Reduplication in M ovima: a Prosodic Morphology Approach

Abst r act

Reduplicat ion in Movima (isolat e, lowland Bolivia) cover s a r emarkable range of gr ammat ical funct ions. Different r eduplicat ion pr ocesses i ndi cat e mor phosynt act ic cat egor ies such as dir ect , inver se and middle voice on ver bal bases; on nominal bases, r eduplicat ion serves t o for m subordinat e pr edicat es, inali enably possessed nouns, and possessive pr edicat es. In cont r ast , the cross-linguist ically t ypical functions of r eduplication, such as emphasis or plur alit y, ar e not or only marginall y present . Movima r eduplicat ion is based not on mor phemes, but on prosodic categor ies (mor as and feet ). Wit h all t hese proper t ies, it is best analysed in t erms of prosodic morphology, wher e r eduplicat ive mor phemes are consider ed phonologically underspeci fied affixes.

1. Int r oduct ion 1.1. Some grammat ical char act er ist ics of Movima 1 Movima is a linguist ic isolat e st ill spoken by sever al hundr ed elderly speakers in t he Bolivian Amazon ar ea, mai nly in and around Sant a Ana del Yacuma in t he depar t ment of Beni. The language was fir st invest igat ed by t he SIL linguist s Rober t and Judith Judy (see e.g.

Judy and Judy 1967).

.

2

allomor ph -a-that is used whenever t he root of a mor phologi cally compl ex ver b is monosyllabic and ends in a consonant. In addit ion, t her e ar e several r edupli cation processes, t o be discussed in t his paper. Compounding and noun incorpor at ion are fr equent , gener ally involving cl assifier -like bound element s.

Tense, mood, and aspect ar e expr essed by part icles. Number and natur al gender ar e i ndicat ed by r efer ent ial element s (ar t icles, per sonal pronouns, demonst r at i ves), which addit ionally indicat e pr esence, absence, posit ion, and ongoing vs. ceased exist ence of t he r efer ent . Ther e ar e only t wo case cat egor ies, core (mor phologically unmarked) and oblique (marked by t he pr efix n-).

The phoneme invent or y of Movima cont ains 19 consonant s (r epresent ed or t hogr aphically, but wit h phonet ic specificat ion when not sel f-explanat or y): p, t , k (r eal ized as [pʔ m ], [t ʔ n ], and [ʔ], respectively, in coda position), , m, n, l, r [ɾ], w, y [j], and y' [j ʔ ]. The five vowel phonemes are i, e, a, o, and u.

' [ʔ], kw [k w ], b [ɓ], d [ɗ], ch [t ʃ], v [ß], s, j [h], ɬ
Syllable st ruct ur e is CVC or CV(ː). Stress generally falls on t he penult imat e syllable of t he word, except when t he wor d ends in a glot t al(i zed) consonant , which at t r act s st r ess t o t he l ast syllabl e. A penultimat e open syllable is usually lengt hened, t he major except ion is words t hat end i n a glot t al st op. A lexical root must minimally consist of a heavy syl lable, i .e., CVC or CVː. An independent cont ent wor d must consist of minimally t wo syllables const itut ing t hree mor as, as will be shown below. A lexical root can only occur i ndependent ly i f it ful fills t hese cr it er ia, other wise it must be mor phologically or phonol ogically augment ed, and, as will be seen, redupli cat ion can serve as a way t o achieve t his.

Reduplicat ion in Movima: an over view

Movima has four r eduplicat ion processes, t hr ee wor d-init ial ones and a word-int er nal one.

Wor d-init ial r eduplicat ion includes monomoraic, bi mor aic and foot r eduplicat ion; wordi nt er nal r eduplicat ion is monomor aic. All r edupli cat ion processes ar e r egr essi ve, i .e., t he copy pr ecedes t he sour ce.

The differ ent r eduplication processes cover a l ar ge r ange of gr ammat ical funct ions. In t he verbal domain, wor d-init ial monomoraic r eduplicat ion marks dir ect voice (Sect ion 4.1.1); bimor aic r eduplicat ion marks inver se and middle voice (4.1.1, 4.1.2). Wor d-init i al foot r eduplicat ion only occur s on nouns, fr om which possessive pr edicat es ar e deri ved (4.2.3).

Wor d-int ernal r eduplication has t wo funct ions on nominal bases: on t he one hand, it marks nouns as inalienably possessed (4.2.1), and, on t he ot her hand, i t der ives subor dinat e pr edicat e nominals (4.2.2); it is also a means t o mark inverse and middle voice on some verbal bases (4. 1.1, 4.1.2). The differ ent funct ions of one and t he same reduplicat ion process ar e easily ident ified on the basis of t he morphological, lexical and synt act ic environment .

All r eduplicat ion processes ar e al so found in pl aces where t heir gr ammat ical funct ion i s not obvious (4.3). While in some cases, t hey can be ident ifi ed as cr eat ing prosodically well-for med wor ds, i n others i t is not clear whet her t heir funct ion is gr ammat ical or rat her phonological. In neit her of t hese cases does redupli cation seem t o be fully productive at t he present st age of t he language. This paper i s st ruct ur ed as follows. Sect ion 2 pr esent s general f act s of t he prosody of Movima wor ds. In Sect ion 3, t he four r eduplicat ion pr ocesses ar e illust r at ed. Sect ion 4 discusses t he functions of r eduplicat ion. The conclusions ar e summed up in Sect ion 5.

2. The st r uctur e of Movima words 2.1. Syllable st r uct ur e For a bet t er underst anding of Movi ma r eduplicati on, a few wor ds have to be said about t he prosodic st r uct ur e of Movi ma wor ds and syllables.

There ar e t wo syl lable t ypes in Movima: heavy (H) and light (L). Heavy syllables ar e eit her closed (CVC) or open and long (CVː); light syll ables ar e shor t and open (CV). Ther e ar e no consonant clust er s.

When t he wor d-init i al consonant is a glott al st op (see Haude 2006: 38-42), it is not or t hogr aphically repr esent ed, as in (1); t he glot tal st op is r epr esent ed only when for ming t he onset of an element t hat occur s inside a word, e.g. in compounding, incorpor at ion or when pr eceded by r eduplicat ion (see e.g. ( 17) and (19) below). In (2) t his is illust r at ed for compounds.

(1) i :may

['ʔiːmaj] 'night' eɬ'i ['ʔɛɬʔi] 'name' o:ra ['ʔɔːɾa] 'hour '
(2) The foot r eduplicat ion of a base commencing in t wo light syllables (e.g. chinaɬa 'manioc') is

shown in (25). When compar ing (25) wit h ( 22), it can be seen t hat foot r eduplicat ion copi es a prosodic unit alr eady pr esent in the base: it does not just copy t he fir st CVCVC sequence to cr eat e a maximal iambi c foot (which in t he case of ( 25), would resul t in *chinaɬ~chinaɬa).

