City Politics in Hungary 1880-1914: Participation and Opposition

CATHERINE HOREL, PARIS  Political participation of the citizens was limited by the constraints of the access to vote. The persistence of poll-tax based franchise in the cities after the introduction of universal male suffrage in Cisleithania created a gap between local, regional and national representation. This was an obstacle to political expression of the nationalities in the city as well as to the growing influence of socialism. The paradox lies in the fact that the Social-Democratic party thanks to its transnational approach was more an ally of the central authorities than many of its adversaries. Access to vote was limited in the cities to citizens paying taxes who were divided into three categories (Wahlkurien): a considerable progress was achieved first in 1897 through the reform of the vote for the Reichsrat that gave way for the creation of a fourth category in the communes in 1904 and then in 1906, as well as in some statuary towns like Brünn in 1905. 1 But the expected democratization that this measure was supposed to bring about did not occur. The main beneficiary was the new Christian-Socialist party that recruited its voters precisely among those now allowed to vote: employees, craftsmen and civil servants of the lowest grades. The question of the participation of civil servants to the active political life was a constant preoccupation in both parts of the empire. At the turn of the century when mass parties entered the political arena more and more civil servants were involved in election campaigns. Their neutrality and loyalty to the state was questioned. The lower grades of the bureaucracy were influenced also by national conflict. In this respect the introduction of the universal suffrage that Emperor Francis Joseph had seen as an attempt to hold back the nationalities and satisfy their demand for participation did not prove to be a solution on the long term.

Suffrage was even more limited in Hungary and here the paradox lies in the fact that previous laws such as those enacted in 1848 and the ones prepared in the 1860s were more democratic than those finally passed after the Compromise. With a steadily growing population Hungary had actually less and less voters. There was no comparable hierarchy of the voting categories such as in Austria and therefore less room for maneuver in the perspective of extending the franchise. The law on suffrage enacted in 1874 (XXXIII:1874) restricted the poll-tax based vote compared to the law adopted in 1848 (V:1848) that enabled around 10 % of the population to vote. 2 Under the new law only 5 to 6 % of the male population was able to cast a ballot. 3 Moreover polling was still a public act and thus subject to pressure and intimidation. The situation remained unchanged until the beginning of the 20 th century when still less than 6 % if population had access to suffrage. A new law was drafted as a result of the serious political crisis of the 1910s: it would have increased the percentage of voters up to 10 % and partly introduced secret ballot but it was not enforced since no elections took place in Hungary before the end of World War I. The Hungarian polling system was based on property just as in Austria and implied also the access to vote for non-noble intelligentsia (honoratiores): their income was artificially doubled so that they could be registered as voters together with the main tax-payers (Virilist). This system enabled to limit the participation of potential trouble-makers such as peasants, workers and members of the minorities. Notwithstanding the fact that command of the Hungarian language was compulsory to be registered as a voter there was a narrow conception of access to political participation. This was still obvious in the 1910s when the Tisza government was eager not to allow political expression of the nationalities.

The growingroleofthemunicipal urban governmenthelped transnationalize thecitybyfosteringinterconnectionsandinterdependencieswithothertowns. The municipal networks generated by encounters between mayors and civil servants, exchanges of knowledge on technical issues created a world of municipalities that was before the First World War characterized by, first, informal international transfers and in the case of the Habsburg Empire already by transfers between Cis-and Transleithania; then by more structured transnational organizations. These structureswerebuiltwithinthemunicipality, theyincluded a varietyofframeworks (cultural, legal, organizational) "whichfacilitatedthe transnational activitiesofmunicipal urban governmentspatterned on long-lasting circulatoryregimesandspaces". 4 There was indeed all over the monarchy a tendency towards professionalization of city politics at the turn of the century thanks to the growth of the administrative apparatus. The management of the city became complex so that experts were more and more in demand. In Hungary as well the town had the possibility to hire its own civil servants without requiring the approval of the central authorities. Thus a particular category of civil servants emerged who played a key role in city politics. The multiplication of bodies inside of the town hall as well as the expansion of the territory of the city, urbanization, industrialization, and the growing political conflicts region and/or nation-wide gave the mayor a considerable role at the head of the city administration.

