Vinf 'make' is often a direct source of the cause, an agent expressed directly or indirectly as in (12), or an indirect agent as in [START_REF]Si les juges avaient à se reprocher d'avoir fait mourir sur la roue un père innocent. 'If the judges had to blame themselves for having killed an innocent father on the wheel[END_REF], or even a manipulative agent as in ( 14):

( In contrast donner à Vinf 'give' (25), compared to faire Vinf 'make' (24) adds a pre-processual aspectual phase to the event in ( 24) whereas ( 23) is simply causative. These pre-processual phases are theoretical perspectives in the TAM (Tense Aspect Modality) literature using intervals [START_REF] Gosselin | L'aspect de phase en français : le rôle des périphrases verbales[END_REF], or particularly in the CXG TAM studies [START_REF] Michaelis | Type Shifting in Construction Grammar: An Integrated Approach to Aspectual Coercion[END_REF].

Nous considérons 'l'aspect de phase', sous lequel est présenté un procès (état ou évènement), comme le résultat d'une opération de sélection d'une partie (phase) du temps constitutif de ce procès (…) ce temps constitutif ne se limite pas (…) au temps 'interne' du procès (i.e. compris entre ses bornes initiale et finale), mais englobe aussi les phases préparatoire et résultante du procès. (Gosselin 2011: 1) 'We consider the phasal aspect, under which a process (state or event) is presented, as the result of an operation of selection of a part (phase) of the constitutive time of this process (...) this constitutive time is not limited (…) to the 'internal' time of the process (i.e. between its initial and final limits), but also includes the preparatory and resultant phases of the process (Gosselin 2011: 1).' 6

Conclusion

To conclude this study, we can say that even if in French faire Vinf 'make' is known as the most typical causative periphrasal construction [START_REF] Abeillé | Les causatives en français : un cas de compétition syntaxique[END_REF][START_REF] Gougenheim | Étude sur les périphrases verbales de la langue française[END_REF], Tesnières 1988), other causative verbal periphrases are common and they are used in contexts as near synonyms depending on combinatorial criteria. Another interesting fact concerns the verb donner 'give' amongst these four causative periphrasal constructions, and its transfer value in Chinese, Dalabon, English, French, Khmer, Kurdish, Polish, Romanian, Spanish, Tibetan. The verb is expressed as a causative, a light verb, a derivational morpheme, or a directional preposition. Thus, it can be said that the form donner Vinf 'give' as a causative construction in French corresponds to a typological fact encountered in other languages of distinct families [START_REF] Corre | Aoj 'give' in Khmer: Meaning extensions and construction types[END_REF][START_REF] Gougenheim | Étude sur les périphrases verbales de la langue française[END_REF][START_REF] Newman | Give: A Cognitive Linguistic Study[END_REF][START_REF]The Linguistics of Giving[END_REF][START_REF] Waldenfels | The grammaticalization of 'give' + infinitive. A comparative study of Russian, Polish and Czech[END_REF]. Over time, the verb donner 'give' in French has gradually evolved by analogy with other verbal semiauxiliaries. This is a case of linguistic change illustrating the grammaticalization of a verb from full meaning towards a semi-auxiliary construction. As a causative semi-auxiliary, it follows a "grammaticalization scheme" over several centuries such as other semi-auxiliaries of TAM (e.g. aller 'go' = full verb > aller 'go' = immediate future auxiliary> intentionality (see [START_REF] Traugott | Regularity in Semantic change[END_REF][START_REF] Traugott | Constructionalization and Constructional changes[END_REF] but less developed in two stages instead of three. The criteria proposed in this study allow to describe the nature of the causativity in these French verbal periphrases and we hope it will be helpful to refine their uses. This will hopefully allow the French learners to use all of these four (faire, mettre à, laisser, donner à) + Vinf constructions more appropriately.

Table 1 :

 1 Do the nuances between verbs in constructions relate to a phasal aspect (for example, pre-processual mettre à chauffer 'start to heat' vs faire chauffer 'heat')? c. Nature of the cause: Is a THAT-complement allowed ? (faire que X soit Z/or faire en/de sorte que 'make X become/do Z, eg. Faire que la Seine soit un lieu ouvert et vivant ('make the Seine become an open and lively place'). Causative criteria

	o Direct
	o Indirect
	o implicit
	o manipulative causation, does it imply the presence of an explicit or implicit intermediate agent
	("mediated causation" Shibatani 2002)?
	d. Source of the cause: is it an agent, a patient, a source, a beneficiary, a recipient ?
	e. Valence and argument structure
	f. Diathesis:
	o does the construction allow alternations: pronominal (reflexive or reciprocal), transitive (single or
	double complement), intransitive, ditransitive?
	o

a. Modal criterion:

o The force of causation, factitive or deontic (permission vs obligation) o Is the subject's intention expressed through a modality (subject of an agentive nature and volitional utterance) (e.g.: faire faire un devoir 'having an assignment done')?

b. Aspectual criterion: o g. Degree of phraseology of the construction (e.g.: laisser à désirer / à redire 'leaving something to be desired' / 'to be faulted'), (e.g.: ton attitude laisse à désirer 'your attitude leaves something to be desired').

  )

	donna	a	boire
	3SG-donner-PRET	PREP	boire-INF
	'gave	to	drink'
	(Les enfances

  . The other modal verbal periphrases in pouvoir Vinf 'can' are found earlier in Old French, since the 9th century, for example pouvoir détourner 'being able to divert' read in Les Serments de Strasbourg (The Oaths of Strasbourg), first attested in a written text in Roman French dated from 842 (BFM 2019).The verb donner 'give' in factitive constructions behaves as a factitive semi-auxiliary (cf.[START_REF] Gougenheim | Étude sur les périphrases verbales de la langue française[END_REF][START_REF] Akin | Grammar in usage and grammaticalization of dan 'give' constructions in Kurmanji Kurdish[END_REF], and the construction takes on the value of a causative verbal periphrasis. Its values can vary from a simple factual causation to an obligation, a deontic modality.The construction donner Vinf 'give' is statistically weak,[START_REF] Willems | La complémentation verbale en contexte: le cas du verbe donner[END_REF] mentions 6 occurrences in a contemporary corpus of 600 examples. The construction is, however, semantically rich, it is a polysemous construction, and, accordingly to our 2012 study based on three corpora representative of different discourse genres 5 , the construction is organized in four sub-classes (a, b, c, d, see below) wether a simply causative or a phraseological construction in our contemporary Europresse database (2021) and three classes (a, b, c) in the diachronic data Frantext-ATILF and BFM 2019 not mentionning the completely fixed phraseological construction. The (a) category includes the most abstract uses of the verb, whereas the other categories (b) to (d), even if phraseological, rely on concrete meanings of the verb: a. give + cognition verbs(réfléchir, 'think', voir, 'see', etc). ( e.g. donner à penser 'give (matter) to think') . see example (11). b. give + verbs of food/drink verbs (e.g. donner à boire 'give to drink') c. give + other non food/drink common everyday actions that always needs a direct object. (e.g. donner sa montre à réparer 'give ones watch/car to repair')d. give + phraseological constructions (e.g.: donner du grain à moudre 'give to think', donner du fil à retordre 'give hard time')

