Meredith Root-Bernstein
email: mrootbernstein@gmail.com

Berta Holgado Vargas

Arthur Bondoux

Matías Guerrero- Gatica

Francisco Zorondo-Rodríguez

Margarita Huerta

Rafael Valenzuela

Videla Ángel

Bello

Silvopastoralism, local ecological knowledge and woodland trajectories in a Category V-type management area

Keywords: landscape, ethnobiology, ILK, conservation, succession, forest, livestock

Preserving landscape heritage elements and indigenous and local knowledge (ILK) is an increasingly popular approach in conservation. We focus on a globally very contentious practice, silvopastoral livestock raising, which along with other peasant practices, is slated for elimination according to projected Chilean conservation policy. We used ecological surveys to ask how central Chilean semi-arid woodlands in the locality of Alhué have responded to past human livelihoods practices, including silvopastoralism. Using interviews, we examined local ecological knowledge and uses of forest plants. We also conducted surveys on current agricultural practices. Many residents maintain a diversified, smallholder subsistence agricultural strategy. Residents identified 113 plants with 73 uses. They also demonstrated a good knowledge of woodland regulations. We found that woodlands recover well from historical disturbances over 50-100 year time scales. In fact, the presence of cattle year-round in the woodlands was associated with greater tree regeneration. We find that despite the conservation discourse, there is no evidence of a degradation problem, and we hypothesize based on our findings that eradicating peasants' silvopastoralism and other practices could increase degradation. We recommend that the Conservation Landscape programme be used to save key traditional practices, which should be studied further to determine optimal management. We show how conflicts and misalignments within and between ILK, data, and environmental discourse can signal complex socio-ecological issues where a closer look at how the evidence fits together is necessary.

Introduction

The valorisation of heritage elements related to the exploitation of resources, climate adaptation, and other relations to the environment, such as indigenous and local knowledge (ILK) is increasingly integrated with conservation (Reser & Bentrupperbaumer 2005;[START_REF] Hill | Empowering Indigenous peoples' biocultural diversity through World Heritage cultural landscapes: a case study from the Australian humid tropical forests[END_REF][START_REF] Xu | Functional links between biodiversity, livelihoods, and culture in a Hani swidden landscape in southwest[END_REF]. ILK is complex to define but refers to "the knowledge of Indigenous and local people which often pertains to social-ecological systems" [START_REF] Wheeler | Informing decision-making with Indigenous and local knowledge and science[END_REF]. Category V protected areas been defended as the best way to do conservation in contexts of traditional socioecological systems [START_REF] Dudley | The revised IUCN protected area management categories: the debate and ways forward[END_REF]. A Category V protected area is defined as one where " the interaction of people and nature over time has produced an area of distinct character with significant ecological, biological, cultural and scenic value and where safeguarding the integrity of this interaction is vital to protecting and sustaining the area and its associated values" [START_REF] Dudley | The revised IUCN protected area management categories: the debate and ways forward[END_REF]). Other conservation approaches, which may not form legally protected areas, such as Man and Biosphere Reserves, the Globally Important Agricultural Heritage sites of the FAO, or the Conservation Landscape scheme in Chile (see below), also try to manage landscapes to maintain multiple values derived from or dependent on traditional practices and knowledge. While it is relatively easy to recognise the importance of traditional socio-ecological features or heritage elements like sacred groves and sites of geological interest, other ILK and heritage elements are more slippery, due to incomplete information, multiple interepretations, or controversies.

Globally, interest in incorporating ILK into both ecological research and environmental management is growing [START_REF] Benyei | Storing and sharing: A review of indigenous and local knowledge conservation initiatives[END_REF][START_REF] Wheeler | Informing decision-making with Indigenous and local knowledge and science[END_REF]. In the context of environmental management, inclusion of ILK can be part of participative mechanisms and adaptive management [START_REF] Mistry | Bridging indigenous and scientific knowledge[END_REF]. It remains uncommon to use ILK as a source of hypotheses or models that may be further explored with scientific methods (but see [START_REF] Molnár | Knowledge co-production with traditional herders on cattle grazing behaviour for better management of species-rich grasslands[END_REF].

The interplay between scientific inattention and attention, and the interpretation and valorization not only of ILK, but also of traditional practices and the landscapes they produce, has a long and complex history. For example, silvopastoral systems have benefited from ecological and conservation research, leading to the contemporary creation and adoption of many new versions of silvopastoralism now applied throughout Latin America and the world [START_REF] Peri | Silvopastoral systems in Southern South America[END_REF]. Not all silvopastoral systems are equally valued or researched. A specific example of complex social and scientific valuations of silvopastoralism is in Central Chile. This region, composed largely of shrubland, open woodlands, and closed woodlands, as a whole has long been treated as a wasteland-in-the-making, emptied of value [START_REF] Root-Bernstein | Nostalgia, the fleeting and the rare in Chilean relationships to nature and non human animals[END_REF]. In particular, the silvopastoral Acacia caven woodlands ("espinal"), where cattle and horses are grazed at low densities, have long been considered to have no ecological value: they were described as unproductive degradations of native sclerophyllous woodlands [START_REF] Aronson | Restoration and rehabilitation of degraded ecosystems in arid and semi-arid lands II Case studies in southern Tunisia[END_REF][START_REF] Schulz | Monitoring land cover change of the dryland forest landscape of Central Chile[END_REF]. Recently, however, research has suggested that espinal silvopastoral habitats have ecological importance and value: they have been shown to be a resilient pioneer habitat that establishes after disturbance and is the first stage in succession towards sclerophyllous forest [START_REF] Hernández | Landscape trajectories and their effect on fragmentation for a Mediterranean semi-arid ecosystem in Central Chile[END_REF][START_REF] Root-Bernstein | Acacia caven nurses endemic sclerophyllous trees along a successional pathway from silvopastoral savanna to forest[END_REF]. The espinal silvopastoral system was seen as having no social, cultural or economic value either: this area currently lacks self-identified indigenous populations, and the livelihoods practices of mestizo peasants have long been considered non-adaptive and environmentally destructive [START_REF] Aronson | Land use changes and conflicts in Central Chile In Landscape disturbance and biodiversity in Mediterraneantype ecosystems[END_REF]. More recently, a large body of agronomical research has shown that silvopastoralism in espinal can be efficient and productive, and thus has socioeconomic value [START_REF] Olivares | El espinal: Manejo silvopastoril de un recurso ignorado[END_REF]. Nevertheless, Chilean conservation officials do not appear to have accepted the ecological and socioeconomic revaluations of these habitats suggested by recent research.

Consequently, the espinal silvopastoral habitats and their associated management practices and knowledge have not been understood as elements of heritage, knowledge or practice informing socio-ecological conservation. Conservation officials remain strongly opposed to silvopastoralism in native woodlands (pers. comm. C. Ravanal 2019), despite there being no research specifically evaluating silvopastoralist practices and their contributions to the ecological or socioeconomic values of these habitats. This anti-livestock view, despite the lack of evidence, takes its cue from the international conservation discourse about livestock. Over the years, pastoralism and transhumance have gained and lost policy support [START_REF] Hoffman | Ecosystem services provided by livestock species and breeds, with special consideration to the contributions of small-scale livestock keepers and pastoralists FAO Commission on genetic resources for food and agriculture Background study paper 66[END_REF]FAO 2011;FAO 2001;[START_REF] Seré | World Livestock Production Systems: Current status, issues and trends[END_REF]. Global discourse tends to emphasize that on average globally, cattle contribute to global warming, drought, erosion and degradation of rangeland quality [START_REF] Herrero | Biomass use, production, feed efficiencies, and greenhouse gas emissions from global livestock systems[END_REF][START_REF] Mekonnen | A global assessment of the water footprint of farm animal products[END_REF][START_REF] Ripple | Ruminants, climate change and climate policy[END_REF]. Positive effects of livestock are in fact production-system-and contextdependent, and may include fire reduction, maintenance of habitat mosaics, and seed dispersal [START_REF] Mazzini | Impacts of domestic cattle on forest and woody ecosystems in southern South America Plant[END_REF][START_REF] Gregory | Effects of controlled fire and livestock grazing on bird communities in East African savannas[END_REF][START_REF] Bruun | The past impact of livestock husbandry on dispersal of plant seeds in the landscaprthwestern South America[END_REF][START_REF] Brown | Woody plant seed dispersal and gap formation in a North American subtropical savanna woodland: the role of domestic herbivores[END_REF].

Livestock production practices also serve as a medium for social relations, systems of value, and relationships to the environment (Barragan [START_REF] López | Rancheros y sociedades rancheras : quinientos y un años de conquista ordinaria[END_REF][START_REF] Baena | Past, present and future of transhumancia in Spain: Nomadism in a developed country[END_REF].

In particular we know little about the impacts of livestock raising practices of non-indigenous peoples living in arid, semi-arid or seasonally dry forest environments of the Americas (Barragan Lopez & Linck 1994).

As part of an effort to contribute research to understanding how contextual environmental and socio-economic factors affect the environmental impacts of traditional livestock raising, here we focus on ILK and traditional livelihoods practices related to the native silvopastoral and schlerophyllous woodlands of central Chile, and their impacts on woodland degradation, restoration and succession. The recent history of Chile involves multiple shifts in agricultural strategies, from large fundos owned by a family and worked by their tenants, to smallholdings and cooperatives created during the agricultural reform of the mid-20th century, to partial reversal of agricultural reform and development of industrial export agriculture, altered the scales, distributions and intensities of resource use and land use change [START_REF] Wright | Landowners and reform in Chile: The Sociedad Nacional de Agricultura, 1919-1940[END_REF]. Little is known about how the transition from fundos to smallholdings in the mid-century period impacted anthropogenic disturbance patterns in woodlands. This legacy is likely to still be shaping remnant woodlands, even as land-use change from agricultural modernization has reduced total woodland cover [START_REF] Schulz | Monitoring land cover change of the dryland forest landscape of Central Chile[END_REF].

