M A Tareau

• A Cuerrier

A A Parent

• L Dejouhanet

• M Palisse

• G Odonne

Divergence and Convergence in Traditional Plant-Based Medicinal Practices of Haitian Migrants in Montreal, Miami and Cayenne

Keywords: Diaspora, Urban ethnobotany, Medicinal plants, Traditional medicinal practices, Migrations, Haiti, Montreal, Canada, Miami,

Migrants continue to usee their traditional herbal medicines in their new locations, but few studies have compared thera-peutic practices within a diaspora spread among different countries. In order to better understand how medicinal plants and associated practices circulate in the process of transnational migrations, we examine the Haitian diaspora in the cities of Cayenne (French Guiana), Miami (United States), and Montreal (Canada). We conducted semi-structured interviews (n = 44) with Haitian migrants in all three locations, and compiled plant inventories in gardens, shops, and through interviews. Our results record a total of 185 species cited among the three localities that were sold in shops, cultivated by informants, or gathered in diverse urban spaces, demonstrating the vitality with which members of the Haitian diaspora continue to use plants from their original pharmacopoeia while highlighting marked dissimilarities among uses. The persistence of phy-totherapy practices among migrant populations in different locations is fueled by transnational commercial and individual flows of medicinal plants.

Introduction

Several earlier studies highlight the fact that migrants travel with their herbal medicines [START_REF] Kujawska | Plants Used as Food and Medicine by Polish Migrants in Misiones. Argentina[END_REF][START_REF] De Medeiros | The Use of Medicinal Plants by Migrant People: Adaptation, Maintenance, and Replacement. Evidence-Based Complementary and Alternative Medicine[END_REF][START_REF] Pieroni | Traveling Cultures and Plants: The Ethnobiology and Ethnopharmacy of Migrations[END_REF][START_REF] Pieroni | Resilience at the border: Traditional botan-ical knowledge among Macedonians and Albanians living in Gollobordo, Eastern Albania[END_REF][START_REF] Pirker | Transformation of traditional knowledge of medicinal plants: The case of Tyroleans (Austria) who migrated to Australia, Brazil and Peru[END_REF][START_REF] Vandebroek | Globalization and Loss of Plant Knowledge: Challenging the Paradigm[END_REF][START_REF] Volpato | Uses of medicinal plants by Haitian immigrants and their descendants in the Province of Camagüey[END_REF][START_REF] Waldstein | Mexican migrant ethnopharmacology: Pharmacopoeia, classification of medicines and explanations of efficacy[END_REF], which are then incor-porated into the range of intercultural practices in urban areas [START_REF] Ceuterick | Crosscultural adaptation in urban ethnobotany: The Colombian folk pharmacopoeia in London[END_REF][START_REF] Ladio | The concept of hybridization and its contribution to urban ethnobiology[END_REF][START_REF] Ososki | Medicinal plants and cultural variation across Dominican rural, urban, and trans-national landscapes. Travelling Cultures and Plants: THe Eth-nobiology and Ethnopharmacy of Migrations[END_REF][START_REF] Tareau | As Vivid as a Weed… Medicinal and Cosmetic Plant Uses amongst the Urban Youth in French Guiana[END_REF][START_REF] Vandebroek | Use of medicinal plants by Dominican immigrants in New York City for the treatment of common health conditions. A comparative analysis with literature data from the Dominican Republic. In: Traveling cultures and plants. The Eth-nobiology and Ethnopharmacy of human migrations[END_REF][START_REF] Voeks | Diaspora Ethnobiology[END_REF]. [START_REF] Pieroni | Traveling Cultures and Plants: The Ethnobiology and Ethnopharmacy of Migrations[END_REF] have contributed to the ethnobiology of migrants, emphasizing the changes that occur in their therapeutic behaviors and practices. [START_REF] Ceuterick | Crosscultural adaptation in urban ethnobotany: The Colombian folk pharmacopoeia in London[END_REF]; [START_REF] De Medeiros | The Use of Medicinal Plants by Migrant People: Adaptation, Maintenance, and Replacement. Evidence-Based Complementary and Alternative Medicine[END_REF]; van [START_REF] Van Andel | Medicinal plant use by surinamese immigrants in Amsterdam, the Netherlands. In: Trav-elling cultures and plants: The Ethnobiology and Ethnopharmacy of migrations[END_REF]; [START_REF] Vandebroek | Use of medicinal plants by Dominican immigrants in New York City for the treatment of common health conditions. A comparative analysis with literature data from the Dominican Republic. In: Traveling cultures and plants. The Eth-nobiology and Ethnopharmacy of human migrations[END_REF] or [START_REF] Volpato | Uses of medicinal plants by Haitian immigrants and their descendants in the Province of Camagüey[END_REF] have comprehensively addressed migrants' adaptation of phytotherapeutic practices to new social and physical environments. In particular, they docu-ment examples of replacements of botanical resources from countries of origin by local substitutes, as well as strategies to import plants from their places of origin. However, only few comparative works have highlighted the therapeutic practices of migrants settled in multiple different countries, although this allows for a better understanding of the adapta-tion capacities of migrant groups and their ability to modify their new local environment.

The Haitian diaspora has undergone the greatest expan-sion of any population migration during the last 50 years [START_REF] Audebert | La diaspora haïtienne: Territoires migratoires et réseaux[END_REF][START_REF] Granger | As migrações de haitianos na guiana francesa: novas dinâmicas[END_REF][START_REF] Handerson | Diaspora. Social meanings and Haitian mobilities[END_REF] due to economic and political instability, as well as natural catas-trophes, particularly in recent decades, giving rise to the emergence of a true "dispersion territory" [START_REF] Audebert | La diaspora haïtienne: vers l'émergence d'un territoire de la dispersion? L'Harmattan[END_REF] scattered throughout the Americas and to a lesser extent in Europe. While the Haitian population approximates 11 million in the island itself,1 the Haitian diaspora (moun dyaspora in Haitian Kreyol) totals around 2.5 million people. It is thus commonly referred to in Haiti as the "10 th department" (the country has nine). Massive migrations to other countries started in the 1960s under the Duvalier dictatorship and have been constant since, with peaks related to the various Haitian socio-political crises and the tragic earthquake of January 12th, 2010.

In order to better understand how medicinal plants and associated practices circulate in the process of transnational migrations, and how these practices adapt to different socioenvironmental contexts, we selected the cities of Cayenne, Miami and Montreal, where many Haitian migrants have settled, for part of this case study targeting the Haitian diaspora. We selected these cities for a number of reasons, including the size of the Haitian population, and their different climates, urban densities, and administrative contexts. Although waves of Haitian immigration have been nourishing the diaspora presence in these three sites for several decades, notable differences appear in the composition of these populations. In Canada and in the USA, migrants from the urban middle classes, often intellectuals and professionals (doctors, nurses, lawyers, teachers, technicians), who fled the Duvalier dictatorship in the 1960s to 1980s, quickly integrated with the local socioeconomic environment. After fall of the dictatorship, poorer migrants have steadily arrived in North America in response to a range of stresses, including natural disasters [START_REF] Audebert | The recent geodynamics of Haitian migration in the Americas: Refugees or economic migrants?[END_REF][START_REF] Morin | Entre visibilité et invisibilité: Les aléas identitaires des Haïtiens de New York et Montréal[END_REF]. In French Guiana, the vast majority of Haitian migrants are peasants from the south of the island, migrating from the late 1970s to the present day [START_REF] Calmont | Les Haïtiens en Guyane: Une communauté en voie d'intégration? Espace, Populations[END_REF][START_REF] Laëthier | Être migrant et Haïtien en Guyane[END_REF][START_REF] Piantoni | Migrants en Guyane[END_REF].

