Ulit

Tämwäy Flowers

In Ät Ämpuq Ät Burak

Highlands Palawan

Polyglossy, Plurivocality, Spectral Analysis. Nicole Deidre Dialogism

Bolger

To commemorate the Master of Flowers, the Pala'wan have an annual ritual making and drinking the Mead, Simbug. On June [26][27] 1983, in the large meeting-house of Taruwän in the Highlands of Mt. Mantalingayan -named by them Käbätangan, "The Trunks" -it was performed and I was a witness of it.

Using ethnography of the spoken word and ethno-pragmatics, I propose to focus on the motions and speech acts of Panu, the Elder in the community. Followed by a healing session of a very young maiden, Rusi, in the presence of her mother Carmen, the plaintiff, Panu officiated as a shaman with Kälulut, his acolyte. The three of them attempted by speech to relate to invisible addressees, and negociate the return of Rusi's captive soul.

The verbal and co-verbal communication process is the focus of our attention in this analysis intertwining dialogues between the genuine Human Beings Taw banar, and other Beings, Benevolents/Malevolents, living in the same realm, in order to successfully conduct a discussion according to the rules of a negociation, come to an agreement and be successful in bringing back Rusi's soul-double.

What are the distinctive features at the kinetic, vocalic and linguistic levels, characterizing the various interacting ways of speaking in this ritual context? If one considers that the sound production in singing or speaking contributes to the meaning of an utterance, it is important to take into account the acoustic features of the prosody, its intonation pattern, intensity and tempo. A spectral analysis of Lumbaga, Bulikata, performed by Panu according to his style and Bisara performed by Carmen, will bring to light at a physical level, the prosodic caracterisitics and quality of each of these three vocal styles and the semantic intentionality of the shaman in his esoteric discourse.

Ethnography of a Shamanic Healing by Nicole Revel

There are only a few major rituals along the annual cycle in Palawan Highlands, in contrast to the area of Punang-Iraräy, near the coast facing Sulu Sea. Besides Tamwäy ät Ämpuq ät Paräy, the "Commemoration of the Master of Rice", there is Tamwäy ät Ämpuq ät Burak, the "Commemoration of the Master of Flowers". It is performed together with the preparation and ritual drinking of the "Mead", Simbug, the singing of alternate honey songs, kärang ät dägäs, and "gong music", basal. It can be complemented by a shamanic cure which I attended in Taruwän, upstream of Mäkägwaq valley, in the large meeting house by the river, close to a single tree with a trunk as white as "wax", taru, hence the name of this hamlet. In those years, Panu, was the 'Elder', Mägurang, and he conducted several offering rituals on June 25-26-27, 1983 1 Adat ät Tabang, the 'Custom of Curing', develops according to a precise sequencing. In order to cure the sick, an "invocation", sägina, is first uttered in a clear white voice. It consists of a 'call', tingkag, to Nägsalad, "the Weaver", or Ämpuq "the Master", to Diwata, the deity of the middle space, to Kätungkulan, the "Thaumaturgical Shamans" and to the "Protective Souls", or "Tutelary Spirits", Lapis. Ancestors are never called, as they feel always hurt and only address reproaches and complaints to the living provoking "dizziness", sabläw. These protective entities are invited to come, to join and help, to protect the shaman as his "soul double", käruduwa, is going to leave his body and make the Voyage. While Ämpuq and Diwata are watching, as benevolent, protective and mediating entities, the Lapis come and lay on the shaman's shoulders and sides.

How are this ritual, and more specifically the following shamanic Voyage , performed? What are the various ways of talking, the linguistic features at the vocal, lexical, rhetorical and stylistic levels, which caracterize an Ulit ? I propose an ethnography of the spoken word, describing the gestures and actions of the shaman and his"acolyte", gimbar or sabang, together with the other visible interlocutors raising questions to the Malevolents -the Collective Beings, who are also Humans, Taw, as the genuine Humans, Taw banar, interact with them in an attempt to establish a courteous and fruitful dialogue.

