PhD Lea Sebastien
email: lea.sebastien@univ-tlse2.fr

The Chagga people and environmental changes on Mount Kilimanjaro: Lessons to learn

Keywords: agroforestry, Chagga, environmental governance, hydrosystem, Kilimanjaro, social relations, sustainable development, territory

Mount Kilimanjaro, the highest mountain in Africa, is a site of exceptional diversity. However, its fragile balance is presently under threat, mainly from hydrological issues. Scientists and politicians have different hypotheses concerning the condition and availability of water on the mountain, thus far without consensus. Some of these hypotheses infer that the local Chagga communities living on Kilimanjaro's slopes are implicated in the overall degradation of natural resources. A major part of the research presented in this paper focuses on the Chagga people's view of their environment. The research uses the Actor in 4 Dimensions (A4D) methodology. This multidisciplinary conceptual model helps one to understand a territory by analysing the relations between individuals (social link) and the relations between humans and no humans (natural link). This paper aims to (1) present the A4D model and its innovative methodology, (2) analyse the stakeholders' dynamics around environmental issues on the mountain and (3) focus on the Chagga's perception of natural resource evolution and management. The A4D results show that the Chagga display a profound attachment to their territory, the forest is the element creating social relations, technical progress can mean social regression, conflicts over natural resources are increasing and hydrological risks on Mount Kilimanjaro are primarily of a social nature.

Introduction

With changes in global climate, the snowcap on Mount Kilimanjaro has dramatically decreased in size and Mount Kilimanjaro is today a focus of world attention. Not since Hemingway has the biggest isolated mountain in Africa been so talked about. At 5,895 m, located in northeastern Tanzania, Mount Kilimanjaro is Africa's highest peak. The diversity of its nature is exceptional: from lowland savannah to upper icecap, a huge range of ecosystems is represented in its slopes. But today, this treasure is threatened. Since it was first measured in 1912 [START_REF] Klute | Ergebnisse der Forschungen am Kilimandscharo[END_REF], the snowcap had lost 82 per cent of its volume by 2000 [START_REF] Thompson | Kilimanjaro ice core records: evidence of holocene climate change in tropical Africa[END_REF], and the impact of this on the hydrosystem and the overall environment is still unknown. Meanwhile, the town of Moshi, located at the base of the mountain, has experienced water shortages. Integrated into the Pangani water basin, Mount Kilimanjaro is the major water supply for Tanzania and East Africa. A decrease in this resource could produce devastating impacts and serious hydrological risks. The mountain provides shelter to the Chagga, a people who have been cultivating parcels of land on its slopes for centuries. Until now, access to water in villages has traditionally been managed by canal committees, a type of social platform aiming at organizing irrigation among users. As human activity intensifies and the high altitude forest is nibbled away, as snow disappears and as new stakeholders appropriate resources, the situation is not as serene as before and water is becoming scarce. At the local level, how do actors perceive the problem? How do local populations react on a day-to-day basis? Do these environmental preoccupations provoke conflicts? Are these hydrological risks aggravated by social aspects? Overall, what links can be established between the sociosphere and the biosphere on Mount Kilimanjaro? This article aims to evaluate how relevant actors perceive environmental and social issues on Mount Kilimanjaro. To do so, Section 2 outlines the challenges that face Mount Kilimanjaro as well as the methodology used in the research -a model named Actor in 4 Dimensions (A4D). Section 3 presents the use of the A4D model to study the environmental governance of a given territory. Section 4 provides an analysis of stakeholder dynamics around natural resource management on the mountain. Section 5 focuses on local communities' perceptions of their environment in order to help understand the causes of ecological degradation, and to propose recommendations for better environmental governance of Kilimanjaro's slopes. Section 6 offers some conclusions.

The challenges faced by Mount Kilimanjaro

Mount Kilimanjaro represents the main source of water for the Pangani river basin, which has a total area of 42,200 km2 (including 2,320 km2 in Kenya). Tanzania depends mainly on that basin for hydropower generation [START_REF] Maganga | Implications of customary norms and laws for implementing IWRM: findings from Pangani and Rufiji basins, Tanzania[END_REF]. It is also within the northern tourist area, one of the most visited areas in Tanzania, and contains the Arusha and Moshi industrial municipalities. A sizable area is also used for traditional livestock rearing, an important component in overall basin water management. In addition to its important cultural and spiritual significance, Mount Kilimanjaro is the primary source not only of water but also of food, fuel and building material for the people of northcentral Tanzania. However, the capacity of the mountain to continue to provide these vital products and services is threatened by inappropriate use and over exploitation of many of its natural resources [START_REF] Newmark | Attitudes of local people toward Kilimanjaro National Park and Forest reserve[END_REF]. Several studies conducted by both hydrologists and environmentalists (e.g. [START_REF] Mkhandi | Trends analysis and spatial variability of annual rainfall[END_REF] show that there is water stress in the Pangani basin because all major sources of water supply are endangered by environmental degradation. As a result, water management in the basin has to balance between demands for (i) coffee and banana cultivation on the slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro, (ii) paddy farms in the lowlands, (iii) flower cultivation around Arusha and (iv) hydropower plants at Nyumba ya Mungu, Hale and Pangani Falls [START_REF] Mbonile | Migration and intensification of water conflicts in the Pangani Basin, Tanzania[END_REF]. As a consequence of these competing needs, sectoral water demands are not being met and water levels in storage reservoirs are low [START_REF] Madulu | Linking poverty levels to water resource use and conflicts in rural Tanzania[END_REF]. To better manage water, the Tanzanian government launched the National Water Policy in 1991, which put an end to the era of free water (begun in 1967) and introduced the principle of cost sharing in the operations and maintenance of water schemes. The revised 2002 Water Policy puts emphasis on a demand-responsive approach and community participation in the management of water schemes [START_REF] Urt | National Water Policy[END_REF]. However, the impacts of this policy do not appear to have had a positive effect, as conflicts are increasing and resources are dwindling. The causes for environmental degradation are numerous and hardly settled: massive deforestation, conifer plantations, a growing human population, changes in land use, evolution of agricultural systems and rivers being diverted. On Kilimanjaro's slopes live the Chagga people. Their population increases at an estimated rate of 3 per cent each year [START_REF] Price | Forests in sustainable mountain development: a state of knowledge report for 2000[END_REF] and the population density for the upper belt was around 650 people per km2 in the year 2000, according to the Moshi Rural District Council. Consequently, the land devoted to agriculture, which the Chagga call shamba, is shrinking. Yet, the old Chagga agroforestry system has been one of the most productive areas of agriculture in Tanzania. Its multiculture combination of trees, rice, vegetables, beans and groundnuts combines well with naturally good soil to achieve sustainable resource management [START_REF] Hemp | The banana forests of Kilimanjaro: biodiversity and conservation of the Chagga homegardens[END_REF]. In parallel, the Kilimanjaro region has a long tradition of gravity-fed irrigation canals (mifongo), with some schemes dating back to the 17 th century. These canals are important elements in the cultural and technological heritage of the Chagga, who for centuries have utilized a network of these canals for irrigation and other purposes [START_REF] Tagseth | Local practices and changes in farmer-managed irrigation in the Himo Catchment, Kilimanjaro. Water Resources Management -The Case of Pangani River Basin: Issues and Approaches[END_REF]. The allocation of water between the furrows is based on customary laws and behavioural norms of the community. However, with the added issues of low coffee prices and lack of water, both the agroforestry and irrigation systems are disappearing gradually. The overall environmental degradation is striking, despite the fact that Mount Kilimanjaro was classified as a natural reserve in 1921, a National Park in 1973 and a World Heritage Site by UNESCO in 1989. Chagga communities are tolerated on a 'half-mile strip' of the forest reserve, where they are allowed to collect fallen branches for firewood (Figure 1). The above classifications implied modifications of stakeholder dynamics in the area and shifts in responsibilities. What are the local populations living on the highest mountain in Africa willing to accept with respect to environmental risk? What kind of environmental governance can be implemented on the Kilimanjaro slopes? Our methodology aims at understanding the overall stakeholder dynamics on the slopes of the mountain, and particularly the position of the Chagga people in these dynamics. FIGURE 1 Schematization of the field of study Source: Léa Sébastien.