Comparing phytomedicinal uses among these three Haitian migrant communities embedded in different socio-ecological realities provides a rich perspective on the dynamic processes happening within migrant diasporas. This study was prompted by both a significant demand from the Haitian community and a notable lack of recent works addressing the Haitian pharmacopoeia. Herbal medicines and treatments used in Haiti remain important [START_REF] Salla | Prise en charge des symptômes douloureux par la médecine traditionnelle haïtienne : Résultats d'une enquête réal-isée dans le quartier de Martissant à Port-au-Prince[END_REF], particularly because of the difficulties in accessing biomedical care, but references to it are rare and/or appear in relatively old ethnobotanical works [START_REF] Léon | Phytothérapie haïtienne. Nos Simples.Imprimerie de l'État[END_REF][START_REF] Chérubini | Jardins médicinaux urbains de guérisseurs en Guyane française : Un réseau haïtien[END_REF][START_REF] Neptune-Rouzier | Plantes médicinales d'Haïti: Description, usages et propriétés[END_REF][START_REF] Taverne | Un" docteur-feuille" à Cayenne: santé, culture et société chez les immigrés haïtiens de Guyane française[END_REF]Weniger et al., 1986a, b).

We hypothesize that people of Haitian origin residing in the three chosen study territories have adapted differently to their new living environment and do not share exactly the same herbal remedies, especially in Montreal, where the climate limits the ability of Haitian migrants to cultivate plants from their region of origin. Our study therefore has a twofold objective: first, to improve the state of general knowledge on contemporary Haitian phytotherapies and, secondly, to better understand how plant-based practices adapt and change in different urban, migratory, legislative, and climatic contexts.

Methodology

Ethics

All interviews were conducted in compliance with the ISE Code of Ethics and according to French law n°2016-1087 implementing the Nagoya protocol (although that USA and Canada did not ratify the Nagoya protocol). An oral description of the study (either in Haitian Kreyol or French, depending on participant) was given prior to each interview. A prior informed consent was then read to the interviewees (in Montreal or Miami) or presented in a written format (in French Guiana).

Data Collection

We conducted semi-structured interviews with Haitian people mostly born in Haiti, which we recorded and remain anonymous, as well as inventories in Montreal (from August 11-26, 2019, and from December 03-12, 2019), in Miami (from February 28 to March 12, 2020), and in French Guiana (between April 2017and June 2018).

In Montreal, we conducted 14 interviews and a group discussion with around 20 participants, mainly in the neighborhoods of North Montreal-Ahuntsic, Montréal-Nord, StMichel, Villeray-where the majority of the Haitian population lives. We visited five Haitian stores, conducted open interviews with their owners, and recorded plant inventories. We could not visit any garden, as no garden per se has yet been created by Haitian migrants in Montreal. But indirect information was provided as part of the interview process and some informants did share ideas concerning garden trials.

In Miami, we conducted 12 interviews and visited seven botánicas (this Spanish term has been absorbed into Haitian Creole, even though these Haitian botánicas are herb and magico-religious stores mainly frequented by Haitian voodoo practitioners) and six other shops (two bazaars, two street vendors, one mini-market, and one wholesaler), and also visited five gardens in the areas of Little Haiti and Miami North, where most of the Haitian community lives [START_REF] Audebert | Les stratégies spatiales de la population haïtienne à Miami[END_REF].

In Cayenne, we conducted 18 interviews with residents who were born in Haiti and had been settled in French Guiana from a few months to several years. We conducted additional interviews with Haitian plant sellers at the Cay-enne market (no specific Haitian store exists in French Gui-ana but plants from Haiti are sometimes sold at the market or exchanged between Haitian individuals). We also visited and listed plants and their uses in five Haitian gardens situated in and around Cayenne.

We asked our interviewees about their uses of plants, as well as the provenance of plants. The use reports (URs) for each plant mentioned in each of the three study sites serve as a comparative criterion in most of our analysis. In a more qualitative approach, we use quotes from interviewees to complete and support our analysis. The Haitian Kreyol words (especially the vernacular names of plants) mentioned during the survey appear in italics and parentheses in the text.

Plant Identification

We collected vouchers when possible in Cayenne and Miami and deposited them respectively at the Iinstitut pour la Rercherche et le Déveloeppement's Herbarium in Cayenne (CAY) and at the New York Botanical Garden (NYBG). In Montreal, we collected no plants as no garden has yet been created by the Haitian population and they undertook almost no wild harvesting except for a few very well known plants. We listed and photographed all the herbs and related products sold In Haitian shops. Identifications of species mentioned by interviewees but that we were unable to collect are based on Haitian vernacular names from the works of [START_REF] Léon | Phytothérapie haïtienne. Nos Simples.Imprimerie de l'État[END_REF]; Weniger et al. (1986a, b); [START_REF] Barker | Identification des plantes d'Haïti par leurs noms creoles. Identification des plantes d'Haïti par leurs noms creoles[END_REF]), the TRAMIL network (Germosén-Robineau, 2014), the online index made by Vedrine (http:// www. potom itan. info/ vedri ne/ kek_ plant. php), and the PlantNet Project. 2 We updated these inventories as well as all the names used hereafter according to the APG IV classifica-tion (The Angiosperm Phylogeny Group, 2016) and checked with the Taxonomic Name Rresolution Service [START_REF] Boyle | The taxonomic name resolution service: An online tool for automated standardization of plant names[END_REF]. The identification of plants cited in this study is therefore based on scale of more or less reliable levels of determination (indicated for each species cited in Table 1 and Supplementary Data 1) depending on what was possi-ble in the field: reliability ranges from low in case of plant names mentioned during the interviews (S), medium when the plant is observed dry (D), to high when observed fresh

Results

Botany

A total of 185 species were cited or listed in the three study localities and can be considered a representative sample of the medicinal flora of the Haitian diaspora in the Americas. As a comparison, [START_REF] Léon | Phytothérapie haïtienne. Nos Simples.Imprimerie de l'État[END_REF], identifies about 175 different medicinal plants used in Haiti, and Weniger et al. (1986b) We compiled an inventory of all species mentioned at least twice by our respondents in each of the three study sites, along with their corresponding scientific and vernacu-lar names and their respective number of citations (ranked by the total number of cumulative URs) (Table 1). The three most cited species in French Guiana are Momordica charan-tia (23 URs), Ricinus communis (13 URs), and Citrus auran-tium (10 URs). Momordica charantia (10 URs) also appears as the most cited species in Montreal (although unlike Cay-enne, where it is used fresh, it is sold here in dried form), followed by Annona muricata (10 URs), and Citrus auran-tium (8 URs), the leaves of which are imported from Haiti and purchased dried from various stores. In Miami, the three species most commonly cited by the Haitian community are, in order, Momordica charantia (12 URs), Stachytarpheta cayennensis (12 URs), and Opuntia cochenillifera (8 URs).

The Role of Haitian Community Stores and Botánicas in the Circulation of Medicinal Herbs

As commonly observed in ethnobotanical studies in South America [START_REF] De Albuquerque | Medicinal and magic plants from a public market in northeastern Brazil[END_REF][START_REF] Bussmann | Markets, Healers, Vendors, Collectors: The Sustainability of Medicinal Plant Use in North-ern Peru[END_REF][START_REF] Van Andel | Ghana's herbal market[END_REF], markets and shops in general are important centers for supplying medicinal plants. This is also the case in the Haitian diaspora study communities, with a total of 93 species sold in shops, although with nota-ble disparities among the three localities (Supplementary Data 2).

