Arnar

The making of the book, which will evolve into a whole, begins with a sentence.

attention from textual alterations and stages of revision onto the author's both expert, maniac and metaphysical craft of book composition and publishing techniques, his considerations about the printing process and the material volume conceived as a spiritual extension of the writing process and a sacred casket to the poem.

It examines Mallarmé's self-assertion as the author of both the text and the book that mediates the power of its words. It also investigates the Faun from the perspective of publishing history and chooses to do so after Mallarmé's private and mundane correspondence. This huge and invaluable archive 9 has often been consulted to provide information and supplement textual interpretation with accurate data drawn from literary history. It has less often been considered as a corpus per se deserving to be treated as a primary document rather than simply a secondary source, let alone as the basic evidence for a critical case study. Resorting to Mallarmé's letters rather than on statements within his published poetic work, helps discard the set of appearances put up to sustain his intended public image of a modest and disinterested poet. Meanwhile the letters confirm through a case of "extra-textual -or extended -text-self-branding", Bakken's suggestion of a Rhetorical ethos at work in Mallarmé's work of prose, e.g. a commitment and auctorial presence in the text confirming the author's social engagement 10 .

Relating the editorial epic of the Faun to Mallarmé's exclusive yet concrete concept of the Book will confirm why the poem "often served to illustrate a breakthrough in Mallarmé's style from the epigonic works of the 1860s to a recognizably mature symbolism" 11 . It will also showcase Mallarmé's specific contribution to the symbolist book particularly through the notion of synesthesia, lyrical and nostalgic, based on a mixture of the ancient and the modern 12 , combining unfinished poems, unsophisticated, sometimes exquisite, with absolute and final pieces "like the charming habit some very rich and very refined people used to have of wearing around their arm, in a 19 th century setting […] a wonderful array of antique medallions and cameos 13 ". The printing process and means requested for precious illustrated editions of the Faun -some of it possibly not entirely genuine but inspired by the publisher Lemerre's edition of the poems of Chénier which Mallarmé reviewed, marveled at and tried to replicate in La Dernière Mode (1874) 14 -, reflect the symbolist values attached to the volume as an instrument of textual protection: the aim of the lavishness being, like the extensive corrections, like the ribbons to "dress" the copies, to "shield [the verses] from the hostile glare of daylight 15 ", to clothe them, in the same way that for the bibliophile Octave Uzanne, the book was the clothing of thought, without which it would be "naked". Similarly, the Faun's princeps edition has a sensual fetishist value dear to symbolist artists, as exhibited in a famous scene by Huysmans in A Rebours which was directly inspired by the original edition of the Faun: "Des Esseintes also felt specious delight in touching this tiny booklet, whose Japan paper cover, as white as curd cheese, was fastened by two silk ribbons, one China-rose pink and the other black 16 ."

Yet, the case study mainly aims at a more precise understanding of the mimetic value of the volume, a value highlighted by Mallarmé on his own as essential and intentional, "because, and this is the whole point of view (which I had to omit in a "periodical"), the rhythm of a phrase about an act or even an object only has meaning if it imitates them, and appears on the paper, taken up by the original printed letter, and can, nevertheless, convey something 17 ". Such a mimetic value was perceived by Henri de Régnier who enjoyed rereading the Faun "in its proud and indolent finery of the original edition, scattered sheets, comfortably gathered together […] completed by the innocent and unruly naiads which the painter Manet has drawn […] and the Faun […] sitting on the riverbank waiting with eager curiosity and sensual anxiety 18 ". Exploring the evolution of this tangible formalism from the standpoint of the Faun' publishing history and through the letters, on the timescale of the day to day collaboration with the professionals, will lead to a fresh perspective about Mallarmé's philosophy of the book at large: one that sets him apart even from the symbolist movement he 13 La Dernière Mode, 6 th issue, 15 November 1874, quoted by Henri Mondor, Histoire d'un Faune, op. cit., p. 164. 14 BOHAC, B., "Mallarmé et l'esthétique du livre", art.cit., pp. 152-153. 15 MALLARMÉ, S., Letter to Cazalis, Correspondance, vol. II, op. cit., p. 123. 16 HUYSMANS J.K., A Rebours (Against nature), Ed. Babel-Labor, 1992, p. 281: "Concealed behind the cover, the black braid joined the pink braid, which added something libertine, like a touch of velveteen, to the ancient whiteness, to the naive nakedness of the book, and they intertwined, forming a loose bow, the dark color with the light color, suggesting a discrete warning of that regret, a vague threat of that sadness, which follows joy extinguished and intense excitement subdued. Des Esseintes placed The Afternoon of a Faun back on the table." 17 MALLARMÉ S., Ecrits sur le livre (Writings about the book), op. cit., p.119-120. My emphasis. 18 RÉGNIER H. de, February 1887, quoted by J.K. Huysmans in Écrits sur l'art (Writings about Art) , edited and prefaced by Patrice Locmant, Paris, Éditions Bartillat, 2006. fathered, leaves him free to think ahead of the French print culture and creative life of his times and opens to further typographic and artistic developments 19 as well as alternate modern interpretations 20 .

The editorial history of The Afternoon of a Faun

The editorial history of the short masterpiece which Mallarmé called, after its first publication, the Faun, my Faun, conveys most of the issues of the metaphysics of the book.

These can be reconstructed to a certain extent from several documentary sources 21 , particularly the letters, so rich in terms of their number, the diversity of the correspondents involved, and their subjects related to the career of the poet, the translator or, more simply, the teacher. The Faun reappears throughout thirty-six years of correspondence, a lingering issue continuously brooded over. Henri Mondor recounts, in 1948, the "tireless drafting" of this poem begun by Mallarmé at high school, around 1859-1860, which saw many preliminary versions, manuscript stages, literary, theatrical and editorial misfortunes, problems in publishing and printing, temporary or permanent, sidestepped and overcome or, in contrast, planned and agreed by the poet. Studying Debussy's response to Mallarmé's textual forms, as well as "The Formal Rhythms of Mallarmé's Faun 22 ", David J. Code offers insights also about how "through the fine-tuning of symmetries, proportional patterns, and interrelated details of language, Mallarmé drew his text onto focus 23 " and how is "travail resulted not only in an attenuation of the poem's surface processes, but also in a tightening of its formal precision 24 " to make it more powerfully suggestive. Altogether the sources and documents currently available suggest the illustrative nature of the work, representative -no other having been the subject of so many versions and editions during the lifetime of the author, at his initiative or under his supervision -of a surprising editorial logic, which is above all a demanding, poetic and autobiographical logic, of the reception and reading of the work 25 .

19 As sustained by Arnar, S., The Book as Instrument, Stéphane Mallarmé, the artist's book, and the transformation of print culture, op. cit, and Bohac, B., "Mallarmé et l'esthétique du livre", in L'Esthétique du livre, A. Milon and M. Perelman (ed.), Presses Universitaires de Paris-Ouest, 2010, pp. 149-164. 20 Illouz, J.-N., "L'Après-midi d'un faune et l'interprétation des arts : Mallarmé, Manet, Debussy, Gauguin, Nijinski", Littérature, N° 168, 2012/4, pp. 3-20. 21 Because many uncertainties still await the book or literary historian who claims to have finished with this work. 22 CODE, D., J., "Hearing Debussy Reading Mallarmé : Music après Wagner in the Prélude à l 'après-midi d'un faune", art.cit, pp. 493-554 ; "The Formal Rhythms of Mallarmé's Faun", Representations, Vol.86, N°1 (Spring 2004), pp.73-119. 23 CODE, D., J. "Hearing Debussy Reading Mallarmé", art.cit, p. 499. 24 Id. 25 Bertrand Marchal, quoting the long letter of Mallarmé to Verlaine on 16 November 1885, emphasizes in the "Note" of Poésies (Poetical Works), O.C., vol. I, op. cit., p. 1139O.C., vol. I, op. cit., p. -1140:"Mallarmé scarcely :"Mallarmé scarcely with the rarest materials, all the savoir-faire which does credit to contemporary Typography and Publishing 31 ". Printed on the presses of Motteroz, 31 rue du Dragon, 175 of the 195 copies published or unpublished poems into a collection […] [and] at 43-years-old […] he had no collection to his name. [Is this] disdain […] for poems which, in terms of the ideal book, would be "scraps", "rags" or simple "visiting cards" ? […] The fact is that this collection, whose neutral title refocuses on the key subject, which is the poetry, is deliberately organized as […] a poetic autobiography […] This venture then fits into the space of the book in two ways, between the blank page and the closed book, and may have another name: reading." 26 CODE, D., J., "Hearing Debussy Reading Mallarmé", art.cit., p. 497-498. 27 MALLARMÉ S., Letter to Théodore Aubanel, [27 September 1865], Correspondance, Lettres sur la poésie (Letters about poetry), Preface by Yves Bonnefoy, edited by Bertrand Marchal, Folio, Gallimard, 1995, p. 253. 28 Henri Mondor points out that this includes, according to the manuscripts and drafts discovered, dating from 1865 and 1873-1874, a dialogue between nymphs and a second monologue of the faun awakening "after some kind of death". Histoire d 'un Faune (Story of a Faun), op. cit., pp. 257-259. 29 Id., p. 257. 30 Banville recommended accepting the poem "despite a lack of clarity, due to its rare harmonic and musical qualities", but let the other two have their way, particularly Anatole France, "We would be laughed at". MALLARMÉ S., Letter to Catulle Mendès, 28 July 1875, note 2, Correspondance, vol. II, 1871-1885, op. cit., p. 65. 31 Derenne edition, colophon.

were on light Japan and Holland paper (with or without ties) and 20 on large Japan, numbered separately, including "Frontispiece and Ex-libris except Fleurons and Vignettes in the text, in two pages, illustrations by Manet, on 16 pages of octavo Japan paper, gilt-titled, and fastened with China-rose silk ribbons 32 ".