A special methodology for a special field of study

The research presented in this article aims to study the relationships that exist between actors on the mountain and between people and nature. In order to reach this objective, we have designed a theoretical and methodological model called A4D (Sébastien, 2007a). This multidisciplinary conceptual model has the aim of comprehending a territory through analysis of relations between individuals (social links) and relations between humans and non-humans (natural links) (see Figure 2). In this case, it focuses on water problems, analyses interactions between stakeholders within the hydrosystem and provides tools to facilitate an environmental negotiation.

FIGURE 2 Explanations of social and natural links

The A4D results can be visualized by the 'territorial footprint', a graphical representation illustrating social and natural links in a territory. Each actor has its own territorial footprint, obtained through the compilation of 111 indicators, 32 variables and eight sub-dimensions to make the model reflexive and dynamic (see Figure 3). All these descriptors provide information on the overall tendencies of actors in the four dimensions of the model: cooperation and conflict (social link), and cohabitation and domination (natural link). The territorial footprint can be described as an x-ray photograph, because it positions an actor at a specific moment in time, a synchronic vision of the tendencies of one actor towards others and towards the territorial environment, specifically the water resource in this case. This model could be of potential interest for a project organizer, a negotiator or a mediator as well as for actors themselves. Among its operational benefits, the A4Dmodel can reveal important information about the actors' interactions and enhances dialogue between stakeholders on a given environmental issue. To implement the A4D model on Mount Kilimanjaro, key actors were identified and meetings were organized between them. Interviews were conducted using a complex but focused interview guide, inspired by the patrimonial strategy1 [START_REF] Ollagnon | Une approche patrimoniale de la qualite´ des milieux naturels. Du Rural a` l'Environnement, la[END_REF]. The final task was to transform speech into data using an adapted database in order to classify oral information. The discursive information was filtered into the actors' practices (actions, projects of actors concerning natural resources and the social complex), preferences (perceptions, representations of actors concerning natural resources and the social complex) and knowledge (types of knowledge actors use concerning natural resources and the social complex: institutional, traditional and scientific) [START_REF] Donnadieu | La syste´mique: penser et agir dans la complexite´[END_REF]. Three types of results were expected: (1) an analysis of stakeholder dynamics (i.e. influences and dependencies among strong, weak and absent actors); (2) differences in knowledge, practices and preferences among actors; and (3) analysis of territorial footprints for each actor according to the A4D model. The objective was to analyse the social and natural links on the territory in order to evaluate the environmental governance potentialities. Themethods were tested on the southern slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro in 2005, with the support of an English-Swahili translator. Personalized interviews were conducted among representatives of the associative, industrial, agricultural and institutional fields. Seven groups of actors engaged in the administration of the Kilimanjaro region were involved: the TanzanianAssociation of Foresters (TAF), the Kilimanjaro National Park (KINAPA), the Tanzanian Coffee Board (TCB), Bonite Bottlers Inc., the Pangani Basin Water Office, the hydrology service (PBWO), scientists from Dar Es Salaam University and the village officers. After these interviews, and using the same methodology, analysis of the Chagga's views on their environment was carried out. Since the Chagga people are not organized as associations or pressure groups, interviews were conducted in 50 households in order to be able to understand the various relationships between individuals and their territory. We met 50 Chagga families in five different villages (Shimbwe, Kidia, Mweka, Foo and Kweseko, see Figure 4), all located at the limit of the 'forbidden' zone at around 2,000 m in altitude. Interviewees were (1) people of the highlands, because they are the first witnesses of environmental changes on the mountain, and (2) people over 50 years old, in order to analyse the evolution of the environment through time.

Interviews were not recorded but transcribed, an efficient method where translation is necessary. The focal point of this survey was the essence of the relations that actors have developed with others and with the natural assets of their locality. From this, the evolution of water and wood uses over time, management strategies, perceptions of hydrological risks and the challenges facing Mount Kilimanjaro could be identified. The database was essentially qualitative and provided data on the role of each interviewed actor about (1) the territory (perceived problems locally and globally, actors' goals and propositions, values and connections to time), (2) the social stage (actors criticized and complimented, perceived image of others and of themselves, conflicts engaged, and (3) the hydrosystem (issues pointed out spontaneously, points emphasized after questions). It took five months to carry out the surveys and classify the data.

Results: what the discourses reveal 4.1. Talking about hydrological risks

When asked about problems on the mountain, all categories of actor (Chagga, authorities, associations, industries) spoke spontaneously and systematically about hydrological risks: that it is a novel phenomenon. Even if researchers have not reached definite conclusions about the evolution of the hydrosystem, it is the first time that authorities admit it: there is a major problem of degradation of the water resource on Mount Kilimanjaro. In terms of hydrological risks, the actors' answers can be categorized into four areas. All actors stated concern about the overall diminution of water, which can be observed directly through the decrease in river flow and disappearing sources and canals. As for the main Pangani river, it is reported that the flow has decreased over the last four decades from several hundred to less than 37 m3/s (UNEP, 2009). Such a situation is of concern for users and for both the scientific community and the Tanzanian government. Researchers from Dar es Salaam University suspect that the general hydrosystem has been transformed mostly because of a change in the reservoir system of the mountain. In 2001, the PBWO reported for the first time a general degradation of natural resources, especially in regard to the amount and quality of water.