In Montreal, Haitian grocery stores are important sources of Haitian food, cosmetics, and medicinal prod-(F) or collected for herbarium specimens (H). ucts. They are often owned and run by small family households that play a central role in maintaining Haitian identity, particularly through the sale of a large amount of ethnic foods and cultural products from Haiti. They sell a large variety of medicinal plants (67 dry species and three fresh species) from the Haitian pharmacopoeia. Two main

Locally Cultivated Plants

To be widely used, beyond their intrinsic or supposed therapeutic properties, medicinal plants have to be abun-dant and easily accessible [START_REF] Leonti | The future is written: Impact of scripts on the cognition, selection, knowledge and transmission of medicinal plant use and its implications for ethnobotany and ethnopharmacology[END_REF][START_REF] Ngokwey | Home remedies and doctors' remedies in Feira (Brazil)[END_REF][START_REF] Odonne | Treating leishmaniasis in Amazonia: A review of ethnomedicinal concepts and pharmaco-chemical analysis of traditional treatments to inspire modern phytotherapies[END_REF][START_REF] Stepp | The Importance of Weeds in Ethnopharmacology[END_REF][START_REF] Voeks | Disturbance pharmacopoeias: Medicine and myth from the humid tropics[END_REF], which explains how important the cultivated spe-cies are in pharmacopoeias. Moreover, home gardens can be regarded as refuges of biocultural diversity [START_REF] Calvet-Mir | The Transmission of Home Garden Knowledge: Safeguarding Biocultural Diversity and Enhancing Social-Ecological Resilience[END_REF]. In our study, 64 species cultivated by our informants were mentioned or observed during the garden muricata, which reflects the data we collected from inter-viewees (Table 1). The community stores in Montreal also sell bottles (boutey tranpe or boutey konpoze in Haitian Kreyol; Fig. 2) containing various medicinal species and intended to be used for maceration by adding alcohol at home. They are sold without alcohol, as Canadian and US laws prohibit the unregulated sale of spirits; each bottle costs between US $24 and $40. Many of these bottles are prepared by a major Haitian grocery store in order to meet the high demand for this item, consumed both for its medicinal prop-erties and as an aperitif with a cultural twist.

In Miami, 37 medicinal species are sold through Haitian shops and botánicas: 23 as fresh and 14 as dried plants. They are sold mostly in plastic bags and their prices are higher than in Montreal, generally US$5 or even $10 more per unit. As we discuss below, this is probably due to more stringent custom rules in United States than in Canada. According to dealers, these plants are often brought back by people return-ing from Haiti who sell them to the retailer.

The dealers can also buy from a wholesaler of Haitian products based in Little Haiti who regularly imports dry medicinal plants. Plants grown and dried locally are also sometimes sold, notably at the Haitian marketplace in Little Haiti (Momordica charantia, Ricinus communis, Rosmari-nus officinalis, and Terminalia catappa). Boutey konpoze are also sold in Miami, but they seem rare and are more expen-sive (between US$80 and $90 for a bottle) than in Montreal. In French Guiana, where there are no specifically Haitian stores, only six imported dried species were reported Article originally published in Human Ecology 50(2): 331-346. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10745-022-00314-8 In Miami and Cayenne, unlike Montreal, many medicinal species are cultivated around the houses of the Haitian com-munity, sometimes from cultivars imported directly from Haiti. Among them, 25 medicinal species (although they can also fulfill other functions, such as for food and magical potions in particular) were observed frequently and seem to be particularly characteristic of these Haitian gardens.

The presence of many plants cultivated by Haitian migrants in Cayenne and Miami is made possible by the tropical climate, relatively similar to that of Haiti, which undoubtedly explains the higher proportion of fresh medici-nal plants mentioned by our informants there. Moreover, in French Guiana, many Haitians practice agriculture in peri-urban gardens and sell food products from these gardens in markets or within interpersonal networks [START_REF] Palisse | Les pratiques agricoles des migrants haïtiens en Guyane : entre controverse environnementale et facteur d'insertion[END_REF][START_REF] Palisse | Migration et agriculture périurbaine, les jardins des Haïtiens du Mont Mahury, dans l'agglomération de Cayenne[END_REF][START_REF] Palisse | Des cultures foncièrement différentes[END_REF]. Similar to most Caribbean "Kreyol gardens," whose apparent disorganization masks a very structured, symbolic, and utilitarian arrangement [START_REF] Benoît | Corps, jardin, mémoires, Anthropologie du corps et de l'espace à la Guadelope[END_REF], Haitian home gardens in the French Guia-nese and North American urban environments are composed of many species, as described by a resident of Miami North: "Here in Miami, the gardens where you see the most plants around houses, you can be sure that they are either Haitians or Jamaicans." (Haitian man from Miami.) Finally, in accordance with "versatility theory" [START_REF] Alencar | The inclusion and selection of medicinal plants in traditional pharmacopoeias-evidence in sup-port of the diversification hypothesis[END_REF], some edible and aromatic species are regularly consumed as both a staple food and for their therapeutic properties (Allium cepa, A. sativum, Basella sp., Beta vul-garis, Brassica oleracea, Citrus spp., Cucurbita maxima, Curcuma longa, Cymbopogon citratus, Daucus carota, Ipo-moea batata, Lactuca sativa, Persea americana, Petroseli-num crispum, Rosmarinus officinale, Solanum melongena, Thymus vulgaris, Zea mays, Zingiber officinale). They are generally grown locally and sold fresh by food retailers:

"When I have a cough, especially during the winter, I prepare an onion syrup. My grandmother did this in Haiti, so I'm reproducing it here since onions are sold everywhere." (Haitian woman living in Montreal.)

Urban Plant Gathering

As described by [START_REF] Tareau | Wild medicinal plant collection in transitional societies: A case Analysis from French Guiana[END_REF][START_REF] Tareau | Pratiques de cueillette urbaine des plantes médicinales dans l'île de Cayenne XVIIIe-XXIe siècle) Essai d'approche pluridisci-plinaire[END_REF], urban spaces offer migrants and local people many opportunities for har-vesting plants or plant parts. Indeed in diverse parts of the world towns, roadsides, wastelands, urban parks, suburban woodlands, surroundings of urban gardens, and empty plots are privileged harvesting sites [START_REF] Bussmann | Markets, Healers, Vendors, Collectors: The Sustainability of Medicinal Plant Use in North-ern Peru[END_REF][START_REF] Landy | Les espaces protégés urbains, vecteurs de justice ou d'injustice pour les populations autochtones? Les cas de Xochimilco et des parcs nationaux de Mumbai et du Cap[END_REF][START_REF] Nguenang | Importance des forêts secondaires pour la collecte des plantes utiles chez les Badjoué de l'Est Cameroun[END_REF][START_REF] Wehi | Traditional Plant Harvesting in Contemporary Fragmented and Urban Landscapes[END_REF]. In our study, our interviewees mentioned 30 species as picked in urban spaces (Supplementary Data 4).

As noted earlier, only one wild species appears to be collected by the Haitian community in Montreal: Plantago major, a very abundant species in Montreal and also present in Haiti, which some residents gather during summer and then dry for winter use.

Likewise, in Miami, our informants indicated that at least 13 species are collected in urban spaces, mostly in waste-land, but also along railways (Chromolaena odorata, Arte-misia vulgaris) or from branches protruding from domestic gardens (Citrus aurantium).