In 1885, the edition of The Afternoon of a Faun by Léo d'Orfer, to whom Mallarmé had entrusted the text in 1884 for publication in the Permesse (Permessus) 33 , was refused by the author: the proofs had been corrected 34 but d'Orfer had transferred the rights to a series of bawdy works to appear, according to the magazine Taches (Inkblots) Mallarmé, Ibid., p. 267. 35 MALLARMÉ, S., Letter to Léo d'Orfer, 27 June 1884, O.C., vol. I, op. cit., p. 782 and note 1, p. 1433: "My dear Monsieur d'Orfer, Your sudden order was a blow which blinded me for an instant! -"Define poetry." I stammer, wounded: "Poetry is the expression, restored by human language to its essential rhythm, of the mysterious meaning of aspects of our existence: it thus endows our time on earth with authenticity and constitutes the only spiritual task." The definition appeared in the third issue of La Vogue, in 1886, pages 70-72, in the Curiosities section, with the replies of other poets. Cf. Correspondance, vol. II, 1871-1885, note 1, p. 266. 36 The prosecution did not break the contract or halt the sale of the books but it allowed the author to distinguish between the editions he publicized and those he denounced. Cf. Letter to Verhaeren, 20 January 1888, Correspondance, vol. III, op. cit., p. 165-166. 37 MALLARME, S., Letter to Verhaeren, Correspondance, Lettres sur la poésie, op. cit., p. 599.

and Co. at Asnières. It was an edition in nine photo-offset quires 38 of the manuscripts of Poésies (Poetical Works) 39 ; the Faun, in which the woodcut of Manet did not appear, was the sixth, printed in 47 copies 40 , with a frontispiece by Félicien Rops.

In 1888, Vanier, without telling the author, published the Faun in an octavo booklet, 15.5 x 23 cm, with an imitation parchment cover; presented as a "new edition" this is the "cheap hybrid forgery" of the Derenne edition criticized by Mallarmé 41 .

In 1893, the poem was picked up again, in the collection of selected pieces entitled Vers et Proses (Poems and Prose) published by the Librairie Académique Perrin.

In 1899, it reappeared, posthumously, published by Edmond Deman in the volume Poésies, a collection of all the poems that Mallarmé, who had carefully prepared the edition, had definitively chosen to represent his life's poetic work.

Simultaneous and rival editions of the same work

Actual and planned editions both proliferated and coincided with each other: the attempt to publish the Faun in the Parnasse contemporain 42 was contemporary with that of Le Corbeau (The Raven) with the same publisher 43 ; this did not prevent, at the same time, the rival project of a "monumental edition" of 200 copies of the same text by Richard Lesclide in May 1875.

In February 1887, while Vanier was producing the Faun, he also published the issue of Hommes d'aujourd'hui (Men of Today) about Mallarmé without the permission of the author and without letting him correct the proofs. Mallarmé therefore entrusted the definitive limited 38 Published in October of the same year. 39 MONDOR H., Histoire d'un Faune, op. cit., p. 254. 40 Correspondance, Lettres sur la poésie, op. cit., p. 600. 41 7 May 1886, Letter to Léon Vanier, MALLARMÉ S., Correspondance, vol. III, op. cit., pp. 29-31. 42 It seems that Lemerre hesitated between a Parnassus, a compilation of long and short prose and poetry pieces, and, in the absence of enough responses, a simple volume of six or eight long poems Cf. Letter to Catulle Mendès, July 1875, note 4, Correspondance, vol. II, op. cit., p. 63. 43 Mallarmé had perhaps hoped for the Elzevirian series for Le Corbeau but then had to fall back on a small school edition. This earned him the negative opinion of the teachers consulted, reported by the publisher in his letter of 11 March 1875. Cf. Letter to Léon Cladel, note 6, Correspondance, vol. II, op. cit., p. 60. edition of the Faun to Dujardin for La Revue indépendante but, despite this, the Vanier edition was not suspended.

In July 1887, four months after the publication of the Revue indépendante editions, Mallarmé, claiming that the private edition of Dujardin would go unnoticed and, in some ways, did not count, asked Dujardin for permission to include the Faun in l'Anthologie contemporain (The Contemporary Anthology). Dujardin refused, depriving Mallarmé of the free use of his work, the only writing or publishing contract that he considered worthwhile.

In 1888, both Léon Vanier and Edmond Deman were undertaking the publication of the Poèmes d'Edgar Poe. Mallarmé allowed the proofs of Vanier to drag on 44 , who himself had postponed the printing for two years, so that the Deman edition could gather speed and make the Vanier edition obsolete. In October 1888, he wrote to Deman that Vanier "had given up any idea of prosecution and even of publishing, [and] is worn down by our magnificent volume 45 " but in 1889, the Poèmes d'Edgar Poe, like the Faun in 1888, was well and truly with Vanier who wanted to publish Mallarmé while needing competition 46 and perhaps to rid himself of the author's supervision in order to achieve this. Anyway, although they had been rather cool with each other since 1888, Vanier continued to sell Mallarmé's books and, in 1891, the author broke the silence and wrote to Vanier 47 to discuss a possible reissue of Vathek, which was finally published by Perrin in 1893.

Mallarmé set up a similar pattern of pitting editions and publishers against each other for the same text in 1898 in his dealings with Ambroise Vollard, to whom Mallarmé gives, with justifications and pretended innocence, all the rights to Hérodiade (Herodias) despite the claims of Deman to the same title 48 . However, in a letter of July 1896 about the proofs of Vers, in which the Faun was to be republished, Mallarmé had in fact suggested that Deman publish Herodias, after the previous publication of two extracts in La Revue Blanche (The White Review) even if, as the poem was not yet finished, this would postpone the publication of the 44 MALLARMÉ, S., Letter to Deman, 29 June 1888, Correspondance, vol. III, op. cit., p. 217: "Vanier has sent me the proofs of his edition of Poe: given his poor practices and the fact that I consider only your publication to be my own, and that I want it to be the only one to include the dedication and the sonnet (in short, that which is personal), I will let the proofs drag on, especially with the holidays coming." 45 Ibid., p. 266 and note 5. 46 Vanier had been alerted by the announcement of the Deman edition in the Revue indépendante of May 1888. 47 MALLARME, S., Letter to Léon Vanier, 6 June 1891, Correspondance, vol. IV, 1890-1891, op. cit., p. 247. 48 MALLARMÉ, S., Letter to Ambroise Vollard, 16 May 1898, O.C., vol. I, op. cit., p. 820: "Deman has no rights, none; nor has he had any discussions with me about this, prior to the agreement between you and me […] Deman, who has the right to an edition of my poems, has concluded from information given by me at the beginning of various books that this reprint of Herodias belongs to him, I know nothing of this, and I would find it unreasonable if he made any announcements about it. Urge him, this concerns you, on the basis of your rights and my support, to stop, so that you do not have to refute it in public; he will not hesitate, he is still a very good man… All the same, I do not understand anything about this fantasy […]" collection 49 . In November 1896, he explained to Deman that the poem was not ready but that he intended "to publish it separately, straight away or as soon as it has appeared in La Revue Blanche and [that] one must clearly wait a little while before republishing it in the Poetical Works 50 , for which it will be, when finished, the Finale 51 ." Finally, in a note in his will written on the eve of his death he stipulated: "My poems are for Fasquelle, here, and Deman, if he will limit himself to Belgium: Poetical Works and Vers de circonstances (Occasional Verses) with The Afternoon of a Faun and The Wedding of Herodias. Mystery 52 ." Bertrand Marchal notes that "Mallarmé had signed a contract with Deman for his Poésies, which was certainly not limited to Belgium. After the death of the poet, Deman asserted his rights and won his case: he was the one to publish Poetical Works in 1899 53 ".

Mallarmé rapidly published editions and reissues one after another: "This little pastoral poem is yours -he wrote to d'Orfer in 1884, before retracting -if you believe you should publish it in your first issue 54 ." He gave a number of reasons: "I would add, illogically, that one could even point to the extreme rarity of the deluxe copy of the Faun today, to motivate its reproduction in the Permesse."

In 1887, the colophon of the Faun in the Revue indépendante declared: "the wish to make a correction to a line of the noble original edition of The Afternoon of a Faun, at the same time as disapproving of all imitations of identical format or choice of characters which might appear against the author's wishes, this is why I have decided to entrust the care of a standard definitive reprint to the Revue indépendante; one would not dare say popular, despite the favor which seems to be attached to this short poem 55 ."

In reality, although Mallarmé claimed to grant a favor to successive publishers of the Faun by giving them the right to reproduce a work fixed by "the fine subscribed publication then blown away by so many auctions 56 " and to respond to the favor that would be granted to him, he knew perfectly well, because he kept a very accurate account of the copies sold or in stock, that none of the prior editions of the Faun 57 -which appeared without any fuss and never had many buyers -had run out and that ten years after the publication of the book (by Derenne), "although bound in Japan paper and with gilt lettering", one could still easily acquire a copy as less than 160 people bought the original edition of The Afternoon of a Faun 58 "!

Multiplicity of people involved and paradoxical relationships between the author and his printer-publishers

This overlapping of planned and actual editions involved a multiplicity of publishers, printers, booksellers, editors, managers of magazines, and of intermediate, private, bibliophile and populist publications, concerned in one way or another in the history, or even the editorial writing of the Faun, endlessly announced, reported, postponed, and resumed 59 .

