Marylise Cottet

Agathe Robert

Hervé Tronchère-Cottet

Thibault Datry

"It's dry, it has fewer charms!": Do perceptions and values of intermittent rivers interact with their management?

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"It's dry, it has fewer charms!": Do perceptions and values of intermittent rivers interact with their management?

Introduction

Intermittent rivers are those that cease to flow at some point in time and space. They occur naturally on every continent and in every climate, including temperate, tropical, and boreal regions. They are so widespread that they are now considered more numerous than perennial rivers [START_REF] Messager | Global prevalence of non-perennial rivers and streams[END_REF][START_REF] Datry | General introduction[END_REF][START_REF] Schneider | Global-scale river network extraction based on high resolution topography and constrained by lithology, climate, slope, and observed drainage density[END_REF], and they are increasing in number in connection with climate change [START_REF] Döll | How is the impact of climate change on river flow regimes related to the impact on mean annual runoff? A global-scale analysis[END_REF] and water withdrawals for human activities [START_REF] De Graaf | Environmental flow limits to global groundwater pumping[END_REF].

Intermittent rivers have a significant functional role within river networks [START_REF] Fovet | Intermittent rivers and ephemeral streams: Perspectives for critical zone science and research on socio-ecosystems[END_REF], contributing to local and regional biodiversity and biogeochemical integrity, and providing a number of ecosystem services such as flood regulation, aquifer recharge, and wood and food supply [START_REF] Acuña | Why should we care about temporary waterways?[END_REF], Datry et al. 2018). There is therefore a need to preserve or restore their ecohydrological functioning to maximize the biodiversity and ecosystem services they provide, even more so in the current context of global change.

However, intermittent rivers suffer from a lack of specific legislative protection [START_REF] Acuña | Why should we care about temporary waterways?[END_REF][START_REF] Messager | Global prevalence of non-perennial rivers and streams[END_REF], falling under the same regulations as permanent rivers (e.g., the 'Water Framework Directive' in the EU, the 'Water Act' in the US), thereby denying their specific ecohydrological functioning. In particular, [START_REF] Stubbington | Biomonitoring of intermittent rivers and ephemeral streams in Europe: Current practice and priorities to enhance ecological status assessments[END_REF] and [START_REF] Cid | A Metacommunity Approach to Improve Biological Assessments in Highly Dynamic Freshwater Ecosystems[END_REF] have underlined the difficulties in defining the "reference conditions" for these dynamic ecosystems, as well as the inappropriateness of current biomonitoring tools, which together undermine their protection.

Similarly, defining environmental flows in intermittent rivers remains a major challenge [START_REF] Acuña | Accounting for flow intermittency in environmental flows design[END_REF]. Intermittent rivers can even suffer from exclusion regimes from regulatory protection frameworks because of their "atypical" functioning (e.g., in France, the decree Giraud, August 3rd, 2019). Last but not least, intermittent rivers are often not referenced and are de facto excluded from protection schemes: for example, in the United States [START_REF] Marshall | Protecting U.S. temporary waterways[END_REF] and France, intermittent rivers are being gradually removed from maps and definitions of national streams, which ends their official management as water courses and puts entire river networks at risk. This lack of protection for intermittent rivers leads us to consider the underlying socio-political processes. There is growing recognition in the scientific community that water management "is not merely a technical field that can be addressed through infrastructure provision and scientific expertise, but a political one that involves human values, behavior and organization" [START_REF] Linton | The hydrosocial cycle: Defining and mobilizing a relational-dialectical approach to water[END_REF].

It is no longer just a matter of thinking of rivers as being related to society, but as considering them as the result of a social and political process. Rivers and societies are co-produced, coevolve, and emerge through continued engagement over space and time [START_REF] Wantzen | River Culture: An eco-social approach to mitigate the biological and cultural diversity crisis in riverscapes[END_REF], which also means that rivers are embedded in power relations [START_REF] Linton | The hydrosocial cycle: Defining and mobilizing a relational-dialectical approach to water[END_REF]. This paradigm recognizes the social nature of rivers; according to this perspective, the poor protection of intermittent rivers could be linked to their devaluation by society, a hypothesis formulated by several researchers studying intermittent rivers [START_REF] Acuña | Managing temporary streams and rivers as unique rather than second-class ecosystems[END_REF][START_REF] Datry | Flow intermittence and ecosystem services in rivers of the Anthropocene[END_REF].

Three recent studies looked at the social value of intermittent rivers. [START_REF] Armstrong | What's a stream without water? Disproportionality in headwater regions impacting water quality[END_REF] pointed out a lack of concern from landowners towards ephemeral or intermittent rivers in US headwater regions. [START_REF] Leigh | Are all rivers equal? The role of education in attitudes towards temporary and perennial rivers[END_REF] and [START_REF] Rodríguez-Lozano | Are Non-Perennial Rivers Considered as Valuable and Worthy of Conservation as Perennial Rivers?[END_REF] focused on student populations of different nationalities and disciplines using (photo)questionnaires. Their findings converge, and highlight a lower value given to intermittent rivers compared with perennial rivers. This lower value was observed regardless of the evaluation criteria used, e.g., aesthetic, recreational, naturalness, habitat for biodiversity, importance for human well-being, and conservation value. This devaluation was relative to the degree of flow intermittence, with completely dry beds being less valued than dry riverbeds holding disconnected pools. While these findings were true for all groups surveyed, both articles showed slight variations according to the disciplinary profile of the students. They therefore pointed to the critical role of knowledge and education in improving the social value placed on intermittent rivers and in building societal support for policies to protect these rivers.