In Hungary the representative of the government in town was the prefect (főispán/ispán) responsible for the county but actually also influential in the town's affairs. Normally this would have been the capacity of the vice-prefect (alispán) but the latter was elected by the county's assembly and therefore not completely under the control of the government. The attempts at reforming the municipal law undertaken by GyulaSzapáry(1832-1905)aimed at providing greater autonomy of the cities that would have reduced the power of the prefect over them. 5 The reform was seen as a confirmation of the law XLII:1870 on the municipalities that had extended the remit of the mayor and the town council. But it was decided not to separate the towns from the county administration so that the prefect remained a leading influence in the relations between them and the government. As some Hungarian historians have argued, the autonomy of the towns was a mere illusion for the government constantly violated it by restricting the limits of self-management.6 Yet many case studies give indications of the contrary: cities could make a real use of this limited autonomy; they were also able to maneuver between county and state bodies; competition between cities also shows that town councils knew how to take advantage of a apparent unfavorable situation; last but not least they were actors of the growing polarization between the Liberal and Independence parties. Following this analysis KárolyVörös argues that, indeed, the Hungarian government sought to control the cities in order not to lose them to opposition (mass political parties, national groups) but with meager success since they enjoyed autonomy and, more important, finances and power of attraction that enabled them to manage a great deal of self-government. 7 The growing influence of the mayors and the role of the city elites in the modernization of Hungary were confirmed by the organization of congresses from 1909 on. The initiative was due toIstvánBárczy, the Budapest mayor (1906-1918). He personified the new trend that was turning mayors into experts and technicians as well as politicians. The first congress was held in Budapest in 1909 and saw the mayors of the major towns attending. They were interested in meeting and comparing experiences but of course the congress was also the occasion to foster competition between cities or to seal political alliances. By showing their solidarity and the importance of cities in the development of the country the mayors sent a clear message to the government not to violate city autonomy further. As a result of their lobbying they obtained from the government the enactment of law LVIII:1912 that provided financial support to enforce urban development. The trend towards emancipation from Budapest's dominance was obvious. Each town pretended actually to be a regional centre. In 1912 the congress of the cities with municipal statute was held in Temesvár and this achievement was considered to be the peak of the town's mayor, KárolyTelbisz.

The career of Telbisz (1854-1914) is typical for the path followed by many other mayors.8 He was already a civil servant of the town before being elected mayor in 1885. His bilingualism was a necessity for the town was still at this time mostly German-speaking. His predecessor, JánosTörök,also originally a local civil servant, was then promoted chief captain (főkapitány, Oberstadthauptmann) of Budapest. He was already considered to have been a pioneer in the Magyarization of the town although the process was in 1885 merely starting. Nevertheless he was praised for the urbanization and the creation of schools. Before his election the NeueTemesvárerZeitung speculated about the applicants and their abilities. drawing the ideal portrait of the next mayor: "He must be aware of the fact that here all nationalities and confessions of Hungary are present; therefore the mayor of the royal free town of Temesvár must not show chauvinism or anti-Semitic attitudes."9 In the end Telbisz was a clear winner. He was re-elected four times: 1890, 1896, 1902, and 1908, thus achieving practically a record in Hungary's history. Before dying, symbolically in July 1914, he had been ennobled and awarded all possible decorations of the empire. Moreover he came to embody the transformation of Temesvár into a Hungarian town by promoting Magyarization.

At the occasion of his 25-year jubilee in 1910 the TemesvarerZeitung dedicated practically its entire issue of 9 March to the mayor. 10 The paper published the list of congratulations telegrams coming from all parts of the kingdom. His action at the head of the municipality was detailed: schools, theatre, health care, and public works. More articles were dedicated to Telbisz in the following days. They concerned mainly two aspects of his activity: Magyarization and promotion of Temesvár nation-wide. This last characteristic was already obvious from the end of the 1890s along with the beginning of the cities' congresses. The models for that were of course taken from Budapest but also from Pozsony. An example of that was the foundation of the Free Lyceum in 1899, clearly inspired by similar initiatives launched in the capital as well as in Pozsony. The aim of the institution was to foster Hungarian national culture by organizing courses and conferences for adults on various subjects. The two cities shared similarities in terms of multicultural society; the importance of their German-speaking population was considerable and therefore the challenge of Magyarization was particularly significant. When the congress of the cities with municipal statute was organized in Temesvár in September 1910 it was not surprising to see it chaired by Tivadar Brolly, Pozsony's mayor, together with co-chairmen Telbisz and the mayor of Kassa (Kaschau, Košice), Anton Eder: three men who were at the head of multicultural towns. 11 TivadarBrolly'scareeriscomparablebut he servedfor a shorter time asPozsony'smayorfrom 1900 to 1918. Born in 1852 in Nógrád County, he startedasdeputynotary in the 1880s and was nominatedchiefnotary within themunicipalteam in 1884: thefunctions often alternated. The newmayor Karl Mergl was a long-serving expert ofthemunicipalityforeducationalaffairs; he was already vice-mayor; thenew vice-mayor Gustav Dröxler was chiefnotaryandit was hispostthatBrollythentookover. Brollycontinuedhisascension in thehierarchyofthetowncouncilbysucceeding in 1898 to Theodor Kumlikas vice-mayor. The unexpecteddeathof Mayor Paul Taller in May 1900 broughtBrollyonestepfurther: he was electedmayorand Theodor Kumlikcame back as vice-mayor so thatthemunicipalteam was barelychanged.