58 MONDOR H., Histoire d'un Faune, op. cit., p. 249. 59 Eugène Lefébure, "In my Faun, for such is my hero, I indulge in summery expansions that I know nothing of, while hollowing out the poem a great deal, which is very difficult because of the action", MALLARMÉ S., Letter to Eugène Lefébure, [30 June 1865], Correspondance, Lettres sur la poésie, Preface by Yves Bonnefoy, Bertrand Marchal Edition, Folio, Gallimard, 1995, p. 244. Henri Cazalis, MALLARMÉ S., Letter to Cazalis, 28 April 1866, Ibid., p. 298. Théodore de Banville and Coquelin, to whom he sent it for the Théâtre Français; Théodore Aubanel whom he informed of their reply; Victor Pavie, a printer in Angers, publisher of Gaspard de la nuit (Keeper of the night) by Luis Bertrand which Mallarmé admired; Pincebourde, "a bookseller for writers and collectors, a lover of rare or lost romantic works" Ibid., p.284; Joseph Roumanille, a bookseller and poet of Provence; Catulle Mendès, publisher of Parnasse contemporain then of the République des Lettres, one of the three dedicatees, along with Léon Cladel and Léon Dierx, of the first edition; Louis Xavier de Ricard, co-director with Mendès of Parnasse contemporain before the creation of the République des Lettres; Léo D'Orfer, supposed publisher of the Faun, director of short-lived magazines such as Scapin or La Décadence (Decadence) in which Mallarmé did not want to publish unless the magazine title was changed; Anatole France, who refused the Faun for the Parnasse contemporain because "We would be laughed at"; Alphonse Lemerre, to whom Mallarmé sent the Faun in June 1875 for the third Parnasse contemporain and who first published the Toast funèbre (Funeral toast) by Mallarmé in 1873 in Le Tombeau de Théophile Gauthier (The Tomb of Théophile Gauthier). Mallarmé had come into contact with him in 1868, through Cazalis and Lefébure, when a collection of sonnets illustrated by etchings was being put together and for which he had sent a sonnet. Neither Mallarmé's nor Lefébure's sonnet would appear in this collection. Cf. Letter to Cazalis, Ibid., note 2, p. 393. Richard Lesclide, Victor Hugo's secretary and publisher of Le Corbeau, "a man conducting bad business whom I see very little", MALLARMÉ, S., Correspondance, vol. II, 1871-1885, op. cit., pp. 136-137. John Payne, poet and English translator, who sang the praises of the Faun in the English literary magazine The Athenaeum; the publisher Charpentier, who Mallarmé thought of for a while to set up another literary group after the break-up with Lemerre and who published the Faun in the volume of Divagations; Alphonse Derenne, "a new man, a printer who wants to become a publisher, […] a man of goodwill", Ibid., pp. 86-87, described by Roujon as a "bookseller with a nostalgic temperament, who publishes obstetric theses and prefers to go to the café", Ibid., note 1, p. 87. Charles Swinburne, great English poet, leader and founder of literary magazines, to whom Mallarmé sent Vathek and the Faun, "rather insignificant offerings", in December 1875, MALLARMÉ, S., Correspondance, Lettres sur la Poésie,op. cit.,p. 545;p. 548;Correspondance,vol. II,op. cit.,p. 28;p. 91, in manuscript form, then announced, in January 1876, the publication of the preface to Vathek and of a "very short little poem, published with too much luxury by a printer as a specimen of his work, very insignificant publications of his winter", Ibid., p. 99. Arthur O' Shaughnessy, English poet and critic, friend of Mallarmé, disciple of Swinburne, who directed the magazine The Athenaeum, to whom he mentioned on the 7th November 1875, then on the 21st, without naming it, "a little poem, nothing much, a hundred lines, a pretext for the deluxe edition which will be ready, I hope, in the first two weeks of December, as it is a book for New Year's Day", Ibid., p. 80; p. 85. Paul Verlaine, whose sonnet Beauté des Femmes (Beauty of Women), like the Faun, was excluded from the third Parnasse contemporain by Anatole France; Edouard Dujardin, founder of the Revue

The repeated refusals, the conflicts and the most violent clashes did not prevent Mallarmé from continuing, for a time at least, to do business with his publishers but one notices in his remarks a paradoxical difference between the respect reserved for true bookseller-publisherswho, like Lemerre or Vanier, impressed Mallarmé by their literary leanings and their stable of serious authors -and the treatment of less established printer-publishers, intermediaries in the publication of private deluxe editions, like Lesclide, Derenne, Dujardin, and Labitte, publisher of Vathek. Concerning the latter group, Mallarmé's criticisms were both unrelenting and excusable -the apathy of the publisher, the slowness of the proofs, of the advances promised, of the printing, and of the binding, which threatened his Faun with "an eternal darkness" and his Vathek with being more forgotten "than the ritual of a mummy 60 " -and his recognition was moderate, despite their intellectual and financial generosity: no true consideration, either for d'Orfer, the poet-publisher who claimed to let "the artist" in him speak to convince Mallarmé to allow him to republish the Faun, or especially for Dujardin, one of the main leaders of symbolism 61 who professed (concerning Wagner) a very Mallarméan theory of the Book.

Rather unfriendly letters were exchanged with Lesclide whom Mallarmé addressed as "you wicked and forgetful fellow 62 ", about the many unsold copies of Corbeau, but Mallarmé ended up taking back some of the deluxe copies and, like Manet, did not claim his due. In the Perrin edition of Vers et Proses, the list of the only authorized editions of the Faun does not mention the Vanier edition, which is understandable, nor the Dujardin edition in the Revue indépendante, whereas, on Mallarmé's own admission, this had "ended the deadlock 63 ".

Wagnérienne (Wagnerian Review) then of the Revue indépendante, second publisher of the Faun; Léon Vanier, publisher of Verlaine, first introduced as a "gracious publisher", then as guilty of "all sorts of swindles", MALLARMÉ S., Letter to Verhaeren, Correspondance, Lettres sur la Poésie, op. cit., p. 599. Edmond Deman, "a charming, refined man", "a very good fellow", who contacted Mallarmé via

The case of the bookseller-publisher Lemerre

Mallarmé's attitude toward the bookseller-printers was quite different and "the Lemerre affair" is typical: learning in June 1875 that Lemerre was planning a new Parnasse, Mallarmé sent him his Faun and, at the beginning of July, confidently and rather curtly asked for the proofs 64 . At the end of July, he interceded with Lemerre to settle a dispute concerning Leconte de Lisle and congratulated himself on it in a letter to Catulle Mendès, which suggests the ambiguity of his relationship with the publisher: "The volubility of this good man kept me for four hours in passage Choiseul; he honorably and even amicably ended the matter […] It was me who suffered Lemerre's first fit of anger, violent and simply terrible; and I was really armed with absent revolvers in my coat pockets.

Appeasement and reconciliation, for a few years I think […] At the heart of the misunderstanding were five or six years of daily quarrels and the subtle tactlessness of France, to put it mildly 65 ."

The situation of Leconte de Lisle, without Mallarmé seeming to be aware of it, was similar in all respects to his own. In effect, the letter continues in these terms: "Something else, my verses have been refused by the committee of Parnasse; but only mention it with a smile and as a ridiculous probability to Lemerre, because that is how I received the verdict myself. If I'd taken it another way and if it was proved true, I would have felt obliged to go and slap the three judges, whoever they are; and to give them a kick somewhere: and I am very tired, oh! Too weary, to start the slightest thing. 66 " And yet, a few months earlier, in March 1875, Lemerre had sent horrible letters about Le Corbeau of Edgar Poe, translated by Mallarmé and illustrated by Manet, which, in the rudest terms, he had refused to publish because teachers had judged it detrimental to the small collection by which he intended to support his publishing house. In his letters, Lemerre added "your translation, which I have not read, is completely obscure and cannot be published by your servant 67 ", then "the poem is full of such nonsense that it is impossible for a serious firm to publish it 68 " and he referred Manet to Mallarmé: "Please take it up with your colleague if your pictures follow the same fate as the main work to which they are attached 69 ". Despite this, Mallarmé claimed not to believe the refusal, accusing the judges, A. France and F. Coppée, rather than the publisher and yet continuing to write them courteous, even admiring, letters. In September he inquired: "Who is Lemerre angry with at the moment; and what is happening with the Parnasse 70 ?" Only on October 12th, after the vain intervention of Mendès, Cladel and Dierx on his behalf, did he no longer write to "my dear Lemerre" but to "Monsieur Lemerre, Editor, Paris" that he had not "grasped the value" of the approach made by his friends, that "the incident" and "the insensitive and ridiculous rejection" with which he confronted them prolonged "the villainy received by you from two or three of your employees", and concluded: "Enough of all this: please return my manuscript by messenger; without a word, because it is pointless to repeat, concerning these few verses, the pretexts found for the Corbeau. My regrets that my relationship with you, which I have tried at times to make good, ends this way 71 ."

Lemerre then offered to publish the Faun with a note explaining that the text refused by the committee had been reinstated at the request of the poet's friends and that the publisher would let the public be the judge: a new letter of 22nd October emphasized the deplorable effect of a note not mentioning the names of the committee members or the poet's friends and declined this rather ungracious proposition 72 . After this, in the correspondence, Lemerre "[is], alas! Only a joker 73 " "a man of quite dishonest practices with whom I have broken off relations a second time and for a long time 74 ".

Nevertheless, Mallarmé's insistence on offering him his writings, despite the humiliations both already endured and foreseeable, indicates a fascination for the editions of the bookseller-printer and the collection in Elzevirian format in which he had reprinted the work of Chénier in 1874; also a deference toward the literary "circle" of Lemerre in which Victor Hugo was very influential. Demanding the presence of Leconte de Lisle in the Parnasse contemporain, Mallarmé advised caution: "only make an approach to Alphonse Lemerre with a significant number of serious protesters so that we are still partly right, though the presence 68 Ibid. 69 MONDOR H., Histoire d'un Faune, op. cit., p. 169. 70 MALLARMÉ, S., Letter to Adolphe Racot, 12 September1875, Correspondance, vol. II, 1871-1885, op. cit., p. 72. 71 MALLARMÉ, S., Letter to Alphonse Lemerre, Correspondance, vol. II, 1871-1885, op. cit., p.76. 72 Ibid., pp. 76-77. 73 Ibid., p. 86. 74 Ibid., p. 78. of Victor Hugo would prove us wrong 75 ", "Let us deprive Lemerre of us, not get rid of him 76 ."

The excommunications of Lemerre disturbed him and drove him to break away from the Parnasse "a rather rusty sign 77 ", foreshadowing, by a "fatal movement 78 ", the advent of Symbolism.

Mallarmé the self-publisher or the art of keeping the publisher in his right place

For Mallarmé, the good publisher, in an era that witnessed the emergence of the figure, the "consecration" of the modern publisher 79 , was someone, like Perrin or Deman, who granted complete freedom to the author, remained discreet, promised him everything he asked for 80 , would be told how to do his job 81 in an authoritarian, even curt, manner in which the "we" that represented a collaborative idea of publishing, was sometimes the royal "we": "Had we said enough about all the colors 82 "! The many letters to Deman, a bibliophilic bookseller turned publisher of high standards, bibliophilic editions and prestigious writers 83 , demonstrate the rapid transition from the attitude of an involved author to that of a difficult associate:

"From now on, we will put the 'By the same author' on the back of a blank page where the reader can put his name, in short the ex-libris will occupy the front of the page, and we will place this page first so as not to separate the half-title from the title, which is irregular 84 ".