These initial studies have produced some challenging findings in the context of climate change and open up important research perspectives. In particular, they underline the need to conduct territorial approaches to better understand the relationships -in terms of perceptions and values -that develop between the residents and stakeholders of a territory and the intermittent rivers that flow through it.

In response to this, our study adopts an original qualitative approach, focusing on one intermittent river (the Albarine River, intermittent only on its downstream section), its riverine area and its stakeholders, in such a way as to be able to consider all the complexity of the relationships that exist between the stakeholders and the river. The Albarine is a particularly interesting case study for studying these relationships: on a relatively small linear section, it has a perennial and then an intermittent section, which facilitates the collection and comparison of data on the perceptions and values of the river stakeholders. All the people surveyed in the study have close links with the Albarine River, since they all live in an adjacent commune (except one) and have institutional links with the river, whether through professional missions (river managers), political responsibilities (current or former municipal elected officials) or associative memberships linked to their specific uses of the river (fishers). In this respect, it provides a different perspective, more embodied in the reality of the field, than the previous studies that have until now mainly studied the perceptions of groups of students.

More precisely, this paper aims to (1) characterize the perceptions and values of intermittent rivers and how they interact with their management and (2) determine whether the prospect of climate change leads the stakeholders to question their perceptions and values of intermittent rivers and the way we should manage them. It aims to bring primary deductions that could be confronted with those produced on other rivers and areas, or that could provide good candidate variables for potential more systematic and more hypothetico-deductive inquiry with larger dataset.

Methods

The research is based on a qualitative approach -a survey using semi-structured interviews analysed by content analysis -combining a hypothetical-deductive and inductive approach. Based on the literature review, we proposed and tested three hypotheses: (H1) the intermittent section of the river is devalued compared to the perennial section and this devaluation is primarily related to experiential reasons, whether aesthetic or related to the recreational opportunities produced by the river. (H2)

This devaluation leads to neglect the intermittent section in the river's management plans. (H3) Finally, we expect that the perspective of climate change leads stakeholders to question their relationship to the river and to imagine more integrative management modalities, giving more care to the intermittent section, as part of the river network. In parallel to this hypothetical-deductive approach, a more inductive approach, open to ground truth aspects was conducted to enrich the analysis. Following the principles of the grounded theory, we used an open coding of interviews which allowed us to bring to light new "theories" (Corbin & Strauss, 1990;Strauss & Corbin, 1990) concerning the perceptions and values of intermittent rivers and the links with their management.

Study area

The Albarine River is located in temperate eastern France and drains a 313-km 2 catchment. Its sources are in the Jura massif. The section of the river considered for this study is located between the Charabotte waterfall, which represents a topographic break with its 115-m drop, and the confluence with the Ain River. A perennial upstream section first flows for 15 km through gorges, then traverses an alluvial plain for 15 km before reaching the confluence. Because this alluvial plain is underlain by thick and highly permeable alluvium, and also because the river is generally perched 1-14 m above the regional aquifer water table, the surface water continuously infiltrates into the aquifer along this section [START_REF] Datry | Benthic and hyporheic invertebrate assemblages along a flow intermittence gradient: effects of duration of dry events[END_REF]. As a result, this intermittent section dries completely during summer (Figure 1), when rainfall cannot compensate for surface losses into the aquifer [START_REF] Datry | Benthic and hyporheic invertebrate assemblages along a flow intermittence gradient: effects of duration of dry events[END_REF].

The Albarine flows across multiple landscapes, from an upstream narrow forested perennial mountain torrent to a downstream agricultural alluvial plain with corn monoculture, while its intermediate section passes through more open landscapes with a still marked topography (Figure 1). The course of the Albarine crosses about ten small municipalities, all of which are in decline (the biggest having about 14 000 inhabitants), and all being marked by the relics of industrialization with many disused factories (mostly from the silk industry active in the 20 th century). The river is socially invested for recreational uses, at least in its perennial part; people walk, cycle, or ride horses, but above all they fish. The river -of category 11 -is well known and welcomes both local residents and many tourists (on average 2500 fishing licenses are sold per year) who come to practice fishing on the perennial part, most often sport fishing, and sometimes "no kill". The sale of fishing licenses ensures an important economic income to the local fishing society (named the "Albarine valley" society) and makes it a powerful river stakeholder. The river is managed by a public establishment dedicated to the management of aquatic environments and flood prevention (the SR3A, further referred to as the 'river management syndicate'), which represents seven inter-municipalities belonging to the Ain watershed. In response to the Water Framework Directive (WFD), one of the missions of the SR3A is to implement management plans to achieve good water status.