Mayors and their deputies as well as experts working for the municipality did actually travel to other cities to see models of realizations they planned for their town: Brolly himself as vicemayor had travelled to Arad in June 1899 together with chief engineer Anton Sendlein. The article of the Pressburber Tagblatt relating the trip hopes that both men collected ideas and models to be implemented in Pozsony.12 It is also interesting to see that in this respect there was no hierarchy in the models: Arad could indeed have been considered a modest city by the proud Pressburger but this was apparently not the case. Indeed models were not necessarily looked for in Vienna and Budapest or even abroad. On the contrary the delegations sent by the towns to Budapest were not always welcomed. Brolly headed such a delegation in March 1914: although they were received by Prime minister Tiszaand other ministers, they came back with empty hands.

In Hungarythe generation of the reformists who had sealed the Compromise with Austria made way for centralistic and nationalist politicians. The liberal model was contested also from the left: by the Independence party who rejected the Compromise and aimed at a real personal union if not at a separation of both partners; the party claimed openly the heritage of 1848. In the cities the evolution was visible in the composition of the municipal council where challengers of the leadership appeared. The fight resumed in a confrontation between the heirs of the Liberal party and the newcomers of the Independence party. Whatever name it took in the course of the years, the government party was still inspired by the liberalism of the 1860s but its policy was obviously moving in a centralistic and nationalist way from the middle of the 1870s on. The party was eager to maintain its position in the counties as well as in the bigger towns.

The townwheretheconfrontationbetweenthegovernmentpartyandthe Independence party was at itspeak was Arad andthusfor at least tworeasons: thecity was consideredasthe capital ofthe revolutionof 1848 becauseoftheexecutionoftheThirteenmartyrs on 6 October 1849; it was located in a multiculturalregion, between Banat andTransylvania, whereMagyarization was seenas an absolute necessity. But thetownhall was particularlyresistanttothepenetrationofthe Independence Party thankstothepresenceofmayor Gyula Salacz (1832-1915) who was firmlyinstalledfrom 1876 to 1901. 13 He was pragmatic enough to play both cards in the course of his tenure so as to let the Independence party out of the town hall. However they conquered county seats but here the paradox lies in the fact that the region was also the place where many Romanian representatives were elected since the villages around Arad where inhabited mostly by Romanians.

Arad's political life oscillated between liberals and the Independence party from the beginning of the 1880s on. One of the most significant personalities of the Liberal party was Miksa Falk (1828-1908) who was elected at the town's representative to the Diet. 14 He was the embodiment of the assimilation of Jews as well as their adhesion to Liberalism. Considering his influence over the community, the newspaper Arad ésvidéke, organ of the Independence party, tried to convince Jewish voters to side with the party and thus to abandon Liberalism. They should now turn to the real patriotic party if they want to be definitely integrated into Hungarian society argues the paper;15 in the next issue an anonymous Hungarian Jew answers by denying the paper the right to tell the Jews how to vote and affirms on the contrary their support to the government party because they know very well what they owe to the Liberals. 16 The candidate of the Independence party PéterAtzél, son of former mayor PéterAtzél was indeed victorious, becoming the city's representative at the Parliament. From then on the Independence party considers Arad to be one of its strongholds. Moreover the campaign was not free from Anti-Semitism and the famous liberal German-speaking Budapest daily Pester Lloyd vituperated against Arad because of that. Arad ésvidéke protested by calling this accusation an "absurdity" and saw in it a strategy of the Liberals.17 But the paper could not contradict the fact that it had urged to vote for Atzél. Falk's main support among the Arad newspapers was the liberal Neue Arader Zeitung. Actually one of the reasons why Arad was never completely won by the Independence party lies precisely in the importance of the Jewish vote: they were among the biggest tax-payers and constituted a significant part of the local intelligentsia so that they had a number of voters superior to their percentage in the population.