"We shall share our thoughts for a few days, shan't we? Since we need to establish this edition of Vers, […] Do you see it like that? […] It is how the operation seems to me so far: but what is your exact opinion? 85 " 75 MONDOR H., Histoire d'un Faune, op. cit., p. 174. 76 Ibid. 77 MALLARMÉ, S., "The old Parnasse… », Correspondance, vol. II, 1871-1885, op. cit., p. 87. 78 Ibid., p. 87. 79 DURAND P., GLINOER A., Naissance de l'éditeur (Birth of the publisher), Preface by Hubert Nyssen, Essai Collection "Réflexions faites", Les Impressions Nouvelles, Brussels, 2005. 80 MALLARMÉ S., Letters to Deman, 7 April 1891, O.C., op. cit., p. 804: "Find one of those beautiful Roman types and engrave it […] Yes, the frontispiece by Rops if it can be reproduced in its original appearance […] How many copies? Perhaps a hundred […] If you are hesitating about the engraving, it would be printed with flair and on paper specially watermarked for the edition. My title so far […] with a great deal of white, between the three lines. ";20 November 1896, O.C., op. cit., p. 814: "No! we are definitely not there, I'm sorry. Neither the format nor the character is pleasing …". 81 Many letters of 1888 are lists of instructions for the composition, the spacing etc. 82 MALLARMÉ, S., Letter to Léon Vanier, 7 May 1886, Correspondance, vol. III, 1886-1889, op. cit., p. 29-31. 83 FONTAINAS, A. and L., Edmond Deman éditeur (1857-1918) "The format is very good; but (perhaps this will annoy you) the characters seem lacking in charm -not lively, for the italics. Moreover, we agreed, or I asked you, not to use italics […] I will make some corrections, but as you say, no alterations. Do not start anything without me, and tell me everything, not little by little. I do not want to allow anything, the layout, blank pages, etc., that does not completely please me. […] There, I think that's all, my dear friend; but, above all, do nothing without me, who remains, here, your colleague 86 ."

"No! We are definitely not there, I'm sorry. Neither the format nor the character is pleasing -not at all worthy of your art or suited to our undertaking. I was afraid of my own taste, of suffering from an isolated impression, but there is only one opinion, people have come to see me, everyone pulls the same face in front of these attempts 87 ."

He behaved like an experienced author-publisher 88 . He corrected everything in the smallest detail, the point of the characters, the paratexts, mentions, and short lines, defined the size of the editions on Japan and Holland paper, ordered cardboard covers instead of light ones, commissioned illustrations from well-known artists regardless of the conditions, treated the publisher in turn like a printer with no editorial ability -"for your part, you can take care of the papermaking, twenty-four pages, that is six sheets of the agreed format 89 "; like an assistant -"I will tell you when it is time to write to Lemercier and Delattre for the color and the black and white editions (you will write to them in order to be in agreement with them) 90 "; like a secretary -"My article will not be ready until tomorrow evening, have it collected at about seven o'clock […] I ask for no less than the proofs 91 ", "and, appealing to your usual friendly support, here is a little telegram that should be put in the box tomorrow Wednesday between one and two o'clock 92 "; an incompetent clerk , -"and the papers, the papers, are they ordered, 86 MALLARMÉ, S., Letter to Deman, 21 July 1896, Ibid., pp. 813-814. 87 MALLARMÉ, S., Letter to Deman, 20 November 1896, Ibid., p. 814. 88 Experience moreover confirmed, if need be, by the relationship of Mallarmé with Octave Uzanne, a publisher of bibliophilia, and with the Comte de Clapiers, founder of Bibliophiles contemporains (Contemporary bibliophiles), by his activity as a translator and publisher of literature as witnessed by, apart from his own works, the energy invested in the translation and printing of Le Corbeau in 1875, then the Poèmes d'Edgar Poe in a first edition, with the illustrations of Manet in the reissue with an important preface, of Vathek by Beckford in 1876, or else in the publication, for which he alone carried out all the editorial tasks, under around ten pseudonyms, mostly feminine, eight issues of La Dernière Mode (The Latest Fashion) from September to December 1874, which left him, according to his customary expression, "dazed and exhausted", MALLARMÉ, S., Letter to Lemerre, 6 August 1874, Correspondance, vol. II, 1871-1885, op. cit., p. 45. 89 Vollard? 93 "; an unrepentant bad payer, -"You should know that I made some commitments after you gave me your word about the 10, and which I had no reason to doubt, so you can send me on receipt of this telegram half of the agreed sum 94 ", "I am expecting your clerk […] to bring me the remainder of the small sum agreed for last month 95 ". He was the owner of the original editions, which he would recover from one person to sell or give to another, checking the reputation of publishers in order to pursue better on their successive presses, like an itinerant blacksmith with his very personal alchemy recipes, his dream of the architectural Book.

Layers of editions or the architectural Book

Each edition supplied a new stone to the building and saw a gradual construction of the Book (in both the material and intellectual sense), inseparable from the planned concept of its writing and its reading. Mallarmé increasingly mentioned the ownership of the rare editions that he recognized as his 96 and presented himself as "a solitary worker preparing a personal work of art, whose first publicity [will be made] by means which are equally individual 97 ". The enigmatic Notes en vue du "Livre" (Notes for "The Book") 98 which "try to equate its shape, its size, its edition, its price and, above all, the half-theatrical half-liturgical scenography of that which Mallarmé called the Readings 99 " establish an "identity of the place and of the sheet/ of the session and of the volume/ of the Reading and of the edition 100 ". Each volume or edition of a poem or of a group of poems is both a temporal "session" 101 and a ritual and communicational space, defined by its format, its edition and its price and which underpinned Mallarmé's reasoning with regard to various editorial propositions: "Besides, everyone is anticipating the format of Pages […] you argue that your preparations, frontispiece and ornamentation, do not concern the format in question, that of Pages and of Poe; I am sorry […] better still to adapt the ornamentation to a different format, than to continue with the current concept […] I might add that those people who pay more than three francs fifty will go up to the price of Pages and even a little more; and that those who would not pay the price of Pages, on the other hand, will not break their habit which is fixed on those three francs fifty 102 ."

The multiplication of projects thus contributed to this unique and absolute Book which Mallarmé dreamed of "with the patience of an alchemist, ready to sacrifice every vanity and every satisfaction, like in days gone by people used to burn their furniture and their roof beams to fuel the furnace of the Great Work 103 ", and the succession of editions of the Faun over time -including the manuscript versions, because Mallarmé copied and recopied his poems a great deal, in his best hand-writing -constitutes a well-ordered discourse of the work whose writing is prolonged by the printing process: "All things considered, I think there is no need to start publication of the manuscript again, which happened once as an exception, but the poem lost by it.

[…] Find one of those beautiful Roman types and engrave it (I say Roman as the poem seems more definitive than in italic, which is closer to handwriting). It will be the edition par excellence; for which this manuscript will have been the draft or the copy, and afterwards only the small standard edition will be accepted 104 ."

Mallarmé did not establish a hierarchy between the deluxe, standard, definitive, new or socalled popular edition, reissue and reprint of the same text. He assessed the specificity of each one in terms of the reading and the public targeted, in terms of the "nobility", and the "stability" of the whole -"I even think that, among booklovers, many, who already have the manuscript, will take this stable and completed version 105 " -, -"Thus, at some time, after a reasonable period devoted to a fine current edition of my verses, there will be some ordinary publication, at an indeterminate price; although the stable, high and noble publication should 102 MALLARMÉ, S., Letter to Edmond Deman, 20 November 1896, Correspondance choisie, O.C., vol. I, op. cit., p. 815. 103 MALLARMÉ, S., Letter to Verlaine, 16 November 1885, Correspondance choisie, O.C., vol. I, op. cit., p. 788. 104 MALLARMÉ, S., Letter to Deman, 7 April 1891, Ibid., p. 804-805. 105 Ibid.

rhythm so as to "only deliver works which can give me a reputation for perfection 120 ". In the Perrin edition of 1893, he agreed to correct the spelling of the adjective "alourdi (made heavy)", written until then with two "ls". Beyond this, in the successive editions, which he changed endlessly, "the effect of the whole 121 ", "the air between the lines 122 ", the composition 123 , the distribution of the blanks, which introduce "rests 124 ", prefigure the Mallarméan revolution later revealed by Un coup de dés jamais n'abolira the hasard (A throw of the dice will never abolish chance).

It is important to stress how unique the Faun's publishing history is in this respect.

Conversely, Juliet Wilson-Bareau and Breon Mitchell 125 show that in the case of the publication of Manet an Mallarmé's edition of Edgar Poe's The Raven, by the publisher Richard Lesclide (1875), Mallarmé "reputation for perfection" was at stake: Typographical mistakes, inadvertent errors (omission of four commas), variant readings on the translation were left unnoticed and uncorrected although two different printings were produced. By the time the mistakes were discovered the trial run of 150 copies type had already been distributed and it would have been necessary to re-set the entire text and the entire book.

Mallarmé decided not to change his own translation and it was reprinted unmodified as late as 1888. Despite numerous attempts by Lesclide, neither Manet nor Mallarmé could be persuaded to buy back copies of their own book, even in a subsequently corrected edition, thus bearing to send out uncorrected copies to their correspondents 126 .

The book of the booklover as a symbolic space

The editions on cartridge paper and with artists' illustrations contributed to this absolutist concept of the Book: the Derenne edition "a real masterpiece of typography […] Poésie, op. cit., p. 304-305. 121 MALLARMÉ, S., Letter to Mendès, 24 April 1866, Ibid., p. 294. 122 MALLARMÉ, S., "[…] air between the lines, space, so that they can be separated from each other, which is necessary even with their condensation", Ibid. 123 MALLARMÉ, S., "All the substitutions have their goal, generally related to the composition, and I have not hesitated in sacrificing lines which seemed like a pretty painting", Ibid. 124 Ibid. 125 WILSON-BAREAU, J. and BREON, M., "Tales of a Raven. The Origins and Fate of Le Corbeau by Mallarmé and Manet", Print Quaterly VI (1989), pp. 258-307. 126 Id., p. 270 ; 272 ; 274. art forms, and of the page setting as an aesthetic and spiritual aspiration to the Synthesis envisioned since 1867 137 .

The Total Book or Theatre

The Mallarméan cult of the Book thus combines the way of producing the book with its aesthetics and involves an operation that is virtually a translation of the text into the typographic and material language of the book 138 which, as a total work of the mind, materiality included, is the continuity of the writing, putting it on show. Instrumental, it is the orchestra that performs the work and ensures its fulfillment, "a solitary silent concert [which] is given, through reading, to the mind which recaptures, with a lesser sonority, the meaning 139 ".

