Alfredo García-Pardo
email: alfredo.garciapardo@purchase.edu

Rafael Marín

Keywords: adjectival passives, aspect, copulas, psychological verbs, Spanish

This paper argues that <ser 'to be' + past participle> constructions with subject-experiencer psychological verbs are adjectival passives, contra the received view that <ser + past participle> constructions are verbal passives across the board. We put forth a battery of morphological, syntactic and semantic tests to support our claim. The divide, we argue, is based on the individual-level/ stage-level distinction, rather than on the lexical category of the participle. We provide a theoretical, aspect-based account that generates the distribution of ser and estar in verbal and adjectival participles and paves the way for a comprehensive analysis of the ser and estar distribution across other constructions where the alternation is attested, such as underived adjectives and prepositions.

Introduction

Since [START_REF] Wasow | Transformations and the Lexicon[END_REF], a great deal of attention has been paid to constructions such as the one in (1a), commonly referred to as adjectival passives, and that in many ways demonstrate behaviour that is halfway between verbal passives, (1b), and copulas, (1c).

(1) a. La puerta está cerrada. the door is estar closed. 'The door is closed.' b. La puerta ha sido cerrada. the door has been ser closed. 'The door has been closed.' c. La puerta es/está nueva. the door is ser /is estar new. 'The door is new.'

In the majority of works regarding this subject, the following two generalisations are the most highly commended [START_REF] Berro | Non-verbal participles in Basque and Spanish[END_REF]Gehrke andMarco 2014, 2015):

(2) a. Verbal passives are eventive; adjectival passives are stative. b. In Spanish, verbal passives are constructed with ser; adjectival passives are constructed with estar. 1

These two predictions seem to have broad coverage, though some constructions are exempt. This is the case with passives of subject-experiencer psychological verbs (hereafter SEPVs) of the kind shown in (3), which are constructed with ser despite their stative nature:

(3) Pedro es odiado/temido. 'Pedro is hated/feared.'

As it does not seem possible to defend that these passives are eventive (cf. Section 4), there are two possible solutions and in both cases we must adapt the generalisations set out in (2).

One of these solutions considers, in the same way that [START_REF] Gehrke | Las pasivas psicológicas[END_REF] do, that SEPV passives are not adjectival but rather verbal, despite their stative nature. In this case, given that some stative passives are verbal, we cannot continue equating stative passives with adjectival passives.

The other solution, which is the one that we will defend here, considers that SEPV passives are adjectival. In this case, we must revise the generalisation 1 An exception is [START_REF] Mendikoetxea | Construcciones inacusativas y pasivas[END_REF], who in fact constitutes a descriptive precedent for our proposal. The author notes that participles derived from imperfective (i.e. atelic) verbs in combination with ser are adjectival passives. Mendikoetxea points out that participles derived from imperfective verbs are gradable (e.g. (i)a), whereas participles derived from perfective verbs are not (e.g. (i)b).

(i) a. Juan es muy {conocido/ querido/ admirado…} Juan is very known loved admired b. *Juan fue muy {arrestado/ golpeado/ avisado…}.

Juan was very arrested beaten warned (From Mendikoetxea 1999:1619, ex 82) We note that this view is too broad. There are many imperfective verbs (Vendler's activities) that can indeed form participial constructions with ser and are not adjectival (see (ii)).

(ii) Juan fue (*muy) golpeado {*en una hora/ durante horas}. Juan was very beaten in an hour for hours that adjectival passives take estar, given that certain adjectival passives take ser.

To this effect, we will review the classic diagnostics on adjectival passives in Section 2 to frame our discussion. In Sections 3 and 4 we will argue that SEPV participle constructions are adjectival and stative, respectively. In Section 5, we discuss the ser/estar divide with participles in the light of the individual-level (IL)/stage-level (SL) distinction between predicates. We formalize our findings in Section 6 and present the pertinent conclusions in Section 7.

Diagnostics on Adjectival Passives

Despite the large amount of studies regarding this subject, it is still not totally clear what a passive construction requires in order to be considered as adjectival (and not verbal). It is not even clear whether or not these adjectival properties can be associated with the entire structure or if they essentially relate to the participle.

In this regard, most authors consider that a sentence such as El artículo está escrito en catalán 'The article is written in Catalan' is an adjectival passive, basically because it is assumed that any construction with estar + participle is adjectival. However, as [START_REF] Bosque | On resultative past participles in Spanish[END_REF] points out, participles such as escrito 'written' do not comply with most of tests on adjectivity.

McIntyre (2013) summarises these tests for English [START_REF] Wasow | Transformations and the Lexicon[END_REF]Levin and Rappaport 1986, among others). Adjectival participles: -Can appear in prenominal position: the closed door.

-Accept degree modifiers: It is very overrated.

-Accept the negative prefix -un: unattended matters.

-Can be taken by verbs that only take adjectives: It seemed damaged.

-Can coordinate with adjectives: They are dressed and ready.

In the following section, we will verify that SEPV participles, for example odiado (hated), should pass the majority of these tests, thus demonstrating a strong adjectival component. Before doing so, to avoid potential confusions, we must address what we mean by adjectival passives being stative, particularly in the light of [START_REF] Embick | On the structure of resultative participles in English[END_REF] well-known classification of adjectival participles into stative and resultative. 2 Stative participles merely denote a state and have no event implications, as in (4a), where it is only asserted that recently the door was in an open state. Resultative participles, on the other hand, have event implications: (4b) states that an opening event took place recently. While an in-depth discussion of the subject would take us too far afield, we will note that recent work has challenged this classification. For English, [START_REF] Ramchand | Situations and syntactic structures[END_REF] argues that the purported event implications of Embick's resultative participles are very hard to diagnose in predicative positions with the verb to be. A similar critique can be found in García-Pardo (2020) for Spanish, who argues at length that Spanish constructions analogous to (4b) are in fact instances of reduced relative clauses with a verbal, not adjectival, participle. We follow García-Pardo (2020) in that adjectival passives in Spanish are not resultative in [START_REF] Embick | On the structure of resultative participles in English[END_REF] sense, not even those derived from telic verbs. In those cases, the input of the participle is a verb reduced that only contains the result state subevent, but not the dynamic subevent. We will discuss this more at length in Section 6.

SEPV Participles are Also Adjectives

The participles of object-experiencer psychological verbs (hereafter referred to as OEPVs), for example aburrir 'to bore' or preocupar 'to worry', (5), are usually considered almost unanimously as adjectival participles [START_REF] Gehrke | Las pasivas psicológicas[END_REF][START_REF] Luján | The Spanish copulas as aspectual indicators[END_REF]):

(5) aburrido 'bored ', agobiado 'overwhelmed', angustiado 'anguised', apasionado 'passionate', apenado 'saddened', asombrado 'amazed', asustado 'afraid', confundido 'confused', disgustado 'upset', enfadado 'angry', excitado 'aroused', fascinado 'fascinated', ilusionado 'excited', indignado 'outraged', obsesionado 'obsessed', ofendido 'offended', ofuscado 'obfuscated', perturbado 'disturbed', preocupado 'worried', sorprendido 'surprised'.

On the other hand, subject-experiencer psychological verbs (SEPVs), for example admirar 'to admire' or odiar 'to hate', (6), are, in general, considered verbal participles [START_REF] Gehrke | Las pasivas psicológicas[END_REF]:

(6) amado 'loved ', admirado 'admired', adorado 'adored', anhelado 'yearned', ansiado 'long-desired', apreciado 'appreciated', codiciado 'coveted', deseado 'desired', despreciado 'despised', detestado 'detested', envidiado 'envied', estimado 'valued', odiado 'hated', querido 'loved', preferido 'preferred', respetado 'respected', sentido 'sincere', sufrido 'suffered', temido 'feared', venerado 'revered'.

However, as we will demonstrate, there are more than enough reasons to sustain that participles of SEPVs are as adjectival as participles of OEPVs. The main reason is that SEPV participles can pass tests regarding adjectival properties in equal measure to OEPV participles.

The Referentiality of the by-Phrase

An additional piece of evidence that SEPV participles do not behave as verbal participles is related to the possibility of including a by-phrase. In the following examples, taken from [START_REF] Gehrke | Las pasivas psicológicas[END_REF], it is shown that, unlike (eventive) verbal passives (e.g. ( 13)), (resultative) passives with estar (e.g. ( 14)) do not accept by-phrases that introduce fully referential participants.

(13) a. El cuadro fue pintado por un niño pelirrojo.

'The picture was painted by a ginger child.' b. El cuadro fue pintado por este niño.

'The picture was painted by this child.' (14) a. *El cuadro estaba pintado por un niño pelirrojo.

'The picture was painted by a ginger child.' b. *El cuadro estaba pintado por este niño.

'The picture was painted by this child.'

As (15) shows, SEPV passives pattern with (resultative) adjectival passives in that respect.

(15) a. *El profesor era querido por un niño pelirrojo.

'The teacher was loved by a ginger child.' b. *El profesor era querido por este niño.

'The teacher was loved by this child.' As De [START_REF] Miguel | El aspecto en la sintaxis del español: perfectividad e impersonalidad[END_REF] points out, in such cases the referent of the by-phrase must be somehow generic:

(16) El profesor es odiado por todos los alumnos/??por Juan. 'The teacher is hated by all the students/by Juan.'

Moreover, [START_REF] Bosque | El sintagma adjetival. Modificadores y complementos del adjetivo. Adjetivo y participio[END_REF] notes that many of the by-phrases that appear with SEPV participles are introduced by de 'of', not por 'by' (e.g. ( 17)).4

(17) aborrecido de todos 'hated by everyone', odiado de sus semejantes 'hated by his neighbours', amado de cuantos tiene alrededor 'loved by many around him', temido de la gente 'feared by people', querido de cuantos le conocieron 'loved by all those who knew him'.

This evidence strongly suggests that we are dealing with different passive structures in each case. In Section 6, we present a theoretical proposal that explains this asymmetry in terms of their different voice configurations.

SEPV Passives are Stative

We have just seen that SEPV participles pass the majority of tests regarding adjectival properties. We will now verify that the denotation of ser + SEPV participle constructions is not eventive, but stative. By stative, we mean predicates that do not encode any kind of internal change or dynamicity, but are really static throughout the timespan during which they hold (see Taylor 1977: 206). 5Firstly, consider the interaction with tense. The (eventive) periphrastic passive is clearly more acceptable when used in perfect tenses (e.g. ( 18a)); when used in imperfect tenses, it is a very pronounced choice, unless a habitual event is described, (e.g. ( 18b)) [START_REF] Fábregas | Deriving individual-level and stage-level psych verbs in Spanish[END_REF].

(18) a. Esta ley fue/ha sido violada. 'This law was/has been broken.' b. Las leyes son violadas (una y otra vez) por este gobierno.

'The laws are broken (time and time again) by this government.'