In French Guiana, of the plants mentioned by our inter-views, 17 were reported as picked in urban spaces. In Cay-enne, gathering actvities mainly target wild species growing along paths or in urban wastelands and are well known sim-ply because they also grow in Haiti (for example, Chromo-laena odorata was cited eight times in Cayenne).

Discussion

Our study illustrates the extent to which members of the Hai-tian diaspora continue to use plants from their original phar-macopoeia. We also highlight marked dissimilarities among the uses we observed at the three survey sites. Probably due to its cool climate, Montreal has the greatest range of Haitian medicinal plants available thanks to wellorganized transna-tional trade flows. While Haitian residents in Montreal use a large proportion of dry plants directly imported from Haiti and sold in Haitian stores, Haitians living in French Guiana largely use fresh plants they are able to either cultivate or collect. Easily identifiable pantropical species available in Haiti and are preferred for cultivation in Cayenne, while native wild plants used for medicinal purposes do not seem to be well known among Haitian residents. However, Hai-tians in the city of Miami appear use both a large number of fresh cultivated species as well as dried plants imported from Haiti by transnational commercial networks or by the users themselves. We discuss possible reasons for these dif-ferences below.

The Role of Commercial and Individual Networks of the Haitian Diaspora

The role of Haitian transnational small (and generally infor-mal) businesses in the maintenance and dissemination of Haitian medicinal plants is central and significant. They con-stitute the backbone of a very dynamic distribution network of Haitian products, making them widely available in cities where members of the diaspora are located. This is espe-cially the case in the areas where Haitian migrants are con-centrated according to the logic of "spatial segmentation," based upon ethnic criteria [START_REF] Audebert | L'insertion socio-spatiale des Haïtiens à Miami[END_REF][START_REF] Audebert | La diaspora haïtienne: Territoires migratoires et réseaux[END_REF]. These transnational small businesses produce "circulatory territo-ries" as defined by [START_REF] Tarrius | Territoires circulatoires et espaces urbains: Différentiation des groupes migrants[END_REF]. Several studies describe botánicas as places for preservation of medicomagic tradi-tions and phytotherapeutic practices, and for the purchase of medicinal plants (Fig. 3). They often also offer additional therapeutic services [START_REF] Anderson | An investigation of douching practices in the botanicas of the Bronx[END_REF][START_REF] Fisch | Botanicas and spiritualism in a metropolis[END_REF][START_REF] Herrera | Sacred weeds: Common ritual plants from the urban botánicas of Miami-Dade County, Florida[END_REF][START_REF] Vandebroek | Use of medicinal plants by Dominican immigrants in New York City for the treatment of common health conditions. A comparative analysis with literature data from the Dominican Republic. In: Traveling cultures and plants. The Eth-nobiology and Ethnopharmacy of human migrations[END_REF][START_REF] Viladrich | Botánicas in America's backyard: Uncovering the world of Latino healers' herb-healing practices in New York City[END_REF][START_REF] Viladrich | Between Bellyaches and Lucky Charms. Traveling Cultures and Plants: The Ethnobiology and Ethnopharmacy of Migrations[END_REF][START_REF] Viladrich | Botanics as" invisible pharmacies": Afro-Caribbean religions and their role in the Latino population of New York City[END_REF]Zayas & Ozuah, 1996).

Our informants reported that members of the Haitian diaspora regularly receive and dispatch parcels that often contain medicinal plants. Thus, intra-diaspora travels and mailings also seem to shape the transnational exchange of medicinal plants among Haitians. This constant networking of both material and people flows recall Audebert's descrip-tion of "transnational reticular logics" ( 2006), here generat-ing a gradual dissemination of Haitian-originated medici-nal plants and related practices throughout the areas of the Americas where members of the diaspora reside. [START_REF] Morin | Entre visibilité et invisibilité: Les aléas identitaires des Haïtiens de New York et Montréal[END_REF] highlighted this "transnationalism" as a strategy of resistance to the assimilation policies of the U.S.A. and Canada that also seems to be expressed through the active circulation of medicinal plants. In French Guiana, where many Haitian migrants are undocumented and globally less wealthy and therefore travel less frequently, these medicinal plant exchanges seem to be less common. However, it is important to emphasize that the large number of interme-diaries engaged in the distribution of plants from Haiti to the territories of the diaspora does not allow consumers to ultimately clearly trace the origin of these products. Finally, and as also noted by Tareau et al. (2021b), the number of species cultivated in Miami and Cayenne (Supplementary Data 3) points to herbal self-sufficiency.

A Highly Valued Herbal Medicine at the Core of the Haitian Identity

Herbal medicine is a clear cultural marker in migrant com-munities that continue to maintain and perpetuate it outside their countries of origin [START_REF] Van Andel | Why Urban Citizens in Developing Countries Use Traditional Medicines: The Case of Suriname[END_REF][START_REF] Volpato | Migration and ethnobotanical practices: The case of tifey among haitians immigrants in Cuba[END_REF]. The persistence of herbal medicinal Article originally published in Human Ecology 50(2): 331-346. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10745-022-00314-8 [START_REF] Tareau | Divergence and Convergence in Traditional Plant-Based Medicinal Practices of Haitian Migrants in Montreal, Miami and Cayenne[END_REF]Divergence and Convergence in Traditional Plant-Based Medicinal Practices of Haitian Migrants in Montreal, Miami and Cayenne. practices within the Haitian diaspora is clear even in very urban contexts marked by Western lifestyles. These cultural traditions are deeply rooted among migrants and their per-petuation helps to alleviate to some extent the stresses of leaving their native country and subsequent adjustments to different social norms: "When we were little, there was no doctor, only leaves. This is why we first use plants to heal, and even here we have kept this habit." (Haitian woman living in Montreal.) Among the medicinal treatments that seem to retain a preeminent cultural importance is the use of alcoholbased mixtures, as also observed by [START_REF] Volpato | Migration and ethnobotanical practices: The case of tifey among haitians immigrants in Cuba[END_REF] among the descendants of Haitian migrants in Cuba and by [START_REF] Vandebroek | The importance of botellas and other plant mixtures in Dominican traditional medi-cine[END_REF] among the Dominicans in New York. In French Guiana, as in Miami and Montreal, boutey tranpe are still reg-ularly prepared, sold, and consumed, constituting true identity markers within the Haitian community. In addition, certain species widely used at the three sites (Table 1), like Annona muricata, Citrus aurantium, Colubrina elliptica, and Momor-dica charantia (Fig. 4), have a very marked cultural importance. For example, the fact that Momordica charantia stands out in all three of our study sites as the most mentioned medicinal species is not surprising. Indeed, in Cuba, it is one of the three species most cited by Haitian immigrants and their descendants [START_REF] Volpato | Uses of medicinal plants by Haitian immigrants and their descendants in the Province of Camagüey[END_REF], and in French Gui-ana it also stands out as the most used species by the Haitian community [START_REF] Tareau | Les phytothérapies du littoral guyanais : regard ethnobotanique sur une pharmacopée métissée[END_REF](Tareau, , 2019a)). Furthermore, during his study in the market of the Haitian town of Fond-des-Nègres, [START_REF] Mintz | Standards of Value and Units of Measure in the Fond-des-Negres Market Place, Haiti[END_REF] had already noted the presence of Momordica charantia's boutey. Weniger et al. (1986a), working in the Haitian Central Plateau Region, indicated that it is one of the main species of their pharmacopoeia. Likewise, [START_REF] Paul | An Ethnobotanical survey of the uses forCitrus aurantium (Rutaceae) in Haiti[END_REF] documented the central importance of Citrus auran-tium in the Haitian pharmacopoeia.