Plans being considered by the Chilean government to meet their obligations under the

Convention on Biological Diversity and the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate

Change propose to eradicate remaining traditional peasant livelihood and cultural activities in forests and other habitats, by paying rural people to give up some practices and folklorize others for tourism (personal comm. C. Ravanal 2019). This project is in apparent conflict with a project that developed the "Conservation Landscape" concept in Chile. A "Conservation Landscape" here refers to a land-use planning framework for municipalities designed by a GEF (Global Environment Fund) project to improve the conservation of heritage elements and the environment (e.g. PLADECO Alhué 2014). In theory, Conservation Landscapes could help to preserve any ILK and traditional practices that may have currently unrecognised environmental benefits-such as silvopastoralism.

We combine various research methods to identify which elements of traditional livelihoods practices may be harmful or helpful to promoting woodland regeneration and conservation. We combine an ecological study of tree regeneration following anthropogenic disturbances, with a study of ethnobiological knowledge of woodlands and threats to them, and an assessment of local agricultural livelihood strategies. We ask how locals believe that agricultural and forest-use practices should change, compared to data on their current state and its impacts, and compare this to our data and the dominant conservation discourse.

Methods

Study site. A map is shown in Figure 1. Alhué is an interesting area with a rich cultural and ecological heritage due to its relative isolation within the valleys of the Cordillera de Cantillana in the Coastal Mountain Range of central Chile. The Alhué municipality has a population of 6,444 inhabitants and a rural population of 3,660 inhabitants (56,8%) (INE 2017). The main socioeconomic activities are agriculture, livestock production and mining (CED 2014), with both an important gold mine and the tailings dam from the largest underground copper mine in world within the district. Alhué municipality, with a total area of 88.476 ha, contains a number of wellconserved native sclerophyllous forests and woodlands (3.091 ha of mature native forest and 52.378 ha of secondary native forest), including those in San Juan de Pichi Natural Sanctuary (1,614 ha), and El Membrillo (16.000 ha), the compensation site for the gold mine. Most forests and woodlands in the area are private property and consist of former fundos, or latifundia. Alhué contains part of the Roblería Cobre de Loncha National Reserve, the only public protected area in the district. There are also woodlands that are owned by smallholders, as well as a woodland owned and managed by a cooperative. Local smallholders have traditional use rights in many former fundos, which their families, former tenants on the fundos, retain from before the agrarian reform in the mid twentieth century. Fieldwork. Our sampled area was the entire Alhué municipality, which is characterized by native woodlands and other habitats including matorral shrublands especially on north-facing hillslopes [START_REF] Badano | Slope aspect influences plant association patterns in the Mediterranean matorral of central Chile[END_REF], espinal woodlands-a kind of silvopastoral woodland dominated by Acacia caven [START_REF] Donoso | Reseña ecologica de los bosques mediterraneos de Chile[END_REF]-and sclerophyllous woodlands containing many Chilean endemic species [START_REF] Donoso | Reseña ecologica de los bosques mediterraneos de Chile[END_REF]. Fieldwork was carried out in austral spring 2017. We repeated the methods of [START_REF] Root-Bernstein | Acacia caven nurses endemic sclerophyllous trees along a successional pathway from silvopastoral savanna to forest[END_REF]. We made transects consisting of 15 trees ( > 40 cm) each (thus, of variable length), and 4 m wide. This sampling approach captures an equal number treetree associations (or non-associations) regardless of tree density. Transect locations were chosen in order to gain a representative sample of both typical woodland habitats with typical anthropogenic histories, and unique habitat formations or sites with unique anthropogenic histories. Unique formations included, for example, areas with rare endemic Chilean palms (Jubaea chilensis). This representative sample was created according to the advice of locals using snowballing, in the sense that at each site we asked locals (woodland users, managers, or owners) where else we should sample that was either typical of the area, or unusual. Permission to enter property and collect data was obtained from site managers or owners as relevant.

We sampled 42 transects, including one double transect (30 trees) (see Figure 1). The double transect (no. 35) occurred at a site where the tree density was much higher than anticipated, due to a large number of trees being nursed by a single tree, which prevented sampling the formation. A double transect seemed more transparent than deleting the original sample and resampling: we correct for the doubled number of data points where it can affect statistics. At each site where we placed a transect, we oriented the transect in an arbitrary direction that allowed walking access and that crossed the vegetation type we wanted to sample. In each transect, we recorded the position of each of the 15 trees with a GPS device, as well as the species, tree height, trunk base diameter (since many trees are multi-stemmed following resprouting from the base), canopy area, and tree-tree facilitation (nurse tree) interactions, as in [START_REF] Root-Bernstein | Acacia caven nurses endemic sclerophyllous trees along a successional pathway from silvopastoral savanna to forest[END_REF].

Species identification follows [START_REF] Hoffmann | Flora silvestre de Chile. Zona central. Una guía para la identificación de las especies vegetales más frecuentes[END_REF]. We also recorded environmental variables, including presence of cattle or horses (using their feces as a proxy), presence of Oryctolagus cuniculus (using their feces as a proxy), presence of irrigation, and presence of a natural water source (e.g. a river or gully adjacent to the transect). Altitude data was collected by inputting the GPS position of each transect into Geoplaner.com (accessed 2018). We also recorded an oral history of anthropogenic uses of the site covering approximately the past 50 years (being the period over which most people had a detailed memory), obtained from a local user, manager or owner depending on the site. These uses or anthropogenic disturbances included house gardens, agricultural fields, livestock grazing, restoration planting and fire. Following Root-Bernstein et al.

(2017), we coded the oral history, description and observation of current land-uses, along with environmental data, to create a set of explanatory variables (Table 1).

We selected sites based on local perceptions and knowledge of variation in woodland formations. While we assert that local environmental knowledge about local woodland formations is reliable and replicable, we make no assumptions about whether local perceptions correspond to scientifically and statistically assessed habitat formations. We used statistical tests to scientifically characterize the structures and compositions of our woodland sample (following Root-Bernstein et al. 2017). To assess habitat structuring, we used the Wald-Wolfowitz test. It was implemented with the 'wawotest' command in the adehabitat package in R version 3.1.0. This is a non-parametric categorical test that assesses the significance of "runs" or series of the same category (Siegel 1956).

Each species was treated as a category, and tree number along the transect was treated as series order. Significance occurs when a given species of tree is more likely to be followed by a tree of the same species than by a tree of another species. As in [START_REF] Root-Bernstein | Acacia caven nurses endemic sclerophyllous trees along a successional pathway from silvopastoral savanna to forest[END_REF], we defined "patchy" as runs of trees where the species were mixed in small clusters or alternating, and "gradients" as runs of trees that switched from one species at the beginning of the transect to another species at the end. These terms do not refer to spacing of the trees. We sorted transects into three habitat structures: random or "unstructured" series of tree species (including monospecfic transects), patchy habitats, and gradients. To determine whether the transects could be categorized into different habitat types in terms of species composition, we used NMDS (Non-metric Multi Dimensional Scaling) analysis. We used the Dist, metaMDS, Tree, and Group commands in the vegan package in R version 3.1.0. We used Jaccard distances since they are suitable for analysis of species composition, and the "average" command for forming clusters. We chose a height cutoff for the cluster dendrogram based on visual analysis of the tree. Both structure and species composition categories were incorporated in the set of explanatory variables.

To assess current woodland conservation status and successional capacity to overcome disturbances, we created a regeneration index for each sampled site. There are two processes that allow tree regeneration and thus woodland resilience to disturbances: tree establishment with, and without, facilitation. Tree establishment occurs in pulses in this region, following rain events [START_REF] Gutiérrez | Reduced herbivore pressure under rainy ENSO conditions could facilitate dryland reforestation[END_REF]). Tree-tree facilitation is a mechanism for habitat composition change or succession (facilitation occurs between species) (Root-Bernstein et al.

2017).

Where the overall index is low, the woodland is neither reproducing itself, nor changing in composition, and therefore shows no evidence that it could recover (or is recovering) from a disturbance. Where the overall index is high, mechanisms for woodland regeneration are functioning. The regeneration index was defined as the sum of tree seedlings < 40 cm and trees > 40 cm being facilitated by a nurse tree, in each transect. For the double-length transect, we corrected the regeneration index by dividing it by 2.

We then used a zero-inflated regression model to assess whether disturbance and environmental factors explain the regeneration index. We used a zero-inflated regression because Ethnobiology methods. The ethnobiological study was focused on the Pichi community within Alhué (see Figure 1), which is locally reputed to have maintained considerable traditional botanical knowledge. The profile for the sample was adults over 18 years old who lived in Pichi and had experience in the woodlands, possessed knowledge about plants, and were influential in the community. Participants were found first by consulting a list of "key actors" in environmental issues compiled by a community group ("junta de vecinos") and the PRODESAL smallholder outreach office; further individuals were found using snowballing. Snowballing is a common method used in social sciences to obtain a sample of people to interview, in which participants comprising an initial target or convenience sample recommend other people to be interviewed, which continues until no new contacts or no new information is obtained (Mendieta 2015;Rust et al. 2017). The sample included 31 adults, of which 15 were men and 16 women, were interviewed between February and March 2017. Participants were interviewed in their homes, or while carrying out agricultural tasks. Participants were given a written explanation of the study and signed an informed consent form. Each participant was given a questionnaire of closed questions focussing on socio-demographic information. Each participant was then interviewed to determine knowledge of sclerophyllous woodland plants and their uses. Participants were then asked open questions about the problems affecting the native woodlands in Pichi in the context of the Conservation Landscape initiative. Uses of plants were assorted by similarity and coded. Finally, a participative mapping workshop including a subset of available participants (3 women and 1 man) was carried out to understand the changes over time in the environment and landscape of Pichi.