As a preamble, I refer to the double entries tables presenting a synoptic and a contrasting view of the four types of Beings in the biotope: their physicality, their emotional, intellectual and spiritual components, and the various types of speech identifying them, their respective identity, and their specificity as Humans, Taw, to facilitate the reading and comprehension of the healing session, for it provides the key notions to the interpretation of the shamanic view of this animistic ontology. 2The operating scheme which I qualified as a 'generalized hunting' (N. [START_REF] Revel | Fleurs de Paroles[END_REF]Revel, ,1998) ) 3 , does not refer to the Lévi-Straussian concept of affinity rules 3 , but rather to a broader naturalistic notion, of a constant, relentless pursuit between hunters and preys, a trophic chain involving all the components in Nature, namely: Trees and Plants -Animals -the Genuine Human Beingsother Benevolent and Malevolent Beings, Taw Mänunga, Taw Märaqat. They all live in one single realm and are involved in a cycle of life and death, a biocenosis. If the genuine Human Beings, Taw banar, catch too much in the world they inhabit by hunting, fishing, cutting trees to make their upland fields, they become preys and their souls double, käruduwa, will become the food of Malevolent Beings. In fact, the other Beings attempt to restore a balance in the biotope, in the form of a retaliation , another form of hunting. Eager to capture human souls, they turn out to be ogres and cannibals: kanän ku ikäw, "I am going to eat you" say the Säqitan to frighten us.

In this vast disorder of the world they inhabit, how can a balance be restored? How can the genuine Human Beings, Taw banar, be protected from anguish, sickness and death?

For the Pala'wan, the answer is clear. It is necessary to avoid all excesses in hunting, fishing and the cutting of trees. It is necessary to maintain what is right, when taking from Nature, by respecting times, places and territories, but also, by providing the other collective Beings with compensatory offerings, like cooked rice and miniature wooden replica of birds and wild pigs as as a viand to their rice. Actually, the offerings are a semblance of a full meal given to the Masters of Trees and the Master of Animals in order to compensate them from the previous catch. By doing so, the Highlanders hope to prevent a retaliation and attrack luck when hunting in the future.

The Simbug ritual followed by the shamanic cure lasted twenty four hours after which, the spoken and the sung uttered words of Panu the "shaman", bälyan, and his split body acolyte, Kälulut, alternated with the spoken words of the plaintiff, Carmen -two partners involved in a formal 'jural discussion', bisara, with the Malevolents. These speech acts interacted with the speech acts of the other Beings and formed a tuilage, some kind of polyphony of voices in a tight and joint multifaceted dialogue between the Genuine Humans Taw Banar, the Benevolent Beings Taw Mänunga and the Malevolent Beings, Taw Märaqat, who are omnipresent on earth, dunyaq, who share the world the Pala'wan inhabit, as they live on the top of trees or on "the top of mounts", Taw ät Käbudbuluran, in the "middle space", lalangäw, or in the "wilderness", talun, notably in the "forest", gäbaq, "cliffs", pängras, as well as in the "abyss", basad.

Hence, several 'Humans' are involved in a complex discussion, an "argumentation-negociation", bisara. 4 The first words articulated, in a clear manner, by a simple Human Being, are an "invocation", sägina, rising up to the "Master", Ämpuq. The invoker reiterates his own fragility, ignorance and helplessness, and asks Ämpuq to look "toward us on this earth" and bear "witness", sumaksiq, to the ritual action taking place. He is the only one who has the power to "straighten up" mägpätignaq, the words of the shaman (sentence1-3). This "call", tingkag, is addressed to the Protective Souls, Lapis, begging them for help, as mediators (sentence 4).

Both Diwata' and Lapis' words come down vertically from the middle space towards the earth. Benevolent words come down in sung voice and are embodied by the shaman in an attempt to become clairvoyant. He takes the chance to become the receptacle of these messages and simultaneously performs the lumbaga, a subtle, ethereal message that he has to utter for the attentive community. His various Lapis come and lay on his sides, investing him. Then it is Ämpuq's turn to invest him with his power. Little by little a process of substitution takes place.

Before the 'call for help' two successive, discursive actions are necessary to assure the symbolic efficacy of the lumbaga. No conjuration process is at work, on the contrary, the cause of the sickness and the amount to pay as a fine, have to be understood, by capturing the furtive, even elliptic allusive words of the Lapis and the demands of the Säqitan5 .

Sequences scheme of the dialogue

By way of a dialogue this negotiation, offers itself to the ear and partially to sight, and follows a pattern. A query about the ailment, its causes and origins are put into words. Little by little, the key to the enigma is provided and the amount of the compensatory offering required by the Malevolents for the return of the captive soul is stipulated.