In the case of ser + SEPV participle, we find the opposite behaviour. On one hand, perfect tenses prove to be a very marked option, except when a lifetime effect reading is triggered [START_REF] Arche | Individuals in time[END_REF]) (e.g. ( 19a)); and on the other, the habitual interpretation is not accessible (e.g. ( 19b)).

(19) a. #María fue/ha sido detestada. 'María was/has been hated.' b. ??María es detestada (una y otra vez) por Juan.

'María is hated (time and time again) by Juan.'

The construction of ser + SEPV participle cannot be interpreted as habitual in the present tense because it denotes a stateor even a propertythat does not imply a change in the previous state. In (20a), it is not necessary for the teacher to have passed from the state of not being feared (or hated) to being in this state in order for the sentence to be processed correctly. On the other hand, (20b) implies, at the very least, that some kind of change has started to take place.

( From these results, we can conclude that the denotation of ser + SEPV participle constructions is indeed clearly stative. 6 Therefore, the combination of SEPV participles with ser is not due to their eventive nature.

5 Towards an Explanation: The Alternation Between ser and estar

As we have already pointed out, the majority of works regarding this topic tend to assume that verbal passives denote events and adjectival passives denote states. This, in addition to the also widely assumed generalisation that verbal passives are constructed with ser and that adjectival passives are constructed with estar, brings us to the following double prediction, which is reworked from what was set out in (2): This dual possibility, which could initially be considered surprising, has a logical explanation if we pay attention to the fact that participles of telic verbsi.e. those including a limit or a culmination point in their denotationare in fact ambiguous between an eventive and a stative reading [START_REF] Coussé | On ambiguous past participles in Dutch[END_REF], depending on the perspective adopted by participles with respect to the limit.

In certain cases (e.g. ( 26a)), the temporal perspective adopted ends at this limit, in that it is describing an event that culminates. In other cases, such as the one shown in (26b), the perspective is subsequent to that limit in that it describes the resulting state [START_REF] Marín | Ser y estar[END_REF]. 7 This much is regarding telic predicates. However, with atelic ones, the behaviour of the participles of processive verbs (or activities) is, in fact, explained due to similar reasons. Given that processive verbs are atelic, their corresponding participles are not able to describe a resulting state and are consequently incompatible with estar:

(27) a. El perro ha sido acariciado/golpeado. the dog has been ser caressed/hit 'The dog has been caressed/hit.' 7 Certain participles, such as limpiado 'cleaned' or llenado 'filled', do not show this ambiguity, since they are in complementary distribution with morphologically related adjectives, such as limpio 'clean' or lleno 'full' [START_REF] Fábregas | The internal structure of perfective adjectives: States and blocking[END_REF]. In these cases, the participle is only compatible with ser (La habitación ha sido limpiada/*limpia 'The door has been cleaned/*clean'), while the adjective is only compatible with estar (La habitación está limpia/*limpiada 'The room is clean/*cleaned'). [START_REF] Embick | On the structure of resultative participles in English[END_REF] provides an account for similar cases in English.

Passives of Subject-Experiencer Verbs b. *El perro está acariciado/golpeado. the dog is estar caressed/hit 'The dog is caressed/hit.' It is also worth mentioning states themselves. It is well-known that the possibility of the participles of stative verbs to form passive constructions (properly verbal) is severely restricted, so much so that the only participles derived from stative verbs that can be part of passive constructions, to a greater or lesser degree, appear to be precisely SEPV participles that, it is worth remembering, are only compatible with ser and not estar:

(28) a. Juan es admirado/odiado por la mayoría de sus alumnos. Juan is ser admired/hated by the majority of his students 'Juan is admired/hated by the majority of his students.' b. *Juan está admirado/odiado por la mayoría de sus alumnos.

Juan is estar admired/hated by the majority of his students. 'Juan is admired/hated by the majority of his students.' It has already been demonstrated that SEPV passives are adjectival and not verbal, despite being constructed with ser and denoting states. This brings us to the conclusion that the generalisation set out in ( 25) is not entirely correct and could be improved, as shown in ( 29):

(29) a. Verbal passives are only constructed with ser (+ the participle of an eventive verb) and always denote events. b. Adjectival passives can be constructed with both estar and ser (+ the participle of a stative verb) and always denote states.

Nonetheless, the generalisation set out in (29), in particular (29b), should be further refined. Under the current terms, nothing would prevent, for example, that SEPV participles combine with estar, or that OEPV participles combine with ser; something that is clearly undesirable:

(30) a. *Luisa está detestada/odiada. Luisa is estar detested/hated 'Luisa is detested/hated.' b. *Juan es obsesionado/preocupado. Juan is ser obsessed/worried 'Juan is obsessed/worried.'

The solution that we are going to explore here involves distinguishing two types of adjectival passives. In the same vein as [START_REF] Marín | Spanish adjectives within bounds[END_REF], in circumscribing the distinction between individual-level (IL) and stage-level (SL) predicates when classifying states, we will propose that SEPV passives denote IL states, while OEPV passives denote SL states.

To this effect, we are going to provide tests that show, along the same lines as [START_REF] Fábregas | Deriving individual-level and stage-level psych verbs in Spanish[END_REF], that the differences mediating between SEPV and OEPV participles are very similar to those that mediate between IL and SL adjectives.

IL and SL States

The restrictions that SEPV and OEPV participles display are indeed very similar to those that are shown in IL adjectives, such as budista 'Buddhist' or mortal 'mortal', and SL adjectives, such as borracho 'drunk' or desnudo 'naked'.

( In addition to the alternation between ser and estar, we can find various other contexts that highlight the differences between IL and SL predicates. In fact, among so-called pseudo-copulative verbs [START_REF] Marín | El componente aspectual de la predicación[END_REF][START_REF] Morimoto | Los verbos pseudo-copulativos del español[END_REF][START_REF] Porroche | Ser, estar y verbos de cambio[END_REF], there is a group (andar 'to go', ir 'to go', venir 'to come', quedar(se) 'to stay', llevar 'to carry', seguir 'to continue', continuar 'to continue', among others) that only accept SL predicates [START_REF] Marín | Spanish adjectives within bounds[END_REF] (39) a. Mariano parece inteligente y {querido/*preocupado}. 'Mariano seems intelligent and {loved/worried}.' b. María parece contenta y {animada/*detestada}.

'María seems happy and {excited/hated}.'

Further evidence also exists, such as the possibility of appearing in absolute clauses, which has an impact on the same differences. To this effect, see [START_REF] Marín | Spanish adjectives within bounds[END_REF] and [START_REF] Fábregas | Deriving individual-level and stage-level psych verbs in Spanish[END_REF].

Events Prefer ser

If the data analysed in the previous section is on the right track, we can observe a clear parallelism between participles and adjectives regarding their combination with ser and estar: both adjectives and participles combine with ser when they denote IL states, whereas both adjectives and participles combine with estar when they denote SL states.

However, as we have seen, in the case of participles there is an additional generalisation: participles that denote events are combined with ser. In order for the parallelism between participles and adjectives that we are proposing to be complete, any adjective that denotes an event should be combined with ser, and this is precisely the case.

There is at least one group of adjectives, dispositional evaluative adjectives, for example amable 'polite' or cruel 'cruel', that systematically have an eventive interpretation [START_REF] Arche | Individuals in time[END_REF][START_REF] Fábregas | Evaluative adjectives are Davidsonian states[END_REF][START_REF] Marín | Spanish adjectives within bounds[END_REF]). The compatibility with the progressive form of ser stands out among the evidence for this eventive interpretation, as this possibility is prohibited for IL or SL adjectives, respectively:

(40) a. Juan está siendo amable/cruel con Lucía. 'Juan is being polite/cruel with Lucía.' b. *Juan está siendo budista/mortal.

'Juan is being Buddhist/mortal.' c. *Juan está siendo borracho/desnudo.

'Juan is being drunk/naked.'

The generalisation that events can only combine with ser is becoming even more comprehensive. As we know, estar can be used for the location of objects or individuals; whereas, for the location of events, we use ser [START_REF] Brucart | La alternancia ser/estar y las construcciones atributivas de localización[END_REF][START_REF] Marín | Ser y estar[END_REF][START_REF] Perpiñán | The role of aspect in the acquisition of ser and estar in locative contexts by English-speaking learners of Spanish[END_REF].

(41) a. Juan/el mueble está en el pasillo. 'Juan/the furniture is in the hallway.' b. El concierto/la conferencia es en el anfiteatro.

'The concert/the conference is in the amphitheatre.'

All of these lead us to propose an improvement to the generalisations set out in (29) in the following terms:

(42) a. Verbal passives are only constructed with ser and always denote events. b. There are two types of adjectival passives: (i) those that denote SL states, that are constructed only with estar, and (ii) those that denote IL states, that are constructed only with ser.

One advantage over ( 29) is that the predictions set out in ( 42) are not only valid for passives, but can also be applied extensively across other uses of ser and estar [START_REF] Arche | Towards a unified treatment of Spanish copulas[END_REF][START_REF] Marín | Ser y estar[END_REF].

The following section puts forth a theoretical analysis to account for the data and the empirical generalizations presented so far. We provide an aspectbased account of ser and estar with participlesin particular, of the necessity to have ser with eventive passives and the ser/estar alternation with adjectival participlesand show that the auxiliary choice stems from the interaction of the aspectual structure of the participle and the morphosyntactic requirements of the auxiliaries.

Analysis

The Theoretical Model

We adopt the first phase syntax model outlined in [START_REF] Ramchand | Verb meaning and the Lexicon: A first phase syntax[END_REF]. This model assumes a decomposition of the VP in three main syntactic heads: init(iation), proc(ess) and res(ult), universally ordered. Each of these heads denotes an eventuality: init and res denote states and proc denotes a dynamic event. In turn, each head introduces an argument in their specifier, which is interpreted as an event participant.

(43)

The maximal projection of the VP (from Ramchand 2008:39)

The different combinatorial possibilities of these projections give rise to the event types observed in natural language: telic predicates are structures with procP (the process) and resP (the result), agentive activities are structures with initP and procP, and so on and so forth.

The Syntax of SEPVs and OEPVs

For SEPVs, we assume that they lexicalize structures composed of a single initP, following [START_REF] Ramchand | Verb meaning and the Lexicon: A first phase syntax[END_REF]. The experiencer subject is introduced in (Spec,initP), while the stimulus argument is introduced as a complement of initP. The structure ensures that the predication will be stative, as there is no procP. This is illustrated in ( 44). This structure is unaccusative, since the projection associated with the introduction of the external argument and the assignment of accusative case, initP, is missing. The structure is also stative, as with SEPVs, given that procP is also absent. The experiencer argument, in this structure, is introduced as a complement of a silent P head.