The second type of problem that concerned actors relates to climate: climate change and melting icecaps. Stakeholders point to global issues to explain the lack of water, even if the exact causes and consequences of the melting of the snow cap and of the changes in the microclimate are still controversial among scientists. Nevertheless, studies predict that the Kilimanjaro icecap will have disappeared before 2040 [START_REF] Thompson | Kilimanjaro ice core records: evidence of holocene climate change in tropical Africa[END_REF]. Linked or not with that issue, the climate is said by actors to have become dryer, and hotter in summer and colder in winter. The temperature maps of [START_REF] Hay | Climate change and the resurgence of malaria in the East African highlands[END_REF] in the Kilimanjaro area for the period 1941-1995 indicate an increase mean daily maximum temperature at a rate of 2.758C per decade. In addition, rainfall data located on Mount Kilimanjaro reveal declining trends of between 2.5 and 12 mm per year at least during the last 60-100 years [START_REF] Shaghude | Review of water resource exploitation and land use pressure in the Pangani river basin[END_REF]. The third type of problem the actors referred to is the impact of human activity on the environment, such as deforestation, land repartition and agricultural pollution. Even if the interrelations between highaltitude forest and water availability are still unclear, all the actors in the study suggest a clear and direct link between deforestation and lack of water. In fact, Kilimanjaro presents a high level of endemism for bryophytes, and both mosses and lichen play a critical role in intercepting rain [START_REF] Pocs | Bryophyte diversity along the Eastern Arc[END_REF]. However, industry logging has transformed significantly the altitude ecosystem on the mountain slopes [START_REF] Mwasaga | The natural forest of Mount Kilimanjaro[END_REF]. Furthermore, since the 1960s, there has been a steep increase in the clearing of forested land adjacent to rivers and streams for cultivation and collection of fodder [START_REF] Zolongo | Umbwe Onana PRA Report[END_REF]. Finally, there is a significant increase in the number and intensity of wild fires on Mount Kilimanjaro. Although most of these fires are lit accidentally during human activities such as honey collection, poaching and grass burning during forest clearing for agricultural expansion [START_REF] Hemp | Climate change-driven forest fires marginalize the impact of ice cap wasting on Kilimanjaro[END_REF], their devastating effects are amplified by the dry weather conditions. As a result, degraded forest cover increased from 1,606 ha in 1973 to 5,170 ha in 2000 [START_REF] Mbonile | Migration and intensification of water conflicts in the Pangani Basin, Tanzania[END_REF], while at least 41 km2 of natural forest having disappeared between 1952 and 1982 [START_REF] Yanda | Forestry conservation and resource utilisation on southern slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro: trends, conflicts and resolutions[END_REF]. Other significant changes are also evident in woodlands, bushlands and grasslands. In the matter of land repartition, during the post-independence period large tracts of land were taken for the airport, for the country's vast wheat farms and for the national park and forest reserves. Land alienation has squeezed the local population into marginal lands, leading to further land degradation and water scarcity [START_REF] Mbonile | Migration and intensification of water conflicts in the Pangani Basin, Tanzania[END_REF]. Regarding agricultural pollution, farming systems are evolving rapidly on the south slopes of the mountain. Due to the high increase in population, the shambas are today on average less than 1 ha in size (IUCN, 2003), people cultivate more and more intensively in the lowlands, and coffee is being replaced by corn, except on coffee estates (vast and intensive government-run coffee plantations) [START_REF] Soini | Land use patterns and livelihood dynamics on the slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro, Tanzania[END_REF]. Finally, actors point to social factors as aggravating hydrological risk. First of all, increasing conflicts over natural resources were emphasized and said to worsen environmental degradation on the south slopes of the mountain. Water-use conflicts erupt between upstream and downstream users about quantity and quality of water; between the rich and the poor in villages about inequalities of water access; between users and enterprises such as Kiliwater, which installed costly tapwater systems in villages; between users and water authorities about bad management; and between users and village officers about corruption. Many conditions may trigger water disputes, such as competition for scarce resources, differences in organizational status, unmet expectations, unequal power and authority, jurisdictional ambiguities, distortion in communication, misconceptions, and interdependence of people and tasks [START_REF] Huggins | Rural Water Tenure in East Africa: A Comparative Study of Legal Regimes and Community Responses to Changing Tenure Patterns in Tanzania and Kenya[END_REF]. These factors rapidly overtake the social sphere and lead to practices that deteriorate the resource. Secondly, actors criticize the perceived bad management of natural resources on the Kilimanjaro slopes. KINAPA is accused of practising an economic sanctuarization: a false protected area only designed to be profitable. According to the KINAPA representative we met, among the 350 employees only one is a biologist and 300 are armed guards patrolling the area day and night to stop every trespasser except for tourists (20,000 trekkers climb the mountain each year). Villagers are allowed to gather deadwood only in the half-mile strip of the ancient communal forest, today managed by district councils. These local politicians are criticized for being corrupt, for not supporting the villagers and for transforming the social forest into a commercial forest. Globally, hydrological risks are of concern for all actors interviewed on the south slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro, and they are explained by diverse environmental and social factors. All actors agree that there are real problems with the hydrosystem, even if the issues pointed out by stakeholders vary: for example, water quality, climate change, melting of the icecap, hydrological stress and conflicts. Research on these themes has not reached a consensus, but all actors in the locality (Chagga, authorities, associations and industries) unanimously agree that water resources are decreasing on the slopes and that high-altitude forest must be preserved.

Overall actors' dynamics: Economics against traditional values

On the mountain, the forest is a vital part of any discussion about water. Even if hydrological risks are systematically underlined by all types of actors who are concerned by water problems, the forest is key to an understanding of all social interactions, whether conflictual or cooperative. The interviews showed that it is neither the icecap nor the rivers that provoke the most heated discussions, but the forest: it integrates sacred values and is the entity that creates social links. On a substantive level, everyone wants to preserve high-altitude forests. On a procedural level, people fight over the methods to achieve this goal. This turmoil around forest preservation hides a profound opposition between tradition and modernity. Actors are divided into two groups: on the one hand, actors in favour of a modern society, encouraging intensive agriculture, industrial logging, conifer plantations, tourism development and installing water taps; in the other actors in favour of traditional activities attached to the ancestral type of canal management, transmission of oral knowledge, small agricultural land-parcels, agroforestry, village committees and indigenous trees. These notions of conservation can be considered opposites. The worlds of industry, agriculture and tourism, which are strong actors in this field of study, can be described as unrooted: they do not consider territory on a global level, they are centred on their activity and they view their environment as a source of income. On the contrary, the world of users is rooted: these weak actors are attached to their territory and they associate existential values to their environment. Finally, there are relay actors, 'floaters' represented by associations and institutions: actors who display theoretical knowledge about the territory without any hands-on knowledge. According to the A4D model, the dynamics of stakeholders are mainly structured by the dimension of conflict, all actors being both criticized by others and critical towards them. The principle of negotiation seems compromised on the subject of environmental degradation, especially when it comes to the water resource. According to many stakeholders, the culprit for environmental problems is the Chagga peasant. 'Rural communities do not see the point of preserving Mount Kilimanjaro; they prefer using all National Park resources for their day-to-day needs. Therefore we must absolutely change their perceptions' (TANAPA, 1992). To slow down the degradation process, associations and local authorities started to implement environmental awareness programs targeting local populations. The Chagga peasant seems to be on trial, feeling almost undesirable on the slopes of the mountain. Are the inhabitants the right target? It is generally assumed that local populations in developing countries are responsible for environmental degradation. Agricultural changes in areas with poor farmers are often associated with land degradation [START_REF] Cleaver | Reversing the Spiral: the Population, Agriculture and Environment Nexus in Sub-Saharian Africa[END_REF] and landscape fragmentation [START_REF] Nagendra | Introduction to the special issue, from pattern to process: landscape fragmentation and the analysis of land use/land cover change[END_REF]. According to all the models, a demographic increase implies a deterioration of natural resources through deforestation, overgrazing, etc. 'On a short term basis, peasants are forced to cultivate parcels in forest or on steep slopes. This ecological decline enhances poverty because degraded ecosystems provide only low harvest' [START_REF] Brown | State of the World[END_REF]. This vicious circle of 'demographic increase -poverty -environmental degradation' is commonly underlined to justify national regulation programs, but it may be an easy cliche´ [START_REF] Mathieu | Population, pauvreté et dégradation de l'environnement en Afrique: fatale attraction ou liaisons hasardeuses?[END_REF]. Some studies try to demonstrate the contrary (e.g. Tiffen et al., 1994, in Kenya), which provides evidence over a long period of time that population, while imposing pressure on the land, neither degraded it nor precipitated precarious survival. Many complex quantitative and qualitative connections exist between local populations and their environment [START_REF] Lee | Introduction: changing perspectives on agricultural intensification, economic development and the environment[END_REF]. The qualitative links, being harder to discern, are often forgotten. The final objective of the research was to analyse how the Chagga relate to their environment. The analysis goes beyond the familiar view of these issues in an attempt to understand the practices of the local population, but also the affective link that people display towards their environment.