Data collection: interviews and mental mapping

In the spring of 2018, we conducted a survey of 28 stakeholders residing in the Albarine valley. The survey was performed using semi-structured interviews and was complemented by mental mapping.

The study focused on four key categories of stakeholders because of their close links with the river: river managers (n=2), elected officials (n=8), fishers (n=8), and residents (n=8). The first three groups have institutionally structured links with the Albarine River, whether through professional missions (SR3A river managers), political responsibilities (current or former municipal elected officials) or associative memberships linked to their specific uses of the river (fishers). We also interviewed riverine residents since they have been able to create more informal links with the river (notably through their practices or because the river landscape is part of their living environment). All interviewed people were resident (except for one river manager) in riverine municipalities of the Albarine (i.e. municipalities crossed or bordered by the river). People with institutional links to the river (river managers, elected officials or members of a fishing society) were contacted by e-mail or telephone via their respective institutions. People without such links were included in the study following on-site encounters. The interview guide is presented in Table 1. The interview was split into two sections; the first section focused one the entire Albarine River and aimed to better capture the perceptions, uses, and values associated with the river; and the second section focused on the intermittent reach. The aim of this second section was to better grasp the understanding of this phenomenon and its consequences on the river, as well as the possible strategies put in place -or that could be put in place -to outline a desirable future for the Albarine. Climate change and its possible consequences are discussed at the end of the interview in order to question this desirable future. This division into two sections was intended to prevent forcing the discourse onto the phenomenon of intermittence, to apprehend its true place in the field of perception of the interviewees. In addition to the discursive exchanges, which were fully recorded, the interviewees were asked to freely draw objects on a paper map to spatialize their perceptions and knowledge. For this purpose, a 1:25 000 scale IGN (the French national geographical institute) topographical map of the study area was given during the interview, as well as a box of different colored markers. The objects that were to be mapped are listed in Table 1.

Discursive objects

Cartographic objects

Zones affected by intermittence

Table 1: Structure of the interview and the topics covered 2.3. Data analysis 2.3.1. Interviews The interviews were fully transcribed. We then analyzed the corpus following two principles.

First, we implemented a thematic content analysis based on the three previously mentioned hypotheses. Thematic content analysis is "a method for identifying, analyzing and reporting patterns (themes) within data" [START_REF] Braun | Using thematic analysis in psychology[END_REF]. This "objective, exhaustive, methodical and, if possible, quantitative examination of material consisting of verbal communications (...) with a view to classifying and interpreting its elements" [START_REF] Berelson | Content analysis[END_REF])" enables us to identify how themes are repeated from an interview to another, how they overlap, join, contradict or complement [START_REF] Paillé | L'analyse qualitative en sciences humaines et sociales, chapitre 11 L'analyse thématique[END_REF]. According to the methodological standards, we carried out an important phase of pre-analytical work. This consists in carrying out, in an intuitive way, a first reading oriented by the research hypothesis inviting to search in a certain specific field and allowing to define precise themes, consistent with ground truth. We then classified, by coding the interviews, portions of discourse within different sub-themes, following the hypotheses (Table 2). Each sub-theme is a variation of the main theme according to the different meanings it can take in the discourse. Atlas.ti software (ATLAS.ti 8 Windows) was used to perform this classification. Quotes from interviews were used to illustrate each of the codes. The stakeholder's type of the person who produced this quote was systematically specified. ground truth aspects was conducted to enrich the analysis. Certain unanticipated themes concerning the perceptions and values of intermittent rivers and the links with their management emerged from the interviews. They were also coded. An example of this, is the existence of power plays between river managers and fishermen which orient management plans and result in the negligence of intermittent sections.'Mental maps

Hypotheses

The areas (valued areas and devalued areas) drawn by the interviewees on the topographical maps where digitized on a geographic information system (GIS) after scanning. The overlapping areas were then added up to obtain the number of interviewees valuing or devaluing each point on the map. For the valued sectors, the scores ranged between 0 and 10, whereas the scores for the devalued sectors ranged between 0 and 8 (Figure 2).

Results

A highly socially-devalued intermittent section

Figure 2 shows a dichotomy in the values associated with the river between the highly-valued upstream part and the highly-devalued downstream part. The topographic and landscape context of the valley undoubtedly influences these opinions: the upstream mountain landscape is considered very attractive, whereas the downstream agricultural plain landscape is not. However, beyond these topographical and landscape criteria, the intermittent functioning of the river also explains these opinions. The downstream drying of the river is a factor causing devaluation.