From this perspective, the important role of Haitian emic perceptions for keeping Haiti's pharmacopoeia rel-evant beyond its geographical borders should be empha-sized. The ethnomedicinal representations of our Haitian interviewees indicate that migrants prefer plants grown in their Haitian region of origin or, at least, from Haiti over those cultivated elsewhere (see also [START_REF] Taverne | Un" docteur-feuille" à Cayenne: santé, culture et société chez les immigrés haïtiens de Guyane française[END_REF]. Medicinal plants from Haiti are perceived to possess an increased therapeutic value. The relationship with the ancestors and, in the case of voodoo practitioners, with the spirits (lwa), grants higher healing power to plants grown in Haiti than to the same species cultivated locally (fey yo genyen plis fòs, literally "this plant gets more power"). For these reasons cultural familiarity with some plants is an important motivation for continuing to use them outside their country of origin, despite local availability of these species (see also [START_REF] Fonseca | Plant-Knowledge Adaptation in an Urban Setting: Candomblé Ethnobotany in New York City[END_REF]. This phenomenon seems to be accentuated when the plants originate in "sacred natural sites" [START_REF] Mattalia | Scholarly vs. Traditional Knowledge: Effects of Sacred Natural Sites on Ethnobotanical Practices in Tuscany, Central Italy[END_REF] such as the family lakou or any sacred forest, or from a known "heal-ing landscape" [START_REF] Pesoutova | Faculty of Archaeology[END_REF], collectively desig-nated "cultural keystone places" [START_REF] Cuerrier | Cultural Keystone Places: Conservation and Restoration in Cultural Landscapes[END_REF]. In addition, in the voodoo religion, the humanized character of the lwa assigns to these places an individual predilec-tion for certain species [START_REF] Tarter | Trees in Vodou: An Arbori-cultural Exploration[END_REF] that also acts as a trigger for botanical imports (dried or living plants). Thus it is sometimes necessary to bring from Haiti plants that are specifically associated with the different lwa:

"If you pray [to the goddess] Erzili, you must have a calabash tree [Crescentia cujete] or a palm tree planted behind your house so that you can deposit the offerings to her." (Haitian woman living in Miami.)

In addition, the voodoo care system is inseparable from the use of many magic plants [START_REF] Vonarx | Le Vodou haïtien. Entre médecine, magie et religion[END_REF], being part of a heterogeneous materia medica. The importance of cer-emonial plant baths and propitiatory plants cultivated around the house are good reasons to introduce new species into the territories of migration, as also noted by [START_REF] Munier | Le vodou asogwe diasporique transnational[END_REF] in Montréal. The expression lwa rasin (literally, « spirit-root», to designate the voodoo spirits that come directly from the ancestral homeland of Africa) takes here multiple meanings: the word "root" obviously refers to the ancestry, but also translates the intimate link that exists between voodoo and the plant world, and might lastly be considered as a spiritual connection to the original land.

Moreover, we can assume that the many roots and dried plants used by the Haitian diaspora are preferred for conser-vation reasons in a context of transnational circulations. But we also assume, although it was not explicitly mentioned during the fieldwork, that dried plants are a popular herbal material, as they are in other Caribbean countries such as Jamaica [START_REF] Vandebroek | Root Tonics and Resilience: Building Strength, Health, and Heritage in Jamaica[END_REF].

Finally, Haitian plants resonate with a number of etiolo-gies that remain familiar among Haitian migrants. First, they integral to a humoral perspective in which "clean" blood is an important marker of health [START_REF] Farmer | Bad blood, spoiled milk: Bodily fluids as moral barometers in rural Haiti[END_REF], encouraging migrants of Haitian origin to regularly con-sume plants to "cleanse blood" and "unblock arteries." In this case, responding to a sensory logic [START_REF] García-Hernández | This plant treats that illness? The hotcold system and therapeutic procedures mediate medicinal plant use in San Miguel Tulancingo, Oaxaca, Mexico[END_REF][START_REF] Shepard | A sensory ecology of medicinal plant therapy in two Amazonian societies[END_REF], bitter plants (e.g.,Artemisia absinthium, Colubrina elliptica, Momordica charantia) mostly assume this function. Similar to observations in Peru [START_REF] Odonne | Medical ethnobotany of the Chayahuita of the Paranapura basin (Peruvian Amazon)[END_REF] and French Guiana [START_REF] Tareau | Les phytothérapies du littoral guyanais : regard ethnobotanique sur une pharmacopée métissée[END_REF](Tareau, , 2019a)), red plants (Chrysophyllum cainito, Cordyline fruti-cosa, Gossypium barbadense, Tradescantia spathacea), or plants whose decoction turns red (Haematoxylon campechi-anum, Justicia secunda, Swietenia mahagoni) will second-arily act like bitter plants. In addition, several plants (Ruta graveolens, Ocimum gratissimum, Petiveria alliacea, among others) are used in propitiatory or expiatory baths against evil spirits (mové zèr, mové zèspri) and a certain number of species considered to be "hot," including some from Haiti (Colubrina elliptica, Eugenia crenulata, Momordica char-antia, Pimenta officinalis, Ricinus communis, Tetragastris balsamifera), are regularly consumed by Haitian migrants from North America during the winter period: "As it is cold here, you have to keep the body warm. The cold is not good, it freezes the blood and you can get very sick. This is why we drink a lot of teas [decoc-tions] during the winter so as not to let the cold take over. From time to time we take a glass of tranpe too. In Haiti, there are very hot plants." (Haitian woman living in Montreal.)

Different Cities, Different Practices

Despite the common trends there are differences among phy-totherapy practices of Haitian migrants in Montreal, Miami, and Cayenne (Supplementary Data 1). These variations can probably be explained partly by the "theory of heterogene-ity" [START_REF] Tareau | Wild medicinal plant collection in transitional societies: A case Analysis from French Guiana[END_REF], which considers the influence of socio-environmental factors in determining the context in which medicinal plants are selected.

The different climates in the three study sites are impor-tant [START_REF] Pirker | Transformation of traditional knowledge of medicinal plants: The case of Tyroleans (Austria) who migrated to Australia, Brazil and Peru[END_REF]. The tropical climate of French Guiana and Florida allows Haitians in Cayenne and Miami to obtain a large number of fresh plants while the temperate climate of Canada severely limits the cultivation of tropical plants used by Haitians, who thus almost exclusively import them, triggering their commercialization.

Socio-economic differences also greatly influence the use of medicinal plants. According to our interviewees at the three sites, recent migrants, most often demonstrating a daily praxis of phytotherapy, act as real vectors of revitalization of the uses of herbal medicine within the community. In addition, differences in living standards modulate access to biomedical care [START_REF] Valmy | Prevalence and predictive factors for renouncing medical care in poor populations of Cayenne. French Guiana[END_REF], which in turn can lead to different phytotherapy needs. As shown by [START_REF] Dejouhanet | Supply of Medicinal Raw Materials: The Achilles Heel of Today's Manufacturing Sector for Ayurvedic Drugs in Kerala[END_REF], changes in consumption patterns may follow a tran-sition to urban life and a "modernization" of practices, with some products considered to be more "modern" (such as dry plants) and therefore favored by urban customers.