Chagga: Small peasant, big culprit? 5.1. The Chagga territorial footprint

The Chagga synthetic territorial footprint (Figure 3) is the result of the compilation of 50 interviews organized in five villages. It describes the tendencies of a Chagga peasant towards the other stakeholders (social link) and towards the environment (natural link). In the cooperation dimension, even if the actor appreciates few stakeholders on the territory, he wishes to join common projects and has a very good opinion of discussion and conciliation (subdimension empathic).'Kinapa guards are corrupted and violent towards us; they are nasty but protect the forest' (ind362). 'I would like to participate to collective projects' (ind12). In return, peasants are rarely appreciated by other stakeholders, who usually do not recognize any of their qualities such as local knowledge and understanding (sub-dimension esteemed). They are victims without access to water, forest or quality agriculture (TAF). In the conflict dimension, even if he does not know much about the social organization of his territory, a Chagga criticizes many actors and identifies his opponents with precision (subdimension critical). 'Water belongs to the mountain, but it has been stolen by Water Authority, which sells it' (ind2). 'Since government installed a water tank in the village, our irrigation canals have disappeared' (ind22). 'We only have access to dead branches on the ground, but we are stopped by KINAPA guards before entering the forest' (ind8). Chagga are also frequently criticized by others and therefore implicated in many major conflicts in the territory over deforestation, pollution or parcelling out of land or traditions (sub-dimension criticized). 'Villagers burn everything to cultivate everywhere' (TCB). 'Because of their traditions, they refuse to migrate elsewhere and they are going to kill agriculture on the mountain' (PWBO). Within the social dynamic, the Chagga feel isolated and dependent, and lack freedom. The natural links for this actor is characterized by the cohabitation dimension. The actor shows a profound and sometimes irrational attachment to many objects of the territory such as canals, forest, spring and atmosphere, and 'feels' the existing links between these objects (subdimension attached). 'I will die here, no matter what happens' (ind43). He precisely identifies all environmental threats and shows important traditional knowledge about the evolution of natural resources. High-altitude forests play an important role in the protection of mountains, micro-climate, fertile soil and springs. 'It is imperative that we protect it' (ind33). He tries to involve himself in environmental protection projects, but his actions are not recognized by others (sub-dimension preserve). On the domination side, he rejects new objects from modernity such as tourism, water tanks, 'modern trees, modern cows' (sub-dimension distant), and even though he tries to limit his impact on nature, he is seen by others as the one who he perceives to be causing degradation (sub-dimension degrade). 'I hate these modern trees; they dry out our springs' (ind7). For him, nature represents existential values, and he is willing to sacrifice a lot of his traditions for the sake of natural resources. 'If the snow cap melts, the Kilimanjaro will be a desert' (ind27). It is interesting to note that the Chagga people situate themselves on vast scales in terms of space and time. First, they establish connections between local, national and global environmental issues. Even if the Chagga peasant spends his life on his shamba, he is aware not only of local problems but also of issues in the lowlands, in Tanzania as a whole, and even of global issues such as climate change or transboundary pollution. Second, the Chagga people are able to talk about past practices, as well asto project themselves into the future. In doing so, they manage to identifying connections between short-term and long-term stakes.

Access to water, land and forest

For the Chagga families interviewed at an altitude of 2,000 m and upwards, access to natural resources represents the basis of their existence, particularly water, land and wood. Their water concerns are about the number of springs decreasing, diminished rainfall and an overall weakness in river flow. Almost all families in our sample of villages are facing the disappearance of their irrigation canal. The first reason put forward is the installation of water taps by industries that directly transfer water from altitude sources to a reservoir. Consequently, water is no longer free, which modifies the link to this resource. Hence many shambas are not irrigated and canal committees, an ancestral communal system structured by a complex social hierarchy, disappear. Many studies on these canal committees show that the system was ensuring carefully managed water and social equity [START_REF] Mbonile | Migration and intensification of water conflicts in the Pangani Basin, Tanzania[END_REF]. The National Water Policy is facing major resistance from traditional irrigational water users, who are often reluctant to apply for water rights. They believe that water is a gift from God, it cannot be owned by an enterprise and it must be governed by the principles of common property management [START_REF] Juma | Current reforms and their implications for rural water management in Tanzania[END_REF]. The installation of water taps simplifies the social structure of water management: those who can pay have water; others have to manage some other way. Therefore, technical progress leads to social regression on the slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro. Concerning access to land, the family shamba presents a complex system of agroforestry (trees-bananacoffee-beans), a traditionally sustainable system that is being replaced by monoculture. Thirty years ago, the Tanzanian government encouraged coffee plantations, but does not want to support these small parcels any longer. Coffee production is decreasing rapidly and corn is its substitute, a new crop that grows poorly in the shade. This transition would destroy crop diversity on the slopes and hasten soil erosion. Furthermore, with the parceling out of land, the average size of the shambas in our sample is around 0.7 ha (0.6 ha according to data from international union for conservation of Nature-ILICN, 2003), which is not sufficient to feed a whole family. The Chagga traditionally remained living on their sacred mountain. Nevertheless, for the first time, now only a single child stays on the shamba and the new generations come down the mountain to live in town, a situation that modifies the local economy and social structures. Seasonal emigration becomes a common phenomenon on Kilimanjaro, where people seek supplementary livelihood options in other parts of Tanzania but still maintain close ties with the land they own in the village, regardless of its size [START_REF] Shaghude | Review of water resource exploitation and land use pressure in the Pangani river basin[END_REF]. Finally, concerning forest access, people trying to pick up firewood face violence on a day-to-day basis from the guards of KINAPA. The forest represents vital goods for villagers. Any measure limiting access should trigger a strong reaction. Surprisingly, even if 88 per cent of our sample consider access to the forest very dangerous and admit being either assaulted by KINAPA guards or having to bribe them, 71 per cent are still in favour of this National Park. According to [START_REF] Nash | The Rights of Nature: A History of Environmental Ethics[END_REF], local populations are usually against the establishment of protected areas on their territory. Our field research proves the contrary. 'Guards are violent towards us but if it's for the good of the forest, we can accept it' (ind13). The villagers remain in favour of a return to the traditional, communal management of the forest, but in theory only. Interviews revealed a fear of authority associated with mistrust in themselves: the Chagga peasant does not feel able to sustainably manage the forest any more and he does not believe in a truly social forest existing as it did in the 1940s. When the forest was managed by villagers themselves, people would respect the rules in order to conserve the forest, but also to keep their social standing. Today, cutting a tree would go against the government and not against the community.

Towards protecting the human-nature relationship

Connections to biological life are sometimes described as social interactions [START_REF] Descola | Nature and Society-Anthropological Perspectives[END_REF]. This seems to be the case with the Chagga people. This research underlines the fact that the Chagga are profoundly attached to their environment, an attachment based on cultural, social and symbolic values as well as on survival instinct. They know that their survival depends directly on the hydrosystem and on the high-altitude forests. Besides, they display a vast knowledge of their environment and their traditional practices try to respect natural resources. We could qualify this situation as a cultural or survival sustainability (Sébastien, 2007b). On the southern slopes of the mountain, agroforestry techniques and social organization of irrigation canals demonstrated a sustainable system, but this situation is deteriorating. Since the creation of the National Park managed by KINAPA and the half-mile strip managed by district councils, the Chagga have been dispossessed of their responsibility for the area. Ever since the natural resources have been appropriated by the government, the Chagga feel that they have no more power on the slopes. Ever since local management committees disappeared, dialogue is dwindling in villages. Peasants have intensified their agricultural practices and try to get water and wood where they can, hoping not to be caught by guards. However, peasants are not the main culprits. Obvious corruption among park guards, black market wood, illegal deforestation and vast coffee plantation estates are some of the issues fuelling conflicts among the stakeholders. Furthermore, National Park policies state clearly that local populations are excluded from the park zone, leaving nature untouched so as to attract more tourists. This kind of conservation project, which does not take into account local socio-economic dynamics, generates conflicts, modifies the human-nature relationship and leads to general environmental degradation [START_REF] Gomez-Pompa | Taming the wilderness myth[END_REF]. The same issues are revealed by current water management, where the Tanzanian government is attempting to establish formal legal systems, fix property regimes and formalize informal arrangements through institutions such as River Basin Boards [START_REF] Juma | Current reforms and their implications for rural water management in Tanzania[END_REF]. Natural resource management in the Kilimanjaro region operated for centuries under a plural legal system, with interactions between state and customary and religious laws, and between formal and informal institutions [START_REF] Boesen | Norms, organizations and actual practices in relation to land and water management in Ruaha river basin, Tanzania. Managing the Globalized Environment[END_REF]. The mainstream policies and laws continue to regard customary laws as a transient system expected to die out, despite the fact that these informal systems have proven to be successful in managing water in a sustainable way and with social equity [START_REF] Van Koppen | Formal Water Rights in Rural Tanzania: Deepening the Dichotomy? International Water Management Institute Working Paper[END_REF]. The 'tragedy of the commons' theory tries to demonstrate that a communal good can only deteriorate, each user wanting to use it more [START_REF] Hardin | The tragedy of the commons[END_REF]), but we show here that privatization of land can lead to natural resource depletion and that communal system management can be sustainable. According to [START_REF] Ostrom | Revisiting the commons: local lessons, global challenges[END_REF], a community can reach sustainable management of common resources when based on agreed social rules. This was true for the forest half-mile strip when managed by villagers, for water when managed by local committees and for biodiversity through the agroforestry system of the Chagga people, which serves as refuge to grasshoppers and endemic species [START_REF] Hemp | The banana forests of Kilimanjaro: biodiversity and conservation of the Chagga homegardens[END_REF]. In this instance, natural resources were sustainably managed through the social link. Scholars such as [START_REF] Heltberg | Property rights and natural resource management in the developing countries[END_REF] have argued that 'common property systems deserve respect for their management, equity and insurance functions. Policymakers should refrain from undermining common property systems, and should consider providing them with legal recognition and other forms of support'. Conservation implies managing relations between mankind and nature, much more than managing nature itself, but the Tanzanian government has chosen a different model of conservation for Kilimanjaro. Many documented examples show that non-negotiation situations are costly in the long run, economically, ecologically and socially. In carrying out water, land and forest reforms, policy makers need to explore alternatives to formal property rights and in some cases protect common property systems [START_REF] Maganga | Implications of customary norms and laws for implementing IWRM: findings from Pangani and Rufiji basins, Tanzania[END_REF]). If it is not already too late, it is the only way to implement sustainable resource management on Mount Kilimanjaro, based on a participatory approach.