In his Voyage, the shaman is trying to set up a multimodal, dialogic relationship with the Other Beings. Through the acolyte's body and by his own voice, he is the vector of this exchange and becomes a medium. He is composing a real and virtual dialogue, purivocal and polyglottal, while the members of his community are the necessary silent witnesses. The shaman's words together with the appropriate co-verbal gestures are taking over. At this point, the dialogue is some-how enigmatic and hardly audible.

The excerpts of Ulit, which we analyzed, have to be viewed as a dialogic act, whose linearity is quite distinct from the pattern of a full sentence. We focus on what is happening at the level of an exchange of brief messages, weaving a complex relationship between addressors and addressees, and all of them are not visible. However they sound and by doing so are felt as present.

A shamanic dance, turun, (or kändar), gestures and motions, musical accompaniment of gongs, followed by silence, are the co-verbal components of the shaman's performance. Formerly he had surrounded his forehead with a red "turban", pänpälang, was wearing a "G-string", baqag, the only attire favoring hunting and catching wild animals and honey hives. At this very moment he wraps himself in a long piece of cloth to draw circles by stepping on the main floor while moving his arms with ruruku flowers at the tips of his fingers (Ocimun sanctum, Labiacea). This odoriferant flower gives an "ultra sight", pibiriq. It is the vehicule of the shaman's words towards Ämpuq and keeps away the Malevolents. Basel flower acts as an apotropaic charm and may reveal too the captive soul of the sick.

At the level of ritual speech, mägusik-usik (< usik, "to play")6 , is a creative performance and a linguistic play, a polyphony of two types of invisible but present speakers: Säqitan, the Malevolents, and Lapis, the Tutelary spirits. Furthermore, the dialogue includes Kälulut, the shaman's acolyte gimbar (or sabang), and for a larger part, Carmen the plaintiff, mother of Rusi7 . Generating and playing with tongues, sounds and voices, the shaman acts and articulates these for Rusi, her mother Carmen, and the whole community gathered under the roof of the large meeting house, to attend, to hear, to witness. The audience consists of relatives who came from various hamlets in an area of endogamy but do not interfere in this dialogue. People behave as one silent "witness", saksiq, secure in this play of words, motions and gestures in order to deal with invisible Human Beings.

Then, in the interlocution space, the shaman simultaneously emits, receives and transmits. Hence he has to modulate the timbre of his voice and select various linguistic speech styles so that each message sent or conveyed through his mediation, is endowed with a common meaning and a shared reference. He has to enable the audience to identify the various actors, their messages and the goal of this virtual dialogue. This is a performance regulated by Tradition, however very creative improvisations and the style of each shaman will generate a unique performative discourse.

Verbal and co-verbal components in an esoteric dialogue, Ulit :

1/: Sägina, 'Invocation' (sent. 1-20; pp. 1-6) followed by Tatabang, 'healing with medicinal plants (sent. 21-30) from 13'20" to 20'25" (duration: 7'05'').

First, the shaman "invokes the Protective souls resting on the sides of his body", säginanän yä Lapis ät bilug yä in. It sounds like a monologue endowed with a phatic function that will pave the way for a dialogue with the other Beings, one who is invisible forever, Ämpuq, but is nevertheless watching attentively. They are also human beings who are going to hear the messages uttered by the shaman, in ordinary speech with a natural voice, in a courteous and transparent register, without ornamentation, in spite of some redundancy, ulit-ulit. Later on, they will be the one to answer in a distinct vocal and linguistic register.

Sequences on Tape 2 Side A (Pagination follows the manuscript):

Seq.1-/: As the the invocation comes to a close, the shaman requests the gong orchestra, basal, 8 to resume playing and indicates to each person involved, a place on the central floor, lawasan, the ritual space in the large meeting house.

P. : Panu the shaman ; K : Kälulut , "Bee wax", his acolyte are the main agents. Turun ät bälyan 9 , "shaman dance" 8 starts as he faces the rising sun, tabuwan ät äldäw (p.7).

Seq.4-/: Meanwhile, Kälulut, seated in the center of the main floor, is "covered with a blanket" mägkukurumung ät kumut. The shaman sits by his side and starts to "nod his head", ligaq-ligaq, and to "shake", mäggärgär. From now on, his soul leaves his body, nanäwän. The Voyage towards the Säqitan is incipient.