	Later, in Christine de Pisan, the periphrasis is extremely common:
	(7)	me vouloir donner du mal
		'give myself trouble'(1405: 99)
	(8)	donner à souffrir
		'give to suffer' (1405: 12)
	(9)	devoir donner
		'have to give' (1405: 1)
	(10) donner à gagner
		'give to earn' (1405: 214)
		(Christine de Pisan Poems-Frantext).

Table 2 :

 2 Classes of infinitives in donner VInf 'give Vinf' contempory constructions

	(11) Cette exposition donne à voir des paysages insolites.
	'This exhibition make visible unusual landscapes.'
	(Centre Presse Aveyron 07/06/2021-Europresse)

The letters a, b, c, are inserted by the author, they are not present in the original text.

Translated by the author.

https://nouveau.europresse.com.

The variation for the verb connaitre 'know' and other verbal or nominal forms are extensive in medieval French, e.g. know-INF forms are: conoistre, connoistre, counoistre, cunoistre ; congnoistre ; conuistre, cunuistre ; conostre, conustre ; congnostre, cognostre ; conoiestre.

Corpus A: Word Sketch Engine, LEXCOM, Adam Kilgarriff, University of Brighton, UK. French Web corpus, http://www.sketchengine.co.uk/. Corpus B: Base textuelle Frantext, ATILF-CNRS, University of Nancy, France. Literature corpus. Period consulted 1980-2000, http://www.frantext.fr/. Corpus C: Le Monde 2002, Newspaper corpus, Le Migou tool, OLST Montreal, http://olst.ling.umontreal.ca/ressources/corpusdu-migou/

Modal criterion: factitive or deontic values

The construction laisser à Vinf 'let' has modal permissive values (19):

(19) Accepter que son ado aille au cinéma en début d'après-midi avant de le laisser assister à une séance en début de soirée. 'Accepting that your teenager goes to the cinema at the beginning of the afternoon before letting him attend a screening at the beginning of the evening'.

(Le Journal des femmes 28/06/2021-Europresse).

These two deontic values of permission or obligation require an agentive-type subject. In contrast, source-type subject constructions bear a factitive value (e.g. Ce voile laisse passer la lumière 'This veil allows light to pass through' (author).

Besides the nature of the cause, its strength differs according to the four verbs in these causal periphrases. Laisser à Vinf, 'let' can be validated by an external source of validation, reality, or it can be a permission if one considers an implicit agent (20) whereas the negative modality has a jussive value since ne pas laisser Vinf 'not let' is equivalent to prohibiting ( 21


Pierre-Henri Merrer

Aude Bouchier

Houda Brahimi

Olivier Llopis

Gilles Cibiel

High-Q Optical Resonators for Laser Stabilization in Microwave Photonics Oscillators

New resonators are investigated in order to design compact and high performances microwave oscillators. Because of long wavelengths in microwave range, dimensions of resonators are intrinsically large. Secondly, the quality factor of these resonators is now limited to about 2.10 5 at 10 GHz with whispering gallery modes (WGM) sapphire resonators. Nevertheless, it is possible to solve these difficulties if we use optical waves as a carrier for the RF frequencies, for example a 1.5 µm-laser. Resonators become optical ones, with low dimensions due to short wavelengths. The optical resonator creates an optical frequency comb with microwave spacing. Each mode of this comb is characterized by an optical Q factor (Q opt ) and an equivalent RF Q factor (Q RF ). Q RF is the product of Q opt and the RF to optical frequencies ratio. At 1.55 µm, this frequency ratio is about 10 4 at 20GHz and Q opt must be at least equal to 10 8 to obtain a quality at 20 GHz better than the microwave resonators. We present different high-Q optical resonators and an application of one of them to microwave photonics oscillators.

Like for microwave resonators, WGM can be used in small bulk spheres or disks in silica or quartz, for example. With a scan method [START_REF] Merrer | Microwave filtering using high Q optical resonators[END_REF], using a 1.55-µm single-frequency tunable fibered laser to explore the frequency comb of the resonator, we have measured an optical Q factor of about 4.10 9 for a 3.3-mm-diameter quartz disk (Fig. 1(a)). The laser is launched in the resonator thanks to a tapered fibre. In spite of the really interesting Q opt factor of these resonators, their optical transverse multimode behavior and the laser launching difficulties lead us to study another kind of resonators.

These resonators are resonant fibre loops, built with few-meter-long single-mode fibres and fibered couplers [START_REF] Merrer | Laser stabilization on a fiber ring resonator and application to RF filtering[END_REF]. The laser is now directly launched in the resonator with low losses. Thermal effects due to power launching and external perturbations lead to frequency comb instabilities, because of the high Q factor of the cavity. The laser lock on a resonance loop is necessary, and a Pound-Drever-Hall feedback loop has been used. When the laser is locked, the RF modulation is applied with a Mach-Zehnder modulator (MZM). The optical Q factor is then measured with a vector network analyzer (Fig. 1(b)). We thus demonstrate a Q opt of 3.10 9 in a 20 m-long loop, leading to a Q RF of 3.10 5 at 20 GHz, better than for a WGM quartz resonator at this frequency. Despite this high Q factor, the optoelectronic oscillator (OEO) based on this resonator presents a high level of phase noise. We have developed another resonant loop (patent pending) to solve this problem, and obtained a phase noise level of -90.5 dBc/Hz at 10 kHz offset from a 10 GHz carrier for this new OEO. A lower Q RF factor of 1.2x10 4 (Q opt ~ 2.10 8 ) is extracted from the frequency noise to phase noise transition. We are improving these results thanks to the design of a new resonator and the implementation of a noise model of the whole system.

These optical resonators have really high Q factors. WGM resonators are potentially performing for highly compact devices and fibered resonators are efficient and easily integrated in a complete system. They are really interesting for laser stabilization in photonics microwave applications, as shown with the performances of this OEO, and we are actually improving the efficiency of such optical resonators and oscillators.