Conclusions

This article had three main objectives: to present an original methodology studying environmental governance; to analyse the stakeholders' dynamics on the Kilimanjaro slopes; and to focus on local communities' perceptions regarding their environment. The A4D methodology is a social engineering model that aims to frame an environmental negotiation by studying the interactions between social links and natural links within hydrosystems. Being a vehicle of data and debate, our model is designed to be an operational tool for a mediator, transferable to other territories and other resources. The visual result, known as the territorial footprint, illustrates stakeholder involvement and interactions. The Kilimanjaro Mountain has a fragile but unique socio-ecological system, which is today threatened by hydrological risks. Even though some actors show strong attachment to the forbidden forest, conflicts arise over how to protect it. Hydrological risks are themost significant environmental issues on the mountain, directly linked with forest management. The forest is the emblem of the area, the object that creates social links on the Kilimanjaro slopes. Two main groups are in opposition regarding natural resource management: traditionalists and modernists.

This article shows that the Chagga people have been wrongly accused by other stakeholders of being responsible for the overall degradation of the ecosystem. Beyond their strong attachment to nature local communities are willing to compromise in order to protect their resources. Mount Kilimanjaro, which has 'belonged' to theChagga for centuries, is slipping gradually out of their control. This has its roots in 1972 when the government created the National Park of Kilimanjaro, with unauthorized zones for the local populations but with opened roads for tourists. Since 1991, the National Water Policy seeks to institutionalize private property regimes for water users. Meanwhile, industrial deforestation goes on and intensive agriculture is subsidized. Preserving a common resource like water on Mount Kilimanjaro demands that all of the above factors are taken into account and that a new governance model is negotiated between all stakeholders. This article argues that common resources managed by local users can be sustainable and that development projects should not focus exclusively on 'physical capital' but should integrate 'social and cultural capital' as well. It can be asserted that solutions to the water problems on Kilimanjaro are not mainly technological; they are also, indeed mostly, of a social nature. Nevertheless, the Chagga people have lost faith in the community for managing natural resources. Their traditional systems have proved to be sustainable and many authors argue that we should return to systems of common property and preserve customary laws. Local populations do not feel capable of leading natural resource management anymore. The Chagga people show tough resistance to the commercialization and privatization of water because they believe that the resource is sacred, but they do not oppose KINAPA, even though they are victims of guards' corruption and violence. They see it as a sacrifice for the sake of water and forest. Decision makers who imagine they can teach the Chagga how to manage their resources might be better served by listening to them instead.

FIGURE 3

 3 FIGURE 3 The territorial footprint of Chagga people (right: 4 dimensions/left: 8 dimensions)

FIGURE 4

 4 FIGURE 4 Location of the five villages on the south slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro Source: Kinapa.

Acknowledgement

Thanks to Hugues Sebastien who patiently reviewed language mistakes. Notes 1. Translation of a French theory: 'la stratégie patrimoniale'. 2. 'ind 36' refers to the 36th individual met among our 50 interviews within the Chagga community.


Corinne Blanquart
email: corinne.blanquart@ifsttar.fr

Saskia Seidel
email: saskia.seidel@dlr.de

Barbara Lenz
email: barbara.lenz@dlr.de

Corinne Blanquart1

Saskia Seidel2

Barbara Lenz3

A conceptual framework to understand retailers' logistics and transport organization -illustrated for groceries' goods movements in France and Germany

Keywords: food retail, retail strategy, logistics and transport

A conceptual framework to understand retailers'logistics and transport organization-illustrated for groceries'goods movements in France and Germany

Introduction

Transport-related emissions, especially of freight transportation, play an important role in the discussion about climate change. CO 2 emissions are increasing faster in freight transport than in other sectors, so that a strong need to reverse this trend is broadly acknowledged. Relevant effects may arise on different sides: The OECD concluded that some 40 percent of the effort necessary to meet the criteria for environmentally sustainable transport will come from technology and around 60 percent from demandside management [START_REF] Maibach | Handbook on estimation of external costs in the transport sector, Internalisation Measures and Policies for All external Cost of Transport (IMPACT)[END_REF]. Consequently, much of current transport and environment policy aimed at achieving environmentally sustainable transport will require demand-side rather than supply-side measures [START_REF] Wiederkehr | Environmentally Sustainable Transport (EST): Concept, Goal, and Strategy -The OECD's EST Project[END_REF]. Indeed, even if it is assumed that the main cause of increased emissions is the growth in transport demand [START_REF]Beyond transport policy-exploring and managing the external drivers of transport demand[END_REF], the vast majority of actions to reduce the carbon footprint of the transport sector have been taken within the transport sector itself, e.g. expansion of transport infrastructure or technical improvements. These approaches are important but ignore the key drivers which create the demand for transport. To achieve a sustainable transport system and to initiate effective measures, an understanding of transport demand is first required [START_REF] Blanquart | From a supplier to a retail controlled supply chain: what are the impacts on transport demand? From data analysis to model development[END_REF]. This understanding could be helpful to deploy a broader range of instruments to reach the goal of sustainable transport.

Any attempt to understanding what drives transport has to take into account the way firms organize their operations, the location of both production and distribution facilities, the sourcing of inputs and the serving of markets. However, detailed knowledge on the decisions made concerning the movement of consignments in the context of production does not exist [START_REF] Comi | Urban freight transport demand modeling: a State of the Art[END_REF]. Following Rodrigue and Hesse [START_REF] Hesse | The transport geography of logistics and freight distribution[END_REF], the fundamental question does not necessarily reside in the nature, origins and destinations of freight movements, but how and why this freight is moving.

Among these changes affecting transport demand, many studies put the emphasis on the changes from a supplier to a retail-controlled supply chain [START_REF] Blanquart | From a supplier to a retail controlled supply chain: what are the impacts on transport demand? From data analysis to model development[END_REF][START_REF] Fernie | Retail logistics: changes and challenges. In Logistics and retail management: emerging issues and new challenges in the retail supply chain[END_REF]. Other studies underline that particular transport growth occurs on an urban scale; the urban goods movements are the result of a set of choices made by customers, retailers, wholesalers, carriers and local authorities [START_REF] Comi | Urban freight transport demand modeling: a State of the Art[END_REF]. Allen et al. [START_REF] Allen | Review of UK Urban Freight Studies[END_REF] have pointed out that the demand for urban freight transport activity is derived from the demand for goods flows produced or consumed in urban areas. Another substantial body of research addresses the dilemma of environmental impacts and efficiency of urban freight transport, focusing on urban deliveries and retail logistics (e.g. 9, [START_REF] Anderson | Urban logistics--how can it meet policy makers' sustainability objectives?[END_REF][START_REF] Dablanc | Goods transport in large European cities: Difficult to organize, difficult to modernize[END_REF].