There is a fair amount of evidence in favour of these structures (see García-Pardo 2020 for a more detailed discussion). For one, SEPVs allow for reflexivization, whereas OEPVs do not, as the examples in (46) show. Moreover, SEPVs allow for periphrastic causatives, whereas OEPVs do not (e.g. ( 47)). See [START_REF] Belletti | Psych-verbs and θ theory[END_REF] for Italian, who discuss similar data that also point at OEPVs being unaccusative and SEPVs transitive. ( 46 The proposal that the experiencer object in OEPVs is introduced as a complement of P has support in the dative-accusative instability with experiencer objects. In dialects of Spanish that morphologically distinguish between accusative and dative third person clitics, OEPVs are unstable with respect to the case marking of the clitic, with native speakers not showing a clear preference between accusative or dative (Gómez-Torrego 1993).9 This is exemplified in (48). These data strongly suggest that the experiencer in OEPVs is not an accusative object (or a pure dative We believe these are different phenomena. The example (i) seems to be an instance of the so-called leísmo prestigioso ('prestigious leísmo'), whereby speakers who are normally leístas (i.e. they use the dative clitic in contexts where the accusative clitic lo should be used) use dative le as a signal of prestige. In leísmo prestigioso, a feminine accusative clitic may also be substituted for le, whereas in leísta dialects this usually only happens with masculine referents. Leísmo prestigioso is more commonly found with certain verbs, among which is ver 'see', precisely the verb in (i) (see Fernández-Ordóñez 1999:1340-1 for discussion). OEPVs are crucially different in that, as reported by [START_REF] Gómez-Torrego | Manual del español correcto[END_REF], this accusative/dative instability seems to be largely independent of sociolinguistic considerations, which makes us suspect that the source of this instability is morphosyntactic, and exclusive to OEPVs. Furthermore, the fact that this alternation is found Passives of Subject-Experiencer Verbs for that matter), but rather oblique (see Landau 2010 for cross-linguistic evidence for this proposal in other languages).

(48) A María {la/ le} maravillaba un vecino de su pueblo.

DOM/DAT María ACC DAT amazed a neighbour of her village 'María was amazed by a neighbour of her village.' SEPVs, then, are transitive-accusative structures, while OEPVs are unaccusative structures with an additional prepositional layer that introduces the experiencer. Thus, despite both verb types being stative in Vendlerian terms, their different grammatical structures determine distinct morphosyntactic behaviours for each type. In the following section, we will discuss how these different configurations shed light on the choice of auxiliary with participles derived from SEPVs and OEPVs.

The Choice of Auxiliary

In García-Pardo (2020), the difference in auxiliary selection (ser/estar) with participles was taken as further evidence for the unaccusative versus transitive distinction within psych verbs: SEPVs, which are transitive and take ser, are verbal passives and OEPVs, which are unaccusative and take estar, are adjectival passives. We modify this view in the light of the findings in this work, where it has been shown that ser passives with SEPV participles are adjectival. We propose the following:

(49) a. Ser is the default inflected element for verbal and adjectival passives. b. Estar appears in the context of a res feature in adjectival passives.

The view expressed in (49) is in line with various proposals that converge on the idea that estar is morphosyntactically more complex than ser [START_REF] Zagona | Ser' and 'estar': Phrase structure and aspect[END_REF][START_REF] Gallego | Estar = ser + X[END_REF]García-Pardo and Menon 2020, a.o.). In our particular implementation for adjectival passives, we argue that estar is the spellout of the copula in the context of res and the stativizer/adjectivizer. For adjectival passives, we assume a head Adj that attaches to verbal predicates. We follow [START_REF] García-Pardo | Stative inquiries: Causes, results, Experiences and locations[END_REF] in modelling this head as a partial identity function whose domain is restricted to predicates of states, as in (50).

within stative readings signals that the source of the instability is not an aspectual ambiguity, but the stative structure of OEPVs itself. Thus modelled, any stative verbal predicate can in principle be an input for adjectivization, including SEPVs and OEPVs. The resulting projection AdjP, in turn, is taken as a complement by light v head that is spelled out as ser by default. Thus, the structure of a <ser+ SEPV participle> construction as in (3), repeated below, is that of (51).

Adj -do

Let us focus now on adjectival passive formation with OEPVs. As with SEPVs, the verbal predicate (resP, in this case) is selected for by the adjectivizer. However, as there is a res projection present in the verbal decomposition, the v head will be spelled out as estar. We assume that the PP containing the experiencer ends up in subject position via a locative inversion mechanism of sorts. The stimulus argument in the resulting construction, in turn, would be optionally expressed via a prepositional phrase, presumably for case-licensing reasons. Thus, an adjectival passive like (52a) would have the structure in (52b). 10

10 An anonymous reviewer asks how "María" ends in subject position, being lower than the stimulus in (Spec,resP). We contend that adjectival passives derived from OEPVs with experiencer subjects are an instance of locative inversion (as the experiencer is, in fact, a locative). [START_REF] Landau | The locative syntax of experiencers[END_REF] argues that, in English, OEPVs undergo locative inversion at LF, while he hypothesizes that in other languages it may happen covertly (see Landau 2010:113 for a breadth of references). For reasons of space, we will not develop an analysis of locative inversion in these constructions, which in principle could either be implemented via a locative EPP feature or a discourse feature in the left periphery (see [START_REF] Ojea | The syntax of thetic statements in English[END_REF][START_REF] Ojea | EPP satisfaction on discourse grounds: The case of locative inversion[END_REF], and references therein, for a recent discussion). As for the stimulus argument (con la decisión), it can be optionally omitted when it is contextually implicit, as it may happen with other types of locative inversions (e.g. El ejército estaba rodeado (por el enemigo) 'The army was surrounded (by the enemy)'). It has been recently shown, in fact, that locative verbs such as rodear 'surround' and cubrir 'cover' have the same morphosyntactic behaviour (and an identical underlying structure) as OEPVs in their stative versions. The reader is directed to García-Pardo (2020) for extensive discussion on this point. b.

Los nazis casi

destruyeron la ciudad. the nazis almost destroyed the city 'The nazis almost destroyed the city.' Reading 1: The nazis hit the city so bad that it was almost destroyed completely. Reading 2: The nazis were planning to bomb the city but they never did.

If correct, this means that only the result state is projected. We thus have a structure consisting only of resP which, being stative, can be taken as a complement by the adjectivizer (which, as we argued, is restricted to the domain of states). We provide an example in (55) below: 11 We assume, in the lines of [START_REF] Ramchand | Situations and syntactic structures[END_REF], that the passive projection that licenses the by-phrase also spatio-temporally instantiates the eventuality. The fact that SEPV passives do not accept referential by-phrases, we argue, is explained by the absence of PassP in their structure. Although an external argument is introduced semantically by initP, the projection that instantiates the event spatio-temporally is missing, and hence fully referential external arguments will be unavailable. We repeat the relevant example (16) below. 13(16)

El profesor es odiado por todos los alumnos/??por Juan.

The teacher is hated by all the students/??by Juan.

It is clear by know why verbal and participial adjectives behave the way they do with respect to auxiliary selection. In our theoretical analysis, we have not discussed the ser and estar alternation beyond participles, which are the focus of the present work. Although going in depth in that matter would take us beyond the scope of this paper, we will nonetheless discuss in broad strokes what a comprehensive account would look like.

In our account, we have proposed that the v auxiliary head is spelled-out as estar in the context of a res head within the adjectival participle. Stativity, lexical resultativity and prepositions have been argued to be closely related (e.g. [START_REF] Hale | Prolegomenon to a theory of argument structure[END_REF], which gives us a hint of how we could expand our account to those instances of the ser and estar alternation that do not involve a verbal base (e.g. underived adjectives, locatives …), which we discussed in Section 6.

While a unified account of the distribution of ser and estar across lexical categories is still not quite within our reach given the current state of the art, much research is nonetheless converging on the idea that the S-L/I-L distinction has the lower part of the VP as its locus, in the form of prepositional complements [START_REF] Zagona | Ser' and 'estar': Phrase structure and aspect[END_REF][START_REF] Arche | A note on the individual-level/stage-level dichotomy: How aspectual is it? Borealis[END_REF]Gallego and Uriagereka 2016, a.o.) and, as we argue here, of a resP projection. This state of affairs should not be surprising, as estar is connected to locatives, encoded by P, and target states, denoted by resP.

Conclusions

In this work we have been able to prove that the widely accepted double generalisation shown in ( 59) is not entirely correct due to the erroneous predictions that it makes.

(59) a. Verbal passives are eventive; adjectival passives are stative. b. In Spanish, verbal passives (and, therefore, eventive) are constructed with ser; adjectival passives (and, therefore, stative) are constructed with estar.

Passives derived from subject-experiencer psychological verbs (SEPV), for example Juan es odiado 'Juan is hated', demonstrate a clear counterexample to (59), since they are constructed with ser despite their stative character.

In this respect, we have proven that, against common assumptions, passive SEPVs are not verbal, but rather adjectival.

In order to reach this conclusion, we have firstly proven that SEPV participles, as well as OEPV participles, pass most of the tests regarding adjectival properties, such as the possibility of preceding the noun that they are modifying or accepting degree modification, for which they should therefore be considered adjectival participles, in the same way that OEPVs should.

Secondly, we have proven that constructions of ser + SEPV participles are neither verbal nor eventive, but rather adjectival and stative. Evidence of their adjectival nature is found in the necessarily generic referentiality of the by-phrases that can complement them or their predilection for the imperfective aspect. Indications of their non-eventive nature can be found in their rejecting of manner or place modification or being complements of verbs of perception.

Likewise, we have proven that two types of adjectival passives exist: (i) those that denote IL states, such as SEPV passives and (ii) those that denote SL states, such as OEPV passives.

To account for this, the predictions of ( 59) have been refined in the terms shown in (60).

(60) a. Verbal passives are only constructed with ser and always denote events. b. There are two types of adjectival passives: (i) those that denote SL states, that are only constructed using estar, and (ii) those that denote IL states, that are only constructed using ser.

It is also worth pointing out that the predictions in (60) are not only valid in the case of passives, but can also be applied extensively across other uses of ser and estar [START_REF] Arche | Towards a unified treatment of Spanish copulas[END_REF][START_REF] Marín | Ser y estar[END_REF]. Finally, we have provided a theoretical account that links the different morphosyntactic structure of OEPVs and SEPVs, independently motivated, to the selection of ser and estar. We argued that ser is the default copula for adjectival passives and the default auxiliary for verbal passives. In the case of adjectival passives, the presence of a res feature triggers the spell-out of the copula as estar.