It can also be assumed that the higher standard of liv-ing of Haitians in Miami and Montreal gives them greater mobility than those in French Guiana and consequently allows the introduction of a greater number of plants. In addition, this higher standard of living also encourages the presence of transnational businesses of which Haitian migrants are the main customers. But nevertheless, it seems that recent migrants with a strong tradition of phytotherapy contribute to a renewal of practices by using more plants than those established over a longer time and whose social status and assimilation to North American urban lifestyles have reduced the uses of Haitian herbal medicine:

"Those who study, who are better integrated into Quebec life, distance themselves a little from voodoo. And from the medicinal plants in general". (Haitian man living in Montreal.) "We young people who were born here don't use too many leaf remedies. We go to the hospital when we are sick. It is our parents who know the plants well, not us." (Haitian man residing in Miami.) Finally, the customs and excise policies of each of the host countries also have a significant impact on access to Haitian plants. According to interviewees, Canadian cus-toms seem more tolerant than US customs in relation to the importation of medicinal plants (especially dried ones). Undoubtedly, this restriction largely explains why far fewer Haitian plants are sold in Haitian businesses in Miami than in Montreal, and at much higher prices.

Adaptation of Practices and Introduction of New Species

As noted above, and despite the recognized importance of medicinal plants and practices in the three cities studied, it does not seem possible to consider a single, homogeneous transnational Haitian pharmacopoeia. Several authors have recently shown that pharmacopoeias of migrants, although having a shared country of origin, inevitably undergo eth-nobotanical mutations in accommodating other cultural habits and different floristic compositions in the coun-tries of settlement, giving rise to contextual adaptations [START_REF] Van Andel | Medicinal plant use by surinamese immigrants in Amsterdam, the Netherlands. In: Trav-elling cultures and plants: The Ethnobiology and Ethnopharmacy of migrations[END_REF][START_REF] De Medeiros | The Use of Medicinal Plants by Migrant People: Adaptation, Maintenance, and Replacement. Evidence-Based Complementary and Alternative Medicine[END_REF][START_REF] Pieroni | We are Italians!": The hybrid ethnobotany of a Venetian diaspora in Eastern Romania[END_REF][START_REF] Pirker | Transformation of traditional knowledge of medicinal plants: The case of Tyroleans (Austria) who migrated to Australia, Brazil and Peru[END_REF][START_REF] Tareau | Les phytothérapies du littoral guyanais : regard ethnobotanique sur une pharmacopée métissée[END_REF]Tareau, , 2019a;;[START_REF] Vandebroek | Use of medicinal plants by Dominican immigrants in New York City for the treatment of common health conditions. A comparative analysis with literature data from the Dominican Republic. In: Traveling cultures and plants. The Eth-nobiology and Ethnopharmacy of human migrations[END_REF]. However, even if there are major differences among pharmacopoeias used at the three sites (Supplementary Data 1), there are also impor-tant similarities, highlighting a transnational space of plant uses and circulation with local and specific adaptations.

This 'interculturalization' process [START_REF] Tareau | Les phytothérapies du littoral guyanais : regard ethnobotanique sur une pharmacopée métissée[END_REF](Tareau, , 2019a) operates on the phytotherapeutic practices of Haitian migrants, adapting exogenous practices and knowledge [START_REF] Ladio | The concept of hybridization and its contribution to urban ethnobiology[END_REF] to a new social or environ-mental context. For example, in the adoption of urban har-vesting practices, which was observed at the three study sites, and which is otherwise inherent to the rural world. Likewise, the export of Haitian voodoo outside the country is quite noticeable and observed in Montreal [START_REF] Munier | Le vodou asogwe diasporique transnational[END_REF], Miami (Rey & Stepick, 2013), and Cayenne [START_REF] Laëthier | Être migrant et Haïtien en Guyane[END_REF], as well as New York [START_REF] Brown | 4 Mama Lola: A vodou priestess in Brooklyn[END_REF][START_REF] Mcalister | Sacred stories from the Haitian diaspora: a collective biography of seven Vodou priestesses in New York City[END_REF] and Paris [START_REF] Béchacq | Histoire (s) et actualité du vodou à Paris. Hiérarchies sociales et relations de pouvoir dans un culte haïtien transnational[END_REF]. For instance, in the hills around Cayenne and Miami, offerings and ceremonial objects can be observed at the feet of the Ceiba pentandra sacred voodoo trees (mapou), which is the main Spiritual Keystone Species for the Haitian cultural community (Tareau et al., 2021a). Indeed, mapou trees constitute places of worship and devo-tion, but also healing places where protective rituals are held since they house agentive spiritual entities (lwa) (Fig. 5).

At the same time, new species are also integrated into the medicinal floras of the countries receiving migrants, whether they are dry samples for the preparation of remedies as found in Haitian shops in Montreal and Miami, or plants cultivated and, in some cases, naturalized in the country of migration, like Guazuma ulmifolia in French Guiana:

Substitutions and Re-Appropriation of Species

Sometimes, substitutions are made between species with similar organoleptic properties, as noted by van Andel and [START_REF] Van Andel | Medicinal plant use by surinamese immigrants in Amsterdam, the Netherlands. In: Trav-elling cultures and plants: The Ethnobiology and Ethnopharmacy of migrations[END_REF] in Amsterdam and by [START_REF] Vandebroek | Use of medicinal plants by Dominican immigrants in New York City for the treatment of common health conditions. A comparative analysis with literature data from the Dominican Republic. In: Traveling cultures and plants. The Eth-nobiology and Ethnopharmacy of human migrations[END_REF] and [START_REF] Viladrich | Botánicas in America's backyard: Uncovering the world of Latino healers' herb-healing practices in New York City[END_REF] in New York. For exam-ple, in Montreal, European species cultivated in Quebec also replace unavailable tropical species because of their organo-leptic or morphological similarity. A number of vernacular names are also common to some European, North American, or Neotropical species, which are then used interchangeably, although the taxon is non-existent in Haiti. For instance, Verbena hastata (the French verveine) is used instead of Stachytarpheta jamaicensis/Stachytarpheta cayennensis (vervenn); Melissa officinalis (the French mélisse) is a substitute for Hyptis suaveolens (melis) or even Salvia officinalis (the French sauge), replacing Pluchea carolinensis (lachòy): "I was taking melis [Hyptis suaveolens] and vervenn [Stachytarpheta jamaicensis] in Haiti, for better sleep. I saw that they sell it here in some naturopathic stores. I don't know if they are exactly the same plants, but I buy and use them the same way." (Haitian man living in Montreal.) Thus, this is an interesting double ethnotaxonomic transfer, as some of these species used by migrants are from temperate genera closer to the European species (on the basis of which French colonists had named tropical spe-cies with organoleptic or morphological analogies) than to the Haitian substitute. The use of different plants for treat-ing the same ailment partly because they share vernacular names shows the importance of language as a vehicle of knowledge [START_REF] Grenand | Le voyage des mots. Logique de la nomination des plantes: Exemples dans des langues tupi du Brésil[END_REF]. Adding similar organoleptic properties will enhance the willingness of local people to substitute one plant with another. [START_REF] Downing | Community of Nain, Labrador: Plant Uses Booklet[END_REF] provided the example of Inuit who borrowed the name for rhubarb (Rheum sp., indicating the sourness of rhubarb) to pinpoint a different plant thriving in their territory, a moun-tain sorrel (Oxyria digyna) with a similar taste (both are of the Polygonaceae family).

Finally, the coexistence of several types of care is reflected in particular in the complementary use of Hai-tian plants and plants from pharmacopoeias specific to the countries in which migrants settle. In all three cities the use of many local species is the result of intercultural transmission and recent appropriation. This is the case for example, in French Guiana of native continental species that are not or only rarely present in Haiti (Costus spicatus, Quassia amara, Siparuna guianensis) or, in Montreal, with native Canadian plants (Betula spp., Nepeta cataria, Picea mariana, Rhododendron groenlandicum) that migrants have adopted for use. Furthermore, many informants indicated that they use medicinal plants and biomedicine at the same time, demonstrating a complex medical plu-ralism characterized by "zigzag therapeutic itineraries" [START_REF] Tareau | Les phytothérapies du littoral guyanais : regard ethnobotanique sur une pharmacopée métissée[END_REF] between both types of medicine.