Hence the importance of its composition and of its rhythm, which is marked by, amongst other things, the characters and the spaces: -"I would like, said Mallarmé, quite a tight typeface, suitable for the condensation of the poem, but with air between the lines, space, so that they can be separated from each other, which is necessary even with their condensation 140 ." "The poem is only beautiful in impersonal characters, in other words typographic: except of course when it is engraved if one wishes to give the edition something immutable and monumental 141 ."

These metaphysical issues confirm Mallarmé's place in the poetry of his time, an innovative shocking place in the eyes of his established peers who, as they had done before for his master Baudelaire, denounced Mallarmé for a long time for his wild expressions, describing him as "mad", unnecessarily incomprehensible, "seemingly afraid of the natural" and more or less good for the asylum 142 . After 1885, however, Mallarmé had achieved a certain 137 MALLARMÉ, S.: "Thus, at the hour of the Synthesis, I have just defined the work which will be the image of this development. Three poems in verse…", Letter to Cazalis, 14 May 1867, Correspondance, Lettres sur la poésie, op. cit., p. 343. 138 For Mallarmé, the work of printing led to an "art print", a term which reflects the ideographic dimension of the reproduced work; this is how "literature proves itself", as he wrote in a letter to Camille Mauclair, concerning Coup de dés (A Throw of the Dice), Stéphane Mallarmé Correspondance choisie, O.C., vol. I, op. cit., p. 818 and note 2, p. 1444. Ample evidence of this can be found in Notes en vue du "Livre", about which Bertrand Marchal notes "the question of the contents of a book cannot be dissociated from that of its structure: because the book form is the most powerful development of the poetic law par excellence of the rhyme, there is homology between all the levels of this development, from the "Book" to the syllable." Notice, OEuvres inachevées (Unfinished works), Notes en vue du "Livre", Stéphane Mallarmé, O.C., vol. I, op. cit., pp. 1379-1380. 139 reputation, people flocked to his Tuesday evenings and A. France gave a kinder assessment of his "obscurity" based on a linguistic and semantic dualism, perhaps finding its resolution in a third sense "infinitely subtle and yet voluptuous, […] a reward for the enlightened who can read between the lines in a knowledgeable and secret way 143 ".

Taking France at his word and assuming that the three-dimensional nature of the book transports this third sense, then the material discourse of the book, skillfully arranged by Mallarmé but long denigrated, objectivizes the writing and gives it an essential additional depth. For Mallarmé, "Poetry is the expression, restored by human language to its essential rhythm, of the mysterious meaning of aspects of our existence: it thus endows our time on earth with authenticity and constitutes the only spiritual task 144 ". The publication of works and the making of books are part of this task; originating from this same poetic art, they participate in the same exploration of the boundaries of the mind and of matter.

The Book has a philosophical value of Synthesis 145 : it is the mirror that reflects the Human Being, a place of reconstitution but also "a tiny tomb of the soul", of imprisonment.

Tormented by the Absolute, long haunted by "the terrible vision of a pure Work 146 ", which had made him "almost [lose] my mind and the meaning of the most familiar words 147 ", Mallarmé persevered in expressing it and revealing its truth, the truth of its effect, of its feeling; hence the invention, highlighted by Bertrand Marchal 148 , of a "new Poetics" which consists of "painting not the object, but the effect that it produces": the Mallarméan book is one of the means by which this poetic theory is expressed, it is the reflection of this painted object and aims to reproduce its effect; it is "the authentic time on earth" of "Man", with which the latter "exchanges a reciprocity of proofs 149 ".

The Book above all, has a poetic value, because it was by relentlessly hollowing out the poem that Mallarmé discovered Nothingness 150 . And he distinguished the pieces of prose and verse published almost everywhere each time a magazine appeared from something else which he had always attempted and was what? He said "It is difficult to say: a book, quite simply, in many volumes, a book which is an architectural and planned book and not a collection of random inspirations, however wonderful 151 ". His work, he said, was so "wellprepared and structured, representing as best it can the Universe, that I would not know what to remove without damaging some of my layers of impressions. 152 " The poem is thus "one of the splendid twisted Solomonic columns of this Temple 153 " which he planned. "I will succeed perhaps, wrote Mallarmé, not in creating the whole of this work (I do not know who one would have to be to do that!) But in showing a finished fragment, in making its glorious authenticity sparkle in one place, and in indicating the remainder which would require more than a lifetime. To prove by the portions completed that this book exists and that I knew what I could never accomplish 154 ."

The Faun could be this fragment of "an Orphic explanation of the Earth", this portion whose construction -continually brooded over, with layers of impressions from one edition to "Performances, will be the true modern cult: a Book, an explanation of Man, enough to satisfy our wildest dreams 158 ". Unlike Coppée's book, which Mallarmé judged "so well-behaved in its limited setting 159 ", the Faun, in its many volumes and performances, from the decoration and costumes, braids, silk ribbons, and colored print of the extravagant first edition on Japan paper, to the etching, the "exquisite frosted cover", the beautiful and traditional restraint of the last Deman edition on "rough and primitive Holland paper", highlights this potential of the book which Mallarmé aspired to as he declares in Cérémonials (Ceremonies):

"A book, in our hand, if it sets out some noble idea, compensates for all the theatres, not by causing them to be forgotten but, on the contrary, masterfully recalling them 160 ."

Retracing the editorial and publishing history of the Faun thus demonstrates the status of this poem as Mallarmé's urtext, providing a unique occasion to experiment with the translation process of moving from the metaphysics to the physics of the book, and eventually exhibiting the very value of the Mallarméan Book as a "Forme fantasmée 161 ", a fantasied form if not preceding content at least setting it in motion. BRIGITTE OUVRY-VIAL, L'UNAM (Université de Nantes Angers Le Mans) 160 MONDOR H., Histoire d'un Faune, op. cit., p. 259. 161 Barthes, R., La Préparation du roman I et II, Cours et séminaire au Collège de France (1978-1979 et 1979-1980), Texte établi, annoté et présenté par Nathalie Léger, Seuil Imec, 2003, pp. 240-242.

  hurried to gather his or the Faune, Intermède héroïque (Faun, a heroic interlude) dating from 1865, the Monologue d'un Faune (the Monologue of a Faun), a prose text, was composed at Tournon in 1865 for the Théâtre français, "on the model of Théodore de Banville's Diane au Bois, performed at the Théâtre de l'Odéon in 1863 26 ". It was refused in September of the same year by Théodore de Banville and Coquelin who "liked the poetry of my Faun immensely [but who] didn't find the necessary story in it which the public demands, and assured me that it is only of interest to poets 27 ". This theatrical version 28 remains unpublished although in 1891, the introduction to the volume of Pages by the Belgian publisher Edmond Deman announced: "The Afternoon of a Faun, a new definitive edition for reading and for the theatre, with notes and stage directions, [is] in press 29 ". Next came L'Improvisation d'un Faune (The Improvisation of a Faun), sent to the bookseller-publisher Alphonse Lemerre in July 1875 for publication in the third Parnasse contemporain (Contemporary Parnassus) and refused by the jury 30 comprised of Banville, François Coppée and Anatole France, literary advisers of the "Passage Choiseul" group, named after the address of the publisher. Henri Mondor would publish this form of the text posthumously in 1948, in Histoire d'un Faune (Story of a Faun). The following version, whose title became definitively The Afternoon of a Faun, was announced for months on the back of the République des Lettres (Republic of Letters) and finally appeared in April 1876, published by Alphonse Derenne, 52 Bd Saint-Michel, in Paris, in a deluxe first edition of only 195 copies, "a publication, offered to Booklovers, show[ing],

  Finally, Henry Charpentier published an earlier draft thought to be of the Faun, entitled Réveil du Faune (Awakening of a Faun), in 1949. Three drafts appeared in the Pléiade (Pleiades) of 1965 of Henri Mondor and all the versions and variants of the poem identified and documented since then contributed to the Dossier du Faune (The Faun Dossier) in the 1998 edition of the Pléiade put together by Bertrand Marchal.

  was printed by hand, in specially-cast Elzevirian type, on handmade paper sorted by sheet […]; the illustrations, […] in small quarto, a drawing outside the text, a fleuron and a vignette in the text [are] by Edouard Manet […] All these woodcuts in two colors, pink and black: an imitation of Japanese processes attempted for the first time in Europe" were hand-colored by 120 MALLARME, S., Letter to Cazalis, 21 May 1866, Correspondance, Lettres sur la

  another, added to by the adaptation of Paul Fort 155 at the Théâtre d'Art, and by the Prélude à l'Après-midi d'un Faune (Prelude to the Afternoon of a Faun) by Debussy -proves the existence of the Great Work, as all the books contain the fusion of those repetitions which were taken into account. It thus acquires the value of this Theatre provided by Literature and embedded in the typographical presentation of the 1876 version that David J. Code sees as "an acknowledgment of the illusory promise of vocal presence in written words 156 ." Foreseen in the Faun's body and in the double aesthetic of the initial 1865 project of a verse drama, the multiple editions of the poem exhibit the theatrical scenography and the potential stage setting process -"not possible for the theatre, but demanding the theater 157 " -which Mallarmé attempts to introduce or reconvene in the book, as he writes to the Italian critic Vittorio Pica:

Mallarmé prosecuted him in September 1887 36 . By March 1887, he had "taken the initiative 37 " and La Revue indépendante (The Independent Review), managed by Edouard Dujardin, printed a new edition of The Afternoon of

  , in the Librairie Européenne (European Bookshop) in which Les Fêtes galantes (Romantic festivities) by Paul Verlaine and The Afternoon of a Faun by Stéphane Mallarmé would have been next to Les Horizontales (The Courtesans) by H. Beauclair and Les Papillotes (Candies) by Léo d'Orfer. D'Orfer defended his plan to publish the Faun by promising "a little jewel", in another collection but he would only publish later in La Vogue (The Fashion), the definition of Poetry requested from Mallarmé for the planned edition 35 .In 1886, for a few hundred francs, Mallarmé made over to Léon Vanier, with whom he had already signed a contract in 1885 for the Poèmes d'Edgar Poe (Poems of Edgar Poe), the right to publish a thousand copies of the Faun in a modest form. The contract anticipated a new cover with black ribbons for copies of the Derenne edition. However, for the Poèmes d'Edgar Poe, like for the Faun, the disputes with Vanier increased. He did not re-cover the copies of the large Faun, he wanted to reduce the edition of the small Faun to 500, and he postponed indefinitely the publication of the Poèmes d'Edgar Poe: a Faun, with a brick-red cover and said to be "definitive", on the presses of Louis Boyer

	32 Ibid.
	33 MALLARMÉ S., Letter to Léo d'Orfer, 20 June 1884, Correspondance, vol. II, 1871-1885, op. cit., p. 265.
	34 MALLARMÉ S., Letter to Léo d'Orfer, 14 August 1884, and note 3 indicating that d'Orfer had suggested an
	offprint on luxury paper to

  Verhaeren in 1888 to suggest a deluxe edition of Poetical Works, MALLARMÉ, S., Correspondance, vol. II, 1871-1885, op. cit., p. 126-127. The Strand bookshop which kept safe a fragile copy intended for O'Shaughnessy; Edmond Valade who published an account full of praise; and many others who have no doubt escaped this inventory.