(

) china~chinaɬa RED~man ioc 't o have manioc' 25
The base in (24) above, wa:ka, i s a loan from Spanish (vaca 'cow'). As was already ment ioned, in disyllabic loans wit h an open fir st syll able, the fir st syllable is inher ently l ong, i.e., it r emains long also when t he wor d is augment ed (see ( 11)-( 13 7 In (29b), t he redupl ication only involves the root, not the suffi x -na DIRECT that appears in (29a). In fact, t he redupl icative element is t he mi ddle voice marker (see 4.1.2), w hich i s incompatible with the direct suffi x. In (30b), the redupli cat ion involves a suffix, -lo 'CLF.liquid'. Thi s, however , does not mean that the reduplicati on is based on the morphol ogical structure (root + suffi x) of t he base. Rather, the process appl ies to t he entire base i rrespecti ve of its internal morphological struct ur e.

(31) Reduplicat ive middle marking also occurs on mor e complex bases, consist ing of a verb root and one or mor e affixed or incor porat ed element s. This is i llust r at ed in (47) (r epeat ed from (30)):

(47) a. The formation of a subordi nate pr edi cate through reduplicati on is an excl usi ve propert y of nouns and adjecti ves. Therefor e, the fact that subor dinate possessi ve predicates requi re redupli cat ion shows that y, they are nouns (or adjectives) rather than verbs.

b. kas jayaw-ɬe=as jeya='ne n-as maj~maj<ni~>ni='ne

NEG good-NEG=ART.N st at e.of=3F OBL-ART.N POSS~offspr ing<NMLZ.N~>=3F

'Her st at e is not good for having chi ldr en (i.e., i t is difficul t for her to give bir t h).' 4.3. Less pr oduct ive f unct ions of r eduplicat ion Apart fr om t he product ive and clear ly ident ifiable funct ions of r edupl ication descr ibed above, r eduplicati on is also found in envir onment s wher e it s funct ion is less clear and wher e it i s less pr oduct ive. Many of t hese cases seem t o ser ve pr osodic wel l-for medness, but some of the oft en-cit ed funct ions of reduplicat ion, like t he marking of emphasis, ar e i ncluded her e as well.

µµ~ on transitive roots in compounds and with -ni

Befor e cer t ain element s, t r ansit ive ver b root s ar e ent ir ely r eduplicat ed. 15 Since t he cases found so far onl y i nvolve bimor aic root s (of t he st r uct ure H or LL), t his can be consider ed a case of bimor aic r eduplicat ion.

This r eduplicat ion is found when the ver b root forms a compound toget her wit h a bound nominal element, such as a classifi er (62) or a t runcat ed noun (63) (see 4.3.5):

(62)

i s~'is-r a RED~r oast -CLF.meat 'roast ed meat ' (63)
dan~dan-so

RED~chew-TRC.chi cha 'chewed chicha'
Reduplicat ion is also found when a ver b root is combined wit h t he suffix -ni 'PRC', which marks int r ansit ive ver bs and adject i ves (see Haude 2006: 493-495), as i n ( 64) and ( 65). These der ived ver bs denot e at elic actions, hint ing at a possi ble r elationship wit h t he r eduplicat ive middle marker (4.1.2); however , t he evidence is not clear since t he at elic r eading may al so be due to t he suffix -ni or to t he combinat ion of t he t wo morphemes. 16(64)

sal~sal-ni

RED~look.for -PRC 't o go about sear ching' ( 65)

aya~'aya:-ni --i RED~wai t -PRC--3PL
'They wai t and wait.'

Both t hese t ypes of redupli cat ed verbs, wit h a classi fier and wi t h the suffix -ni, ar e i nfr equent and of limit ed product ivit y.

Emphasis

As may be expect ed from t he cr oss-li nguist ically common iconic charact er of r eduplicat ion, also i n Movi ma, r eduplicat ion can be used to mar k emphasi s. However , accor ding t o t he dat a so far , thi s does not seem t o be ver y pr oduct ive, and it cannot be connect ed t o one single r eduplication process. In (66), t he ent ir e wor d (of t he st r uct ur e LH) is r eduplicat ed; in (67), t he copy only consist s of a bimor ai c segment (LL).

(66) Since t he redupli cat ion occur s on bot h possessed and unpossessed bases, it s funct ion on t hese r oot s is not an indicator of possession or any ot her gr ammat ical cat egor y but is probably r at her a pr osodic device. St ill, it is not a pr oduct ive process t hat aut omat ically applies t o noun root s: t her e ar e also words wi th -kwa whose monosyllabic r oot s ar e not r eduplicat ed, as illust r at ed in (76). (In (76a), t he root is lengt hened to comply wi t h the mora r equir ement .) Thus, wor ds like t hose i n ( 74) and ( 75) ar e pr obably t he lexi calized r esult of a prosodic r equir ement t hat was act ive at an ear lier st age of t he language.

(76) a. 2007), who suggests t hat l ess clearly iconic functions of reduplicati may st ill be understood as i conic in a looser sense; thus, r edupl ication may si mpl y be a way of indi cat ing t he conceptually more marked categor y i n an opposi tion even w here there i s no obvious iconic motivati on deriving from the meaning.

r eduplicat ion of subor dinat e pr edicat e nominals, which denot e st at es (see Haude 2011), for t he middle-marki ng r eduplicat ion (4.1.2) and for t he r eduplicat ion of ver b root s i n compounds wit h classifier s or wit h t he suffix -ni (4.3.1), all of which cr eat e at el ic ver bs.

However , t his account has it s limit at ions si nce not al l at elic ver bs cont ai n r eduplicat ion.

It woul d be mor e complicat ed to explain t he di rect -and inver se-marking funct ion of r eduplicat ion in nominalized verbs, wher e r edupli cat ion r eplaces t he suffixes -na and -kay, r espect ively. While it does not dist inguish bet ween a mor e and a less marked member of an opposit ion, maybe t he r edupl icat ion is r elat ed her e to t he changed r hyt hmic pat t ern of verbs wi t h fur t her suffixes: t he monomor aic r eduplicat ion of di rect ver bs cr eat es a base wit h t he pat t er n LH (/ sa.sal-/ 'looking for X', (33b)) inst ead of HL (/ sal.na-/ , (32a)), and a word-ini t ial light syllable may seem prosodically mor e convenient for furt her suf fixat ion (cf. t he occur r ence of word-initi al monomor aic r eduplicat ion on noun root s, 4.3.4). The bimor aic redupli cation marking inverse ver bs (/ sal.sal-/ 'being looked for', (36)) is a device which ret ains t he prosodic pat t er n HH of t he underived ver b (/ sal.kaj/ , (32b)), t her eby cr eat ing t he same pr osodic contrast wit h t he dir ect for m (not e, however, t hat t he at t achment of the linking vowel on t he underi ved verb cr eat es a l ight syllable). An account i n t er ms of markedness, however , which would consider t he dir ect for m as less marked t han t he inverse, cannot be used as an explanat ion, since on cer t ai n ver bal bases, t he i nver se is unmarked (see (45b) above), wher eas t he di rect for m is always over t ly marked wit hout except ion.