The same difficulties were obvious in Nagyvárad where the percentage of the Jewish population was higher. Notwithstanding the numerous attempts to win the parliamentary as well as the municipal elections and to launch newspapers in favor of the Independence party, no real success was ever registered. One of the reasons was the influence of Prime minister Tisza who was a town's native and its longtime representative. The city had also a long-serving mayor, Ferenc Sal (1875 to 1897) who knew well how to neutralize the Independence party leaders by organizing mass patriotic celebrations to which they could not refrain to participate without losing their legitimacy. 18 The main daily Nagyvárad that had started as a liberal organ, turned towards the Independence party only after it had won the general elections and formed a government in 1906: this move was obviously opportunistic because in the meantime there were other papers in Nagyvárad claiming to support the independent tendency such as Szabadság, founded in 1880. A subtitle was added proclaiming "Official paper of the Independence-and-1848 Party for the Bihar county and Nagyvárad"(A biharvármegyeiésnagyváradifüggetlenségiés 48-as párthivataloslapja). Nagyvárad tried to be more independent than the concurring papers; it vituperated against Austria and agitated in favor of the erection of a monument to Kossuth. 19 This idea was visibly a reaction to the project to build a statue of Kálmán Tisza that had started one year before. The town was in danger of being won by the Independence party so that both liberals and social-democrats mobilized. Finally the liberals sent a candidate of the old order, Dr. IgnácRadó, who lost pathetically against TamásSzokoly from the Independence party. On the contrary to the town's seat at the Diet, the mayor's office was never occupied by a member of the Independence party: here the voters were successful in preventing such a change. Nevertheless there were moments of dispute notably over the appropriation of national symbols and celebrations: the Independence party tried for example to monopolize the commemoration of March 15 th in 1899 by forcing the nomination of five of its members in the organization committee. The liberals protested by setting up their own committee; in the end they were victorious for the Independence party celebrated apart from the official festivity. 20 In Szabadka there was no comparable Jewish elite able to rescue the Liberals. Two elements contributed to a bigger influence of the Independence party: the national conflict between Hungarians and Bunjevci; the Catholicism of most inhabitants that pushed some of them in the arms of the Catholic People's party (KatolikusNéppárt). Many of the assimilated Bunjevci were among the supporters of the Independence party that conquered unexpectedly the town hall at the beginning of the 1880s. The personality of the new mayor JánosMukics (Mukić) was contested immediately by the liberals who succeeded in reversing the situation by electing LázárMamuzsics (Mamužić) who went on to serve for three mandates thus definitely anchoring the town in the liberal camp. But the contestation was not over for Mukics won the parliamentary seat of the town. Some newspapers changed orientation in the course of the years, turning from liberalism to the Independence party. The argumentation was deeply rooted in local realities: the subject of the quarrel was the attitude of the Bunjevci everyone wanted to rally to their respective cause. The Szabadkaiközlöny was clearly in favor of the Independence party whereas its concurrent BácskaiEllenőr professed one of its owners was Ágoston (Ago) Mamuzsics, a brother of the future mayor. The paper changed its redaction in 1891-1892, choosing openly the Independence party but remaining moderate. The real opposition was provided by Szabadság founded in 1883 by lawyer LászlóSzalay. Its tone was virulent against the supposedly unfaithfulBunjevci and the mayor, depicted as their creature. The paper was campaigning for the candidates of the Independence party for the municipal elections but they were regularly defeated by the candidates running for the mayor. Here again the paper tried to mobilize Jewish voters by arguing that the Independence party was the real voice of the Hungarian nation. 21 When the Catholic People's party appeared on the political scene in 1895 it attracted supporters from both Hungarian and Bunjevac sides: one of its local leaders was a member of the mayor's family, the priest Mátyás (Maća) Mamuzsics. 22 The party succeeded in appropriating one of the town's papers: Szabadkaésvidéke (Szabadka and province). The new tone was explicitly anti-Semitic and anti-socialist and made a clear association between Jews and Social-Democracy. 23 Despite the fact that the majority of the population was Catholic the candidate of the party had no success in the local elections.