60

Histoire d

'un Faune, op. cit., p. 210. 61

MALLARME S., Letter to Dujardin, note 1, Correspondance, Lettres sur la Poésie, op. cit., p. 578. 62 MALLARMÉ S., Letter to Lesclide, Friday 3 November 1876, Correspondance, vol. II, 1871-1885, op. cit., p. 132. 63 MALLARME S., Letter to Verhaeren, Correspondance, Lettres sur la Poésie, op. cit., p. 600.

  64 MALLARMÉ S., Letter toLemerre, 3 July 1875, Correspondance, vol. II, 1871-1885, op. cit., p. 62: "My dear Lemerre, here are the verses for Parnasse: I would like you to send me the proofs, because I have only had time to copy out this piece without making some of the corrections needed. Best regards, Stéphane Mallarmé."65 MALLARMÉ, S., Letter to Catulle Mendès, 28 July 1875, Correspondance, vol. II, 1871-1885, op. cit., p. 64- 65.

66

Ibid. 67 MALLARMÉ, S., Letter to Léon Cladel, note 6, Correspondance, vol.

II, 1871II, -1885, op. cit., p. 60. , op. cit., p. 60.

  . Art et Édition au tournant du siècle. Bruxelles, Labor, coll. Archives du futur, 1997, 356 p. 84 MALLARME, S., Letter to Deman, 7 August 1888, Ibid., p. 236. 85 MALLARME, S., Letter to Deman, April 1891, Correspondance choisie (Selected letters),O.C., op. cit., p. 804- 805.

  MALLARME, S., Letter to Ambroise Vollard, 15 September 1897, Correspondance choisie, O.C., vol. I; op. cit., p. 817. 90 MALLARMÉ, S., Letter to Deman, 8 October 1888, Correspondance, vol. III, op. cit., p. 265. 91 MALLARMÉ, S., Letter to Dujardin, 23 July 1885, Correspondance, vol. II, op. cit., p. 292. 92 MALLARMÉ, S., Letter to Dujardin, 29 October 1889, Correspondance, vol. III, op. cit., p. 365.

  Ibid., p. 58. 140 MALLARME, S., Letter to Catulle Mendès, 24 April 1866, S. Mallarmé, Correspondance, Lettres sur la Poésie, op. cit., p. 294. 141 MALLARME, S., Letter to Edmond Deman, 7 April 1891, Correspondance choisie, OC, op. cit., p. 804. 142 MARCHAL, B., Stéphane Mallarmé, Collection Mémoire de la critique, Presses de l'Université Paris-Sorbonne, 1998.

remain the one we are attempting at present 106 "; finally, in terms of conformity to the supposed concepts of the book and of reading of the period. Taking into account the "randomness, full of folds and breaks, with which today's narrator must flesh out his idea 107 ", he stated that a "Book whose special aesthetic quality is in total agreement with the way in which its readers may use it, is a masterpiece 108 ". Thus, the editions on ordinary paper are suitable for "people in whose hands I cannot imagine the Collection 109 "; the bibliophile editions are aimed at "that rare readership of connoisseurs 110 "; the standard editions like that of 1893 published by Perrin meet his wish "to avoid financial problems and to be in easy contact with the reader of current publications [and] may be enough for the public, while encouraging their curiosity about complete deluxe books 111 ".

Mallarmé operates similar distinctions for his Vathek as shown by Gordon Millan who follows in details his negotiations with the publisher Aldolphe Labitte and his plans for producing a "popular" edition 112 ; yet the Faun remains the only title published in the whole range and diversity of available editions.

He would not compromise his own standards and requirements: his passion for accuracy -"terrible sensitivity 113 " which made him correct, without being asked, the texts of his fellow writers, the proofs of Swinburne's poem, the published version of L'Assommoir that Zola sent him and in which "between simple misprints, [he] noted a slip of the eye or of the pen which would amuse you 114 ", and made him apply to the publication of his own works the same "absurd patience to do almost everything myself 115 ", the same obsessive attention, "really nitpicking meticulousness 116 " he said, regarding the author's alterations, misprints, or details of typography and illustration. There are countless letters "clamoring 117 " for proofs, "supreme mercy, requested on bended knee 118 ", which he read in no time, given the brevity of the work and the limited or lack of author's corrections. In the intermediate versions of the Faun, he purified the text of mundane phrases, "some padding, one or two pomposities 119 ", and the luxury itself 128 than for a symbolic reception space -Swinburne spoke of "a marvelous little jewel of poetry set so fittingly and so delicately like a diamond in a casket of pearls 129 ".

Although he decorated the copies with calligrams and dedications in red or black ink, Mallarmé conceded the relative frivolity of these "first expensive candy-bag booklets, but wonderful and rather oriental, with their Japan paper, gilt-titled, and tied with China-rose and black ribbons 130 ." On the other hand, the fragility of the book, which he repeats several times cannot be entrusted to the mail (due to these precious materials 131 ), is an indication of the reception of the poem itself: this "particularly Parisian luxury" contributed to "infuriating the French press 132 "; "something so beautiful in every way, wrote Swinburne, must surely make the fools cry out 133 "; "Above all I was delighted, wrote John Payne, by the pure and precious turn of your phrases: all in all it is an exquisitely crafted jewel […] It contains Pentelic verses, translucent and gilded by an ancient sun 134 ".

The graphic art is an integral element of this process through the enhancing presence of the grand masters: not so much Félicien Rops, who provided the frontispiece of the 1887 edition, as Edouard Manet for the first edition, and James McNeill Whistler for the etching of the last, famous partners in the work 135 . The 1887 edition of the Faun, in which the woodcuts by Manet no longer appear, carries their mark by "the previous permission to print -that of the Derenne edition of 1876 -which pays tribute to them, and by an additional mention: "If it is not appropriate to place this Homage, which speaks of the illustrator, before the text that remains alone, I do not want it to be absent from any future reissue: as he defended my work, he shall emblazon it forever 136 ." Illustrations do not decorate the poem with peculiarly ornate and metaphorical graphic language although the Faun illustrated editions are early versions of outstanding artistry anticipating future Artists' books. The purpose is essentially to experiment with an innovative conception of the page as a syncretic space open to different


Anthony De Luca

Nelly Burle

Alain Portavoce

Catherine Grosjean

Stéphane Morata

Michael Texier

Michaël Texier

Atomic redistribution of implanted Fe and associated defects around moving SiO 2 /Si interfaces

Keywords: TEM, diffusion, contamination, oxide

1 Introduction Silicon oxide remains the main gate oxide used in C-MOS technology. It still plays a key role in the advanced MOSFET technology as constituting a thin transition layer between the Si substrate and the high-k gate oxide layer [1]. However, metallic impurities in silicon, even for low contamination levels, may affect hugely the reliability of the component by creating electric defects in the active region as well as by disturbing the quality of the interface SiO 2 /Si.

Iron is one of the most deleterious metallic contaminants in silicon; various steps of the process can lead to Fe contamination via different sources (polishing slurries, impurities in quartz tubes material, SiC boats, furnaces liners) [2], and because its high diffusivity [3] and capacity to act as donor [4] it is known to strongly degrade the device performances.

Fe contamination may affect the SiO 2 /Si interface integrity as it has been shown in various studies. For example, Honda et al., showed that -FeSi 2 precipitates can nucleate at the SiO 2 -Si interface, which is responsible for the increase of leakage currents and leads to dielectric breakdown in MOS capacitors [5]. SIMS measurements performed on Fe-contaminated, dry-oxidized Si wafers also evidenced iron atoms accumulation at the SiO 2 /Si interface while a part of the iron atoms is trapped in the oxide layer [6]. Sadamitsu et al. identified the precipitation of the cu-bic phase FeSi at the Si/SiO 2 interface and identified inclusions in the oxide as probably being Fe 3 O 4 and -Fe 2 SiO 4 precipitates [7]. Pyramidal defects and -FeSi 2 precipitates have been observed , with the same density, at the SiO 2 /Si interface in surface Fe-contaminated Si wafers [8]. These authors suggested that the injection of excess selfinterstitial Si atoms by FeSi 2 precipitation would enhanced the formation of such pyramids. Anyway, the alteration of electrical characteristics of devices would be due not only to the Fe-induced levels in the gap, but also to the reduction of the grid oxide thickness [6]. It must be noticed that the size of the observed precipitates does not change with the contamination level and remains close to 10 nm in diameter. Similar pyramidal defects and precipitates were not observed in bulk-contaminated samples.

The aim of this work is to evidence the links between the two main defects in iron-contaminated wafers: precipitates and pyramidal defects, and to justify this correlation.

2 Materials and methods Fe implantation has been performed in P doped (2-20 cm) (001) Si wafers (extraction voltage of 65 kV, fluence of 1.0×10 15 atomscm -2 ). The incidence angle of 7 ° from the Si(001) surface allowed reducing the channelling effect [9,10]. SIMS measurements were performed in as-implanted and oxidised samples until 500nm in depth. Feimplantation profiles were also simulated by Stopping and Range of Ions in Matter (SRIM) calculations [11], taking into account the possible mixing artefact [12] , and by Atomic Probe Tomography (APT). These various techniques gave well correlated results; the concentration profiles follow a gaussian distribution centred on a 55 nmaverage implantation depth.