Thus, whi le some t radi t ional explanat ions of r eduplicat ion may come t o mind, t here seems t o be no sat isfactory expl anation of t he ext ensive and mul tifunct ional use Movima makes of r eduplicat ion. Rat her, Movima seems t o confir m t he view expr essed by Mar ant z (1994: 3487) t hat " [a]s far as morphological funct ion i s concerned [...], r eduplication is i ndist inguishable from ot her for ms of affixation" ; we ar e simply dealing here wi t h a l anguage t hat makes more use of prosodic mor phology t han ot her s, employing met r ics r at her t han subst antial mor phology as a wor d-forming device. As can be shown, due to t he different morphol ogical environment s in which t hey appear , t he r eduplicat i ve affixes of Movima mark gr ammat ical funct ions in t he same non-ambiguous way in which t his is done by phonologically specified affixes. That t he cor r espondence bet ween for m and funct ion can be blur r ed by homophony is well known also in t he case of such 'nor mal' affixes. The answer t o t he quest ion why Movima makes so much mor e use of r eduplicat ion as a gr ammat ical device t han other languages probabl y l ies i n t he role met r ics play i n t he wor d for mat ion of t hi s language, a t opic on which more r esear ch is needed.

  and typological per spect ive, ed. Paolo Ramat and Elisa Roma, 317-350. Amst er dam:

  Movima cont ent wor ds (nouns, adjectives, ver bs) ar e minimally disyllabic and consi st of at l east t hr ee mor as. In (3), some t ypical examples ar e given. When a cont ent wor d is disyl labic, it s fir st syllable is gener ally heavy (i .e., t wo of t he mini mally t hr ee mor as occur on t he fir st syll able); hence, if the fir st syllable is open (CV), it s vowel is usually lengt hened, as can be seen in (3) wit h to:mi 'wat er ' and bi:jaw 'old'.On t he ot her hand, t her e ar e also words t hat have a long syl lable wher e t his would not be expect ed. A case in poi nt are Spanish loan wor ds, which ar e adapt ed to the Movi ma st r ess r ules. When t he penult imat e syl lable is st r essed, it is also l engt hened when open, as shown i n (9). When, however , a Spanish loan originally car r ies st ress on a syllabl e ot her t han the penult imat e (e.g. Spanish máquina 'machine', música 'music' in (10)), t he penultimat e syllable is st r essed, but r emains shor t, whil e the or iginally st r essed syllable i s lengt hened.

	pek-'i:may kem-'eɬ eɬ-'o:r a 2.2. Prosodic wor ds (3) bayɬim alr a t o:mi bi:jaw ma'a pa'a j e'e ve'e ko'o chi'i 2.3. St r ess and vowel lengt h [pɛʔ'ʔiːmaj] ['kɛmʔɛɬ] [ʔɛɬ'ʔɔːɾa] 'garden, fi eld' 'my fr iend' 'wat er ' 'old' 'mot her ' 'fat her' 'st at e of being' 'fire' 't r ee, fir ewood' 'excr ement ' St r ess nor mally occur s on t he penul t imat e syllabl e of t he wor d. In (5), i t can be seen t hat 'all night' (all-ni ght) 'my sur name' (infor m-name) 'what t ime' (name-hour) when suffixes ar e added t o a wor d, st r ess shift s t o t he r ight : (5) [ɓɔßɛ'mɔːɓa] 'lit t le basket ' (-ba 'CLF.round') d. bove-mo-to:da [ɓɔßɛmɔ'tɔːɗa] 'broken j asayé' (-toda 'CLF.piece') The glot t al stop at t r acts st r ess. This means t hat wor ds ending in / k/ (phonet ically r ealized as a glot t al stop) or in / t / or / p/ (gl ot t alized in coda posi tion, see 1.1) are st r essed on t he l ast syllable: (6) chu:jat [tʃuː'hat ʔ n ] 'motacú (palm t r ee)' ku:dup [kuː'ɗup ʔ m ] 'flea' pa:kona:nak [paːkɔnaː'naʔ a ] 'fox' mer ek [mɛ'ɾɛʔ ɛ ] 'big' t ochik [t ɔ'tʃiʔ i ] 'small' kar ak [ka'ɾaʔ a ] 'macaw' (8) 'manioc' awar o [ʔa'waɾɔ] 'parr ot' j uyeni [hu' jɛni] 'per son' (9) pola:t a [pɔ'laːta] 'money' (Sp. plata 'silver , money') sani:ya [sa'niːja] 'melon' (Sp. sandía 'melon') polisi:ya [pɔli'siːja] 'police' (Sp. poli cía 'police') (10) ma:kina [maː'kina] 'machine' (Sp. máqui na) mu:sika [muː'sika] 'music' (Sp. música) ele:siya [ʔeleː'sija] 'church' (Sp. iglesia) 2 In line wi t h t he gener al lengt hening r ules, disyllabic loans wit h t he st r uct ure CVCV always have a fir st long syllable, like nat ive wor ds. However , unlike t ypi cal nat ive words of t he same st r uct ur e (e.g. bo:ve in (5a) above), all loans wit h the st r uct ur e CVCV r et ain t he l ong vowel also when fur t her suffixes ar e added. This cont r adi ct s t he second lengt hening rule, accor ding to whi ch the lengt hening would aut omat icall y be lost . Exampl es (11)-(13) i llust r at e t his: (11) a. wa:ka ['waːka] 'cow' b. wa:ka-wandi [ˌwaːka'wanɗi] 'r anch' (-wandi 'INS.house') (12) a. pa:ko ['paːkɔ] 'dog' 3 b. pa:ko-na:nak [ˌpaːkɔnaː'naʔ a ] 'fox' (-na:nak 'PSEU') 4 (13) a. mo:to ['mɔːtɔ] 'motorbike' b. mo:to-to:da [ˌmɔːtɔ'tɔːɗa] 'wr ecked motorbike' (-toda 'piece') The lengt heni ng proper t ies of Movima wor ds ar e r elevant for some of the redupli cat ion processes discussed i n t he following sect ion. 3. The for ms of r eduplication The pr osodic unit s r elevant for r eduplication in Movima ar e mor as and feet (see McCar t hy and Pr ince 1995). The r eduplicat ion processes t hat occur in Movima are list ed in (14). All t hese pr ocesses ar e r egr essi ve, i.e., t he copy precedes t he sour ce. None of t he processes can occur repeat edly wit hin one wor d, but combinat ions of t wo differ ent processes do occur. In (14), t he r eduplication processes are characterized by the prosodic properties of the copy: µ = mor a, L = li ght syllabl e (CV), H = heavy syllable (CVC or CVː). As will be seen, this does not say anyt hing about t he st r uct ur e of t he base t o which t he r edupl ication applies; for i nst ance, monomoraic r eduplication can apply to a bimoraic unit, of which only t he fi rst CV segment is copied. 5 (14) Movima r eduplicat ion processes a. initial monomoraic reduplication (µ~) b. initial bimoraic reduplication (µµ~) c. initial foot r eduplication (LH~, H~, or LL~) d. internal monomoraic reduplication (<µ~>) The following subsect ions describe each r eduplicat ion process in t ur n. In t his sect ion, and i n line wit h t he pract ice of t he pr esent volume, t he copied par t is glossed as 'RED', i ndependent ly of it s for mal or funct ional proper ties. In t he subsequent sect ions, wher e t he different functions of r eduplicat ion ar e explained, t he r eduplicat ed el ement s will be t r eat ed i n t er ms of prosodi c mor phology, i.e., as t emplat ic aff ixes wit h a proper gr ammat ical meaning. 3.1. Initial monomoraic reduplication (µ~) The addit ion of a wor d-initial monomor aic segment t hrough r eduplicat ion is illust r at ed i n (15)-(17). (Regar ding (17), r ecall t hat a word-init ial glot t al st op is not repr esent ed in t he pr act ical or t hogr aphy.) (15) be~bet-kwa RED~hi de-ABS 'leat her, hide' (16) j u~ju:-wa=Ø RED~scol d-NMLZ=1SG 'my scolding (you/ her / him/ i t / t hem)' (17) a~'am-wa=Ø RED~ent er-NMLZ=1SG [ʔa'ʔamwa] 'my put t ing (it ) into somet hing' Init ial monomor aic r eduplicat ion occur s product ively on verb root s, as in (16) and (17), wher e it mar ks dir ect voice (see 4.1.1). Non-product ively it is also found wit h monosyllabic noun root s, as in (15) (see 4.3.4). 3.2. Initial bimoraic reduplication (µµ~) Bimor aic r eduplicat ion can have sever al for ms: when t he base per mi t s it, t he copy consist s of a single heavy syll able, i.e., either CVC, as in (18), or CVː, as in (20); when t he base commences wit h a light syllable (CV), the copy includes t he additi onal CV segment of t he following syl lable, as in (21). Not e t hat t he lat t er t ype is not fr equent: in t he domain wher e bimor aic reduplicat ion is most product ive, namely t he mar king of inverse and mi ddl e voi ce (see 4.1.1), bases commencing wi t h a light syllable nor mall y under go word-int er nal r eduplicat ion (see 3.4). (18) sal~sal-wa=Ø 'my being looked for (by you/ her / him/ it / t hem)' (19) am~'am-wa=Ø RED~ent er-NMLZ=1SG [ʔam'ʔamwa] 'my being put into (somet hing)' (20) j u:~ju:-wa=Ø RED~scol d-NMLZ=1SG 'my being scolded (by you/ her / him/ it / t hem)' (21) puru~pur ut-wa=Ø RED~ki ss-NMLZ=1SG 'my being kissed (by you/ her / him/ it / t hem)' 3.3. Init ial foot reduplicat ion (22) choran~chor ankwant o (23) maj~maj ni RED~offspr ing a. c. bove-mo:-ba RED~look.for -NMLZ=1SG 't o have childr en'
	(24)

