he/they will hate' jiʁa jiʁ-u 'he/they will shoot' b. *ʕ if.ef if.ef-u 'he/they blinked' ilef ilf-u 'he/they tamed' nikra. nikre.-u 'he/they were torn' nikʁa nikʁ-u 'he/they chanced by' c. *h uv.al uv.al-u ~ uv.el-u 'he/they were rushed' uval uvl-u 'he/they were led' jigba. igbe.-u 'he/they will grow taller' jigbe jigb-u 'he/they collected'

If there were nothing in the position marked by the period, one would not expect epenthesis to apply.

) to (7-9)). Historical *ħ in this position is licit, e.g. [saχat] 'he squeezed', [sχita] 'squeezing'. (11) [e]-epenthesis in initial clusters 3MSG.PST Action noun N.SG PL *ʕ na.al ne.ila 'locking' --*ʔ ʃa.al ʃe.ila 'a loan' ʃa.un ʃe.un-im 'leaning (on)' *h da.ar de.ira 'gallop' ka.uv ke.uv-im 'painful' *h ta.oʁ te.oʁ-im 'pure' Chapter 2 : Medial gutturals 1.

INTRODUCTION CHAPTER 1. DATA AND BACKGROUND

Introduction

A French dissertation for the habilitation à diriger des recherches ("HDR") is required to consist of a synthesis of around a 100 pages of the candidate's work. The following 4 pages summarize the contents of my HDR dissertation and explain how these contents are representative of my work.

My work provides detailed descriptions and formal accounts of specific phenomena in specific languages, with special interest for the division of labor between phonology and morphology. For a given alternation, I first take special care to argue whether or not it can be treated as exclusively phonological, i.e. consisting of a single underlying representation to which general phonological rules apply. I assume that learners seek to arrive at such representations in an effort to unify all of the realizations of a single morpheme. The level of abstraction of that underlying representation is constrained by the theory, which in my work has mostly been the autosegmental theory of Strict CV [START_REF] Lowenstamm | CV as the only syllable type[END_REF][START_REF] Scheer | What is CVCV, and why should it be[END_REF]. Recently, I have also become interested in the conceptualization of defective representations that is made possible by Gradient Harmonic Grammar [START_REF] Smolensky | Gradient Symbolic Representations in Grammar: The case of French Liaison[END_REF].

Often, an analysis with a single underlying representation is challenged either because the phenomenon is limited to one lexical domain or because morphological boundaries are at play and influence the workings of phonology. In such scenarios, too, I aim to account for what speakers know. Can morphological knowledge be encoded such that the single underlying representation does suffice? And if not, and there has to be more than one underlying representation, how is this information stored, at what point in the derivation is it accessed and how? My work in these domains is informed by research in syntactic approaches to morphological structure as well as optimality theoretic analyses of allomorphy.

Much (though not all) of my work is devoted to Semitic languages, in which phonological and morphological factors are especially intertwined. The non-concatenative morphology of these languages gives rise to fairly abstract phonological representations. For instance, verbal stems like Modern Hebrew [noʃel] 'shed.PRTC.MSG' involve a vocalic set <o,e>, which is grammatically-significant in that it is the sole expression of the grammatical features that make up the present participle. Such items are therefore considered to be decomposable into a basic radical set <n,ʃ,l> and that vocalic set. 1 In such a system, the task of distinguishing the phonological from the morphological becomes more difficult, but also more intellectually challenging and rewarding.

In this work, I have chosen to illustrate the spirit of my past, present and future work through the exposition of various related analyses of Modern Hebrew "gutturals". I put this term in scare quotes because the guttural sound [ʔ,h,ʕ,ħ] of other Semitic languages are largely absent from the speech of most Israelis. And yet, their orthographic existence correlates with many exceptionless and productive phonological regularities. For instance, like [noʃel] 'shed.PRTC.MSG' above, there is a verb [noel] 'lock.PRTC.MSG' with a medial orthographic guttural. The alternations that occur in the inflection of [noel] are shared by all verbs with an orthographic guttural in the same position, and only by these. What do speakers know of such items? If <n,ʃ,l> is extractable from [noʃel] (even as a residue), what set do speakers associate with the [noel]? Which of the alternations that occur in items with orthographic gutturals is phonological and which are morphological, and how exactly are they morphological?

The first chapter of this study is based on Faust (2019) and is strictly descriptive. It is a complete presentation of all of the patterns exhibited by items with orthographic gutturals in Modern Hebrew. In the general spirit of my work, the phenomena are divided into strictly phonological ones on the one hand and allomorphic and/or lexically-specific ones on the other.

In the second chapter I provide the basic representations Modern Hebrew "gutturals" and show how these lead to the alternations that were described as phonological. This chapter is based on the original proposal from my 2005 MA thesis: in MH, a vowel /a/ has been lexicalized in the position where many historical gutturals used to stand. 2 The present work follows the argument from Enguehard & Faust (2018), where we couched this proposal in a strict CV approach. We proposed a basic principle: /a/ is initially mapped to a C-slot, but cannot be realized in it, and so it seeks to be realized on the following V-slot. If that V-slot is empty, that realization is possible (1a); if it is full, it is not (1b). In both cases, the empty C-slot can be realized as [ʔ]but that realization is general for any empty C-slot in the languages, not only those associated with /a/. Importantly, this /a/ can never be realized in a preceding V-slot (1c).

(1) Realizations of consonantally-mapped /a/ a. a b. a

i c. * a i | | C V C V V C V [a]~[ʔa] [i]~[ʔi]
The third chapter continues to follow Enguehard & Faust (2018), moving to the treatment of clusters with the proposed consonantally-mapped /a/. It shows that the proposal in (1) can correctly cover the range of realizations of this entity when it is clustered with a consonant. Specifically, more support is provided for (1c): forms like [nifge.

-u] 'be.hurt.PST-PL', demonstrably from /nifgacu/ (/ac/ = consonantally-mapped /a/), exhibit epenthesis in the position before the /ac/, rather than [a] (2). Epenthesis (signaled in 2 by the upwards arrow) is motivated by the status of that nucleus (V 3 in 2): it is a "responsible" nucleus, a nucleus following an empty one. Such nuclei are consistently realized through epenthesis in MH in order to "govern" the preceding nucleus (as signaled by the arrow in 2).

(2) Responsible nucleus before /ac/ realized through epenthesis

n i f g e a u | | | | ↑ | C V C V C V3 C V
The discussion of initial clusters in the same chapter adopts the "Initial CV" take of this phenomenon [START_REF] Lowenstamm | The beginning of the Word[END_REF]. Alongside the original claims from Enguehard & Faust (2018), the chapter includes two novel extensions of the analysis, to sandhi effects and truncated imperatives.

Finally, the same chapter also replicates (in short form) the discussion in Enguehard & Faust (2018) of a curious case of "clusters" of the type /acCac/. These are also resolved through epenthesis /ʃiacʃac-u/ => [ʃiaʃe.-u] 'amuse.PST-PL', though the reason for this epenthesis is initially unclear. An OCP-based account is then proposed, whereby epenthesis is motivated by the need to separate the two /ac/s. New evidence is brought forth in favor of the proposal from a related language, Christian Urmi Neo Aramaic.

Chapters 2 and 3 thus illustrate the type of work I have been conducting within the autosegmental phonological theory of Strict CV, as applied to the templatic systems of Semitic languages.

Chapter 4, which reproduces Faust (2021a), then sheds light on another, more recent aspect of my work, Strict CV metrics. In [START_REF] Faust | Arabic stress in Strict CV, with no moras, no syllables, no feet and no extrametricality[END_REF], as well as in other past and upcoming presentations, I adjust the notion of feet to the mora-less Strict CV approach. The main tool of this approach is the "Incorporation Domain" (ID) of Ulfsjorninn ( 2014), whereby the projection of an empty or dependent nucleus is incorporated into that of an adjacent, realized one. The empirical problem that this notion is applied to in this chapter is the apparent "disappearance" of /ac/ after a stressed [á]. For instance, the second syllables of /kataac/ 'cut.PST.3MSG'and /ʃata/ 'drink.PST.3MSG' are both phonetically [táː]. I show that Modern Hebrew, like other languages, has a requirement for stress vowels to be long. This requirement may lead to the insertion of an additional CV unit (in grey in 3b; the ID is framed, h=head, d=dependent). But after a stressed /a/, no additional CV is necessary, because the /aa/ sequence can fuse and create an ID (3c,d).

(3) The stress CV in MH: additional CV inserted (or not) in order to establish ID

a. * k a ʁ á χ b. k a ʁ á χ | | | | |  | | | | | [kaʁáːχ] C V C Vh C V C V C Vh C Vd C V c. * k a ʁ á ac d. k a ʁ á ac | | | |  | | | | [kaʁáː] C V C Vh C V C V C Vh C Vd
Chapter 4 concludes my main treatment of the effect of /ac/ in Modern Hebrew. All of these effects have been derived from one basic premise, namely that there is an /a/ where historically there was a guttural consonant. Crucially, I repeatedly claim, this conclusion is readily available to any learner, including those unfamiliar with the orthography of the language. Chapter 5 and 6 present hitherto unpublished, recent analyses aiming to complete the picture of "guttural" phonology in MH. Chapter 5 concentrates on the phenomenon of segholation, whereby a penultimately-stressed lexical vowel undergoes height harmony with a following, unstressed vowel whose quality is predictable. The facts are strange for two reasons: i. Modern Hebrew is predominantly stress-final, and ii. cross-linguistically, vowels with predictable quality are the target, not the source, of harmony.

This chapter is the widest in its empirical scope, because it extends beyond historical gutturals. As a first step, an analysis of the general facts is proposed which innovatively relates the exceptional harmony with the exceptional penultimate stress. It is claimed that a harmonic domain is created specifically in order to align the penultimately stressed vowel with the right edge of the word; elsewhere, this requirement is complied with by final stress. As a second step, the interaction of segholation with the proposed /ac/ is examined. It is found to be analogous to that of radical /i/, thus supporting the synchronic vocalic analysis of the historical guttural.

The analysis of the Modern Hebrew vocalic system in this chapter, although novel, is also reflective of my published work. Specifically, it uses the templatic interpretation of Element Theory [START_REF] Kaye | The internal structure of phonological representations: a Theory of Charm and Government[END_REF][START_REF] Backley | An Introduction to Element Theory[END_REF]), proposed in Faust (2017).

Chapter 6 returns to the templates of chapters 2-4, and is devoted to the less common, though fairly systematic effects of historical *ħ and *ʔ. It concentrates on effects at the right edge of the stem (elsewhere, the facts are fairly straightforward, merging *ħ, *ʔ either with *h, *ʕ or with regular consonants). For *ħ it is proposed, again following [START_REF] Faust | The fate of gutturals in Modern Hebrew[END_REF], that it has been lexicalized synchronically as /aχ/. The consonantal /χ/ of this complex is subject to a rightalignment constraint, rendering a stem final [χa] realization impossible. In addition, when /χ/ is realized, the conditions on the realization of /a/ are stricter: it is realized only in ungoverned positions. As for *ʔ, since it never exhibits a realization [a] at the right edge, an analysis as an empty consonant /ø/ is proposed. This analysis, in combination with that of the previous chapter, manages to explain the special effect of this historical guttural on the segholation process, discussed in the previous chapter.

As mentioned, much of my work has been devoted to the division of work between phonology and morphology. With this goal in mind, I have repeatedly shown the relevance of morphosyntactic factors to the understanding of phenomena related to phonological form (e.g [START_REF] Faust | Underlying vowel length in Modern Hebrew: the many realizations of the vowel /a[END_REF][START_REF] Faust | Exponence, allomorphy and haplology in the number and State morphology of Modern Hebrew[END_REF]. The final chapter of this work, chapter 7, illustrates that aspect of my investigations. It tackles the morphological problems of /ac/-final infinitives, characterized as allomorphic in the data chapter. Specifically it asks why such infinitives deviate from the general trend of syncretism between future and infinitive stems, e.g. [ji-ʃma, li-ʃmóa] 'hear' vs. [ji-ʃmoʁ, li-ʃmoʁ] 'keep'.

It is argued that only part of the solution to this problem is phonological: lexical and morphosyntactic factors are also relevant. Learners lexicalize two optionstwo allomorphsfor the future/infinitive stems, alongside a priority between the two allomorphs [START_REF] Mascaró | External allomorphy and lexical representation[END_REF]; this is shown in the input to the OT tableau in (4). When the prefixed form is calculated in one "cycle", the lexically dispreferred /a/ allomorph of the vocalization ends up being selected, because only it can merge with the non-stem /a c / (/a 2 / in 4); and if there is no merger, the candidate violates a size constraint. It is then shown (based on independent evidence) that infinitives are derived in two morphsyntactically motivated phases. In the first phase, only the base /ʃm(o>a)a/ is processed. In this configuration, the /o/ allomorph is preferable because coalescence would yield a monosyllabic stem [ʃma]. Chapter 7 therefore illustrates how my work is informed by both morphology and morphosyntax, in an effort to attribute the correct role to each component of the grammar. The same chapter, with its OT-based analysis, also reflects another aspect of my work. While much of this work is couched within Strict CV, I often explore how other approaches may shed interesting light on the phenomena I study. In this spirit, the chapter concludes with a short discussion of two alternative approaches to the priority relation encoded in the symbol (>) above: i. autosegmental floating (which has been advocated for in the strict CV literature) and ii. gradient underlying representations [START_REF] Smolensky | Gradient Symbolic Representations in Grammar: The case of French Liaison[END_REF], which I have also been working with recently (e.g. [START_REF] Faust | Activity as an alternative to autosegmental association[END_REF]. It is argued briefly that while floatingness is more restrictive, the data might be pointing in the direction of gradience.

To summarize, the seven chapters of this work are representative of my work: they propose a theoretically-informed, formally-oriented in-depth analyses of complete, first hand data sets, with an eye towards universal implications.

Chapter 1. Data and Background

Introduction

Phonetically, there are hardly any guttural sounds in Modern Hebrew (MH), and so one may wonder why the issue of gutturals in this language deserves discussion. However, several morphological regularities in MH phonology cannot be addressed fully without reference to historical gutturals. For this reason, this descriptive chapter starts with the history of the gutturals in Hebrew ( §1.1) and then continues to the present state-of-affairs ( §1.2). Section 2 surveys the general patterns corresponding to historical gutturals in Modern Hebrew, and §3 presents some morpheme-specific effects. Section 4 concludes with a word on phonemics. This descriptive chapter appeared in 2019 in the BJALL volume on Modern Hebrew Phonology. In the context of the present work, it serves as a general overview of the phenomena that has to be covered in this domain; most of the patterns discussed will be the subject of formal analysis in following chapters.

Diachrony

Modern Hebrew phonology was revitalized on the basis of several traditions originating in the Tiberian canonization of Biblical Hebrew (See Izre'el 2003 and references therein). The consonantal inventory of Biblical Hebrew, according to the Tiberian script, included four guttural sounds: two glottals /ʔ, h/ and two pharyngeals /ʕ, ħ/. These consonants displayed similar behavior in being subject to several distributional restrictions. 3Based on [START_REF] Gesenius | Gesenius' Hebrew grammar. As edited and enlarged by the late[END_REF], these distributional restrictions in Biblical Hebrew can be briefly summarized as follows (henceforth only non-final stress is marked):

(a) In word-final codas, /ʕ, h, ħ/ were impermissible when preceded by a non-low vowel, while /ʔ/ was impermissible across the board. The strategies amending the impermissible structures were deletion in the case of /ʔ/ (e.g. /qɔrɔʔ/ → [qɔrɔ] 'read.PST.3MSG'; cf. [qɔr ə ʔ-u] 'read.PST-3PL'), and epenthesis of [ a ] in the case of the other gutturals (e.g. /pɔθuħ/ → [pɔθu a ħ] 'open.MSG'; cf. [p ə θuħɔ] 'open.FSG'). 4(b) In word-internal codas, all four gutturals were impermissible, and so were geminate gutturals, as geminates involve an internal coda position. Geminate gutturals were degeminated, sometimes accompanied by compensatory lengthening and lowering (e.g. /miʔʔɛn/ → [mɛːʔɛn] 'refuse PRF.3MSG'). Singleton gutturals in word-medial codas underwent epenthesis. The quality of the epenthetic vowel was either identical to that of the vowel in the preceding syllable (e.g. /pɔʕlo/ → [pɔʕ ɔ l-o] 'deed-POSS.3MSG') or simply [ a ] (/j ə mɔʔnu/=> [j ə mɔʔ a n-u] 'refuse.IMPF-3MPL'). Note that these epenthetic vowels were inserted after the guttural, as opposed to before it as in the case of gutturals in final codas.

(c) Vowels in the environment of gutturals are usually low. An epenthetic or reduced vowel, which surfaces as a schwa in non-guttural environment, is phonetically low in the environment of a guttural (e.g. [ʕ a ðɔrim] 'flocks'; cf. [m ə lɔxim] 'kings').

There is good reason to believe that the realization of guttural sounds was unstable already in the last three hundred years before the disappearance of Hebrew as a vernacular around 200 CE (Neuman 2009). In any event, from then on, the pronunciation of the guttural letters of written texts most probably depended on the vernacular of the specific community. If that vernacular included gutturals, as was the case of the Jewish communities of Arabic-speaking regions, the gutturals were pronounced. Accordingly, in the traditional reading pronunciation of most other communities, including all those of European Jewry, orthographic <ʔ> and <ʕ> were not pronounced at all. In the Ashkenazi, Yiddish-based tradition, <h> was pronounced as [h],5 while the <ħ> was realized by the voiceless uvular fricative [χ] of the vernacular.

When the revitalization of Hebrew as vernacular was undertaken as part of the Zionist project, only a small part of the proponents of this movement were speakers of Arabic. Most were (native or L2) speakers of Yiddish, while others spoke other European languages but were familiar principally with the Ashkenazi reading pronunciation. As a result, while the pronunciation of pharyngeal gutturals as [ħ, ʕ] by the Arabic-speaking Jews was regarded as more "correct", the Ashkenazi tradition mentioned above came to be the most wide-spread treatment of these letter symbols [START_REF] Morag | Modern Hebrew: Some Sociolinguistic Aspects[END_REF][START_REF] Gafter | The most beautiful and correct Hebrew": Authenticity, ethnic identity and linguistic variation in the greater Tel Aviv area[END_REF]. [START_REF] Blanc | The Israeli Koine as an emergent national standard[END_REF] distinguishes between two varieties of Modern Hebrew: General Israel Hebrew and Mizrahi Hebrew. The two differ in their treatment of the pharyngealswhile Mizrahi Hebrew retains the phonemes /ħ/ and /ʕ/, in General Israeli Hebrew orthographic <ʕ, ʔ> are not pronounced at all, <ħ> is pronounced [χ],6 and there is a general weakening of <h>: while there is evidence that speakers do care about the distinction between ø and [h], the latter is found only very rarely in casual speech (Gafter 2014, Matras and[START_REF] Matras | Spoken Israeli Hebrew Revisited: Structures and Variation[END_REF]. In this study I focus only on General Israeli Hebrew, which I call Modern Hebrew. For a description of Mizrahi Hebrew, see [START_REF] Pariente | The interaction of vowel quality and pharyngeals in Sephardic Modern Hebrew[END_REF], as well as [START_REF] Berrebi | Hearing ethnicity: classification, stereotypization and processing of socially marked phonetic features in Modern Hebrew[END_REF].

As mentioned, gutturals are by and large absent from the phonetics of MH. Nevertheless, many of the guttural effects were revitalized and stabilized as general phonological and morphophonological patterns. In view of the analyses in the following chapters, this chapter surveys these effects, classifying them as "phonological" or "morphological".

Synchrony

All four gutturals are consistently indicated in the orthography of Modern Hebrew. Loans from Arabic which are pronounced with guttural sounds in Arabic are written with the guttural letters (e.g. MH [maáfan] 'lousy' from Arabic [mʕáffen] 'moldy', is spelled with guttural .)ע Yet as mentioned, the only guttural that has a consistent phonetic realization in MH is *ħ, which is pronounced [χ]. The gutturals *ʔ and *ʕ are not phonemes of MH in the traditional sense. 7 Their reflex today is mostly null, with the possible realization [ʔ] in onset position. 8 The guttural *h is nowadays at best a weak phoneme: speakers hardly ever pronounce it in casual speech. When they do -which again occurs only in onset position -it can be realized either as [h] or, like *ʔ and *ʕ, as [ʔ]. To illustrate, a word with the orthography <tnhm> 'you will roar' can be pronounced in one of three ways: [tinam], [tinʔam], [tinham], while a word with the orthography <tnʔm> 'you will make a speech' can only be pronounced as the first two.

(1) Historical and current pronunciations

Historical/orthographic MH pronunciation ħ χ ʕ ø ~ ʔ ʔ ø ~ ʔ h ø ~ ʔ ~ h
In MH, a glottal stop optionally appears in the onset position of any syllable with no lexical onset, regardless of the presence or absence of a historical guttural; e.g. [itálja] ~ [ʔitálja] 'Italy', [koréa] ~ [koréʔa] 'Korea'. It could therefore be claimed that the rare [ʔ] in the position of historical gutturals is a general phonetic effect, rather than a reflex of the historical gutturals.

Assuming further that the rare [h] is not phonologically "guttural" in the same sense that its robust historical parallel was, it can be concluded that, at least at the phonetic level, there are no gutturals in MH. That is not to say that instead of gutturals there is simply nothing. Indeed, as mentioned, many morpho-phonological effects associated with the historical gutturals have made their way into MH, and are now well-established productive processes. Still, this is not the case for all historical guttural effects: some are showing signs of reinterpretation or retraction under systemic pressures. The challenge for the analysis of MH is thus to explain both the existence of an effect without a cause and the ongoing weakening of certain effects.

In what follows, the guttural effects of MH will be surveyed, and the following question will be raised: in the absence of gutturals, what is the synchronic motivation of "guttural" effects?

Phonological effects

The effects surveyed in this section are referred to as "phonological" since they are not limited to one morphological environment. I begin with cases in which a vowel [a] corresponds to the historical guttural ( §2.1). I then continue to cases where there seems to be no reflex to the historical guttural, but its presence can be felt indirectly, either through epenthesis ( §2.2) or through effects on surrounding vowels ( §2.3).

"[a]-unloading"

When the historical gutturals *ʔ, *h, and *ʕ are expected to appear in word-internal coda position (based on non-guttural consonants in the same template), a vowel [a] occurs instead. I refer to this process: a more precise way of describing the evolution would be *ħ => <ħ> => [χ]. But this is avoided for practical reasons.

this phenomenon metaphorically as "[a]-unloading": since the presence of a null consonantal position cannot otherwise be detected in a coda position, a vowel [a] is "released" or "unloaded."

(2) Historical Gutturals *ʔ, *h, *ʕ in internal coda position (<Q,T,L> = templatic positions) QaTL-u tiaʁuχ 'dating' tidʁuχ 'briefing' tiQTuL goal-im 'redeem.PTCP -MPL' gozl-im 'steal.PTCP -MPL' QoTL-im b. *ʕ nuar-u 'they were shaken' nusr-u 'they were sawed' QuTL-u maane 'response' mifne 'a turn' mVQTe kiaʁ-a 'she made ugly' kiʃʁ-a 'she linked' QiTL-a c. *h moal-im 'circumsizers' moʃl-im 'governors' QoTL-im miaʁ-u 'they hurried' migʁ-u 'they annihilated' QiTL-u maalaχ 'move' mamtak 'candy' maQTaL In all of these cases, alongside the The historical guttural *ħ also exhibited the [a]-unloading effect in Biblical Hebrew, although with quite a few exceptions. In MH, too, [a]-unloading after the synchronic reflex [χ] is not a uniform phenomenon. In those cases where it is attested -largely in the verbal and participial forms -it is optional (3a). In many other cases, including verbal and participial cases, it is impossible (3b). In some chiefly nominal cases it is the form with the unloaded [a] that was lexicalized, as attested by its obligatory occurrence in (3c). In these cases, the word with the historical guttural arguably no longer shares the designated template with the parallel nonguttural word.

(3) Historical *ħ in internal coda position

Historical gutturals

Other stem consonants Template a. ʦaχak-u ~ ʦaχk-u 'they laughed' ʃatl-u 'they planted'

QaTL-u boχaʁ-im ~ boχʁ-im 'voters' bogd-im There is no [a]-unloading after a stressed lexical [á] (5a), even when the stem-final historical guttural would have been in the internal coda position as a result of suffixation (5b).

(5) No "[a]-unloading" in stem final position

Historical gutturals

Other stem consonants Template a. ʃuga *ʃugáa 'he was maddened' ʃugaʁ 'he was launched' QuTáL b. ʃigá-ti *ʃigáati 'I maddened' ʃigáʁti 'I launched' QiTáLti bitáχ-ti *bitáχati 'I insured' bitálti 'I cancelled' The historical guttural *ʔ does not exhibit [a]-unloading at the right edge regardless of the preceding vowel (6a). There is nevertheless an effect at the right edge of the stem before a Cinitial suffix: while other guttural-final verbs exhibit the general vocalization in this position (e.g.

[ʃigáti], cf 'I read.PST' kaʁán-ti 'I shone' QaTaL-ti baʁá-ti 'I created' c. milé-ti 'I filled' kiláf-ti 'I peeled' ikʁé-ti 'I read.PST to X' ikʁáv-ti 'I sacrificed' itpalé-ti 'I marveled' itpalál-ti 'I prayed' Finally, [a]-unloading is also apparent in cases where the historical guttural is the first consonant of a word-initial consonant cluster. This is illustrated by the template QTiLa, associated with the action noun of verbs of the first binyan. Instead of having an initial cluster, these verbs begin with a [(χ)aC] sequence.

(7) [a]-unloading in initial clusters: action nouns To summarize, many instances of historical gutturals appear systematically as [a] in weak consonantal positions (coda, C1 of an initial cluster). Some interaction with preceding vowels is attested.

Unrealized gutturals and epenthesis

As noted, there are two positions in which the gutturals *ʔ,*ʕ,*h do not have a reflex at all: in onset position, that is, when followed by a vowel, and at the right edge of a stem after the stressed vowel [a] (or after any vowel for *ʔ). For instance, the words in (10) have an orthographic guttural where there is a period in the transcription, but it is only optionally and occasionally pronounced as [ʔ] (or [h] for *h). However, there is reason to think that something does exist in the unrealized position. Indeed, the pronunciation with [ʔ] or [h]depending on the orthographyis still possible in the C_V environment, in sharp contrast to cases in which no guttural appears in the orthography. Thus, [nit.an] 'it was charged' can be pronounced [nitan] or [nitʔan], but [nitan] 'it was given', which does not have an orthographic guttural after the [t], can only be pronounced [nitan].