Seq.5-/:

The first sounds are "words of wilderness", bäräs ät talun, emitted by the Peoples of the Forest, Taw ät Gäbaq, the Säqitan. The linguistic device, bulikata, is made of inversions and imitations of foreign tongues (Tausug and English, in this case), sulit-sulit ät bäräs suluk bäkäq inglis, chosen by Panu. In order to be successful in his talk with the Säqitan, he has to master inversion, since according to the myth, from the very beginning of the world and the first rules of society, Säqitan master inversion 10 .

Seq 5-/ Panu, (P), introduces himself respectfully. In a modest way he asks for help and assistance, if possible. He also presents the situation: "I am in search for a sick person whose käruduwa is captive of Grand-Father Säqitan". The shaman asks to be escorted in his Voyage towards Upuq Säqitan, in order to attract him to the large meeting house. He also asks for help in chosing the bisara style of speaking, as he is about to engage with the Malevolents, a formal discussion.

8 See J. [START_REF] Maceda | A Panorama of Philippine Music Instruments[END_REF], Gongs and Bamboo, the analysis of basal, gongs and drum ensemble music, pp. 28-29. 9 C. Macdonald in the area of Kulbiq observed: ' The sound of the gongs induces a trance-like state in most ordinary people, but prolonged verbal contact with divinities can be acheived only by the belyan. Deruhan chanting belongs to a genre called Ulit elsewhere in Palawan. Its melody is similar to epic chanting (Revel, 2001, pp. 135-148) and its specialized vocabulary makes it an esoteric kind of discourse', C. J-H, Macdonald , 2007, p. 97. 10 Initialy, the Säqitan inverted the rule of prohibition of incest, confusing the Genuine Human Beings and inducing them to commit the social wrong par excellence, 'incest', sumbang, namely, the marriage between first cousins in palawan society.

Seq. 5'-/ Kälulut his acolyte, informs him about the situation. He uses simple palawan daily speech as he has no Protective soul, Lapis, laying on him. He immediately reveals that Rusi is the captive spouse of Säqitan: Mandiq na (si Säqitan) ipäquliq käruduwa ni Rusi, sabab nägayam ät Säqitan, " Säqitan refuses to return Rusi's soul, as he is enamoured of her, for she has turned out to be his pet", ayam yä.

The Lapis answer:

"Gay ku mägsurut syu ät mänunga; misan nga kälaq angatän myu damän, ililaq kay dimyu ginsan". I want to reach a nice agreement; even though you ask from us a lot, we will give you all you want.

"Mandiq kay lang atin: si Rusi isyän my": One thing we refuse, that Rusi is your captive".

From now on, three types of speech are going to alternate according to the virtual partners the shaman is addressing to .The dialogic exchange turns into a genuine negotiation.

-Bulikata, a verbal play, "pleasant to ear", mänunga kingän, for the Säqitan: a glossolalia, either poorly articulated, whispered or mumbled. The Säqitan are polyglots, they master many tongues.

Based on inverted syllables we are facing backslang and interferences of two distinct pseudolanguages. It is rather a sonic blueprint, an imitation sulit-sulit of tausug, suluk, and english. These words are distinct from the two fast, shining and stochastic rhythms of the gongs: sinariksikan and tinäptapan.

Main linguistic features in the selected excerpts:

When bulikata is mimicking English phonetics: we are in the presence of a sung glossolalia with vowels forming a triphtong, totally foreign to Palawan language:

[Yei--------i]. 'Mumbling', amgwo, [Hmmmmmmm] with closed mouth, alternates with three attacks of an undulating voice, accompanied by a shift of vowel:

[Wa-----u ]. It generates a triphtong giving a peculiar color to the words that tend to sound like english: [Hau ar yu] "How are you?".

This mimicking play, this parody of two foreign tongues (english and tausug), provides the acting shaman with a larger verbal latitude, invites him to sonic and lexical creativity in speaking with the Malevolents11 .

We are not dealing with semantic borrowings, but with improvisations acting at a higher semantic level. Hence there is no literal translation possible. It is necessary to pass by a glose. Only knowledgeable shamans can achieve this interpretation and explain the meaning. The glossolalia is either sung or spoken (p.7, 9,11,12,15,17,20,21 of the Ms.)