baba:kwa 'fruit'

kor i:di 'st ick'

There is a closed class of about seven nouns t hat are phonologically defect i ve in t hat t hey only consist of t wo light syl lables (CVCV):

(4)

ke'e 'sist er ' (r espectful addr ess) These nouns have i n common t hat t hey cont ain a glot t al st op, which is followed by a vowel i dent ical t o t he one preceding t he glot t al st op. They show special behaviour when ot her mor phemes are added (see

Haude 2006: 197, and 4.3.4

below). bo:ve ['ɓɔ:ßɛ] 'fan of st r aw' b. bove:-mo [ɓɔ'ßɛːmɔ] 'jasayé (t ype of basket )' (-mo 'CLF.basket ') The lengt hening r ules i n Movima are, in gener al, as fol lows: i) when t he penult imat e syllable of a wor d is open, t he vowel is lengt hened; ii) al l ot her syllables ar e shor t. This can be observed in (5) above. Ther e ar e quit e a few devi at ions from t he lengt hening rule, however . For inst ance, most disyll abic wor ds ending in t he simpl e glot t al st op (which is oft en followed by a r elease vowel ident ical t o t he pr eceding vowel) have a shor t penult imat e syllabl e: (7) bitok [ɓi'tɔʔ ɔ ] 'old person' (affect ive) There are also some t r isyll abic wor ds wher e lengt hening of t he penult imat e syll able does not occur. Examples ar e given i n (8). Not e t hat despit e t he absence of lengt hening, t he words in (7) and (8) confor m to t he minimalit y crit er ion in t hat they consist of thr ee moras (l ight pl us heavy syllable and t hr ee light syl lables, r espect ivel y). chinaɬa [t ʃi'naɬa] yonali [jɔ'nali] 'cai man' Foot r eduplicat ion copies t he fir st iambic foot of t he base and can have t he shape LH, H, or LL (see Kager 1995: 397). Which of t hese shapes t he r eduplicat ed element has depends on t he st r uct ur e offer ed by t he base. When t he base st art s in a LH segment , i.e., when a maximal iambic foot is availabl e, t his ent ir e segment is copi ed, as is illust r at ed i n (22) wi t h t he wor d chor ankwanto 'hat '. RED~hat 't o have/ wear a hat ' When no maximal iambic foot is available, i.e., when t he base commences wi t h a heavy or wit h t wo light syl lables, t he r eduplication process is formally ident ical t o bi moraic r eduplicat ion. (As will be shown in 4.2.3 below, however, iambic foot reduplicat ion can be i dent ified by it s function of marking pr edicat ive possession.) For a heavy fir st syllable consider (23) (CVC) and (24) (CVː). wa:~wa:ka RED~cow 't o have cat t le'

Table 1 :

 1 The four r eduplicat ion processes descr ibed above have vari ous gr ammat ical meanings. The r eduplicat ion processes, t he bases to which t hey apply productively, and t he meanings t hey have wi th t hese bases ar e list ed in Table1. (Less pr oduct ive occurrences and less clear ly i dent ifiabl e functions will be discussed in Sect ion 4.3 below.) For ms and functions of Movima r eduplicat ion Marking bivalent verbs: µ~ DIRECT, µµ~ INVERSE Movima bivalent ver bs, i.e., verbs t hat for m t he predicat e of a t r ansitive cl ause, ar e mor phologicall y marked for eit her dir ect or inverse voice (seeHaude 2006: 323-328). Dir ect marking indicat es t hat t he fir st post verbal ar gument , at t ached t o t he pr edicat e t hrough 'int ernal cl it icizat ion' (marked by = ), is t he actor , while t he second post ver bal ar gument, which is either not at t ached t o t he pr edicat e or at t ached t o it by 'ext er nal clit icization' (marked by --), 9 is t he under goer; inver se marking i ndicat es t he r ever sed sit uat i on.10 On affir mat ive mai n-clause pr edicat es wit h monosyllabic verb root s, the dir ect marker is t he suffix -na, as i n (32a), and t he inver se mar ker i s t he suffix -kay, as in (32b).Inver se mar king on a verb wit h a monosyl labic r oot and an additional affix is obli gator ily carr ied out by bimor aic r eduplicat ion, as illust rat ed in (36); unlike t he di rect marker , the i nver se suffix -kay is never r et ained. Since monosyllabi c ver b r oot s always consist of a heavy syllable (accor ding t o t he condit ion t hat lexical r oot s be minimall y bimor aic), bimor aic r eduplicat ion copies t he ent ir e root . However, t his does not mean t hat t his is a looks for you' (lit . 'at your bei ng looked for (by) it ')The foll owing t ext example illust r at es t he dir ect -and i nver se-marking funct ion of monoand bimor aic r eduplication, respect i vely, in nat ural discour se. It shows the t wo pr ocesses wit h one and t he same ver b root , yey-'want/like'. The monomoraic reduplication (µ~) in (37a) and (37c) indicates the direct voice, while the bimoraic reduplication (µµ~) in (37b) (causing gemination here, i.e., an audible l engt hening of t he glide) indi cat es t he inverse There seems t o be a r elat ionship, perhaps based on as yet unknown prosodic rules, between word-ini t ial bimoraic and wor d-int er nal r eduplicat ion. When t he base has a disyllabic root wit h a light fir st syllable (like pur ut-'kiss'), inver se mar king can also be carr ied out by init ial bimor aic r eduplicat ion (r esult ing in CVCV~). The form in (40), which was volunt eer ed dur ing elicit at ion, is semant ical ly similar t o (38b) above. Examples (41a) and (41b) ar e yet another illust rat ion of t he equivalence of t he word for m wit h t he int ernal and t he bi moraic root s, and t hat int ernal r eduplication on bases wit h longer root s is a lat er development. In the case of disyl labic root s, such as pur ut-'kiss' i n (38) and (40) or dewaj-'see' i n (41) above, phonological r educt ion of t he t hir d syllable may have l ed t o an i nt er pret at ion as int ernal r edupl ication. This possible development is illust rat ed in (42a-c),