Confrontation was also caused by social unrest. Apart from the May Day processions and meetings, the Social-Democratic party organized regularly demonstrations: until 1907 inCisleithania to demand the introduction of universal suffrage and after that for its extension to all polls. But the demonstrations took also the form of protest at the occasion of strikes: then it was the living conditions, salaries, and working hours that were the main subjects of the gatherings. In Transleithania the Social-Democrats kept demanding universal suffrage as well as better working conditions. The transnational conception of Social-Democracy and its resolute faithfulness to Austro-Marxism was considered by the national activists as treason of the national cause. The other mass party was Christian-Socialism but with very different levels of success depending on the cities of Austria-Hungary. The Hungarian Catholic People's party was practically absent from the multicultural cities. There the diversity of confessions and nationalities made it difficult for such a party to gain ground; the same could be said for eastern Hungary as a whole because of the significant Protestant minority. Even in a Catholic stronghold like Szabadka the party was not able to achieve meaningful results. It was more powerful and influential in Pozsony where it was able to publish a daily newspaper from 1896. But it was a German-speaking one, a specificity that immediately raises the question of the attitude of the party toward multiculturalism. Theoretically a Catholic party should have been as transnational -or more precisely universal -as Social-Democracy. Indeed in Pozsony the party seems to have had a real concern for the Slovaks. Its enemies were numerous enough so as not to alienate the Slavic minority. The Preßburger Tagblattvituperated against the government accused of leading a Kulturkampf: many of its members were Protestants and 1895 was the year of the enactment of the laws on the laicization of the registry office. Immediately after its creation the party endeavored to integrate the associative life. The already existing (1894) Association of the Catholic women workers (Verein katholischer Arbeiterinnen) was put under the control of the party. Archduchess Isabella who was the leading aristocratic personality of the town became the patroness of the association. The archducal couple was indeed considered in Pozsony as the local court and sponsored Catholic associations. The party followed the line of its Austrian counterpart and was extremely loyal to the dynasty therefore coming sometimes into contradiction with its Hungarian homologue. In the Preßburger Tagblatt Hungarian national dates such as March 15 and October 6 were duly commemorated although they represented moments of anti-Habsburg feelings. Concerning the local politics the party was at odds with the municipal council because of the project to expropriate the archbishop palace to the benefit of the town hall. This would mean "the abolition of the Catholic character of our city" and the paper appealed to the imperial family. 24 Needless to say that none intervened so that the palace was soon transformed to accommodate the town hall. Consequently the party considered itself and the Hungarian Catholics to be persecuted: apart from being directly attacked by the government, the Catholic faith was threatened by "Social-Democracy, Liberalism, Freemasonry, the church robbers and the free-thinkers who sweep down on us". 25 One element was absent of the list but it was implicit: the Jews were considered to be behind all those categories. However Anti-Semitism was a delicate business in Pozsony: the city was at the same time one of the few places where anti-Jewish riots had occurred in 1848 and a capital of Jewish Orthodoxy where the liberal and assimilated Jews were also numerous. Although being on the way to assimilation to the Hungarian nation, many of them were still attached to the German language. Thus the local leadership of the party was cautious and refrained from diatribes that were common elsewhere. In the context of Pozsony Freemasonry was much more problematic: due to its prohibition in Cisleithania, Hungary became the refuge of Freemasons from all over the empire. Thanks to its proximity to Vienna, Pozsony was home to many lodges and welcomed regularly important meetings of Austrian Freemasons. The Catholic party denounced what it called collusion between Freemasons and Jews. The fact that Pozsony was practically the Hungarian capital of Freemasonry infuriated the Pressburger Tagblatt so that it published in January 1914 a list of the supposed members of the lodges: doctors, veterinarians, teachers, attorneys, engineers, entrepreneurs, merchants, and even civil servants. 26 The fact that an important part of the Pressburger elite belonged to the Freemasonry was well-known, the most famous Hungarian lodge in Pozsony was the Fraternity (Testveriség). 27 The particular multilingual situation of the town necessitated to associate German, Hungarian and Slovak party members. Thus the speeches were given in these languages: the delegate of the central organization, attorney Julius Barántzky, addressed the assembly in Hungarian; IstvánRakovszky, vice-chairman of the Chamber of deputies and president of the association, spoke German; finally both speeches were translated into Slovak. It was then a rule in the meetings of the party in Pozsony to provide speeches in Slovak, a sign that the party was well aware of the necessity to gather as much forces as possible. Most Pressburger Slovaks belonged to the Catholic faith on the contrary to Central and Eastern Slovakia where Lutherans were an important minority. The growing industrialization of Pozsony was another factor taken into account by the party eager not to lose the workers to the Social-Democracy. In fact the meetings of the Catholic party were frequently disturbed by Social-Democrats: both struggled to gather the workers regardless of their nationality. In 1905 there was at least two significant moments of this confrontation: on 1 st October the Catholic workers organized a public meeting dealing with social reforms and suffrage, which was perturbed by Socialists. The police intervened and had to separate both groups so that the Catholics could go on with their meeting. Here again the speech made by the Budapest delegate was translated into Slovak. The local leaders of the party spoke respectively Hungarian and German. 28 In December the Social-Democrats organized a meeting followed by a demonstration to demand universal suffrage and this time the Catholics supported it without taking part openly: the report made in the Pressburger Tagblatt is surprisingly positive and gives no sign of the animosity that sometimes erupted in the street. They had to admit that the Socialists succeeded in mobilizing a crowd of 6 to 7,000 people who demonstrated in the most perfect order. 29 The difference lay in the fact that herethe Slovaks had a proper leader, Lehoczky, to address them and no need to have speeches translated.