Oxidation of the implanted wafers was carried out by thermal annealing in oxygen atmosphere at 900 °C or 1100 °C for various durations. For this, the wafers were first introduced in a furnace at 800 °C under N 2 flux. Afterward, the wafers were maintained under (N 2 ) 90% +(O 2 ) 10% flux to avoid undesired nitriding of the surface while the temperature was increased using a ramp of 5 °Cmin -1 until the annealing temperature (900 °C or 1100 °C) was reached. After being annealed under O 2 flux, the oxidized wafers were then cooled down to the room temperature under N 2 atmosphere at 5 °Cmin -1 . Oxide layer thicknesses were determined using ellipsometry measurements.

Samples for transmission electron microscopy (TEM) and scanning transmission electron microscopy (STEM) analyses were prepared by focused ion beam (FIB) micromachining using a FEI Helios 600 Nanolab microscope equipped with a Ga + ion source.

TEM and STEM analyses were performed using a FEI Titan 80-300 C s -corrected microscope operating at 300 kV and equipped with annular HAADF-STEM detector. For both optimizing spatial resolution and reducing spatial delocalisation, spherical aberration C s was adjusted to -7 µm for TEM imaging.

Results and discussion

2.1 Fe implantation and precipitation SIMS measurements and APT analyses revealed that the initial Fe distribution follows a gaussian profile with a maximum concentration at the depth of 55 nm. In as-implanted samples, the presence of a superficial amorphous layer (thickness: 925 nm) was evidenced by TEM imaging.

However, the recrystalisation of this layer was ever complete in the sample annealed at 900 °C during 5 min, which is not surprising since the recrystallisation rate is estimated to at least 1800 nmmn -1 at 800°C [14] so the whole 92 nm would be cured in less than 30 s . This fast recrystalisation leads to the formation of numerous end-ofrange (EOR) defects [15] in the area corresponding to the initial interface between amorphous and crystalline silicon. However, no Fe segregation is evidenced on these defects, in contrast with the observation of Fe-decorated extended defects already reported in various studies [16--19]. In spite of the very short duration of the thermal annealing performed on this sample, post mortem TEM analysis also reveals the presence of precipitates at the SiO 2 /Si interface.

A rough estimation of 310 8 precipitates per surface square centimetre is found. The observed precipitates exhibit facetted shapes, with facets parallel to the {114} and {111} atomic planes of the Si substrate. These precipitates reach in few cases a few tens of nanometres in diameter. It must be noticed that they are systematically totally included in the silicon substrate.

On the contrary, the precipitates observed in samples annealed for a longer time (i.e. 3h and 10h) usually straddle the interface between the substrate and the oxide layer. In that case, although the precipitates' density and size (between 20 nm and 50 nm) remain similar to the ones of the precipitates observed in the sample annealed during 5 min, their shape is slightly different. In particular, the part of the precipitates embedded in the oxide layer is rounded, that is in sharp contrast with the other part, faceted, contained in the silicon substrate (figure 1). This morphological change suggests that the precipitates were partially oxidized during the oxidation process of the silicon, leading to a vanishing of the faceting imposed by the symmetry of the surrounding crystalline matrix when included in the silicon substrate, to the benefits of a more energetically favourable spherical shape in the amorphous oxide layer. The analysis of the Fourier transform of the HRTEM images systematically confirms that the structure of these precipitates coincides with the -FeSi 2 silicide.

Pyramidal defects at SiO 2 /Si interfaces and correlation with precipitates

Numerous pyramidal defects, identified from HRTEM imaging as crystalline silicon, were systematically observed at the SiO 2 /Si interface in all samples. Their density and size are roughly about 2×10 8 cm -2 , 10 nm × 30 nm in 900 °C samples, about 3×10 7 cm -2 , 10-30 nm × 60 nm in 1100 °C samples (estimated from TEM observations).

Moreover, spherical -FeSi 2 precipitates were frequently observed at the top of pyramids (figure 2), that is supporting the hypothesis of a correlation between the presence of the precipitates and the formation of the pyramids. In the case of softer pyramids, smaller FeSi precipitates have also been identified, whereas their small size can avoid them to be systematically detected. Finally, STEM-HAADF imaging revealed the presence of small Fe-rich clusters at the vicinity of pyramids in the oxide layer.

Considering the respective oxidation rates of silicon and iron-silicide precipitates, a faster oxidation rate of the -FeSi 2 precipitates in comparison with silicon would systematically lead to the observation of precipitates totally embedded in the silicon layer. On the contrary, the observation of some of them partially or totally included in the oxide layer necessarily implies that bulk silicon is faster to oxidise than FeSi 2 precipitates. Thus, natural explanation of figure 2 is that the precipitate hinders the oxydation of silicon. The advance of the SiO 2 /Si interface being locally masked by the presence of a precipitate, a pyramid is formed below. Nevertheless, the lateral sides of pyramids are also oxidised, which progressively leads to the inclusion of the precipitate in the growing oxide layer. As far as the precipitate is totally included in the oxide, the pyramid is progressively consumed in the same time the interface is moving forwards. The shape evolution of pyramids would probably follow the sketch illustrated in figure 3. Some pyramidal defects are also observed whereas no precipitate is visible (figure 3). It could be attributed to natural roughness of the layer, but the most probable explanation is that the thinning of the sample can be located out of the medium plane of the pyramid so that the sample surface would be crossing the basis of the pyramid without intersecting the precipitate. a) SIMS measurements reveal that the maximum concentration of iron is always located at the interface, in good agreement with TEM observations in which big precipitates are consistently located in the vicinity of the SiO 2 /Si interface whatever the oxidising time. So we can conclude that whereas the oxidation of Si is quicker than the oxidation of FeSi 2 , the precipitates move with the interface. It implies both dissolution of the part of the precipitates included in the growing silicon oxide layer an the continuous growing of the FeSi 2 phase at its interface with the silicon substrate; this is possible only if Fe atoms diffuse towards the substrate, whereas Si in FeSi 2 is oxidized on the top part; b) In some cases, some other phases with higher Fe contents have also been observed, corresponding to advanced oxydation phases (figure 4): a detailed analysis of these precipitates will be found elsewhere [20].

Diffusion of chemical species inside the precipitates Two main observations give evidence of competition between the moving of interface and some diffusion mechanisms:

It is thus likely that diffusion of chemical species: Si and Fe, occurs inside the precipitates, and it can be assumed that several (Fe, Si) phases simultaneously co-exist, forming and vanishing in the same time in non-equilibrium conditions.

nm

Figure 4 Nanometric FeSi precipitate at the top of a pyramid (oxidation conditions 1100°C, 12 min). This easy-to-read storyline is hiding more complex behaviour: the dissolution/recrystallisation is an unavoidable mechanism to explain that precipitates are always located at the SiO 2 /Si interface whatever the annealing time; nevertheless no change in precipitate compositions would be observed if it was not counterbalanced by the fast growth of the SiO 2 layer and the probable fast diffusion of iron within the -FeSi 2 precipitates (and perhaps simultaneously in SiO 2 ).

As several of the steps described above are observed in single samples whatever the annealing time and temperature, we can reasonably conclude that competitive kinetics are involved resulting in the formation of the observed pyramidal defects: Fe segregation and precipitation, advance of the SiO 2 /Si interface, Fe-silicide dissolution. The global SIMS measurements show that Fe is mainly located close to the interface; the local (TEM,APT) analyses reveal that the local increase of iron concentration results from unstable, dynamic mechanisms.

Conclusion

Immediate segregation of Fe close to the surface, and fast re-crystallisation of the amorphous layer during the temperature increase from the room temperature up to 900 °C of the performed thermal annealing. No segregation of Fe is observed on extended defects like EOR; -FeSi 2 precipitates were very frequently observed at the SiO 2 /Si interface. The characteristics pyramidal defects reported in [10] were also observed by TEM.

The detailed analysis of the various oxidised samples strongly suggests that the formation of these defects at the SiO 2 /Si interface is correlated with the presence of the precipitates. Moreover, a mechanism allowing understanding the formation of the pyramidal defects is proposed.

Competition between several kinetics (growth of silicon oxide, Fe-diffusion inside the precipitates, Fesegregation at the moving interface, Fe-enrichment of precipitates, progressive dissolution of precipitates) is supposed to play a key role, leading to the observed complex microstructure : iron-silicides precipitates and associated pyramidals defects located at the moving SiO2/Si interface.

Figure 1

 1 Figure 1 Precipitates observed in Fe-implanted silicon substrate (fluence: 1.0×10 15 cm -2 ) and dry-oxidized at 900 °C during a) 5 min (left) and b) 10 hours (right).

Figure 2

 2 Figure 2 Example of pyramidal defect observed at the SiO 2 /Si interface in oxidized silicon substrates previously implanted with Fe atoms, observed by HAADF-STEM imaging. Annealing conditions are 1100 °C, 12 min but similar configurations are observed in the others annealing conditions (except 900 °C, 5 min). The precipitate composition is FeSi 2 .

Figure 3

 3 Figure 3 Various pyramidal defects observed at the SiO 2 /Si interface in oxidized silicon substrates previously implanted with Fe atoms; Si pyramids are clearly coherent with the Si substrate. A stacking fault is visible within the pyramidal defect on the upper image.

2. 4

 4 Diffusion, precipitation and dissolution of Fe at the moving SiO2/Si interface The behaviour of implanted iron during the oxidation annealing may then be described as follows: a) Diffusion towards the surface occurs in 10 -2 s, when the sample is introduced in the furnace at 800°C ; b) in less than 5 min at 900 °C, the main part of iron is precipitated as facetted FeSi 2 precipitates; c) as the oxidation-front is moving forwards, precipitates follow the interface by Si oxidation-induced dissolution on one side, and simultaneous -FeSi 2 growth on the other side; d) -FeSi 2 precipitates enriche in Fe because of preferential oxydation of Si atoms leading to the formation of Fe-rich phases for the longer times of oxidation; e) nanometric Fe-rich clusters gettered in the SiO 2 oxyde layer remains observable in the vicinity of interfacial pyramids which would be the track of a dissolved precipitate overpassed by the oxidation front.