Agricultural livelihoods surveys. Agricultural models in central Chile have shifted considerably during the 20th century-for a more detailed account for this field site, see [START_REF] Root-Bernstein | Tacit working models of human behavioural change II: Farmers' folk theories of conservation programme design[END_REF]. The pattern of agricultural strategies is thus the outcome of several different political and economic processes. We set out to capture the diversity of existing agricultural strategies in Alhué with a survey instrument. The survey instrument was integrated into a larger questionnaire and project, which is described in [START_REF] Root-Bernstein | Tacit working models of human behavioural change II: Farmers' folk theories of conservation programme design[END_REF]. Here, we report only the data relevant to this study and from Alhué. The questionnaire was applied to farmers, including both smallholders and large landowners, who were located through snowballing and with the support of the Alhué Smallholder Development Program PRODESAL. Our sample was stratified by farm size, using three categories: < 10 ha, 10-100 ha, > 100 ha. Interviews were carried out in Alhué between February-August 2017. Farmers were interviewed at their homes.

They were orally informed that their participation was voluntary and anonymous, consent to participate was obtained orally, and they were given a printed form of the contact information of the research team member carrying out the survey. Here we report survey data from closed and open questions and Likert scale questions about farm production, livelihoods, environmental values, knowledge of forest regulations put in place by CONAF (the National Forestry Service), and socio-demographic questions. The surveys were read aloud to participants, and answers were recorded by a research team member.

We created indices to summarize farmers' agricultural and livelihood strategies, socioeconomic profiles and knowledge about forest regulations. The ranges of values that went into the indices were set by the total dataset from the larger study that included farmers in two other municipalities to the north and south of the Cordillera de Cantillana (see [START_REF] Root-Bernstein | Tacit working models of human behavioural change II: Farmers' folk theories of conservation programme design[END_REF], Pintué and Doñihue (see Figure 1). The indices thus implicitly provide a view of how Alhuino farmers compare to the observed range of regional farming strategies, socioeconomic conditions and knowledge. The formulas for these indices are given in Table 2. In order to detect trends in the studied population, we tested each index against normality using the Kolmogorov-

Results

Ecological results. Across the 42 transects combined, 33 tree species were recorded, of which 23 are endemic to Chile. [START_REF] Segovia | Biogeographic anomalies in the species richness of C hilean forests: Incorporating evolution into a climatic-historic scenario[END_REF] map on a 10 km x 10 km scale an expected 35 species present in the local area where the study took place. [START_REF] Hoffmann | Flora silvestre de Chile. Zona central. Una guía para la identificación de las especies vegetales más frecuentes[END_REF], our own source for identification, lists 42 tree species of tree found in central Chile, of which 34 are described as endemic to Chile. Of the 33 species that we recorded, we found several non-native but non-invasive trees. Robinia pseudoacacia, Ailanthus altissima, and Crategus oxicanta, all ornamental trees, and a Prunus sp., a fruit tree, appeared to have been planted and were found only in two very specific anthropogenic locations including adjacent to an abandoned house and at the site of a shrine in some rocks (see below). We also found walnut planted as part of a walnut plantation intermingled within the native woodland, and eucalyptus planted as part of an afforestation project from the 1990s. This leaves 27 non-planted species in our sample, which includes between 77% and 64% of the possible species in the local area or central Chilean region, respectively [START_REF] Segovia | Biogeographic anomalies in the species richness of C hilean forests: Incorporating evolution into a climatic-historic scenario[END_REF][START_REF] Hoffmann | Flora silvestre de Chile. Zona central. Una guía para la identificación de las especies vegetales más frecuentes[END_REF].

Of a total of 626 trees > 40 cm sampled, L. caustica was the most common (117 trees), followed by P. boldus, A. caven, C., tebo/ trevo (Retanillo trinervia) and Q. saponaria, all of which species are endemic or native trees typical of early to intermediate successional-stage woodlands linking espinal to schlerophyllous forest formations. Specifically, L. caustica and A. caven can be described as pioneers that establish post-disturbance in open areas, with R. trinervia a pioneer especially common after fire, while P. boldus and Q. saponaria are frequently facilitated by A.

caven to form what can be considered tree associations typical of a second step in succession postdisturbance [START_REF] Root-Bernstein | Acacia caven nurses endemic sclerophyllous trees along a successional pathway from silvopastoral savanna to forest[END_REF]. A rare but notable species present in the sample was the endangered endemic Chilean palm (Jubaea chilensis), in both natural and planted populations.

According to ILK, various populations of this species have persisted in Alhué at least in part because their seeds are dispersed by cattle (see [START_REF] Fleury | Recruitment dynamics of the relict palm, Jubaea chilensis: intricate and pervasive effects of invasive herbivores and nurse shrubs in central Chile[END_REF]. All accessible areas of Alhué appear to have experienced extensive anthropogenic disturbance in the form of charcoal production, collection of leaf litter, bark and leaves, and agriculture. A typical landscape formation throughout Alhué corresponds to a now-abandoned historical pattern of clearing mountain slopes with fire, followed by a rotation of wheat, beans or potatoes, and fallows grazed by livestock (Figure 2).

The MDS analysis of tree co-occurrence in transects, with a cut-off of h=0.65, yielded 9 distinct clusters. These corresponded to two groups of silvopastoral espinals, espinals entirely dominated by A. caven (suggesting chronic heavy disturbance), gully habitat, reforested areas near a river, another set of reforested areas including planted J. chilensis, the two planted anthropogenic sites (abandoned house and shrine), and dense sclerophyllous forest at high elevation. The remaining sites, sclerophyllous forest with a mix of non-schlerophyllous native species corresponding to early and later successional stages, formed the largest group (Figure 3). This grouping does not correspond exactly to how locals identified woodland habitats. Locals did not spontaneously distinguish between different forms of espinal, and they were more likely to distinguish different schlerophyllous formations based on site history or the presence of particular species, although these sites form a single group according to our MDS analysis.

The range of values for the regeneration index was 0-18. In Table 3, the count model explains what happens in sites with regeneration (regeneration index > 0) while the zero inflation model gives the odds of having zero regeneration. We found that among sites with regeneration (count model), both water and cattle presence are the two variables that explain the observed regeneration index; both increase regeneration. The measure of cattle presence was the only significant variable found for the zero-inflation model: the absence of cattle is associated with an increase in the odds to exp(-1.64) = 0.19, equivalent to a 16% probability, of having a regeneration index of 0.

Because the results that livestock presence is good for woodland regeneration, and its absence leads to lack of regeneration at least a sixth of the time, may be surprising, we examined this result in more detail. Using χ 2 tests, we looked at the relationship between spring-only vs. year-round livestock pasturing on seedling number, rather than the regeneration index. We focus on seedlings because one possibility is that livestock are seed dispersers for certain tree species, in addition to being seedling predators and agents of soil erosion and trampling: they may either increase or decrease seedlings [START_REF] Bruun | The past impact of livestock husbandry on dispersal of plant seeds in the landscaprthwestern South America[END_REF][START_REF] Mazzini | Impacts of domestic cattle on forest and woody ecosystems in southern South America Plant[END_REF]. There were fewer seedlings in areas with spring-only cattle grazing (χ 2 =14.119, df = 7 p = 0.0491), but there was no difference in seedling number between sites with year-round cattle grazing and the rest of the sites (χ 2 = 6.4762, df = 7, p = 0.4854).

Ethnobiology results. Of the 31 adults interviewed, 16 were female and 15 male, and 39% were over 60. They represented 24 households out of the 100 in Pichi. 61% had not finished high school, but 19% had a university degree. 64% of participants were born and raised in Pichi, and 70% had lived there for more than 20 years. 45% made a living from agriculture, apiculture or reforestation activities, 19% worked in public administration, and 29% were retired and lived off a pension. However, many pensioners did not have enough money to live on from their pension alone and supplemented it with agricultural production and forest products for their own consumption.

In total, 128 names were given for 113 plant species, 80 of which were native species. To put this in context, a compilation of ethnobotanical records for all of Chile found 995 native "useful plant species" (Díaz-Forrestier et al. 2019). Given that our study area in theory contains close to 50% of native plant species found in Chile [START_REF] Segovia | Biogeographic anomalies in the species richness of C hilean forests: Incorporating evolution into a climatic-historic scenario[END_REF], we might expect 400-500 plants to be named as useful, which seems to indicate that existing local knowledge is a small subset of potential knowledge of local plant uses. The four species most commonly named were the four endemic sclerlophyllous trees boldo (Peumus boldo), quillay (Quillaja saponaria), peumo (Cryptocarya alba) and litre (Lithrea caustica), typical of relatively dense woodlands in a successional stage following open espino (Acacia caven) woodlands, and of shaded south-facing mountain slopes. The next most commonly named species, patagua (Crinodendron patagua), roble (Nothofagus sp.), lingue (Persea lingue) and canelo (Drimys winteri), are endemic trees typical of riverbanks and very moist, shaded, dense woodlands. Canelo is sacred in the indigenous Mapuche culture. Finally, the next most named plant was the espino (A. caven), typical of open, earlysuccession woodlands. 37% of named species were trees, 40% were shrubs, 15% were herbs, and the rest were ferns, creepers, cactus, and bromeliads. 73 uses of plants were recorded, which were grouped into 14 classes (Figure 4). The majority (66%, 73 species) had medicinal uses. 4% (4 spp) were recorded as having no use, and 4 spp had syncretic ceremonial uses. "No use" included one species, Prosopsis chilensis, which is endangered and rare and thus reported to be protected by the community (we could not confirm that this species was present). The plant species named as having the greatest importance for woodland conservation were the endemic sclerophyllous trees quillay (Q. saponaria), boldo (P. boldus), and litre (L. caustica), because they "produce leaf litter" and grow quickly, and one tree species named because of its association with water, the endemic patagua (Crinodendron patagua). There was little agreement on changes over time in tree species. When naming trees that used to be more numerous in the past, 23% of participants named C. patagua, 23% named Q. saponaria, and 10% named C. alba. However, 10% thought Q. saponaria was more numerous today than in the past, and 16% identified C. alba as more numerous today than in the past. When thinking of species no longer seen in the forest, 28% of participants identified canelo (Drimys winteri), and 21% said the same for C. patagua.