Fig. 1

 1 Fig. 1 Optical Q factor measurement methods used with the WGM resonators (a) or the resonant fibre loop (b).


Salih Akin
email: salih.akin@univ-rouen.fr

Myriam Bouveret
email: myriam.bouveret@univ-rouen.fr

Grammar in usage and grammaticalization of dan 'give' constructions in Kurmanji Kurdish

Keywords: dan, causative construction, Kurmanji Kurdish, grammaticalization, language change Grammaticalization

.

Introduction

Kurdish belongs to the family of Indo-European languages and is part of the Iranian group of this family, which includes several modern languages such as Balochi, Ossetic, Persian or Tadjik. Kurdish is spoken by 35 million speakers living in four countries: Iraq, Iran, Syria and Turkey. Due to the absence of national institutions, Kurdish has developed a polydialectal structure and many dialects are spoken, Kurmanji, Sorani, Gorani and Dimili. The Kurmanjispeaking area is located in the south-eastern and eastern parts of Turkey, the northern part of Iraq and Syria, as well as in the north-west of Iran. Several Kurmanji-speaking enclaves are scattered throughout Central Anatolia and some former Republics of the Soviet Union. The Sorani-speaking area covers the north of Iraq and the western part Iran. Dimili-speaking Kurds live in the western part of Kurdish settlements in Turkey, and the Gorani-speaking community is located in the south of Iraqi Kurdistan (Khamandar 2003).

The two main dialects that are closely related to each other are the Kurmanji dialect and the Sorani dialect. The Kurmanji dialect, spoken by 65% of the Kurds, appears more archaic than the other dialects in its phonetic and morphological systems. However, Kurmanji and Sorani are the two dialects that have the greatest number of common linguistic characteristics. The morphological features that distinguish them are a distinct system of case marking (nominative and oblique), and gender marking for nouns and pronouns, as well as an agentive construction for the past tenses of transitive verbs.

Besides this polydialectal structure, Kurdish is written in three distinct alphabets. The first script that was used to transcribe Kurdish was a slightly modified Arabic alphabet, notably with the addition of diacritic marks. Kurdish had then to adapt itself to the alphabets of the countries in which it failed to be fully recognized. It is therefore written in the Latin alphabet in Turkey and Syria, in the Arabic alphabet in Iraq and Iran, and in the Cyrillic alphabet in the Republics of the former Soviet Union.

Generally speaking, the sociolinguistic situation of Kurdish mirrors the political situation of the Kurds. In Iraq, Arabic and Kurdish are two Iraqi official languages since the adoption of the constitution in October 2005. Kurdish is the official language of the Kurdistan region, the language of education, business and administration [START_REF] Hirori | Rewşa zimanê kurdî li Îraqê. Nefel[END_REF]. Iran and Syria are the two countries where Kurdish does not have any political or institutional status. It is taught neither in public nor in private schools in these countries [START_REF] Hassanpour | Nationalism and language in Kurdistan, 1918-1985[END_REF]). However, the oral and written use of Kurdish is tolerated, and so is the publishing of non-political articles. In Turkey, Kurdish has undergone the most repressive policies with respect to its spoken and written usages, as well as in regard to its teaching and usage in printed material. Since the beginning of the 21st century however, in its attempt to join the European Union, Turkey has abolished the ban on speaking Kurdish, allowed private teaching of the Kurdish language in 2004 and set up a public television channel broadcasting in Kurdish in January 2009, namely TRT-6. However, despite the restricted introduction of Kurdish in the education system as an optional language [START_REF] Akin | Kürtçe seçmeli dil eğitimi: Sorunlar ve öneriler[END_REF], the Turkish government still refuses any possibility of public education in Kurdish in schools, since the article 42 of the Constitution forbids the teaching of a language other than Turkish as the primary language of education.

Object of the paper

"Grammar is not a static, closed or self-contained system, but is highly susceptible to change and highly affected by language use." (Bybee 2003: 145) The Kurmanji dialect is neither taught nor standardized, but some workshops in the diaspora are trying to standardize the lexicon and the orthography [START_REF] Akin | Language planning in Diaspora : The case of Kurdish Kurmanji dialect[END_REF], which allows us to observe the emergence of standard constructions and their stabilization.

Our paper will focus on two dominant grammatical categories for which the verb dan 'give' is used in Kurmanji Kurdish: light verb constructions (henceforth LVC) and causative constructions. Light verb constructions may be a common use of the verb 'give' in many languages (see Mélac and Tournadre, this volume), but the dominant use of the causative form is a very salient property of dan in the Kurdish language, as illustrated in the various corpora investigated for the present paper, dictionnaries, recent online newspapers and the Manchester Kurdish Dialects Database2 .

The Kurdish Kurmanji dialect is a very dynamic language showing many signs of neological forms: new words appearing in the newspapers, as well as lexicalization and grammaticalization phenomena. New grammatical constructions, new idioms and new compounds formed with dan are motivated by the need of expressivity. As stated by Bybee 2014: "In the grammaticization literature, the mechanism of change in this example has been called pragmatic inference (Traugott 1989, Hopper andTraugott 1993). It is widely accepted that an important feature of the communication process is the ability to make inferences (…). When the same pattern of inferences occurs frequently with a particular grammatical construction, those inferences can become part of the meaning of the construction. (Bybee 2014:156).

Causative constructions with dan have never been investigated in the Kurdish linguistic litterature, which motivated our choice of analysing these constructions. The Kurmanji dialect generally uses the light verbs dan 'give' and kirin 'make'. This pattern of evolution for the verb 'give' has been attested in several languages. It has been described in [START_REF] Gougenheim | Étude sur les périphrases verbales de la langue française[END_REF] for the French verb donner 'give'. As described in the grammaticalization literature, as the usage of a common verb expands to a greater variety of contexts, its large productivity can lead to a bleaching process and a decategoization from a full verb to an auxiliary. The process of semantic bleaching for dan can also be observed in Kurmanji Kurdish in light verb constructions (see table 2), as the high productivity of the verb in compounds as we will see in the following section. This syntactic and semantic expansion process that is observable with dan in Kurdish corresponds to a cross-linguistic phenomenon found in several other languages (Gouggenheim 1929, Von Waldenfels 2012, Newman 1997[START_REF]The Linguistics of Giving[END_REF].