Another reason to assume a phonological entity underlying unpronounced historical gutturals is the following. Non-high vowels [a,e,o] syncopate in a non-initial, unstressed open syllable in the verbal system ([jiʃan]-[jiʃnu] 'he/they will sleep; [yiʦoʁ]-[jiʦʁ-u] 'he/they will create';

[jiʃev]-[jiʃv-u] 'he/they settled'). In cases where syncope would result in a triconsonantal cluster, the position of the lexical vowel is still realized by an epenthetic [e] ([jilmad]-[jilmed-u] 'he/they will learn'; [jixtov]-[jixtev-u] 'he/they will write'; [jetalfen]-[jetalfen-u] 'he/they will phone'). As shown in the suffixed forms in (10), verbs with orthographic gutturals behave as if they had a consonant in that position, that is, as if syncope leaves a triconsonantal cluster, and the syncopated position still has to be realized. These pairs need to be compared to the corresponding pairs on the right, where the stem has only two orthographic consonants and syncope is complete:

(10) The presence of a guttural reflex causes epenthesis10 unsuff suff. cf.

a. *ʔ jiʃ.al jiʃ.alu ~ jiʃ.elu 'he/they will ask' jiʃan jiʃn-u 'he/they will sleep' jisna. jisne.-u ta.oʁ te.oʁ-im 'pure' It is interesting to note that word-initial [Cʔ] clusters are nevertheless phonetically possible in MH in two very specific, derived environments. The first is in nouns and adjectives standing in the initial position of N/Adj+N constructs, a position prone to (irregular) syncope. Thus, [pa.il] 'activist', whose suffixed form is [pe.il-], can be pronounced [pa.il] or [pʔil] in the construct [pʔil ʃalom] 'peace activist'. Similarly, the construct realization of words like [ʃa.a] 'hour', which can be pronounced either [ʃʔat] or [ʃat], e.g. [ʃʔat éfes] 'zero-hour'. The second environment is the truncated imperatives of the verbal type QaTaL [START_REF] Bat-El | The Fate of the Consonantal Root and the Binyan in Optimality Theory[END_REF], which correspond to the the FUT 2 nd person inflection without the person prefix. Thus, to [ti-f.al] '2-act.FUT.MSG' corresponds [pʔal] 'act.IMP.MSG', which can also be pronounced [pal]. Similarly, one finds [s-i]~[sʔ-i] 'drive.IMP-FSG' with the parallel full form [ti-s-i] '2-drive.FUT-FSG'. While construct forms belong to a higher register, this cannot be claimed for the truncated imperatives.

An interesting case worth mentioning here is the pronunciation of bases with four orthographic consonants. These forms show epenthesis in the syncopated form [ʃiʁbet-u] 'they scribbled', but not so when the second orthographic consonant is a guttural and unsurprisingly realized as /a/ [ʃiabd-u] 'they enslaved'. Epenthesis here is redundant, presumably because the realization of the guttural as [a] does not create a triconsonantal cluster. However, reduplicated quadriconsonantal stems with second and fourth gutturals maintain the epenthesis, e.g. [ʃiaʃéa]-[ʃiaʃe-u] 'he/they amused', ?? [ʃiaʃ-u], ?? [ʃiaʃʔ-u]; this is so despite the fact that the gutturals seem to be absent after VC sequences, as shown in (10) above. It seems that this absence is problematic after [VaC] sequences resulting from /a/ unloading.

Finally, in addition to the evidence from epenthesis, one may mention the case of verbs of the hiQTiL template with a historical guttural *ʔ, *h, *ʕ in the second position (e.g. [iʃ.iʁ] 'he left TR'). On the surface, these are identical to verbs with only two surface consonants [iʃiʁ] 'he shed TR' (both verbs may also be pronounced with [e] in the first syllable). The latter type has an idiosyncratic participial vocalization with [e], e.g. [meʃir] 'shed.PTCP.MSG'; cf. [maʃχiʁ] 'blacken.PTCP.MSG'. But the former does not display this idiosyncrasy, and instead behaves like a regular tri-consonantal stem [maʃ.iʁ] 'leave.TR.PTCP.MSG ', *[meʃ.iʁ].

To summarize, it seems that some vestige of the gutturals was incorporated into MH. This entity behaves in a systematic manner, alternating between [a] in cross-linguistically weak positions (internal coda, C1 of initial clusters) and a (phonologically) non-null ø in onset. Chapters 2-4 of this study are an account of this systematic behavior.

Phonological effect in onset position on preceding high vowels

In many cases, the presence of a historical guttural in onset position lowers a preceding high vowel. This effect originated in Biblical Hebrew, where the resistance of the gutturals to gemination lengthened and lowered the preceding vowel. In many cases in MH, especially in the verbal system, lowering is not obligatory, and there are cases in which it is simply does not occur, especially with *ħ. The same effect is attested with [ʁ], which also resisted gemination in Biblical Hebrew.

(12) Effect on preceding high vowel cf a. *ʔ metoaʁ ~ metuaʁ 'describe ). In other words, there is greater pressure for regularity with respect to vocalization in the verbal system than outside it (for a formal explanation, see Laks & Cohen 2016).

A similar effect is attested on the prefix /ji-/ before the QaTeL verbal template (future of niCCaC). It is realized as [je] before a guttural, e.g. [je.ameʁ] 'it will be said', cf.

[jigameʁ] 'it will end'. However, in this case there is no variation, and the effect is consistently attested before *ħ, too, e.g. [jeχakeʁ] 'it will be investigated'. This might be due to the influence of the past prefix of the same verbal pattern, which is also realized [ne] instead of [ni] before gutturals (see (15) below).

In nearly all of the examples above, the lowering occurred in BH when the following vowel was also non-high. It could be that speakers of MH reinterpreted the effect as partial assimilation of the high vowel to the low vowel after the historical guttural [START_REF] Faust | The fate of gutturals in Modern Hebrew[END_REF]. In this respect, it is interesting to note that if the historical guttural is found in the coda position after /u/, no lowering occurs: [uχlaf] 'it was replaced', [uavaʁ] 'it was transferred ', cf. [uklat] 'it was recorded'. All in all, the instability and unnaturalness of the environment cast doubt on the strictly phonological status of this effect. For this reason, this effect will not be discussed further in this study.

3.

Morpho-phonology

The following subsections reviews the morphological phenomena that are related to historical gutturals, but do not reflect general processes in the language. Even though the specific effect of the historical guttural can be argued to be an optimization of sorts, this optimization should arguably be regarded as allomorphy, that is, a morpheme-specific phenomenon.

Interactions with template vocalization

The vocalizations of certain templates change when one of the consonants of the stem is a historical guttural. Among nouns, this is true mainly of segholates, that is, the class of unsuffixed nouns whose singular form bears penultimate stress. Assuming that the lexicon somehow makes available a vocalization [a] in the cases of jiCCaC and jiCaCaC, one may regard the phenomena as phonologically-optimizing allomorphy, as this vocalization avoids the creation of hiatus as a result of [a]-unloading. Such an analysis is presented in Chapter 7 of this work.

Interactions with affix vocalization

Certain affixes have allomorphs triggered by the historical guttural.

Summary and a word on phonemics

The above characterization of historical gutturals raises the question of the extent to which the historical gutturals have been revived as "phonemes" in Modern Hebrew. The examples given above lead to the conclusion that they occupy templatic space, and if so, they must have some substance. Most, if not all researchers today will agree that /ħ/ and /ʕ/ are not phonemes of Modern Hebrew (see [START_REF] Neuman | On the necessary distinction between phonetics and phonology in the issue of gutturals in Israeli Hebrew [al hahavχana haʁeʦuja bejn fonétika le-fonológja besugijat iʦuʁej ha-lóa ba-ivʁit ha-isʁaelit[END_REF][START_REF] Pariente | Grammatical paradigm uniformity[END_REF]. /ʔ/ and /h/ are more controversial, since they do surface from time to time. However, if we examine closely the distribution of phenomena and ignore as much as possible the effects of orthography, some generalizations seem to emerge. Especially telling are the contrasts among historical gutturals themselves and those between historical gutturals and other consonants of the language.

First, it seems that everywhere except at the right edge, the historical gutturals *h,*ʔ, *ʕ have merged in Modern Hebrew. Whatever their phonemic identity, they all have two allophones: [a] in internal codas and word-initially before another consonant, and ø in onsets. While in the latter position one may sometimes find an [ʔ], this is a property of all empty onsets in Modern Hebrew. These facts lead [START_REF] Faust | The fate of gutturals in Modern Hebrew[END_REF], and then [START_REF] Pariente | Grammatical paradigm uniformity[END_REF] and Enguehard & Faust (2018), to propose that *h, *ʔ and *ʕ now have the phonemic identity /a/. The vocalic nature of this phoneme is responsible for its non-realization in onset position. 11Phenomena at the right edge of the word oblige one to distinguish between such a phoneme /a/, corresponding to *ʕ and *h, and another phoneme, that does not "unload" an [a] and corresponds to *ʔ. As can be observed in (20), this entity contrasts with both /a/-final stems and other vowel-final stems (sometimes analyzed as having a third consonant /j/, see e.g. Faust 2012). One possibility is to assume, in line with the orthography, a synchronic /ʔ/ at the right edge of these verbs, which is only optionally realized.

(20) Contrasting /a/-final, /ʔ/-final/ and /V/-final stem Speakers do sometimes confuse these forms, especially with homophones, indicating that their knowledge of the representation of [χ] is unstable. Importantly, there does not seem to be a preference for the "simpler", non-guttural [χ]. Indeed, the allomorph [ne] of the ni-CCaC prefix, in principle reserved for "gutturals", is heard more and more in recent years with forms written with <k>, e.g. [neχtav] 'it was written'. This can only be the influence of stems with the initial "guttural" [χ]. The paradigms with this historical guttural seem to be gaining rather than losing ground. For more on the challenges posed by *ʔ and *ħ, see chapter 6.

To summarize, with respect to paradigms involving historical gutturals, General Israeli Hebrew, which I call Modern Hebrew herewas dealt a difficult hand when it was revitalized. It had to deal with the regularization of guttural effects even though gutturals mostly survived in the orthography only. At the present stage, as regards those gutturals with no synchronic consonantal reflex, it seems that most of these effects can be reanalyzed as the presence of a vowel /a/ and a rare phoneme /ʔ/ to which regular phonological processes apply, with a residue of allomorphic generalizations. In contrast, the synchronic phonemic status of the historical *ħ, which does have a consonantal reflex [χ], is less clear. Introduction

The presentation of the data in the previous chapter referred more than once to the orthography of MH. Based on that fact, a possible impression is that the phenomena in MH are somehow dependent on the orthography. This impression is wrong. To convey this, throughout the rest of this workand especially in the basic analysis of the following three chapters -I will consistently take the point of view of the illiterate learner.

To get the first taste of this point of view, consider the various forms of the two verbs in (1). They are of the verbal type QiTeL (one of the two most common verbal types), thus called because of the 3MSG.PST form. The three pairs of each verb illustrate an unsuffixed stem and a suffixed counterpart.

( A learner of MH would easily recognize that both verbs belong to the same type, owing principally to their shared vocalizations. The only difference between the two verbs is that 'yawn' lacks a consonant in the position where 'spoil' has one. If after that position there is a lexical vowel, as in the unsuffixed forms, the position remains segmentally empty, a mere syllable boundary. If no lexical vowel followsthe parallel [n] is in a preconsonantal positiona vowel [a] appears after the syllable boundary. Verbs like 'yawn' are quite common in QiTeL, and indeed in all verbal types. But it is in QiTeL (and its intransitive counterpart hitQaTeL) that their realization with [.a] in the preconsonantal position is most conspicuous.

What is the entity in the verb 'yawn' that stands in the position occupied by /n/ in 'spoil'? Readers of MH know that orthographically, it is ,>ה< an equivalent of <h>. But this sound is rarely produced, if at all, by many speakers. Moreover, we are looking at the facts from the point of view of the illiterate speaker, or the pre-literate child. Such speakers master such verbs without access to orthography.

All of the syllable boundaries marked as [.] in (1) are pronounceable as [ʔ]. So maybe the entity under investigation is /ʔ/? One reason not to conclude so (as already mentioned repeatedly) is that any onsetless syllable in MH is optionally pronounced as [ʔ]. This generalization applies equally to loanwords, e.g. [meteoʁ]~[meteʔoʁ] 'meteor'. The more arbitrary realization of this entity is the one that is found in the suffixed forms, namely [a].12 For this reason, I proposed in my MA thesis [START_REF] Faust | The fate of gutturals in Modern Hebrew[END_REF] to consider that this entity is /a/.

In this chapter, I will show how this proposal is implemented within the representational theory of strict CV [START_REF] Lowenstamm | CV as the only syllable type[END_REF][START_REF] Scheer | What is CVCV, and why should it be[END_REF], largely following my joint work with Gillaume Enguehard (Enguehard & Faust 2018, henceforth E&F). But before I introduce that theory, it is worthwhile to question the necessity of even inquiring about "the underlying nature" of the elusive entity in the middle of 'yawn'. Given the alternation between Ø (pre-vocalically) and [a] (preconsonantally), why does one need both to originate in the same entity? Alternatively, what the learner acquires is an unmotivated alternation, generated by some morphological rule. In other words, they simply learn that there is a subtype of the type QiTeL with a missing consonant in the second position before a vowel and a vowel [a] before a consonant.

While I have no way of refuting such a hypothesis, I find two faults with it. First, it is highly uneconomic. The alternation, with the same conditions, is found in many other positions in all kinds of verbal and nominal templatesmany other examples were shown in the previous chapter, and many will follow. Not associating it to some underlying phoneme amounts to ignoring this regularity. Second, an unmotivated alternation ignores the natural character of the alternation: the vocalic realization emerges unless it cannot do so, because the vocalic position following it is already occupied.

This last point of view is best understood within the theory of Strict CV, which I now proceed to present.

Strict CV

There is certainly a difference between phonological knowledge and phonetic production. Phonologists thus distinguish between lexical, mental representations and phonetic implementation. The former is, according to many, represented in the form of discrete phonemes. Phonetic form, in turn, is of a non-discrete character, and is thus best observed through automatic objective devices. For practical reasons, it is still written with IPA symbols between square brackets [x]. The lexical representation is presented between slashes /x/. Thus, a Spanish speaker's lexical knowledge of the word 'finger' is /dedo/, and its phonetic form is presented in writing as [deðo]; there is a general spirantization rule that applies in the passage from knowledge to implementation, i.e. in the phonology. Lexical knowledge, however, contains much more than just discrete symbols in linear order. Specifically for our purpose, it seems necessary to distinguish short from long segments. For instance, in Palestinian Arabic, the two verbs in (2a,b) differ only in the length of their first vowel. In order to represent such differences, it is useful to imagine the short and long /a/s as associated to one or two positions respectively, as in (2c,d). Because in such representations there is not necessarily a one-to-one correspondence between segments and positions, they are called "autosegmental" representations.

(2) Autosegmental representation with timing slots (Palestinian Arabic)

a. [kafa] 'suffice' b. [kaːfa] 'reward' c. k a f a d. k a f a | | | | | | | | x x x x x x x x x
In many languages, distinctions like the Arabic one in (2) are unpredictable. They must be part of the lexical knowledge of the speaker. It follows that in lexical representations, there are at least two levels: the segmental level and the skeletal level. Linguists such as [START_REF] Clements | CV Phonology: a Generative Theory of the Syllable[END_REF] advocated a more constrained view of the skeletal level. They argued that timing slots should be specified as to the type of segment they may contain: a consonant or a vowel. The same words would be represented as in [START_REF] Scheer | Unified representations for stress and the syllable[END_REF].

(3) Autosegmental representations with Cs and Vs (Palestinian Arabic)

a. [kafa] 'suffice' b. [kaːfa] 'reward' c. k a f a d. k a f a | | | | | | | | C V C V C V V C V
One problem of this approach is how to constrain what is a possible skeleton. It is clear, for reasons that I will not recount here, that five consecutive Cs, or indeed four Vs, should not be allowed.

A way to constrain the skeletal possibilities is to add syllabic structure. Since (for some reason) no syllable can contain four Vs, there will never be four skeletal Vs in a row. But this direction only shifts the predictive power from skeletal shapes to syllabic shapes. [START_REF] Lowenstamm | CV as the only syllable type[END_REF], following work in Government Phonology by [START_REF] Kaye | Constituent structure and government in phonology[END_REF], proposed another direction: to further constrain the possible C and V sequences. Based on the crosslinguistic ubiquity of CV syllables, he proposed what became the Strict CV approach: the only skeletal unit is [CV]. Thus, at the skeletal level, all words begin with a C-slot and end in a V-slot, and all C-slots are followed by V-slots. For the two words under investigation, this produces the following contrast:

(4) Autosegmental representation with CV units (Palestinian Arabic)

a. [kafa] 'suffice' b. [kafa] 'reward' c. k a f a d. k a f a | | | | | | | | C V C V C V C V C V
Strict CV immediately presents several empirical advantages. A major advantage is found in its treatment of vowels alternating with zero. For instance, the word 'dog' in Palestinian Arabic is usually pronounced [kalib], which would be represented as in (5a). When the 3MSG.POSS suffix [o] is added, the vowel [i] syncopates to yield [kalbo] (5a). Whether one analyses the alternating [i] as syncope or epenthesis, both stems have the same skeleton of three CV units. The approach in (3) above would have to have the V-slot inserted or removed, thus effectively claiming that the word has different templatic support in isolation and before a V-initial suffix.

(5) V-zero alternation in Strict CV (Palestinian Arabic)

a. [kalib] 'dog' b. [kalbo] 'his dog' k a l i b k a l b o | | | | | | | | | | C V C V C V C V C V C V
Of cours, this unification comes at a price: C and V slots may remain empty, as in ( 4b) and ( 5) respectively. These empty positions are regulated by general principles. Word-internal V-slot may remain empty if the following V-slot is full (5b). In such a configuration, the full V-slot is said to "govern" the empty one; this relation is signaled by the arrow. Final empty V-slots are a matter of parameter: some languages allow them (like Arabic in 5a), others generally do not (Italian is often cited as having this property). C-slots may remain empty if the V-slot immediately following them is occupied, as in ( 4). The details of this condition will be central to the analysis in this work.

A consonantally-mapped, "guttural" /a/ in Strict CV

Let us now return to the two types of verbs from the beginning of this chapter. The first pair is repeated in ( 6):

(6) Two QiTeL verbs 'spoil' 'yawn' 3MSG.PST pinek pi.ek 3PST.-FSG pink-a pi.ak-a E&F applied the proposal in [START_REF] Faust | The fate of gutturals in Modern Hebrew[END_REF] in a very simple manner. The two verbs are of the same template QiTeL; this shared template is in grey in (7). The sole difference is that 'yawn' involves /a/ as the element mapped to the second consonantal position. Since /a/ is vocalic, it cannot be realized in this position. 13 Since the positions to its right and left are occupied, /a/ remains afloat. The empty C-slot, like any other empty C-slot before a full V-slot, can be pronounced as a glottal stopbut this is a general phonetic fact about MH, not a reflection of some underlying property.

p i n e k p i a e k | | | | | | | | | C V C V C V C V C V C V
In the suffixed plural [pink-u] 'spoil.PST-3PL', the regular verb does not involve a second vowel [e]. Here, I refrain from taking a stance on whether this is a lexical fact about this template, or somehow derived. The empty position, at any rate, is governed and may therefore remain empty, as in (8a). But in (8b), the absence of lexical /e/ leaves the position open for the realization for the non-affixal, otherwise consonantally-mapped /a/. This yields [piaku].

(8) Two QiTeL verbs -Strict CV representations of suffixed 3PST-PL form a. [pink-u] 'spoil' b. [pi.ak-u] 'yawn' p i n k u p i a k u | | | | | | | C V C V C V C V C V C V
Because Strict CV lacks skeletal coda, the account rather effortlessly derives the emergence of /a/ before empty V-slots. This is a major point in favor of E&F over the only two previous accounts, [START_REF] Faust | The fate of gutturals in Modern Hebrew[END_REF] and [START_REF] Pariente | Grammatical paradigm uniformity[END_REF]. Both of these attempt to explain [piek], rather than *[piaek], through phonotactics (a size requirement or avoidance of hiatus), which are clearly not problematic elsewhere in the same paradigm: both [piaku] and [piek] involve hiatuses, and the former also violates the size requirement that [pinku] does not violate. Both [START_REF] Faust | The fate of gutturals in Modern Hebrew[END_REF] and Pariente ( 2012) have to come up with otherwise unmotivated differential treatments of the suffixed forms. I will not elaborate on these here; suffice it to say that both appeal to interparadigmatic pressures and faithfulness relations, yielding what I assert here to be much more ad-hoc and much less elegant analyses than the present one. 14 The following chapters will illustrate repeatedly the elegance of the proposal in E&F.

Post-consonantal, medial /a/ in Strict CV

Some sequences commonly pronounced as tautosyllabic […CV] exhibit an alternative, more careful heterosyllabic pronunciation […C.ʔV]. For instance, '3-aspire.FUT.MSG' is commonly pronounced [ji-ʃaf], but can also be pronounced [ji-ʃʔaf]. Such sequences are always signaled in the orthography by the presence of a guttural letter. Yet it is easy to show that the heterosyllabic parse is a conclusion that an illiterate learner would also come to.

Consider the three verbs in (9). The PST forms in the first two columns show two things: first, all three verbs are of the same template QaTaL; second, the verb 'aspire' is /a/-medial, exhibiting the same pre-consonantal /a/ realization discussed in the previous section. Consider now the FUT forms, first setting aside the facts in parentheses. The FUT forms of 'sleep' illustrate how the only vowel of the FUT stem is absent in the suffixed form. The vowel [e] in the suffixed form of 'grow' (underlined in 9b) is epenthetic: it resolves the triconsonantal cluster /ji-gdl-u/ created by the absence of the lexical /a/. Examining the common pronunciation of the unsuffixed 'aspire', it does not seem distinct from 'sleep'. If the two were really the samei.e. [jiʃaf] were /jiʃaf/one would expect a plural *[jiʃfu]; yet the suffixed form seems to retain the stem vowel [a]. Importantly, this exceptionality is in fact systematic for all and only the verbs whose middle "consonant" is /a/.

(9) Three QaTaL verbs

3MSG.PST 3PST-PL 3-FUT.MSG 3-FUT-PL a. 'sleep' jaʃan jaʃn-u ji-ʃan (*ji-ʃʔan) ji-ʃn-u b. 'grow' gadal gadl-u ji-gdal ji-gdel-u c. 'aspire' ʃa.af ʃa.af-u ji-ʃaf (~ji-ʃʔaf) ji-ʃaf-u (~ji-ʃʔaf-u, *ji-ʃf-u)
The contrast in (9) in fact falls out of the present analysis. This is shown in (10). Assume, as the facts from PST suggest, that 'aspire' and 'grow' share the same FUT template. In the suffixed form, the second V-slot of the stem (underlined) is empty. In the regular verb (10a), it must be realized through epenthesis in order to govern the preceding empty nucleus. In the /a/-medial verb in (10b), this /a/ is thus placed in exactly the same position as in the "coda" configuration in (8b) above: before an empty nucleus. The same effect as in (8b) is observed: the /a/ "unloads" onto the empty nucleus to its right. The preceding empty V-slot is governed, and the preceding C-slot can be realized as [ʔ], or as nothing, just as the post-vocalic empty Cs in (8) above. Note, therefore, that the vowel [a] in [ji-ʃafu] is not the vowel of the stem, but the medial, consonantally-mapped /a/.

(10) Two QaTaL verbsrepresentations of regular vs. /ac/-medial 3-FUT-PL

a. /jigdlu/ => [jigdel-u] 'grow' b. /jiʃa c fu/ => [jiʃaf-u]~[jiʃʔaf-u] 'aspire' j i g d e l u j i ʃ a f u | | | | ↑ | | | | | C V C V C V C V C V C V C V C V
(As in (10b), I will henceforth occasionally refer to consonantally-mapped /a/ as /ac/, when it is necessary to distinguish it from a vocalization /a/. There is no other difference intended.)

Again, the analysis is very simple: a consonantally-mapped /a/ is realized on the following V-slot if it is empty. Alongside this fact, the analysis carries other advantages. First, the same explanation is given for a realization [a] of /ac/, whether the parallel regular consonant is in "coda" or onset positions. This unification is unavailable in the syllable-based accounts in [START_REF] Faust | The fate of gutturals in Modern Hebrew[END_REF] and [START_REF] Pariente | Grammatical paradigm uniformity[END_REF]. Second, the variation follows from the same principle as in the postvocalic examples: an empty C-slot followed by a contentful nucleus is optionally realized as [ʔ].

The lack of variation in 'sleep' is also explained: as evidenced by the PST form, this verb is not /a/-medial.

Two other important aspects of the present account are apparent in (10), and deserve comment right away. First, note that the empty V in (10a) is realized even though it is itself governed, because the preceding V-slot requires government. The term used for V-slots such as V is "responsible nucleus". Another solution to the same problem would be to realize the preceding nucleus, * [jigedlu]. While this solution is found in other languages (for instance, Palestinian Arabic), epenthesis into responsible nuclei is the general rule in Modern Hebrew (see E&F for thorough argumentation). 15,16 Secondly, the Strict CV approach allows for another scenario for /jiʃacfu/, which is apparently dispreferred. The /a c / in (10b) is not only followed, but also preceded by an empty nucleus. The possible pronunciation [ji-ʃʔafu] shows that /ac/ is realized in the nucleus to its right; but why is it not realized in the preceding nucleus? The impossibility of this mapping is also apparent in the unsuffixed form:

(11) /ac/ not realized in a preceding empty nucleus: '3-aspire.FUT.MSG'

a. /jiʃacaf/ => [jiʃaf]~[jiʃʔaf] b. /jiʃacaf/ => *[jiʃaaf] j i ʃ a a f j i ʃ a a f | | | | | | | | | | C V C V C V C V C V C V C V C V
Note that the ungrammaticality of (11b) cannot be due to government: the [a] in [pi.ak-u] 'yawn.PST-3PL' in (8b) is also governed. As we will continue to see in the next chapter, this is a general fact about /ac/: it is never realized on the preceding nucleus. Before I continue, the next section summarizes this chapter.

Summary of the chapter

This first analytic chapter concentrated on verbs with a medial orthographic guttural. In order to factor out orthography, I concentrated on contrasts that would be apparent to any learner, regardless of their level of literacy. I began with the proposal in [START_REF] Faust | The fate of gutturals in Modern Hebrew[END_REF], namely that the verbs under investigation involve a consonantally-mapped /a/. After introducing the representational theory that this work adopts, I showed how the proposal from [START_REF] Faust | The fate of gutturals in Modern Hebrew[END_REF] can be adapted into this approach (following E&F). The result is a simple account of verbs with medial orthographic gutturals. This account, I asserted, was superior to its predecessors in several respects. Most importantly, it is purely phonologicalit does not appeal to any kind of analogy at any pointand provides a uniform, principled explanation where previous accounts provided violable ad-hoc constraints.

The last section showed that the "guttural" /a/ can only "unload" on the nucleus to its right. This principle will play a central role in the next chapter, which delves further into the behavior of this /a/ in consonant clusters.

Chapter 3: Gutturals in clusters

In the preceding chapter, we saw that a learner of Modern Hebrew, irrespective of literacy, can arrive at a consonantally-mapped /a/ in verbs which feature medial orthographic gutturals. The realization of this /a/ depends on the nucleus to its right. If that nucleus is contentful, the /a/ remains unrealized; if it is empty, the /a/ realizes it.