Participants identified a set of threats to the woodlands in Pichi. These were classified posthoc as related to fire, water scarcity, tree felling, poor management and bad behaviours, mining, floods, road construction, and invasive species and plagues. 87% of participants identified wildfires as a princpal threat, while 58% identified a water scarcity factor as a principal threat (threats were not ranked, so percentages do not sum to 100%). Water scarcity was frequently blamed on climate change. Participants described a clear reduction in rainfall, snow, running water, volume in local rivers, and flood events during their lifetimes. When asked to look to the future of the sclerophyllous forest, the majority of participants expected the forest to diminish in extent, and a few even thought it would totally disappear (Figure 5). Reasons given for decline included fires, drought, and perceptions of devalorization and poor management of the woodlands. Proposed solutions for woodland conservation during the participatory mapping activity included zonification of the woodlands with fences and exclusion of livestock, education and outreach around forest management and conservation, and training in sustainable agricultural and forest exploitation practices.

Agricultural survey results. We surveyed 34 farmers in Alhué. Alhué has a mixed profile of industrial fruit production and smallholders producing both for their own consumption and for the market. However, the distribution of landowners across farm sizes is highly skewed towards smallholders, with 52% having farms < 10 ha, and 31% with farms 10-100 ha (INE 2007). We attempted to reflect this in our stratification, although we under-sampled farmers with landholdings > 10 ha. We interviewed 33 farmers who held title to < 10 ha, 0 between 10 and 100 ha, and 1 with > 100 ha. The mean farm size, considering land to which the farmer held land title, was 7.6 ± 5.99 ha. This mean farm size includes 6 individuals in the sample who owned woodland or matorral (shrub habitat). These 6 woodland and matorral areas had a mean size of 3.75 ± 2.9 ha. Mean extent of agricultural fields or non-wooded pastures per farm was just 3.9 ± 2.9 ha. Only five of the 34 sampled individuals rented land in addition to the land to which they held title, ranging from 0.05 ha to 3000 ha. We recorded 70 distinct crops and 16 animals being raised. Livestock, which included cattle, horses and sheep, are raised in a free-range, low-input manner on private lands, communally managed lands, or on former fundos via traditional access rights. Generally livestock production is not market-oriented but used for subsistence and as a form of savings or capital.

In Figure 6 we show the data from the indices of agricultural diversity, agricultural model, agricultural capital and lifestyle. The Lifestyle index, the Agricultural Diversity index, the Agricultural Model index and the Knowledge of Forest Regulations index were all significantly different from normal in distribution (K-S test: Life-style index, D = 0.17003, p-value = 0.01394; Agricultural Diversity, D = 0.32247, p-value = 8.663e-10; Agricultural Model, D = 0.21299, pvalue = 0.0005716; Knowledge of Forest Regulations, D = 0.33184, p-value = 2.113e-10). Only the Agricultural Capital index was not significantly different from a normal distribution (D = 0.12757, p-value = 0.1727). A non-normal distribution suggests that a non-random process, here for example some structural features of the socio-economic context, has biased the distribution. The large number of non-normal distributions among the indices illustrates the socio-economic inequality in this region (Figure 6).

Discussion

The ecological evidence suggests that the Alhué area has a diverse set of endemic woodland tree species, which as we show here, mainly assort into a single habitat type characterized by a mix of species typical of a successional transition between espinal and mature schlerophyllous forest, as found at other sites in central Chile [START_REF] Root-Bernstein | Acacia caven nurses endemic sclerophyllous trees along a successional pathway from silvopastoral savanna to forest[END_REF]. Unsurprisingly in this semi-arid habitat [START_REF] Gutiérrez | Reduced herbivore pressure under rainy ENSO conditions could facilitate dryland reforestation[END_REF]), the regeneration index was highest where there was water available in the form of a river or gully. The presence of irrigation, in planted woodland restoration sites, was not associated with natural regeneration. Restoration sites may differ from other sites in that they generally lack adult trees that provide shade, which is important for tree-tree facilitation in this region [START_REF] Root-Bernstein | Acacia caven nurses endemic sclerophyllous trees along a successional pathway from silvopastoral savanna to forest[END_REF]. Currently, it is illegal in Chile to use plant-plant facilitation in restoration projects. Adult trees' shade and branches are also important for attracting livestock and perching birds, which are dispersers for several native trees [START_REF] Olivares | El espinal: Manejo silvopastoril de un recurso ignorado[END_REF]. Restoration plantings currently appear inadequate to jumpstart natural regeneration processes.

Perhaps more surprisingly, the regeneration index was also highest in the presence of extensively grazed livestock. When we looked closer just at abundance of tree seedlings under 40 cm, we found that year-round cattle presence by itself did not explain seedling presence. This suggests either that cattle neither benefit (e.g. through seed dispersal) nor harm (e.g. through seedling herbivory or trampling) tree regeneration, or that these two effects balance out. The general benefit of extensive livestock grazing must be via a mechanism or interaction that does not directly affect seedling abundance. Rather, livestock might affect, for example, the spatial distribution of those seedlings, and thus their ability to benefit from tree-tree facilitation (Root-Bernstein et al. 2017), or their competitive advantage (see below). However, spring-only cattle pasturing was harmful to tree seedlings: there were more seedlings in areas with no cattle and with year-round cattle, compared to areas with spring-only cattle. One mechanism that may explain this would be selective foraging of grasses and herbs but not tree seedlings by experienced livestock, as opposed to unselective foraging by naïve livestock. Under this hypothesis, which was suggested to us by a local farmer during a session where we presented our study results, keeping cattle out of woodlands during most of the year prevents livestock from learning to forage selectively. Tree seedlings are generally lacking in sugars, and so may be non-preferred as food sources [START_REF] Wohlleben | La vie secrète des arbres: Ce qu'ils ressentent, comment ils communiquent[END_REF]. Effects of social learning and experience on cattle foraging preferences have indeed been reported in rangelands research [START_REF] Provenza | Development of dietary choice in livestock on rangelands and its implications for management[END_REF]. As suggested by another interlocutor, cattle and horses may also selectively eat the grass under tree canopies at the end of winter, which could reduce tree seedling-grass competition and facilitate seedling establishment if they emerge after winter grass grazing [START_REF] Smit | Rewilding with large herbivores: The importance of grazing refuges for sapling establishment and wood-pasture formation[END_REF]. Spring-only pasturing, starting after grasses and herbs have been allowed to accumulate biomass, may occur too late to provide an opening for trees to germinate under canopies.

Cattle might nevertheless be assumed to lock woodlands into early-successional states that reproduce themselves without allowing mature schlerophyllous forest to form. The existence of facilitation of schlerophyllous trees and succession by nucleation, in the presence of cattle, does not support this interpretation [START_REF] Root-Bernstein | Acacia caven nurses endemic sclerophyllous trees along a successional pathway from silvopastoral savanna to forest[END_REF]). In addition, schlerophyllous forest is also reported to reform from its own fragments, meaning that it is not necessarily dependent on the successional trajectory from espinal [START_REF] Hernández | Landscape trajectories and their effect on fragmentation for a Mediterranean semi-arid ecosystem in Central Chile[END_REF].

Before discussing the congruence between the ILK we report and our ecological results, we consider the implications of the observation that Alhuino ILK is less than what might be expected (Díaz-Forrestier et al. 2019). There are no indigenous groups in central Chile whose knowledge of plant uses can be compared to this rural mestizo population, but Mapuche communities further south are reported to identify, e.g. 47 edible wild plants [START_REF] Barreau | How can we teach our children if we cannot access the forest? Generational change in Mapuche knowledge of wild edible plants in Andean temperate ecosystems of Chile[END_REF], or 89 medicinal plants of which 47 are native [START_REF] Estomba | Medicinal wild plant knowledge and gathering patterns in a Mapuche community from North-western Patagonia[END_REF]). These numbers are also not as high as one might expect. This may represent a loss of social relationships and relationships to the woodlands, related to the history of changing socioeconomic conditions, policies, and land uses [START_REF] Barreau | How can we teach our children if we cannot access the forest? Generational change in Mapuche knowledge of wild edible plants in Andean temperate ecosystems of Chile[END_REF][START_REF] Parra | Knowledge of native edible plants in a monoculture plantation-dominated landscape[END_REF]). These residual or relictual ethnobiological knowledges are reduced in quantity but not in quality [START_REF] Barreau | How can we teach our children if we cannot access the forest? Generational change in Mapuche knowledge of wild edible plants in Andean temperate ecosystems of Chile[END_REF][START_REF] Parra | Knowledge of native edible plants in a monoculture plantation-dominated landscape[END_REF]). In our interpretation, Alhuinos' working knowledge of their local woodlands is superior in many respects to the scientific literature on central Chilean woodlands, which itself is underdeveloped compared to that in other countries (e.g. Rackham 2006), due in part to the scientific biases discussed in the Introduction.

There were some areas where reported ILK corresponds well to the scientific literature and our ecological results. The four trees most cited in the ethnographic interviews were also four of the five most common tree species in the local ecological transects (Q. saponaria, P. boldus, C. alba, and L. caustica). Respondents gave reasons for their expectation of decline or even disappearance of woodlands (Figure 5) related to climate change and management practices.