	n-as		maj~maj<ni~>ni='ne
	OBL-ART.N	RED~offspr ing<RED~>=3F
	'when she has childr en'
	4. The functions of r eduplicat ion
	r eduplicant base		funct ion	gloss
	µ~	monosyllabic ver b root wi t h suffix	direct voice	DR~
	µµ~	monosyllabic ver b root wi t h suffix	inver se voi ce	INV~
	µµ~	monosyllabic ver b root	middle voice	MD~
	<µ~>	disyllabic verb root or complex base
		wit h suffix	inver se voi ce	<INV~>
	<µ~>	disyllabic verb root or complex base	middle voice	<MD~>
	<µ~>	noun		inali enable possession	<INAL~>
	<µ~>	noun		subor dinat e pr edicat e	<NMLZ.N~>
	foot ~	noun		pr edicative possessi on
	t il de ident ifying t hem as r eduplicat ed element s; wor d-inter nal r eduplicat ion is fur t hermor e
	signalled by angl e br acket s, which ar e convent ionall y used for infixation. In t he t able above
	and t he discussion t o follow, t he glosses are now used t o indicat e t he meanings of t hese

POSS~

Given t heir clear ly ident ifiable funct ions, the r edupli cat ion processes ar e best analysed i n t er ms of prosodic mor phology, whi ch consider s reduplicat ion as " a special case of or di nary affixal morphology, wher e t he affixes ar e phonologically underspecified, r eceivi ng their full phonet ic expr ession by copying adjacent segment s"

(Brosel ow and McCar t hy 1983: 25

; see also Mar ant z 1994). Hence, t he r eduplicat ive morphemes are r epr esent ed as affixes, t he affixes; only when no clear meaning can (as yet ) be ident ified, t he r eduplicat ed el ement s are glossed as RED, in t he same way as in t he pr evious sect i on. 8 8 All but some elicited singl e-word examples st em from spont aneous texts. 4.1. Reduplicat ion on ver bs 4.1.1. 'You look for it.' b. sal-kay-a=n--as look.for -INV-LV=2--3N.AB 'It looks for you.'

When a bivalent verb is combined wit h fur t her suffixes (e.g. nominal izi ng -wa, causat ive -poj, benefactive -kwa, among other s; see

Haude 2006: 360ff.)

, dir ect and inver se marking can be car ri ed out t hrough r eduplicat ion. The examples her e illust r at e t his wit h t he suffix -wa, which der ives act ion nominals, i.e., predi cat es of complement and adverbial cl auses (see

Haude 2006: 467ff. and[START_REF] Haude | Refer r ing t o st at es and event s: subor dinat ion in Movi ma[END_REF]

as well as of negat ed main cl auses.

On ver bs t hat consist of a monosyllabic root and an addit ional suffix, t he dir ect suffix -na is eit her r et ained, as in (33a), or it is r eplaced by wor d-i nit ial monomoraic

9

Internal cliti cization creates a new prosodi c word, which carri es stress on the penult imate syll abl e. PRCL OBL-ART.N lif t -DR-CLF.ear t h-CAUS-DR-NMLZ=3PL ART.F:1 mot her.of=2 'so t hat t hey won't make our Mot her (i.e., Holy Anne) carr y ear t h' REAS ver y MOD NEG INV~want -NMLZ=1SG DEM.NSTD.F=DET woman '… because t hat woman (sit t ing over t her e) doesn't like me at al l …' '… and I don't like (her ) eit her .'

On ver bs wit h a plurisyll abic base t hat t ake addit ional suffixes, t he inver se i s marked by word-internal monomoraic reduplication (<µ~>). Example (38b) shows a verb wit h a disyl labic root (pur ut-) whose last CV-element (/ r u/ ) is r eduplicat ed, and (39b) shows t he i nt er nal r eduplicat ion wi th a mor phologi cally compl ex base (netawakapoj-).

bimor aic word-initi al r eduplicat ion can occur not only wi t h monosyllabi c but also wi t h l onger r oot s, as in (

40

) and (41b) above, it can be assumed t hat histor ically, bimoraic r eduplicat ion was t he pr incipal means for for ming an inverse base for fur ther suffixat ion on all ver b OBL-ART.N.PST kiss<INV~>-NMLZ=1SG--3M.AB 'when I was kissed by him' Subsequent ly, t he int er nal r eduplicat ion may have been ext ended t o mor e complex bases, l ike t he one in (39).

The t hr ee r eduplicat ive allomorphs i nvolved in t he di rect and inverse mar ki ng of mor phologicall y augment ed ver bal bases ar e summed up in Tabl e 2 (VBσ = monosyllabic verb base, VBσσ = disyllabic ver b base).

occurs wit h ver bs t hat are mar ked for dir ect voice by t he suffix -na. On ver bs t hat are marked for di rect voice by t he base-int er nal allomor ph -a-or <a>, redupli cation is no opt ion.

Her e, t he dir ect morpheme is the same as in the underi ved for m, as shown in (43).

Bimor aic redupli cat ion is also found on verbal bases t hat , unlike t he inverse ver bs descr ibed i n 4.1.1, are not combi ned wit h an addi t ional suffix. Her e again, we see an affinit y between i nitial bimor aic r eduplicat ion and int er nal r eduplicat ion, alr eady observed in t he pr evious secti on. Init ial bimoraic r eduplication occur s wit h monosyl labic bases, as in (45), and i nt er nal r eduplicat ion wi th longer bases, as i n (46).