-Lumbaga, the Lapis sung words are filtering from the shaman's sleeping body. Then some kind of oblivion of consciousness takes place, a death to himself -as the bälyan is "flying", lipat na", and his singing voice can be perceived as a metaphor of his soul-double, moving in the middle space, dialoguing with the other Taw. As lumbaga is performed the Lapis' voices sound like epic chanting, these are voices inspired by the "Epic Heroes", Taw Tutultulän who are floating above the canopy of trees and inspire the singers of tales. It is rather the incipit of an epic. The words of the invisible Lapis are made of the initial breathing groups of words, similar to epic chanting12 . This speech style gives the shaman a neutral, elegant, distant tonality. One can note aspirated syllables at the very start of each projection of voice according to the succession CVC or CV carrying the inspired syllable. Then the words reach a higher register, a softer timbre and draw a melodic curve (p. 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 17 of the Ms.). At the lexical level, a new shift occurs, this more melodic vocal gesture generates morphological contractions.

-Simbat ni Säqitan, "Säqitan' answers", are nothing else than a "backslang" bulikata, and a glossolalia mimicking the two mentionned foreign tongues, (p.18). They alternate with the mother of Rusi, Carmen's words. As she intervenes she sounds angry and strong. Her speech delivery is courteous but on a rather high register, the proper way to speak in a "jural discussion", bisara. The spoken negotiation is the only way to reach an agreement about the return of a captive soul.

From 27' to 49'10" (lasting 21' 10'') :

Seq.6-/: Bisara, consists of the questions on the causes of Carmen's second daughter's sickness, followed by either courteous comments or injunctions and a clear, straightforward refusal. The register is rather more acute by an octave in relation to the spoken words of the shaman, but closer to his sung words. It is a speech delivery in recto-tono, turning more confident and strong.

It tends to draw a straight line in the first selected utterance. Then the speech delivery tends to accelerate. All along the cure, the ways of speaking and stylized intonation curves of Carmen following the mämimisara style, alternates with three styles of the shaman: neutral speech, sung Lumbaga and Bulikata the way to address the Malevolent Beings either by backslang and glossolalia (pp.7-21 of Ms.).

Sequences of Tape 2, Side B:

Seq. 6 /: Four types of speech alternate during the shamanic curing session.

-Words of the shaman attempting to negotiate with the Malevolents the return of Rusi's soul; and the words of Carmen, opposing the Malevolents, a strong refusal with argumentation (pp. 22-27 du Ms.) -Shaman's speech in daily style alternating with the two other linguistic styles categorized and formerly described:

-Bulikata, (Ms pp. 22,23,24,25) -Lumbaga. (Ms. pp. 22,23,24 25,26,27) Seq. 7-/: Ulit come to a close (Ms. pp. 26, 27) from10' to15'19'' 8/: Basal music resumes as a closing formula.15'20''.

Seq.9-/: The following morning, Carmen enumerates the rituals already performed and the various attempts to cure Rusi, namely : Umanat, a thanksgiving with the offering of a white chicken + rice. Then : Ungsud ät siburan, the offering of a jar of rice beer, tinapäy. and finaly : Taklaqi, a bracelet with a "magic spell", batyaq, is worn by Rusi.

Seq.10-/: Panu gives some explanations about Rusi's troubles.

Seq.11-/: Panu narrates the "myth of origin of the soil and medicinal plants", Tuturan ät lugtaq bäkäq tatabang (480-700). This is one of the rare moments of a spontaneous transmission of an ethiological myth and the style of speech is simple, voice is natural with no dramatisation, no ornaments, nor rhetorics. However it is somehow a didactic voice, the one of the "Teaching of the Ancestors" Tuturan ät Kägunggurangan, reiterated by Panu the Elder, who, on that day, acted also as shaman.

Exchanging Words between Panu, the Shaman, with the Benevolents, Lapis and the Malevolents, Säqitan.

Argumentation Words by Carmen, the plaintiff. . Cd but all these ailments, I ask for your help.

. Well, it is enough that you listen to me, the proof that I ask for your help , the very proof, as I said, that I have nothing, the proof of it, I ask for your assistance… U Pilnu, (her husband, Rusi's father) pass me the coins."

BULIKATA ( Ba+Bb+Bc) from 41'56" to 43' (lasting 1'42) Glossolalia mimicking English, dialogue between the shaman Panu and the Säqitan

[Rugis-------------Ba Bela be linis-------]

Glose of the glossolalia: "Tägay käw mäna, mägbisara kay mäna. Lapakan käw nga, kaya käw mäkäkingäg, mägisun tä ät mänunga , mägsudsugid tä ät mänunga , sabab päglilaq dyä nämägungsud dyä nä".