Whether cattle pasturing is a form of poor management is contentious, as many claim that such practices may be necessary for adaptive management to climate change, e.g. fire control (see below). Local reports of a reduction in rainfall and water volume, and the risks of drought and fire, are echoed in research demonstrating that a long mega-drought has taken place in central Chile, and that fires are increasing [START_REF] Garreaud | The 2010-2015 megadrought in central Chile: impacts on regional hydroclimate and vegetation[END_REF][START_REF] Bowman | Human-environmental drivers and impacts of the globally extreme 2017 Chilean fires[END_REF]. Although [START_REF] Alfonso | Perceived changes in environmental degradation and loss of ecosystem services, and their implications in human wellbeing[END_REF] suggest that rural Chileans are not aware of the magnitudes of climate change impacts, we show that Alhuinos percieve climate change as a threat, as do smallholders globally (e.g. Ayanlade et al.

2017).

By contrast, another set of issues was more ambiguous and points to areas where further research is needed to clarify socio-ecological dynamics. These include reported beliefs about cattle management, leaf litter collection, and agricultural training for development. These are all highly pertinent and unresolved local issues that draw on global discourses about best practices.

The ethnobiological results show that local residents believe that cattle should be zoned out of forests in order to conserve forests better. Exclusionary zoning of different kinds is a globally common conservation intervention (e.g. [START_REF] Cotroneo | Restoration ability of seasonal exclosures under different woodland degradation stages in semiarid Chaco rangelands of Argentina[END_REF], which, however, is increasingly questioned in different contexts due to the socio-ecological impacts it can have (e.g. [START_REF] Brown | Livestock grazing and conservation on southwestern rangelands[END_REF]. The idea of keeping livestock out of woodlands was also contested by other local individuals, outside the ethnographic study. Local farmers claimed that the cattle are good for the forest because they eat all the grass that will otherwise dry up and feed wildfires (pers. comms. to MG-G, MR-B; see also discussion of leaf litter and forest fires below). It is difficult to assess whether the claim that cattle should be excluded from forests represents Alhuinos' ILK, or whether it represents an attempt to position themselves as "environmentalist" (as they believe themselves to be, see [START_REF] Root-Bernstein | Tacit working models of human behavioural change II: Farmers' folk theories of conservation programme design[END_REF]) by aligning with CONAF and PRODESAL, which in turn are aligned with the dominant global discourse against livestock. Alternatively, by "zonation" they may be refering to traditional local practices of community-managed rotational harvest of bark, leaves, and leaf litter, and transhumance and the spring-only pasturing discussed above. Rotational zonation and transhumance can lead to landscape-level ecological connections (Manzano et al. preprint), but timing issues may be important.

The ethnobiological results also highlight a claim that leaf litter/ humus formation is important to maintain the forest. Our knowledge of decomposition rates of schlerophyllous hardwood litter, and their interaction with mediterranean or South American habitat weather and climate patterns, is incomplete [START_REF] Bani | The role of microbial community in the decomposition of leaf litter and deadwood[END_REF]. The interactions between leaf litter, soil, and nutrient cycling are complex, and it is not necessarily the case that a greater accumulation of leaf litter points to richer soil, if the rate of decomposition is particularly slow under drought or species composition change, for example [START_REF] Hobbie | Plant species effects on nutrient cycling: revisiting litter feedbacks[END_REF][START_REF] Krishna | Litter decomposition in forest ecosystems: a review[END_REF][START_REF] Bani | The role of microbial community in the decomposition of leaf litter and deadwood[END_REF]. Leaf litter traps soil moisture, and can improve the germination rate of species such as the endangered endemic Bielschmiedia miersii [START_REF] Becerra | Effects of leaf litter and precipitation on germination and seedling survival of the endangered tree Beilschmiedia miersii[END_REF], and probably other species as well. However, leaf litter might also prevent the germination of trees with other requirements. During fieldwork we also encountered a view held by local arrieros (cowboys) that woodlands should be kept "clean" through a combination of livestock grazing and leaf litter collection. Leaf litter collection presumably removes nutrients from the system, although the traditional 10-year rotations should allow some nutrient leaching [START_REF] Krishna | Litter decomposition in forest ecosystems: a review[END_REF][START_REF] Bani | The role of microbial community in the decomposition of leaf litter and deadwood[END_REF]. Livestock grazing of the understory should relatively increase nutrient cycling rates, especially as wild herbivores that might have done so in the past are absent [START_REF] Schmitz | Herbivory from individuals to ecosystems Annual Review of Ecology[END_REF]. Critically, a 'clean' forest may have a lower risk of intense forest fires [START_REF] Gómez-González | Litter burning does not equally affect seedling emergence of native and alien species of the Mediterranean-type Chilean matorral[END_REF]. We predict that the timing and patchiness of leaf litter collection and cattle grazing will modulate between possible benefits to fire control vs. tree establishment.

Finally, some local residents expressed the view that training in sustainable agricultural and woodland exploitation practices would secure forest conservation. With this claim, local residents are clearly aligned with global best practice in adaptive and community-based conservation (e.g. [START_REF] Staiger-Rivas | Strengthening capacity to achieve eco-efficiency through agricultural research for development[END_REF]. However, if we take this alignment as proof that their opinion is justified, we would be ignoring our empirical evidence. The agricultural results point to a set of agricultural and exploitative practices with notable diversity and apparent flexibility, related to past and current rural poverty, as suggested by our Agricultural Capital and Lifestyle indices. Our data shows that Alhuino smallholders tend to have an independent, isolated lifestyle that is moderately integrated with services and infrastructures. This lack of integration can act to maintain dependency on woodland resources (e.g. firewood) and to maintain (some) ILK and management knowledge, while also representing a lack of integration with the logics and capitals that allow intensified agricultural exploitation. Residents also showed good knowledge of forest regulations.

Staiger

Our own evidence indicates that the historical and current traditional anthropogenic disturbances throughout the valley of Alhué have not resulted in widespread degradation. The patchy legacies of historical and present land uses in Alhue (e.g. Figure 2) may allow the preservation of seed sources for woodland regeneration, as elsewhere [START_REF] Armesto | Spatial heterogeneity during succession: a cyclic model of invasion and exclusion In Ecological heterogeneity[END_REF]. Small-scale, rotational and diversified agricultural livelihoods produce patchy disturbances, and are globally associated with better forest conservation outcomes than alternative agricultural strategies [START_REF] Allen | Agricultural biodiversity, social-ecological systems and sustainable diets[END_REF][START_REF] Perz | Are agricultural production and forest conservation compatible? Agricultural diversity, agricultural incomes and primary forest cover among small farm colonists in the Amazon[END_REF]).

Why then do locals ask for training in sustainable agriculture and woodland exploitation? It would be naïve to read this as a real lack of know-how. Some locals may believe that their own knowledge is illegitimate (which might reinforce its loss, see above). Capacity building, to promote entrepreneurial values, is also an important feature of the Chilean approach to reducing poverty [START_REF] Miranda | El Chile profundo : Modelos culturales de la desigualidad y sus resistencias[END_REF]. The rural poor are thus likely to have an expectation that training leads to social mobility and economic development. In addition, the recorded perception of climate change risks may contribute to the desire for adaptive management techniques in order to face an uncertain and changing climate, although we did not specifically ask about this.

There may be forms of sustainable agriculture in which locals could be trained that could lead to economic development while also legitimizing low-imput diversified agricultural models (e.g. [START_REF] Bucher | Sustainable management of the Gran Chaco of South America: ecological promise and economic constraints[END_REF], Ponnusamy & Pachaiyappa 2018), which might thus conserve local woodlands. In contrast, the currently proposed interventions aimed at altering or removing anthropogenic uses of woodlands may, as we discuss above, reduce tree recruitment and increase fire intensity. These recommendations should be tested before people are trained in them.

Category V-type protected areas and programmes are a kind of normative tool for identifying what is and should be valued about landscapes. We find that in this context, despite the conservation discourse, there is no evidence of a degradation problem that could be fixed by eradicating peasant smallholder livelihoods. We recommend that the Conservation Landscape programme be used to save key traditional practices, which should be studied further to determine optimal management. We show how conflicts and misalignments within and between ILK, data, and environmental discourse can signal complex socio-ecological issues where a closer look at how the evidence fits together is necessary. Using ILK and ecological data, we have demonstrated clear possible mechanisms by which livestock raising in particular, as well as other traditional anthropogenic woodland uses, could play key roles, when managed properly, in woodland maintenace and recovery. If these forms of management can be developed, then land-sharing in heritage landscapes should be sustainable [START_REF] Zorondo-Rodríguez | Why would new protected areas be accepted or rejected by the public?: Lessons from an ex-ante evaluation of the new Patagonia Park Network in Chile Land Use Policy[END_REF]. will disappear will grow will stay the same will diminish

  many transects (15 transects, or 36%) had regeneration indices of 0. A zero-inflated regression produces two models. The first, the count model, uses a Poisson distribution with log link. The second, the zero-inflation model, uses a binomial distribution with log link. The count model explains what happens in sites with non-zero data, while the zero inflation model gives the odds of having 0s. We then further explored patterns in the data using χ 2 tests. All statistical tests were run in Rstudio version 1.1.453.

  Smirnov test as implemented by the command "lillie.test" in the nortest package in Rstudio version 1.1.453. Ethical note: The ethnographic study, carried out by B.H., obtained approval from the ethics committee of the University Alberto Hurtado, because it was designed within the framework of the "Anthropology of the Forest" project led by Dr. Juan Carlos Skewes of that university. The agricultural questionnaire, carried out by A.B. with assistance from M.G.G. under the supervision of M.R.-B. who worked at INRA, was not required to be submitted to an ethics committee. At INRA, the ethics committee does not pronounce on particular research projects. Researchers are guided by a "Deontological Charter".