Conclusion

In line with current research in cultural geography on the circulation of medicinal plants [START_REF] Bochaton | Intertwined Therapeutic Mobilities: Knowledge, Plants, Healers on the Move between Laos and the U[END_REF][START_REF] Dejouhanet | Nouvelles géographies de la collecte : Perspectives croisées sur les « cueilleurs » contempo-rains: Introduction[END_REF]Tareau et al., 2019a), our comparative study of three cities with significant populations of Hai-tian migrants, mirroring other examples of diasporas (for instance, Moroccans), highlighted the persistence of phy-totherapy practices in a migrant context, fueled by transna-tional commercial and individual flows. It also demonstrates that these practices significantly differ from one place to another (there are mostly dried plants from Haiti in Mon-treal, and more fresh plants grown or gathered in Miami and Cayenne), depending on climate, rural or urban residence, and socioeconomic or cultural factors (standards of living, levels of education, administrative status, length of stay in the country, religious affiliation). However, our study clearly shows that there is a transnational space for the circulation of medicinal plants and herbal medicines among these three cities, although Cayenne seems to be a little less connected to North America and perhaps more connected to the Guiana Shield, with local adaptations, but also with a rich and comparable use of medicinal plants.

This "globalization from below" [START_REF] Tarrius | Territoires circulatoires et espaces urbains: Différentiation des groupes migrants[END_REF] of medicinal plant uses highlights various modes of supply (grocery stores, travels back and forth to Haiti, markets, cultivated plants, harvesting) and biocultural hybridiza-tion processes [START_REF] Ladio | The concept of hybridization and its contribution to urban ethnobiology[END_REF] in which all migrants are potential actors. From an ethnobiological perspective, our study makes it possible to consider the three Haitian communities as interconnected spaces where herbal medicines widely circulate and humans adapt to each socioenvironmental context. It would be interest-ing in future works to analyze the intergenerational differences of plant-based knowledge and practices within the same communities in order to understand the conditions of assimilation and/or resilience of this biocultural heritage over several generations.

  Tetragastris balsamifera (Sw.) Oken Burseraceae bwa kochon Mon:D 3 --several dozen Haitian medicinal plants, dried and pack-aged in small plastic bags (Fig. 1) and generally sold for US$1.50 to $2.50. According to information we collected in these businesses, bundles of dried plants are received directly from Haiti and then repackaged before being sold. The absence of fresh plants from Haiti is explained by the difficulty of importing fresh species, which may be con-fiscated by Canadian customs for phytosanitary reasons. Depending on demand, plants are ordered from wholesal-ers located in Port-au-Prince and sometimes special orders are placed for certain customers. However, supply remains relatively uncertain as it depends on the Haiti's fluctuating socioeconomic stability. The other community businesses (bazaars, minimarkets, street vendors, wholesalers) also offer many medicinal plants. The near impossibility of cultivating tropical spe-cies in Montreal encourages many Haitian shop owners to import plants to meet the high demand of the community, as explained by the manager of one of these small community supermarkets: "It was my father who started doing this. When he saw that there was a lot of demand, he started bringing in plants from Haiti. It comes by Air Canada cargo plane, or sometimes by Air Transat." Individual mobility also plays a central role in the circulation of medicinal plants within the Haitian diaspora. Many Haitians travel back and forth between Haiti and cities in the Americas to visit relatives. They frequently carry plants with them: "When I am in Haiti, the first thing I put in my suitcase before returning is a packet of leaves." (Haitian woman living in Montreal.) According to three supermarket managers, the two species most in demand are Momordica charantia and Annona

Fig. 2

 2 Fig. 2 Mixtures of roots, barks and leaves from Haiti, bottled and sold in a Montreal store.

Fig. 3

 3 Fig. 3 Medicinal plants on sale in a Haitian botánica of Little Haiti, Miami. Tareau et al., 2020

Fig. 4

 4 Fig. 4 Momordica charantia lianas growing on a fence in Little Haiti, Miami. Tareau et al., 2020

Fig. 5

 5 Fig. 5 Magic objects placed on the trunk of a mapou, Ceiba pentandra, in Cayenne.[START_REF] Tareau | Les phytothérapies du littoral guyanais : regard ethnobotanique sur une pharmacopée métissée[END_REF]Tareau, , 2019a

Table 1

 1 Medicinal plant species (with more than 2 URs) used among Haitian people residing in Cayenne, Miami and Montréal (D = Dry, F = Fresh, H = Herbarium specimens, S = Speech)

Species mentioned Family Vernacular names Type of determination Montreal Miami Cayenne URs

	Momordica charantia L Cucurbitaceae (MAT 299)	asosi/asorosi/yesken/Jamaica bush Mon:S/Mia:H/Cay:H	10	12	23
	Ricinus communis L Euphorbiaceae (MAT 511)	maskreti/pamakristi	Mon:S/Mia:S/Cay:H	6	6	13
	Citrus × aurantium L Rutaceae (MAT 498)	zorany/zorany si	Mon:D/Mia:F/Cay:F	8	4	10
	Stachytarpheta cayennensis (Rich.) Vahl Verbenaceae (MAT 271)	vervenn ke rat	Mon:S/Mia:H/Cay:H	5	12	5
	Annona muricata L Annonaceae (MAT 180)	korosòl	Mon:D/Mia:F/Cay:H	10	4	7
	Ocimum spp. Lamiaceae	fonbwazen/basilik/atiyayo	Mon:D/Mia:F/Cay:H	5	4	9
	Opuntia cochenillifera (L.) Mill Cactaceae	raket	Mon:F/Mia:F/Cay:F	4	8	4
	Chenopodium ambrosoides L Amaranthaceae (MAT 448)	lapoudover/simenkontra	Mon:D/Mia:S/Cay:F	8	4	3
	Citrus × aurantiifolia (Christm.) Swingle Rutaceae	sitron	Mon:S/Mia:S/Cay:F	4	3	8
	Chromolaena odorata (L.) R.M. King &
	H. Rob
	Asteraceae (MAT 228)
	Stern	mabi	Mon:D/Mia:D	5	7	-
	Rhamnaceae
	Zingiber officinale Roscoe Zingiberaceae	jenjanm	Mon:S/Mia:S/Cay:F	7	1	3
	Annona squamosa L Annonaceae (MAT 181)	kachiman kannel	Mon:D/Mia:S/Cay:H	4	1	4
	Cajanus cajan (L.) Huth Fabaceae (MAT 486)	pwa kongo	Mon:S/Mia:F	2	7	-
	Allium sativum L Amaryllidaceae	(po) laj	Mon:D/Mia:D/Cay:F	3	1	4
	Cocos nucifera L Arecaceae	kokoye	Mon:F/Mia:F/Cay:F	-	3	5
	Gossypium barbadense L Malvaceae (MAT 170)	koton	Mia:F/Cay:H	-	1	7
	Mentha x piperita Lamiaceae	mant/ti bonm	Mon:S/Mia:S/Cay:F	4	1	3
	Rosmarinus officinalis L Lamiaceae	romaren	Mon:D/Mia:D/Cay:S	2	3	3
	Bryophyllum pinnatum (Lam.) Oken Crassulaceae (MAT 135)	louga(r)ou/gro neg/aïgwe	Mon:S/Mia:F/Cay:F	2	3	2
	Cinnamomum verum J. Presl Lauraceae	kannel	Mon:S/Cay:D	5	-	2
	Jatropha gossypiifolia L Euphorbiaceae (MAT 164)	medsiyen beni	Mia:F	-	7	-
	Lantana camara L
	Verbenaceae (MAT 298)

langlichat Mon:S/Mia:H/Cay:H 1 5 8 Cymbopogon citratus (DC.) Stapf Poaceae (MAT 165) sitronnel Mon:D/Mia:F/Cay:H 6 3 5 Aloe vera (L.) Burm. f Xanthorrhoeaceae lalwa Mon:S/Mia:F/Cay:F 5 3 4 Colubrina elliptica (Sw.) Brizicky & W.L. bonboyen Mon:S/Mia:S/Cay:H 1 2 4 Mangifera indica L Anacardiaceae (MAT 510) mango Mon:S/Mia:F/Cay:H 1 3 3