We have also discussed how our findings, coupled with recent research in the literature, could provide a roadmap for future research towards a unified account of the ser and estar distribution across lexical categories.

  recently open door. b. The recently opened door.

  of OEPVs, we assume the proposal in García-Pardo (2020), building on[START_REF] Landau | The locative syntax of experiencers[END_REF], represented in (45b).(45) a. La crisis aterra a las familias. the crisis terrifies to the families 'The crisis terrifies families.' b.

  her.ACC saw DOM María

  ⟦Adj⟧ = λP [λs. P(s)]

  Let us turn now to govern-verbs, recently studied by[START_REF] Fábregas | On non-dynamic eventive verbs in Spanish[END_REF] and García-Pardo (2020). These are verbs like gobernar 'govern', vigilar 'surveil' and controlar 'control', which have been sporadically observed to allow for adjectival passives with estar[START_REF] Fernández-Ramírez | Gramática española[END_REF][START_REF] Gómez-Torrego | Perífrasis verbales[END_REF][START_REF] Bosque | El sintagma adjetival. Modificadores y complementos del adjetivo. Adjetivo y participio[END_REF][START_REF] Leborans | La predicación: Las oraciones copulativas[END_REF] Conti Jiménez 2004, a.o.), as (56) shows. Despite their 11 Alternatively,[START_REF] Fábregas | On non-dynamic eventive verbs in Spanish[END_REF] propose that adjectival passives derived from telic verbs have a proc in their verbal layer, and stativization happens due to a Part head above the verb. That account could be accommodated to our proposal in this paper, if we take the adjectivizer to take PartP as a complement. We direct the reader to[START_REF] Fábregas | On non-dynamic eventive verbs in Spanish[END_REF] for details.

Table  :

  Behaviour of OEPV and SEPV participles in relation to five diagnostics regarding adjectival properties.

		Passives of Subject-Experiencer Verbs
		OEPVs	SEPVs
	Prenominal position	✓	✓
	Adverbs of degree	✓	✓
	Negative prefixation	?	?
	Verbs that only select adjectives	✓	✓
	Coordination with adjectives	✓	✓

Table  :

  Behaviour of eventive passives and SPEV passives with respect to a several diagnostics on dynamicity. As pointed out by some authors, although SEPVs clearly denote states, they are not the most prototypical stative predicates (cf. Jaque 2013 and references therein). This is probably due to the Verbal passives are only constructed with ser and not with estar, and always denote events. b. Adjectival passives are only constructed with estar and not with ser, and always denote states.

	Eventive passives + + + + + firstly, that the participles of telic verbs (achievements and accomplishments) are SEPV passives Habitual interpretation in present -Progressive -Adverbs of manner -Adverbs of frequency -Complements of perception verbs -as compatible with ser as they are with estar: (26) a. La puerta ha sido cerrada/pintada. the door has been ser closed/painted 'The door has been closed/painted.' b. La puerta está cerrada/pintada. the door is estar closed/painted.' 6 Regarding the aspectual restrictions of passive formation, it is worth pointing out, 'The door is closed/painted.'

fact that SPEVs, as predicates expressing the experience of emotions or feelings, have a more pronounced temporal component than other predicates, such as poseer 'to own' o significar 'to mean'.

(25) a.

  31) a. Luisa {es/*está} {detestada/odiada}. Luisa {is ser /ser estar } {detested/hated} 'Luisa is {detested/hated}.' b. Juan {está/*es} muy {obsesionado/preocupado}. Juan {is estar /ser ser } very {obsessed/worried} 'Juan is very {obsessed/worried}.'

	(32)	a. María {es/*está}	{budista/vegetariana}.
		María {is ser /ser estar } {Buddhist/vegetarian}
		'María is {Buddhist/vegetarian}.'
		b. Pedro {está/*es}	{borracho/desnudo}.
		Pedro {is estar /ser ser } {drunk/naked}
		'Pedro is {drunk/naked}.'

  , such as those shown in (33b).The following examples show that SEPV participles follow the same pattern as IL adjectives, while OEPV participles align with SL adjectives.

		Passives of Subject-Experiencer Verbs
		'With the shareholders {angry/indignant}, we cannot sign the
		agreement.'
	(34) Likewise, we can observe that IL adjectives accept coordination with SEPV parti-a. *Alberto {anda/va/sigue} {amado/odiado}.
	Alberto ciples and not with OEPV ones (e.g. (39a)) while SL adjectives show the opposite {goes/goes/continues} {loved/hated}
	b. Marta {anda/va/sigue} behaviour (e.g. (39b)):	{obsesionada/preocupada}.
		Marta {goes/goes/continues} {obsessed/worried}
	The possibility of appearing as a predicative element, whether subject or object, is
	also evidence that highlights the distinction between IL and SL adjectives. The
	latter can function as predicative complements, whereas the former cannot. This
	contrast is illustrated in (35), where (35a) illustrates a subject-oriented predicative
	complement, and (35b) an object-oriented predicative complement. As we can see
	in (36), SEPV participles pattern as IL predicates, whereas OEPV participles pattern
	as SL predicates.
	(35)	a. Juan salió de la ducha {desnudo/*budista}.
		'Juan got out of the shower {naked/Buddhist}.'
		b. Tengo la camisa {sucia/*textil}.
		'I have the shirt {dirty/textile}.'
	(36)	a. *Juan volvió del congreso {amado/odiado}.
		'Juan returned from the congress {loved/hated}.'
		b. María salió de la reunión {encantada/preocupada}.
	(37)	a. *Con Luis budista/humano, no puedo concentrarme.
		'With Luis Buddhist/human, I cannot concentrate.'
		b. Con Marta borracha/hambrienta, no podemos hacer la película.
		'With Marta drunk/hungry, we cannot make the film.'
	(38)	a. *Con los accionistas {adorados/detestados}, no podemos firmar el
	(33)	a. *Alberto {anda/va/sigue} acuerdo. Alberto 'With the shareholders {loved/hated}, we cannot sign the {mortal/budista}. {goes/goes/continues} {mortal/Buddhist} b. Marta {anda/va/sigue} agreement.' {borracha/desnuda}. b. Con los accionistas {enfadados/indignados}, no podemos firmar el Marta {goes/goes/continues} {drunk/naked} acuerdo.

'María left the meeting {pleased/worried}.' Something similar occurs with small clauses headed by con 'with', which can only be used with SL adjectives (e.g. (

37

)). Again, SEPV participles behave like IL predicates and OEPV participles like SL predicates (e.g. (

38

)).

  ) a. *María se {aburre/ desespera/ angustia/ preocupa/

		María REFL bores	despairs	anguishes worries
		obsesiona} a	sí	misma. 8
		obsesses to	her	self
		'María bores/ despairs/ anguishes/ worries/ obsesses herself.'
		b. Carmen se	quiere mucho a sí misma.
		Carmen REFL loves	much	to her self
		'Carmen loves herself a lot.'
	(47)	a. *Esto hizo a María {aterrorizar/ impresionar/ fascinar} a Juan.
		this made DOM María terrorize	impress	fascinate DOM Juan
		'This made María {terrorize/impress/fascinate/exasperate} Juan.'
		b. Esto hizo	a	Juan admirar a	Victoria.
		this made DOM Juan admire

DOM

Victoria 'This made Juan admire Victoria.'

  This account not only accommodates OEPVs, but also telic verbs and the so-called govern-verbs. For adjectival participles derived from telic verbs, we follow García-Pardo (2020) in that they are truncated structures consisting only of a resP (see also Ramchand 2018 for English). Evidence for this truncated structure is that adjectival passives derived from telic verbs consistently fail telicity tests. We cannot add an in

					Passives of Subject-Experiencer Verbs
	(52)	a. María está encantada (con la	decisión).
		María is estar charmed	with the decisión
		'María is pleased with the decision.'
		b.	vP
		estar	AdjP
			Adj	resP
			La decisión	res	,
				res	PP
				<encant->
					P	María
	x hour modifier, for instance (e.g. (53)). Moreover, if we add a 'casi' almost
	adverbial, it can only take scope over the result subevent, not the process subevent
	(e.g. (54a)), unlike what happens with verbal telic predicates (e.g. (54b)) (see
	Dowty 1979 for the test in English).
	(53)	La ciudad estuvo	destruida (*en una hora).
		the city	was estar destroyed in	an	hour
	(54)	a. La ciudad está	casi	destruida.
		the city	is estar almost destroyed
		'The city is almost destroyed.'
		Reading 1: The city is in such bad shape that it is in a near-state of
		destruction.
		Reading 2 (unavailable): Someone almost started to destroy the city.

We thank an anonymous reviewer for suggesting that we discuss[START_REF] Embick | On the structure of resultative participles in English[END_REF] classification for the sake of clarity.Passives of Subject-Experiencer Verbs

Passives of Subject-Experiencer Verbs

Bosque (1999) includes, among others, inacentuado 'unaccented', inadaptado 'unsuited', inesperado 'unexpected', inexplorado 'unexplored', injustificado 'unjustified', ilimitado 'unlimited' o insospechado 'unsuspected'.

We thank an anonymous reviewer for prompting us to make explicit this link between the asymmetry with by-phrases and the type of voice of these constructions.

[START_REF] Dowty | Word meaning and Montague grammar[END_REF] neatly illustrates this defining trait of states with his subinterval property, defined as follows: if a non-dynamic (i.e. stative) predicate is true at an interval I, it will also be true at every subinterval of I, down to instants.

Note that (many) OEPVs can be reflexively marked (see[START_REF] Marín | Inchoativity, change of state and telicity: Evidence from Spanish reflexive psychological verbs[END_REF]. However, they have an anticausative reading, not a reflexive one, disambiguated in example (46) by the expression a sí misma 'to herself'.

An anonymous reviewer wonders what the difference is between the accusative/dative alternation with Experiencer objects and examples such as (i) below, which is also attested in some dialects of Spanish.

An anonymous reviewer wonders why, if the by-phrase is an adjunct, it is not available more generally. The reason is that the by-phrase semantically saturates the external argument position of a predicate, and hence it is unavailable with predicates that do not have an external argument (e.g. unaccusative verbs or underived adjectives).Passives of Subject-Experiencer Verbs

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Acknowledgments: We would like to thank two anonymous reviewers, whose insightful comments helped us improve this paper substantially. Errors are our own.

differences with respect to the modelling of non-dynamicity with these verbs, [START_REF] Fábregas | On non-dynamic eventive verbs in Spanish[END_REF] and García Pardo (2020) agree that there is a stative, non-telic result state in their decomposition, which would explain why these verbs allow adjectival passives with estar.

(56)

España está gobernada por Pedro Sánchez. Spain is estar governed by Pedro Sánchez 'Spain is governed by Pedro Sánchez.'

The reader may be clear by now as to why OEPVs do not form verbal passives: OEPVs are unaccusative. However, more needs to be said about SEPVs, as they are transitive predicates. Our proposal is that the head that forms verbal passives, Pass (Bruening 2013), has a [uproc] feature that needs to be checked with a lower proc head. This effectively prevents stative predicates, which lack proc, to be legitimate inputs for verbal passivization in Spanish (see also [START_REF] Beas | Voice and v* in Spanish: The case of ser-passives and estar + past participle constructions[END_REF]. This rules out not only SEPVs, but also measure verbs (e.g. ( 57a)) and possession verbs (e.g. ( 57b)), for instance.

Juan owns all those goods

Verbal passives, then, are formed via a Pass head that: a) takes an initP as a complement; b) has a [uproc] feature that needs to be checked with a proc head.

The by-phrase can be optionally merged as an adjunct to PassP. 12 See (58) for an example and its structure.

(58) a. La ciudad fue destruida por el ejército. the city was ser destroyed by the army 'The city was destroyed by the army.'