This example shows that there was still some room for transnational elements in the city. Moreover Stadtpatriotismus was still an important factor determining the town's politics in regional and national context. The discussion about the real influence of the activists on the population focuses on two main arguments: people were showing more indifference than adhesion for national goals; national conflict was indeed increasing and becoming an everyday feature. The agitation was at its maximum during election campaigns that were relatively frequent because of the three levels of administration in Austria (Reichstag, Landtag, municipality), to a lesser degree in Hungary (Parliament, municipality). The press was particularly active then, yet there should be no over-evaluation of its influence: on the contrary the virulence of some articles show that citizens were not responding appropriately to what was expected from them in terms of national discipline. The reduced access to suffrage did also keep people from being interested in politics. The demonstrations were often the expression of minorities, or attractions to be curious of, if not good occasions for violence from the part of excluded members of society. In front of growing national contest local authorities sought to unite the populace over dynastic or provincial patriotism; it seems that there was still enough room for both expressions.

PIERRE-YVES SAUNIER -SHANE EWEN (eds.), Another Global City. Historical Explorations into the Transnational Municipal Movement, 1850-2000, New York 2008, 9.

CATHERINE HOREL, Les tentatives de réforme de l'administration hongroise entre1886 et 1914, in: Etudes Danubiennes 11/2, 1995, 186.

BÉLA SARLÓS, Das Rechtswesen in Ungarn, in: Wandruszka -Urbanitsch (Hrsg.), Die Habsburgermonarchie, II, 535.

VÖRÖS, Die Munizipialverwaltung, 2346.

As a comparison see the longlasting carreer of Tivadár (Theodor)Münster (1833Münster ( -1909) ) in Kassa (Košice), who administered the city from 1872 to 1906. FRANK HENSCHEL, Das Fluidum der Stadt… Urbane Lebenswelten in Kassa/ Košice/Kaschau zwischen Sprachenvielfalt undMagyarisierung 1867-1918, München-Göttingen 2017.

Die Bürgermeisterfrage, in: Neue Temesvarer Zeitung, 22.2.1885, Seite fehlt 1. In this respect there was nothing to be worry about for Telbisz was a converted Jew, a fact that was even not commented about.

Dr. Karl Telbisz 1885-1910, in: Temesvarer Zeitung, 9.3.1910, Seite fehlt 1.

Bürgermeister-Versammlung in Temesvar, in: Temesvarer Zeitung, 28.7.1910, Seite fehlt1.

Preßburger Tagblatt, 24.6.1899, Seite fehlt2 .

Salacz is one of the few mayors to be still honored by a bust with bilingual caption, located on the square in front of the puppet theater, next to the street bearing his name. The statue was inaugurated in 2012.

A Pest native, he began his career in Austrian newspapers then in 1848 he also contributed to Hungarian press. Back to Hungary in 1867 hewas chief redactor of the Pester Lloyd before engaging into politics for the Liberal Party in 1875. After the defeat of the liberals in 1905 he left the political scene.

A zsidóság mozgalma, in: Arad ésvidéke, 8.1.1892, Seite fehlt 1.

Arad és vidéke, 10.1.1892, Seite fehlt 1.

Arad ésvidéke, 31.1.1892, Seite fehlt 1.

For example for the commemoration of 6 October 1849:Nagyvárad, 7.10.1893, Seite fehlt 2.

Los von Österreich, in: Nagyvárad, 12.6.1906, Seite fehlt 1.

A szabadság napja, in: NagyváradiNapló, 15.3.1899, Seite fehlt 1.

Szabadság, 28.1.1892, Seite fehlt 1.

See his obituary in:Subotička Danica, eine Zeitung? Bitte Tag und Monat oder Jahrgang ergänzen 1901, 35-37. Es ist ein Almanach, erscheint einmal jährlich, hier 1901.

A kaftános szociálisták, in: Szabadka és vidéke, 19.4.1903, Seite fehlt 1.

Das Primatialpalais und die Clique!, in: Preßburger Tagblatt, 5.3.1902, Seite fehlt 1.

Katholiken Ungarns!, in:Preßburger Tagblatt, 10.3.1905, Seite fehlt 1.

Die Freimaurer Pozsony's, in: Preßburger Tagblatt, 13.1.1914, Seite fehlt 1.

KATARINA HRADSKÁ, Slobodomurárskélože v Bratislave [Freemasonlodges in Bratislava], Bratislava 2005, 55.

Preßburger Tagblatt, 2.10.1905, Seite fehlt 2.

Eine Demonstration für das allgemeine Wahlrecht, in: Preßburger Tagblatt,11.12.1905, Seite fehlt 1.