Yet very little is known about retailers' transport demand and its key drivers. Based on the question of how the influencing factors of retailers' transport demand can be systematically grasped, the authors aim to provide a conceptual framework which allows analyzing systematically the key drivers for the retailer's transport demand. Subsequently, an illustration of these key drivers for the food retailers in France and Germany is shown. As a conclusion, a scheme is presented demonstrating the general interactions between logistics and transport factors and the drivers that have been identified. Furthermore, a summary of the results highlights the dedicated links between specific factors. This can be the basis for a discussion on the policy instruments to tackle the problems of climate change and the environment beyond the transport sector.

A conceptual framework to capture the complexity of influencing factors of retailers' transport demand

Freight transport demand may be understood as derived demand, resulting, however, from complex structures and processes. Transport activities are concomitantly planned with activities occurring at the origin, destination, and also at all intermediate stages to the extent that production, consumption and freight distribution are jointly considered and integrated transport demand is progressively replacing the traditional derived transport demand [START_REF] Rodrigue | Challenging the Derived Transport Demand Thesis: Issues in Freight Distribution[END_REF]. Many researchers feel that it is more important to understand the system in which the company operates and the factors that determine its action. This question requires an understanding of what behavior is based on.

"What do we see upstream from the behavior of individuals? How do we see the formation of societal effects, and in particular collective objects, from the latter? The first question asks for the rationality of behavior: do we see rationality at the origin of behavior and if so, how do we conceive it? The second question asks for the perspective of a holistic view whereby societal wholes are not merely the sum of individual actions" [START_REF] Billaudot | Institutionnalisme, rationalisme et structuralisme en sciences sociales[END_REF]. The main benefit of theories that address the origins of decisions is to adopt a conception of transport strategies as embedded, both internally with other strategies and also externally with the company's environment. Several conditions must be met for a strategy to be viable. It must be possible for the company to implement the strategy (internal requirement). But this strategy must also be coherent (external coherence) and compatible with the macroeconomic context. While the company interacts with its national context, it also develops particular relations with its own sector. The idea is to consider not only the macroeconomic influence on company strategy, but also that of the sector [START_REF] Boyer | The Regulation School: A Critical Introduction[END_REF].

The authors followed this framework to classify the key drivers of retailers' transport and logistics strategies. In the following, first the retailers' transport and logistics strategies are described before presenting their key drivers which were differentiated between three categories which at the same time represent macro, meso and micro levels of key drivers (4). The result is a theoretical scheme and a conceptual framework about the decision-making process for retailers' transport and logistics strategies. Subsequently, the scheme will be tested and applied to the food retail sector in France and Germany.

Grasping retailers' transport characteristics

The transport organization of a company is always prejudiced by logistics decisions aiming "to move product efficiency along the supply chain" [START_REF] Behrends | Urban freight transport sustainability[END_REF]. The characteristics of retailers' transport are conditioned by the organization of its transport and logistics, which differ from company to company. The characterization of transport and logistics organization can be described by taking different indicators related to three possible dimensions: the physical transport operations (transport features), the physical activities and the material and immaterial assets:  Physical transport operations become more and more integrated into complex logistics systems.

Beyond transport operations, strictly speaking, transport firms also deliver various services of management of flows, input to (and sometimes also management of) information systems, copacking, co-manufacturing etc. Freight transport operations have become more and more complex and differentiated over the past 30 years. Beyond shipping and handling goods, they often include operations such as the treatment of information flows, the differentiation of goods for the final customer etc. The conceptual representation of freight transport exclusively in terms of flows of goods thus becomes less relevant to the realities of the freight transport sector. That is why the description of the logistics services has to be associated with the transport indicators [START_REF] Blanquart | The impact of sustainability on global logistics strategies: contradictory issues[END_REF][START_REF] Lenz | Uncoupled or integrated? -Implementation, utilization, and effects of I&C-technologies in firms in rural regions. The example of East Württemberg[END_REF][START_REF] Schamp | Industriegeographie aus institutioneller Perspektive[END_REF].

 Logistics and transport services can also be described in terms of physical activities (e.g. transport, storage) as well as non-physical activities, related to the organization modalities of these physical activities (e.g. supply chain design, selection of contractors, freightage negotiations) [START_REF] Tseng | The role of transportation in logistics chains[END_REF].

 These logistics and transport activities rely on material and immaterial assets: the transport fleet, the development of retailers' regional distribution centers (centralization or decentralization of the warehousing), or the use of information technology systems (e.g. EDI, EPoS ( 20)). Fernie and Sparks ( 21) identify these assets as key components for retailers' logistics and transport strategies. For example, retailers manage warehouses or distribution centers to enable them to keep stock in anticipation of or to react to sudden changes in the demand for products. Retailers have also become increasingly concerned with being able to capture data at appropriate points in the system and to use that information to have a more efficient and effective logistics operation [START_REF] Boyer | Les modèles productifs[END_REF]. Several indicators can be assigned to these dimensions for logistics and transport strategies. Among these, it is possible to classify influencing factors found on the micro, meso and macroeconomic levels, which are not directly related to transport. Rather, the organization of transport is derived from these nontransport-related factors [START_REF] Blanquart | From a supplier to a retail controlled supply chain: what are the impacts on transport demand? From data analysis to model development[END_REF].

The non-transport-related drivers

It is possible to distinguish the retailers' logistics and transport environment on three different levels (macro, meso and micro) which are primarily economic but include spatial elements. The differentiation follows approaches, among others, of Boyer and Freyssenet (21), Freyssenet (22), Dopfer et al [START_REF] Dopfer | Micro-meso-macro[END_REF] as well as Jullien and Smith ( 24):

The macro-economic factors are related to the competitive framework and represent retailers' upstream influences. So, for instance, demands of new social and regulatory requirements on the one hand and consumer concerns over ethical sourcing and environmental issues on the other may drive a need for proactive management by the retailer on all aspects of product "traceability". The macro level represents only company external factors.

Following Jullien and Smith [START_REF] Jullien | Studying the politics of the European industry: A political institutionalist approach to economics[END_REF], factors of meso-economic strategies refer to the sectorial dynamics around relationships with four principle partners: clients, suppliers, investors and employees. From the retailers' point of view, the relationships with the wholesale stage are also important to consider. The development that retailers are further pushing for control to even earlier stages within the supply chain to break down all cost components also plays a role here. Taking on the procurement and seeking visibility of product costs help to drive down costs and leverage component parts across products.

As far as micro driving factors are concerned, the French regulation theories have focused on the identification of profit strategies of companies [START_REF] Boyer | Les modèles productifs[END_REF][START_REF] Freyssenet | Poursuivre l'exploration des relations macro-micro en réinterrogeant les notions de mode de croissance et de modèle production, 12th colloque international du Gerpisa[END_REF]. The respective analytical framework identifies six fundamental sources of profit: volume, quality, diversity, flexibility, innovation, and constant cost reduction. The possibility to implement the strategy can be analyzed along three major components: product policies, production organization, and employee relations.

For trade-related transportation, these sources of profit and internal requirements raise the following main questions:

1. Which products are sold? 2. Which marketing strategy is used? How is the product offer kept fresh and attractive to ever more discerning customers? 3. Which type of shops or network of shops is chosen? Which are the trading formats? The operationalization of this socially embedded conception of logistics and transport strategies is described with the below scheme shown (Figure 1) which provides a representation of the complexity of the decision-making process for the retailers, as far as transportation is concerned.

FIGURE 1 System for the decision-making process in retail

To test the applicability of the concept, the authors conducted a study for the food retail sector in France and Germany. This study was based on a literature survey and qualitative interviews and examined the interdependencies between the strategies on different levels, and the impact on logistics and transport organization. It was expected that both convergences and divergences between the two countries could be observed depending on the power of the different factors.