12 This account is similar to [START_REF] Collins | A smuggling approach to the passive in English[END_REF] in that we take the by-phrase to introduce the external argument of the verb (contra [START_REF] Baker | Passive arguments raised[END_REF], who claimed that the passive morpheme -en is the external argument of the verb). We differ from Collins in that we assume that the external argument is introduced syntactically by distinct projections in the passive and the active: in the passive, it is introduced by PassP, whereas in the active it is introduced by Ev(ent)P [START_REF] Ramchand | Situations and syntactic structures[END_REF].


Marie Laurence Knittel

Rafael Marín
email: rafael.marin@univ-lille.fr

L'héritage transcatégoriel des propriétés sémantiques : le cas des Noms en -ance et des verbes et adjectifs apparentés

, et prédit une corrélation entre les propriétés massif/comptable des Nance, la (a)télicité des verbes associés et l'échelle ouverte/fermée des adjectifs en -ant apparentés. Notre travail s'appuie sur les données recueillies dans la base de données AdVeNance, qui comprend 112 noms français en -ance (Nance) (p.ex. résistance), extraits de Lexique3 (New et al. 2001), et leurs verbes et/ou adjectifs associés. Nous décrivons la procédure que nous avons suivie pour extraire les données pertinentes de Lexique3, les tests que nous avons utilisés pour apparier les Nance avec leurs bases, ainsi que nos résultats vis-à-vis de l'Hypothèse du Bornage Étendu.

Introduction

Ce travail porte sur la correspondance entre les propriétés sémantiques de trois catégories lexicogrammaticales majeures : verbes, noms et adjectifs, et leur héritage transcatégoriel.

De nombreux auteurs (voir en particulier Croft 1991) considèrent que chaque catégorie majeure dénote un certain type de concept. Ainsi, les verbes décriraient prototypiquement des évenances 1 (états ou événements), les noms des entités, et les adjectifs des propriétés. Parallèlement, chaque catégorie est caractérisée par une propriété sémantique typique, en relation avec le concept qu'elle dénote. De ce point de vue, l'aspect [START_REF] Vendler | Linguistics and Philosophy[END_REF]) serait la caractéristique saillante des verbes, l'opposition massif / comptable serait typique des noms, et la scalarité (c'està-dire la capacité à être situé et ordonné sur une échelle, et le caractère ouvert ou fermé de l'échelle) caractériserait les adjectifs.

Cette optique donne à l'étude des noms déverbaux et désadjectivaux de nouvelles dimensions, puisqu'elle soulève la question de l'héritage des propriétés prototypiques d'une catégorie à l'autre lors des phénomènes de dérivation. Ainsi, il a été observé que les noms désadjectivaux tendent à être massifs [START_REF] Beauseroy | Syntaxe et sémantique des noms abstraits statifs : des propriétés verbales et adjectivales aux propriétés nominales[END_REF]; de même, Grimshaw (1991) a repéré le caractère massif des noms déverbaux d'événements complexes. Ces observations laissent supposer que les propriétés des dérivés sont au moins partiellement conditionnées par celles de la catégorie de la base.

Dans cette étude, nous examinons les noms en -ance [START_REF] Dal | Les noms en -ance/-ence du français : quel(s) patron(s) constructionnel(s) ? Actes du CMLF[END_REF][START_REF] Knittel | Les noms en -ance : un panorama[END_REF], qui peuvent être appariés tant à des verbes qu'à des adjectifs, comme le montre [START_REF]nous distinguons les évenances, qui incluent les états, des événements, qui sont nécessairement dynamiques[END_REF], et constituent donc des données particulièrement intéressantes pour étudier l'héritage transcatégoriel.

1.

a. appartenance < appartenirV b. élégance <élégantAdj c. abondance < abonderV / abondantAdj Notre objectif est ici d'étudier dans quelle mesure le caractère massif ou comptable des noms en -ance est corrélé d'une part au caractère respectivement atélique ou télique de leurs verbes de base et d'autre part à l'échelle respectivement ouverte ou fermée des adjectifs en -ant correspondants. Pour ce faire, nous avons élaboré la base de données AdVeNance, comportant 112 noms en -ance (dorénavant Nance), appariés aux verbes et/ou adjectifs correspondants. Les propriétés typiques des éléments lexicaux de chaque paire (1a, 1b) ou triplet (1c) ont été étudiées et les items correspondants annotés. Ce travail nous a permis de dégager certaines correspondances. Notamment, nous avons observé un appariement régulier entre noms massifs et verbes atéliques, et entre noms comptables et verbes téliques. Toutefois, si nous avons relevé que les noms massifs sont bien apparentés à des adjectifs à échelle ouverte, les noms comptables, étonnamment, semblent plutôt appariés à des adjectifs non-gradables.

Notre article est organisé comme suit. Dans la section 2, nous présentons les propriétés sémantiques prototypiquement associées à chaque catégorie, en intégrant celles des adjectifs, qui sont exposées en détail. La section 3 est consacrée à la base de données AdVeNance. Nous décrivons les étapes nécessaires à son élaboration, notamment la sélection des noms en -ance retenus, et les critères d'appariement entre ceux-ci et les verbes et/ou adjectifs correspondants, fondés sur les tests disponibles dans la littérature. Nous exposons la procédure d'annotation des noms comme massifs ou comptables, des verbes selon leur aspect lexical et des adjectifs selon leur gradabilité et leur scalarité. La section 4 décrit nos résultats. Nous mettons d'abord en évidence la prédominance des items non-bornés (noms massifs, verbes atéliques, adjectifs à échelle ouverte) parmi les trois catégories étudiées. Nous passons ensuite à la description des généralisations observées pour les Nance apparentés à des verbes, puis pour ceux apparentés à des adjectifs, et enfin pour ceux qui peuvent être associés à ces deux catégories. La section 5 conclut notre étude.

L'héritage transcatégoriel des propriétés sémantiques

Propriétés prototypiques des catégories et héritage transcatégoriel : état de la question

Selon l'hypothèse qui associe à chaque catégorie majeure un certain type de concept, les verbes décriraient prototypiquement des évenances, les noms des entités, et les adjectifs des propriétés.

En outre, chacun des concepts ci-dessus est caractérisé par une propriété sémantique typique : (i) les verbes se caractérisent par l'aspect lexical [START_REF] Vendler | Linguistics and Philosophy[END_REF]) ; (ii) les noms sont marqués comme massifs ou comptables (Nicolas 2002), et (iii) les adjectifs peuvent être situés sur une échelle ouverte ou fermée [START_REF] Kennedy | Scale structure, degree modification, and the semantics of gradable predicates[END_REF].

Par ailleurs, certains auteurs ont suggéré des corrélations entre les caractéristiques sémantiques des différentes catégories. L'héritage des propriétés sémantiques des verbes par les noms correspondants, qui a été étudié extensivement et pour des langues diverses [START_REF] Bach | An extension of classical transformational grammar[END_REF][START_REF] Mourelatos | Events, processes and states[END_REF][START_REF] Brinton | Aspectuality and countability[END_REF][START_REF] Jackendoff | Parts and boundaries[END_REF]Grimshaw, 1991;[START_REF] Borer | Structuring sense[END_REF][START_REF] Knittel | Les noms en -ance : un panorama[END_REF][START_REF] Knittel | Lexical aspect and Number variation in French Complex Event Nominals[END_REF] a montré que la télicité des verbes est corrélée au caractère comptable des noms dérivés. Cette observation n'est pas inattendue si on considère que les noms massifs décrivent des entités non-individuées, donc non-bornées (au même titre que les verbes atéliques, qui sont dépourvus de borne finale). L'inverse vaut pour les verbes téliques et les noms comptables, qui sont naturellement délimités.

Cette hypothèse, connue sous le nom de Boundedness Hypothesis (lit. "Hypothèse du Bornage"), n'inclut pas les adjectifs. On peut cependant observer que les noms désadjectivaux, qui dénotent des propriétés, sont très fréquemment massifs [START_REF] Beauseroy | Syntaxe et sémantique des noms abstraits statifs : des propriétés verbales et adjectivales aux propriétés nominales[END_REF][START_REF] Van De Velde | Le spectre nominal : des noms de matières aux noms d'abstractions[END_REF][START_REF] Flaux | Les noms en français : esquisse de classement[END_REF], cf. combatif > de la combativité vs *une combativité. Ceci laisse à penser que de tels noms héritent bien cette propriété de leur base.

Bien que les études traitant des adjectifs soient moins nombreuses que celles portant sur les verbes, il nous semble possible d'inclure cette catégorie dans l'Hypothèse du Bornage [START_REF] Paradis | Adjectives and boundedness[END_REF]. C'est ce que nous présentons dans la section suivante.

La prise en compte des adjectifs et l'Hypothèse du "Bornage Étendu"

Sur le plan sémantique, les adjectifs sont caractérisables par leurs traits [±gradable] et [±scalaire]. Un adjectif est gradable lorsque son intensité peut varier. Cette propriété se reflète dans l'utilisation possible ou non d'adverbes d'intensité, notamment très [START_REF] Paradis | Adjectives and boundedness[END_REF].

très grand / *très mortel

Lorsqu'un adjectif est gradable, il peut être situé sur une échelle d'intensité, qui peut être ouverte ou fermée à chacune de ses extrémités [START_REF] Kennedy | Scale structure, degree modification, and the semantics of gradable predicates[END_REF]. Si son échelle est fermée en haut, un adjectif est modifiable par complètement (et ses équivalents), et si elle est fermée en bas, par légèrement (et ses équivalents). Or, il s'avère que la scalarité, propriété prototypique des adjectifs, peut être comparée avec le caractère massif ou comptable des noms et la (a)télicité des verbes. Comme nous l'avons dit plus haut (Section 2.1.), les noms massifs et les verbes atéliques décrivent respectivement des entités et des événements non-bornés. De ce point de vue, ils vont de pair avec les adjectifs à échelle ouverte, qui décrivent des propriétés non-bornées. A l'inverse, les propriétés décrites par les adjectifs à échelle fermée sont bornées, au même titre que les événements décrits par les verbes téliques, et les entités décrites par les noms comptables. En d'autres termes, le caractère ouvert de l'échelle des adjectifs revient à une absence de borne, parallèlement au caractère massif des noms et à l'atélicité des verbes ; a contrario, un adjectif ayant une échelle fermée sera comparable à un nom comptable et à un verbe télique, les trois éléments décrivant des entités intrinsèquement délimitées. Notons toutefois que les adjectifs sont susceptibles d'être fermés en haut ou en bas. De ce fait, deux bornes sont à prendre en considération, au contraire des noms et des verbes, qui n'ont qu'une seule borne. Nous verrons plus loin que seule la borne haute est à prendre en compte.

Si les hypothèses ci-dessus sont valides, nous attendons non seulement des appariements entre propriétés, mais aussi des régularités dans les appariements entre catégories, selon le modèle cidessous : Dans la section suivante, nous présentons les noms en -ance, qui constituent notre corpus de travail.