  Int er nal redupli cat ion also deri ves subor dinate predi cat e nominal s (see[START_REF] Haude | Refer r ing t o st at es and event s: subor dinat ion in Movi ma[END_REF] subordinat e ver bal pr edicat es ar e mar ked by t he suffix -wa, see 4.1.1 above). The subordinat e pr edicat e is obligat orily possessed (mar ked by int ernal clit icizat ion). Example Pr edicat ive possession: iambic foot r edupl icat ion Reduplicat ion of t he fir st iambic foot (see Secti on 3.3) only occur s on nouns, fr om whi ch it der ives int r ansit ive possessive pr edicat es. Redupl icat ion in t his function is possibly unique cr oss-linguist icall y (L. St assen, p.c.), but it is highly pr oduct ive in Movi ma.12

	jayna mat-lo DSC undo-CLF.liquid 'It has alr eady melt ed.' Middle mar king cannot be confused wi t h inver se mar king, carr ied out by t he same b. j ayna mat-<lo:~>lo DSC undo-<RED~>CLF.liquid 'It melt s alr eady.' (52) illustr at es t his for a noun; in (53) i t can be seen t hat adject ives, which are nounlike in (58) i s kar aya:na di' pola~pola:ta, di' wa:~wa:ka ART.PL rich.per son REL POSS~money REL POSS~cow 4.2.3. Example (56) illust r at es t wo inst ances of t he reduplicat ion of t he fir st t wo light '(t he) rich people who have money, who have catt le'
	r eduplicat ive morpheme, because r eduplicat ive inver se mar king only occur s on ver bs t hat many r espect s (see Haude 2006: 112-119), behave in t he same way. syllables of the base, which in the second case (kweya~) leads t o t he r eduplicat ion of t he Possessive pr edicat es can al so be for med from nouns marked as inalienabl e by int er nal
	ar e deri ved by fur t her mor phemes, e.g. by t he nominalizing suffix -wa (see 4.1.1). On such ent ir e disyll abic wor d. r eduplicat ion (see 4.2.1 above), as illust r at ed in (59) and (60) (cont aining H-and LL-
	der ived ver bs, t he middle mar ki ng is dr opped, as can be seen in t he nominali zed for m i n (52) n-os tolkos<ya:~>ya=Ø r eduplicat ion, r espectively). The r esul ting pr edicat e charact er izes an ent i t y as inalienably
	(48) (see also Haude 2006: 357-365 and Haude 2011). OBL-ART.N.PST gir l<NMLZ.N~>=1SG (56) i ti~'itila:kwa jayna is tolkosya, possessing another ent it y, like bones t hat st ill have some meat on t hem or bees which
	'when I was a gir l' (lit . 'at my for mer being a gir l') POSS~man DSC ART.PL gi rl produce t hei r own honey.
	(48)	ka'de che is	as		jayna pat-wa=is, itila:kwa j ayna kweya~kwe:ya jayna pat ~pat jema'	nokopa	jayna
	(53) (59)	unt il n-os and ART.PL ART.N vel-na=Ø	DSC di:r a man kis	spr out -NMLZ=PL.AB DSC to<chi~>chik-a=as DSC POSS~woman nun-'i di' wa:~wa:<ka:~>ka, MD~sprout like.this DSC Tirinr a t oo
		OBL-ART.N.PST st ill l ook.at -DR=1SG	small <NMLZ.N~>-LV=ART.N ART.PL.AB bone-D REL POSS~cow<INAL~> Tr inidad
		'when (t he town) Tr inidad was st ill small' di' ney, wa:~wa:<ka:~>ka, i sko	ɬ way-na=Ø
		REL	her e		POSS~cow<INAL~>	PRO.PL.AB	1 t ake-DR=1SG
		kos		r ey	buka'	kor ~kor ba:t a,	kos	r ey	buka'
	(60)	ART.N.AB MOD DUR.MOV POSS~cr avat i s chuydi di' char a~charaye-<lo:~>lo ART.N.AB MOD	DUR.MOV
		pul~pulse:r a, che kos ART.PL bee REL POSS~syr up-<INAL~>CLF.liquid r ey choran~chor ankwant o […],
		POSS~wat ch and ART.N.AB MOD 'bees t hat have (t heir) honey'	POSS~hat
	(49)	n-os kas		dej-na-wa=y'ɬi asko-niwa mowi :maj	is	kal<do~>do=is	char a:ye
	OBL-ART.N.PST j ayna tet -cheɬ--is, cook-DR-NMLZ=1PL ART.N.PL soup<INAL~>=ART.PL sugar .cane eney, is jayna bi<ja~>jaw-a=is NEG PRO.N.AB-NMLZ Movima Possessive predi cat es can also be tur ned into subor dinat e pr edicat e nominal s t hrough (54)
	'when we cooked the juice of t he sugar cane' DSC scare-R/ R--3PL.AB (filler ) ART.PL DSC 'Someone (who) wear s a cr avat , someone (who) wears a wat ch, and someone (who) old<INAL~>-LV=3PL.AB i nt er nal r eduplicat ion (see 4.2.2), as illust r at ed i n (61). 14
		'Then t hey, er , their par ent s (li t . 't hei r old ones') got scared.' wears a hat […], t hat one is not a Movima (Indian).'
	(50) (61)	daya' a. ulkwat	di:r e maj~majni n-os	chak<ɬa~>ɬa=os	r o:ya
	DUR.NSTD j ayna n-os Example (58) illust rat es, again, t he r eduplicat ion of a LL-segment (pola~), but also, in t he leaned OBL-ART.N.PST pole<INAL~>=ART.N.PST house (55) bi <j a~>jaw-a=is, j ayna n-asko PRO.2SG POSS~offspr ing
	'(I) was sit t ing against t he pole of t he house.' DSC OBL-ART.N old<NMLZ.N~>-LV=3PL.AB DSC second r eduplicat ed for m, t he copying of a long fir st syl lable (wa:~) of a disyllabic Spanish OBL-PRO.N.AB 'You have children.'
	don-wa=is l oan. As was illust rat ed in (11)-(13) above, t he fir st syllable of di syllabi c loans is never
	(51) shor t ened and t her efor e count s as i nher ent ly heavy. bo yey-na=Ø kos wa:<ka~>ka=i hat e-NMLZ=3PL.AB
		REAS 'Then when t hey got older, that was when t hey hat ed each ot her.' want -DR=1SG ART.N.PST
	14

'When it sprout s (l it.: 'unt il it s sprout ing'), it sprout s like t his.' 4.2. Reduplicat ion on nouns 4.2.1. Inalienable possession: <µ~> Int er nal r eduplicat ion marks inalienable possession on nouns, as illust r at ed by t he following examples, invol ving t he nouns kaldo 'soup', chakɬa 'pole' and wa:ka 'cow'. The possessor-denoting const it uent (in t he case of a noun phr ase, the ar t icle) is at t ached t hrough int ernal clit icizati on (see fn. 8 above). cow<INAL~>=3PL '… because I want t heir meat (i.e., t he meat t hat i s on t he bones).'