Figure 1 .

 1 Figure 1. Map of the study sites, with major land cover types, with data from CONAF, 2013.

Figure 2 .

 2 Figure 2. Observed woodland structure along mountainsides in Alhué. The single-trunk Acacia

Figure 3 .

 3 Figure 3. Dendogram and plot of clusters from MDS analysis of tree composition. The dotted line

Figure 4 .Figure 5 .

 45 Figure 4. Distribution of recorded uses of native flora in Alhué.

Figure 6 .

 6 Figure 6. Indices summarizing farmer livelihood profiles and strategies.

Table 1 .

 1 Variables and their values, used to form or explain the regeneration index for sampled woodlands. Yes/ no and presence/ absence were scored as 1/ 0.

	Sector of Alhué

Table 2 .

 2 Indices summarizing farmer livelihood profiles, strategies, and knowledge.

Table 3 .

 3 Summary of results of the zero-inflated regression model explaining the regeneration index. * refers to significant at the p< 0.05 level, *** to significant at the p< 0.001 level.

	Count model	Estimate	Std. Error	z value	p value
	intercept	0.8561	0.2123	4.032	5.53e-05 ***
	water	0.5231	0.2291	2.284	0.0224 ***
	cattle	0.6205	0.2271	2.732	0.0063 *
	Zero-inflated
	model
	intercept	0.1582	0.5079	0.312	0.7554
	water	-1.7587	1.2882	-1.365	0.1722
	cattle	-1.6444	0.8388	-1.960	0.0499 *

Acknowledgements

BH thanks Juan Carlos Skewes and Victoria Castro for their supervision and assistance. We are grateful to numerous people who shared their knowledge and provided assistance and support, including the park rangers at the National Reserve Roblería Cobres de Loncha, the San Juan de Pichi Nature Sanctuary, Gerardo Schlack of Fundo El Membrillo, the PRODESAL Alhué office, the municipal staff of Alhué, Bernardita Castro, Benjamín Riveros, Luna Chiang, Ángela Danbach, Marta Bello, Flavia Bustos, and everyone who shared their experience and knowledge with us in the field. We will miss the expertise, boundless curiosity and speculations of Rafael Valenzuela, who died in 2018.

Funding: Marie Curie FP7 COFUND Agreenskills Plus Fellowship; CONICYT PIA/BASAL FB000; Fondecyt-Iniciación 11160672; FONDECYT No. 1140598)

Con)licts of interest/Competing interests none declared

Availability of data and material

The agricultural data and tree data will be made available on ResearchGate.

Ethics approval Ethics committee of the University Alberto Hurtado.

Consent to participate

For the ethnographic study, this was obtained through a signature. For the agricultural strategies study, this was obtained orally.

Consent for publication Not applicable

Code availability Not applicable

Authors' contributions MR-B conceived of the paper idea with FZ-R, MG-G, AB, and BH. Methods for the different parts were designed respectively by BH and MR-B. BH, AB, MG-G, MR-B, MH, RV, and AVB collected the material and data. RV and AVB made particular contributions to data interpretation. BH, AB and MR-B carried out data analysis. BH and AB wrote masters theses; on the basis of these and the other material MR-B wrote the paper. FZ-R and MG-G provided editorial comments.

Variable

Lifestyle

For cooking and heating, we order energy sources by level of integration into services/ infrastructure, so that firewood = 1, gas and parafin = 2, electricity = 3. Number of people in household is by quantiles, 1-4, inverted so that 1 is the highest quantile (100%), thus larger families are at the low end of the scale. Index = household (1-4) + cooking (1-3) + heating (1-3) + internet (0,1) x 3.

Higher numbers indicate greater integration in state/ centralized services and infrastructures, lower numbers indicate a more traditional, independent/ isolated lifestyle.

Agricultural model

For own-use diversity, counted the number of plant crops raised for own use (including 'own use and sale'). Own use quantiles collapsed to 3 categories due to many 0s. Added hectares rented and owned, took quantiles and inverted so that lower area goes with higher diversities. Index = production diversity (1-4) + own use diversity (1-3) + hectares in production (1-4) + number of other economic activities [START_REF] Miranda | El Chile profundo : Modelos culturales de la desigualidad y sus resistencias[END_REF](2)(3).

Higher


Meredith Root-Bernstein

Measuring success in rewilding? Coping with socio-ecological uncertainties in rewilding projects

published or not. The documents may come

Measuring success in rewilding?

Introduction

What does it mean for rewilding to be successful? Many rewilding projects never define short-term fixed goals, making assessment of their progress, and thus assessment of their success or failure, difficult. As I have shown in previous work with colleagues [START_REF] Root-Bernstein | Rewilding in practice and in policy[END_REF], this obfuscation of success is deliberate, and is critical to maintaining the place-based, adaptive, visionled, long-term aspects of most rewilding projects. Indeed, it is critical to maintaining these projects at all. Rewilding projects that were integrated directly into government conservation services, and thus depended on short-term measures of success and were less motivated by personal visions, also were more likely to be terminated at the first sign of social conflicts or other difficulties [START_REF] Root-Bernstein | Rewilding in practice and in policy[END_REF]. I posit that there is thus a potential trade-off between developing standard measures of success and promoting and generating long-term social acceptance and resilience in rewilding contexts.

In this chapter I focus on the social elements of rewilded socio-ecological systems, or the "human dimensions" of rewilding projects. I will examine three kinds of measure of success that can be used to evaluate whether "human dimensions" of rewilding are moving in the direction that project managers or other stakeholders want and intend. I first examine procedural approaches to enacting success, that is, best-practice processes and recommended steps that are intended to guarantee successful outcomes, since these are the only kinds of success criteria that exist specifically for human dimensions of rewilding or elements of rewilding (e.g. translocation). I then consider the kinds of criteria of success implied or recommended by various approaches to theorising human dimensions of socio-ecosystems or human dimensions of conservation more generally. I divide these into two kinds, approaches that focus on socio-ecological system properties, and approaches that focus on the quality of human-environment, human-wildlife and human social interactions. Next, I point out that the choice of measure of success from these three broad approachesprocedural, system-level, or interaction-focused-also needs to be evaluated and reflected on. As a second iteration, one may also evaluate and assess the success of decision procedures for selecting success criteria for the human dimensions of projects. This is pertinent since it would be easy for a powerful social group to select project success criteria that emphasize their own interests to the detriment of other interests. Thus, the roles and use of power within decision-making processes about what success will consist of is an important, if often overlooked, issue. Here again there are multiple approaches to select between in order to assess if power in decision making is being used "successfully". Finally, I end with a critique of the need to assess success in rewilding. I suggest that objective, narrow and precise measures of success can ironically lead to project failure, but that qualitative, judgement-based evaluations, especially when embedded in local worldviews that are not fully translatable into scientific or bureaucratic terms, can resist premature declarations of failure. Rather than expecting rewilding projects to achieve some kind of successful state, we might focus on helping people cope with and develop psychological and social resiliency to the unknown and unpredictable aspects of rewilding, and nature itself.

Procedural aspects of enacting success

A variety of theorists of policy and implementation argue that project or programme success is a claim rather than an objective state or outcome [START_REF] Hoag | Dereliction at the South African Department of Home Affairs: time for the anthropology of bureaucracy[END_REF][START_REF] Webber | Mobile adaptation and sticky experiments: circulating best practices and lessons learned in climate change adaptation[END_REF]. Factors affecting how claims of success are formed include the choice of evaluation metrics, which can be selected to ensure attainment of something appearing to be positive, misalignment of different criteria of success for different actors, or assumptions that an ultimate goal necessarily follows from attaining a proximate goal. We should not understand claims of success as necessarily dishonest or as misrepresentations. Rather, they are attempts to approximate the measurement of a statesuccess-which is actually multidimensional, complex, perspective-dependent, and often temporally unpredictable. For example, following best-practice guidelines is a popular way to help support claims of success. Best-practice guidelines provide measures or tick-boxes for a series of proximate goals, implying that the ultimate goal is likely to have been attained as the outcome, even if it is not or cannot be measured (or even if the outcome appears, by some metric, to be unsatisfactory). The claim of success in the case of following best practice guidelines is thus a claim about the relationship between proximate goals and ultimate goals. This makes procedural approaches to assessing success particularly apt for rewilding, which often does not have short-or medium-term goals or predicted outcomes. To my knowledge, the only measures of success specifically designed for rewilding are procedural in nature. The IUCN Rewilding Thematic Group published a set of "universal guidelines for rewilding" (IUCN 2019; see Chapter 18 of this volume). They aim for consensus, and are thus broad, inclusive, and nonprescriptive. Regarding social and economic aspects of rewilding, three of the principals stand out as particularly relevant and a fourth may have additional implications.

Commenté [SAH2]:

Can this highlighted section be made clearer -is this a fourth form of success evaluation? Or is this highlighting that the process of choosing one of the three approaches above also needs to be evaluated/reflected upon? It may just be a case of changing to something like "it is important to also reflect on why a certain approach is chosen over another, acknowledging roles and use…" I think this introductory paragraph can be made a little clearer overall. Perhaps earlier in the paragraph spell out the three approaches, like… "In this chapter I will examine three potential approaches to evaluating success relating to the human elements of rewilding. The first is…" etc. Just bearing in mind that some readers may not be familiar with project management tools/processes. 6. Rewilding requires local engagement and support. This guideline emphasizes that rewilding projects should engage stakeholders in ways that are participatory, transparent and inclusive. The goals of engagement should be to take into account concerns around human-wildlife conflicts and the perturbations caused by natural processes, and to educate the public about nature.