Methodology

Food retail is difficult to assess because it is not captured in a specific statistical category. All in all food retail refers to four statistical categories: "retail trade in non-specialized stores", "retail trade in specialized stores", "retail trade not in stores via stalls and markets" and "other retail trade not in stores". Looking at "retail trade in non-specialized stores" in Germany around 91 percent of the turnover concerns "retail with food predominating"; for France even 96 percent can be recorded. Retail trade of food, beverages and tobacco represents nearly 50 percent of the turnover of the total retail trade in France and Germany: 47 percent for France and 42 percent for Germany in 2010 [START_REF]Annual detailed enterprise statistics for trade[END_REF]. In 2008, some 20 percent of all retail companies were associated with food retail (22 percent for Germany, 19 percent for France).

In order to derive information about the logistics and transport strategies of food retailers and their links to the economic environment on different levels, about 56 interviews were conducted with different actors in the supply chain (see Table 1). The interviews, conducted in France and Germany, were held in the period from January to April 2012. The questions were related to the following topics: gaining knowledge about the interviewed company, their (choice of) geographical locations, their relation to other supply chain actors, their overall activities, their assortments, and their used physical assets.

The interviews held face-to-face and via telephone were based on a guideline which was sent out to the interviewees before. With the interviews, the full range of food retail formats i.e. hypermarkets, supermarkets, discounters and others were covered.

Supplier In the following selected findings from the interviews and literature review are presented according to the concept outlined above.

The macro environment of food retailers

The micro and meso environment of retailers is often impacted by public policies. Consumption patterns play another big role. Through the conducted interviews, we found that consumption patterns influence not only the products offered at the point of sale, but also have an influence on the chosen suppliers. One example is the increasing demand for regional products: changing the assortment towards more regional products often results in a stronger involvement of regional suppliers. Dawson (26) suggests that "changes in consumption are related to long term changes in income and price elasticity and short term advertising campaigns, but there are also broad shifts in demand which represent changing social attitudes to products." Assortment or product adoptions frequently result in changing network structures and consequently also the retailers' transport and logistics organization. Changing consumer needs and trends can also be related to changes in population, such as demographic change.

Looking at the role of regulation which directly impacts the retailers' macro environment, one of the most important aspects are rules for land use: In Germany, in most urban areas, excluding central and special areas, shops are limited to a maximum area of 1,200m 2 , i.e. a maximum sales area of 800m 2 . All food retailers who strive for bigger sales areas must prove that this will not have negative effects on central shopping areas ( § 11 Abs. 3 BauNVO). As discounters' sales areas normally fall below this, they are favored by this law. Legislation in France limited the number of new hypermarket and supermarket openings in 2006 which prompted large stores to expand existing surface area. Complaints that this new measure benefitted existing hyper-/supermarkets resulted in a modification in July 2008, included in the "Loi de modernization de l'économie" (LME), which allowed the opening of new stores under 1,000m².

The meso-economic environment of food retailers

The retailers' integration of the wholesale stage and new relationships with suppliers through the development of own-brand products are the two most important characteristics of the meso environment of food retailers. This is linked to the retail format and the development of big retail groups and has an influence on the procurement volumes and the type of logistics organization through distribution centers.

Two main trends can be observed in the food retail in France and Germany: the change to retailer-led supply chains and the integration of the procurement and wholesale stage by the big retailers. Cost reductions are achieved by eliminating the role of the traditional wholesaler through direct supply from primary producers and manufacturers to regional distribution centers (RDCs), and then on to superstores. Only for fruits and vegetables do traditional wholesalers still have an important position. Another cost saving strategy, of discounters in particular, is cutting down storage time through just-intime delivery from the distribution centers to the points of sale for almost all products.

On the other hand, the bargaining power of retailers is increasing due to the merging of retailers to retail affiliations, consolidations at international level and the growing importance of private or store labels. In most of the mature EU15 retail markets, the eight biggest companies accounted for between 50 and 80 percent of the national grocery retail market in 2007. Procurement costs are reduced by extracting more favorable terms from suppliers. This is supported by the emergence of retailer-owned brands oriented towards the lower price segment. In France, for instance, the "private label" sales reached 31 percent of all food product retail sales in 2008. Added to this is the increased production of meat and sausage by the retailers themselves and the direct delivery from the production site to the point of sale so that we find an entire process chain. The interviews showed that meat production locations may function as a distribution center for other products, too, in particular for convenience foods like prepared salads or sushi.

Micro-economic strategy of food retailers

Strategies concerning the retail format, the sales area and the marketing policy are the most important ones for food retailers. But there are differences between France and Germany that lead to variation in the volume and frequency of deliveries in particular.

In the grocery sector, two new formats were developed in both countries. One was the hypermarket (e.g. Auchan) in France, the other was the grocery (hard) discounter (e.g. Aldi) in Germany [START_REF] Zentes | Internationalisierung deutscher Discounter und französischer Hypermarchés[END_REF]. Hard discounters traditionally offer a range of 600 to 700 products, with a high share of own brands, at low price and ultra-low margins. The market concentration reinforces the domination of these two formats [START_REF] Knorr | Why did Wal-Mart fail in Germany?. Materialen des Wissenschaftsschwerpunktes "Globalisierung der Weltwirtschaft[END_REF]; discounters had about 16,200 points of sales and a market share of 35 percent in Germany in 2011 [START_REF] Nielsen | [END_REF]. But in both countries, we observe a saturation of the markets for these traditional formats. This situation leads to market adaption: hard discounters widen their assortment by selected brand products. Other retailers use the strategy of market segmentation by introducing store types that are mainly differentiated by size, assortment and price segment (see table 2). These formats influence the retailers' marketing policies. Hypermarkets develop a "services" policy whereas discounters focus on a margin policy. The high sales volumes and low store and personnel costs which discounters generated through a limited range of assortment and minimal store fittings allowed for low trade margins. With average profits reaching only 0.8 percent of sales in West Germanydown from 3.4 percent in 1970and 0.5 percent in the poorer Eastern part of the country, Germany's retail industry is probably the least profitable of the whole industrialized world [START_REF] Wortmann | Strukturwandel und Globalisierung des deutschen Einzelhandels[END_REF]. Returns are particularly meager in the food segmentat 0.5 percent of turnover, compared to 5 percent in the UK and 3.5 percent in France.

Another typical difference between the two countries is the fact that the average sales area per supermarket is smaller in Germany than in France. As the interviews indicated, this is closely related to the different format of the stores. The surface for food sales per inhabitant, however, is 0.47m 2 in Germany and only 0.37m 2 in France. Further investigation is needed to understand the reason behind this difference.

Summarizing our observations we find interactions between the micro-economic framework of retailers' strategies and their environment. The macro environment, above all public policy, has an impact on the retail format and on the relationships with the suppliers. However, the unbalanced structure of the distributive supply chains also explains the genesis of this last, public form of regulation. The meso environment is closely linked to the retail format and retailers' marketing policy. All these elements and interdependencies have consequences for the logistics and transport organization of retailers.

Consequences on the logistics and transport organization of food retailers in France and Germany

In the following, the logistics consequences of environmental structures will be described and their impacts on transport discussed.

Logistics consequences

Logistics plays a fundamental role in supporting retail companies in rationalizing their distribution infrastructure and making more efficient use of their resources. Consequently, logistics has emerged as a key business operation to enhance a company's competitive advantage via improved customer service and lower costs [START_REF] Kearney | Führend durch Total-Supply-Quality[END_REF].

The changes of the environment on the meso level are closely linked to the development of central sourcing through buying offices and to the emergence of large distribution centers. Control of the supply chain has passed to the large supermarkets and hypermarkets. This development has led to a restructuring of the procurement systems of supermarkets, based on central sourcing. Supermarket chains have been shifting away from the old procurement model based on sourcing products from the traditional wholesale markets, toward the use of new procurement systems [START_REF] Reardon | The rise of supermarkets and their development implications: International Food Policy Research Institute[END_REF].