"Wait, let us make a discussion first. You cannot ear yet , let us make a nice agreement. Let us make a good agreement, let us discuss politely as they have already apologized, they have already made a compensatory offering." Säqitan : [Yie--------------------------i Hmmmmmmmm Hm wa- -ae--------------------A---wau---wau ---

Libu libu burang amas We------we -----]

" Yie--------------------------i Hmmmmmmmm Hm wa--ae-------------------- A---wau---wau ---wau Bb Boq ----boq----boq----

Spectral Analysis of this Dialogic Performance by Deirdre Bolger

During the dialogic performance, it is important that the audience can distinguish, by ear, who is speaking and who they are addressing. For this to be possible, each antagonist participating in the performance needs their own distinctive sonic feature or features which, like a leitmotif, will herald each character's entry and allow the audience to follow the dialogue. In addition to facilitating the identification of each character, the acoustic features of each vocal style, the result of their vocal production, can also contribute to the meaning of the utterances. So, it is thanks to the different vocal styles employed that the Taw banar, those attending the cure, can follow the complex dialogical negotiation and understand the connectedness and tight reciprocity between all the various collective Beings. This polyphony of voice and speech manifests how they are ineluctably linked to Pala'wan cosmogony and life. Thus, on this basis, we consider it important to highlight the principle acoustic features of each vocal style encountered in this dialogic performance:

• Lumbaga: sung vocal style used by Panu, the shaman with the Lapis • Bulikata: spoken vocal style, backslang, used by Panu addressing the Malevolents.

• Bisara: rhetorical vocal style used by Carmen in argumentation and request.

To bring to light the distinctive features of each of the vocal styles used in the dialogic performance, we analyzed each style in terms of prosody and sound quality. The study of prosody involved looking at intonation characteristics as well as the tempo of speech delivery. To analyze the sound quality, we considered the distribution of energy in the spectrum of the vocal productions by calculating the formants and the timbre descriptors, spectral centroid, spectral spread and entropy.

The analyses were carried out using the Music Information Retrieval (MIRtoolbox) toolbox, a Matlab toolbox for the analysis of Speech and Music [START_REF] Lartillot | A matlab toolbox for music information retrieval[END_REF] and with the Praat software (Boersma & Wenick, 2019). Spectrograms were generated for each vocal style to present the spectral and formant structure of the speech stimuli and their evolution over time. Here, the spectrograms were calculated by applying a hamming window with a frame length of 0.05seconds and a frame step of 0.5 of frame length. The principle formants were extracted by calculating the linear predictive coefficients (LPC) on each frame using an autocorrelation method. A frame length of 0.5seconds with a frame step of 0.5 was applied here to yield a temporally smoother representation of the formants. To look at intonation, the pitch contour was calculated using an autocorrelation method and frequencies between 75Hz and 500Hz were taken into account. To investigate the distribution of energy over the spectrum of each vocal style, the spectral centroid and the spectral spread were calculated; the results of these analyses are expressed in hertz (Hz). The long-term average spectrum (LTAS) was calculated using the Praat software. The LTAS presents the average energy profile over an entire vocal excerpt and, while it does not give information regarding intonation patterns, it does reveal overall voice quality and vocal effort [START_REF] Löfqvist | Long-time average spectrum of speech and voice analysis[END_REF]; indeed LTAS has has been applied in research into emotion in speech (reference). Generally to yield stable and reliable results, the LTAS requires acoustic input of longer duration than the excerpts analyzed in this study. But we apply it here to give us an insight into the differences in vocal quality and vocal effort in the different vocal styles analyzed here.

The rhythmic or temporal characteristics of each vocal style were investigated by calculating both the tempo in beats per minute (bpm) over time and the average tempo over an entire excerpt. These were computed using the MIRtoolbox. The tempo was estimated by decomposing the time-dependent amplitude envelope, its constituent periodicities. Here we present the tempo over time to show, for each vocal style, the manner in which the tempo varies over the course of an excerpt and in relation to the dialogue. In addition, to reveal the distribution of tempo values for a given vocal style, we present histograms of tempo values.

In order to listen to the three voices and simultaneously to visualize properly their respective acoustic analysis (pp. 1-12) we refer the reader to click on: Link……………………………………….