7.

Rewilding is informed by both science and indigenous and local knowledge. Although there are many ways of engaging with indigenous and local knowledge (ILK), the guideline does not prescribe any particular methods. This guideline emphasizes mutual learning between local or indigenous groups, scientists, and managers, drawing on natural history and historical ecological knowledge, for the purposes of generation of new knowledge and adaptive management.

10. Rewilding requires a paradigm shift in the co-existence of humans and nature. Although quite vague about what paradigm this would actually be, this guideline indicates that rewilding projects should be aware that rewilding implies "transformative change" towards new ways of coexisting with nature. Beyond implying support for innovative solutions to human-wildlife conflict, it gives the green light to those who wish to integrate rewilding with social and economic change to support sustainability.

4. Rewilding recognises that ecosystems are dynamic and constantly changing. While this guideline is focused on calling for management (or lack of management) to promote and allow autogenic and allogenic disturbances, successional processes, and species' range shifts, it would seem to also have implications for social and economic processes in and around rewilding areas. In order to allow rewilded ecosystems to evolve spontaneously, social and economic structures and processes will also need to be flexible.

Additionally, the HumanWildlife Interactions Working Group of the IUCN SSC Conservation Translocation Specialist Group has published a report on "Working with people towards conservation solutions" (Consorte-Crea & Bath 2020). Their recommendations are shown in Box 1. These emphasise that good or successful engagement with social aspects of species translocation-a common element of rewilding projects-involve listening and engaging local communities in decision making over the long term, as well as trying to fully consider the complexities of human emotions, attitudes, actions, and social dynamics. Ethnographic methods that produce rich qualitative material over periods of months (at a minimum) are mentioned as useful for this approach.

<Box 1 here>

System-level perspectives: moving towards optimal socio-ecological systems?

Currently, much emphasis is placed on systems thinking and system-level characteristics like resilience for social and environmental change management (e.g. [START_REF] Laspidou | Systems thinking on the resource nexus: Modeling and visualisation tools to identify critical interlinkages for resilient and sustainable societies and institutions[END_REF]. The IUCN Rewilding Guidelines provide some qualitative descriptive indications of desirable system properties of socio-ecological systems. However, we need to use more specific models or frameworks to define socio-ecosystem characteristics that can be measured to ensure that rewilding is moving towards desirable parts of socio-ecological parameter space. There are several frameworks and models to draw on to find suitable measures.

Resilient trait networks

The ecological literature on ecosystem networks has inspired similar approaches for socioecological systems, in which human interactions with other species are modelled as an integrated set of interactions [START_REF] Sayles | Social-ecological network analysis for sustainability sciences: a systematic review and innovative research agenda for the future[END_REF]. Just as it is unclear in ecological modelling that it is possible for all kinds of functional traits or functional interactions to be optimally resilient at the same time-because this is too complex to assess, and because each set of traits may be expected to be structured independently-the key question seems to be which traits should be structured in resilient ways to ensure socio-ecological system stability/ resilience? Although quantification of socio-ecological network structures might be used to assess rewilding success post hoc, it is less clear how to actively design or manage socio-ecosystems in order to develop these structures among particular types of traits or interactions, which traits and interactions one should focus on, or what a network that is part-way to developing the correct structure would look like.

Panarchy

The idea that networked interactions are key to understanding socio-ecological dynamics also occurs in other kinds of theory. The panarchy model (Holling & Gunnerson 2002), which proposes a specific cycle of socio-ecosystem change, also considers "connectedness" to be one of three variables controlling the movement through this cycle. Unlike network theory, however, Holling & Gunnerson (2002) do not believe that connectedness causes resilience, as the two are considered to be two separate, parallel variables. In the panarchy model, resilience is the ability of the system to absorb shock, which declines as biological legacies accumulate and reach some exogenouslydetermined peak. Biological legacies, in the panarchy context, refer to accumulations of biotic materials such as species, seeds, or soils. Upon reaching the peak the ecosystem is fragilized due to its incapacity to further accumulate biological legacy, leaving it open to collapse from external shocks. The role of connectedness in the panarchy model is to control the level of endogenous vs. exogenous control of a given system. Under low connectedness, associated with impoverished and randomly structured socio-ecosystems, endogenous control is low over system dynamics and exogenous control is high. As connectedness increases, increasingly rigid aggregates of components are formed, such that endogenous control over system dynamics is high and exogenous influence is low. This, however, is a relatively negative development because it is correlated with (although does not cause) loss of systemic resilience. Since the panarchy model proposes a constant cycle of socio-ecological change, it would seem that, according to this model, phases in which designers and managers cannot influence system dynamics should be expected. While they may be tempted to regain control by working towards highly complex and integrated socioecosystems, these should also be expected to be fragile and rigid in their responses to exogenous shocks.

Telecoupling

The connectedness measure in panarchy seems somewhat contradictory to the claims of the telecoupling literature. Telecoupling is an empirically-driven approach to analysis of environmental and social dynamics, which makes the point that causes of socio-ecological change are often remote to the site of change, especially when economic drivers may affect human behaviour [START_REF] Liu | What is telecoupling?[END_REF]). Thus endogenous dynamics can be strongly controlled by exogenous connections (Friis & Nielson 2019). Better integration across telecoupling, panarchy and socioecological network modelling would assist assessments of how connectedness across scales affects change in socio-ecological systems.

Land-use allocation

Another set of models of optimal socio-ecological states are not primarily concerned with crossscalar connections or their network structures. These are land-use allocation models, often but not always drawing on the IPBES Nature's Constributions to People (ecosystem services) framework (which I discuss more below). In such models, given a set of exogenous variables such as climate or soil, land is allocated to different uses (including nature conservation) in order to maximize specific benefits and reduce specific costs [START_REF] Deng | A review on trade-off analysis of ecosystem services for sustainable land-use management[END_REF]. In terms of such models, rewilding is successful if it forms part of an optimal allocation of land-uses within a landscape.

Desireable interactions perspective: promoting particular qualities of human-wildlife coexistence

Other perspectives on what makes good or desirable "human dimensions" of rewilding projects focus not on system-level territorial or network structure, and more on the qualities or values of specific kinds of interactions, often between humans and wildlife but also between humans or between humans and the environment more broadly.

Stakeholder negotiations

One way to define success in a rewilding context would be the negotiation of an agreed management plan supported by a majority of stakeholders. Others might argue that majority support, although a venerable democratic concept, is inadequate as a measure of legitimate or successful negotiation, and would rather prefer to see evidence that principles of equity and justice are being met (Greenberg & Cohen 2014; [START_REF] Osborne | The political ecology playbook for ecosystem restoration: Principles for effective, equitable, and transformative landscapes[END_REF]. Lack of success could take the form of social and political conflicts, legal actions, human-wildlife conflict, and violence against humans and property. The IUCN HumanWildlife Interactions Working Group makes this clear and also provides some recommendations for the methods to achieve the desired management plan outcomes (Consorte-Crea & Bath 2020). However, one might also argue that avoiding conflict will only lead to stasis rather than transformative change (e.g. [START_REF] Skrimizea | Sustainable agriculture: Recognizing the potential of conflict as a positive driver for transformative change[END_REF]. Evidently, the choice of indices of success in terms of social support or agreement and conflict avoidance is highly complex. To further complicate the issue of what to measure, there are alternative framings of what makes a desirable or good set of human social interactions that go beyond social and political concerns to explicitly consider the quality of human interactions with other species.

Service reciprocities

The Nature's Contributions to People (ecosystem services) framework provides a list of kinds of service that nature provides to humanity, including providing air, water, natural resources, cultural inspiration, and so on. These are designed to be measured and subject to assessment. There are different ways to quantify the provision of ecosystem services, and in all cases it is considered optimal to provide the largest quantity of services possible [START_REF] Díaz | Assessing nature's contributions to people[END_REF]. Some researchers have also asked how people make contributions to nature through management [START_REF] Comberti | Ecosystem services or services to ecosystems? Valuing cultivation and reciprocal relationships between humans and ecosystems[END_REF]. While these contributions are not the object of quantification excercises in the Nature's Contributions to People framework, there is no reason that similar measures could not be developed. Similarly to the human contributions to nature concept, other approaches to human ecology have suggested that humans could even be considered to have megafaunal ecosystem processes to contribute to ecosystems, forms of which may currently be reduced or missing in some habitats (Root-Bernstein & Ladle 2019). Thus, it might be possible to develop an assessment framework in which humans are active endogenous parts of the ecosystem, both receiving and providing ecosystem processes or services. Although this may sound promising as the basis for a "paradigm shift" in relations to nature (IUCN 2019), a service tit-for-tat between humans and other Commenté [SAH3]: It could help with clarity to include subheadings for the types of interactions above each below paragraph? E.g. "Stakeholder support", "Valuing Nature's Contributions to People" species strikes me as intractable and difficult to assess. Reciprocity-based interspecies relationships, in which humans and other species exchange roles, favours, or services, do, of course, exist in many societies. However, many of the reciprocal acts are symbolic and derive their meaning from an ontology (worldview) that permits interpretation, interconversion, and negotiation of interspecies debts in social terms, e.g. in the same terms as between human community members or kin (e.g. [START_REF] Willerslev | Soul hunters: hunting, animism, and personhood among the Siberian Yukaghirs[END_REF]). Unfortunately, these symbolic acts are unlikely to travel well outside their worldviews to form universal best-practice solutions [START_REF] Webber | Mobile adaptation and sticky experiments: circulating best practices and lessons learned in climate change adaptation[END_REF].