In France, mergers and alliances among major hypermarkets and supermarkets have aligned the country's five largest retailers with seven central buying offices. These buying offices usually also undertake tasks like sourcing products, handling import and customs formalities, logistics, supply, maintenance, delivering and sometimes pricing and labeling for their retail customers. Only a few major food retailers buy directly. In Germany each leading retail group has a different business structure, purchasing, and distribution system. The purchasing departments for the large retailers are often divided by retail format and, sometimes, by region of the country. Buying associations or groups also play an important role in German retailing. They are often operated by a wholesale company which does the purchasing and marketing, and provides other services for independent retailers [START_REF] Wortmann | Strukturwandel und Globalisierung des deutschen Einzelhandels[END_REF].

Another important change is centralized procurement through Distribution Centers (DCs). As a result the number and size of wholesalers' warehouses is in decline, which also leads to a consolidation of stocks at a reduced number of very large regional DCs, controlled by the retailers but often operated by a Third Party Logistics Manager [START_REF] Eurocase | Freight logistics and transport systems in Europe Executive summary[END_REF]. These distribution centers are mostly located along motorway corridors. At the same time changes in logistics practices are favoring the development of distribution centers based on cross-docking, with only small amounts of warehousing [START_REF] Eurocase | Freight logistics and transport systems in Europe Executive summary[END_REF]. Following Lamey [START_REF] Lamey | Supply Chain Management: FT Management Report[END_REF], it seems that the centralization of retail logistics operations at European level has reduced transport, warehousing and inventory costs by an estimated 40-50 percent overall. At the beginning, the implementation of centralized deliveries aimed at three dimensions: reduced costs, improved customer service and faster reactivity to changes in demand. Under the pressure of increasingly demanding and volatile consumers, the large French food retailers especially ended up favoring the last two dimensions [START_REF] Connan-Ghesquière | Les ruptures de stock: comportements du consommateur, facteurs d'influence et satisfaction vis-à-vis du magasin[END_REF]. The extent to which food retailers reorganize their distribution networks by rationalizing the number of distribution centers and establishing composite warehouses (i.e. large warehouses that hold more than one product category) tends to depend on the number and type of the retail outlets operated.

The interviews showed that differences in retail logistics organization are closely linked to the retail format. For example, logistical costs for hypermarkets and supermarkets increased throughout the 1990s, particularly with an improvement in delivery systems to reduce the number of stock outs in outlet. This also resulted in a greater product variety [START_REF] Dubelaar | Relationships between inventory, sales and service in a retail chain store operation[END_REF][START_REF] Stassen | Logistics and assortment depth in the retail supply chain: evidence from grocery categories[END_REF]. Currently, the main problem of large French food retailers is that they manage several retail formats, unlike the two German hard discounters Lidl and Aldi, who manage a single retail format. But separation in terms of logistical choices can also be observed in Germany, as discounters and full range assortment warehouses have different requirements. Rewe Group, which owns the discounter Penny and Rewe supermarket, separated their logistics organization and warehousing in 2012 to optimize their processes according to the different requirements of the organizations.

Transport consequences

Most products have to be transported in some way between production and consumption. Retailers therefore have to manage a transport operation that might involve different forms of transport, different sizes of containers and vehicles and the scheduling of drivers and vehicles [START_REF] Fernie | Logistics and retail management: emerging issues and new challenges in the retail supply chain: Kopan Page limited[END_REF]. Looking at inbound transportation, retail distribution remains a significant contributor to road congestion and infrastructure costs. Our interviews confirmed that attempts to shift retail transport from road to rail have mostly been unsuccessful [START_REF] Eurocase | Freight logistics and transport systems in Europe Executive summary[END_REF]. The main recorded changes in transportation tackle the outbound. There are smaller, more frequent deliveries to stores, combined with longer shop opening hours, which is increasing vehicle movements faster than retail turnover. The extensive use of IT enables an optimization of the delivery patterns. Carrefour, for example, went from about 80 trucks per day delivering from 2,500 suppliers, to their RDCs and hypermarkets currently each receiving deliveries from ten trucks per day.

Usually changes in logistics structures affect transportation, as when stock holding is centralized into fewer, larger distribution centers. Transport distance increases and place higher demands on transport in terms of delivery reliability. Since the cost of transport is often low compared to the cost of storage and stockholding, a more centralized DC strategy has generally resulted in cost savings for retailers [START_REF] Stassen | Logistics and assortment depth in the retail supply chain: evidence from grocery categories[END_REF].

The results of the interviews and the literature demonstrate the complexity of the decision-making process for the retailers as far as transportation is concerned. Transferred to our general scheme the following figure can be drawn (Fig. 2):

FIGURE 2 Findings for food retail in France and Germany, based on "decision-making concept"

Synthesis and conclusions

Our findings show that the organization of logistics and transport in food retail is influenced by various framework conditions that can be allocated to different levels of its environment: the micro, meso, and macro. Furthermore, the interview results allowed the derivation of specific indicators that have an influence on retailers' transport and logistics organization, taking for example the days of storage which are strongly influenced by the type of product and the type of format of the retailer. Differences in the interviewed companies' logistics organizational structure could be mainly ascribed to the retail format (supermarket, hypermarket, discounter, hard discounter), the range of assortment and the type of products offered at the point of sale. Retailers' spatial warehousing policy and the type of logistics services used depends on whether they belong to a group or affiliation as well as their type of retail format. Looking at transport operations, the type of retail format and the offered type of products are among the main influencing drivers. The point of sale itself has the most important influence: the location within the town or city, the geographical distribution as well as the distance to the DC/RDC determine the nature of the transport. The identified indicators of logistics and transport, and the factors which have the strongest influence on them are summarized in tables 3 and 4: Overall we could demonstrate how sales related strategies of retailers influence logistics and transport, and based on our empirical findings for the food retail in Germany and France we were able to allocate relevant factors and key drivers to our conceptual framework. The results underline that for an understanding of transport (demand) a systemic view that is going beyond logistics and transportation is needed.

Wholesaler Retailer Service providers

	France	3	4	15	8
	Germany	5	6	7	8

TABLE 1 Conducted qualitative interviews with food actors in France and Germany

 1

TABLE 2 Examples for retailers' market segmentation

 2

	Example for France	Example for Germany
	Carrefour (selected company type)	Rewe (selected company type)
	Carrefour (large scale supermarket up to 20,000m²)	Rewe (full range supermarket)
	Champion (full range, >1000m²)	Rewe Center (full range, big department store)
	8 à Huit (fresh food, convenience, small scale 70-400m²) Dia (hard discount, 500-800m²)	Rewe CITY (full range supermarket up to 1000m² in cities and at airports <1000m²) Nahkauf (shop around the corner, small scale) Rewe to go (focused on convenience)
		Penny (discounter)

TABLE 3 Indicators of logistics Indicators of logistics and their key drivers

 3

	Days of storage	Type of product
		Type of retail format
	Number of warehouses	Type of product
		Range of assortment
		Type of retail format
		Geographical spread of point of sales
		Belonging to a group or affiliation
	Spatial patterns of the warehousing policy	Geographical distribution of the point of sales
		Type of retail format
		Belonging to a group or affiliation
	Share of outsourcing	Type of retail format
		Type of logistics services
	Type of logistics services	Retail policy (rotation of the products and costs)
		Type of retail format
	Use of SCM tools	Type of retail format

TABLE 4 Indicators of transport Indicators of transport and their key drivers

 4

	Frequencies	Type of retail format
		Location of point of sales
	Service performance	Retail policy (assortment priority and rotation of products vs costs)
	Deliveries	Type of products/product groups
	Outsourcing	Retail size-format
		Status (group or affiliations)
		Distance from warehouse to point of sales
	Load rate /Load volume	Type of retail format
		Size of sales area point of sales
		(Type of truck)
	Size of the tour	Type of retail format
		Size of sales area
		Location of point of sales
		Distance to DC/RDC
	Transport modes (Inbound)	Type of products
		Origin of the products
		Distances from supplier to warehouse
	Type of trucks	Type of products
	Transport costs	Type of product

Acknowledgment

The authors would like to thank the food industry interview partners who gave the authors a comprehensive insight and overview of their companies every day.