Les noms en -ance

Présentation

Les noms en -ance constituent un corpus de travail particulièrement bien adapté à notre problématique. En effet, de tels noms peuvent être, selon les cas, morphologiquement apparentés à des verbes (5a), à des adjectifs (5b), ou aux deux catégories (5c) [START_REF] Dal | Les noms en -ance/-ence du français : quel(s) patron(s) constructionnel(s) ? Actes du CMLF[END_REF][START_REF] Knittel | Les noms en -ance : un panorama[END_REF].

a. appartenanceN / appartenirV

b. constanceN / constantAdj c. abondanceN / abonderV / abondantAdj [START_REF] Dal | Les noms en -ance/-ence du français : quel(s) patron(s) constructionnel(s) ? Actes du CMLF[END_REF] notent que les relations dérivationnelles entre les noms en -ance et les deux autres catégories sont loin d'être claires, tout au moins dans leur présentation dans les grammaires et les dictionnaires [START_REF] Darmesteter | De la création des mots nouveaux dans la langue française et des lois qui la régissent[END_REF][START_REF] Dubois | Etude sur la dérivation suffixale en Français moderne et contemporain[END_REF]; Trésor de la Langue Française). Ainsi, en présence d'un verbe, les Nance apparentés à la fois à des verbes et des adjectifs sont analysés comme dérivés tantôt de l'un, tantôt de l'autre, voire parfois du participe présent du verbe. Lorsque le nom est seulement apparenté à un adjectif, il est parfois décrit comme un emprunt au latin. En outre, dans les cas où la base se termine par -ant, le procédé formel lui-même n'est pas clair, puisqu'il peut s'agit d'une substitution -ant/-ance, ou bien d'une conversion féminine, avec assibiliation du /t/ en /s/.

Pour notre part, nous n'entrerons pas dans ce débat. Nos principaux critères d'appariement entre les Nance et leurs bases, que nous décrirons dans la section 3.3.2., seront prioritairement d'ordre sémantique.

Par ailleurs, certaines études préalables ont d'ores et déjà établi des corrélations entre les Nance, les adjectifs en -ant et les verbes correspondants. Ainsi, l'un des résultats du projet ANR Nomage [START_REF] Balvet | La ressource Nomage. Confronter les attentes théoriques aux observations du comportement linguistique des nominalisations en corpus[END_REF]) est l'observation que la plupart des noms en -ance sont construits sur des verbes statifs. Parallèlement, l'hypothèse que les adjectifs en -ant sont construits sur des verbes atéliques [START_REF] Cano | Las derivaciones en -nte y -dor: estructura argumental y complejidad sintáctica en una morfología neoconstruccionista[END_REF], établit un lien potentiel entre cette classe d'adjectifs et une propriété verbale. Ces observations vont donc pouvoir être mises à l'épreuve des données.

Afin d'étudier cette classe de noms, ainsi que les verbes et adjectifs apparentés, nous avons élaboré la base de données AdVeNance, présentée dans la section suivante.

La base de données AdVeNance

La ressource AdVeNance, que nous avons élaborée, est une base de données qui comporte : -une liste de noms en -ance, chacun apparié à l'adjectif en -ant et/ou au verbe correspondant ; -pour chaque nom, verbe et adjectif, une annotation de la valeur de sa propriété caractéristique relative au bornage étendu : caractère massif ou comptable des noms, (a)télicité des verbes, scalarité et échelle ouverte ou fermée des adjectifs.

Un extrait de la base est présenté dans le Tableau 2 ci-dessous.

L'élaboration de la base AdVeNance

La base AdVeNance a été élaborée en trois étapes, présentées ci-dessous.

Sélection des Nance

Les Nance inclus dans la base AdVeNance ont été extraits manuellement de la liste Lexique 3 [START_REF] New | Une base de données lexicales du français contemporain sur internet: LEXIQUE[END_REF], qui en comporte en tout 244. La première étape a consisté en l'élimination des noms non-pertinents pour notre étude, dont quelques exemples sont présentés en (6). (ii) L'identification des Nance apparentés à des verbes a été réalisée sur la base des tests proposés par [START_REF] Grimshaw | Argument structure[END_REF], [START_REF] Melloni | Polysemy in Word Formation: The Case of Deverbal Nominals[END_REF], [START_REF] Balvet | La ressource Nomage. Confronter les attentes théoriques aux observations du comportement linguistique des nominalisations en corpus[END_REF], [START_REF] Fradin | Remarks on state denoting nominalizations[END_REF][START_REF] Fradin | Les nominalisations et la lecture 'moyen[END_REF][START_REF] Fradin | La variante et le double. Foisonnements morphologiques[END_REF], [START_REF] Kerleroux | Il y a nominalisation et nominalisation[END_REF].

8. a. Emploi de NDev comme sujet des verbes-supports {se produire / avoir lieu /se dérouler} Une défaillance du système s'est produite hier. b. Emploi de {en cours de NDev / pendant le NDev / en (plein) NDev}

Cet enfant est en pleine croissance. c. Modification de NDev par {en / pendant} X temps l'errance de l'animal perdu pendant 2 jours d. Relation de paraphrase SN1 V SN2 <=> le NDev P SN1 (P SN2) ou : le NDev de SN2 (par SN1) Marie appartient à une ONG <=> l'appartenance de Marie à une ONG La police surveille les aéroports => la surveillance des aéroports (par la police) L'étape d'appariement des Nance avec les verbes et les adjectifs s'est révélée particulièrement pertinente, dans la mesure où elle nous a permis d'éliminer des paires potentielles qui, malgré la proximité des deux formes impliquées, ne présentent pas un schéma sémantique régulier. Ainsi, ambiance, malgré sa proximité formelle avec ambiant, ne répond pas favorablement aux tests d'identification des noms apparentés à des adjectifs 2 , au contraire de persistance, par exemple. 9. a. une douleur persistante <=> la persistance de la douleur b. l'air ambiant <≠> *l'ambiance de l'air

Au cours de cette étape, nous avons également pu observer des erreurs d'étiquetage concernant la classe des adjectifs dans Lexique 3, dues à des confusions avec les participes présents, également suffixés par -ant. Ainsi, gérant, la base potentielle de gérance fonctionne comme un nom ou comme le verbe gérer au participe présent, plutôt que comme un adjectif (10). Il en est de même pour transhumant, qui ne présente pas les propriétés typiques d'un adjectif, malgré sa catégorisation en tant que tel dans Lexique 3 ; comme le montre (11), transhumant est un verbe au participe présent.

10.

Marie est gérante. <≠> la gérance de Marie / *Marie fait preuve de gérance 11.

la transhumance des vaches <=> ??Ces vaches sont transhumantes.

A l'issue des étapes de sélection (3.3.1.) et d'appariement (3.3.2), nous avons réuni une liste de 112 Nance, dont 72 sont apparentés à des verbes, 96 à des adjectifs, et 56 à ces deux catégories. Ces résultats sont présentés dans le Tableau 3. L'existence de triplets (N/V/Adj) confirme les observations de Dal & Namer (2010) et de [START_REF] Knittel | Les noms en -ance : un panorama[END_REF], qui ont relevé que les Nance peuvent être apparentés à des verbes, à des adjectifs ou aux deux. Même si la base AdVeNance contient un nombre limité de données, celles-ci peuvent être considérées comme fiables puisqu'elles vont au-delà de la simple proximité formelle.

Annotation

Après avoir apparié les Nance avec les verbes et/ou les adjectifs appropriés, nous avons procédé à l'examen des caractéristiques de ces trois classes. Plus précisément, nous avons étudié le caractère massif ou comptable des noms, l'aspect lexical des verbes et la scalarité des adjectifs.

(i) L'opposition massif / comptable Le caractère massif ou comptable des noms a été évalué au moyen des tests répertoriés dans [START_REF] Dugas | Héritage sémantique des noms aux verbes : Étude des verbes dénominaux en français[END_REF].

Les noms comptables ont été identifiés par leur compatibilité avec le pluriel, les numéraux et plusieurs.

12. [START_REF] Dowty | Word meaning and Montague grammar[END_REF], selon la procédure mise au point par [START_REF] Balvet | La ressource Nomage. Confronter les attentes théoriques aux observations du comportement linguistique des nominalisations en corpus[END_REF].

Conclusion

La base de données AdVeNance a été élaborée en sélectionnant, à partir de la base Lexique 3, les 112 noms en -ance qui sont apparentés à des verbes et/ou des adjectifs. Ces noms ont été sélectionnés et appariés aux catégories correspondantes au moyen des tests disponibles dans la littérature. Le caractère massif ou comptable des noms, la catégorie aspectuelle des verbes, et la gradabilité et l'échelle ouverte ou fermée des adjectifs ont ensuite été testés. Le résultat produit est une grille comportant des items appariés et annotés pour les propriétés considérées.

A l'issue du processus d'annotation, plusieurs hypothèses ont pu être vérifiées. D'une part, nous avons montré que les noms massifs sont dans leur grande majorité apparentés à des verbes atéliques et/ou des adjectifs gradables dont la borne haute est ouverte. Ceci confirme en grande partie les hypothèses formulées antérieurement sur l'héritage transcatégoriel des propriétés sémantiques. Nous avons toutefois observé que les noms comptables, bien qu'apparentés à des verbes téliques, tendent à être dérivés d'adjectifs non-gradables, et non à adjectifs gradables dont la borne haute est fermée, comme cela était attendu. Cette observation, qui nécessite cependant d'être confirmée à plus grande échelle, suggère que l'Hypothèse du Bornage Étendu demande à être amendée. Ainsi, des études portant sur les néologismes en -ance et les verbes et/ou adjectifs correspondants, (cf. réconcilianceN / (se) réconcilierV ; lourdanceN / lourdAdj) ou encore les noms en -ence et les adjectifs correspondants (cf. prudenceN / prudentAdj), voire sur les adjectifs apparentés à des participes passés (cf. sucréV/Adj, arrondiV/Adj, etc.) pourraient venir compléter utilement nos résultats.

Tableau 1 .

 1 Appariement entre les catégories selon leurs propriétés prototypiquesPour conclure, notre hypothèse est que les adjectifs scalaires qui s'alignent sur une échelle ouverte en haut entretiennent des relations plus étroites avec les verbes atéliques et les noms massifs, et vice-versa.

		Verbes	Noms	Adjectifs
	Borné	téliques	comptables	échelle fermée
	Non-borné	atéliques	massifs	échelle ouverte

  Les Nance apparentés à des adjectifs ont été repérés grâce aux tests de[START_REF] Rainer | I nomi di qualità nell'italiano contemporaneo[END_REF],[START_REF] Van De Velde | Le spectre nominal : des noms de matières aux noms d'abstractions[END_REF],[START_REF] Flaux | Les noms en français : esquisse de classement[END_REF],[START_REF] Beauseroy | Syntaxe et sémantique des noms abstraits statifs : des propriétés verbales et adjectivales aux propriétés nominales[END_REF], présentés en (7)-(9). 7. a. Relation de paraphrase : Il est très Adj <=> Il est d'un grand Ndéadj Il est très méfiant. <=> Il est d'une grande méfiance b. Relation de paraphrase : N1 est Adj => le Ndéadj de N1 Marie est méfiante. <=> la méfiance de Marie c. Emploi des verbes-supports {faire preuve de / manifester / témoigner / montrer / présenter...} du NDéadj Elle a {fait preuve / montré / manifesté / témoigné} de l'insouciance.