This chapter examines such historical gutturals in clusters. The first two sectionsabout medial and initial clusters respectivelybring forth further evidence for the analysis in the preceding chapter. The latter introduces the "Initial CV" of [START_REF] Lowenstamm | The beginning of the Word[END_REF] and [START_REF] Scheer | What is CVCV, and why should it be[END_REF] et passim. Besides initial clusters in the citation form, it also discusses their realization in sandhi and in the truncated imperative form, illustrating how the notion of the initial CV is also instrumental in understanding these. The fourth and final section is somewhat independent: it explores reduplicated biradical verbs, whose second radical is /a/. These illustrate an effect that can be interpreted as being derived from the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP; [START_REF] Leben | Suprasegmental Phonology[END_REF]. In support of this analysis, a parallel case from Neo-Aramaic is brought fourth. The proposed anlaysis further bolsters for the present view of the historical guttural as a synchronic vowel /a/.

This chapter replicates arguments from E&F, to the exclusion of the extensions to sandhi, truncation and Neo-Aramaic, which appear here for the first time.

Medial triconsonantal clusters

In the previous chapter, we have seen how /ac/ is realized in the following empty V-slot in any preconsonantal positionwhether the consonant of a parallel regular verb is preconsonantal or prevocalic (in bold in 1a,b). We also saw that the suffixed FUT form of QaTaL underlyingly lacks a stem vowel: [ji-gdel-u] in (1a) is underlyingly /ji-gdl-u/. Finally, as already repeated, the analysis dictated that /ac/ is never realized on a preceding nucleus.

A prediction is therefore made for verbs with a final historical guttural. In a suffixed QaTaL FUT form the /a c / would be initially mapped to the third C-slot in the verb /ji-CCa c -u/. Even though the element is vocalic, the position following it is occupied; we expect the cluster to be solved with epenthesis, rather than [a]. As indeed it is.

Consider the verb in (1c). Its unsuffixed PST form seems to lack a third consonant. No third consonant appears even in the PST suffixed form. However, that form also has a less common pronunciation, which reveals that the verb in fact does have a final "consonant", one which is optionally realized as [ʔ] before a vowel. I submit that the learner, upon hearing this variation, can immediately associate it to the presence of a final /ac/. But even if they were unaware of this variant, that conclusion is readily available from the suffixed FUT form. This form involves the same epenthetic [e] (underlined) as the triconsonantal verb in (1a). The only reason to apply epenthesis in this position is if it does in fact involve a third consonantal position, as also suggested by the variant with the glottal stop.

(This view of verb like 'hear' raises the question of the non-realization of /ac/ in the unsuffixed forms. The entire next chapter is devoted to this issue.) (10) Three QaTaL verbs -again 3MSG.PST 3PST-PL 3-FUT.MSG 3-FUT-PL a. 'grow' gadal gadl-u ji-gdal ji-gdel-u b. 'aspire' ʃa.af ʃa.af-u ji-ʃaf (~ji-ʃʔaf) ji-ʃaf-u (~ji-ʃʔaf-u) c. 'hear' ʃama ʃamu (~ʃamʔu) ji-ʃma ji-ʃme.-u (~ji-ʃmeʔ-u)

Importantly, the present analysis predicts exactly this outcome, if again the assumption is maintained that /ac/ cannot be realized on a preceding nucleus. This is illustrated in (2). In the regular triconsonantal (2a), the lexically-empty V is a responsible nucleus and must be realized. In (2b), the consonantally-mapped /a/ remains afloat, and V is realized through epenthesis for the same reason as in (2a).

(2) Two QaTaL verbsrepresentations of regular vs. /ac/-final 3-FUT-PL

a. /jigdlu/ => [jigdel-u] 'grow' b. /jiʃmacu/ => [jiʃme-u]~[jiʃmeʔ-u] 'hear' j i g d e l u j i ʃ m e a u | | | | ↑ | | | | | ↑ C V C V C V C V C V C V C V C V
The /ac/ in (2b) could, in principle, be associated to the preceding nucleus. We've seen that in other configurations that mapping is avoided; the fact that it does not occur here either is further support for that assertion. More support is found in the examination of initial clusters in the next section.

Initial clusters

This section examines initial clusters in MH, with special attention to those obviously involving /ac/. The first subsection looks at the word in citation form; the second examines a sandhi effect; and the third comments on the effect of truncation on initial clusters.

Initial clusters in citation form

The range of clusters allowed word-initially in MH can be illustrated by the action noun template QTiLa, which is the default template associated with the verb type QaTaL. As shown in ( 3), the language is quite permissive in this domain. Initial clusters can in principle involve any two obstruents (TT, 3a) or an any obstruent followed by a sonorant (TR, 3b).

( Again, all these regularities are very much available to the illiterate learner. Indeed, in this case even the literate learner cannot be helped by the orthography: the vowels [a] and [e] are entirely absent from the orthography word-medially.

For the full array of initial clusters and some lacunae the reader is referred to Asherov and Bat-El (2019). In that paper, the reader will also find the state-of-the-art on the issue: Modern Hebrew allows for clusters of rising sonority (3b) as well as sonority "plateaus" (3a; in the context of this generalization, fricatives are treated on a par with obstruents). Still, if plateaus are licit, why aren't RR plateaus licit? And where do putative *[Cʔ], *[ʔC] clusters fit? I will now present an approach to initial clusters that explains why TT plateaus are licit, but RC and Cʔ or ʔC plateaus aren't. In addition, the analysis of /a c / developed above will be shown to make the correct predictions with respect to initial cluster resolution. [START_REF] Lowenstamm | The beginning of the Word[END_REF] distinguishes between two types of languages with respect to initial clusters. On the one hand, there are languages which allow for any cluster; on the other, there are languages which allow only for a subset of the initial clusters its inventory can possibly construct, while repairing others through epenthesis. (4) above clearly shows that MH is of the latter type. For this type of language, Lowenstamm proposes to motivate epenthesis in initial clusters by assuming the existence of an empty CV unit at the left extremity of the word ("the initial CV"). This initial CV requires to be governed.17 When the intervening nucleus of an initial cluster is realized, it is in order to govern this initial CV (6 below).

Before examining illicit clusters and epenthesis, let us now return to the licit TR and TT structures. TR clusters (5a) are the least marked cross-linguistically. [START_REF] Scheer | What is CVCV, and why should it be[END_REF] proposes that the rising sonority of these clusters results in a relation of "Infrasegmental Government" (IG, signaled by "<="). IG allows for government to apply above the intervening nucleus (underlined), as in (5a). In an unpublished version of the same book, Scheer proposed that in some languages, the voicing shared by two consonants can also rid an intervening nucleus from the need to be governed (creating what may be regarded as a pseudo-geminate). 18 MH is clearly such a language: as already shown above, initial clusters with two obstruents are generally allowed. 19 I therefore adopt the "voicing bridge", which I represent here as "=". This relation, too, creates a domain above which a relation of government may hold (5b); TT clusters are allowed word-initially.

(5) Initial TT and TR clusters in the QTiLa template

a. /gmila/ => [gmila] 'weaning' b. /tkifa/ => [tkifa] 'attack' g <= m i l a t = k i f a | | | | | | | | | | C V -C V C V C V C C V -C V C V C V
Understanding TT as "a voicing bridge" immediately leads to the epenthetic repair in RC clusters. Famously, sonorants in many languages are phonologically inactive or neutral with respect to voicing (e.g.

| ↑ | | | | | ↑ | | | | C V -C V C V C V C C V -C V C V C V
With these assumptions in place, we can return to initial clusters with /ac/. First, consider cases where the /ac/ is in the medial position, such as (7a). Since /ac/ is not a consonant, a voicing bridge cannot be established. The first nucleus of the stem has to be realized, for the same reason as in ( 6) above. Epenthesis, rather than /a/-unloading applies, because the nucleus to be realized precedes /ac/. In contrast, the seemingly vowel-initial verbs in (4c) above do not give rise to epenthesis because they are in fact /a c /-initial. As shown in (7b), no bridge can be established, V must be realized. Because /ac/ precedes it, V is realized through the regular association of the /ac/ to the empty V-slot that follows it.

(7) Initial RC clusters in the QTiLa template

a. /bacita/ => [be.ita] 'kick' b. /actifa/ => [atifa] 'wrapping' b e a i t a a t i f a | ↑ | | | | | | | C V -C V C V C V C C V -C V C V C V
With the fairly standard assumption that sonorants and empty C-slots cannot participate in the establishement of a voicing bridge, and adopting the initial-CV approach to initial clusters, I have explained why RC and Cʔ are the only initial clusters that result in epenthesis. The approach succeeds where previous treatments encountered difficulty, namely in distinguishing between TT and RR plateaus. 20Again, the realizations of the first, empty nucleus of the stem in the context of /ac/ depend on whether the latter follows or precedes it, and replicate the same behavior attested elsewhere in the language. At this point, I assert that the accumulating evidence make it hard to argue that the behavior of /ac/ is in any way an orthographic effect, unavailable to the illiterate learner.

While RC and Cʔ behave similarly in the citation form, the next section addresses a case in which they differ: the syncope attested in sandhi.

Initial clusters in sandhi

The vowel [e] is the weakest vowel in MH, and it tends to disappear in casual speech [START_REF] Bolozky | The phonology of connected speech in Israeli Hebrew[END_REF]. This seems to be especially true of epenthetic vowels like those repairing initial clusters, when the preceding word or clitic ends in a vowel. The most common post-vocalic environment for nouns is probably after the definite article [a]. Importantly for the present purpose, RC, Cʔ and ʔC cluster behave differently with respect to sandhi. Only RC exhibit (optional)

↑ | | | | | ↑ | | | C V -C V C V C V C C V -C V C V C V
The only difference between the two configurations is the emptiness of the C in (9b). This contrast must be the origin of their different behavior in sandhi. In both (9a) and (9b), lexically empty V does not require governmentit must be realized in order to govern the initial CV. The difference between the two configurations is that only in (9b) there is another empty slot before the stem /i/: the C-slot. [START_REF] Scheer | The Coda Mirror, stress and positional parameters[END_REF] propose that the governing potential of nuclei is always dispensed when there is a preceding empty position. [START_REF] Pagliano | L'épenthèse consonantique en français[END_REF] argues that in some configurations, C-slot are also governed (see also [START_REF] Charette | Empty and pseudo-empty categories[END_REF]. Assume, accordingly, that the /i/ governs the preceding empty underlined C-slot, as illustrated by the discontinuous arrow.

The Sandhi configuration is easily described in an approach with an Initial CV. Very simply put, at this post-lexical level of concatenation, the initial CV is absent [START_REF] Faust | The initial CV has done its work, the initial CV may go[END_REF]. As shown in (10) for the sandhi context with the proclitic /a/, this absence means that V loses its responsible status. It therefore becomes a legitimate target of government from the stem /i/. In (10a), /i/ does not have another empty slot to govern, and thus government applies to V and syncope occurs. But in (10b), a government relation was already established at the previous stage between that /i/ and the empty C. For syncope to occur, that relation would have to be undone. It seems that this is something that the language does not allow for. V therefore remains ungoverned in (10b), and epenthesis cannot be reversed.

(10) Initial RC and Cʔ clusters in the QTiLa template: sandhi a.

[a=meʁida] => [amʁida] ' the rebellion' b.

[a=bacita] => [abe.ita] 'the kick'

a m e ʁ i d a a b e a i t a | | ↑ | | | | | | ↑ | | | C V = C V C V C V C C V = C V C V C V
The following principle can be proposed:

(11) The constant target principle A government relation established with an empty target in one stage cannot be undone in the next stage.

Thus, the government relations signaled by the full arrows in (10) can be undone in sandhi, but the one signaled by the dotted arrow cannot. 21The constant target principle is at work elsewhere in the language, where syncope of lexical material does not occur across an empty nucleus. For instance, the clitic [la-χem] 'DAT-2MPL' in (12a) may syncopate to [l_χem], but the parallel [la-em] 'DAT-3MPL' may not (12b). Assuming that syncope in the former is facilitated by government from the [e], its absence from the latter is clear: the intervening C slot is already governed in [la-em], and the empty target of government may not change upon sandhi. give.PST-3PL=DAT-3MPL' Indeed, this principle may be generalizable to all languages: given a hiatus /CV1.V2/, syncope of V1 can result in tautosyllabic [CV2], but rarely (if ever) in heterosyllabic C.ʔV2.

For the sake of completeness, (13) provides the representation of a verb with an initial /ac/ in sandhi. Since at the first stage /ac/ unloads to the right, rather than epenthesis occurring, the loss of the responsible status for V is not reason for it to be syncopated. Indeed, we saw in the previous chapter that /ac/ is realized on the following empty V-slot irrespective of government. The correct result [aatifa] is yielded. 22(13) Initial *ʔC in the QTiLa template: sandhi

[a=atifa] => [aatifa] 'the wrapping' a ac ʁ i l a | | | | | C V = C V C V C V C
In the previous subsection, the need to govern an initial CV accounted for the array of licit and illicit initial clusters in isolation. In this section, the minimal difference between the two configurations of illicit clusters was shown to be significant in accounting for their behavior in sandhi-triggered syncope, where the initial CV is lost. The next subsection turns to an account of a configuration in which both RC and Cʔ are licit: the truncated imperative.

The truncated imperative and initial clusters

As originally shown by [START_REF] Bolozky | On the new imperative in colloquial Hebrew[END_REF], the imperative mood in MH can be expressed in one of two ways: (i) the 2 nd person future form, or (ii) a truncated version of the same form, without the 2 nd person prefix. This is shown for QaTaL verbs in ( 14). The issue is of relevance to the present purpose because, as can be seen in ( 14), such truncation results in initial clusters. Interestingly, in this configuration there is no difference between RC and Cʔ: both are possible (14c,d). The only impossibility is ʔC (14e The data in ( 14) are somewhat controversial. Therefore, before I turn to the analysis, I comment on them. First, alongside the two forms used in the spoken register, there is another, more formal imperative form. This form, too, is similar to the the FUT form without the 2 nd person prefix. In the MSG, it is often identical to the colloquial one: for instance, for the first verb in ( 14), the standard would also be [tkof]. 23 Importantly, however, this formal register does not accept the initial RC and Cʔ clusters, and breaks them through epenthesis, e.g. [legom], [ʃeʔaf] for (14c,d). These forms are unacceptable in the colloquial register. For this reason, it cannot be claimed that the forms in (14c,d) are somehow derived from a higher register.

Second, the data in ( 14) are somewhat at odds with Bat-El ( 2003), a paper which is devoted to imperative truncation. In that paper, the author claims that imperative truncation in blocked in cases like (14c); that is, there is no imperative truncation if the resulting cluster is an otherwise unacceptable initial RC cluster. While Bat-El does not discuss Cʔ verbs, her analysis would predict that the truncated forms in (14d) would also be ungrammatical. My intuitions differ from Bat-El's on both types of clusters.

To check my intuition, 28 people were given a list of 21 verbal forms in the past with a 3MSG subject. Participants were asked to transform the sentence into "a command", and were told that this was "a linguistic experiment about anger". Sentences included colloquial expressions, and when possible, colloquial spelling. There were four Cʔ and four RC clusters in the list (I did not check /ac/-initial forms). While some participants did not give truncated forms at all, most gave at least some truncated forms. The elicitation allowed me to both confirm and disprove Bat-El's description. Several speakers who did truncate avoided doing so only for some or all Cʔ and RC verbs, showing that truncation in these forms is treated differently by speakers, like Bat-El suggested. At the same time, several speakers did give truncated forms like those in (14c,d) indicating that avoidance of initial RC and Cʔ is only a tendency. Again, these performances cannot be attributed to the influence of the standard form, which involves epenthesis. 24What allows those speakers that do truncate to do so without epenthesis, even though the cluster is ill-formed elsewhere in the language? I submit it is exactly the process of truncation. Consider the future form in (15a). As other forms, it involves a governed initial CV. If one considers that truncation applies to both the skeletal and the segmental tiers, truncating only the prefix would amount to de-infixation, a very marked process (if indeed attested). Assume, instead, that the entire left part of the skeletal support is truncated, as signaled by the dotted frame in (15c). The form is expected to be [tkof], as attested.

t i t k o f t i t k o f |
The same is shown in ( 16) for forms which, after truncation, result in otherwise illicit clusters. Given that the initial CV is truncated, and the underlined V is governed and is not a responsible nucleus; any resulting cluster is expected to be acceptable. Importantly, in the context of the analysis of the previous chapter, notice how the target of government in (16b) is V, not the C after it, even though the latter is also empty. The assumption again is that empty V-slots take priority over empty C-slots as targets of government, and the latter do not require government to remain unrealized.

To be sure, truncated /ac/-initial verbs will not exhibit any initial clusters. As shown in ( 17), the /ac/ is realized on the following empty V-slot regardless of government considerations, and there is no reason that truncation would change the resulting form.

(17) Truncation in *ʔC ta[azov] 'leave.IMP.MSG' t a a z o v | | | | | C V -C V C V C V C V
To summarize, I have presented an account of initial clusters in MH, with special attention to clusters involving /ac/. The account in terms of an initial CV unit was argued to provide a better understanding of the range of possible clusters in each of the scenarios examined: isolation, sandhi and truncation.

The next section turns to a specific problem that arises in verbs with /ac/, which attests to their vocalic nature.

3.

Further evidence for synchronic /Cac/: reduplicated biradicals Previous parts of this work developed an analysis of the historical gutturals *h, *ʕ, *ʔ as a synchronic vowel /a/. The analysis relied on the fact that [a] is the only consistent arbitrary realization of these historical gutturals (as opposed to [ʔ], which is phonetically predictable given syllable structure). Independent evidence as to the vocalic nature of this entity would support the analysis. This section brings forth such evidence. As mentioned, the analysis is taken from E&F.

The argument is shortened here, and additional support is provided from Neo-Aramaic that did not appear in E&F.

Modern Hebrew quadriradicals

I have repeatedly claimed that stem vowels are absent from the suffixed representations of verbs. This absence can result in the creation of consonant clusters, e.g [gadal, gadl-u] 'grow' in (1) above. Importantly for what follows, the same set showed that /ac/-final verbs in this configuration also result in clusters. e.g. [ʃama, ʃamʔ-u] 'hear'. Consider now the suffixed and unsuffixed forms of the quadriconsonantal verbs in (18). They are of two types: regular quadriconsonantals (17a) and reduplicated bi-consonantals (18b). Both types behave identically with respect to syncope: the vowel [a] of the stem is absent from the suffixed form, and in its stead one finds [e]. The reader will already be familiar with the epenthetic nature of this [e]: it realizes a responsible V-slot, which governs a preceding V-slot. Interestingly, as the ungrammatical forms show, there is [e] epenthesis (underlined) even in case where the cluster which would otherwise result is definitely a possible one word-initially.

(18) Non-reduplicated and reduplicated quadriradical verbs (without /a c /) Again, a note about data is due. The facts in (20) correspond to my intuition. In order to check these, I asked 15 people to transform a sentence with a singular 3MSG.PST verb of the type in (20) into its the corresponding plural. All provided forms with epenthesis, confirming my intuition. A reviewer of E&F, a native speaker of MH, insisted that they also "accept" the forms I marked in (20) as ungrammatical. Possibly, my own idiolect and that reviewer's idiolect differ on this. But this is immaterial: the form without epenthesis (i.e. the one I reject) is in fact the expected form, and does not require explanation. It is the form with epenthesis, the only one I find acceptable and the one provided by all participants, that is curious given all of the above.

E&F provide an account based on the distinction between the vocalic and consonantal tiers, as well as the distinction between morphemes. Consider the representations in ( 21), with Cs and Vs on different tiers, andas beforethe shared templatic morpheme in gray. In the regular reduplicated form (21a), the empty nucleus V is governed by the lexical /a/. In the /ac/-second reduplicated form that is unnecessary, as the first /ac/ occupies V (21b). The correct forms are yielded.

| | | C V C V C V C V C V C V C V C V | | | | | | k l k l t t
In

C V C V C V C V C V C V C V C V | | | | | | k l k l t t
The answer must be related to the reduplicated nature of such verbs. Examining (22b), one sees that if epenthesis didn't apply, the two /ac/ would end up being adjacent to one another on the vocalic tier. Epenthesis, we therefore claimed in E&F, is motivated here by the need to separate the two identical, tauto-morphemic vowels on the vocalic tier. In other words, it is the result of the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP; [START_REF] Leben | Suprasegmental Phonology[END_REF], McCarthy 1979), which requires a contour between two identical adjacent elements.

As always with any OCP analysis, the principle applies to some, but not all sequence of identical elements on the same tier. MH does not repair the two seemingly adjacent [t]s in (22b) or (22b) (possibly because the templatic vowel does intervene in some sense). Moreover, the restriction is sensitive to the morphemic origins of the offensive elements: in (21a), the templatic vowel /a/ is adjacent to the second /ac/, without this seeming to pose any problem. In that representation, there is also presumably no OCP violation, because the two /ac/ are not adjacent on the vocalic tier.

Importantly for the present account, the OCP-based analysis of this effect relies on the vocalic nature of the radical. If the entity under discussion were, say, /ʕ/ rather than /a/, either lack of epenthesis in [ʃuabd-u] (18 above) or epenthesis in [tiateʔu] would remain unexplained. The OCP-based analysis thus joins the rest of the account in this work in regarding the historical gutturals as synchronic vowels.

The reader is referred to E&F for a more detailed version of this OCP-based account, which includes support from other casaes of OCP-motivated epenthesis in MH, as well as a similar effect in the distribution of /ac/ within QvTvT stems. Rather than repeat these arguments, in the next sub-section I show that a very similar effect exists in the Christian Neo-Aramaic of the town of Urmi.

Christian Urmi Neo-Aramaic

OCP violations can be resolved in more than one manner. In the last subsection, I showed one, namely epenthesis. Other possible solutions are deletion or dissimilation of one of the offending entities. I claimed that an OCP violation in reduplicated biradicals in MH occurred only in roots whose second radical was vocalic. I will now discuss a case from Christian Urmi Neo-Aramaic (CUNA, [START_REF] Khan | The Neo-Aramaic Dialect of Qaraqosh[END_REF], in which the same problem is solved by dissimilation.

CUNA, like MH, is a modern Semitic language. In it, too, there are many quadriradical verbs. All of these verbs appear in the type II template (there are two other types: type I hosts only triradicals, and type III is used to derive causatives from the two other types). As (23) shows, among non-reduplicated quadriradicals, one may distinguish those with a final consonant (23a), and those with a final vowel or glide (23b). I will refer to the latter as /j/-final. In the same verbal type II, one also finds verbs with the stem vowel [o], rather than the expected [a] (23c) (the three forms provided for each verb in 22 illustrate the range of realizations for /j/-final verbs). Interestingly, forms like [momə] occur only in type II, are always /j/-final, and all but one involve a repeated consonants ([m] in 23c). Khan explains that these verbs are to be analyzed as involving the consonant set /m,v,m,j/. The initial syllable of the stem in ( 23) is therefore /mav/for instance, the INF would be /mavmujə/and /mav/ is realized as [mo] (this is a common alternation in CUNA).

Khan's view explains why all these verbs exhibit the vowel [o]. But why do all quadriradical verbs with a second /v/ also involve a final /j/? And why do they nearly always exhibit two identical consonants? This cannot be a coincidence.

In fact, it is possible to show that these verbs are reduplicated biradical /C,v,C,v/. The list in (24) includes all of the QoQə verbs in [START_REF] Khan | The Neo-Aramaic Dialect of Qaraqosh[END_REF]. The majority (24a) denote animal sounds. The two in (24b) can be claimed to carry a pluractional denotation. (24c) is the only nonreduplicated verb with this form, and it is also the only one to be less straightforwardly pluractional.

(24) All QoQə verbs in Khan The vocalic nature of /v/ is apparent in the fact that it coalesces with a preceding /a/ to form [o]. It can therefore be assumed that, similarly to the case of the two /a/s in the MH verb, a reduplicated quadriradical with a second /v/ is problematic because /v/ is vocalic. As shown in (26), if one ignores the stem vowels, the same OCP problem as in MH is posed. Consequently, the second copy of the underlying /v/ is dissimilated from the first (in bold).

(26) Reduplicated biradicals /m,v/ yields /m,v,m,j/ v v v j | |  | | C V C V C V C V C V C V C V C V | | | | m m m m
There is of course a difference between the MH and the CUNA examples. In MH, the problem arises only in an inflected form, where there is no vowel to intervene between the two copies. In CUNA, the stem vowels seem to be irrelevant. Possibly, the different solutions (epenthesis in MH, dissimilation in CUNA) are a correlate of this difference. Despite the difference, it is in my opinion an inescapable conclusion that the two phenomena abide by the same logic: the avoidance of reduplicated biradicals with vocalic non-stem segments. Since reduplicated biradicals with non-vocalic segments are not at all avoided, a possible explanation is the one I proposed here, based on the OCP and the different tiers for Cs and Vs.25

Conclusion

In the previous chapter, I claimed that a consonantally-mapped /a/ is identifiable in the position of several historical gutturals, on the basis of evidence that is independent of orthography. The present chapter showed that this view underlies several alternations having to do with clusters. In initial or medial clusters, too, the /a/ is realized in the nucleus to its right if that nucleus is otherwise empty. It is not realized if that nucleus is full. In this scenario, too, the consonantal position that /a/ is mapped to is still very real: it is optionally realized as [ʔ], and if the nucleus before it is a responsible nucleus, that nucleus is realized through epenthesis. The treatment of initial clusters combined the notion of "the voicing bridge" with the initial CV of [START_REF] Lowenstamm | The beginning of the Word[END_REF] and Scheer (2004 et passim). This treatment was extended here to truncated imperatives, and was shown to provide one rationale for the availability of otherwise impossible clusters in this morphological domain.

Finally, the vocalic nature of the entity proposed here was bolstered by facts from another very specific morphological scenario: quadriradical verbs constructed from reduplicated <C,a> sets. These, it was shown, exhibit a case of epenthesis that cannot be due to syllabication considerations. Instead, I proposed an OCP-based account that relies on the vocalic nature of the entity standing for the historical guttural. To support this analysis, it was argued that the same problem arises in an analogous class of verbs in another Semitic Language, Christian Urmi Neo-Aramaic, where it is solved by dissimilation.

Let me repeat: the facts summarized above are readily available to learners of the language well before they learn its orthography, if they ever do. Indeed, some of them are not even derivable from the orthography. Thus, orthography cannot be the reason for the effects in this chapter, either.

One aspect of the basic facts has not yet been addressedthe interaction between the proposed /ac/ and stress. This is the topic of the next chapter.

Chapter 4: Final consonantally-mapped /a/ and stress

1.

The challenge posed by /ac/ at the right edge

In the previous chapters, I've argued that synchronically, a consonantally-mapped /a/ is lexicalized in the position where three of the four guttural of BH stand. I have shown that this conclusion does not require knowledge of the orthography: the /a/ regularly surfaces before an empty nucleus (rather than in the pre-consonantal position traditionally referred to as "coda").