Even if these constructions are systematic in Kurmanji Kurdish, on the one hand in the survey on the Kurdish dialects 3 , the test of translation into Kurdish of a causative sentence such as 'He caused Ahmed to get arrested' did not trigger any occurrence of dan constructions. On the other hand in the Manchester Kurdish Database 4 the causative dan sentences are associated with a lexicalized causative form (see section 3.3.2) : guvaştin, şidandin, jidandin, perçiqandin, pilçiqandin, astenandin, perxandin whereas no occurrence of the causative dan verb is attested in Sorani (another Kurdish dialect spoken in Iraqi and Iran Kurdistan). Sorani Kurdish uses another form: "kuşîn, gûşîn, hilşîn, helgûşîn". Studies on causative constructions in Sorani have mainly been discussed so far with the causative morpheme -an (see Hiba Gharib 2012) and indeed, in the Sorani dialect, the causative construction with dan does not exist. This paper will illustrate the notion of construction from several perspectives: Our paper further illustrates that a very basic form in human activities, such as give, is a very productive form and leads to semantic or syntactic changes. Micro-changes are also observable in synchrony through phenomena of morphological derivation, lexicalization and grammaticalization.

We will first describe the Kurmanji language and its characteristic from the point of view of traditional grammars. In a second part, we will analyze our corpus data, and the different cases of verbal constructions. In a third section, we show the productivity of the form through nominal compounds. This study will be based on dan constructions in three corpora, written and oral ones, described in section 1.4 below.

Traditional grammars

The early documented descriptions of the Kurmanji Kurdish date from the late 18th century and can be considered an attempt of exogrammatisation, that is to say the grammatisation of an undocumented and unknown language by grammarians" (Auroux 1992, 28). Missionaries and orientalists, residing in Kurdistan, carried out the first descriptions. Their perspective was mostly a monographic approach on varieties of the visited regions. Father M. Garzoni (1734Garzoni ( -1804) ) is the pioneer of research, with his Grammatica e Vocabolario della lingua Kurda, which appeared in Rome in 1787. Abbots Ph.D. Fossum (1919) andP. Béidar (1926) continued the work undertaken by Garzoni, each of them publishing a grammar of the language. Furthermore, British officers serving in Mesopotamia also contributed to the description of Kurmanji (Soane 1919[START_REF] Jardine | Bahdinan Kurmanji. A grammar of the Kurmanji of the Kurds of Mosul division and surrounding districts of Kurdistan[END_REF].

These grammatical descriptions will be continued in the 1930s by Kurdish researchers, writers, politicians, and language activists. D. Bedir Khan (1893Khan ( -1951) ) is the author of the first grammar written in Kurdish. In his research, he was assisted by young French officers such as Pierre Rondot and Roger Lescot. In 1970, R. Lescot published a revised and extended version of Bedir Khan's grammar. The movement continueed in the following years with the publication of a grammar by Badilli in Ankara in 1965. In the 1990s, two grammars were published in Europe [START_REF] Ciwan | Türkçe Açiklamali Kürtçe Dilbilgisi Dilbilgisi [Grammaire kurde avec des explications en turc[END_REF]Biçuk, 1997). Finally, S. Tan published another grammar in 2000 in Turkey and G. Aygen (2007) published another one in Germany. Much of these grammar descriptions raise several problems, the most important of which is the training of the grammarians. Apart from Aygen (2007), none of the authors had received linguistic training. The motivations for their initiatives can be grouped into two categories: utilitarian approaches in the case of officers and missionaries and linguistic, political activism in the case of Kurdish authors.

Salient linguistic characteristics of Kurmanji Kurdish

Like the Bask language and other Iranian languages (Osset, Balutchi), Kurdish possesses ergative constructions [START_REF] Dorleijn | The decay of ergativity in Kurmanci[END_REF], Matras 1992[START_REF] Levin | English Verb Classes and Alternations: A Preliminary Investigation[END_REF][START_REF] Haig | The corpus of contemporary Kurdish newspaper texts (CCKNT) : A pilot project in corpus linguistics for Kurdish[END_REF]. These constructions are used for the transitive verbs in the past tenses by marking the subject of the action, which becomes oblique or ergative. In ergative rules, the complement of the object is not marked and remains in absolute case (normally unmarked case).

However, these constructions currently show significant developments and especially in the language contact context, going from partial ergativity (split ergativity) to the lack of ergativity [START_REF] Dorleijn | The decay of ergativity in Kurmanci[END_REF].

Another specificity of the verb is its temporal system and the use of the evidential as an emerging grammatical category [START_REF] Akin | Le médiatif : l'émergence d'une nouvelle catégorie grammaticale en kurde ?[END_REF][START_REF] Bulut | Indirectivity in Kurmanji. Evidentials : Turkic, Iranian and Neighbouring Languages[END_REF]. The origin of evidentiality seems to result from a contrastive difference between the preterit and the perfect tenses. The perfect, also called "narrative preterit" in some grammar textbooks (Bedir Khan & Lescot 1970), is used in two senses: it refers to an action in the past having a result in the present and it expresses an action not observed in the past, hearsay, an indirect experience. Thus, it seems that evidentiality emerges as the second use of the perfect tense, which confers a value expressing the lack of commitment from the speaker.

The dominant word order in Kurdish is Subject-Object-Verb (SOV). Modifiers follow the nouns they modify. Motion and transfer verbs generally modify the word order, which becomes Subject-Verb-Object (SVO).

Verbs have two stems: present and past. Present stems can be simple or secondary. Simple tenses are formed by the addition of personal endings to the two stems. Secondary stems consist of a root + suffixes that indicate transitivity, intransitivity, and causativity. Kurmanji Kurdish has three tenses (present, past, and future), two voices (active and passive), two aspects (imperfective and perfective), and four moods (indicative, conditional, imperative, and potential). The TAM categories are marked with the perfective/imperfective suppletion.

The corpora

Our work is based on three corpora, referred to as corpus A, B, C. To begin with, three dictionnaries (corpus A) are part of our data. The first dictionary Le Dictionnaire Kurde-Français (Kurdish-French Dictionary) has been compiled by August Jaba and published in 1879 in St. Petersburg. The second dictionary, Dictionnaire kurde-français, contains the most recent and exhaustive lexicon (85,000 entries) of the Kurmanji dialect published in 2017 by the Kurdish Institute of Paris [START_REF] Nezan | Dictionnaire kurde-français[END_REF]). The third one is a Kurdish-Turkish dictionary published by the Kurdish Institute of Istanbul (Farqîn 2005). This dictionary was made on the basis of the Turkish language and contains a significant quantity of neologisms. The corpus will allow us to observe the arising of new forms or productive forms involving dan.