Website: ……………………………………

Last comments on an esoteric dialogue during the Voyage

Thanks to the distinctive sonic features that we have attempted to capture in our above analysis, the audience is helped to discern, by ear, the co-presence and interpersonal relationship of the people involved. They help the "genuine Human Beings", Taw banar, to follow the rather enigmatic sequences of speech acts making up this shamanic negociation and, as a consequence, grasp the various messages relayed in a rather complex dialogue. They allow to interprete, partly, the relation of reciprocity that this vocal and spoken polyphony tries to instaure 13 in this fictional world of the ritual. This polyphony manifests the ineluctable connectedness between all the collective Beings in Pala'wan animist ontology in ordrer to negociate by the spoken word, the return of a captive soul and to restaure a balance in the biotope.

In this long speech event, three codes are set in motion and alternate according to the turns taking of the visible and invisible interlocutors. Beyond everyday speech, as the cure is unfolding, the shaman has to adopt beyond his natural speech style, two distinct voices and spoken styles as each one is related to the respective tongue of the collective Beings involved in this hard talk, namely Taw Mänunga, the Benevolents and Taw Märaqat, the Malevolents.

There is not a single way to "play", each shaman has his own speech style and body motions. By his danse, his voice (timbre, rhythm), words and utterances, he attempts to have a direct contact with his tutelary spirits, Lapis, and a more dareful and difficult one with the Säqitan. By doing so, he has no other goal than to bring to a close a successful negociation that he accepted to initiate in a precise moment of his life, at the request of his anxious community. His way to conduct the healing session, his shamanistic mastery manifests a know-how in relating with other living invisible Humans, mimicking their respective codified tongues. This attempt demands a personal commitment and a singular speech creativity.

Ulit implies an improvisation and the talent of a single person who can succeed or fail. This explains the feeling of vulnerability, the attitude of sincere modesty, of aknowledged ignorance when a shaman takes the chance and the risk of making the Voyage for the sake of a sick person in the presence of his trusting community. In the shared vision that is theirs, all together they enter the fiction.

_________________ 13 In his dissertation Songs and Gifts at the frontier, J. Buenconsejo has shown the complexity and the necessity of reciprocity and inter-personal exchange in the Tadom song, a possesion ritual among the Agusan Manobo in Mindanao. Another Tod'om song was taped in 1999, transcribed and translated in english (56 p.), by M. Sembrano among the Mamanwa during Kahimonan, 'Boar Sacrifice Ritual'(See http://epics.ateneo.edu/epics (Box10: Mamanwa 10.1)

  Transcriptions and Translations N.Revel & J. Rilla. Glosses N. Revel, J. Rilla & A. Rilla. LUMBAGA sung words of the Lapis by Panu, the shaman, BISARA argumentation words and request by Carmen, the plaintiff BULIKATA glossolalia either said or mumbled by Panu + Glosses LUMBAGA (La+Lb): from 40' 47" to 41' 17"(lasting30") Sung by Panu: [Hin näkälanduq dyä nä kunuq . La Hin ba langku sagwaq atin Sinu kunuq nägsugid dimyu na mändaruduq käw . Ca " Not my friend Pilnu, I have no intention to call Diwata . As of now, I ask Panu to present apologies to the Säqitan) Here is what I say, to apologize, for the wrong we have done.] . Cb Because the child...( might be sick) . Of course the Ancestors, I heard them already... . Cc and this is the reason why I try to help (Panu) ]

  Panu wipes his forehead and arms with ruruku, the basil flower and resin. He asks for a blanket for the delicate Lapis to be able to rest and to speak through the shaman's voice. At this very moment, the shaman turns into a medium. Gongs start to play the very fast rhythm of sinäriksikan.

	20' 25'':	P. "Mägbasal käw nä!" Now, play the gongs!
		K. " Ämbä ku dakän?" Where do I stay?'
		P. " Duqun ka dimu, ät tängaq" You? There, in the center of the floor.
	Seq.2-/: Basal, Gongs Music at the opening of Seq.2: from 21' to 26'15" (duration: 1'15'')
	Seq.3-/:

nga siqin, kurang nä Mägdugan kä nang burang amas burang amas, mande dyä Isugid ku dimyu Hu misan änu nga ipäbiriq muyu diki kädyä atin]

	boq few coins…it is too little money continue, continue six, six , I bring it out Here is the money they want ten thousands tousands of lutlut and minälmäl (ceremonial rice cakes)." LUMBAGA from 43'20" to 43'36" (lasting16") Sung by the Lapis of the shaman Panu: you have to add (glutinous and fermented rice cakes) They decline this. I tell you something: Whatever you present to them It will never be enough". [Gay ku "I want more money, it is still missing BISARA from 43'

36" to 44" (lasting 24") Speech acts with implicatures C [Naq itwä, kwan ku dag kätilambung pängärkan ku sasat… angkansa tiban kaya nga abyaq ku … Aku mätulungan myu nga, mängingasinan myu nga Atin isibäg ku nga dimyu]

	C "Then now, I do say regarding the child, I want to apologize
	That is why now, I have nothing left…
	Do help me, do pity me
	I still trust in your help".