Table 1 (continued) Species mentioned Family Vernacular names Type of determination Montreal Miami Cayenne URs

 1

	Petiveria alliacea L Phytolaccaceae (MAT 173)	ave (Maria)	Mia:F/Cay:H	-	4	3
	Terminalia catappa L Combretaceae (MAT 504)	zanmann	Mon:D/Mia:F/Cay:H	1	4	2
	Artemisia vulgaris L Asteraceae (MAT 475)	larmwaz	Mon:S/Mia:H/Cay:S	1	2	3
	Citrus maxima (Burm.) Merr Rutaceae	chadek	Mon:S/Cay:S	3	-	3
	Persea americana Mill Lauraceae	zaboka (vyolèt)	Mon:S/Mia:F/Cay:F	1	3	2
	Pluchea carolinensis (Jacq.) G. Don Asteraceae (MAT 477)	lachòy, tabak mawon, sage	Mon:D/Mia:F	2	4	-
	Syzygium aromaticum (L.) Merr. & L.M. Perry	jiròf	Mon:S/Mia:S/Cay:S	2	1	3
	Myrtaceae
	Tradescantia spathacea Sw Commelinaceae	bouldimas	Mon:S/Mia:F	2	4	-
	Chamissoa altissima (Jacq.) Kunth Amaranthaceae (MAT 484)	lyann pannye	Mon:S/Mia:S/Cay:F	1	3	1
	Eugenia fragrans (Sw.) Willd Myrtaceae	bwadin'	Mon:D/Mia:D	3	2	-
	Illicium verum Hook. F Schisandraceae	gwo lanni	Mon:S/Cay:S	4	-	1
	Moringa oleifera Lam Moringaceae (MAT 507)	benzoliv/moringa	Mon:D/Mia:F/Cay:H	2	3	-
	Phyllanthus amarus Schumach. & Thonn Phyllanthaceae (MAT 303)	dèyè do	Mon:S/Mon:S/Cay:H	1	1	3
	Plectranthus barbatus Andrews Lamiaceae (MAT 512)	groten (amer)	Mon:S/Mia:H	1	4	-
	Carica papaya L Caricaceae	papay	Mon:S/Mia:F/Cay:F	1	1	2
	Hibiscus rosa-sinensis L Malvaceae (MAT 501)	choublak	Mia:F/Cay:H	-	2	2
	Hyptis suaveolens (L.) Poit Lamiaceae	melis Ayiti/ti bonm	Mon:D	3	-	1
	Manihot esculenta Crantz Euphorbiaceae	mannyòk anmè	Mon:S/Cay:F	1	-	3
	Plantago major L Plantaginaceae (MAT 506)	planten	Mon:F	4	-	-
	Quassia amara L Simaroubaceae (MAT 452)	kwachi	Cay:H	-	-	4
	Allium cepa L Amaryllidaceae	zonyon (rouj)	Mon:S/Mia:S	2	1	-
	Azadirachta indica A. Juss Meliaceae	lila (peyi)	Mon:S/Mia:S	2	1	-
	Corchorus olitorius L Malvaceae	lalo	Mon:D/Mia:S	2	1	-
	Cynara scolymus L Asteraceae	articho	Mon:D/Mia:D	1	2	-
	Manilkara zapota (L.) P. Royen
	Sapotaceae

Table 1 (continued) Species mentioned Family Vernacular names Type of determination Montreal Miami Cayenne URs

 1

	lyann anmè

  [START_REF] Tareau | Divergence and Convergence in Traditional Plant-Based Medicinal Practices of Haitian Migrants in Montreal, Miami and Cayenne[END_REF] Divergence and Convergence in Traditional Plant-Based Medicinal Practices of Haitian Migrants in Montreal, Miami and Cayenne.

	visits (Supplementary Data 3), including 25 with more
	than two occurrences.
	In Montreal, only three people acknowledged that
	they cultivate some tropical medicinal species outdoor
	during summer (Abelmoschus esculentus, Corchorus
	olitorius, Dysphania ambrosioides) or indoors (Aloe vera,
	Bryophyl-lum pinnatum, Citrus aurantium, Malpighia
	emarginata, Opuntia cochenillifera, Plectranthus
	amboinicus, Persea americana):
	"Here people take this [Opuntia cochenillifera] for
	an ordinary cactus, they think it's just for decoration.
	But we also use it to prepare remedies. It's not only
	in my living room to look pretty, I also use it to
	clean	my	stomach	when	I	have
	indigestion." (Haitian woman living in Montreal.)

  Article originally published in Human Ecology 50(2): 331-346. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10745-022-00314-8 Tareau et al., 2022; Divergence and Convergence in Traditional Plant-Based Medicinal Practices of Haitian Migrants in Montreal, Miami and Cayenne. "I know that my father planted bwadòm [Guazuma ulmifolia] on his land. He came back [from Haiti] with seeds when we went to see the family two years ago." (Haitian woman living in Cayenne.)

Haitian Institute of Statistics: http:// www. ihsi. ht/ produ it_ demo_ soc. htm

https:// uses. plant net-proje ct. org/ fr/ Lexiq ue_ des_ noms_ de_ plant es_ stores are situated in North Montreal and offer a choice of à_ Haïti.

Acknowledgements

This work was funded by an Investissement d'Avenir grant from the Agence Nationale de la Recherche (CEBA: ANR-10-LABX-25-01) and by the PEPS-ECOMOB and the Prime80-DiaspoREs projects from the CNRS Environment and Ecology Insti-tute (INEE) and Mission pour l'Interdisciplinarité et les Initiatives Transverses (MITI). The authors would like to warmly acknowledge all those who agreed to participate in Cayenne, Miami, and Montreal. We acknowledge CIDHICA for their assistance, the Centre haïtien d'animation et d'intervention sociales (CHAIS), and the association "La perle retrouvée" in Montreal, and also Ti-Georges's café in Miami. The following institutions have been supportive of our project: the Montreal Botanical Garden, the New York Botanical Garden, and the LEEISA laboratory in Cayenne.

Data Availability

The datasets generated during and/or analysed dur-ing the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

Supplementary Information

The online version contains supplemen-tary material available at https:// doi. org/ 10. 1007/ s10745-022-00314-8.

Declarations

Informed Consent We conducted our research in accordance with the recommendations of the Code of Ethics of the International Society of Ethnobiology. Informed consent forms were given to the inform-ants in order to clearly state the objectives of this research project and to obtain their consent to participate. Each of the interviewees was informed beforehand of the confidentiality of this study, and of his/her right to withdraw its participation at any time, and of the objective of a publication under the form of a scientific publication.

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare they have no conflict of inter-est.