Our main corpus is the CCKNT (Corpus of Contemporary Kurdish Newspaper Texts), consisting of 483 written Kurmanji texts, totalling around 214,000 words. It contains texts from two Kurdish publications: Azadiya Welat, a weekly Kurdish newspaper, and CTV, a company which broadcasted news items in Kurdish on the Internet. The corpus is available in digital form and is therefore open to a number of computer-aided applications. The CCKNT texts were downloaded from the Internet between April and July 1999. We parsed it with Word Sketch Engine in order to obtain some quantitative data on the use of dan in modern language. This corpus was compiled as part of a project on modern Kurdish syntax, conducted from 1999-2001 at the Seminar für Allgemeine und Vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft at the University of Kiel (Germany). The project was funded by a grant awarded to Professor Ulrike Mosel by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft. The CCKNT proved to be an invaluable data base for investigating Kurdish syntax, as well as many other issues of the emergent written languagesome potential applications are discussed below. We therefore decided to make it available to other scholars working on similar areas. The corpus and accompanying documentation were designed and compiled by Geoffrey Haig (2001) (Corpus B). The main corpus is completed with another one, made with recent articles from online and written newspapers (Rudaw 1, Netkurd, Sputniknews 2) (Corpus C).

Analysis

Results

Our results show the following ratios: The light verb construction (LVC) is the most frequent construction. The causative form in our corpus (see Table 2) is the second construction in use, nearly as frequent as the LVC for dan forms 45% (less frequent for the other tenses and forms 16% in total). This means that the verb dan is mainly used with a high degree of semantic generalization. The light verb constructions are cases of semantic bleaching. We can notice that the uses of dan are found both in the lexicon and in the grammar, with on one side cases of lexicalization (light verb construction, LVC) and on the other side cases of grammaticalization (causative constructions) which clearly illustrates the capacity of a construction (CXG) to be found on a lexicon-grammar continuum. We annotated the most frequent forms in use, based on a sample of 100 examples when the sample was available, and we parsed it with Word Sketch Engine. Without syntactic tree existing for the language, we had to annotate the corpus by hand and could not rely on lemmatization. We therefore annotated the most frequent forms retrieved with Word sketch Engine, and focused on the two dominant categories: light verbs and causative constructions. (Nezan 2017: 330). The latter meaning seems to be an entrenched calque from Aramic êdana 'time', which also refers, by extension, to the 'moment where food is given to livestock' (id.).

Polysemy and productivity of

The polysemy of dan as a noun is amplified in its use as a verb, which seems to be its generic usage. The first Kurdish-French dictionary edited by Jaba ( 1879) and the more recent one edited [START_REF] Nezan | Dictionnaire kurde-français[END_REF] propose the following forms and meanings. Both dictionaries mention two forms of dan; dàin, and dan in Jaba's dictionary (p.173) and dan and dayîn in Nezan's dictionary (p.331), while Farqîn's dictionary uses the form dan (2005 : 427). The forms are significantly closer; dàin seems to be a phonetic transcription of the archaic form of the verb, as it is reflected by dayîn. In the current uses of the verb, the form dan is recurrent and systematically present in all causatives constructions.

The first two dictionaries mention close meanings: 'to give', 'to clear / to settle', 'to offer' (Jaba); to give', 'to offer', 'to present' (Nezan). However, Farqîn's dictionary offers a big panel of 31 meanings, the first ones being vermek 'to give', bahşetmek 'to endow', atfetmek 'to impute / to ascribe' iletmek 'to transmit'. The meanings presented in Farqîn's dictionary sharply contrast with Jaba and Nezan's entries both in quantity and diversity. They seem to be a direct effect of the Turkish language taken as model in the description of the Kurmanji lexicon.

Despite this language contact effect, all dictionaries list a great variety of meanings, which

shows the vivid polysemy of dan. Kurdish language, the light verb generally has tendency to follow the noun. Evidence of this tendency is also given by two other major light verbs, kirin 'to do, to make', and bûn 'to be, to became'. No similar construction (LVC verb in first position) was found in the corpus with these two verbs kirin and bûn. LVC in the Kurdish language conforms to an SOV order, whereas LVC with dan use this specific syntactic order, verb in the first position. This seems to indicate the specific status of dan in light verb constructions.

Finally, causative constructions are mentioned in three dictionaries as a function of dan.

Nezan's dictionary explains this function in terms of 'auxiliary verb followed by an infinitive' (2017:331) and gives the following examples: dan çêkirin 'to make built / construct', dan kirin 'to make (someone) make / to make an order'. Two other dictionaries give many examples in which dan has a causative function.

This dictionnary overview shows the polysemy and multifunctionality of dan. The present chapter focuses on its verbal constructions.

Newspapers

In our corpus, dan with an agentive subject can be found with a concrete meaning of 'offer' (1).

The agentive subject construction is attested with a transitive syntax for an abstract meaning of transfer, the most salient being either for a communication meaning (2) or a legal meaning (3).

The last case of transitive construction is similar to the French one, with the meaning of producing (4), in a non-agentive construction.

(1) Numerous phraseological expressions as well as many light verbs constructions (LVC) are attested in the dictionaries and in our corpora. Many lexicalized expressions are formed with dan which can be graduated from more strictly fixed, idioms, to less fixed. They are described in the following section (3.1).

Verbal constructions

5 https://krd.sputniknews.com/nuce/201701035072464-enstituya-kurdi-seroke-pesin-ape-musa-hat-girtin/

Light verb constructions (LVC)

The LVC as phraseological units are either already lexicalized, found in dictionaries and in our corpora (3.1.1.) or more recently attested (3.1.2). In both cases, they show great productivity and regular patterns (3.1.3). They are also very frequent constructions, the most frequent ones attested in our data (see section 2.1).

The following constructions are either retrieved from our three corpora or from our main corpus B. (Azadiya Welat, 1999). Other lexicalized LVC attested in the dictionaries are presented in the table n°3 above. These constructions show the great productivity of dan as a light verb and can be described through their syntactic frames, with dan as a predicate: bêhn + ve+dan 'to rest' A

Light verbs and reflexive forms

The LVC in Kurdish Kurmanji is a very common structure, which is also found in reflexive constructions. The degree of fixity of the LVC varies from weak to strong either in grammatical or lexical constructions. On the one hand, the reflexive construction is purely grammaticalized (see a.) and has a non-compositional meaning (5) on the other hand, it is completely lexicalized as a phrase /idiom? (in b.) with a concrete dan meaning ( 6) and an abstract dan meaning in ( 7), ( 8), ( 9).

a. Syntactic decompositional pronominal form with a reflexive meaning:

( 'Despite all the barriers, the Kurdish Press, has stood up and has resisted'

Various causative constructions with dan

We have categorized three kinds of causative constructions. Our main hypothesis in this paper is the use of dan as a causative auxiliary, that is to say a case of syntactic shift of a frequent verb into an auxiliary following a typical cline grammaticalization from some content meaning towards grammatical meaning.