Low values associated with the intermittent section were consistently linked to three types of reason -aesthetic, recreational, and biological (Table 3). This section of the river is considered unaesthetic because of the absence of water that leaves a gravel bed visible. Beyond the unpleasantness of the landscape, the downstream section is also considered to be unsuitable for recreation because the absence of water prevents certain uses, such as fishing or bathing. Some interviewees also mentioned that the use of the dry riverbed for recreation was risky because of the presence of snakes. Although only a few marginal and socially castigated uses (e.g., quad biking, poaching in the pools during the dry season) take place in this section of the river, it should be noted that the existence of a footpath along the intermittent section contributes to making a part of this sector appreciated by many (see the Bettant footpath on the map). Finally, a low biological value is associated with the intermittent section.

Drying is often associated with death; both of the landscape, but also of the associated aquatic ecosystems. The trapping of fish in the pools during the dry period and the mortality that inexorably ensues if the dry period exceeds a certain duration is a process regularly mentioned in the interviews.

However, this strong devaluation of the intermittent section is somewhat nuanced, with some downstream residents expressing their attachment to the intermittent section, even if preferring the perennial section, as though their familiarity with this sector contributes to a revaluation of this landscape. "From Ambérieu, the Albarine is an ugly river that is dry during the whole summer. Therefore it's true that it's a part that is not very interesting;

sometimes there is water, but most of the time, it's a gravel bank."

Recreational Int. 9, fisher "Because it dries up there, there's nothing there. Finally, the devaluation of the intermittent section of the river is constant over time even if the interviewees are aware that the drying up is temporary: interviewees reported in the interviews the significant variability of the landscapes over the seasons. However, the downstream section remains in their discourses as the dry section, as if it was a constant, and as such is of little interest. It is also important to mention that in no way did the discourses of the interviewees spontaneously focus on the downstream section when they were asked to speak about the river (unless the interview was explicitly centered on this section). It is as if the intermittent section were not, strictly speaking, the river. Furthermore, certain of the interviewees would like to see the 'river' status of intermittent sections removed, as the following excerpts attest: "It doesn't represent the Albarine, you know? It's called the Albarine, but they should remove the sign on the highway. The Albarine… the guy, he looks, it's just gravel, it's dry!" (Interviewee 9, fisher); or "it's always more delicate when everyone says to us: "but you manage a river that doesn't flow"! Basically, I prefer a river that flows, otherwise it is hard to say that it is a river." (Interviewee 3, manager). These observations suggest that cognitive reasons, related to the construction of knowledge -and to the definition of what a river is in essence -may be linked to the devaluation of intermittent rivers.

3.2. An intermittent section neglected in actions to restore environmental quality Substantial restoration efforts have been conducted in the past two decades on the Albarine River.

Interviewees mention three types of actions: the connection of municipalities to sewage treatments plants to improve water quality, the restoration of fish habitats through the creation of gravel bars, wooden structures, and block additions and finally, the geomorphological restorations to allow meandering and lateral connections with riparian habitats. All these actions focused on the 15-kmlong perennial section and no actions were mentioned to be carried out in the intermittent section (which is consistent with what the authors know about the management of the river).

The analysis of the interviews gives enlightening insights to explain the focus of restoration efforts on the perennial section; namely the power plays that exist between fishermen and river managers that likely orient the management plans. Various recurring themes in the interviews put us on this path. In particular, the interviewed fishermen expressed a strong desire to influence the management of the river. Their fishing society named "the Albarine Valley" has given itself the means to have a say in decisions by acquiring the banks of multiple reaches to promote restoration (Table 4a). By purchasing the land, the fishing society forces the managers of the syndicate to obtain their approval for any action on the parcels it owns. Ownership of the land also allows the society to make improvements on its own, without having to obtain the approval of the management syndicate. This power stems from the historical importance of fishing in the valley, as well as the number of occasional or regular users. The purchase of numerous fishing licenses brings substantial financial resources to the fishing society, which make it a powerful stakeholder with a well-recognized role in the restoration of the river.

The members of the fishing society see themselves as a manager of the river, and as such, they feel legitimate in influencing decisions and actions. Their posture orients restoration in favor of the fish resources, particularly by creating the environmental conditions favorable to large fish (for example, with the installation of large blocks that are favorable to fish growth). This perspective centered on fish issues is different to that of the members of the management syndicate, who advocate in the interview for a more integrated management of the quality of the river environments according to the WFD perspective (Table 4b).

Although a logic of compromise seems to be at the center of their mutual approaches (Table 4c), the management of the fishing resources takes a particular place in the management of the river, and focuses interests and actions on the perennial section.

Of note, is that there is little consideration of the river as a system. The interactions between upstream and downstream sections are seldom described, suggesting that the intermittent section is no longer considered the river. When interactions are described, they appear somewhat counter-natural to the normal intermittent functioning of the river. Accordingly, many interviews report the action of the fishing society, which during dry periods, manually transports fish trapped in the pools within the dry riverbed to the perennial section (an action called "rescue fishing"). More generally, at no time in the interviews was the intermittent section considered by anyone as an environment in its own right that should be managed (Table 4d). we also intervene in a different way on this sector, which is always section overlooked as an environment to be managed with water, than on the other sectors. So for us, there are not many habitat and aquatic life issues downstream and upstream."

Int. 22, manager "As for the lower part, there are fewer opportunities because the rivers are either dry or are on clay bedrock; therefore, we can't do much."