Absent from the discussion up to the present point were forms which involve this /a/ at the right edge of the word. This chapter, which is a partial reproduction of Faust (2021a), is devoted to this edge.

In the Strict CV approach adopted here, any consonant-final word ends in an empty V-slot. It is therefore not surprising to find many instances of [a] in this position. An example is given in (1). The passive participle of 'tear' exhibits a vowel [a] where the equi-templatic 'bind' positions a regular consonant [χ]. When a V-initial suffix is added, the following nucleus is occupied and /a/ is left unrealized (the elision of the first /a/ of the stem upon suffixation is a common alternation in MH, which I do not analyze here).

(1) Stem-final /ac/ i.'bind' ii. 'tear' a. PASS.PRTC.MSG kaʁuχ kaʁúa b. PASS.PRTC-MPL kʁuχ-ím kʁu.-ím Because of the Strict-CV axiom regarding the skeletal tier, such realizations immediately fall out of the the account in preceding sections. I assume that (2) requires no explanation by this point.

(

2) Stem-final /ac/ a. k a ʁ u χ b. k a ʁ u a | | | | | | | | | C V C V C V -C V C V C V C V -C V | | | | | | | | | | | k ʁ u χ i m k ʁ u a i m
Other stems of the same verb are well behaved, too (3a-d). kaʁáχ-ti kaʁá-ti QaTáL-ti b. PST-1SG-3MSG.OBJ kʁaχ-tí-v kʁa.a-tí-v QTaL-tí-v I assert again that all of the alternations hitherto discussed do not depend on access to written Modern Hebrew. Insofar as the literary register is also available to illiterate speakers, the same applies to the alternation in (4)which in fact is not even reflected in the orthography.

In addition to all of the above, a final data point must be added to the puzzle. The ban on *[áa] sequences finds a well-delimited, systematic counter-example among the penultimately stressed nouns ("segholates") and participles. These items usually exhibit the vocalization [éCe] at the right edge: as a lexical fact in the case of nouns (5a), and as a result of the attachment of the lexically-unstressed feminine suffix [-et] in participles (5c). However, if the consonantal position between the stem and suffix vowels is attributed to /ac/, both of these vowels are realized as [a], and the counter-example emerges (5b,d).

( 26 Interestingly, the pronunciation of the form after stress shift seems to be a property of the literary register of Modern Hebrew, rather than a reproduction of the facts of BH (insofar as these are ascertainable). In the Massoretic transcription of the bible (the only one used today), the stem-final orthographic <ʕ> appears with a "schwa" symbol below it regardless of whether the form is followed by an object suffix or not : < קר ְ ע תי > and < קר ְ ע תיו > for (4.ii.a and b) respectively.

Why does /ac/ disappear after stressed [a]? And why does it not do so in (5)? The only previous account of the fact is [START_REF] Pariente | Grammatical paradigm uniformity[END_REF], in which the author proposes a ban on trochaic feet with two identical vowels. This, it is claimed, is the only possible parse of fully-faithful * [kaʁáa]. The data in (5) are treated in a footnote, by marking the unstressed [a] as lexically-extrametrical (a suggestion dating back to Bat-El 1989).

Pariente's account is part of his larger, mora-based account, which I have mentioned and argued against briefly in the previous chapters. The analysis I will develop in the present chapter (and to some extent in the following two chapters, too) will be quite different. The next section formalizes the phonetic effect of stress using the stress CV [START_REF] Larsen | Vowel length, Raddoppiamento Sintattico and the selection of the definite article in Italian[END_REF]) and the incorporation domains of [START_REF] Ulfsbjorninn | A Field Theory of Stress: the role of empty nuclei in stress systems[END_REF]. Section 3 returns to /ac/-final stems and shows how that formalization interacts with final /ac/ such that it appears not to be realized. The same section also covers the rest of the data above.

Stress-to-length in MH

Stress: phonetic detail

It has repeatedly been reported that stressed vowels in MH are longer than their unstressed counterparts (Cohen et al. 2019 and references therein). No study, to the best of my knowledge, has checked the intuition of speakers that the consonantally-mapped /a/ completely disappears after [á].

In order to do just that, I asked 16 speakers (8 women, 8 men, average age 40) to record themselves pronouncing written sentences with the words [katát] (</katáa-t/ 'cut.PST-2FSG') and [ʁatát] (</ʁatat/ 'vibrate.PST.3MSG') in context (i.e., not sentence-final). I found that indeed, there was no difference. In addition, I examined the unstressed vowel of [katát]. I found that i. it was, on average, less than half as long as the stressed vowel (0.43ms vs. 0.96ms), and ii. It was much more often than not pronounced as [ə]. 27 Extrapolating from stressed [áː] to all stressed vowels, (6) provides a more phoneticallyaccurate rendition of the data in [START_REF] Scheer | Unified representations for stress and the syllable[END_REF] kəʁáːχ-ti kəʁáː-ti, *kəʁáː.a-ti QaTáL-t 27 Furthermore, I found that on average, the vowel was more centralized among women than among men: F2 was much lower in the pronunciation of men (1598Hz) than in the pronunciation of women (1824Hz), while much less difference was found in F1 (525Hz vs. 567Hz resp.). I emphasize that these results are preliminary and await statistical analysis. All of the recordings were made on smartphones and analyzed by myself. For a more general study see Cohen et al. (2019) and [START_REF] Silber-Varod | The Influence of lexical stress on formant values in spontaneous Hebrew speech[END_REF].

Even though unstressed /a/ is reduced to [ə], I will retain its transcription as [a] in what follows, since this reduction is tangential to the analysis.

The requirement for stressed vowels to be long is common cross-linguistically. In the next subsection, I show how it has been analyzed in Strict CV analyses of languages other than MH.

Stress-to-Length in Strict CV

MH is definitely not the only language to express stress through length. Consider, for instance, the pattern illustrated in (7) with data from another Semitic language, Qaraqosh Neo-Aramaic [START_REF] Khan | The Neo-Aramaic Dialect of Qaraqosh[END_REF]. In this language, stress is by and large penultimate. A stressed vowel is pronounced long in an open syllable (7a), but short in a closed syllable (10b). Unstressed vowels are short in natural speech, even in open syllables (7c). ( 7

| | | | | | | | | C V C V C V2 C V C V C V C V2 C V
Note that length in Qaraqosh, like in MH, is not contrastive; yet it is treated in phonological terms, rather than as the outcome of phonetic interpretation. The cross-linguistic analysis of stress as an additional skeletal unit has been further refined in Ulfsbjorninn (2014) and [START_REF] Enguehard | Vers une representation exclusivement squelettale de l'accent: argumentation a partir de donnees du same du sud, du live, du norrois et du russe[END_REF]. Importantly for the present purpose, Ulfsbjorninn has proposed that in cases like (8b), it is possible that no CV is inserted. According to his analysis of similar cases, a stressed vowel must head an incorporation domain (ID), i.e. a domain with a head ( h ) and a dependent ( d )in cases like Qaraqosh in that order. Assuming that empty nuclei, and only empty nuclei, can be dependents, an additional CV is required only in open syllables (9a). In closed syllables, the following empty nucleus serves as a dependent (9b). IDs are framed in the representations that follow. 51 (9) Ulfsbjorninn ( 2014): insert CV only when it is necessary in order to create an ID.

a. p á θ ə χ b. p á θ χ a | | | | | | | | | | C Vh C Vd C V2 C V C Vh C V2d C V
Ulfsbjorninn's IDs echo, from within Strict CV, the more mainstream idea that stressed syllables must be "heavy", i.e. bi-moraic (e.g. [START_REF] Hyman | A Theory of Phonological Weight[END_REF][START_REF] Hayes | Metrical Stress Theory[END_REF]. For a comparison of the two approaches to stress-weight relations, see Scheer & Szígetvari (2005) Consider now a word like [kaʁáːχ] 'bind.PST.3MSG'. The underlying representation /kaʁaχ/ is given in (11a). Because of (10b), the final V-slot cannot serve as a dependent, and the stressed vowel does not head an ID. As a result, an additional CV unit is inserted to that end (14b).

(11) The stress CV in MH: additional CV inserted in order to establish ID

a. * k a ʁ á χ b. k a ʁ á χ | | | | | | | | | | [kaʁáːχ] C V C V h C V C V C V h C V d C V
This lengthened representation of the stressed vowel will be used below. The entire issue, I assert, bears no implication on the preceding parts of the analysis.

Having formalized the lengthening effect, the next section returns to consonantally-mapped /a/s and their realizations.

The [áa] moment in Modern Hebrew

The interpretation of phonetic length in the previous subsection sheds new light on the ban on [áa] sequences. Consider the initial representation of /kaʁáa/ 'tear. PST.3MSG' in (12a). Following the present account, /a c / is expected to map to the V-slot to its right. As a result, unlike in the case of /kaʁáχ/ in (11), the C-slot following the stressed vowel is not occupied. Moreover, the following vowel is identical to the vowel that must head the domain. I assume that these last two conditions allow for an ID to be established, possibly through the merger of the two /a/s, represented by the dotted frame in (12b). Similar to the case of (9b) above, since no additional CV is required, none is inserted. In other words, /ac/ is not unrealized in this configurationit is realized as part of the stressed vowel. Importantly, the fact that the two vowels form one domain correlates with the intuition of speakers that they are realized as a single syllable.

(12) /áa/ to [áː] at word edge: no stress CV required, none inserted

a. * k a ʁ á ac b. k a ʁ á ac | | | | | | | | [kaʁáː] C V C Vh C V C V C Vh C Vd
Consider now the representation of the unattested sequence [áa] in (13). There is, in principle, nothing wrong with this representation, except for the fact that it involves an inserted CV where one is not called for. In other words, a sequence [áa] will not be formed because it can be avoided through coalescence, and not because of a ban on trochees with identical vowels.30

(13) Unattested [áa] * k a ʁ á ac | | | | *[kaʁáːa] C V C Vh C Vd C Vd
I will now show that all of the other configurations encountered in the data section conform to the proposal. First, let us examine /ac/ after a stressed vowel other than /á/, as in [koʁéː.a] 'tear. ACT.PRTC.MSG'. The two vowels at the right edge of (14a) are not identical. Thus, even though the intervening C-slot is empty, they cannot be merged without features being lost. Since they cannot be merged, an ID cannot be formed (14b). 31 As a result, as shown in (14c), i. a stress CV must be inserted for the /é/ to head an ID, and ii. the resulting sequence is perceived as disyllabic.

| | | | | | | | *[koʁéa] C V C Vh C V C V C Vh C Vd c. k o ʁ é ac | | | | [koʁéː.a] C V C Vh C Vd C V
Forms like [kaʁáː-ti] 'tear. are analyzed just like [kaʁáː]. Two identical vowels merge and allow for the creation of an ID without the need for the insertion of an additional CV.

(15) /áa/ to [á] at stem edge: no stress CV required, none inserted

a. * k a ʁ á ac t i b. k a ʁ á ac t i | | | | | | | | | | | | [kaʁáːti] C V C Vh C V C V C V C Vh C Vd C V
I have shown above that in a high register it is possible to add object suffixes to verbal stems, and that if, as a result, stress is attracted away from the base, it leaves behind, in lieu of a single stressed [á], two unstressed ones: [kʁaa-tíː-v] 'tear.PST-1SG-3MSG.OBJ'. This "unpacking" effect is predicted by the present account. Since no domain is created, no merger is expected; the two /a/s in ( 16) will be perceived as two distinct syllables. 32 (16) [á] from /áac/ alternates with [a.a] due to stress shift

k ʁ á ac t i -v | | | | | | [kʁa.atíːv] C V C V C V C Vh C Vd C V
This configuration is in fact identical to that of any other unstressed /aac/ sequence with /ac/ standing in a medial coda position. This is illustrated in (20) for the example [me-ʃa.aʁ-ím] 'PRTC-estimate.ACT-MPL' (cf. /me-ʃagʁ-ím/ 'PRTC-launch.ACT-MPL'). Again, no domain is created, no merger occurs, and the two /a/s are perceived as heterosyllabic.

-i m | | | | | | | [meʃa.aʁíːm] C V C V C V C Vh C Vd C V
To summarize, because MH requires stressed vowels to head an ID, a sequence /áa/ will be realized as [áː]; and since no such requirement holds for unstressed /a/, an unstressed sequence /aa/ will remain disyllabic.

A similar case in the evolution of European Portuguese (EP) has been brought to my attention, which is worth mentioning here. Brandão de [START_REF] Brandão De Carvalho | Contrastive hierarchies, privative features, and Portuguese vowels[END_REF] shows that in the Gallo-Portuguese stressed /áa/ has merged into /á/ in EP (/ma.a/ => /ma/ 'bad.FSG'), whereas unstressed /aa/ has not merged (/kaavejrə/ => /kaavejrə/ 'skull'). 33 As in MH, all stressed syllables in EP are heavy [START_REF] Pimenta | Duration and Phonological Complexity : comparing standard European Portuguese nasal vowels and oral diphthongs[END_REF], so a similar analysis can be proposed: a stress syllable [áː] can stand for two underlying /a/s, but an unstressed syllable cannot do so. The parallel between the two 32 In my preliminary phonetic investigation, I found that unstressed /aa/ sequences are pronounced only slightly longer than a single stressed [á] (120ms vs. 110ms among the 14 speakers who performed both). While some performances of such /aa/ sequences showed a phonetic correlate of disyllabicity (mostly two intensity peaks), others did not. Nevertheless, both quality and length clearly distinguish the unstressed /aa/ sequence from a single unstressed /a/, which as mentioned is pronounced for around 40ms and as [ə]. It seems that length and [a] quality in unstressed positions are necessarily perceived by speakers as two hetero-syllabic /a/s. 33 The retention of the underlying hiatus can be seen in that this word is realized [kavéjrə], whereas single unstressed /a/s are regularly reduced: /kaza/ => [kázə]. The realization of two unstressed /a/s as one [a] is general in the language, applying across morpheme boundaries: [kázə] 'house' + [əzul] 'blue'=> [kàzazúl] 'blue house'.

cases is relevant when considering the alternative analysis in [START_REF] Pariente | Grammatical paradigm uniformity[END_REF]: the principled exclusion of trochees with identical vowels. In EP, penultimate stress is the default case, and trochees with identical (underying) vowels have always been ubiquitous in the language, e.g.

[kázə] 'house'. As a result, the merger of /maa/ into [máː] cannot be attributed to this rule. 34The main challenge to analyses of the ban on *[áa] comes, as already shown in (5) above, from penultimately stressed nouns and participles. Forms like [tá.ar] 'blade ' and [meʃagá-at] 'madden.ACT.PRTC-FSG' seem to be counter-examples. As mentioned, [START_REF] Pariente | Grammatical paradigm uniformity[END_REF] follows [START_REF] Bat-El | Phonology and Word Structure in Modern Hebrew[END_REF] in assuming that the post-tonic vowel in [tá.ar] and [meʃagá-at] is extrametrical. For this reason, according to Pariente, it cannot be footed in a trochee with the stressed vowel, and so does not violate the relevant constraint. However, if that vowel can somehow be extrametrical, it is not so clear to me why this option is blocked for the "guttural" /ac/ of /karáac/, which is ruled out.

If for some reason the last vowel of these items must be specified as "extrametrical", there is no reason to assume it is necessarily /e/ (as in 18a). Consider now the plural forms of penultimately-stressed nouns (18). In the position of the post-tonic [e] or [a] of the singular, one consistently finds a pre-tonic vowel [a] (or more precisely [ə]) in the plural. [START_REF] Falk | Metrical structure in Modern Hebrew[END_REF] develops an analysis in which this vowel is underlyingly /a/, and is reduced post-tonically to [e] in (18a). But upon suffixation, it is not post-tonic, and therefore surfaces as [a]. Although Falk does not treat the data in (18b), his proposal is in conformity with its realization as [a] even in the singular. In my own work [START_REF] Faust | Forme et Fonction dans la Morphologie Nominale de l'Hébreu Moderne[END_REF][START_REF] Faust | Underlying vowel length in Modern Hebrew: the many realizations of the vowel /a[END_REF], I extended Falk's proposal to the unstressed feminine suffix: in fact, it involves an underlying /a/. In other words, in both [táaʁ] and [meʃagá-at], the post-tonic [a] is not the realization of the consonantally-mapped /ac/, but rather that of a lexical /a/. A fuller account of these effects is provided in the next chapter, where an alternative reason is also provided for the apparent extrametricality of the second vowel in the singular. Abstracting away from the specifics of that analysis, for the present purpose consider now how a sequence like /táaʁ/ is to be represented in the present framework. The /ac/ in such words is in an onset position (19a). Because of the presence of /a c /, the stressed /á/ cannot form an ID with the following vowel, even though the two are identical. A stress CV has to be inserted as in (19b). 35The non-reduction of post-tonic /a/ in this case follows from the adjacency of the other lexical /a/s.

| | | | | | | | [táː.aʁ] C V C V C V C Vh C Vd C V C V
Importantly for the present purpose, once the lexical, non-epenthetic nature of the second vowel is established, its post-tonic position is not a crucial ingredient of the analysis. Although the analysis is compatible with the designation of this vowel as extrametrical, it does not require it, nor does it require moras or different foot structures for [táːaʁ], [kaʁáː] and [koʁéːa].

Conclusion

This chapter concerned /ac/-final verbs, and the the reason for the realization of a single long [áː] where one expects to find [áːa], i.e. a stressed /á/ followed by a the vocalic realization of a consonantally-mapped /ac/. I proposed that this seemingly fully coalesced realization is made possible by the identical quality of the two vowels, coupled with the need for stressed vowels to head a binary hierarchical domain in the sense of [START_REF] Ulfsbjorninn | A Field Theory of Stress: the role of empty nuclei in stress systems[END_REF]. In fact, both vowels are realized in this single long [áː]. This pattern is preferred to the insertion of additional skeletal structure, a strategy that is adopted when the two vowels cannot be realized jointly.

Introduction

This chapter presents a novel analysis of "Segholates" and "Segholation", terms which refer to the penultimately-stressed nouns and participles that featured in the previous chapter. The analysis plays up the fact that the exceptional penultimate stress correlates with a unique harmonic process, whereby the two last vowels of a word cannot be high, and in some configurations must even share the same value for lowness. The next section presents the data. In the analytic section 3 it is claimed that the harmonic process is triggered by the exceptional stress pattern. In order to satisfy right alignment, the stress domain is extended through harmony. The interaction of these factors with historical gutturals is then examined, and as elsewhere in this work, these are shown to be consonantally-mapped /ac/s. This part of the present work has not been published previously.

Data

Consider the alternations in (1). The base nouns exhibit penultimate stress on a mid vowel [e, o] and a post-tonic [e] (underlined). In their suffixed form, the post-tonic vowel disappears and the remaining stem vowel, no longer stressed, is [i], [a] or [e] if it was [e] when stressed (1a-c), and unchanged if it was [o] (1d). 36 Because "Seghol" is the name of the orthographic symbol that stands for the [e] in the orthography, these nouns are traditionally referred to as "segholates".

(1) QvTeL -QvTL alternation N Adj a. ʃévet 'tribe' ʃivt-i 'tribal' séχel 'brains' siχl-i 'cerebral b. néfeʃ 'soul' nafʃ-i 'mental' géveʁ 'man' gavʁ-i 'manly' c. χélek 'part' χelk-i 'partial' néged 'against' negd-i 'opposite' d. ʃóʁeʃ 'root' ʃoʁʃ-i 'genuine, authentic' kótev 'pole' kotv-i 'polar' The classical analysis of segholates is discussed in [START_REF] Bolozky | Some aspects of Modern Hebrew phonology. Chapter II of Berman, Ruth, Modern Hebrew Structure[END_REF]. 37 It makes the following two assumptions: i. the [e] is epenthetic, and ii. the suffixed form reveals the underlying quality of 36 There are exceptions to all of these generalizations, but they are robust trends. In addition, the penultimately stressed vowels of segholates are no exception to the stress-to-length effect discussed in the previous chapter, so a more accurate transcription would be [ʃéːvet], [kóːtev]. I ignore this tangential issue for the rest of this chapter. 37 For a recent treatment of segholation in Tiberian Hebrew, see Bat-El & Yeverechiahu (2020), which also includes references to the litterature on that language.

the stem vowel. The first assumption is intended to account for both the penultimate stress in the unsuffixed form and the syncope of [e] as in (2a,b). The second assumption follows from a classical analysis against the direction of neutralization. The neutralization into mid vowels is then explained as the effect of harmony triggered by the epenthetic vowel (2c). This harmony is referred to as "segholation".

( . Thus, while these nouns are not traditionally called "segholates"this term is reserved for the nouns in (1) -they also exhibit "segholation". Note that, like the unstressed [e] in (1), the [e] of this suffix is also syncopated upon further suffixation (SUFFIXED column).

( (4) Segholation before unstressed [-et] Finally, a note is due regarding the behavior of gutturals in initial position, specifically in the segholate plural. As might be recalled from chapters 1 and 3, segholate plurals exhibit a specific template QTaL-im. This template applies by and large to both QéTeL (7a) and QóTel segholates (7b). But the two segholate types behave differently when they involve an initial /ac/. For QéTeL segholates, instead of an initial cluster, one finds an [a] followed by the second C (7c). This case was already accounted for through /a/-unloading in chapter 3. In QóTeL segholates with an initial historical guttural, however, one consistently finds an [o] in the plural, too (7d).

( The task is taken up in the next section, where I provide a novel rationale for harmony in segholates. An Element Theoretic [START_REF] Kaye | The internal structure of phonological representations: a Theory of Charm and Government[END_REF][START_REF] Backley | An Introduction to Element Theory[END_REF]) account of the vocalic system is then applied to the data to yield the correct patterns. Then, section 4 shows how the analysis can be extended to guttural effects.

3.

Analysis of general pattern

Why is harmony limited in its distribution?

In (2) above, I showed the traditional derivational story whereby /ʃivt/ => [ʃévet] through epenthesis followed by harmony with the epenthetic quality. Besides its dependence on rule ordering, that account suffers from two, less theory-specific problems. First, cross-linguistically epenthetic vowels undergo harmony, rather than trigger it. The second strange aspect of this harmony is its limitation to epenthetic, unstressed triggers. The first vowels of forms like [gadeʁ] 'fence' or [gidem] 'stump' do not harmonize with the vowel after them. Why would harmony be limited to penultimately-stressed vowels?

In a recent presentation with Shanti Ulfsbjorninn [START_REF] Faust | Prosodically-driven harmony in Hebrew and Gaelic: an account in Strict CV metrics[END_REF], we proposed that the harmony can be understood as compensating for misalignment. Provided that the tendency in MH is clearly for final stress, one may interpret this as a requirement to place stress on the last filled nucleus of the word /CaαCaβ/ => [CaCá]. There is nevertheless an alternative logic: stress must be expressed on the last vocalic expression in the word. Under this definition, if the last two vocalic expressions are in some sense one and the same, then penultimate stress is well-formed: /CaαCaα/ => [CáCa] or [CaCá]. The same logic can be put in terms of alignment: the stressed vocalic expression must be melodically aligned with the right edge of the word (ignoring the final consonant); no other vocalic expression must stand between the stressed vowel and the word edge. 41In a word like [gadeʁ] 'fence' (9a), for instance, the stressed vowel [e] complies with this requirement. Now assume, following [START_REF] Bat-El | Phonology and Word Structure in Modern Hebrew[END_REF], [START_REF] Falk | Metrical structure in Modern Hebrew[END_REF] and [START_REF] Faust | Underlying vowel length in Modern Hebrew: the many realizations of the vowel /a[END_REF], that the second vowel of segholates is not epenthetic, but unstressable for another reason. The underlying representation of a segholate like [gédeʁ] 'confines' is /gideʁ/, with the underline standing for unstressability. 42 Stressing the last stressable vowel would violate melodic alignment, as in (9b). By fusing the two vowels as in (9c) the alignment requirement is complied with. The last two vowels assimilate in order for the stressed vowel to be melodically aligned with the right edge.

(9) Melodic alignment lead to harmony

a. a e) b. i) e c. e) | | | | | C V C V C V C V C V C V  C V C V C V | | | | | | | | | g d ʁ g d ʁ g d ʁ [gadeʁ] 'fence' *[gídeʁ] [gédeʁ] 'confines'
The explanation in ( 9), while it does endorse harmony, does not suffer from the drawbacks mentioned above. If the unstressable vowel is not epenthetic, its participation in harmony is less of a problem from a typological perspective. Similarly, harmony is not triggered by final stressed vowels (as in 9a) because the logic of stress assignment in the language is complied with even without harmony. Harmony and penultimate stress are linked though (mis)alignment.

Of course, there is much more to say about the issue. Why is the second vowel of segholates unstressable? What determines the direction of harmony? In order to answer these questions, one must examine the vocalic system of MH from closer up.

The vocalic system of MH, segholates and segholation

Element Theory (ET; [START_REF] Kaye | The internal structure of phonological representations: a Theory of Charm and Government[END_REF][START_REF] Backley | An Introduction to Element Theory[END_REF] takes the same approach to features as Strict CV does to skeletal positions: it aims to account for all attested feature combinations with the smallest amount of primitives. In this framework, every lexical vocalic expression includes at least one of three typically "vocalic" elements |A|, |I|, |U|. These correspond to the three cardinal vowels /a, i, u/. Complex expressions involve two or more elements. For a five vowel system like MH's, it is said that |A| can combine with either of the other two elements to yield the mid vowels /e, o/.

Complex expressions usually involve a hierarchical relation. For instance, to distinguish between [e] and [ɛ], one may want to say that the higher [e] is "headed" by |I|, whereas the lower [ɛ] is headed by |A|. The non-head is referred to as the "operator". [START_REF] Kaye | Working with licensing constraints[END_REF] generalizes the head-operator relation: for him, every vocalic expression, even those with a single element, is an ordered pair. [START_REF] Faust | Get that into your head: Tigre vowel harmonies as templatic[END_REF] further formalizes this proposal, advancing a template for all vocalic expressions. The template involves head and operator positions. The main innovation in this proposal is that the same element may appear more than once in a vocalic expression. Redundancies in template satisfaction are left to the phonology: lexically, some positions may be emptythey are filled (or left empty) through language-wide phonological processes. 43 A formal proposal for the five-vowel system of MH appears in (10).

(10) Full vowels of MH

Head A I U I U | | | | | Operator A A [a] [e] [o] [i] [u]
All five full vowels are headed. Simplex expressions involve an empty operator position (to be filled through a phonological process), while lexically complex expressions are headed by |I| or |U|. |A|, in turn, never heads a complex expression. This asymmetry between the "color" elements |I,U| on the one hand and |A| on the other has plagued ET and related theories for years. In this work, I will assume this divide without formalizing it any further (for a formal approach, see Pöchtrager 2006 et passim, as well as Brandão de Carvalho & Faust, in preparation).