Different examples of the causative construction have been found in our corpus, making use of the verb dan, and sometimes its equivalent kirin. According to [START_REF] Gougenheim | Étude sur les périphrases verbales de la langue française[END_REF], in those causative constructions give behaves as a semi-auxiliary of causation. In Bouveret 2012, we developed the analysis further. A similar fact arises in Kurdish, showing a more complicated network of constructions with and without the verb kirin. Similar cases of the form GIVE + Infinitive are described in the litterature with languages belonging to other language groups than Romance (similar cases are found in French, Italian, Spanish), namely in Russian, Polish and Czeck, the three languages belonging to the Slavic family (Von Waldenfelds 2011). We propose to discuss several criteria that allows us to classify the causative constructions.

The causative construction

Relying on [START_REF] Levin | English Verb Classes and Alternations: A Preliminary Investigation[END_REF], Newman (1997), andShibatani (2002), four criteria can be first applied:

A. Direct causation: 1. Internal direct causation: (10) "Tay-ên dar-ê şkestin" branch-GEN.PL tree-OBL break.PST.PL 'The branches of the tree broke' 2. External direct causation:

( We add to those criteria one additional distinction based on [START_REF] Gosselin | Sémantique de la temporalité en français. Un modèle calculatoire et cognitif du temps et de l'aspect[END_REF] (criteria initially applied to modality by the author), which is "the force of validation" from weak to strong causation.

Von Waldenfelds proposes two types of permissive causation, relying on Talmy: a continuum extending from a "non reflected passivity (due to indifference, carelessness or negligence)"> to "strong committed sense of granting permission", towards > "two focal types from noninterference vs permission" (Von Waldenfelds 2012).

In Kurdish, the continuum is not as wide, going from permission to the factitive causation, from a weak causation to a strong causation. Our data show the following semantic values based on the "force of validation" criterion: weak and strong causation. The "force of validation" criteria allows to establish a continuum between weak (indirect) causation where dan means let and strong causation (direct) where dan is equivalent to 'order'.

The following section will distinguish the different cases of verbal causation constructions with dan in sections 3.3.2, 3.3.3 and 3.3.4. Amongst these cases of causation with dan, simple and double causation must be distinguished, as a single causation using the verbal form [dan V-Inf] or as a complex causation using the verbal form dan + another form kirin [ dan + kirin V-Inf] . The [dan V-Inf] construction can also be combined with a morphological causative marker -and [ dan + V-and] described in 3.3.3 below.

Simple causation [ dan V-Inf]

The simple causation construction is the most frequent one in our corpus, not only the most frequent in the different cases of causation, but the causative form is after the light verb construction (LVC), the most frequent of all the constructions retrieved in our corpus as attested in -and] This construction shows a case of double causation, one with dan and a second one marked with a causative morpheme -and. The simple causation with the causative morphologically marked verb appears in (a, b), the double causation with the same construction in addition to a causative dan construction is attested in (c) and in example ( 19). This -and morpheme marks the transitivity of an originally intransitive verb and then at the same time does mark the causativity of the verb. This causation alternation can only be found in the intransitive / transitive pairs. This mark is then bound to the capacity of the verb to be transitivized. In some cases, double causation constructions show an interesting characteristic development of the causative locutional form with dan. For instance, the following sentence (20) illustrates the fact that dan has become such a prominent causative idiom in Kurdish that it is used even when it is not needed. In ( 20 To sum up, our data show the following syntactic verbal causation categories:

-Simple causation with dan -Double causation with dan + causative morpheme -and in the transitive / instransitive alternation -Light verb causation in a double complex causation with dan + kirin As a conclusion, this work has demonstrated that in Kurmanji Kurdish the verb dan is extremely productive, as a light verb, as a grammatical form in causation expressions or as a lexicalized form in compound forms.

Conclusion

The productivity of the form dan is attested and analyzed in this paper as a lexical unit, full verb (24), as a morphological unit in the nominal and adjectival compounds (25), as a syntactic unit in causative constructions (26), as a lexicalized unit, fixed idiom (27), quasi fixed idiomatic expression or as a light verb ( 28 Dan illustrates the syntax-lexicon continuum proposed in Croft 2007, that is to say, the capacity of a lexical item to have different functions. In this regard, dan is a polyfunctional unit of the Kurdish language, its functions have been illustrated as a morphological units inside components, as a syntactic unit in causative semi-auxiliary constructions, as a lexical unit or as a syntactic construction within SVC or dan-kirin constructions.

This polyfunctionality of the form is also illustrated in other chapters of the present survey study of give verbs across languages (see Corre about Khmer, Melac and Tournadre about Tibetan or Badan about Chinese).

The productivity of the form dan is also attested through language contact especially with Turkish. This language contact is enhanced with the bilingual capacity of Turkish-Kurdish speakers working in media. The need of expressivity in communication seems to lead to loan translations based on or borrowed from Turkish. For instance, the compounded verbs serîlêdan 8

'and jiyana xwe ji dest dan 9 'to die' have been recently elaborated from Turkish morphosyntax, respectively from başvurmak and yaşamını yitirmek. On the other hand, Kurdish diaspora contributed to the emergence of literacy in Kurmanji, especially in Sweden (Scalbert-Yucel 2006). We know for example that the contact with European languages resulted in some influences on the construction of reported speech in Kurmanji [START_REF] Akin | Discours rapporté et hétérogénéité discursive en kurde[END_REF]. It would then be interesting to study how European languages have influenced constructions with dan.

  a) Constructions are Usage-based entities b) Constructions are grouped in small families c) Constructions as form-meaning pairs can be polysemic units d) Constructions are found within a lexical-grammatical continuum e) Phenomena of lexicalisation and grammaticalization are illustrated through through language use

  [ dan + kirin V-Inf] Causative constructions with dan are systematic in Kurmanji within the (a) intransitive (b)/transitive alternation. In (b), the morpheme -and marks the transitive form of dan (see 3.3

  In the following examples, (b) is transitive and causative whereas (a) is intransitive (equivalent to the English intransitive/transitive alternation seen in 1.walk/2.walk the dog).Within the transitive/intransive alternation, -and causative morpheme in (b) brings the agentivity to the causative event. Does the -and causative morpheme form come etymologically from dan ? So far there is no evidence of it due to the lack of research on the etymology nas-and-in 'make know' transitive and causative (c) dan nasandin 'make know' (transitive, causative and double causation with dan)

Table n°1 :

 n°1 dan constructions in our main corpus, corpus B 214,000 words.