	6. Nance éliminés
	a. noms non-suffixés en -ance : chance, substance
	b. noms dénominaux : délinquanceN < délinquantN
	c. noms en -ance préfixés : auto-surveillance
	d. doublets orthographiques : becquetance / bectance

3.3.2 L'appariement Nance / verbes / adjectifs

A l'issue de la première étape, nous avons procédé à l'appariement des Nance avec les verbes et/ou les adjectifs correspondants, de façon à écarter les paires ou triplets qui, malgré une proximité de forme, n'entretiennent pas de relation sémantique. Pour ce faire, nous avons utilisé les tests disponibles dans la littérature.

(i)

Tableau 3 .

 3 Distribution des Nance et des catégories apparentées

	Nance [112]	Apparentés à V	Non-apparentés à V	Total
	Apparentés à Adj	56	40	96
	Non-apparentés à Adj	16	-	16
	Total	72	41	112

table ,

 ,

	alliance
	a. tables, alliances
	b. trois tables, deux alliances
	c. plusieurs tables, plusieurs alliances
	Les noms massifs sont au contraire compatibles avec l'article partitif. En outre, ils admettent
	fréquemment l'intensification ; ainsi, beaucoup de N s'interprète comme un N intense (13).
	13. joie, clairvoyance
	a. de la joie, de la clairvoyance
	b. beaucoup de joie ≈ une joie intense ; beaucoup de clairvoyance ≈ une intense
	clairvoyance
	(ii) L'aspect verbal
	Les verbes ont été annotés selon leur appartenance à l'une des quatre classes aspectuelles définies
	par Vendler (1967) : états, activités, accomplissements et achèvements, qui repose en retour sur
	trois traits : la dynamicité (ou la stativité), l'(a)télicité et la durativité. Ceci est illustré dans le
	Tableau 4.
	Tableau 4. Traits aspectuels selon Vendler (1967)
	Dynamicité Télicité Durativité
	Etats	-	-	+
	Activités	+	-	+
	Accomplissements	+	+	+
	Achèvements	+	+	-
	Les tests employés pour l'annotation sont ceux proposés initialement par

  Les états sont repérables par leur incompatibilité avec le progressif en train de, ainsi que comme réponse à Que s'est-il passé ? (14). 14. Etats : préférer, connaître a. *Il est en train de {préférer les bettes / connaître la procédure}. b. -Que s'est-il passé hier ? *-Il a {préféré les bettes / connu la procédure}.Au contraire des prédicats atéliques, dont la durée est mesurée par pendant x temps, les prédicats téliques sont mesurés au moyen de en x temps. En outre, les prédicats téliques se combinent avec {prendre / falloir} x temps pour, ce qui n'est pas le cas pour les atéliques. Gradabilité et scalarité des adjectifs Les tests mettant en évidence la gradabilité et la scalarité des adjectifs ont été présentés en 2.2. ci-dessus. Nous les rappelons brièvement dans les Tableaux 6 et 7.

	SHS Web of Conferences 13 8, 07001 (2022) SHS Web of Conferences 13 8, 07001 (2022)			https://doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202213807001 https://doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202213807001
	Congrès Mondial de Linguistique Française -CMLF 2022
	15. Télicité / atélicité
	a. Il {s'est promené / a erré} {pendant/*en} trois heures.
	b. Elle {a réparé la voiture / s'est accoutumée au bruit} en trois heures.
	c. Il m'a fallu trois heures pour {réparer la voiture / m'accoutumer au bruit}.
	Enfin, parmi les prédicats téliques, seuls ceux qui sont duratifs sont compatibles avec
	continuer à et arrêter de :
	16. Durativité
	a. Le niveau a {continué / arrêté} de {monter / décroître}.
		États Activités Accomplissements Achèvements
	Progressif (en train de)	-	+	+	-
	Réponse à Que s'est-il passé ?	-	+	+	+
	pendant x temps	+	+	-	-
	en x temps	-	-	+	+
	continuer à / arrêter de V			+	-
	(iii) Tableau 6. Adjectifs gradables vs non gradables
		Degré
	non-gradable	gradable
	*très Adj	très Adj
		Tableau 7. Scalarité des adjectifs
			Scalarité
		Borne haute	Borne basse
	Ouvert	être Adj pour un N
		N1 est Adj par rapport à N2
		*complètement	*légèrement
	Fermé	complètement	légèrement

b. *L'ennemi a {continué / arrêté} de {tuer le général / délivrer la ville}. Les tests présentés ci-dessus, sont récapitulés dans le Tableau 5. Tableau 5. Tests et résultats selon les classes aspectuelles

a. {complètement / légèrement} transparent fermé en haut ; fermé en bas b. {*complètement / légèrement} amer ouvert en haut ; fermé en bas c. {complètement / *légèrement} libre fermé en haut ; ouvert en bas d. {*complètement / *légèrement} grand ouvert haut ; ouvert en basEn d'autres termes, les adjectifs à échelle fermée en haut ont un degré maximal qui ne peut être outrepassé, d'où leur compatibilité avec complètement. C'est par exemple le cas de transparent (3a), par opposition à grand (3d), qui n'en a pas. A l'inverse, l'échelle peut être fermée en bas, ce dont rend compte la compatibilité avec légèrement, comme c'est le cas pour amer (3b), au contraire de libre (3c).En outre, les adjectifs à échelle ouverte entrent dans des structures comparatives, au contraire de ceux à échelle fermée.

a. Marie est grande pour une enfant de neuf ans. b. Par rapport à son ami, Marie est grande. c. *Cette table est carrée pour une table de cuisine. d. *Par rapport à la table de la cuisine, la table du salon est carrée. SHS Web of Conferences 13 https://doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202213807001 8, 07001 (2022)

SHS Web of Conferences 13 https://doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202213807001 8, 07001 (2022) Congrès Mondial de Linguistique Française -CMLF 2022

SHS Web of Conferences 13 https://doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202213807001 8, 07001 (2022)

Nance déverbaux et verbes correspondants

Le Tableau 8 présente les résultats de l'appariement des Nance avec les verbes, selon le caractère massif ou comptable des premiers et la classe aspectuelle des seconds. de Fábregas & Marín (2017), portant sur l'espagnol. A l'inverse, les verbes apparentés à des noms comptables sont systématiquement téliques (23).

délivrance < délivrer ; soutenance < soutenir (une thèse) ; vengeance < (se) venger

L'Hypothèse du Bornage est donc confirmée en ce qui concerne les noms en -ance.

Nance désadjectivaux et adjectifs correspondants

Le Tableau 9 présente la distribution des adjectifs selon leurs propriétés de gradabilité et de scalarité vis-à-vis des noms massifs et comptables.

Nance apparentés à des verbes et des adjectifs

Enfin, le Tableau 10 présente les propriétés des Nance reliés à la fois à des verbes et des adjectifs. Parallèlement, l'inexistence de noms comptables apparentés à des verbes atéliques semble confirmer l'Hypothèse du Bornage Étendu. Pour compenser le faible nombre de noms comptables pris en considération (4/56), qui restreint la portée de cette observation, il serait intéressant, afin de compléter les données, d'examiner le nombre (massif/comptable) des néologismes en -ance apparentés à des verbes.


E Sarrazin

K Dang

H Maitournam

de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, émanant des établissements d'enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés.

INTRODUCTION

Aluminium alloys are widely used as structural materials in welded assemblies.

Welding operations create microstructural changes and residual stresses which need to be quantified for estimating margins in static or dynamic dimension ing. Thermo-mechanical simulations of the welding process taking into account microstructural effects have not so far been treated in aluminium alloys and constitute the objective of this paper.

Modelling residual stresses in weldments of workhardened aluminum alloys with microstructural effects

During welding, aluminium alloys undergo severe softening in the heat affected zone (HAZ) due to recrystallisation of work-hardened aluminium alloys (5xxx series) or to dissolution and growth of precipitates in age hardened alloys (2xxx and 6xxx series). Martukanitz 1 , Shercliff and Ashby 2 • 3 and Myhr and Grong 4 • 5 have evaluated final microstructural distributions in age-hardened alloys such as 6xxx series. That kind of study has not been performed in 5xxx alloys. Moreover, calculation of residual stresses has not been carried out with aluminium alloys.

There is thus a need for an accurate simulation of the welding process in these aluminium alloys. During welding, temperature distribution, micro structure and stress change in a complex manner due to coupled effects. a metallurgical parameter which represents recrystallisation. Interactions sketched with dashed lines (latent heat, stress-induced transformation and heat dissipation) will be neglected. First, an analysis is carried out on the reaction governing recrystallisation in the HAZ during welding to derive recrystallisation kinetics. Then the contribution of recrystallisation on mechanical properties of the alloy is described to obtain constitutive equations with structural change. The resulting kineti_ cs and constitutive laws are calibrated by isothermal experiments and mechanical tests, respectively. Finally, the model is numerically applied to predict recrystallisation in the HAZ and residual stresses in weld MIG of a cold-rolled 5086 (Al-4Mg-0.4Mn) alloy.

MODEL DESCRIPTION

Constitutive equations combining thermal, metallurgical and mechanical phenomena may be developed through the use of relationships describing the rate of recrystallisation associated with the temperature elevation and relations between recrystallisation and mechanical properties.