Table 4: Interview excerpts illustrating how the weight of the fishing societies focuses the river management objectives on the preservation of fish resources, and therefore on the perennial part of the river.

A 'normal' intermittence with little thought given to its temporal dynamics, even in the context of climate change

Interviewees perceived the intermittence of the Albarine river as "normal" or "natural" (which is true for the Albarine; see Methods section), above all because they claim to have always seen dry events on this river. Very few people noticed changes in the duration or the frequency of the dry events over time. This perception is confirmed by the hydrological modelling performed previously (see [START_REF] Larned | Longitudinal ecohydrology: flow variation down the lengths of alluvial rivers[END_REF]. This lack of perceived evolution does not lead respondents to project any change in the hydrological regime in the future and as a result, intermittence was therefore not really perceived as a problem or concern.

However, if the interviewer voluntarily addressed the subject of climate change and the potential increase in intermittence that it could cause, the discourse changed, and certain concerns sometimes emerged. Those interviewees who were elected officials or managers often then mentioned the lack of drinking water. In contrast, residents and fishers thought mainly of the harmful consequences on the ecosystems and described the disappearance of fauna and flora. More rarely, they mentioned the impacts on recreational uses of the river, such as reduced areas for swimming or fishing'. They even occasionally mentioned certain risks, such as a rise in water temperature linked to the low flow and the resulting inability to cool the nuclear power plants downstream on the River Rhône.

This confrontation with climate change induced three reactions: a feeling of invulnerability, a feeling of powerlessness, and willingness of adaptation (Table 5). For some people, vulnerability to climate change concerns the animals and plants that gravitate around the river, and not humans, who are seen as having the necessary resources to ensure their survival (Table 5a). For numerous other people, a feeling of powerlessness, or even fatalism, was expressed (Table 5b). This powerlessness is rooted in the mismatch between scales: the local scale being the scale of the perception of the intermittence phenomenon; and the global scale being the scale of the decisions likely to influence this phenomenon.

This feeling of powerlessness in the face of a possible worsening of intermittence gave the respondents the impression that they did not hold the keys, and that no action was possible at their level. This incapacity to reverse the trend -or at least interrupt it -did not prevent some people from thinking in terms of 'adaptation'. This was often limited to considering a restriction in terms of water consumption (Table 5c). The Interviewees did not address in their discourses the possibility of adapting the orientation of river management, except for one manager (Interviewee 22): "One day, we will be managers of wadis, and we will no longer be river managers." With this analogy, even if it is humorous, the manager conjures up an imaginary state of aridity and envisages that his profession will evolve and move towards the management of a wadi, an environment with specific ecohydrological functioning and specific ecosystems. The analogy of the Albarine with a wadi, even if anecdotal, reveals a paradox. The paradox is that wadis have high social value as they often represent invaluable resources in regions where water is scarce [START_REF] Burmil | Human values and perceptions of water in arid landscapes[END_REF]. The situation in the Albarine basin is different, with water currently remaining in the perennial upstream part in sufficient quantity to meet the multiple expectations required by the people living along the river. In contrast, the intermittent downstream part is all the more devalued.

This lower value associated with the intermittent reaches and the corresponding lower propensity to protect and restore them is in line with the conclusions of Rodriguez-Lozano et al. (2020). As in our study, they identified landscape aesthetics as the main reason for this devaluation: the lack of water and the strong visual presence of sediments are displeasing. This finding echoes previous work on braided rivers where respondents denounced the "appearance of a riverbed that had been bulldozed" (Le [START_REF] Lay | Perception of braided river landscapes: Implications for public participation and sustainable management[END_REF]. Since the 1960s, water is known to be one of the most important elements contributing to the attractiveness of a landscape [START_REF] Shafer | Natural landscape preferences: a predictive model[END_REF][START_REF] Zube | Perception and measurement of scenic resources in Southern Connecticut River Valley (Publication No. R-74-1)[END_REF]Zube et al., , 1982;;[START_REF] Kaplan | Down the riverside: Information factors in waterscape preference[END_REF][START_REF] Ulrich | Aesthetic and affective response to natural environments[END_REF]. According to [START_REF] Litton | Visual fluctuations in river landscape quality[END_REF] and [START_REF] Brown | Landscape aesthetics of riparian environments: Relationship of flow quantity to scenic quality along a wild and scenic river[END_REF], people are not attracted to rivers with low flows, the attractiveness of the stream being defined by an inverted U-curve:

preferences increase with flow to a point, then decrease for further increases in flow [START_REF] Brown | Landscape aesthetics of riparian environments: Relationship of flow quantity to scenic quality along a wild and scenic river[END_REF]. Beyond its importance for sustaining life, water has an important aesthetic, cultural, and spiritual value, symbolizing purity, sanctity, and rebirth [START_REF] Bachelard | L'eau et les rêves[END_REF].