	RESULTS	LVC	Causative Others		TOTAL
	dan 'to give'	49%	45%	6%	100%
	dide 'he/it gives'	66%	32%	2%	100%
	didin 'they give'	73%	20%	7%	100%
	didan 'they gave'	67%	11%	22%	100%
	daye 'he/it has given'	92%	6%	2%	100%
	dida 'he/it used to give'	85%	15%	0%	100%
	dayî 'given'	100%	0%	0%	100%
	dabû 'he/it had given'	90%	10%	0%	100%
	bide 'give' (2PS)	97%	1%	1%	100%
	bidin 'give' (PL)	75%	17%	8%	100%
	TOTAL	79%	16%	5%	100%

  dan in synchrony2.2.1. Definition and examples of dan in dictionariesA quick overview of dan entries in dictionaries shows that it covers a large domain of grammaticalized and lexicalized uses as a noun, verb, idioms, light verb and causative constructions. The extensive use of the verb dan causes a significant productivity, which resulted in the high polysemy of dan.Only two dictionaries mention dan as a noun(Farqîn 2005 and[START_REF] Nezan | Dictionnaire kurde-français[END_REF]. Dan means öğün'repast, meal' vergi 'tax', nimet 'boon' (Farqîn 2005:427), grain 'seed', 'solid food', 'husked and crushed wheat, not boiled', and 'period corresponding to about one third of a day and punctuated by a meal'

  Several compounds are formed with dan in which it functions as a verb. Compounds are based One can also find compound made up of dan with prefixes, preverbs and prepositions: hildan (verbal prefix meaning 'elevation' + dan) 'to lift, to rise', vedan (preverb meaning introduction, going down, closing + dan) 'to separate, to dig, to return', berdan (before, in front of + dan) 'to let, to abandon'. Noun + Verb Compounds are lexicalized can be also used, like any other verb, as substantive.Along these uses, dan appears in light verb constructions (LVC) and causatives. LVC seem to is very productive in the canonical structure noun + dan: piştgirî dan (support +dan) 'to support', zirar dan (damage + dan) 'to damage', agahî dan (information + dan) 'to inform', ders dan (lesson + dan) 'to teach', sêdare dan (post + dan) 'to hang', rûmet dan (respect + dan) 'to respect', can dan (life + dan) 'to die', guh dan (ear + dan) 'to consider', encam dan (result + dan) 'to result', etc. In some LVC, dan precedes the noun: dan dest (dan + hand) 'to deliver'

on the structure of word + dan. The preceding word is generally a noun: avdan (water + dan) 'to water', rûdan (face + dan) 'to happen', sozdan (promise + dan) 'to promise', nîşandan (sign, clue + dan) 'to show', hewldan (effort + dan) 'to strive', etc. dan der (dan + place) 'to show, to exteriorise', dan çêran (dan + insult) 'to insult'. Some other LVC involve three words: dan ber hev (dan + before + reciprocity pronoun) 'to compare', dan ber xwe (dan + before + reflexive pronoun) 'to target'. These constructions with dan in the first position are recent neologisms elaborated by lexicographers, otherwise in the syntax of the

Table n°3 :

 n°3 LVC Kurmanji Kurdish patterns

			êrîşeke	bombeyî de
			attack.IND bomb
			jiyan-a	xwe	ji dest dan.
			life-GEN.SG REFL lose. PRET
	13 [dan+RECIP]	dan+hev 'to put things in order'	A
	14 [dan+PREP+RECIP]	dan+ber+hev 'to compare'	A
	15 [PREP+RECIP+dan]	li+hev+dan 'to mix'or 'to fight'	A
	16 [DO+AFF
		ASPECT+dan]
		Scheme	Example		Corpus
	1	[DI + dan]	a. zorê dan : 'to force'	A
			b. piştgirî dan : 'to support'
			c. destek dan : 'to support
			d. zirar dan : 'to damage'
			e. agahî dan : 'to inform'
			f. Gava wan	afiş-ên Newroz	B
			when 3PL.OBL poster-GEN.PL Newroz
			û afişên	din dadixistin,
			and poster-GEN.PL other remove.Imparfait
			'When (they) remove Newroz's and other posters'
			g. xwendekar	çûn	û îhtar dan
			students.NOM go.Preterit and warning
			give.PRET
			'Students went and gave a warning'
	2	[dan + DI] : 4	dan dest : 'to render'	A
	3	[ADJ + dan]	belaş + dan : 'to give for free'	A
	4	[dan+ADV]	dan + pey : 'to run after'	A
	5	[ADV + dan]	pev + dan : 'to fight'	A
	6	[dan+PREP+IO]	dan+pêş+yekî : 'to chase someone'	A
	7	[DI+PREP+dan]	serî-le-dan : 'to apply for'	A
	8	[dan+PREP+REFL]	dan+ber+xwe : 'to set a goal'	A
	9	[REFL + dan+PREP] xwe-dan-ser : 'to lean on'	A
	10 [[ADV+REFL+dan]	ber-xwe-dan : 'to resist'	A
	11 [DO+REFL+dan]	bala+xwe+dan : 'to pay attention'	A
	12 [REFL+PREP+IO+	Du parastvan-ên Hoşyar Zebarî di	B
		dan]	two body guard-GEN.PL Hoşyar Zebarî in

  The committee found all needed material of the mill and made run the mill'

	'
	1. Agentive and weak causation = 'let know'
	(15)
	Divê		enerjî	Û	şûr-ê		xwe bi awa-yekî xurt	ji bo azadi-ya
	Necessar	energy and awareness-	REF in way-	strong for freedom-
	y					GEN.SG		GEN.SG	GEN.SG
	gel		û	civak-ê	bide	xebitandin.
	people And community-OBL give.SUBJ.PRS.3SG run.INF
	'He has to use strongly his energy and his conscience for the liberation of the people and
	the society.'
	(16)
	Li aliy-ê	din	jî	ew		dide	zanîn	ku ewê
	on side-	other Also 3SG.NOM give.PRS.3SG know.INF that 3SG
	GEN.SG
	van		pankart-an bide		berhevkirin.
	these		sign-PL	give.FUT.3SG collect.INF
	'on the other hand, he informs that he will make collect these signs'
	2. Agentive and strong causation= 'order'
	(17)
	Komîte-yê hemû alav-ên	aş	ên	pêwîst	peyda kirin û
	committee-	all	material-	mill GEN.PL Necessary find.PST.PL and
	OBL			GEN.PL
	aş	dan		xebitandin 7 .
	Mill	give.PST.PL	run.INF

  table (2), in section 2.1., which is clearly a sign of grammaticalization of the verb towards a periphrasal construction. This simple causation is composed with the form dan and the Double causation with dan + causative morpheme "-and" in the transitive / intransitive alternation [ dan + V