N.[START_REF] Revel | Fleurs de Paroles[END_REF], Fleurs de paroles. Histoire naturelle palawan. Les Dons de Nägsalad, Épilogue, pp.

[287][288][289][290][291][292][293][294][295][296][297]. See a slides shaw of this ritual in the DVDrom, Urangin, The Invocations, and a general explanation in Pala'wan Verbal Arts, A Living Memory in SoutheastAsia, 2017, Ch.VI, pp.138-143.

N. Revel, 2017, Pala'wan Verbal Arts. A Living Memory in South-Esat Asia, Module 1, pp. 23-25.

N. Revel, 1998, « Corps en jeu/je ou la chasse généralisée. Biocénose palawan », Le corps humain possédé, sacrifié, cannibalisé, M. Godelier et M. Panoff (éds.), vol. 2, pp. 71-86.

N. Revel, 2017, Pala'wan Verbal Arts. A Living Memory in South-Esat Asia, Chap.VII and DVDRom Module : Bisara, pp.180-187.

N. Revel 2004, « Dédoublement de la parole et de l'action dialogique dans une séance chamanique palawan, ulit (Philippines) », pp.180-192.

R. Hamayon's comparative and cognitive major work, Jouer. Une étude anthropologique, analyses the examplary case study of the Bouriates living in Lake Baïkal region(See Ch.4,. In « La voix de l'autre, animal ou mort, dans le shamanisme siberien », (pp. 341-354), the body motions and the vocal sounds of the shaman of Siberia mimicking the animals are described, but not heard. The link between the singer of tales and the shaman in Siberia and Mongolia is illustrated by her numerous publications. Among Pala'wan Highlanders, epics describe shamanistic experiences too, but with quite distinct modalities, refering to the animist ontology of this society of hunters and swidden agriculturists in Southeast Asia.

Five procedures were discribed by H.Conklin among the Hanunóo: Linguistic play in its cultural context 1959, bulikata inversion of syllables, is relevant to type A in this culture: (Fr: verlan' à l'envers) or (Engl: backslang).

Novozhenova, E., 2006, following U. Weinreich Languages in Contact, Findings and Problems, 1953, proposed to consider the phenomenon of lexical interference in contrast to borrowing in Filipino at the phonological and morphological levels, not at the lexical level.

Revel-Macdonald N., 1983, (pp. 39-44) andRevel N., 2000 (pp. 265-267): the musical units in singing an epic among the Pala'wan are based on ' a breathing group of words'. An opening syllabe [ Hin ....] and a closing syllabe[... in ] or[…bä ] are encapsulating a sequence of sentences of variable lenghts according to the breathing capacity of each singer of tales.

Mmmm-----]

.

Lb [Han mägbayad kädyä nägsugid muyu nä Maya pagundukan säntin]

' Hin both are already engaged (hence the refusal to give the girl back)

. La Hin may be........ but this...

Who told you to be worried, said he? Mmm-----]

. Lb Han you want to give them a counter part, they told you

Here there is the headman (of the Säqitan)' BISARA (Ca+Cb) from 41'17" to 41'56" (lasting 39") Argumentation by Carmen + Glossolia by the shaman in a tiling way.

.

Ca [Diki lang si ilaq (Pilnu), diki ku täyän mapät tulingkag

.

Atin isubäg malum ku nga sasat tiban,

. kwan ku dakän damän isubäg ku

.

pägkäradyanan kay]

.

Cb [Pagka kätilambung in täyän

.

Ha ---------------------------

Daluq gasi gungguran, atin näkinäg ku nä]

.

Cc [Sägwaq angkansa tiban itwä sulayan ku isibag]

.

Cd [Sägwaq ginsan atin mängagat ku dimu (ät tulung)

.

Hä säkäd kingäg-kinäg mu dakän

.

Tandaq ät mangat ku nä dimu

.

Tandaq ät kwan ku dakän mäbyaq tiban

. Tandaq sumirut ku dimu

.

Haq dag Pilnu, siqin in]