In the last subsection, segholates were claimed to involve a weak, unstressable vowel. The system in (10) allows one to express this weakness structurally. All of the full vowels in MH are headed. A way to express weakness or deficiency is therefore through an empty head position. I put forth that MH involves a sixth, lexically-specified vocalic expression, which is deficient in that only its operator position is filled, in this case by the element |A|: As mentioned, templatic positions are filled by phonological processes. For MH, I assume the following general processes. In (12a), the empty head position of the deficient expression is filled with the element |I| (the most common epenthetic element cross-linguistically). In (12b) an empty operator position is filled through spreading of the element occupying the head of the expression.

(12) Feature filling

We may now return to segholates. Let us begin with a segholate of the /QaTL/ type, e.g. [géveʁ] 'man', with its adjectival derivative [gavʁi] 'manly'. I submit that this noun includes two underlying vowels, the second of which is the deficient /a/ (the subscript indicates its deficiency).

In other words, it is not /gavʁ/ but /gavaʁ/, as in (13a). Stress would be sensitive to this distinction and therefore be assigned to V1. This creates the misalignment problem mentioned in the previous section. Suppose now that the alignment requirement can be satisfied through overriding the general operation of head-to-operator spread in (12b): instead, the V2 operator is merged with the V 1 operator, as in (13b). In other words, instead of spreading the head |A| to the operator position as elsewhere and in (12b) above, right-alignement is achieved through operator spread from right to left. This determines the direction of harmony. In order to align the head domain, too, it is thus not possible to spread in the opposite direction, from left to right as in (13c). Instead, |I| is inserted in head position on V2 as in (12a) above and spread to the left, replacing the head |A| (13d). Melodically, the stressed vowel is fully aligned with the right edge of the word. 44

(13) /QaTL/ => [QéTeL] through alignment H a. A b. A | | | Op A A < A g á1 v a2 ʁ g á1 v a2 ʁ H c. * A > A d. ☺ I < I | | | | Op A < A A < A g á1 v a2 ʁ g é1 v e2 ʁ
I will not go into the details of syncope upon suffixation, e.g. [gavʁ-i] 'manly'. For the present discussion, it is enough to say that in such words, the alignment of stress and melody is satisfied by the stress on the suffixal vowel, and no harmony between the two realized vowels is called for. 45 Now consider a segholate with the [i]-[e] alternation, such as [ʃévet] 'tribe' with its adjectival derivative [ʃivti] 'tribal'. Underlyingly, it is /ʃivat/. Again, the operator level is fused in the 44 As mentioned, I assume that the form in (13) further undergoes the lengthening of the stressed vowel, as discussed in the previous chapter. This effect is generally tangential to the analysis of segholation, but see the next chapter on <ʔ>-final verbs. 45 Syncope in e.g. [gavʁi] 'manly' is complicated by the the lack of syncope [a] in the suffixed plural, e.g. [gvaʁ-im] 'men'. For a linear account of both stems, which is in line with the present proposal, see [START_REF] Faust | Underlying vowel length in Modern Hebrew: the many realizations of the vowel /a[END_REF].

Head

a.

I b. U U | ➔ | | ➔ | Operator A A U « I insertion » « Head spread »
interest of alignment (14b). Alignment at the head level again proceeds from right to left in (14d), as in (13d) above (though here this direction, rather than that in 14c, is indiscernible).

(

) /QiTL/ => [QéTeL] through alignment H a. I b. I | | | Op A A < A ʃ í1 v a2 t ʃ é1 v a2 t H c. * I > I d. ☺ I < I | | | | Op A < A A < A ʃ é1 v e t ʃ é1 v e t 14
Finally, consider a /QoTL/ segholate, such as [kótev] 'pole'. Most of these segholates exhibit corresponding derivatives with [o], e.g. [kotvi] 'polar'and so I preferred to call them /QoTL/ rather than /QuTL/. Here, the account makes a wrong prediction. While operator merger proceeds as expected (15b), and (15c) *[kótov] is ruled out by the principles already established, it is predicted that, for the head level to be right-aligned too, the head |I| of the formerly deficient vowel would replace the head |U| of the stressed vowel, to yield [kétev] (15d). Yet this is not the case. Instead, the attested form exhibits no head merger at all (15e).

(

) /QoTL/ => [QóTeL] through alignement H a. U b. U | | | Op A A A < A k ó1 t a2 v k ó1 t a2 v H c. * U > U d.  I < I e. ☺ U I | | | | | | Op A < A A < A A < A k ó1 t o2 v k é1 t e2 v k ó1 t e2 v 15
It seems that the color element |U| may not be erased. I have no explanation for this fact -Here I simply assume a higher degree of faithfulness to underlying rounding:

(16) |U| preservation The color element |U| in an underlying representation must be preserved in the surface representation.

It is necessary to specify this principle for |U|: it does not hold for the element |A| in (13d) above. It is not abided by in (15d), and therefore in [kótev] (15e) we encounter a form whose stressed vowel is not fully aligned with the right edge of the word. Additional support for this principle is provided in the discussion of guttural effects in the next section.

I will nevertheless attempt an alternative approach, which relies on the morphological affiliations of the two stem vowels. Assuming that e.g. [ʃóvi] is of the same template as other segholates, its underlying representation must be /ʃovaj/, with the deficient vowel [a]. In the preceding subsections, I motivated the changes in vowel quality through i. the claim that this /a/ was unstressable; and ii. a requirement to both stress and right-align the last vocalic expression. In ( 17), the stressed vocalic expression is not right-aligned; at the same time, the vowel that is aligned with that edge is clearly not the purported unstressable /a/, but the vowel [i] originating in the consonantally-mapped, non-templatic /j/. Assume that the stress algorithm is sesitive to this distinction: it is allowed to ignore vowels that originate in the consonantal tier. Viewed in this manner, the last strictly vocalic expression is in fact stressed and right-aligned.

Let me illustrate how this may be represented for the noun [ʃévi] 'captivity'. This noun can be suffixed (in a high register), in which case it surfaces with the vowel [i], e.g. [ʃivj-o] 'his captivity'. Therefore, I assume that underlyingly, it involves only an element |I| in the first V-slot (18a). Alignment proceeds on the vocalic tier as in (18b) (like in 14 above); but at the same time, the consonantal /j/ is associated with the final V-slot. The form is aligned. This form, however, yield a hiatus. Upon the conflation of the consonantal and vocalic tiers, this hiatus it resolved through the deletion of the VC sequence shaded in (18c), effectively masking the harmony. 48 (18) Derivation of /j/-final segholate

[ʃévi] 'captivity' a. /ʃivaj/ b. /ʃévei/ c. [ʃévi] HV I I < I I I | | | | | OpV A A < A A I | | | | C V C V C V C V C V C V C V C V C V | | | | | | Op C ʃ v I ʃ v I ʃ v | | HC I I
A similar scenario, though with a different type of deletion, occurs in /j/-medial segholates. The hypothetical underlying /bajat/ (19a) sees the medial /j/ branch onto the second V-slot (19b). As a consequence, and as evidenced by the surface form, the underlying /a/ is not associated to that slot. Again, at this point, the stressed vocalic expression is right aligned: it is the last associated expression on the V-tier. Upon tier-conflation (19c), the non-violation of alignment is obscured.

A A A I | | | | | | OpV A A A A I | | | | C V C V C V C V C V C V C V C V C V | | | | | | | | OpC b I t b I t b t | | HC I I
I began this analytic section by pointing that the left-to-right harmony referred to as "segholation" is typologically strange for two reasons. First, it is triggered only by unstressed vowels; and second, it proceeds from a deficient vowel with predictable realization onto a lexically-arbitrary vowel. I then showed that both peculiarities can be understood as related: it is precisely because the second vowel is deficient that harmony is triggered in order to align the last vocalic expression with the right edge of the word. In this subsection, I showed that the alignment requirement ignores vowels that do not originate in the template, arguably because it is evaluated on the vocalic tier before tier conflation. This was illustrated by segholates from roots with the "vocalic" /j/. In the next section I finally return to historical gutturals which, like these glides, are analyzed in this work as consonantally-mapped vowels.

The interaction of segholation and "gutturals"

As shown in the introduction, the presence of a "guttural" /ac/ before or after the unstressed vowel carries consequences both for that vowel and for the stressed vowel. As recalled in (20), in both scenarios the unstressed vowel is [a], as opposed to the unstressed [e] of the previous section. If /ac/ precedes the unstressed vowel in a [-round] segholate, then in addition to that the preceding vowel may not be [é]it must be [á] (20b). The latter alternation is very common in the feminine form of participles with the lexical vowel /e/ and a final /ac/ (20c). This latter case poses a challenge to the analysis, because the unsuffixed form, too, involves penultimate stress, e.g. [meʃagéa]; yet it does not undergo harmony like the suffixed form. As for suffixed forms, segholates with final /ac/ usually exhibit [i/o], whereas those with medial /ac/ remain unaltered. 49Importantly, a penultimate vowel /i/ also undergoes full harmony of "segholation", as evidenced by the rare alternation in (20d).

(20) Segholates and segholation with medial or final historical guttural 2007). These accounts all converge on the representation of gutturals as including the element A, much like the hypothesis I have been pursuing here. Assume, therefore, that the ET representation of the synchronic guttural is exactly as in ( 21) (I remain agnostic as to the identity of the operator on the guttural):

(21) The synchronic reflex of the historical gutturals (In ET)

Head A | Operator ?
/ac/ Now let us consider a noun like [téva] 'nature', whose adjectival derivative is [tiv.i] 'natural'. In line with the preceding analysis, underlyingly this form is /tivaac/, as in (22a). In (22b) the consonantally-mapped /ac/ is associated to the nucleus to its right, as elsewhere in this analysis.

On the vocalic tier, harmony applies and the two vowels are fused. However, upon tier conflation in (22c), the same process we saw in /j/-final [ʃévi] in (18c) above occurs. The shaded VC stretch is deleted to avoid a post-tonic hiatus. The result is treated here as well-aligned, for the same reason as in (18c) above. Forms like [góva] 'height' above should receive the same treatment.

The assumption that /ac/ can combine with a following vowel was important for the analysis of the harmony in [gáat] in (24). It is further supported by the retention of the round vowel in segholate plurals in (27).

Conclusion

This chapter dealt with "segholation": a seemingly harmonic process attested in penultimatelystressed nouns. In these nouns, the stressed vowel harmonizes with the unstressed vowel. I asked why these nouns, and only these nouns, should exhibit harmony, and why specifically in this cross-linguistically rare direction. I proposed, for the first time as far as I know, that the the two exceptionalities are related: harmony is triggered precisely because stress is not final, as a strategy of aligning the stressed vocalic expression to the right edge even though the stressed vowel cannot be aligned. The direction of harmony is also determined by the need to align: since the second vowel is a lexical elementalbeit a deficient oneit determines the direction of alignment.

After this novel interpretation of segholation effects, the chapter turned to its interaction with the topic of this work, namely "guttural" effects. Throughout this work, the general hypothesis has been that historical gutturals have survived in MH as consonantally-mapped /a/s. This hypothesis places them on a par with radicals like /j/, or "consonantally-mapped /i/". I showed that this parallel is useful: it explains the lack of alignment in forms like [kaʁía] 'tearable', [meʃagéa] 'madden.PRTC'or [téva] 'nature'. At the same time, a distinction is made between the two "vocalic" radicals: /i/ cannot combine with the following deficient vowel, /a/ can. This assumption accounts both for the harmony triggered across /ac/ and for the retention of an otherwise syncopatable [o] after an initial onset with /ac/.

If the analysis proposed here is correct, then both the general effects of segholation and its interaction with /ac/ belong in the phonology, rather than being a lexical fact about these templates and word-edges in the native vocalbulary of Modern Hebrew, as suggested in chapter 1.

Chapter 6: Two other historical Gutturals

Introduction

This chapter deals with the specific phonological challenges posed by the behavior of items with orthographic <ħ/>ח and <ʔ/.>א 51 These challenges concern items with these elements at the right edge of the word. As illustrated in chapter 1, items in which <ħ> and <ʕ> appear elsewhere do exhibit some morphological trends, but not in the regular pattern typical of phonological processes. The forms discussed in this chapter, in contrast, are more stable, such that any treatment of historical gutturals in Modern Hebrew is incomplete without reference to them.

<ħ>-final items

Data

The verb in (1i) is a regular verb, with a final <k> that is read [χ] throughout the paradigm and has no effect on the vocalization of the different items. The verb in (1ii), in contrast, is written with the historical guttural <ħ> and behaves very much like the <ʕ>-final verb in (1iii). Like 'tear', 'smear' has an unloaded [a] whenever the preceding vowel is not [á] (1a-d). Also like 'tear', that unloaded [a] disappears after a stressed [á] (or is expressed with that long, stressed [áː], see previous chapter). There in one difference between (1ii) and (1iii): in coda position, there is no /a/ unloading even when the vowel is not stressed (1h): the form is not *[mʁaaχtíːv].

( kaʁáːχ-ti maʁáːχ-ti kaʁáː-ti QaTáL-t g. PST.1SG-3MSG.OBJ kʁaχ-tiː-v mʁaχ-tíː-v 52 kʁa.a-tíː-v QTaL-tí-v To be sure, like <ʕ>-final items, <ħ>-final ones exhibit no unloading when the historical guttural is followed by a vowel. Compare the unsuffixed and suffixed pairs in (2a) and (2b). Note that there is no /a/ unloading before a vowel even if the preceding vowel is stressed (2c). 51 There does not seem to be reason enough to investigate <h/,>ה which behaves almost identically to <ʕ> in terms of the distribution of /a/-unloading. The only difference is that unlike [ʕ], a consonant [h] is pronounceable for most speakers today, and does get pronounced in formal tasks and circumstances, and occasionally in natural speech. 52 An epenthetic vowel is realized in this form [meraχtíːv].

(2) <ħ> vs. <k> and <ʕ>: second set i. 'bind' ii. 'smear' iii. ' In what follows I will provide an account of <ħ>-final items. I will assume, as have the previous studies by [START_REF] Faust | The fate of gutturals in Modern Hebrew[END_REF] and [START_REF] Pariente | Grammatical paradigm uniformity[END_REF], that the unloaded [a] of <ħ>-final verbs is underlying and part of a sequeuce /aχ/. The account will follow that of <ʕ>-final items, and will show how this assumption, coupled with the other assumptions of the present account can in fact derive the attested forms.53

Analysis

I assume, as mentioned, that the historical <ħ> has been reinterpreted as /aχ/. Consider now the prediction that follows from this assumption, based on the analysis developed for /ac/. Let us begin with a form with a C-initial suffix like [maʁáːχ-ti] 'smear. 'devour.PST-1SG' and /ac/-final [kaʁáː-ti] 'tear.PST-1SG'). The form starts out as (3a). In conformity to the general analysis, one expects the consonantally-mapped /a/ to unload onto the following nucleus, as in (3b), to yield *[maʁáːχati] (with the additional stress CV). Yet this form is not the one attested. Instead, there seems to be no unloading at all.

(3) <ħ>-final stem before C-initial suffix, after stressed vowel: wrong prediction a. m a ʁ á acχ -

t i b. * m a ʁ á acχ - t i | | | | | | | | | | | | C V1 C V C3 V3 C V4 C V1 C Vh C Vd C3 V3 C V4
I have already shown (chapter 1) that /a/ unloading after coda *ħ is very unstable. It is never obligatory, and often impossible. Indeed, I have hypothesized that it was only possible in positions where a stem vowel appears elsewhere in the paradigm. In the present context, one can further relate this instability to the fact that, unlike the /ac/ radical, /aχ/ has another stable realization, namely [χ]. Suppose now, that because of this fact, the /a/ of /aχ/ will only be realized if it must be. Slightly more specifically, it will be realized unless its absence is accounted for by some other consideration.

What might be that consideration in [maʁáːχti]? I claim it is government. Because the V3 position in (3b) is governed, the non-realization of /a/ in it is accounted for. I therefore generalize: /a/-unloading from /aχ/ simply fails to occur if the position is governed, as shown in (4a).

(4) <ħ>-final stem before C-initial suffix, after stressed vowel a. m a ʁ á acχ -

t i | | | | | | C V1 C Vh C Vd C3 V3 C V4
Note that outside verbs with <ħ>, /a/-unloading is not blocked by government, e.g. [ʃiabed] 'he enslaved'. It stands to reason: in those other verbs, the /a/ is the only expression of the "radical".

This view places [maʁáːχ-ti] on a par with regular verbs, rather than <ʕ>-final verbs. The parallel is confirmed by the lack of /a/ unloading even when stress is drawn away from the stem. In the parallel <ʕ>-final verbal form recalled in (5a), the /ac/ resurfaces when stress is drawn away from the stem. /ac/ is unloaded because it can be, regardless of government; and because stress is elsewhere, the sequence /aa/ is pronounced as two syllables [kʁa.a-tíː-v] 'tear.PST-1SG-3MSG.OBJ '. In [meʁaχ-tíː-v] 'smear.PST-1SG-3MSG.OBJ' (10b), there is no /a/-unloading because the position is governed and the radical realized otherwise, and thus only one [a] syllable surfaces.

(5) <ħ>-final stem before C-initial suffix, before stressed vowel: wrong prediction a. [kʁa.a-tíː-v] 'tear.PST-1SG-3MSG.OBJ'

k ʁ a ac - t i - v | | | | | | C V1 C V C3 V3 C Vh C Vd C V b. [meʁaχ-tíː-v] 'smear.PST-1SG-3MSG.OBJ' m ʁ á acχ - t i - v | | | | | | C V1 C V C3 V3 C Vh C Vd C V
Consider now a form with a vowel-initial suffix like the plural [meʁuχ-íːm] 'smear.PASS.PRTC-PL' (2a above). In such forms, as shown in ( 6), the absence of unloading can be explained as in /ú/ has to head an incorporation domain (ID) and cannot do so with the unloaded /ac/ (4a); the stress CV is inserted and occupied by /ù/ (4b). Finally, consider [maʁáːχ]-[maʁχu] from (2bii) above. For the unsuffixed form in the QaTal template, there is little to add to the general analysis: after CV4 has been added, there is no reason to insert a stress CV: the two /a/s merge and sound like the stressed [áː] (10a). The suffixed form (10b) also poses no challenge: again, the /ac/ has no position to unload to (recall the assumption from chapter 3 that the lexical vowel is absent from such forms).

(10) Suffixed <ħ>-final stem after an empty nucleus

a. m a ʁ á ac χ b. m a ʁ acχ -u | | | | | | | C V1 C Vh C3 V3 C4 V4 C V C V C Vh C Vd
In this section, I presented and analyzed the challenges posed by the historical *ħorthographic <ħ/>חto the analysis of guttural effects in MH. I asked: if the historical gutturals *ʕ and *h have been fully recovered as /ac/, what is the synchronic nature that corresponds to orthographic <ħ>, such that it can derive its similar, yet slightly different effects? My answer assumed a more complex, consonantally-mapped segment /aχ/. The element /χ/ of this radical must always be realized. Moreover, it must be right-aligned (excluding suffixes). Because of this stable consonantal realization, /a/-unloading is not obligatory: it does not occur when the position to the right of /aχ/ is full or governed. If it isn'tas is the case in unsuffixed formsone expects /a/unloading. But /a/ unloading to the right of /χ/ will misalign /χ/; for /a/-unloading to occur without such misalignment, an additional CV is inserted in these cases, and only in these cases. This section dealt with a historical guttural that, alongside [a], has a consistent consonantal realization. The next section examines stem-final <ʔ>, which does not exhibit any consistent realization.

<ʔ>-final items

Data

Like <h> and <ʕ>-final items (11iii), <ʔ>-final ones (11ii) lack a third consonant. Unlike them, they do not involve /a/-unloading. Instead, they behave like regular verbs (11i) which simply lack a third consonant. Yet there are some clues that some entity must be assumed to occupy the last position: in the literary form (11g), when stress is pulled away from a vowel preceding a coda <ʔ>, one does find /a/-unloading, as in the parallel <ʕ>-final form. The homophony in ( 13) indeed leads to some confusion among speakers, who sometimes associate a given verb to a paradigm that is the opposite of what its spelling would suggest.

Given this indeterminacy, one might suggest that <ʔ>-final verbs are in some sense marginal.

However, in a study on paradigm migration in MH, Bat-El and [START_REF] Zadok | Inter-paradigm leveling in Hebrew verbal system[END_REF] found that there is no clear direction of migration, such that neither paradigm seems to be disappearing in favor of the other.

In addition to this fact, it seems that the indeterminacy is dependent on the existence of homophony in some forms of the paradigm. For instance, such homophony does not exist in the verbal type eQTiL, as shown in (14a). Regular and <ʔ>-final verbs (14i,ii) take the same vocalization [i], while /i/-final verbs assume another form. There are therefore two distinct groups in this verbal type, with no sign of paradigm migration. Note, in addition, that while in the passive version of eQTiL (14b) there is homophony in the unsuffixed form, this homophony is not extended onto the suffixed forms. Instead, one finds epenthesis (underlined) before <ʔ>, and elision in the /i/-final paradigm. The facts above argue that there must be some entity at the right edge of <ʔ>-final verbs.

Another fact that can be joined to these is the behavior of <ʔ>-final verbs in participles, which also adduces a complication. As discussed in the previous chapter, feminine participles often give rise to penultimately stressed, "segholated" forms. This is illustrated for the regular /t/-final stem in (15i

i v | | | | | | C V C V C V C Vh C Vd C V
Finally, the behavior of <ʔ> -final stems in the segholation environment (15 above) can also be explained with the assumption that their final radical is ø. To understand how, first recall the analysis of [(…)CáaC] sequences from the previous chapter, repeated in (19). The radical /ac/ is fused with the following deficient /a/ (19b) and thereafter harmonizes with the stressed stem vowel in the interest of alignment (19c). As explained in the chapter on stress, the presence of the intermediary /ac/ is still felt, in that the two resulting [a]s cannot be merged into one Incorporation Domain. Accordingly, the stressed vowel is lengthened through the insertion of a "stress CV" (19d), to yield [Cáː.at]. 58 One form resists an analysis in terms of spreading across Ø: [tavʁíː.-i] '2-convalesce.FUT-F'at least at first sight. All other things being equal, the /i/ of the stem and suffix are expected to coalesce into one ID and yield [tavʁíː]. There are several ways to rectify this prediction. One is to insist on alignment of stem and suffix, such that there cannot be coalescence across a morphological boundary. Another is to assume, contrary to (6) above, that length in eQTiːL is inherent (thereby explaining the exceptional stress pattern of suffixed forms such as eQTíːL-u).

Let me summarize this section on the phonological reality of orthographic <ʔ> at the verb edge. These verbs behave as if they do involve a final occupied position, even though that position has no featural content. They must be distinguished from both the absence of a radical and verbs with final /j/, as well as from verbs with final /ac/ and /a/-unloading. I proposed to designate that radical as /ø/. This characteristic allowed me to account for the lack of /a/-unloading alongside the similarity to /ac/-final verbs, as well as the special interaction between stems involving a final /ø/ and the unstressed suffix /-at/.

Conclusion

In this chapter, I extended the current account to the regularities associated with stem-final orthographic <ħ> and <ʔ>. Both pose challenges to that account. I hope to have shown that these challenges can be dealt with relatively easily: final <ħ> has been recovered as /aχ/ with an alignment requirement; and final <ʔ> has been reinterpreted as /ø/, its effect still being detectable through epenthesis and the possible realization [ʔ] after a consonant. One question that is raised by these conclusions concerns <ħ> and <ʔ> in other positions. It seems that diachrony tampered with the distribution of these entities. Word-initially and medially, <ħ> and <ʔ> seemed to have merged with /χ/ and /ac/ respectively. Synchronically, there is little reason to assume their presence anywhere except the right edge. That said, it is not rare to find such limitations on the distribution of phonemes among the languages of the world.

In other words, I claimed that <ħ> and and <ʔ>-final verbs are cases in which history has dealt MH speakers a difficult handto use the expression from the introductionbut they succeeded in playing it. Such is not always the case. Quite a few phenomena have been recovered from Biblical Hebrew into Modern Hebrew that have to do with historical gutturals, but seem to resist such a purely phonological analysis. The next and last chapter illustrates how one can tease apart the phonological from the lexical.

Chapter 7: Phonologically-conditioned allomorphy in guttural-final stems 1.

Data and Introduction

The previous chapters in this work provided strictly phonological accounts of phenomena related to historical gutturals. However, as already emphasized in the data chapter, not all of these phenomena are strictly phonological; that is, not all involve the mapping of a single underlying form to a surface form. In some cases, arbitrary, lexical information must be referenced, because a solution to a phonological problem is specific to one morphologically or morphosyntacticallydefined environment. This chapter illustrates one such case. The data once again come from verbs with a final historical guttural. 59Within the verbal paradigms of MH, the tendency is for stem-syncretism between future and infinitive stems. This general trend can be seen in ( 1). In all four verb types (Binyanim B1-4), the same vowels (in bold) appear in the future and infinitive stems (the italicized h will be discussed later). This is a remarkable regularity, since other stems, such as the past stem, consistently carry other vocalizations. The hyphens refer to morphological boundaries, whose specific characterization will be discussed below.

( In what follows, I provide a morpho-phonological answer to this question. The next section discusses those ingredients of the account that are taken from previous work on the language. First, I show that there are word-size constraints in MH which militate in favor of words being short, but not too short (e.g. Bat-El 1994). I then present an argument from my own work [START_REF] Faust | Distributed Morphology and prosody: The case of prepositions[END_REF], according to which the infinitive and future prefixes are not equally adjacent to the stem: the infinitive prefix is in fact a proclitic. Section 3 puts forth the analysis of the data. I propose and argue for a single realization rule for both future and infinitive stems, expressing the FUT-INF syncretism. This rule provides the phonology with two ordered allomorphs. Only one of these two allomorphs can coalesce with the /ac/. In the phonology, size considerations then select between the two allomorphs. In both B1 and B2, the possibility of coalescence in /ac/-final verbs allows one to eliminate or reduce violations of the size requirement. Different predictions are made for the future and infinitive forms, because the marker of the latter is proclitic, and therefore absent at the stage in which the size of the stem is evaluated. These predictions are shown to be borne out.

2.