	3.3.3.
	transitive verbs in examples (18) and (19):
	(18) dan nasîn 'faire connaitre'
	em	Nîştîmanperwerî û	kurdayeti-yê	Bi Wan	Didin	Nasîn
	1PL.NOM patriotism	and kurdicity.OBL By 3PL.OBL give.PRS.PL know.INF
	'We teach them/make them know patriotism and Kurdicity'
	(19) dan berdan 'faire libérer'
	Ji ber	vê	Mustafa Kemal mecbûr dimîne	Ku efûyeke	taybet
	because This Mustafa Kemal have.PERF.3SG That amnesty-GEN.SG special
	Derxe		û		Teslîm Beg bide		Berdan
	promulgate.SUBJ.3SG And Teslîm Beg give.SUBJ.3SG liberate.INF
	'Because of this, Mustafa Kemal has to promulgate a special amnesty and free Teslîm Beg'

  ), runiştandin being already a lexicalized causative transitive form as seen in the upper examples (b) would be sufficient and perfectly correct, but the form dan is added in the construction, thus providing a double causative construction: NOM.PL 3SG.OBL give.PST.SG sit.INF 'The mother Şemsa Gulbeden could hardly stand up, and the mothers stood her up' In (20) the cause is manipulative with a causer (the mothers) and the causee (the mother Şemsa Gulbeden). In this case the morphological causative lexeme is used in addition to the verb dan whereas in other Kurmanji varieties, the ergative can be used (Ergative construction : "Mamoste em runiştand-in"). In recent online newspapers our google test retrieves 110 occurrences of "dan rûniştandin" (as in 20) whereas the standard grammatical form seems to be as in(c) without dan. This fact clearly illustrates a case of spreading (extension) of the dan manipulative construction with a double causative construction in everyday language uses. SUBJ.PRS.PL accept.INF 'He said : we cannot make accept the peace to the state by force.'

	Li piya girt (22) dan guftûgokirin 'faire négocier' û dayik-an	wê	da	runiştandin 1 .
	On Foot stand.PST Forûm bi armanc-a Forum With aim-GEN.SG that idea-GEN.SG peace-ku 'fikr-a aşti-yê Bidin OBL give.SUBJ. PRS.PL hate Lidarxistin come.PST organize.INF 'The forum was organized to negotiate the idea of peace' (23) dan qebûlkirin : faire accepter Wî got: "Bi zor-ê em nikarin aşti-yê 3SG.OBL say.PST.SG By force-OBL 1PL can.PRS.NEG peace-OBL Bidin qebûlkirin". and mother.constructions are agentive, exclusively found with external causation, the following example guftûgokirin' negociate.INF bi dewlet-ê to state-OBL give.
	(21) can be decomposed as: agent + V-(dan= make) + V-Inf (kirin =causes That) + object Y +
	result.
	(21) dan çapkirin 'print, publish'
	ew	ji	Tirsa nikarin		helbêst-ên xwe	yên	Ku di sal-ên
	3PL.	ADP Fear can.PL.PRS.	poem-	REF GEN.PL	that in year.GEN.PL
	NOM			NEG		GEN.PL
	60 û	70'yî de	nivisî-ne,		îro	bidin	çapkirin.
	(20) 60 and 70	ADP write.PERF-ERG Today give.SUBJ.PRS edit.INF
	Dayik	Şemsa Gulbeden	ji ber	hestewari-ya	xwe bi zor
	mother Şemsa Gulbeden 'because of fear, they can't publish today the poems they have written in the 1960s and 1970s' Because emotion-GEN.SG REF Hardly

3.3.4. A complex construction: light verb and causative constructions: [ dan + kirin V-Inf]

Dan can combine with kirin, a standard causative verb attested in Kurdish studies (Manchester Study of Kurdish Language, see note (i). In those cases, kirin is used as a light verb function, thus bringing a causative meaning to the verb, for instance paint becomes 'cause the surface to be spread/covered with painting'. Constructions with kirin appear to be lexicalized causative constructions. By using either kirin (a lexicalized LVC of causation) and dan (a grammaticalized semi auxiliary of causation), the construction becomes a double causation construction, as in 3.3.2. Instead of being a morphological one this time, the construction is a lexicalized one with a light verb construction in [ dan + kirin V-Inf] . In this case, as in the upper section, we can talk about a complex form of causation, a double causation. Those

  etc. 3PL give.PST. Armenian.PL 'Kurdish people gave cheese, yogurt, butter etc. to Armenian people'

	Kurdish people yogurt, butter (25) ava-dan-î cheese,
	construct-give-substantivation morpheme
	'fertility'
	(26)
	Wan		Bi	ciwani-yê		Died	nasîn.
	3P.OBL	By	beauty.OBL	make.3PRS know.INF
	'He make them know by their beauty'
	(27)
	Ev	biryar	bi awa-y-ekî baş		nîşan dide	ku	Dewlet-a Tirk	Bi
	This decision by a	way-	clear show.PRS.SG that State-	Turkish By
				CONS.SG				GEN.SG
	çi	çavî		Li	gel-ê	Kurd	û	rêxistin-ên	Wan dinêre.
	What eye.OBL To people-	Kurdish And organisation-	3PL	see.PRE.3S
					GEN.SG				GEN.PL
	'this decision shows clearly well how Turkish state sees the Kurdish people and its
	organizations'
	(28)
	Îcar em			bal-a			xwe bidin	lijne-yê.
	This time 3PL.DIR consideration-	REF give.SUBJ.PRS.	committee.OBL
					GEN.SG				3PL
	'This time, let's consider the committee'.
					):
	(24)
	Kurdan	penêr,	mast,	rûn,		û	hwd. didan	ermeni-yan…

http://kurdish.humanities.manchester.ac.uk/

http://kurdish.humanities.manchester.ac.uk/

http://kurdish.humanities.manchester.ac.uk/

Ibidem.

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