The presence of water within a landscape is so cognitively structuring that people cognitively discriminate between landscapes with and without water by placing them into separate typological categories [START_REF] Palmer | Numerical and perceptual landscape classification[END_REF]. This may explain the absence of spontaneous discourse about the intermittent section in our interviews when the interviewees were asked about the river. The intermittent section does not seem to belong to the river itself, and is not therefore categorized as such. In cognitive psychology, the concept of categorization refers to the ability to classify and organize knowledge into categories: "A category exists when two or more distinguishable objects or events are treated in an equivalent manner. This equivalent treatment can take several forms, such as the common naming of distinct objects or events, or the production of the same action on different objects." [START_REF] Mervis | Categorization of natural objects[END_REF]. Thus, a river without water is not cognitively read as a river, and therefore should not be named as one. Traditionally, the classification of the natural world has proceeded by identifying similarities and differences according to a binary logic that suggests that an object can only belong to one category [START_REF] Debarbieux | The symbolic order of objects and the frame of geographical action: An analysis of the modes and effects of categorisation of the geographical world as applied to the mountains in the West[END_REF]. The hybrid character of intermittent rivers, being neither totally aquatic nor totally terrestrial, is a deviation from such a classification [START_REF] Datry | Intermittent rivers: a challenge for freshwater ecology[END_REF], Allen et al. 2020). In this respect, they echo, on an epistemological level, the criticism formulated by the French philosopher Michel [START_REF] Serres | Le Passage du nord-ouest: Hermès V[END_REF] against "the theory of frontiers and markers", according to which the world is thought of as a system of juxtaposed and interwoven objects. Thus, the issues relating to the valuation and protection of intermittent rivers question deep cognitive mechanisms related to the production of knowledge. This is especially true, as categorization of the objects that make up the natural world is eminently linked to action on these objects [START_REF] Mervis | Categorization of natural objects[END_REF]. The way in which we categorize the environment influences our actions towards it, and therefore the way in which we transform it. For example, [START_REF] Debarbieux | The symbolic order of objects and the frame of geographical action: An analysis of the modes and effects of categorisation of the geographical world as applied to the mountains in the West[END_REF] clearly showed how the categorization of 'mountain' has had an influence on the public policies linked to it and on the transformations brought about.

How can intermittent rivers and their landscapes be socially revalued? The preceding reflections underline the need to make the river more visible in the landscape so that it is identified and classified as a river. They also point to the need to 'work' on the aesthetics of the river, particularly to communicate human intentions, including the intention to care for the landscape [START_REF] Nassauer | Messy ecosystems, orderly frames[END_REF].

Indeed, it is well-known that there is a link between aesthetic value and motivation to protect a landscape or ecosystem [START_REF] Nassauer | The appearance of ecological systems as a matter of policy[END_REF][START_REF] Gobster | The shared landscape: what does aesthetics have to do with ecology?[END_REF]. However, the appearance of some natural ecosystems, starting with intermittent rivers, can in many ways be judged as unclean, messy (presence of sediment, spontaneous vegetation, pools), and in conflict with cultural aesthetical norms.

Even to an educated eye, ecological functions are sometimes invisible. A response is landscape design used as a lever to place ecological functions in a recognizable context more in line with aesthetic tastes [START_REF] Nassauer | Messy ecosystems, orderly frames[END_REF]. In particular, she proposes -as is done today in the field of differentiated management of green areas in cities -to design "cues to care" that provide a cultural context for ecological function (e.g., fences, landart, wildlife feeders, and wild animal houses).

Landscape value is not only linked to its aesthetic value but also to the experience one can have of it, it seems important to recreate the conditions of such experiences. The development of footpaths along the intermittent riverbed may be an option; on the Albarine, an existing footpath on the intermittent downstream part seems very popular and appreciated. Festive events around intermittent rivers can contribute to creating a positive emotional 'history' with the river and create the conditions for a social reinvestment in the intermittent parts, while at the same time reminding us that these atypical landscapes are indeed rivers. The Rotary Henley on Todd Regatta, a dry river boating race in Alice Springs (Australia), where fun, quirky, and eclectic 'boats' compete each year on a dry sandy bed (Figure 4), undoubtedly contributes to identifying this dry channel as a portion of a river and to giving it social value [START_REF] Steward | When the river runs dry: human and ecological values of dry riverbeds[END_REF]. Water management choices are far from being socio-politically neutral, being firmly embedded in power relations [START_REF] Linton | The hydrosocial cycle: Defining and mobilizing a relational-dialectical approach to water[END_REF]. Our survey revealed the weight of fishing societies in the management carried out on the Albarine River. The political power of fishers and their ability to influence water management has already been noted on a national scale in France [START_REF] Bouleau | La contribution des pêcheurs à la loi sur l'eau de 1964[END_REF].