Background: size restrictions and cyclic spell-out

Size restrictions

At least since [START_REF] Mccarthy | Prosodic Morphology[END_REF], prosodic constraints on stem forms have appeared as a central force in Semitic. The relevant notion, as in many non-Semitic languages, is binarity: stems must be either two syllables or two moras long. [START_REF] Bat-El | Stem Modification and Cluster Transfer in Modern Hebrew[END_REF] first showed that disyllabicity is the relevant requirement in MH, by proposing the notion of stray erasure: when a noun like [katalog] 'catalogue' is verbalized, the vowels at the edges are replaced by a verbal vocalization <i,e> /kitaleg/. The middle vowel is then stray-erased, effectively deriving a disyllabic stem [kitleg] 'catalogue.PST.3MSG'. Subsequently, authors turned to derive such cases of erasure from other, more independent and universal principles. Thus, both [START_REF] Ussishkin | Root-and-Pattern Morphology Without Roots or Patterns[END_REF] and [START_REF] Bat-El | The Fate of the Consonantal Root and the Binyan in Optimality Theory[END_REF] argue that disyllabicity is the combined result of constraints militating for binary feet and their alignment. From a more typological perspective, [START_REF] Ussishkin | Semitic morphology: root-based or word-based?[END_REF] noted the apparent inversion in Semitic of the Root-Affix faithfulness metaconstraint [START_REF] Mccarthy | Faithfulness and reduplicative identity[END_REF]. This metaconstraint states that a part of an affix may remain unrealized if its realization would impede the realization of some part of its base. But in Semitic, as just shown for the derivation of [kitleg], the target <i,e> vocalization -a sort of affix -does override stem vowels. Ussishkin argued that the requirement for words to be exactly one binary foot long, together with the are: i. the B1 generalization is true of guttural-medial forms, too, although *ħ-medial forms exhibit variation and sometimes behave like regular verbs; ii. *ʔ-final forms do not surface as unstressed [a] stem-finally; and iii. *ʔ-final forms do not exhibit the B2 particularity. vocalic nature of the segments of the affix, leads to this inversion. Still within a typological approach, but from a more diachronic perspective, [START_REF] Deutcher | The Unfolding of Lanaguage: An Evolutionary Tour through Mankind's Greatest Invention[END_REF] explains the emergence of interdigitated consonantal sets in Semitic through the vowel syncope imposed by size requirements. Given a base [katab], the affixes [ji-] and [-a] and a disyllabic size requirement, /jikatab/ and /kataba/ would surface as [jiktab] and [katba] respectively. As a result, two stems are paradigmatically related without having the same arrangement of consonants, and a discontinuous /k,t,b/ "root" emerges. 61 The studies above designate disyllabicity as the force behind the syncope of vowels. Other studies point out that it may also lead to the augmentation of monosyllabic stems. For instance, [START_REF] Hoberman | Semitic triradicality or prosodic minimality? Evidence from sound change[END_REF] argued that disyllabicity played a decisive role in the diachrony of Neo-Aramaic, in the passage from monosyllabic [ʃmaː] to disyllabic [ʃə ḿma] 'sky '. Watson (2002) analyzes certain gemination patterns in San'ani Arabic as augmentations motivated by minimality requirements. Outside Semitic, [START_REF] Hall | Vowel Epenthesis[END_REF]Hall ( : 1587Hall ( , 1591) for instance mentions cases in which the motivation for vowel epenthesis is to achieve disyllabicity.

To summarize, binary minimality is attested in Semitic and outside it as a force that may lead to alterations in the form of words. In MH, binarity is manifested as disyllabicity. I will argue in the next section that in some cases, allomorph selection in /ac/-final verbs in Modern Hebrew is motivated by the avoidance of monosyllabic stems. As far as I can tell, this is the first report on such an effect in MH. 62

A cyclic effect in MH morpho-phonology

As shown in the introduction to this chapter, a non-radical [h] appears in several places in the verbal system of MH. In this section, I argue that this [h] is epenthetic, and that its distribution is determined by phonological considerations. The argument first appeared in [START_REF] Faust | Distributed Morphology and prosody: The case of prepositions[END_REF].

The table in (3) repeats (2) above, adding the related present form and action noun. As can be seen, non-radical [h] appears in some action nouns, too.

(3) A more elaborate presentation of strong stems in Modern Hebrew (Recall that speakers of MH usually omit [h]s, and this applies to the data in (3), too. I will return to this point after I have presented my analysis). Non-radical [h] is the only consonant in the verbal system whose role is unaccounted for. It does not realize a grammatical featurethese are realized by vocalizations and affixes; nor does 61 For a very detailed diachronic account of the emergence of Semitic Morphology see [START_REF] Simpson | The Origin and Development of Nonconcatenative Morphology[END_REF]. 62 Another possible MH case concerns the suffixation of -an in adjective formation. Adjectives are commonly formed with a suffix -i ([ʃevet] 'tribe', [ʃivt-i] 'tribal'). However, many CVC bases are augmented by -an-when adjectivized: [guf] 'body' -[gufani] 'corporal', [jad] 'hand' -[jadani] 'manual'. This is nevertheless only a tendency, since some such nouns can take only the suffix -i, sometimes even forming minimal pairs:

[sof] 'end' - [sofi] 'final', [sofani] 'terminal'.
it consistently realize one verbal class, as its distribution in the table in [START_REF] Scheer | Unified representations for stress and the syllable[END_REF] shows. Yet I know of no unified analysis of the distribution of non-radical [h] in the Hebrew system. The traditional analysis of Biblical Hebrew (e.g. Gesenius 1910) refers to it as lexical, i.e. arbitrarily distributed. It is, according that analysis, a general marker of B4 verbs, and a specific marker of the B2 infinitive and action noun. Such an analysis suffers from several serious problems. First, if /h/ is a general marker of B4, why is it absent from the present and future stems? There is no phonological rule of intervocalic /h/-deletion in any stage of Hebrew, such that /mə-hafriχ/ => [mafriχ]. Second, since the future and infinitive stems are both post-vocalic, one may wonder why, in both B2 and B4, the purported /h/ is not deleted in the infinitive. Finally, this traditional view is not uniform in that it treats /h/ as a marker of the verbal type in B4, whereas in B2 it is only a marker of the future/infinitive stem (as well as the verbal noun). Thus, the reason for the appearance of [h] in B2 is not the same as the reason for its appearance in B4: again, the distribution of [h] in the verbal system is depicted as arbitrary.

In [START_REF] Faust | Distributed Morphology and prosody: The case of prepositions[END_REF], we proposed to divorce the distribution of [h] from any specific type, and examine it from a purely phonological perspective. The morphological decomposition in (3) above points to the following generalization. Non-radical [h] appears in two environments: i. before otherwise vowel-initial forms, and ii. between the infinitive particle and the stem, if that stem is otherwise vowel-initial. A unified view of both environments suggests itself: [h] is an epenthetic consonant inserted before vowel-initial stems. 63This view immediately solves two of the problems of the traditional analysis, in addition to avoiding morpheme-specific phonological rules. First, since [h] is not a marker of any specific verbal type, the issue of its underlying absence from some forms in the B2 paradigm is not raised. The arbitrariness of its distribution in the traditional account is eliminated. Second, the otherwise unmotivated rule of /h/-deletion is replaced with the cross-linguistically common process of epenthesis in onsetless syllables. The third problem, however, persists: if [h] is an epenthetic consonant inserted before vowel-initial stems, why is it not inserted between the present and future prefix and the stem?

To answer this question, it was proposed that infinitives are derived in two cycles, whereas present and future forms are only derived in one. The analysis is presented in (4) for the B4 verb 'refute'. If [h] is not underlying, the stems of this verb are past /ifriχ/ and non-past /afriχ/ (nonpast refers to the common stem of the present, future and infinitive forms). It is assumed that all three prefixes -PRS, 3MSG.FUT, INFconsist of only one consonant: they are /m-, j-, l-/ respectively. Initial clusters beginning with such sonorant consonants are illicit in MH, and are separated by an epenthetic vowel [e] (the general epenthetic vowel of MH, as mentioned in previous chapters; [START_REF] Bolozky | On Vowel Assimilation and Deletion in Casual Modern Hebrew[END_REF]. In (4a), the vowel-initial past stem undergoes epenthesis and surfaces with [h]. In (4b,c), because there is a prefix present before the non-past stem as of the first application of phonology, no insertion is necessary. No epenthesis is necessary in either case, because no cluster is produced (as opposed to the situation in B3, see (3) above). In (4d), I provide the bi-cyclic analysis of infinitives. In the first cycle, the unprefixed, non-past stem undergoes [h]-insertion because it is vowel-initial. Subsequently, in a second cycle, the particle /l-/ is prefixed. The [h] inserted in the first cycle is a consonant, and so an epenthetic vowel [e] is inserted. for B1. The realizational rule is stated in (7): the feature [-past] is realized as the template i CCoC (the superscript [ i ] stand for a skeletally-unassociated vowel, cf. ( 6 Since the exceptionality of the forms in (8a,b) does not correlate with any other common feature, it seems inevitable to ascribe it to rote learning. Under this view, there is a specific realization rule for the roots in (8a), which associates a realization with /a/ to the feature [-past] only when it occurs with any value on the tense head. As a result, only the future form would be affected (the infinitive does not involve tense marking). The same realization with /a/ would be associated with any [-past] verbal stem, independently of the features on the tense head, to account for (8b). /ac/-final verbs lead to a more fine-grained representation of the future morpheme. Unlike the verbs in (8), /ac/-final verbs are not exceptional: all of them consistently deviate from the FUT-INF syncretism, and all do so in the same way, namely by exhibiting a vowel [a] in the future stem, e.g. [jiʃma] vs. infinitive [liʃmóa]. In other words, in terms of realization, they behave like the verbs in (8a). As in the case of (8a), a specific rule can be devised that designates a final /a c / as the trigger for a specific realization of the future. But such a rule would be unsatisfactory for two reasons. First, unlike in (8a), there is systematicity in /ac/-final verbs. The rule would only be a restatement of that systematicity, rather than an understanding of the force that drives it. Second, as the infinitive [liʃmóa] illustrates, the guttural reflex is often [a]. Indeed, I have been claiming in this work that such forms synchronicaly involve not a "guttural", but a consonantally-mapped as /a/. The fact that [a] is also the vowel that replaces the expected future vocalization cannot be an accident. A rule stating that the future realization is /a/ before /a/ depicts it exactly as an accident. Treating the /ac/-final facts like the facts in (8a), i.e. as completely arbitrary, is therefore not an analytic option. 68 I propose that there are two allomorphic stem vocalizations, /a/ and /o/. The allomorph /a/ is selected before the guttural in the future stem for the phonological reasons that I will specify below. The question is then raised as to why it is not selected in the infinitive. One may claim that in the infinitive there is only one option /o/: an allomorph /a/ is not an option. This scenario is not impossible, but it expresses the view that the FUT-INF syncretism is an illusion: there is one exponent for the future (with two allomorphs) and one for the infinitive (with a single exponent).

Instead, in what follows I develop an analysis which anchors this syncretism in the system, attributing the same exponent to regular future and infinitive verbs. Specifically I submit that both are associated with two allomorphs, i CCoC and i CCaC. The rule is given in (9), and contains an additional piece of information: the vocalization /o/ has priority over the vocalization /a/ (expressed by the ">" symbol; the notion of priority in allomorph selection is due to Mascaró 2007).

(9) Realization rule for future/infinitive in B1

[-past] ↔ i CC(o>a)C / B1
The priority attributed to /o/ expresses its status as the choice by default in both the future and infinitive form. At the same time, /ac/-final verbs systematically select for /a/ in the future [jiʃma], and take /o/ only in the infinitive [liʃmóa]. Why? I turn to this question in the next subsections.

Coalescence

If indeed the /a/ allomorph is selected before the final /ac/, why is the form not [jiʃmáa]? As explained at length in chapter 4, in fact it is exactly that. Both /ac/ and the vocalization /a/ are realized in the final vowel, which is more accurately transcribed as long [jiʃmaː]. This is not a specific fact about the B1 future/infinitive stem, but rather a general process in MH. After vowels other than /a/, /ac/ surfaces as unstressed [a]. The data are recalled for convenience in (10):

(10) Stem-final /ac/ surface as unstressed [a] except after [a].

68 [START_REF] Chomsky | Morphophonemics of Modern Hebrew[END_REF] pursues such an option, by assuming a lowering rule that operates in B1 future and B2 future and infinitive, and another source for the [a] realization elsewhere ([a]-epenthesis). The present analysis avoids such morpheme-specific phonological rules. In addition, such an analysis ignores the general FUT-INF syncretism, as it specifies a rule for the B1 future stem that does not hold for the B1 infinitive. I thank a reviewer of the upcoming paper this chapter is based on for bringing this fact to my attention. In the context of the present work, it is important to underline that the analysis in ( 12) is not in conflict with that of chapter 4. In that chapter, I claimed that the sequence /áa/ can be fused, and that fusion satisifies the requirement for stressed vowels to be long. but a sequence /éa/ cannot be fused. The different candidates in the present account can be reagrded as standing for the different represenational solutions to that requirement, and the tableaux as explaining the choice of one solution over the other. Thus, there is a division of labor between representation and computation: the former can provide several solutions to a given problem; the specific choice of a specific scenario can be language-specific, and can be modeled in tableau form. See Brandão de Carvalho (2021). Back to the data, recall that not all sequences of two /a/s of which the second is a consonantally-mapped /a/ result in coalescence. Such sequences do occur when the non-guttural /a/ is unstressed, for instance in [maaʦar] 'arrest (n.)' or [ja-aʦor] '3MSG-arrest.FUT'. This effect of stress is thoroughly explained in chapter 4. For the purpose of this paper, only the following idea is crucial: the realization of /áa/ as [a] at the right edge is a case of coalescence.

Allomorphy in B1 future/infinitive stem

The ingredients of the analysis are now in place. They are: i. stems in MH seek to be disyllabic ( §2.1); ii. infinitives are derived in two cycles, unlike inflected verb forms ( §2.2); iii. The representation of B1 future/infinitive stems is / i CC(o>a)C/ ( §3.1); and iv. a single [á] may correspond to a sequence /aa/ ( §3.2).

Given these ingredients, let us now examine the predictions of the analysis. Beginning with strong verbs, the input in tableau ( 14) includes the representation of the future stem as combined with a consonant-final stem. The constraint SIZE=2σ, again, stands for the requirement for stems to be disyllabic. The constraint PRIORITY expresses the need to respect the relation expressed by ">" in the input. The input vocalization carries an index, which is common to both allomorphs, such that a candidate featuring only one of the two options is not a violation of MAX (the need to realize all of the segments of the base). This specific constraint hierarchy will be motivated below. Two candidates are considered, one with either vocalization. Since neither violates any of the top-ranked constraints, PRIORITY enforces the use of the /o/ allomorph. b.

[jiʃmaαt] *! I claimed above that the only difference between future and infinitive is the bi-cyclicity of the latter. As in (4d) above, the infinitive stem is first evaluated without the vowel that will eventually appear after /l/. Thus, the B1 stem is monosyllabic in the first cycle. This cycle is presented in (15). Again, two candidates are considered. Both are monosyllabic, and so even though the size constraint is violated, its consideration does not provide an optimal candidate. Once again, PRIORITY imposes the use of /o/ rather than /a/. . I assume that there simply aren't two allomorphs in such cases: the inputs are /-ʃagea/ and /-argia/, not /ʃag(e>a)a/ and /arg(i>a)a/. IDENTLOW would then stand in the way of coalescing the vocalization and the final /ac/. 73 A note is due regarding the tool of allomorphic exponents. In my account, size requirements were complied with specifically because of the existence of such an exponent (/o>a/ in this case). A reviewer of the article this chpater is based on objected. According to them, allowing for such allomorphic choice in this specific morphological locus is an arbitrary decision on the part of the analyst. Therefore, it is equivalent to a diacritic, for instance one that allows for a phonological rule to apply only in a given morphological structure (see ft. 68 on Chomsky 1951). This objection is wrong. Morpheme-specific phonological rules and morpheme-specific allomorphic exponents imply opposing architectural views of phonology-morphology interactions. Morpheme-specific phonology both flies in the face of modular considerations (e.g. Scheer 2016) and is radically inelegant, suggesting that the phonology of the language can be altered by the each an every specific morpheme. In contrast, morpheme-specific allomorphic exponents respect modularity and are cognitively elegant: they illustrate how there is a single exponent that the learner can arrive at such that the allomorphy follows from the general phonology of the language.

Concluding discussion: representing priority

A central notion in the account in this chapter is priority. As in Mascaró's (2007) original proposal, integrating priority into the analysis implied a tool that evaluated the options relative to this notion: the PRIORITY constraint above.

Admitting such a constraint into the phonological vocabulary is somewhat costly, if only because it makes the claim that phonology can interpret the symbol ">". An arguably less costly alternative is explored in [START_REF] Scheer | Melody-free syntax and phonologically conditioned allomorphy[END_REF]. Working within autosegmental phonology, Scheer proposes that priority between two allomorphs can be represented as the association vs. floatingness of segmental material. The prioritized allomorph is associated to the position; but when its association is problematic in some sense, the floating alternative is selected. For instance, the B1 [-past] template would be represented as in ( 22 In my opinion, the proposal in ( 22) is an improvement over Mascaró's (2007) ">" symbol, if only because the need for phonology to manipulate association lines is independently established. Having said that, Scheer is less clear on how the selection process works. It seems that some sort of comparison of the two alternatives is still necessary. For instance, in the B1 Cfinal infinitives (15 above), both /o/ and /a/ are problematic with respect to size. But the fact that the alternative /a/ is unsuitable to solve this problem is, as far as I can see, not available when /o/ is first "tried out" and found wanting. In other words, it is not the case that once /o/ is deemed problematic, the computation blindly moves to the next allomorph regardless of whether it is better than /o/ or not. Again, comparison of the two options seems to be necessary.

I would like to point out a final problem with Scheer's proposal which, if it is indeed a problem, is shared by all autosegmental accounts. It seems that such accounts predict a categorical dichotomy between lexically-associated and lexically-unassociated segments. An association line either exists or it doesn't. With respect to allomorphy, such a view can therefore only express one ">" sign. A more gradient approach seems to be called for by the MH data, for the following reason.

Within Strict CV, at least since [START_REF] Larsen | Vowel length, Raddoppiamento Sintattico and the selection of the definite article in Italian[END_REF], it is assumed that non-epenthetic segments that alternate with Ø are represented as floating. As shown in (23), both the [a] and the [o] of B1 future stems fit this description. Neither is epenthetic (as mentioned, [e] is the epenthetic vowel of MH), and both alternate with zero. This is especially apparent in the suffixed form of stems with only two consonants (23a); but the vowel is also absent from suffixed stems with three consonants (23b In preceding chapters, I have repeatedly assumed that the (second) lexical vowel /a,e,o/ of verbal stems is underlyingly absent from suffixed forms. Here, I entertain the hypothesis that, rather than being absent, these vowels are lexically present in the representation, but weakly so. This weakness accounts for their surfacing only in ungoverned position (FUT.3MS), but not in a governed position (FUT.3MPL in 23a) or even in a governed, responsible position (FUT.3MPL in 23b). Following [START_REF] Larsen | Vowel length, Raddoppiamento Sintattico and the selection of the definite article in Italian[END_REF], the vowels /a/ and /o/ should both be represented as floating. But if this is so, and provided the account in this chaper, then association vs. floatingness cannot be the way to encode priority.74 I want to sketch out, in these final lines, a more gradient approach to association along the lines of [START_REF] Smolensky | Gradient Symbolic Representations in Grammar: The case of French Liaison[END_REF] and [START_REF] Faust | Activity as an alternative to autosegmental association[END_REF]. According to these authors, segments can be lexically endowed with varying strengths. For the MH case, for instance, both /o/ and /a/ would be lexicalized with a less-than-optimal "activity level", say 0.8 for /o/ and 0.7 for /a/. Under the assumption that for a segment to be realized it must reach the optimal level of 1, the phonology must devote some "effort" is order to realize either of the two allomorphs. The effort is not worth making for either vowel when the vowel is in an open syllable and can be syncopated, resulting in the suffixed forms in (23). In the unsuffixed forms neither of these conditions holds. All other considerations being equal, less extra effort would be necessary for the realization of /o/ than for the realization of /a/. This effectively derives the selection of /o/ in C-final stems. But in some cases, selecting the allomorph with more activity does carry an additional cost, in that it violates some other constraint of the language. If that violation is important enough, and if it the allomorph with less activity does not violate it, then the latter will be selected despite its inferior lexical level of activity. This of course can derive the fact that while size considerations do not matter for C-final verbs, they will push for the /a/ allomorph when its selection improves the form in this respect. Thus, a gradient activity-based approach manages to encode priority in the phonology by reducing it to segment strength, a property independently necessary in phonology. 75This chapter examined the vocalizations of B1 and B2 /ac/-final verbs in Modern Hebrew. These vocalizations were described as exceptional because they resist a syncretic trend and/or are specific to such verbs. Relying on the results of previous studies on size considerations and cyclic derivations in MH, and adopting a multiple correspondence approach to coalescence, I showed that the deviations in /ac/-final verbs are predictable on purely phonological grounds. For that to be true, however, speakers must possess lexical knowledge about the different possibilitiesthat is, they must store two allomorphsas well as the priority relation between them. Regarding the notion of priority, in this final section I suggested tentatively that the MH Conclusion When, as an MA student, I took up providing a synchronic analysis of guttural effects in Modern Hebrew, I had in my mind one sentence that I heard from my MA advisor, Outi Bat-El: "sometimes historical change deals the child a difficult hand." This statement, which originates in [START_REF] Hayes | Phonological restructuring in Yidiɲ and its theoretical consequences[END_REF], was certainly true of the first children acquiring Modern Hebrew at the time of its revernacularization. While many of the phonological effects of Biblical Hebrew were introduced into the vernacular, many of the causes weren't.

Such was the case of the historical gutturals *ʕ, *ħ, *ʔ and *h. Learners had to reconstruct a cause for a host of revernacularized effects. The surface realization of *ʕ, *h (and often *ʔ) were the following: i. [a] when a parallel consonant would stand in the coda position, ii. a simple syllable boundary before a vowel. This syllable boundary could be detected in its optional realization as [ʔ], or in its ability to trigger epenthesis if the nucleus before it was empty and responsible (/nifg.-u/ => [nifge.u] 'be.hurt. .

This pattern, whereby a vowel occurs instead of a consonant in the weak coda position, is in fact not rare. It is found (in various stages of evolution) in many other languages and is referred to as "consonant vocalization" (as well as "pre-vocalization", Operstein 2010). The difference in this case was that there was never any consonantal realization. At the same time, the vowel [a] is cross-linguistically resistant to gliding, and so a natural, phonetically-grounded motivation was readily available for the absence of any consonantal reflex in the prevocalic position.

Given these facts, and inspired by work on Ethiosemitic by [START_REF] Prunet | Guttural vowels[END_REF], I had proposed in my 2005 MA thesis that learners relexicalized the historical guttural consonant as /a/. I returned to the issue more than 10 years later, in a 2018 paper with Guillaume Enguehard, in which we adapted the original proposal into the strict CV approach. Within this approach, consonant vocalization in both preconsonantal or word-final positions can be understood uniformly as the "unloading" of the consonantally-mapped /a/ into the following empty V-slot. As I hope to have shown in chapters 2 and 3 of this work, this makes for an elegant, stricty-phonological account of the facts. Such an account, I insisted, is available to learners irrespective of their litteracy level.

The vocalic nature of the relexicalized /a/ plays a central role in the different extensions of that basic analysis. First and foremost among these is the interaction of this consonantallymapped /a/ with a preceding templatic /a/, an aspect of the data that was left out of Enguehard & Faust (2018). As reproduced in chapter 4 from Faust (2021a), the sequence /áa/ can be fused into one Incorporation Domain (in the sense of [START_REF] Ulfsbjorninn | A Field Theory of Stress: the role of empty nuclei in stress systems[END_REF][START_REF] Faust | Arabic stress in Strict CV, with no moras, no syllables, no feet and no extrametricality[END_REF]; this fusion satisfies the conditions on stressed vowels in the language without requiring additional space, as it does elsewhere. Similarly, the consonantally-mapped /a/ behaves like other consonantally-mapped vocalic elements in the context of segholation, as shown in chapter 5. This latter chapter also delved deeper into the representation of the vowels of Modern Hebrew in Element Theory. This theory identifies vocalic elements in every consonant, and is therefore especially adequate for the study of consonant vocalization and pre-vocalization (e.g. [START_REF] Harris | English Sound Structure[END_REF][START_REF] Nevins | Consonant structure and prevocalization[END_REF]).

The historical guttural *ħ, unlike *ʔ, *ʕ (and to a certain extent *h), was associated with a stable consonantal realization ([χ]) in the reading tradition of European Jewry, and as a result in Modern Hebrew. In chapter 6, this fact was claimed to underlie the difference between [χ] and the reflexes of other historical gutturals with respect to /a/ unloading. Specifically, assuming /aχ/ for *ħ, /a/ is not unloaded if its target position is governed, because /χ/ can be realized. This again places the /a/ on a par with other "floating" vowels found in the literature (e.g. [START_REF] Larsen | Vowel length, Raddoppiamento Sintattico and the selection of the definite article in Italian[END_REF], which are not realized in governed positions. The same chapter also argued that a null /ø/ entity is necessary to account for the reflexes of *ʔ at the right edge of the stem.

The difficult hand that learns are dealt can also lead them to rationales that extend beyond pure phonology. For some effects, while there is clear phonological optimization, the availability of a specific solution must be stored as exclusive to a specific morpheme. Such was the case of B1 and B2 infinitives/future stems, which was presented in chapter 7 and reproduced Faust (2021b). I showed that while the availability of both /a/ and /o/ vocalizations in this template must be stored, the choice between vocalizations can then be left to the phonology.

Not all, but only most of the effects related to historical gutturals have been covered in this study. Several other effects await accounts, probably along the lines of the phonologymorphology interface assumed in chapter 7. I hope to have shown that the investigation of these effects can be of interest not only to scholars of Hebrew, but to linguistic theory in general, whether it is concerned with consonant-vowel interactions and alternations, fixed templates, allomorphy (templatic or not), harmony, stress and even revernacularization.

  -Strict CV representations of unsuffixed 3MSG.PST form a. [pinek] 'spoil' b. [pi.ek] 'yawn' (~[piʔek])

  (12) The constant target principle at work in dative clitic syncope a. /natn-ú = laχem/ => [natnúlχem] 'they gave to you(pl)' give.PST-3PL = DAT-2MPL' b. /natn-ú = la-em/ => [natnúlaem] 'they gave to them', *[natnúlem], *[natnulʔem]

( 15 )

 15 Truncation in TT a. /ti-tkof/ '2-attack.FUT.MSG' b. ti[tkof] 'attack.IMP.MSG'

( 16 )

 16 Truncation in RT and Cʔ a. ti[nvaχ] 'bark.IMP.MSG' b. ti[ʃaf] ~ ti[ʃʔaf] 'aspire.IMP.MSG'

( 21 )

 21 Reduplicated quadriradicals without and with second /ac/ (PASS.3MSG.PST) a. /kulkal/ => [kulkal] 'spoil' b. /tuactaac/ => [tuata] 'deceive'

( 23 )

 23 Final-C and Final-V non-reduplicated quadriradicals in CUNA a. 'drag' b. 'tire' c. 'purr' -ta ʃarʃe-ta mome-ta

(

  14) /éa/ to [éː.a]: no merger possible, Stress CV inserted a. * k o ʁ é ac b. * k a ʁ é ac

(

  17) /aac/ to [a.a] due to medial coda /a/ m e ʃ á ac ʁ

(

  19) /aaca/ to [áː.a] due to medial /ac

  ) Segholation before unstressed[-et] in nouns SG PL SUFFIXED a. matéχ-et mataχ-ot 'metal' mataχ-t-i 'metallic' miʁpés-et miʁpas-ot 'balcony' taʁdém-et taʁdam-ot 'commas' b. któv-et ktov-ot 'address' ktov-t-o 'his address' miʃkól-et miʃko-lot 'weight' taχpós-et taχpos-ot 'disguise' While the nouns in (3) are not extremely common, the segholation triggered by unstressed [-et] is very frequent in the inflection of participles whose last stem vowel is [e] or [a] (4a,b respectively). As shown in (4b), a stem vowel /a/ undergoes segholation: it becomes [é] before an unstressed [e].