I n this study [1], we used two non-destructive techniques, scanning electron microscopy with an energy dispersive spectrometer (SEM-EDS; [START_REF] Poupeau | The use of SEM-EDS, PIXE and EDXRF for obsidian provenance studies in the Near East : a case study from Neolithic Çatalhöyük (central Anatolia)[END_REF]) and energy dispersive x-ray fluorescence (EDXRF; [2 ; 3]), for the elemental characterisation of obsidian assemblages from Tell Aswad (middle/late Pre-Pottery Neolithic B, PPNB;

[4]) and Qdeir 1 (final PPNB; [START_REF] Stordeur | El Kowm 2. Une île dans le désert. La fin du Néolithique précéramique dans la steppe syrienne[END_REF]), two Neolithic sites in Syria [START_REF] Orange | L'obsidienne néolithique au Proche-Orient : analyse de provenance et étude technologique des séries syriennes de Tell Aswad (PPNB moyen/récent) et Qdeir 1 (PPNB final)[END_REF]. Firstly, we show for the first time the efficiency of SEM-EDS in discriminating the eastern Anatolian peralkaline sources of Bingöl A and Nemrut Dağ, two of the most important sources in Near Eastern prehistory, often difficult to differentiate due to their geochemical similarity. Secondly, the rapidity of EDXRF [7 ; 8] allowed us to analyse the entire assemblages, revealing new data on the obsidian provenance of the two sites.

S EM-EDS analysis were conducted at the CRP2A (Bordeaux, France) using a JEOL JMS 6460 LV scanning electron microscope.

The study involved 61 artefacts from Tell Aswad and 180 from Qdeir 1, i.e. 58% and 35% of our assemblages. Na, Mg, Al, Si, K, Ca, Ti, Mn and Fe contents were obtained for each piece following the procedure of Le [START_REF] Bourdonnec | SEM-EDS cha-racterization of western Mediterranean obsidians and the Neolithic site of A Fuata (Corsica)[END_REF][12]). Due to the artefacts' sizes and geometry, the elemental composition was determined as the average of two to eight 'punctual' measurements.

E DXRF analysis were undertaken in the McMaster Archaeological XRF Lab [MAX Lab] using a Thermo Scientific Quant'X energy dispersive x-ray fluorescence spectrometer; the protocols and methods following those of [START_REF] Shackley | Obsidian : Geology and Ar-chaeology in the North American Southwest[END_REF][13]).

Fifteen major and trace elements were recorded: Ti, Mn, Fe, Ni, Cu, Zn, Ga, Rb, Sr, Y, Zr, Nb, Ba, Pb and Th. Very small artefacts, or those exhibiting anomalous concentrations, were re-run to ensure accuracy and precision.The speed and automation of this technique (approximately 3.5 hours for 19 artefacts plus the standard) enabled us to analyse the whole assemblages.

T ell Aswad is a PPNB site in southern Syria T he EDXRF analysis allowed us to assign Qdeir's aretfacts to four different obsidian sources (Graphs 1, 2 and 3; Table 1): Bingöl B, Bingöl A, Göllü Dağ and Nenezı Dağ. At Tell Aswad, only three sources F our different raw materials were also determined by SEM-EDS for both assemblages. However, this method does not allow us to distinguish between the calco-alkaline products of Acıgöl and Göllü Dağ [START_REF] Poupeau | The use of SEM-EDS, PIXE and EDXRF for obsidian provenance studies in the Near East : a case study from Neolithic Çatalhöyük (central Anatolia)[END_REF], but we show for the first time that it can make the distinction between the peralcaline products of Nemrut Dağ and Bingöl A. Indeed, all Qdeir's aretfacts were successfully attributed to the Bingöl A source, and those of Tell Aswad to the Nemrut Dağ source, as with the EDXRF analyses. T ogether with the technological study of both assemblages, the EDXRF and SEM-EDS analyses allowed us to make some conclusions on the obsidian economy of Tell Aswad and Qdeir 1.

At Tell Aswad:

-the use of Bingöl B obsidian during middle/late PPNB -a preferential use of Nemrut Dağ peralkaline products over those of Bingöl A -different chaînes opératoires and an important 'recycling' rate of debitage, often through the use of the burin blow technique ;

At Qdeir 1:

-the use of a South Cappadocian obsidian source (Göllü Dağ) -a preferential use of Bingöl A peralkaline products over those of Nemrut (Göllü Dağ)

-several chaînes opératoires (unipolar and bipolar debitage, and use of the pressure technique for some unipolar blades).