Sustainable Development

A sustainability approach focused on the Development Goals (see https://sdgs.un.org/goals) could be used to assess the qualities of the human dimension of rewilding projects. The difficulty in using the SDGs for assessment is the large number of goals that should be pursued and optimized simultaneously, some of which are not clearly related to rewilding. At the same time, the SDGs, unlike Nature's Constributions to People, are not closely associated with a methodology of quantification and evaluation, as they are less the subjects of technocratic command-and-control, and more subject to political negotiations.

Coping, tolerance, and resilience

Finally, a promising approach that can deal with some of the challenges of the previously discussed frameworks and models, is to consider the coping strategies and community resilience of stakeholders involved in rewilding. Strangely neglected in the conservation literature, coping mechanisms refer to a range of social and psychological methods for managing, minimizing, avoiding, tolerating, compensating for, changing, or accepting the stress, negative emotions, loss and damage caused by risks [START_REF] Gogoi | Emotional coping among communities affected by wildlife-caused damage in north-east India: opportunities for building tolerance and improving conservation outcomes[END_REF]. It is thus broader than risk tolerance, which implies having or expecting minimal psychological or material damage from a risk, and is often lowest precisely when dealing with the unknown (Carter & Linnel 2016). Coping strategies may involve tolerance, but can also include ways of living with uncertainty and recovering from harms with significant impacts. The environmental and existential risk literature argues that the best response to risk is to pro-actively develop personal and community-level networks and capacities to learn adaptively from past situations and implement solutions to mitigate or overcome harms (e.g. [START_REF] Paton | Risk perception and volcanic hazard mitigation: Individual and social perspectives[END_REF]. Several social characteristics promote community resilience to risks, including social equity and experience with collective action [START_REF] Carpenter | General resilience to cope with extreme events[END_REF]).

An advantage of the coping and risk resilience approaches is that they do not aim for or measure the attainment of some kind of optimal or perfect form of human-wildlife interaction, or socioecological state. Rather, life and the world are always characterized by a series of unpredictable and uncontrolled events. This approach seems to fit well with the goals of rewilding: a rewilded landscape is likely to be less predictable and under less anthropogenic control than a conventionally managed one. The unpredictable and unknown, perhaps novel, transformations that rewilding implies disturb some commentators, who thus judge it to be unjustifiable [START_REF] Rubenstein | From Pleistocene to trophic rewilding: A wolf in sheep's clothing[END_REF]. Some research suggests that tolerance of ambiguity and uncertainty is a personality trait and thus varies between individuals [START_REF] Furnham | Tolerance of ambiguity: A review of the recent literature[END_REF]. Coping strategies also interact with the 'locus of control' or tendency of individuals to think either that they are in control of events, or that events are controlled by outside forces [START_REF] Thiruchelvi | An investigation on the mediating role of coping strategies on locus of control-wellbeing relationship[END_REF]. While to my knowledge not studied in relation to environmental change or rewilding, the psychological concepts of tolerance of ambiguity and locus of control seem relevant to how individuals and groups deal with unpredictable species, climate, and socio-ecological change. Developing the coping and resilience capacities of individuals and communities may make more palatable a tradeoff between immediate and salient everyday risks that reduce remote but more severe risks.

Creating social change: science, communication, and power relations

Frameworks of systemic properties or interaction qualities can be used to argue for and justify particular interventions intended to make rewilding successful. The implementation procedures for arguing for and coming to agreement about rewilding interventions can also be evaluated. [START_REF] Garmestani | Panarchy: opportunities and challenges for ecosystem management[END_REF] provide an account of using panarchy as a scientific and public communications framework to achieve change in ecological management and policy. The authors to enact change to prevent encroachment of a native tree onto native grasslands [START_REF] Garmestani | Panarchy: opportunities and challenges for ecosystem management[END_REF]. In this case, the panarchy model's "imperative of destruction" was interpreted as justifying using fire management rather than tree felling as a means to control the "invasive" native trees "encroaching" on grasslands. Arguably, this reframing of fire as both destructive and good is a public communications success. Yet it strikes me that panarchy could just as easily be instrumentalized in defense of woody plant encroachment dynamics, for example by reinterpreting the destruction of prairies and their structural reformulation as woodlands as a natural process of ecosystem transformation. By discussing this case I am not trying to specifically single out panarchy as either excellent or problematic as a framework for developing changes in conservation practice. It is not unusual for some of the most vague, underspecified, or multiply-interpretable theories, frameworks, or ideas, to be widely adopted in guiding human dimensions of conservation interventions (Root-Bernstein 2020). Some might argue that rewilding itself, and the IUCN guidelines and recommendations discussed in the first section, are also ideas or frameworks that can be reinterpreted in many ways to justify a broad range of very different interventions and goals.

In Root-Bernstein (2020) I argue that the success of some very vague models of human dimensions of conservation can be traced to a lack of formal social theory in conservation on the one hand, and a reluctance to theorize power relations on the other hand. The above-cited tree encroachment case study seems to illustrate this. It is representative of many conservation-related science communication approaches, which frame a certain group of scientists' particular interpretations as "correct" and all other interpretations and preferences as existing "because the public has not yet been sufficiently informed". This frames the evolution of socio-ecological systems as an ontological conflict between different visions of the real and the possible. In this view, scientific managers make successful interventions in human dimensions when they impose their knowledge and values, especially by persuasion (Root-Bernstein 2020). The persuasive communication methods employed mask the fact that this is a case study in exerting power to shape reality and impose one's will on other people.

Despite the vagueness and open-ended flexibility of rewilding, or of the human dimensions frameworks that it may choose to draw on, it is not inevitable that rewilding projects and programmes need fall into the same trap of not developing or using ideas and analysis of how to best negotiate power, and of thus enacting power in a way that risks being controlling, heavyhanded or insensitive. Various rewilding projects use co-production and participative-style methods, to explicitly work towards socio-ecological reform and to develop shared visions with stakeholders [START_REF] Zamboni | A review of a multispecies reintroduction to restore a large ecosystem: the Iberá Rewilding Program (Argentina)[END_REF][START_REF] Root-Bernstein | Rewilding in practice and in policy[END_REF]. There is a large amount of literature arguing for and justifying co-production and participation methods as superior to other modes of working with communities [START_REF] Turnhout | The politics of coproduction: participation, power, and transformation[END_REF]. This literature, while useful and well-meaning, also does not provide a theory of social power, but often contents itself with unrealistic platitudes to the effect that equal and evenly distributed power relations will result in socially and ontologically neutral outcomes. A theory of social power cannot be limited to claims about the conditions under which social power is not supposed to operate. The development of more realistic theories of social power in conservation and rewilding will be useful to guide human dimensions changes in such projects [START_REF] Turnhout | The politics of coproduction: participation, power, and transformation[END_REF].

Evaluation issues: the design of measures of socio-ecological success

As we have seen, there is an interesting tension and contrast between using vaguely-defined theories to justify rewilding interventions, and using overly prescriptive measures to evaluate their success. The vagueness of certain socio-ecological frameworks or models, and even of the concept of rewilding itself, may be taken advantage of to motivate and justify a wide range of specific, contextual visions. Certain forms of imprecision can be necessary to allow people with different practices, knowledges, and ontologies to work together towards common goals (Root-Bernstein et al. under review). At the same time, this vagueness can be an intellectual weakness that can be turned against projects as a critique, if the intervention is not broadly supported through a shared vision. The specificity of evaluative measures can, by contrast, prevent unpredictable and long processes of adaptive learning and socio-ecological transformation from taking their course. Evaluative measures for success can produce failures that would otherwise be understood not as failures, but as inevitable exposures to environmental risk and unpredictability, conflicts arising from situated inequities, and learning opportunities.

Pragmatically, if we wish to avoid the co-optation of pragmatic guidelines on how to do adaptive learning, coping, or participative management, as restrictive assessment tools, these guidelines should be designed to be unfit for use as standard measures: they should avoid proxy measures readily available in datasets, resist synthesis in quantitative summary statistics, include qualitative analysis, and depend on the judgement of local stakeholders. One way to make them particularly robust to co-optation as evaluative measures may be to embed them in community ILK through coproduction approaches, which often defy simple conversion to scientific and bureaucratic data [START_REF] Whyte | Weaving Indigenous science, protocols and sustainability science[END_REF], providing an added benefit of working with ILK in rewilding (IUCN 2019). In addition, an interesting avenue to explore is the establishment (also potentially drawing on participative and co-production approaches) of qualitative modes of evaluation such as those used to decide on things like public purchasing of artworks [START_REF] Heinich | Des valeurs: une approche sociologique[END_REF]. What this means is not simply that qualitative evaluations must be negotiated by decision-makers, but that these negotiations can be made on the basis of judgements of quality, emotional attachments, and costs [START_REF] Heinich | Des valeurs: une approche sociologique[END_REF], each of which integrate multiple aspects of the contextual social value of a project. While such negotiations of value are not inherently less biased or more reliable than the use of quantitative measures, they are arguably more integrative and less constraining.

Conclusions

Some forms of rewilding have narrowly-defined ecological visions, while others propose that rewilding is at the core of a complete reform of human relations to nature. Arguably, even rewilding projects that do not specifically intend to influence society or human dimensions of conservation, do so in any case by altering landscapes, affecting experiences, and challenging norms and regulations. The more diverse the impacts that a project has, or wishes to have, on society, the more difficult it is to assess any such changes in terms of success or failure.

Whether any particular socio-ecological change is good or bad is a highly positional, political, moral, and ontological, consideration. While socio-ecological models and frameworks can be pragmatically useful to justify interventions and persuade stakeholders, visions that are jointly developed through participative and co-production approaches can avoid some of the problems of scientific and bureaucratic evaluation, by presenting outcomes as complex socially embedded values. While there are no universal standards of socio-ecological optimization, a pragmatic and realistic intervention we can implement and measure is helping people to cope with and enact resiliency in the face of uncertainty, risk, and conflict. !

Commenté [SAH1]: Some text missing here.