4.2.2. Subor dinat e pr edicat e nominals: <µ~>

Since bot h nominali zat ion and adnominal inalienable possession ar e marked by int er nal r eduplicat ion, homophonous for ms can occur. In t he following examples, consider t he word bi<ja~>j aw-a=is, whi ch is a possessed noun in (54) and a subor dinat e predicat e nominal in (55). However , t he cont ext is clear enough that no ambiguit ies occur .

11

Subor dinat e pr edicat e nominals, for inst ance, t end t o occur in adverbial cl auses (i.e., obl ique-marked NPs), as can be seen in (

55

).

'The gir ls alr eady had husbands, and t he men, too, had wives alr eady.'

In (57), we fir st see t wo inst ances of CVC-r eduplicat ion (kor ~, pul~) and t hen t he r eduplicat ion of an init ial LH segment (chor an~). 13 (57) 'I look at t he bones t hat have (t heir ) meat , t hat (ar e) like t his, t hat have (t heir ) meat , t hose I t ake (when buying bones at t he but cher 's).'

  which in negat ed clauses means 't here is not ' (seeHaude 2006: 438-442). Her e, t he r eduplicat ed ent it y is t he i ambic foot. For a ver b st ar t ing wit h t wo l ight syll ables, as in (68), only t hese ar e r eduplicat ed; for a ver b st ar t ing wit h a LH sequence, as in (69), t hi s ent i re sequence is r eduplicat ed, as can be seen from comparing the simple ir r ealis ver b in (69a) and t he r eduplicat ed for m in (69b). 17 Again, t his shows t hat only t he prosodic but not t he mor phemic st r uct ur e of t he base is relevant for reduplicat ion. Some pr oper t y-denoti ng i nt r ansit ive ver bs contai n a r edupli cat ed el ement . Redupli cat ion does not seem t o be a pr oduct ive device here: t he wor ds seem t o be lexicalized and ar e not always ful ly analysabl e. The process i nvolved seems t o be i ambic foot r eduplicat ion. The There is al so independent evi dence of the inherent lengt h of t he fi rst syllable of some words; see Haude function, and most probably it originat es hi st oricall y from some prosodic const raint on cont ent wor ds. It is not a product ive process, but is lexically det er mined: only some noun root s are r eduplicat ed; ot hers t ake t he dummy element -'i when occurr ing i ndependent ly; yet ot her s, when consist ing of a LL pat t er n, si mply under go lengt hening of t he initial syllabl e (e.g. to:mi 'wat er ' in (3)).Most of t he monosyllabic root s t hat under go r eduplicat ion denot e inalienably possessed ent i t ies, most ly part s of wholes (seeHaude 2006: 246f . for more det ails). Consider t he r oot duk-'back' in (73). In (73a), t he r oot is r eduplicat ed before being marked as possessed. The at t achment of t he linki ng vowel -a cr eat es a complet e prosodic wor d. When no overt possessor i s at t ached (i.e., when t he possessor is t he fir st per son singular ), the r esult ing wor d * / duduk/ would not cor respond to t he prosodic const r aint t hat the first t wo Not e that another expect ed strategy would be the lengthening of the fi rst syllabl e. Most monosyllabic root s ar e also r eduplicat ed when combined wit h a suffix, e.g. the absolut e-st at e suffix -kwa (see t he l ist inHaude 2006: 553-555). The addi t ion of t he suffix must be a lat er process, since t he suffixat ion it self woul d for m a prosodic well-formed word and no fur t her augment at ion would be needed. Most of t hese r oot s denot e inalienably

	(72)	o:~'o:wa
		RED~?
		't o be audi ble'
	4.3.4. Reduplication for prosodic well-for medness possessed it ems, as in (74), although ther e are exceptions, as in (75); t he suffix -kwa
	Reduplicat ion enables cer t ain monosyllabi c noun root s t o occur alone or as bases for i ndicat es non-or alienable possession.
	(68) fur t her der ivat ion (see Haude 2006: 195). Her e, t he r eduplication does not have any a. kas ona-kak-r a:-na=Ø b. kas ona~'ona-kak-r a:-na=Ø
	NEG know-IRR-CLF.NTR-DR=1SG 'I don't know anyt hing.' a. kas sal-ak-na=Ø NEG look.for-IRR-DR=1SG 'I don't look for anyt hing.' 4.3.3. Proper t y-denoting wor ds (69) verb r oot in (70) has a LH str uct ur e and is redupl icat ed ent ir ely. Of t he ver b root s in (71) NEG RED~know-IRR-CLF.NTR-DR=1SG 'I know absolut el y not hing.' b. kas salak~sal-ak-na=Ø NEG RED~look.for -IRR-DR=1SG 'I look for absolut ely not hing.' (74) a. be~bet-a=a b. be~bet-kwa RED~hi de-LV=3N RED~h ide-ABS 'it s hi de' 'hi de, l eat her ' (75) a. la~lak-kwa b. po~poy-kwa RED~pi ranha-ABS RED~ani mal-ABS gr ammat ical mor as of a disyllabic wor d f all on t he fir st syllable. It is t her efor e r eduplicat ed once mor e, as 'pir anha' 'animal'
	and (72), which have t he shape LL, t he fi rst , long syllable is appar ently count ed as heavy, shown in (73b), so t hat t he wor d becomes t ri syllabi c. 19
	since it is copied ent ir ely. 18
	(73)	a. as	du~duk-a=n	b. as	du~<du:~>duk=Ø
	(70)	dewaj~de:waj ART.N RED~back-LV=2	ART.N	RED~<RED~>back=1SG
		RED~col d RED~see 'your back'	'my back'
		'ver y cold' 't o be vi si ble'
	If t he redupl icat ed element s her e wer e int erpr eted as mar king inalienable possession, t his
	(67) (71) could only account for one of t hem, while the ot her one would not have a gr ammat ical dewa~dewaj -na=Ø de:~de:ye
	RED~see-DR=1SG RED~l ie? funct ion. However , si nce inal ienable possession is not marked on all body-par t t erms (see
	'I see it well.' 't o be vi si ble' Haude 2006: 249-256), no clear case can be made for possessive mar king here. Ther efor e, t he
	hypot hesis is t hat t he wor d-ini tial r eduplicat ion i n (73a) cr eat es t he pr osodically well-
	Emphat ic r edupl icat ion seems t o be most pr oduct ive f or ver bs cont aining t he ir r eali s infix for med base for t he clit i ci zat ion of a possessi ve marker, which is t hen t he base for t he
	17 While the irrealis affix is i nserted accor di ng t o prosodic pr operti es of t he base and therefore cl earl y an infix fur t her int ernal r eduplication in (73b).
	(see Haude 2006: 78-82), i t can be represented as a suffix i n cases li ke these, where it happens to occur betw een
	t wo segmentable morphemes.
	(2006: 56-58).

paluy~pa:l uy <(k)ak>, 18 19

  For i nst ance, t he foot r eduplicat ion marking possessive pr edicat es (4.2.3) result s in a word describing a st at e, t hat of possessing somet hing. An iconi c int erpr et at ion would be, first ly, t hat t he dur at ive aspect of t his st at e is iconically r eflect ed by t he r eduplicat ion, and secondl y, t hat t he st at e of