Figure 1 :

 1 Figure 1 : Archaeological sites of the study and main obsidian sources of the Near East

  Source abreviations: BA (Bingöl A), BB (Bingöl B), ACGL (Acıgöl), GD (Göllü Dağ), SD (Suphan Dağ), NNZD (Nenezı Dağ), NMRT (Nemrut Dağ), MDD (Meydan Dağ).The authors would like to thank Frédéric Abbès for providing the obsidian assemblage from Tell Aswad and for the help in the study of the chaînes opératoires. We also thank Pierre Machut and Brigitte Spiteri for the help during sample preparation for SEM-EDS analysis. The MAX Lab was established and is currently operated by a Canada Foundation for Innovation Leader's Opportunity Fund / Ontario Research Fund. Orange's time at the MAX Lab was funded by Aquimob (mobility grant allocated by the Region Aquitaine). This project was partly coordinated by the University of Bordeaux and has received support from the National Agency for Research under the 'future investment' program (ANR-10-52-LabX) while Carter's involvement was covered by a Standard Research Grant of the Social Sciences and Humanities. Research Council, Canada.

  were represented: Göllü Dağ, Nemrut Dağ and Bingöl B. The discrimination between the Cappadocian sources of Acıgöl and Göllü Dağ was clarified by a Principal Component Analysis (see Graph 2). Regarding the peralcaline products, all of them were assigned to Bingöl A by a Nb/Pb vs. Y/Nb ration diagram.

  Principal components analysis using Ti, Mn, Fe, Cu, Zn, Ga, Rb, Sr, Y, Zr, Nb, Ba, Pb and Th contents obtained by EDXRF, comparing obsidians from Tell Aswad, Qdeir 1 and source samples from Göllü Dağ, Suphan Dağ and Acıgöl. 99% normal density ellipses. Graph 3: EDXRF ratio plot of Nb/Pb vs. Y/Nb for Tell Aswad, Qdeir 1 and source samples from Bingöl A and Nemrut Dağ. 99% (dotted line) and 90% (solid line) normal density ellipses.

											1980, revealing a final PPNB settlement (7100-Q deir 1 was first surveyed by Olivier Aurenche in 5720 cal BC) [10]. It was then excavated as a part of the
	EDXRF Analysis						SEM-EDS Analysis
				Sources Tell Aswad Qdeir 1				Graph 4: Principal components analysis (PCA) using	NMRT	Sources Tell Aswad Qdeir 1
	Sr (ppm)	BB		(22.2%)	SD	GD	Tell Aswad Qdeir 1 ACGL Sources	Dağ and Acıgöl. 90% normal density ellipses. Al, Si, Ca and Fe contents determined by SEM-EDS, comparing obsidians from Tell Aswad, Qdeir 1 and source samples. Graph 5: CaO vs. Fe2O3 contents determined by SEM-EDS for Tell Aswad and Qdeir 1 artefacts plus source samples from Göllü Dağ, Suphan Dağ, Nenezi	PC2 (32.8%)	BA	BB
		MDD	NMRT	BA/NMRT							NMRT	MDD	NNZD
		GD/SD/ACGL				BA	Sources Tell Aswad Qdeir 1		SD	NNZD	GD/SD/ACGL
			Zr (ppm)	Y/Nb				Fe 2 O 3 (wt%)	ACGL		PC1 (51.2%)
	Graph 1: Zr vs. Sr contents determined by EDXRF for Tell Aswad and Qdeir 1 artefacts plus source samples; 99% normal density ellipses. Graph 2:		NMRT			GD	Sources Tell Aswad Qdeir 1
						Nb/Pb			CaO (wt%)

(Damascus basin), excavated by the El Kowm-Mureybet permanent mission of the Maison de l'Orient et de la Méditerranée (Lyon, France) since 1972. The chronology of the site, established by C 14 dating in 2003 [9], dates back to the 'Néolithique Ancien de Byblos', which spans from 8654-8319 cal BC to 7730-7551 cal BC. The obsidian assemblage detailed here came from the 2001, 2002 and 2003 excavations and were entrusted to us by Frédéric Abbès (MOM). All the pieces come from the middle/late PPNB levels (c. 8200-7500 cal BC; [4]).

El-Kowm-Mureybet permanent mission (MOM). The site, only 8 kilometers distant from the El Kowm village

[START_REF] Besançon | Prospection géographique et préhistorique dans le bassin d'El Kowm (Syrie). Rapport préliminaire[END_REF]

(first surveyed in 1967), has a long and complex settlement sequence (between 7100 and 4230 cal BC

[START_REF] Stordeur | Sédentaires et nomades du PPNB final dans le désert de Palmyre (Syrie)[END_REF]

, with at least five different levels of occupation. The archaeology of Qdeir 1 comprises a few structures, a semi-permanent camp, and a flint and obsidian workshop. Its characteristics lead Qdeir 1 to be attributed to the «PPNB du désert». The obsidian from all Qdeir 1 contexts is present in the form of pressure blades and bladelets made of various raw materials

[START_REF] Stordeur | Sédentaires et nomades du PPNB final dans le désert de Palmyre (Syrie)[END_REF]

.

Table 1 :

 1 Total number of Tell Aswad and Qdeir 1 obsidian artefacts analysed by SEM-EDS and EDXRF.