( 14 )

 14 <ʔ> vs. <t> and <i>: second set i. 'privatize' ii. 'convalesce' iii. 'fertilize' Template a

(

  14) B1 future stem with a C-final verb: PRIORITY arbitrates selection /jiʃm(o>a)αt/ IDENTLOW SIZE=2σ PRIORITY UNIFORMITY  a. [jiʃmoαt]

( 20 )

 20 B2 future/inifinitive stem with a C-final verb: PRIORITY arbitrates selection i. /jiʃam(e>a)timportant in the case of /ac/-final verbs, because the number of violations can be affected by the choice of allomorph. As shown in (21) for the infinitive base, candidates without coalescence (a,b) violate the size constraint to a greater extent than a candidate which does coalesce the vocalization and final guttural. However, such coalescence is only possible through the selection of the low vocalization allomorph (candidate c). The evaluation for the future /jiʃam(e>a)a/ would be identical.(21) B2 future/infinitive stem with /ac/-final verb verb: SIZE=2σ imposes coalesence /same principles that accounted for B1 guttural-final verbs also cover such verbs in B2.72 In the following section, by way of summary and conclusion, I discuss two different means of encoding the notion of priority in the representation. 7372 /ac/-final stems in binyanim other than B1 and B2 always surface with the unstressed [a] preceded by the regular vocalization of the verb. For instance, B3 [leʃagéa] 'drive mad' (cf. [leʃageʁ] 'launch') does not exhibit an option *[leʃaga], and B4 [lehaʁgía] 'calm down (tr.)' (cf. [lehaʁgiʃ] 'to feel') cannot be realized *[lehaʁga]

  ) (again, from a Strict CV perspective). When maintaining the association of /o/ is problematicas in the future *[jiʃmóa] -/a/ can replace it:

  Note, however, that the infinitive always displays an[o], regardless of the future vocalization, and this also holds for the case of historical gutturals.The historical guttural *ħ stands out in this respect: in the second stem consonant position, it may sometimes be vocalized[o]. In the third stem consonant position, it behaves like other gutturals in permitting only the vocalization [a]. The infinitive is again unremarkable.

	In the absence of gutturals, the singular segholate has the vocalizations QéTeL or QóTeL. If the second stem consonant is a historical guttural *h, *ʕ, *ħ, the vocalization is QáTaL, QóTaL (13a); and if the third stem consonant is one of these historical gutturals, the vocalizations are QéTaL, QóTaL (13b). The historical guttural *ʔ does not feature in medial position in QéTeL or QáTaL segholates. The singular form of segholates with initial historical gutturals is unremarkable. (13) Distribution of gutturals in Segholates Template cf. *ʕ *ħ *h *ʔ a. QéTeL dégel 'flag' ʁáal 'poison' páχad 'fear' sáaʁ 'crescent moon -QóTeL gódel 'size' góal 'disgust' ʃóχad 'bribe' nóal 'procedure' toaʁ 'degree' b. QéTeL dégel 'flag' ʁéga 'moment' ʃétaχ 'area' -péʁe 'wildling' QóTeL gódel 'size' ʁóga 'calm' nósaχ 'version' nóga 'shine' góme 'plant sp.' The plurals of QéTeL segholates are of the form Q(e)TaL-im/ot, with [e] appearing in order to break up illicit initial clusters (as explained in (9) above, segholates with initial historical gutturals exhibit [a] in this position). Plurals of QóTeL segholates are mostly of the form Q(e)TaLim, too, e.g. [gódel]-[gdal-im] 'size', although a handful of examples have a plural QoTaLim, e.g. [ʃóʁeʃ]-[ʃoʁaʃ-im] 'root'. All segholates with initial historical gutturals take this latter form, e.g. [ódef]-[odaf-im] 'surplus', [ófen]-[ofan-im] 'manner', [χófeʃ]-[χofaʃ-im] 'liberty'. See more on historical gutturals and segholation in chapter 5, where an attempt is made to provide a strictly phonological account. Historical gutturals also interact with the vocalizations of verbal templates. There are two such cases, in the verbal patterns QaTaL and niQTaL. In QaTaL, the vocalization of the future stem is either [o] or [a]; stems with second (14a) or third (14b) historical gutturals *ʔ, *ʕ, *h Template cf. *ʕ *ʔ *h *ħ a. jiCCaC jigdal 'grow' jit.an 'load' jiʃ.al 'ask' jin.ag 'drive' jidχof~jidχaf 'push' jiCCoC jiʃmoʁ 'guard' liCCoC (INF) liʃmoʁ lit.on liʃ.ol lin.og lidχof b. jiCCaC jigdal 'grow' jitba 'drown' jiʃka 'sink' jigba 'grow tall' jiftaχ 'open' jiCCoC jiʃmoʁ 'guard' liCCoC (INF) liʃmoʁ litbóa liʃkóa ligbóa liftóaχ The verbal template niQTaL is generally associated with a future form jiQaTeL. This stem is identical to the -QaTeL stem of the verbal templates QiTeL and hitQaTeL. But in those cases, the gutturals behave according to the general phonological patterns, whereas for jiQaTeL there is a specific allomorph jiQaTaL before the historical gutturals *ʕ,*ħ. *h is not found in this configuration, and *ʔ does not trigger the allomorphic vocalization. The same allomorph with the same distribution is found in the infinitive: (15) Lexical interactions with verbal vocalization: niQTaL *ʕ *ħ *ʔ jiQaTeL jigameʁ 'end' jikaʁa 'be torn' jiʃalaχ 'be sent' jikaʁe 'be called' always exhibit [a]. (14) Lexical interactions with verbal vocalization: QaTaL leiQaTeL (INF) leigameʁ leikaʁa leiʃalaχ leikaʁe

  3) Possible initial clusters illustrate by QTiLa (action noun of QaTaL verbs)

		PST.3MG QaTaL Action noun QTiLa
	a. TT 'attack' takaf	tkifa
	'betray' bagad	bgida
	'rent'	saχaʁ	sχiʁa
	b. TR 'build' bana	bnija
	'wean' gamal	gmila
	'retire' paʁaʃ	pʁiʃa
	Impossible clusters are of three types. First, expected RC clusters, where C is any consonant, are
	resolved through [e] epenthesis (bold in 4a). Second, when a verb is /a/-medial and the cluster is
	expected to be [#C.V]~[#CʔV], one again finds [e]-epenthesis (4b). Finally, when a QaTaL verbs
	begin with no apparent consonant, the following action noun is of the form [aTiLa]; [#ʔCV] is
	also impossible (2c).
	(4) Impossible initial clusters illustrate by QTiLa (action noun of QaTaL verbs)
		pst.3mg QaTaL Action noun QTiLa
	a. *RC 'sip'	lagam	legima
	'bark'	navaχ	neviχa
	'rebel' maʁad	meʁida
	'create' jaʦaʁ	jeʦiʁa
	b. *Cʔ 'kick'	ba.at	be.ita ~ beʔita; *bʔita
	'aspire' ʃa.af	ʃe.ifa ~ ʃeʔCifa; *ʃʔifa
	'taste' ta.am	te.ima ~ teʔima; *tʔima
	c. *ʔC 'wrap' ataf	atifa, *ʔtifa
	'eat'	aχal	aχila, *ʔχila
	'edit'	aʁaχ	aʁiχa, *ʔʁiχa

  syncope: (8) Syncope in Sandhi: RC and Cʔ in QTiLa (action noun of QaTaL verbs)

		pst.3mg QaTaL Action noun QTiLa
	a. *RC 'sip'	lagam	a-legima ~ a-lgima
	'bark'	navaχ	a-neviχa ~ a-nviχa
	'rebel' maʁad	a-meʁida ~ a-mʁida
	'create' jaʦaʁ	a-jeʦiʁa ~ a-jʦiʁa
	b. *Cʔ 'kick'	ba.at	a-be.ita ~ a-beʔita; *a-bʔita
	'aspire' ʃa.af	a-ʃe.ifa ~ a-ʃeʔifa, *a-ʃʔifa
	'taste' ta.am	a-te.ima ~ a-teʔima, *a-tʔima
	c. *ʔC 'wrap' ataf	a-atifa, *a-ʔtifa
	'eat'	aχal	a-aχila, *a-ʔχila
	'edit'	aʁaχ	a-aʁiχa, *a-ʔʁiχa

Syncope in Sandhi is clearly a two-step process, in the sense that an epenthetic vowel is first inserted and then (optionally) deleted. The representations in the previous subsection certainly stand for the first stage, i.e. the input to optional sandhi. Setting aside *ʔC clusters, the following question is raised: what is the difference between *RC and *Cʔ cluster word-initially such that they would be treated differently in a following stage? I reproduce the relevant representations below, with the addition of a discontinuous arrow, to be discussed presently. (9) Initial RC and Cʔ clusters in the QTiLa template: citation form a. /mʁida/ => [merida] 'rebelion' b. /bacita/ => [be.ita] 'kick' m e ʁ i d a b e a i t a |

  ).

	(14) Otherwise illicit initial clusters surface in truncated imperative
		PST.3MSG QaTaL	IMPERATIVE
			Full (=2-FUT.MSG) Truncated
	a. TT 'attack'	takaf	ti-tkof	tkof
	'rent'	saχaʁ	ti-sχoʁ	sχoʁ
	b. TR 'wean'	gamal	ti-gmol	gmol
	'demand' daʁaʃ	ti-dʁoʃ	dʁoʃ
	c. RC 'sip'	lagam	ti-lgom	lgom
	'bark'	navaχ	ti-nvaχ	nvaχ
	d. Cʔ 'aspire'	ʃa.af	ti-ʃaf ~ tiʃʔaf	ʃaf ~ ʃʔaf
	'taste'	ta.am	ti-tam ~ titʔam	tam ~ tʔam
	e. *ʔC 'leave'	azav	ta-azov ~ taʔazov azov, *ʔzov
	'pass'	akaf	ta-akof ~ taʔakof akof, *ʔkof

  That the [e] above is epenthetic is apparent in the verbs in(19), which are non-reduplicated quadriconsonantal verbs with second /ac/. Even though these verbs are clearly quadriradical, a realization with [e] is ungrammatical. In the context of the present analysis, this is only expected: since /ac/ occupies the nucleus to its right, the nucleus between the two underlined consonants in not a responsible nucleus; and since it is governed, no epenthesis occurs. Note further that the resulting clusters may be of any type, even such clusters as are illicit in word-initial position. Indeed, the clusters of suffixed forms behave like any other post-vocalic cluster in MH.However, there is one type of cluster that is avoided in such post-vocalic configuration: Cʔ. The verbs in (20) are reduplicated biradicals with a second /ac/a fact that is most evident in the rightmost column (again, final historical gutturals are discussed in detail in the next chapter).

	(20) Reduplicated quadriradical verbs with second /ac/
			PASS.3MSG.PST PASS.3MSG.-PL	cf. 3MSG.PST
	'amuse'		ʃuaʃa	ʃuaʃe-u, *ʃuaʃʔ-u	ʃiaʃéa
	'deceive'		tuata	tuate-u, *tuatʔ-u	tiatéa
	'move back and forth (tr)' nuana	nuane-u, *nuanʔ-u nianéa
		PASS.3MSG.PST PASS.3MSG.-PL
	a. 'translate' tuʁgam	tuʁgem-u, *tuʁgm-u
	'publish' sunvaʁ	sunveʁ-u, *sunvʁ-u
	'replicate' ʃuχpal	ʃuχpel-u, ʃuχpl-u
	b. 'translate' gumgam	gumgem-u, *gumgm-u
	'string'	ʃuʁʃaʁ	ʃuʁʃeʁ-u, *ʃuʁʃʁ-u
	'spoil'	kulkal	kulkel-u, *kulkl-u
	(19) Non-Reduplicated quadriradical verbs with second /ac/
		PASS.3MSG.PST PASS.3MSG.-PL
	'date'	tuaʁaχ	tuaʁχ-u, *tuaʁeχ-u
	'decipher' puanaχ	puanχ-u, *puanex-u
	'enslave' ʃuabad	ʃuabd-u, *ʃuabed-u

We have seen, in

[ʃama, ʃamʔ-u]

above that Cʔ is possible post-vocalically. Why, then, are the asterisked suffixed forms in (20) impossible?

  (22) one can see the suffixed forms of both types of reduplicated biradicals. As elsewhere, the second stem vowel is missing. Like in (21a), V in (22a) requires government, and this is achieved through epenthesis (marked by ↑). But this cannot explain epenthesis in (22b), as V does not require government in this position. Indeed, in the parallel non-reduplicated quadriradical no epenthesis occurs (see 19). What motivates epenthesis in this position? (22) Reduplicated quadriradicals without and with second /ac/ (PASS.

	a. /kulkl-u / => [kulkelu] 'spoil'		b. /tuactac-u / 'deceive'
	u	e	u	u ac	e ac	u
	|	↑		|	↑ ?

  Elsewhere in the grammar (p. 455), Khan provides a long list of reduplicated biradicals with specifically the function of sounds (animal and human)two are given in (25a)and pluractionality. This leaves little doubt that QoQə verbs are reduplicated biradicals. How can this be reconciled with the fact that they behave like /j/-final verbs? Without overtly claiming so, Khan provides evidence that these verbs are derived from the set <m,v>. As shown in (25), every verb denoting a sound is associated with a noun of the template QəTTa-QəT, which names that sound; verbs like [momə] exhibit two[v]s in this case (25b).If the bi-consonantal set on which [momə] is constructed is /m,v/, why don't we get [moməv]? That is, why is it not /m,v,m,v/? This is a legitimate question especially in light of the nouns in (25b), which do illustrate a final syllable [əv], as well as other verbs whose last consonant is [v], e.g. the triradical [madəv] 'manage' (also in type II).

	(25) Reduplicated biradicals denoting animal sounds and their nouns
	VERB	NOUN
	a. barbər bərra-bər	'roar'
	xaʃxəʃ xəʃʃa-xəʃ	'croak'
	b. momə məvva-məv 'purr'
	zozə	zəvva-zəv	'buzz'
			(2016)
	a) ʧoʧə	'chirp'	b) nonə	'implore'
	ɟoɟə	'coo'	sosə	'beg'
	kokə	'croak'	c) modə	'confess'
	popə	'bleat'
	momə	'purr'
	zozə	'howl'

  , Faust & Ulfsbjorninn (2018). For the present purpose, Ulfsbjorninn's account is important because it suggests that the skeleton is augmented only when necessary.MH, to summarize, resembles languages like Italian and Qaraqosh in lengthening stressed vowels in open syllables. Careful phonetic studies are necessary in order to see whether this effect is also true in closed syllables. Since nothing in the present analysis hinges on this fact, I propose to adopt Ulfsbjorninn's proposal and generalize as follows:

	(10) Hebrew Stress
	a. Hebrew stressed vowels must head an incorporation domain.
	b. Incorporation domains cannot be established across occupied C. 29

  Besides nouns of the form QéTeL and QóTeL, the sequences CéCeC CóCeC are also brought about by the attachment of the unstressed feminine suffix [-et] (3a,b). In the plural, this suffix is replaced by the stressed suffix [-ot]. The alternation in the last stem vowel in (3a) is especially telling: it seems inescapable to conclude that this vowel is underlyingly /a/, and for some reason becomes [e] if stressed and before[e]

	2) Derivation of a Segholate
		/ʃivt/	/ʃivt-i/	/gavʁ/	/gavʁ-i/
	a. stress	ʃívt	ʃivtí	gávʁ	gavʁí
	b. epenthesis	ʃívet	ʃivti	gáveʁ	gavʁí
	c. harmony	ʃévet	ʃivti	géveʁ	gavʁí

  The phenomenon is complicated by the presence of historical gutturals. There are many segholates with a missing second or third consonant (where historical *ʕ, *h or *ħ stoodthe latter is ignored here). In these cases, the unstressed vowel is [a], not [e] (5a,b). If the missing consonant is medial (5b), the vowel in the preceding, stressed syllable is never [e], only [a] or [o] (5b).

	(5) Segholates with medial or final historical guttural
	a. téva	'nature'
	ʁéga	'moment'
	góva	'height'
	ʁova	'quarter (geo.)'
	b. ná.aʁ	'male youngster'
	sá.aʁ	'crescent'
	gó.al	'disgust'
	tó.aʁ	'adjective'
	(6) Penultimately-stressed items with suffix unstressed feminine [-at]
	a. dlá.-at	'pumpkin'
	miʃmá.-at 'discipline'
	PRTC.MSG PRTC-FSG		TEMPLATE
	b. meʃagéa meʃagá.-at 'madden' meQaTeL
	mitpaʁéa mitpaʁá.-at 'act wild' mitQaTeL
	noséa	nosá.-at	'travel'	QoTeL
			in participles
	PRTC.MSG PRTC-FSG		TEMPLATE
	a. meʃageʁ meʃagéʁ-et 'launch'	meQaTeL
	noʃem	noʃém-et	'breathe'	QoTeL
	b. meʃugaʁ meʃugéʁ-et 'be launched' meQuTaL
	munʃam	munʃém-et 'ventilate'	muQTaL

The facts are lexically more constrained before the unstressed feminine suffix: only the vowel [a] is found before the historical guttural. Again, after the historical guttural the unstressed vowel is [a]the suffix is therefore unstressed [at], not

[et] (6a,b)

. In those participles where the stem vowel is demonstrably [e], it is realized as [a] before a historical guttural (6b).

  All of the data presented hitherto can be summarized as in (8) (setting aside the issue in 7). Assuming that some cases involve underlying /ac/, the quality of the post-tonic vowel is predictable. The tonic vowel, in turn, comes in two flavors: [-round] or[+round]. Given the value for roundness, the quality of the tonic vowel is also predictable.As should be clear by now, the challenge in the segholate corpus extends beyond the issue of historical gutturals. As things stand, before the guttural effects can be understood, one must explain the general patterns.

	b. ʦóʁeχ ʦʁaχ-im	'necessity'	d. óʁeχ oʁaχ-im 'length'
	somek smak-im 'blush'		ómek omak-im 'depth'
					All vowels are always
	[-high] in the unsuffixed forms. 39
	(8) Summary of Segholates and Segholation 40
		TONIC	POST-TONIC ATTESTED, ROBUST ALTERNATION
	a. Cv ́CvC#	e,o *(i,u,a)	e	/i,a/ => [e] / _ĆeC
	b. Cv ́Cv/ac/# e,o *(i,u,a)	a	/i,a/ => [e] / _Ća
	c. Cv ́/a c /vC# a,o *(i,u,e)	a	/e/ => [a] / _.a
	7) Segholate plurals
	SG	PL			SG	PL
	a. déʁeχ dʁaχ-im	'ways'		c. éʁeχ aʁaχ-im 'weight'
	némek nemak-im 'gangrene' 38	émek amak-im 'valley'
					59

  There are several ET treatments of guttural effects, mostly in Ethiosemitic (see especiallyAngoujard 1995[START_REF] Faust | Get that into your head: Tigre vowel harmonies as templatic[END_REF]; For Arabic and emphatics, see also Bellem

	UNSUFFIXED		SUFFIXED
	a. téva	'nature'	tiv.-i	'natural'
	góva	'height'	gov.-o	'his height'
	b. ná.aʁ	'male adolescent' naar-i	'youthful'
	gó.al	'disgust'	goal-i	'disgusting
	c. PRTC.MSG	PRTC-FSG
	meʃagéa	meʃagá.-at	'madden'
	mitparéa	mitpaʁá.-at	'act wild'
	noséa	nosá.-at	'travel'
	d. ADJ	ADJ-FSG
	maχʁía	maχʁá.-at	'decisive'

  The unsuffixed <ħ>-final forms in (1ii) and (2ii) verbs pose a double challenge. First, they seem to contradict a basic principle of the general analysis in chapter 4, namely that /a/ unloading is always to the right, within the same CV. For instance, in a form like [marúːaχ], the unloaded [a] appears to the left of the [χ] rather than after it. Relatedly, and perhaps more worryingly, such verbs undermine the general view advocated here about templates. I have been treating templates as sequences of a fixed number of CV units. Defined in these terms, the same template can host regular [kaʁuːχ] and /ac/-final [kaʁuːa]; but not the <ħ>-final [maʁúːaχ], which requires an additional CV unit; how and why can the fixed skeleton be augmented?

				tear'	Template
	a. PASS.PRTC	kaʁúːχ	maʁúːaχ	kaʁúːa	QaTúL
	PASS.PRTC-PL kʁuχ-iːm	mʁuχ-iːm	kʁú.-íːma	QTuL-ím
	b. PST.3MSG	kaʁáːχ	maʁáːχ	kaʁáː	QaTáL
	PST-3PL	kaʁχ-úː	maʁχ-uː	kaʁ.úː	QaTL-ú
		iv. 'falsify' v. 'fly (tr.)' vi. 'disturb'
	c. PST.3SG	efʁíːχ	efʁíːaχ	efʁíːa	eQTiL
	PST-3PL	efʁíːχ-u	efʁíːχ-u	efʁíː.-u	eQTíL-u

  This view derives [kʁaativ] 'read. PST.1SG-3MSG.OBJ' as well. As shown in (18), when stress is pulled always from the /aø/ sequence, the latter no longer forms a domain, and is therefore pronounced as two syllable peaks.58

	(18) Suffixed <ʔ>-final stems after unstressed /a
	k	ʁ a ø	t
		). An alternative suffix [-a] occurs in several well-defined environments, including
	/i/-final verbs like (15iii). The <ʔ>-final form in (15ii) again behaves like the regular C-final one
	in (15i), in that it does not select for the alternative [a]. However, in addition, the expected
	*[koʁéː-et] is shortened into [koʁeː-t], with final stress. Importantly, the coalesced form [koʁeː-t]
	contrasts with that of the /ac/-final stem [koʁáː-at] 'PRS.PRTC-F', without coalscence. 56

  1) Past, future and infinitive stems in Modern Hebrew Now consider verbs with a final orthographic guttural <ʕ>, which I have analyzed as /ac/-final. As shown in (2), the future and infinitive stems of these verbs are identical in B2, B3 and B4, but slightly different in B1. The infinitive [li-ʃmóa] exhibits the same [o] vocalization as the parallel [l-iʃmot] above. It thus follows the general pattern, discussed in chapter 4, with /ac/ surfacing as unstressed [a]. But the future form does not follow this pattern: unlike the future form of the parallel [ji-ʃmot] above, the /a c /-final form is not *[ji-ʃmóa] but [ji-ʃma]. Such verbs therefore disobey the FUT-INF syncretism. Alongside this special behavior in B1, /a c /-final verbs in B2 present a related issue: they do obey the FUT-INF syncretism, but with an idiosyncratic vocalization [a], rather than the [e] exhibited elsewhere (cf. [le-hiʃamet] above).

	(2) Guttural-final future and infinitive stem in Modern Hebrew
	3MSG.PST 3MSG.FUT	INF
	B1 ʃama	ji-ʃma	li-ʃmóa	'hear'	*li-ʃma
	B2 n-iʃma	j-iʃama	le-hiʃama 'sound'	*le-hiʃaméa, cf. le-hiʃamet
	B3 ʃigéa	je-ʃagéa	le-ʃagéa	'madden' *le-ʃaga
	B4 h-ifriχ	j-afría	le-hafría 'disturb' *le-hafra
	PST	3MSG.FUT INF
	B1 ʃamat	ji-ʃmot	li-ʃmot	'drop (tr.)'
	B2 n-iʃmat j-iʃamet	le-hiʃamet 'drop (intr.)'
	B3 ʃiger	je-ʃager	le-ʃager	'launch'
	B4 h-ifriχ j-afriχ	le-hafriχ	'refute'
						To summarize,
	it seems that there is a preference for [a] before /ac/; but while this is generalized in B2 to
	conform to the FUT-INF syncretism, B1 /ac/-final verbs prefer to align only their INF vocalization
	with strong verbs like [liʃmot], at the price of violating the syncretic trend. This chapter asks
	why. 60

  ), where it is replaced by epenthetic [e].

	(23) [a,o] alternate with Ø
	FUT.3MSG FUT.3MPL		FUT.3MSG FUT.3MPL
	a. jiʦor	jiʦru	'create'	b. jiʃmot	jiʃmetu	'drop (tr)'
	jipol	jiplu	'fall'	jigdal	jigdelu	'grow (intr)
	jiʃan	jiʃnu	'sleep'
	jirak	jirku	'spit'
						97

Depending on the approach, the consonantal set is either considered a morpheme in its own right or a "residue" (for a summary of this dicussion, seeFaust & Hever

2010).

This propo.sal was original for Modern Hebrew; the same analysis is provided for many Ethiosemitic languages in e.g.[START_REF] Prunet | Guttural vowels[END_REF].

The rhotic in Biblical Hebrew shares a few properties with gutturals, and thus often considered as a guttural. Here I deviate from this tradition and exclude the rhotic from the class of gutturals.

The precise pronunciation of Biblical Hebrew words is subject to debate. See for instance[START_REF] Churchyard | Topics in Tiberian Biblical Hebrew metrical phonology and phonetics[END_REF],[START_REF] Khan | Vowel length and syllable structure in the Tiberian tradition of Biblical Hebrew[END_REF].

When the language permitted it: [h] in Yiddish is not found word-internally before an unstressed syllable -Hebrew [zóhar] 'Zohar, founding book of the Qabbala' is pronounced[zójer] in Yiddish.

[START_REF] Gafter | The most beautiful and correct Hebrew": Authenticity, ethnic identity and linguistic variation in the greater Tel Aviv area[END_REF] reports the existence alongside [χ] of a trill variant [R ̥ ], found among some MH speakers who are children of Mizrahi Hebrew speakers.

Throughout this chapter, the conventional practice will be adopted of marking historical phonemic origins -in the present case, historical gutturals -with an asterisk. Of course, this asterisk does not mark synchronic ungrammaticality. Furthermore, this marking should not be understood as suggesting a direct evolution from Biblical Hebrew phonology to Modern Hebrew phonology. It seems that orthography played an intermediary role in

[START_REF] Bolozky | Some aspects of Modern Hebrew phonology. Chapter II of Berman, Ruth, Modern Hebrew Structure[END_REF] reports that [ʔ] is realized mostly in the prosodically prominent position of the pretonic onset. This generalization awaits support from a recorded corpus.

There is a specific kind of template QaTaL, mostly denoting agentives, whose first vowel never undergoes syncope, regardless of the nature of the first consonant.

Variation is found in (10a) and (10c). Standard Hebrew dictates [a], because the epenthetic vowel after gutturals in BH was [a], while the regular rules of the language lead to [e] in more spoken varieties (seeLaks et al. 2016 for cases like (10c); I heard (10a) on several occasions).

As mentioned in the introduction, historical gutturals surviving as synchronic /a/ are commonplace in Ethio-Semitic[START_REF] Prunet | Guttural vowels[END_REF].