	(81)	si :ya me:sa pa:ko	'chair ' 't abl e' 'dog'	 sotak-ya:ya  bay-a-sa:sa  sot-ko:ko	'one chair' (one-TRC.chair ) 't o knock on t he t abl e' (knock-DR-TRC.t abl e) 'anot her dog' (ot her -TRC.dog)
	5. Conclusion
	To sum up, Movima has sever al product i ve r eduplication processes: wor d-init ial
	monomor aic, wor d-init i al bimoraic, wor d-int er nal monomor ai c, and wor d-init ial foot
	r eduplicat ion. These different t ypes expr ess different gr ammat i cal functions, which include
	t he following: dir ect and inver se voice mar king on ver bs; middle marking on par t icular verb
	bases; inalienable possessi on on nouns; marking of pr edicat e nominals in subor dinat e
	clauses; derivat i on of possessive predi cat es.
		si:ɬ-a=a		b. siɬ-kwa	c. * si~si ɬ-kwa
		hol e-LV=3N		hole-ABS	RED~hol e-ABS
		'it s cave (of an animal)'	'hole, cave'	('hole, cave')
	Anot her case wher e reduplicat ion does not have any ot her funct ion t han t hat of forming a
	well-formed wor d involves t wo 'defect ive' nouns (see (4) above): t he wor ds for 'mother ' and possessi ng somet hing mi ght be consider ed more complex t han t hat of being somet hing
	'fat her' under go r eduplicat ion befor e t hey can be marked for possession. 20 In (77) t hey ar e (which account s for t he cont r ast ing non-r eduplicat ed for m of si mple nouns, which
	given wit h t he pr esent ial art icle (i 'nes for feminine and us for masculine) and t he clit icized designat e an ent it y). 21 An iconi cally-based explanat ion might also be proposed for t he

In addit ion, r eduplicat ion serves pr osodic funct ions, e.g. i t can enable a root t o occur alone or as a base for furt her der ivat ion, a pr ocess which does not seem t o be fully product ive anymore. Likewise, emphasis can be expr essed by r edupl icat ion, but t his is not product ive eit her and seems t o be a mar ginal funct ion. At some ear lier st age in t he hist ory of t he l anguage, r eduplicat ion was presumably used as a device t o mar k Spani sh bor rowings i n compounds or incorpor ating ver bs.

It is st riking t hat t her e is hardly any dir ect evidence of i conicit y (r eflect ed by markedness and weight / lengt h of an expression) in Movima r edupl icat ion, a phenomenon t hat is oft en found in ot her languages wher e reduplicat ion marks habitual, i ter ative or dur at ive aspect on ver bs or pl ur al number on nouns (see e.g.

Rubino 2005: 115)

.

Fur t her mor e, it might be asked why Movi ma expr esses t he aforement ioned gr ammat ical funct ions by r eduplicat ion inst ead of by 'or dinar y affixes' (i.e., segment al mat er ial), and why par t icular functions ar e expr essed by part i cular for ms of r eduplicat ion. Thi s quest ion cannot be answer ed her e, but some t ent at i ve hint s can be given.

21

Thi s poi nt is inspired by St ol z (

Since Movi ma has no diphthongs, Spanish diphthongs (like / ia/ i n iglesi a) are reanalysed as disyll abi c (/ ija/ ).

The et ymology of t he noun pa:ko 'dog', which occurs in thi s or si milar forms in ot her nat ive Bolivian l anguages as well, is not cl ear. Movima treats it like a Spanish loan bot h phonologically (lexical l ength of the first syl lable) and morphologically (see

4.3.5 bel ow ).4 The suffi x -na:nak[naː'naʔ] is exceptional in that it has a lengthened penultimate syllable despite the final glottal stop, which is possibly due to a fossil ized r edupli cat ion (<na:~>nak); this i s i rrelevant for t he phenomenon illustrated here, however.

In this article, reduplication is not discussed in terms of "full" and "partial". Either of these phenomena is accidental in Movima, where the rules for reduplication are entirely prosodic. Hence, when a root or word is copied as a whole (as e.g. in(16)(17) or (26) below), this is only because its structure happens to correspond to the reduplication template, not because there existed some rule for full reduplication.

In elicit at ion, a speaker once accepted my proposal t o r edupl icate onl y the first syll able of a nati ve word (ro:~ro:ya 'to have a house'). However, thi s was never provided spontaneously and never confi rmed by text data. By cont rast , the full reduplicati on of a Spani sh loan (* waka~wa:ka 'to have cattl e') i s always considered ungrammati cal .

The t erms 'di rect' and 'i nverse' reflect the fact t hat the first post verbal ar gument outranks t he second postverbal argument in a referential hi erarchy (1 > 2 > 3, 3rd given > 3rd new ; see[START_REF] Haude | Hier ar chical al ignment in Movima[END_REF]; si nce a highranking refer ent is a more prototypical actor and a low-ranking one a more prototypi cal undergoer, t he construct ion that depicts the prot otypical constell at ion is conventi onally label led 'direct', whi le the construct ion in which the constellation i s reversed is l abelled 'i nverse'.

Not e that the placement of the par t icle j ayna DISCONTINUOUS outsi de the NP, as in (54), or wi thi n the NP, as in (55), does not disti nguish different kinds of NPs.

Ther e is an alternative const ruction containing a demonstrative predi cat e that encodes gender, number, and temporal information of t he possessed item (seeHaude 2006: 296-297).

Note that possessive predicates, like all Movima cont ent words, can be preceded by an art icle, resul ting in a headl ess relati ve clause (seeHaude 2006: 298-300).

A r eviewer suggest ed that this might be thought of as being a case of 'automatic r edupl ication', defi ned as " redupl ication that is obligatory in combi nati on wi th another affix, and which does not add meani ng t o t he overall construct ion; the affix and reduplicated matter t ogether are monomorphemic" (Rubi no 2005: 114).How ever, I would not analyse these cases in that w ay, fi rstly, because t he suffixes wi th which the redupl ication cooccurs can also occur with unreduplicated verb roots and, secondly, because it is not entirely cl ear that the redupli cati on does not add any meaning to t he overall construction.

On nouns, the suffix -ni 'PRC' indicates the process of 'becoming/ tur ning into X' (e.g. r ulr ul-ni[jaguar-PRC] 'turn into a jaguar'); on adjectives, i t does not normall y add anything to the basic meaning (e.g. ta:doy, tadoy-ni 'sweet'). It is a synchronically unsegmentable element of several atelic intransi tive verbs (e.g. ilo:ni 'w alk').

Other defecti ve nouns are augmented wit h the syl lable -ya replaci ng the V-segment and the lengthening of t he first syllable (e.g. j eya=n 'your state of bei ng').

Acknowl edgment s I t hank Hein van der Voor t, Gal e Goodwin Gomez, and t wo anonymous r evi ewer s for t heir helpful comment s on a pr evious ver sion of t his paper. The ar t icle was pr epar ed wit hi n t he Movima document at ion project funded by t he Vol kswagen Foundat ion (DOBES).