On the Albarine River, this weight is critical for the management of the river; it contributes to focusing the management actions on the perennial section while neglecting the intermittent one. This choice to privilege the perennial reaches, even if it today meets the expectations of certain categories of stakeholders, can appear in many respects as an ecological and ethical pitfall. Intermittent rivers have a systemic ecohydrological functioning, which relies on hydrologic, physico-chemical, and biological flows in space and time at the scale of the catchment. Ignoring such interactions could be harmful for the ecological integrity of these systems and the societies that benefit from their services. For example, not ensuring a good ecological status for the intermittent section would have severe cascading effects on downstream receiving waters in the Ain River. Moreover, the concentration of management actions on perennial parts may indeed reinforce territorial inequalities in access to quality ecosystems, and enhance the current devaluation of the intermittent section, acting in a vicious circle. The management of intermittent rivers should be considered and discussed at the scale of the socio-ecosystem with all stakeholders to preserve the ecohydrological integrity of these systems, as well as the equity between the different stakeholders and territories.

This question of the management space given to intermittent sections of rivers is all the more acute in Finally, our results point to the need to collectively re-examine the definition of environmental references for intermittent rivers and the underlying indicators. Indicators are a political construction as they constitute social conventions that group together, but also exclude, certain environmental realities distributed in time and space [START_REF] Bouleau | Qu'y a-t-il de politique dans les indicateurs écologiques ? VertigO[END_REF]. In particular, the indicators used today to define the good ecological status of rivers in response to the WFD are part of a normative framework in which a river is considered as flowing sections. They do not take into account the diversity of ecohydrological functioning that characterizes intermittent rivers. This normative conception ultimately leads to the detriment of intermittent rivers [START_REF] Acuña | Why should we care about temporary waterways?[END_REF][START_REF] Stubbington | Biomonitoring of intermittent rivers and ephemeral streams in Europe: Current practice and priorities to enhance ecological status assessments[END_REF]. There is thus a strong argument for widening the normative borders concerning the definition of what is a river, and for this definition to assume the diversity of functioning that they represent. This should find echoes in national legislation, which currently tends to remove intermittent rivers from protection schemes on the basis of their flow intermittence [START_REF] Marshall | Protecting U.S. temporary waterways[END_REF]. Because of the strong interactions between water sciences and water management [START_REF] Bouleau | The co-production of science and waterscapes: The case of the Seine and the Rhône Rivers, France[END_REF], science has a major role to play. It must reassess the paradigms within which it evolves and constructs its questions. To this end, [START_REF] Messager | Global prevalence of non-perennial rivers and streams[END_REF] call for a paradigm shift towards a new conceptual model of rivers that includes flow intermittence as an intrinsic part of every river catchment.

Conclusions

Our work shows that the perceptions and values associated with intermittent rivers interact with their management. We observed a strong social devaluation of intermittent sections, with river stakeholders, including river management professionals, attributing lower aesthetic, recreational, and biological value to them. We also observed power plays around the river management that tend to favor the preservation of perennial sections of the river to the detriment of intermittent ones. In particular, the human and financial capacity for action by fishers, who place a high value on fish resources, contributes to prioritizing actions on perennial sections. More generally, the intermittent sectors are not perceived as environments that should be preserved. These social and political dynamics are likely to harm the ecological integrity of such rivers and the services they provide for society. These dynamics are all the more alarming as our results show that river stakeholders have a low propensity for thinking about the future of these intermittent rivers and their value in a context of climate change.

This article identifies two levers to influence or at least question these dynamics of devaluation: landscape and participation. The preservation of intermittent rivers leads to questioning of what a river landscape is, and more specifically, what a beautiful river landscape is. Is a river that does not flow really a river in our socio-cultural context? Intermittent rivers are hybrid landscapes that are neither totally aquatic nor totally terrestrial, which questions our classification of the natural world and therefore knowledge production. A scientific challenge is to widen the normative borders concerning the definition of what is a river so that this definition can assume the diversity of functioning that they represent. The preservation of intermittent rivers also questions the cultural norms of aesthetics. Intermittent river landscapes are often judged as unclean and messy, and ecological functions are sometimes invisible and therefore less considered when defining river management issues. As aesthetic appreciation is mainly driven by emotion, education is not necessarily the best way to produce a change in attitude towards these rivers, as is often seen [START_REF] Leigh | Are all rivers equal? The role of education in attitudes towards temporary and perennial rivers[END_REF][START_REF] Rodríguez-Lozano | Are Non-Perennial Rivers Considered as Valuable and Worthy of Conservation as Perennial Rivers?[END_REF]. The second challenge for science is therefore to collaborate with other professional communities (environmental managers, artists, mediators) to try to trigger new perceptions of these landscapes.

The second lever concerns participation. Intermittent rivers, like rivers in general, are socio-political constructs influenced by power plays between stakeholders. The future of intermittent rivers cannot be thought of outside a framework of common good, where the integrity of ecosystems is thought of in parallel with equity between humans. The creation of political arenas open to all stakeholders is an indispensable key to this environmental justice. Here again, science must be part of this dynamic by providing a critical view of water governance and by accompanying participatory approaches to intermittent rivers. Current on-going efforts to promote citizen-science on intermittent rivers [START_REF] Datry | One for all, all for one: a global river research network[END_REF][START_REF] Puntenney | Stream Tracker: Crowd sourcing and remote sensing to monitor stream flow intermittence[END_REF][START_REF] Allen | Citizen scientists document long-term streamflow declines in intermittent rivers of the desert southwest, USA[END_REF] will undoubtedly help to acknowledge the multiple ecohydrological and socioeconomical values they provide.