Acknowledgements

The French Ministry of Industry has funded this work in the frame of the COMET project. (Industrial partners: ST Microelectronics, Lfoundry, Ion Beam Services, Rockwood, Biophy Research, TERA Environnement , VEGAtec)


A De Luca

A Portavoce

M Texier

N Burle

B Pichaud

Dynamic segregation of metallic impurities at SiO 2 /Si interfaces

The behaviour of two metallic impurities, iron and tungsten, during oxidation of silicon wafers has been investigated using transmission electron microscopy and atom probe tomography. Metallic contamination has been introduced by implantation of 54 Fe at 65 keV and 186 W at 150 keV, with a dose of 10 15 at/cm 2 . Oxidation of Fe-contaminated Si wafer results in the precipitation of iron as β-FeSi 2 at the SiO 2 /Si interface. The presence of these precipitates hinders the oxidation front which forms silicon pyramidal defects. Further oxidation of the precipitates leads to iron-rich cluster formation in the SiO 2 layer, surrounding the pyramids. Dry oxidation of a tungsten-contaminated Si wafer is characterised by the formation of nanometric spherical precipitates in the Si layer. The size and density of these precipitates versus depth follow the as-implanted W concentration profile.

Introduction

With the increasing complexity of the design of the newest generation of transistors, unintentional contamination by metallic impurities, even at low concentration levels, has become one of the major problems in the manufacturing of modern microelectronic devices. In particular, the presence of very small amounts of contaminants in the active area of transistors is enough to have deleterious impact on their electrical properties making them defective. It is thus essential to improve our understanding of metallic contaminant behaviour during the processing of microelectronic devices and, more specifically, at the interfaces of CMOS structures.

In this context, this work aims at a study of the mechanisms of diffusion and precipitation or segregation of two metallic elements at the SiO 2 /Si interface: iron and tungsten. The parallel study of these two impurities aims to compare and to model the diffusion/precipitation mechanisms of species exhibiting different diffusion behaviours. Indeed, whereas iron diffusion uses an interstitial mechanism and is a fast diffusing species [START_REF] Graff | Metal Impurities in Silicon Device Fabrication[END_REF], tungsten shows low diffusion rates [START_REF] Graff | Metal Impurities in Silicon Device Fabrication[END_REF]2] and an unknown diffusion mechanism.

Depending on both the contaminating element and oxidising conditions, various situations have been distinguished. Based on the experimental observations, a qualitative model for the dynamic segregation of metallic impurities in silicon is proposed.

Experimental details

In this study, 525 µm-thick P-doped (001) Si 54 Fe and 186 W ions, at a dose of 10 150keV.

In order to study the effect of oxidation temperature and duration under O 2 flux for various conditions (900°C for 5 oxidation times were set to grow SiO

Post mortem analyses of the such as Cs-corrected HRTEM STEM (Scanning Transmission Electron Microscop Tomography). TEM thin foils and APT tips were prepared micromachining using an FEI Helios microscope Nanomill device. In order to facilitate were prepared by the lift-out preparation was attached to a microtip with its 3000xHR at a temperature of 80 1.2nJ, corresponding to a I Si 2+ /I Si 1+

Results and discussion

Fe behaviour during dry oxidation

Dry oxidation of iron-implanted Si wafers interface. Their diameters rang precipitates were located at the precipitates got partly incorporated in the SiO The precipitate structure was All the precipitates have been identified as 5]. Except for the shorter oxidation pyramidal-shaped defects (figure silicon huts whose origin was unclear rich clusters incorporated in the SiO Figure 3 shows a pyramidal-shaped defect surmounted by a precipitate. The observed configuration suggests that the formation of those defects is correlated with the presence of a precipitate which locally hinders the propagation of the oxidation front doped (001) Si wafers (resistivity 2-20 Ω.cm) were 10 15 at/cm 2 and with implantation energies respectively of 65keV and study the effect of oxidation temperature and duration, the samples were dry oxid nditions (900°C for 5, 189, 592 min or 1100°C for 12 to grow SiO 2 layers with comparable thicknesses for both temperatures.

he oxidised specimens were done using several characterisation tools, (High Resolution Transmission Electron Microscop (Scanning Transmission Electron Microscopy) and LP-APT (Laser-. TEM thin foils and APT tips were prepared by focused ion beam (DBFIB) FEI Helios microscope. TEM lamellae were cleaned using . In order to facilitate the evaporation of the oxide layer during APT analysis, preparation method [3] using a specific sample orie its surface tilted by 10°. APT analyses were carried out 80 K, with a laser pulse frequency of 100 kHz, using a laser power of 1+ ratio of 16.5 and a I W 2+ /I W 1+ ratio of 5.6.

Fe behaviour during dry oxidation

implanted Si wafers led to the formation of iron precipitates at the SiO ranged from 20 to 50 nm. For the shortest oxidation re located at the SiO 2 /Si interface, inside the Si layer. For longer oxidation partly incorporated in the SiO 2 layer and became round in shape (figure 1)

was deduced from the Fourier transform (FT) analysis precipitates have been identified as being the low-temperature stable silicide phase Except for the shorter oxidation time, analysis of the SiO 2 /Si interface also revealed the (figure 2), already observed in the literature [4]. These defects huts whose origin was unclear. HAADF-STEM imaging revealed the presence of small iron incorporated in the SiO 2 layer around these pyramids (figure 2).

HRTEM image of a formed at the shaped defect surmounted by a precipitate. The observed configuration suggests that the formation of those defects is correlated with the presence of a precipitate which of the oxidation front.

) were contaminated with respectively of 65keV and he samples were dry oxidised 1100°C for 12 and 44 min). The thicknesses for both temperatures.

using several characterisation tools, (High Resolution Transmission Electron Microscopy), Z-contrast -Pulsed Atom Probe focused ion beam (DBFIB) were cleaned using the Fischione evaporation of the oxide layer during APT analysis, the tips using a specific sample orientation: the wedge carried out with a LEAP K, with a laser pulse frequency of 100 kHz, using a laser power of the formation of iron precipitates at the SiO 2 /Si the shortest oxidation times, facetted /Si interface, inside the Si layer. For longer oxidation time, the (figure 1). analysis of HRTEM images. temperature stable silicide phase β-FeSi 2 [4, /Si interface also revealed the presence of These defects consist of STEM imaging revealed the presence of small iron-STEM image showing iron clusters layer around a silicon shaped defect surmounted by a precipitate. The observed configuration suggests that the formation of those defects is correlated with the presence of a precipitate which We thus propose the following model for the formation of these iron-induced defects (figure 4): i) Iron accumulates at the growing SiO 2 /Si interface forming facetted β-FeSi 2 precipitates. Oxidation of the precipitate smoothes its surface, leading to a spherical shape. ii) Assuming that the oxidation rate of iron silicide is significantly lower than the one of silicon, the presence of the precipitate modifies the oxidation front and is responsible for the observed defects at the SiO 2 /Si interface.

iii) The complete consumption of the precipitate leaves behind pyramidal-shaped silicon huts at the SiO 2 /Si interface that are surrounded by Fe clusters.

W behaviour during dry oxidation

Dry oxidation of tungsten-implanted Si wafers is characterised by the formation of nanometric spherical precipitates in the Si layer (figure 5). The size and density of these precipitates versus depth follow the as-implanted W concentration profile. APT analysis of the sample oxidised at 900°C for 5 min revealed an asymmetric widening of the W profile toward the growing oxide (figure 5). It thus shows that tungsten atoms can diffuse without forming precipitates at a concentration of ~10 20 at/cm 3 . Structural analysis of precipitates revealed the coexistence of two phases: tetragonal W 5 Si 3 and hexagonal WSi 2 . These precipitates exhibit topotactic relationships with the silicon matrix (topotaxy: the phenomenon of mutual orientation of two or more crystals of different species resulting from a solid-state transformation [START_REF] Bailey | Microscopy of Semiconducting Materials Conference (MSM XVIII[END_REF]). However, various precipitates' orientations have been observed, and no predominant orientation of the precipitates has been evidenced. HAADF imaging also revealed that sub-nanometric W clusters are formed in the SiO 2 layer (figure 6). Size evolution of precipitates in Si and clusters in SiO 2 has been studied as a function of time and temperature. At 900°C, precipitates' size increases with time whereas it doesn't evolve notably at 1100°C, indicating that they probably reach an equilibrium state faster at higher temperature. In addition, it can be noticed that the density of clusters in the SiO 2 layer seems to increase with oxidation temperature.

Conclusion

As expected, iron and tungsten exhibit very different behaviours during dry oxidation: iron diffuses fast and forms large β-FeSi 2 precipitates at the SiO 2 /Si interface whereas tungsten diffusion is limited in length and brings about the formation of nanometric W 5 Si 3 and WSi 2 precipitates, with a distribution centred close to the implantation projection range. The Fe-induced pyramidal-shaped defects result from the differences in oxidation rates for iron precipitates and silicon. In both cases, iron and tungsten, oxidation of these precipitates results in the incorporation of metal into the SiO 2 layer as metallic clusters.

Figure 1 .

 1 Figure 1. HRTEM image precipitate of β-FeSi 2 formed SiO 2 /Si interface.

Figure 2 .

 2 Figure 2. HAADF-STEM image showing iron clusters incorporated in the SiO 2 layer pyramidal-shaped defect.

Figure 4 .

 4 Figure 4. Proposed mechanism for the formation of pyramidal-shaped defects at the SiO 2 /Si interface.

Figure 5 .

 5 Figure 5. HAADF (left) and APT (right) analysis of the sample oxidised at 900°C for 5min revealed that precipitate density follows the as-implanted tungsten concentration profile. Tungsten atoms are coloured in red, oxygen in blue and nickel in green. Si atoms are not shown. The evaporated volume dimensions are 155×155×180 nm 3 (X×Y×Z).

18th

  Microscopy of Semiconducting Materials Conference (MSM XVIII) IOP Publishing Journal of Physics: Conference Series 471 (2013) 012029 doi:10.1088/1742-6596/471/1/012029

Figure 6 .

 6 Figure 6. HAADF comparison between samples oxidised at 900˚C for 592 min (left) and at 1100 ˚C for 44min (right).

18th Microscopy of Semiconducting Materials Conference (MSM XVIII) IOP Publishing Journal of Physics: Conference Series 471 (2013) 012029 doi:10.1088/1742-6596/471/1/012029 Content from this work may be used under the of the Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 licence. Any further distribution of this work must maintain attribution to the author(s) and the title of the work, journal citation and DOI. Published under licence by IOP Publishing Ltd 1

Acknowledgement

This work has been funded by the French Ministry of Industry in the frame of the "COMET" project. (Industrial partners: ST Microelectronics, Lfoundry, Ion Beam Services, Rockwood, Biophy Research, TERA Environnement , VEGAtec)