TRANSFORMATION KINETICS DUE TO RECRYSTALLISATION

When a cold-rolled material is welded, the effects of work-hardening are completely lost in the fusion zone due to melting and solidification and are partially lost in the HAZ due to recovery, recrystallisation and grain growth. During recrystallisation, the deformed grains are transformed into fresh and strain-free grains. Before recrystallisation takes place, however, if metal is heated to a temperature below that required for recrystallisation, the occurring process is recovery. During this process, dislocations move to form irregular cells. This could happen away from the fusion line. On the other hand, if temperature is higher, recrystallisation can be followed by grain growth close to the fusion zone. The microstructure of a work-hardened aluminium alloy may be illustrated by the schematic Fig. 2. Since the mechanical properties of the material, such as strength or hardness, do not change significantly during recovery and grain growth (Fig. 3), only recrystallisation will be taken into account. Recrystallisation is controlled by nucleation and growth transforma tions. 8 New grains nucleate and grow until the whole metal consists of undeformed grains. Let N be the rate of nuclei formation and G the growth r3:te of nuclei. The radius of precipitates is r = Gt, thus the volume of a sphere nucleated at t = 0 is 4

3 v = •rrr( et) (I)
If the particle does not nucleate until time (t-r), and is obseIVed at some later time t, the volume is

4 3 3 Vr=-7rG (t-r) 3 (2)
If the nucleation rate is constant, the number Ndr of nuclei are formed in a unit volume. Thus if the particles do not impinge on one another, the volume fraction of recrystallised material is for m << 1

(3)

Equation ( 3) is valid only for short times, that is, before the particles interfere with one another's growth. The equation applicable to randomly distributed nuclei and valid for all times is

( 7rNG 3 t 4 ) m=l-exp -3 (4)
Nucleation rate N and growth rate G depend on temperature according to

(5 ) (6 )
where No and G0 are constants, while Q;v and Qc are the activation energy for nucleation and growth respectively. Thus equation ( 4) can be written as [START_REF] Brooks | Heat Treaunent, Structure and Properties of Nonferrous Alloys[END_REF] Rearranging this equation, we choose to identify isothermal kinetics of recrystallization defined by

m = I -exp (-[lt exp ( -! ) n (8)
where the values of the global activation energy of recrystallisation Q,. and the parameters (3, l are determined through isothermal experiments in salt baths. These experiments have been conducted to simulate welding conditions as closely as possible. They involve heating samples to various temperatures between 280 and 500°C maintained for short durations from 10 to 1800 s.

To apply the isothermal reaction kinetics 8 to continuous welding thermal cycle, it has been found that the transformation should follow an additivity rule. Under these conditions, it is assumed that the reaction would take the same course, except for the time scale, regardless of the temperature path. Avrami 9 • 10 has shown that the reaction is additive when it is isokinetic, i.e. when the nucleation rate is proportional to the growth rate. However, Cahn 11 found that systems in which nucleation occurs early in the reaction also verify the additivity rule. Equation [START_REF] Brooks | Heat Treaunent, Structure and Properties of Nonferrous Alloys[END_REF] shows that the transformed fraction depends primarily on the growth rate G and secondarily on nucleation rate N. Thus, we assume that the recrystallisation reaction obeys the additivity rule. Under these conditions, the reaction rate is solely a function of the transformed fraction m and temperature T, that is

in= g(m, T) (9)
Using Equation ( 8), it follows that the reaction during a continuous thermal cycle has the following form

m = {31 exp (-Jt) [-In (1 -m)J'-1/P(l -m) (10)

CONTRIBUTION OF RECRYSTALLISATION ON MECHANICAL PROPERTIES

It is generally assumed that the volume fraction of recrystallised metal is related to its hardness H by H-Hi

m = ---H 1 -Hi (11)
where H; is the initial hardness of unrecrystallised metal and H 1 is the final hardness of completely recrystallised metal. But Equation ( 11) is not sufficient to characterise yield strength and hardening modulus. Hence, we performed mechanical testing on the 5086-H24 alloy used for welding, • with a view to determining constitutive relations valid in the ranges of temperatures, strains and microstructural states associated with welding. Uniaxial tension-compres sion tests have been performed on plate specimens for temperatures from 20 to 500°C and for strains from 0 to 0.02. These tests are performed at a strain rate of f.= io-3s-1, and for five microstructural states (0, 20, 50, 90, and 100 3 recrystallisation respectively). Heating and mechanical loading are short enough duration to assume constant microstructure during the test.

The strain-stress diagrams obtained12 show that the thermo-mechanical behaviour of the metal can be modelled by elastoplastic constitutive equations with kinematic linear hardening. Apart from this experiment, we established that yield strength and hardening modulus of the metal are proportional to the square of the recrystallised fraction.

To account for the coupling effects during welding, it is necessary to use continuum thermodynamics. Total strain rate € is divided into the elastic strain rate f.e and the plastic strain rate f.P within the framework of the infinitesimal theory, that is [START_REF] Sarrazin | Modelisation du Soudage d'Alliages d'Aluminium[END_REF] The thermodynamic state of the alloy during welding is assumed to be characterised by temperature T, thermal elastic strain rate •f.e, plastic strain rate f.P and volume fraction due to recrystallisation m.

Following the usual procedure of the internal variable theory of thermo dynamics, we get the constitutive relations from the free energy 'l/J = 'lf;(f.e,f _ P, T, m) and dissipation inequality. The entropy s, the stress a, kinematic hardening X and the microstructural parameter M associated with m, have the form

8\J! s= -- 8T M = p 8 \J! 8m
The elastic strain rate is given by Hooke's law Summarising and combining the previous equations, the constitutive law takes the form* * H(J) is the Heaviside function:

•e 1 + v . v (
H(F) = 0 if F < 0, H(F) = 1 if F = 0 < . >designs positive part: < u >= 0 if u < 0 and < u >= u if u � 0. . •e + •/) € = € f . l+v . v .
€e=--a--tr(a)I + aTI

APPLICATION OF THE MODEL 'f,O THE WELDING PROCESS

Analysis of temperatures, recrystallisation, and stresses are carried out based on the theory and the data discussed in the previous sections. The application is MIG-welding of two plates (6x 150x400 mm3) of a 5086-H24 alloy (Fig. 4). The weld is performed in one pass with a 5356 filler alloy in a V groove preparation.

Fixtures are used to maintain the weldments horizontally without preventing them from moving in the plane (OXY).

A numerical analysis of thermal, metallurgical and mechanical response due to welding is performed by use of the finite element method. Due to symmetry, only one half of the plate is modelled. Two-dimensional numerical simulations have been carried out:

• in a transverse cross-section perpendicular to the welding direction, under generalised plane strain assumption (Eyy-/:-0) ; • in the longitudinal X-Yplane parallel to the welding direction, under plane stress assumption (O"zz = 0).

The numerical calculations of the welding process is divided into three parts: thermal, microstructural and mechanical analysis. First temperatures are computed and compared to measurements by thermocouples. Then the distribution of temperature is used to compute microstructural changes due to recrystallisation in the HAZ. The predicted amount of recrystallised fraction is compared to experimental measurements on cross-sections. Finally, based on temperature and structural distributions thus obtained, stresses are analysed and compared to experimental values determined by the X-ray diffraction method and the hole-drilling technique.

THERMAL CALCULATION

The temperature distribution in the weldments is governed by the heat equation. Regarding assumptions on the fact that dissipative phenomenon and latent heat due to recrystallisation have little influence to welding, the heat equation states that the rate of change of heat due to storage pCp T and conduction div ( -Agrad T) may be in equilibrium with the heat production r

p C pT-div (A grad T) = r (24)
The thermal capacity Cp is temperature dependent and includes latent heat originating from liquid-solid phase changes in the temperature interval bounded by the solidus and liquidus temperatures. The thermal conductivity A also depends on temperature; it is artificially raised in the molten metal with a view to accounting for convection and homogenised temperature in the weld pool. The heat input r is modelled by a volumic heat flow introduced in the fusion zone. The experimental value for the weld power

Q = ,,, u1 (25)
is known, where I is the normal current, U is the arc voltage and 'f/ is an arc efficiency. For the transverse model (OXYplane), this heat is introduced in the weld pool as a Gaussian repartition during a time T which is determined by the ratio of the the weld pool length to the welding speed. The coefficient 'f/ has to be adjusted to obtain the good localisation of the fusion contour of the melted zone. For the longitudinal model (OXZ plane), the effect of velocity of the torch is taken into account under steady state conditions, thus we just have to evaluate the efficiency 'f/• The cooling boundary conditions result from convection and radiation in the air and by conduction through fixtures. Contours and temperature history at four distances from the weld line are plotted in Figs. 5 and6. The calculated curves agree very well with the experimental data measured by thermocouples.

-< 0.1 -< 0.2 -< 0.3 ram < 0.4 -< 0.5 f8I < 0.6
' � < 0.7 (b) y Lx � < 0.8 -< 0.9 -> 0.9 solution is obtained by a second order Runge-Kutta scheme. The initial metallurgical conditions are assumed without recrystallisation. Contours plotted on Fig. 7 and final structure on Fig. 8 show a good agreement between model predictions and measurements. The total HAZ width is . about 24 mm.

MECHANICAL CALCULATION

Based on the temperature and structural distribution previously obtained, stresses are calculated using elastoplastic constitutive Equations ( 20) to (23).

Stresses are analysed under generalised plane strain assumption for transverse model and under plane stress assumption for the longitudinal model. The calculated longitudinal ayy and transverse a xx residual stresses show a profile similar to that obtained by X-ray diffraction (Fig. 9) and the hole-drilling techniques (Fig. 10). Calculated stresses, however, are overestimated because of the two-dimensional modelling assumption. Indeed, generalised plane strain or plane stress assumptions lead inevitably to overestimation of stresses. Since the plates are thin and not clamped in the (OXY) plane, the transverse stress is very low. Concerning longitudinal stress, the centre of the weldments is under tension because its contraction is partly constrained by neighbouring parts which cool at a slower rate. To satisfy equilibrium, the longitudinal stress decreases and becomes negative far from the weld line. Recrystallisation occurring in the HAZ brings down the longitudinal stress because of decreasing of yield strength.

I I T''

1 .Figure 1 .

 11 Figure 1. Coupling between temperature, metallic and stress structures during welding.

  Figure 3.

Figure 2 .

 2 Figure 2. Microstructure in work-hardened aluminium alloys.

F

  . ) TI <: =--a--tr a I+a E E where E is the Yo ung modulus, v the Poisson coefficient and a the expansion coefficient. The plastic strain rate is determined by the flow rule (15) where F is the yield function reduced to the kinematic case and to the deviatoric stress S =a-! tr(a)I F = J� (S-X}: {S -X} -k(T, m) where k(T, m) = k; + (k 1 -k;}-/7ii { 16) Assuming linear kinematic hardening, the evaluation of the centre X of the yield surface is governed by Also, the plastic multiplier A satisfies the following relations A> 0 and FA= 0 It is determined by the consistency relation

  /4, k_t, C ;, C1 are calibrated in function of temperature by means of mechanical tests. v and a are assumed constant and equal to 0.3 and 25.1 o-6 K-1 respectively.

Figure 4 .

 4 Figure 4. Geometry of the Weldments.

Figure 5 .Figure 6 .

 56 Figure 5. Contours of temperature for the transverse model (a) and the longitudinal model (b).

Figure 7 .

 7 Figure 7. Contours of recrystallised fraction for the transverse model (a) and the longitudinal model (b).

Figure 8 .

 8 Figure 8. Microstructure distribution.

  50

Figure 9 .

 9 Figure 9. Calculated and X-ray measured stress distribution.

  -._ . -. -----. -. --.�. -. -. -� -. --. -. -. -. ...J w •100 .:. .•---------------'

Figure 10 .

 10 Figure 10. Calculated and hole-drilling measured stress distribution at 5 and 15 mm from weld line.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

We are grateful to PECHINEYCRV (France) for financing this research. It also provided metallurgical characterisations. Mechanical tests have been carried out at ENSMP (Mines de Paris -France) and residual stresses measurements were made at ENSAM and CETIM (Paris -France).