Figure 1 :

 1 Figure 1: The study area, showing the upstream perennial section and the downstream

  knowledge related to the rhythms, causalities, and impacts of drying). b. The sources of this knowledge and the possible individual or collective adaptations. c. The future of the Albarine: expected evolution of intermittence and its impacts; strategies to adopt. Expected impacts of climate change and strategies to be developed accordingly.

  the perspective of climate change leads stakeholders to question their relationship to the Assumed consequences of climate change on the river and its value mentioned in the interview -lack of drinking water disappearance of fauna and flora river and to imagine more integrative management modalities, giving more care to the intermittent section, as part of the river network.

Figure 2 :

 2 Figure 2: Mental mapping showing the valued (top) and unvalued (bottom) areas along the Albarine

Figure 4 :

 4 Figure 4: Photographs of the Rotary Henley on Todd Regatta (Australia), a festive event likely to create

  the current context of climate change. Our survey highlighted different attitudes in response to a possible accentuation of flow intermittence in the context of climate change, with the most widely shared feeling being that of powerlessness. As climate change is a global phenomenon, individuals feel that action must come from national or supra-national scales. This point of view opens up the debate on climate policy strategies and questions the weight given to mitigation policies (which engage national and supra-national scales) and adaptation policies (which shift part of the responsibility to the local scale, to the territories) (Reghezza-Zitt and Rufat, 2015). Whatever the outcome of this debate and the solutions to be implemented to address this environmental risk, the response is no doubt political (Reghezza-Zitt and Rufat, 2019). The future of intermittent river management should be discussed in political arenas open to all stakeholders. The realization of a distributed mechanistic hydrological model for the Albarine basin is underway. It should provide downscaled climate change scenarios forecast for the river and perhaps favor discussions between stakeholders about this important issue.

Table 2 :

 2 Analysis grid used for the content analysis of the corpus of interviews: themes researched in response to the hypotheses and sub-themes used to code the different variations of this theme in the

interviews 2.3.2. In parallel to this hypothetical-deductive approach, a more inductive approach, open to

  If you don't make a trout pond, there's nothing. There was a [fishing] society, but they have We live a little bit at the rhythm of the Albarine. When it's dry, well we don't go there. For example, in the summer, when it's really dry, we know the places where there is still water to bathe the horses. We live a little bit at the rhythm of the Albarine, whether we are on horseback or whether we swim."

	discontinued it."
	Int. 15, resident "Biological Int. 24, "One could say It's a dead river. This does not make us the happiest."
	elected official
	Int. 26,
	elected official

"Truly, it's that the river is dead there. That's all."

Table 3 :

 3 Interview excerpts illustrating the main sources of devaluation of the intermittent section of the river

  What worries me... Because we humans will adapt, we have the means, we will survive. However, the whole fauna and flora will be impacted, which, for their part, will not have [the means to adapt] ... on a global scale, so the day that everyone will have understood...

	b. Powerlessness Int. 3,	"In my opinion, the solutions are not at our scale, it is Donald who may
		manager	have the solution!"
		Int. 20, elected official	"It's It will take centuries before this recovers, before it becomes normal
			again. But it won't happen. We shouldn't dream."
	c. Adaptation	Int. 15,	"At one time my horse was on the violet meadow and we filled the
		resident	troughs from the river, then one day we thought (well, afterwards, we
			thought the impact of two horses wouldn't be huge)... but maybe we
			should stop doing that."
		Int. 16,
	Topic	Interviewee	Quotation
	a. Invulnerability	Int. 20, elected official	"This change will be bad for them because it's too violent."
		Int. 17,	"That can have a consequence, not on us who are at the end, but a
		resident	consequence for all fish life; [...] yes, it can be dramatic for them, if it
			happens, if it happens, yes."

resident

"A general problem of water shortage because it won't just be the Albarine... So I think that in the long term, well even in the short term, the water tables will be impacted and therefore we'll have to modify our water consumption. I've already started."

Table 5 :

 5 Interview excerpts illustrating the reactions of interviewees to a hypothesis of increased intermittence on the Albarine River induced by ongoing climate change

	4. Discussion

4.1. Revaluation of intermittent sectors? Landscape is at the heart of the issue

Rivers are classified into two distinct fish categories according to the populations they contain. The 1st category corresponds to waters where mainly Salmonid fish (trout, salmon, etc.) live.

theory. Landscape planning, 9(1), 1-33

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to thank all the stakeholders who took part in this study, as well as the Rhône Mediterranean Corsica Water Basin Agency which funded this project, through the framework agreement with the Rhône Basin Long Term Environmental Research Observatory (RBLTER), Zone Atelier Bassin du Rhône (ZABR) in French. They also would like to thank the reviewers for their valuable comments that helped to improve the manuscript.