Moreover, as will be shown in chapter 6, in the stem-final position there is a need to distinguish between /a/ and /ʔ/ or Ø as stem "consonants".

It is customary within Strict CV to decompose segmentsvowels or consonantsinto a basic set of elements, and to claim that all element sets can in principle be associated to either C or V-slots. For instance, the elements I,U are realized[j,w] in the C position, etc. Here I will assume a language-specific ban on the association of the element A to C-slots.

For the sake of completeness,[START_REF] Pariente | Grammatical paradigm uniformity[END_REF] account is based on a moraic representation of codas in Modern Hebrew. The author argues that the "guttural" /a/ can only be realized if it can project a mora, and it can only project a mora if a parallel form without a guttural also projects one. Thus, in [piμaμku] the /a/ can surface because in [piμnμku] the /n/ is moraic. Besides the intricate inter-paradigm dependencies this account requires, it is also ad-hoc because MH is not weight-sensitive: there is no independent evidence that codas like[n] in[pinku] are moraic. Such Inter-paradigmatic relations are a main feature in[START_REF] Faust | The fate of gutturals in Modern Hebrew[END_REF] (though moras are not used).

For the guttural-medial suffixed FUT form I have also heard the realization [jis(ʔ)efu] (for this verb and for many others, in configurations where the parallel regular verb exhibits epenthesis). This possibility is in complete keeping with the present account: epenthesis is another way of realizing the responsible nucleus, and it renders the realization of /ac/ redundant. The variant [jiʃefu] also supports the claim that the vowel in [jiʃafu] is not the vowel of the stem [jiʃaf]: the latter never alternates with [e] in such an environment. More research is required into this variation; seeLaks et al (2016).

Here is the place to mention an alternative, suggested by Krisztina Polgàrdi. Government can be assumed to proceed from left to right, rather than from right to left. What I call a responsible nucleus would thus be realized because it is ungoverned. While such "trochaic government" is not incompatible with the data that appears in the following chapters, adopting it requires changing the entire analysis; at this stage, I prefer to adhere to the more widely-practiced right to left government.

[START_REF] Scheer | What is CVCV, and why should it be[END_REF]Scheer ( , 2012 et passim) et passim) argues at length for this proposal, developing Lowenstamm's view of the initial CV as a non-diacritic way to mark the left edge of the word, which in SPE[START_REF] Chomsky | The Sound Pattern of English[END_REF]) was simply marked with the diacritic #.

A version of this idea is also found in Gussmann's analysis of English inflectional markers(2002: 31-44). It is also mentioned in[START_REF] Passino | The phonotactics of word-initial clusterns in Romance: Typological and theoretical implications[END_REF]. Importantly for Modern Hebrew, it seems that the voicing bridge is established only under special circumstances, at the word edge. A medial TT cluster does not establish such a bridge (though it might be found in some rare, denominal verbs like [ʁindgen] 'perform X-ray test'). See Ségéral & Scheer (2020) for a similar account of sC clusters.

When the two obstruents underlyingly disagree in voicing, voicing assimilation occurs(Mizrachi

2019).

For an alternative approach, based on acoustic periodicity, see[START_REF] Albert | The double life of language systems: Modelling sonority with complementary symbol and signal based models[END_REF]. Importantly, this approach also appeals to a version of the voicing bridge.

Allowing for Vs to govern Cs creates a competition between /ac/ and a preceding empty V-slot in a sequence /_acV/, where _ is an empty V-slot. Importantly, for the analysis in this section to hold, the V-slot must take priority, as suggested in chapter 2, (11a). This fact will also play a crucial role in the next section.

The difference between non-epenthetic [a] and epenthetic[e] in this position should be formalized further, such that only the latter is syncopatable after insertion in an initial stage. I abstract away from this issue in the present work.

The suffixed FM and PL imperatives, however, differ between registers. In both registers the suffixed FUT forms are [ti-tkef-i], [ti-tkef-u] for FSG and PL respectively. The colloquial form, accordingly, has truncated [tkef-i],[tkefu]. The standard form, however, is [tikf-i],[tikf-u].

 24 For details about imperative truncation well beyond those discussed here, the reader is referred to[START_REF] Bat-El | The Fate of the Consonantal Root and the Binyan in Optimality Theory[END_REF]. For the full findings and and a detailed discussion of experimental results, seeFaust & Berrebi (To appear).

Faust (2019) presents yet another variation on this effect from yet another related language, the Ethio-Semitic Wolane[START_REF] Meyer | Wolane: A Descriptive Grammar of an East-Gurage Language (Ethiosemitic)[END_REF]. In this language, triradical set can be augmented by a second radical A (or ʔ), such that <Q,T,L> becomes <Q,A,T,L>. At the same time, A can be an element in a triradical root <Q,T,A>. The combination of the two, i.e. <Q, A, T, A> is unattested. This is an example where the OCP would again operate on the root level, this time between an augment and a radical.

See Faust & Lampitelli (2020) for the full analysis of the effects of the stress CV in Qaraqosh.

This assumption derives both the weightlessness of closed syllables in MH and the cross-linguistically common final consonant extrametricality, familiar from moraic analyses (e.g.[START_REF] Hyman | A Theory of Phonological Weight[END_REF][START_REF] Hayes | Metrical Stress Theory[END_REF].

Another possible reason for this avoidance is given in chapter 7.

The ill-formedness of (14b) can be further attributed the lack of real diphthongs in MH: all surface diphthongs are VC sequences.

A preference against *[áa] is also found in the imperfective marking in Spanish. Verbs whose stem ends in a theme vowel /i/ select for an allomorph /-a/, e.g. [komí-a] 'eat-IMPFV', whereas verbs whose stem ends in /a/ select for /ba/, e.g. [kantá-βa] 'sing-IMPFV', possibly because of *[kantáa].

Accordingly, I found that sequences like the one in [táaʁ] are longer (144ms) than both unstressed [a.a] sequences and stressed [á] (again, 120 and 110ms respectively). They also exhibit two intensity peaks much more consistently than unstressed /aa/ sequences.

The [e] of the plural is epenthetic.

The environments in the rules in (8b,c) do not feature a consonant where there is a /ac/ underlyingly. Still, segholates with the consonant [χ] from historical *ħ, do appear with these vocalizations (with rare exceptions).

See section 3.3 below for segholates with underlying glides, whether final (e.g. [ʃóvi] 'worth' and [ʦéfi] 'prediction') or medial ([ʃájit] 'cruise').

I purposely leave the generalization at that, rather than go into the technicalities of stress assignment in MH from a more theoretical, formal perspective.

The word[gédeʁ] is hard to gloss. It is used in the expression [be-gédeʁ] 'within the limits', e.g. [be-géder χalom] 'as a dream, within the confines of a dream', and [jaʦa mi-gidr-o] 'went out of his (usual) limits, out of his way'.

For a development on this approach see Brandnão deCarvalho & Faust (in prep.).

Forms like [naaʁ-i] 'youthful' may exhibit an alternative stem [neaʁ-i], probably under the influence of the plural [neaʁim] 'male adolescents'.

This chapter does not address <ħ>-medial segholates, which in terms of vocalization are identical to /ac/medial ones (e.g. [páχad] 'fear'). See the previous chapter for the analysis of guttural effects in segholates.

It is important to note that template expansion is necessary in other morphological configurations, too. As argued inFaust (2015), without such an expansion option a Strict CV view of templates cannot accommodate innovative denominal verbs like [stʁiptez] 'perform a striptease' or [tʁinsfeʁ] 'transfer' (these verbs originally appeared in Bat El 1994).

Interestingly, the prescriptive form is [kʁativ], with no /a/-unloading. However, all speakers I consulted do perform /a/-unloading when reading this word. This again shows that even though the form is literary and not used in day-to-day communication, speakers do exhibit uniform behavior in its pronunciation, and one which is different from the prescribed one (prescriptivism is not very strong for such forms).

It is not impossible, it seems to me, that a speaker might provide [koʁéː-t] in (15iii), too. However, this is only due to the homophony with (15ii): for a verb like [konéː] 'buy.PRS.PRTC', which has no <ʔ>-final equivalent, there can be only one feminine form [kon-áː], never[konéːt].

Verbs with this final silent occupier must be distinguished from biradical verbs, which result in reduplication, e.g [gaʁaʁ] 'drag'.

This chapter is a somewhat shortened version ofFaust (2021b).

I will concentrate on paradigms with final orthographic *ʕ, which stands for the pharyngeal approximant. There are some complications with the other historical gutturals that do not stand in the way of the present account. They

That the B2 future/infinitive stem is vowel-initial is clear from the fact that [i] is not the epenthetic vowel of MH. As for the stems of B4, there are several reasons to think that their first vowel belongs to the stem, rather than to the prefix. For instance, that vowel undergoes the same apophonic change as the internal B3 vowel. They may also not be truncated in imperative forms(Bat-El 2002).

The present B1 stem, supposedly also[-past], is a separate issue. As shown in[START_REF] Scheer | Unified representations for stress and the syllable[END_REF], in B3,4 it is syncretic with the future/infinitive stem, as expected. But in B1, it is unique. This fact can be formalized by the addition of a feature[present]. Note, nevertheless, that in B2 the present and past are syncretic.

An alternative, more regular[lirkov] seems to be the prescriptive form for this infinitive. As far as I can tell, it is seldom used in day-to-day speech.

Incidentally, the present analysis is relevant for yet another group of verbs in B1. Verbs like [je-red] '3M.SGdescend.FUT' or [je-ʃev] '3M.SG-sit.FUT', usually analyzed as based on roots with initial /j/, exhibit infinitives with a suffix /-et/, e.g. [la-réd-et] 'INF-descend' [la-ʃév-et] 'INF-sit'. This is not the place for a full analysis of this group; I note only that the insertion of this suffix achieves stem disyllabicity, like the selection of the /o/ in infinitives like [li-ʃmóa] 'INF-hear' does in the cases under study

.71 I do not formalize here the insertion of [h] in the infinitive.

A similar case of multiple ordered allomorphs is found in[START_REF] Bonet | Allomorph selection and lexical preferences: Two case studies[END_REF].

The reader is referred to the accounts in the cited literature for the technical implementation of these ideas. A similar treatment of allomorphy in Greek verbs can be found in[START_REF] Revithiadou | Changing shape according to strength: Evidence from root allomorphy in Greek[END_REF].

In this section, I have provided an account of segholates and segholation that motivates both harmony and its direction through a requirement that stress be assigned to the final vocalic expression of the word. The strangest aspect of segholationthe limitation of harmony to penultimately stressed wordsis thus explained.

To emphasize the acheivement, it is worth repeating thatas already noted in section 2segholation is ubiquitous in the language, and relevant well beyond the nouns traditionally refered to as segholates. Indeed, it applies in both derivation and inflection upon the suffixation of the unstressed feminine suffix [et]. The analysis put forth in this section easily extends to these cases: as proposed in [START_REF] Faust | Underlying vowel length in Modern Hebrew: the many realizations of the vowel /a[END_REF], this suffix is underlyingly /at/, and thus triggers the same set of changes that occur in segholate nouns, in this case on the final stem vowel.

Before we turn to the interaction of penultimate stress and historical gutturals, two principled exceptions to harmony must be treated.

Segholates with medial or final glides

The nouns in ( 17) are traditionally classified with segholates because of their penultimate stress. Unlike the segholates studied above, their second, unstressed vowel is not [e], but [i]. The appearance of unstressed [i] correlates with the absence of a final consonant in (17a,b), or the presence of a medial glide in (17c). To unify both cases, the presence of a final underlying /j/ is assumed for (17a,b). 46 (17) Segholates with medial or final glides a. ʃévi 'captivity' c. bájit 'house' ʦéfi 'prediction' kajiʦ 'summer' b. ʃóvi 'worth' kóʃi 'difficulty' Superficially, the forms in (17) undermine any harmony-based analysis of the alternations attested in segholates elsewhere. In the terms developed here, the domain of the stressed vowel is not aligned with the right edge of the word, if only in (17b, c) (for 17a, it can still be said that |I| is aligned). Note, in addition, that the stressed vowels are [-high] despite the [+high] of the following unstressed vowel: QíTi and QúTi are unattested in MH.

One could do away with these counter examples simply by excluding them from the morphological domain of segholates. These forms, the argument would be made, might at one stage of the language have been derived in the same manner as QéTeL and QóTeL segholates, but are synchronically unrelated. Learners therefore store fully-vocalized items in these cases, with vowels that cannot undergo modification for the sake of alignment, like the vowels of loanwords for instance. The underlying representation of [ʃévi] is /ʃévi/. To support this view, the fact can be evoked that many of these nouns exhibit defective inflectional paradigms. 47 They should therefore not be treated by the same grammar of the main, frequent pattern. 46 There are no segholates with a medial glide and a round vowel. Segholates with initial glides also exist (e.g.

[jéled] 'child', [jóker] 'dearness') but are unremarkable otherwise. 47 For instance, I am uncertain as to the plural form of [ʦéfi] 'prediction', [ʃóvi] 'worth' or [kajiʦ] 'summer', although all three meanings should be easily pluralizable. As for other suffixed forms, no adjectives are formed on the basis of /i/-final segholates, and possessives suffixes sound archaic on some of them, e.g.

If so, the principle that accounted for the misalignment in the /j/-final [ʃévi] can also be seen at work in /ac/-final segholates.

In fact, this principle is of a much wider distribution with /ac/-final bases, well beyond segholates. As I have shown repeatedly in previous chapters, final /ac/ surfaces after all templatic vowels except /a/, and never attracts stress. Indeed, if non-stem vowels were to participate in harmony, a form like [meʃagéa] in (20c)or for that matter [kaʁía] 'tearable', [kaʁúa] 'torn'would be mispredictions. Instead, the stressed vowel of [meʃagéa] in (23a) is right-aligned on the vocalic tier before tier conflation, and should not be considered as a problem for the analysis:

The exemption of elements originating on the C-tier from the evaluation of alignment therefore accounts for a great many forms. However, there is one set of forms which appears to exhibit alignment even though the post-tonic vowel seems to originate in the C-tier. I am referring to the forms in (20b-d above): unsuffixed nouns like [náar] 'adolescent' and the inflected feminine [meʃagá-at] or [maχʁá.

-at]. The latter two, especially, one to explain why /i,e/ are impossible before an unstressed, non-final [a].

The representations in ( 24) depict what the present account would require for the harmony to be active here in such words (only the last two syllables are represented). In (24a), the historical "guttural" /ac/ is featured on the consonantal tier preceding the deficient /a/. We saw a similar case in the derivation of [bájit] in (19) above. In that representation, the radical /j/ prevented the deficient /a/ from associating to its designated slot. By analogy, we therefore expect /ac/ to do the same, as in (24b), and yield * [meʃagéat]. Instead, we find that the head |A| of the guttural ends up i. appearing in the head position of the V-tier (in red in 24c) and ii. triggering a harmonic process whereby the lexical |I| of the base is evacuated from the stressed position. 50 (24) /(meʃa…)geac-at/ => [meʃagáat] a. /meʃageac-at/ b. /meʃagéat/ c. [meʃagáat]

The harmony in (24c) is very much in line with the present account: it is motivated by the alignment requirement. The only question raised is the following: given that the guttural /ac/ is on the consonantal tier, why does its element |A|, and not the default |I|, come to occupy the following HV position? Moreover, this must occur before tier conflation in order to trigger harmony (recall that harmony must occur before tier conflation, or else [meʃagéa] is a problem)? A possible answer relies on the similarity between the consonantally-mapped /a/ and the templatic /a/. Unlike in the case of [bájit], the two can combine without the loss of the operator of /ac/. In other words, in the case of /bajat/, a combination would lead to *[bájet], which would not preseve the highness of /j/. But a combination in the case of /gaacat/ would preserve both elements.

As shown in (25) below, segholate nouns of the type [góal] 'disgust' fall out of the analysis. As for (15,16), I assume a higher level of faithfulness to |U|, which would account for its retention in the final form, even under pressure from the following coalesced vocalic expression.

50 I represent the coalesced expression as still associated to the C-slot; otherwise, the vowel would simply be a long [aː] (see previous chapter). Explaining the syncope in (26a) is beyond the scope of the present work. Assume that the vowel /o/ is present in the representation of all plurals, but is not associated to its position in those plurals where it is syncopated. We have seen in chapter 4 that i. the first V-slot of the word, when preceded by /a c /, must be realized, and ii. this is achieved through /a/-unloading. Therefore, as shown in ( 27), one expects /ac/ to unload rightwards in this case, too. And if /ac/ can be combined with |U|, then the preservation of the latter can be regarded as the result of the obligatory association of the former.

(25) /goacal/ =>

(

the general analysis: /ac/ cannot unload because the V-slot to its right is occupied. The form therefore lacks an [a].

(6) Suffixed <ħ>-final stem after a vowel

The representation in (7) shows that the absence of /a/-unloading in such a configuration is also expected after a stressed vowel (2c above):

(7) Suffixed <ħ>-final stem after an stressed non-low vowel [efʁíːχ-u] 'fly(tr.).PST-3PL'

As mentioned in the previous section, the most challenging forms are the unsuffixed ones. Maintaining constant the analysis from previous chapters, including its definition of the notion "template", consider now a form like /maʁuaχ/ 'smear.PASS.PRTC'. This item belongs in the template QaTuL. It therefore thus must have the same number of CV-units as forms in the same template with no historical guttural like /kaʁuχ/, namely three. This is shown in (8a) or (8b). Like the /ac/ of [kaʁuːa], one expects the /ac/ to unload to the right; and unlike in the cases above, there is no reason it should not, because the final V is not governed. Instead, the attested form exhibits /a/-unloading not to the right, but to the left: [maʁúːaχ].

To understand why, let us take a closer look at the basic ingredients in (8). Depending on whether one allows the /χ/ to associate to C3 or not, one derives either *[maʁuχa] (8a) or *[maʁua] (8b).

(8) Challenges of the unsuffixed <ħ>-final stem after a non-low vowel

Suppose now that there is a requirement for the final radical to be right-aligned. As we saw elsewhere, /χ/ is the more important part of this bipartite radical, in that its realization is sufficient when that of the /a/ is optional. Accordingly, the alignment requirement targets it; and neither (8a) nor (8b) complies with this requirement. Indeed, in (8a To summarize, the analysis of <ʔ>-final verbs must express the presence of an entity at the right edge of the stem that is not /ac/, but still behaves like a consonant in many respects. Below I will propose that this entity is "zero", which I will represent as the symbol "Ø".

Analysis

Consider how the proposal just put forth can model the difference between the <ʔ>-final [kaʁúː] 'summon.PASS.PRTC' and the corresponding <ʕ>-final verb [kaʁúːa] 'tear.PASS.PRTC'. The <ʔ>final verb involves a silent occupier /Ø/ of the last C-slot. 57 That said, I assume here that since /Ø/ does not really have any featural content, the preceding stressed vowel can achieve length by spreading "across" it to occupy the position to the right of Ø (16a). Thus, the <ʕ>-final verb in (16b) is doubly distinct form the <ʔ>-final one: it involves /a/-unloading and the addition of a stress CV:

(16) Unsuffixed <ʔ> vs. <ʕ>-final stems: representations

The stressed long vowel in [karáː] 'summon.PST.3MSG' is derived in (17a) as in (16a) above: spreading "through" Ø. The same holds for the form with the C-initial suffix [kaʁáː-ti] 'summon. PST.3MSG' in (17b). Before a V-initial suffix (17c), the second base vowel is absent: as with <ʕ>-final verbs, and the result [kar(ʔ)u] 'summon.PST-3PL' is only expected. Finally, if an empty nucleus before Ø is a responsible nuclues, it will be realized through epenthesis (17d) [uvre(ʔ)-u] 'convalesce.PASS.PST-3PL'.

(17) Suffixed <ʔ>-final stems after /á/ and after empty nucleus We may now return to the phonetics of this case of epenthesis. As mentioned throughout this work, speakers of MH rarely produce the sound [h]. At first glance, this fact might be problematic for the view of [h] as epenthetic. The opposite is true: while forms like [lehafriχ] are often pronounced [leafriχ], the pronunciation *[lafriχ] is illicit (except in fast speech). In other words, the stem of the infinitive is still treated as if it were not vowel-initial: its initial onset position is regarded as occupied. However this effect is interpreted, the bi-cyclicity of infinitives, as contrasted with other prefixed forms, is alive and well. 64 Using the standard tool of bi-cyclicity, I have accounted for the absence of [h] in B4 present and future forms. 65 One might nevertheless require independent proof for bicyclicity in this case, alongside its success in accounting for the distribution of [h]. There are two independent reasons to distinguish between the present and future prefixes on the one hand and the infinitival particle on the other. First, the infinitival particle [le] is related to the phonologically identical dative preposition [le] 'to', e.g. [le-jéled] 'to a child'. This relation is unsurprising from a crosslinguistic perspective: allative prepositions are often recruited for the formation of infinitives and subsequently grammaticalized [START_REF] Haspelmath | From purposive to infinitivea universal path of grammaticization[END_REF]. Prepositions select for entire phrases, e.g. [lekol jéled] 'to every child': they are therefore classified as proclitics, rather than prefixes. This relative independence of /l/, as opposed to the verbal prefixes /m-, j-/, correlates with the bicyclicity of the grammaticalized infinitival particle.

The second piece of evidence in support for the stronger boundary between /l/ and the infinitival stem comes from prosody. As shown in [START_REF] Faust | Distributed Morphology and prosody: The case of prepositions[END_REF], in natural speech speakers often pause between a preposition and its stem (5a). Similarly, several cases have been attested of pauses between the infinitival particle and the base (5b). In contrast, no such pausing can be performed between the present or future prefixes and their bases. These pauses also attest to the relative lack of cohesion between the infinitival particle and its base. 64 There is no productive [h]-epenthesis in spoken MH. Speakers do not seem to have any problem with hiatuses or vowel-initial words, as shown by the loanwords [koála] 'koala' or [ápel] 'apple'. This fact is in line with the disappearance of [h]-epenthesis. Possibly, at least for some speakers the synchronic epenthetic element is not /h/, but the /ø/ of the previous chapter. 65 Incidentally, the analysis also designates the [h] of the definite marker [ha] as epenthetic. This marker, when preceded by the preposition /l/, also appears without the [h]: [ha-beʦéfer] 'the school ', but [la-beʦéfer] 'to the school'. Assuming that the definite /a/ is in the same cycle as the preposition /l/, the two are thus expected to fuse.

88

(5) Prosodic pauses a. ani holex le…-dani b. ani holex le…-daber I go.PRS DAT-Dani I go.PRS INF-speak 'I am going to Dany's' 'I am going to talk' Before we return to guttural infinitives, a quick general note on B1 infinitives is due.

A quick note on B1 infinitives

In ( 3) above, the B1 infinitive [li-ʃmot] 'to drop' is transcribed with an infinitive particle [li-]. However, I have associated this particle with the underlying representation /l/. In Biblical Hebrew, the vowel [i] was the closed-syllable counterpart of the reduced or epenthetic vowel [START_REF] Gesenius | Gesenius' Hebrew grammar. As edited and enlarged by the late[END_REF], such that Biblical Hebrew /l-ʃmoːt/ would be realized [liʃmoːt]. However, there is no synchronic way that /l/ can be mapped to [li] in MH. This fact raises the possibility that I have put the hyphen in the wrong position: synchronically, the verbal stem is /-iʃmot/. This possibility is problematic for the present analysis, because under the present assumptions, it would lead to [h]-insertion in B1 infinitives: one would predict *[lehiʃmot].

One solution is to assume a B1 allomorph /li-/ for the infinitival particle. I would like to suggest another alternative which avoids such allomorphy. Assume that in B1, the verbal stem begins with a floating, unassociated /i/ (6b). No [h] epenthesis is expected when (6b) is processed in the first cycle, because there is no position for the initial vowel. That vowel will remain afloat. The concatenation of /l-/ in (6a) to (6b) in the second cycle would provide a position for it (6c). Thus, it is not necessary to assume a specific allomorph of the infinitival marker in B1.

In this subsection, I have shown that there is good reason to assume that the infinitive form, unlike other seemingly prefixed forms, is derived in two stages. First the stem is realized, and only then the particle /l/ is concatenated to its left. In the next section I return to /ac/-final infinitives and show that this two-stage derivation explains their deviations from the general patterns.

Analysis

The representation of the future/infinitive template in B1

We have seen in ( 1) that in the general case, the future and infinitive forms are identical except for the initial consonant, e.g. [ji-ʃmot] and [li-ʃmot] respectively. Let us now formalize this fact

In what follows, I refrain from marking the extra length of stress vowel. For the present purpose, the following fact is important: even though the vowel resulting from /áac/ is indeed long, it is indistinguishable from a regular stressed [á]. In this sense, the two underlying vowels coalesce. McCarthy (2008:197) presents the way in which such cases of coalescence and multiple correspondence are handled in the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993). In this theory, output segments are indexed to input segments, and the relation between output and input can be evaluated. The cross-linguistically common coalescence of /ai/ into [e] is formalized by allowing a single segment in a realization to carry multiple indices [e1,2], linking it to the two underlying segments /a1i2/. Thus, it can be said that no segment is lost in the realization of /ai/ as [e]. Nevertheless, such a realization does violate the constraint UNIFORMITY, defined as follows:

( The formalization in ( 14) and ( 15) expresses the generalization that /o/ is the default allomorph, and will be selected unless specific conditions arise.

And indeed, such specific conditions arise in the case of /ac/-final stems, as shown in ( 16). Beginning again with the future stem, four candidates are considered. The first two, candidates (a,b), do not coalesce the vocalization and the final /ac/.

To summarize, I have assumed that both allomorphs are available in both future and infinitive stems. The interaction between disyllabicity, coalescence and cyclic derivation yields the correct 69 Such cyclic effects can be captured with OO-correspondence constraints, e.g. Kager (1999: Ch. 6).

94 outputs in both /ac/-final and regular verbs in B1. The behavior in B1 of both regular and /ac/final verbs shows no need to list any stem-specific information. 70 The same can be shown for B2.

Allomorphy in B2 future/infinitive stem

The The underlying representation of the non-past stems in (19) also involves two allomorphs, again leaving the choice to the phonology and stating a preference for /e/ over /a/. Because all B2 non-past stems involve three associated, lexical vowels, they all violate disyllabicity. In strong verbs, as shown in (20), the same number of violations is incurred by both vocalizations, and so once again PRIORITY imposes the selection of the default allomorph. This is the case both in the future (20i) and in the infinitive (20ii). 71 case specifically can be used to argue for one way of integrating priority into the phonology, namely through gradient representations.

Whereas previous chapters abstained from any morpheme-specific information in accounting for the effects of historical gutturals, this chapter showed how such information can be stored when necessary. Indeed, it addressed a phenomenon which, in the data chapter, was classified under "morpho-phonology". This chapter is the last one of this work. A few other phenomena classified under "morpho-phonology"notably, the interaction of historical gutturals with prefix vocalizationremain unaccounted for here. Possibly, they can be covered using the same type of morpho-phonological analysis presented in this chapter.