Denis Bertet

Denis Creissels

Antoine Guillaume

Professor, Lev Michael

Leo Wetzels

Cecilia -Mi Comadre -

Su Esposa

Loren Didier

San Martín

Geraldo

Humberto Grimanesa

Olegario

Andrés

Darío, Elcy, Ismael, Martín, Rocky y Teodocia Ignacio Augusto

Jhony

Lambert Anderson

Nepomuceno Castillo

Acitam Cristóbal

Freddy Espinoza

Rufino García

Claudia López

Dany Mahecha

Su Prima

María Montes

Ana María Ospina

Abel Santos

Salima Valdivieso

Su Familia, Doña He- Lena, Doña Francia

Juan Carlos

Muito Obrigado

Nilvânia Amorim

Fernando Carvalho

Sanderson Oliveira

Belén Flores

Larry Hyman

Myriam Lapierre

Zachary O'hagan

Nicholas Rolle

Amalia Skilton Many

Matthew Stave

Lo- Gan Sutton

Farah

Patty Lin

Linda Brendlin

Thiago Chacon

Natacha Chevrier

Minella Duze- Rol

Shelece Easterday

Geny Gonzales

Dan Ke

Olga Krasnoukhova

Magdalena Lemus

Rabia Makine

Esteban Montenegro

Françoise Rose

Adam Tallman

Ma- Rine Vuillermet

Ainsi Qu

Gilles Authier

Birgit Hellwig

Genner Llanes-Ortiz

Enrique Palancar

Daniel Petit

Timothée Merci

Fabienne Rachel

Polo Daniela Obrigado

Dona Clara

José Merci

Aspects of Tikuna grammar (San Martín de Amacayacu variety, Colombia)

de le communiquer au public à condition d'en mentionner le nom de l'auteur et de ne pas le modifier, le transformer, l'adapter ni l'utiliser à des fins commerciales.

Conventions Fully interlinearized examples

The following example serves as an illustration for the explanations below:

(207) Chòmà rǜ ērǜ <tã ů...> tå'ú'ü ̃chaná-tå'u ērǘ chā-completo ì chòmà [...] ➊ Running smat orthographic line.

apart from its regular uses defined in Section 2.9, signals a bound morpheme uttered after a significantly long pause or a false start (see e.g. -arü ̄and -wa̋in examples (T1) and (T2), respectively)

On the practical orthography used in this grammatical description, see Section 2.9.

➋ Morphosyntactically segmented smat orthographic line.

morpheme boundary = clitic boundary (space) phonological word boundary [abc] constituent of interest in the context of the surrounding discussion .

replaces the orthographic hyphen in cases where the latter stands within an unanalyzable morpheme to indicate that the syllable that immediately follows it is stressed (or can be stressed)1

The orthographic space and hyphen employed in line 1 are omitted from this line so as to allow for unambiguous segmentation.

Note, importantly, that this line does not represent morphemes under their lexical form, but under the form they feature once all morphophonological processes (and morphotonological processes, in particular) have been applied (on these processes, see Section 2.6). The presence of such morphophonological processes is left implicit when they merely result from morphological binding (thus ta'i ̋chi ̀'be very hard' in line 1, composed of the lexical forms taȋ 'be hard' + /-'V chi ̀/ 'genuinely', would be analyzed as /ta-'i ̋chi ̀/ in line 2). In cases where these processes are the exponent of a specific morphosyntactic feature, by contrast, this feature is indicated in the gloss (see, in line 2 of the illustration example above, /ta'u-'ü /, composed of the lexical forms ta'u 'be absent' + /-'ü / 'sub'; the feature exposed by the morphotonological alternation deriving /ta'u-/ from the lexical form ta'u, specifically the Subjunctive Inflectional Type, is indicated in the corresponding gloss 'be.absent\sbjv-rel.ns').

➌ Morpheme-by-morpheme linguistic gloss line.

a/b either feature 'a' or feature 'b' ? in glosses that contain an English interrogative word ('what', 'where', etc.), indicates that the corresponding smat form has an interrogative(-indefinite) meaning; elsewhere, indicates that the adequacy of the gloss to the corresponding smat form is uncertain \a the phonological exponent of feature 'a' is of purely tonological-i.e. non-segmental-nature a∼b the phonological exponent of feature 'b' (in practice 'voc') is the truncation of the item corresponding to gloss 'a' (on truncation, see Section 2.6.1.3) See p.27 for a list of the glosses employed in this study.

➍ English translation line.

[abc] contextualization, literal translation, or clarification Contextualizations are not necessarily close translations of the immediately preceding utterance in the original recording but may consist instead in a broader summary of the preceding discourse.

➎ Speaker and utterance references.

[abc speaker reference (see segment reference in the annotated version of the corresponding recording made under the computer software ELAN elic.] utterance stemming from elicited data

In most PDF viewers, the gender and age of speakers may be consulted at any point of this grammatical description by hovering over their reference with the mouse pointer.

➊ & ➋ <abc...>false start abc Spanish word inserted by code-mixing {abc} segment of uncertain transcription [abc] poorly audible segment extrapolated by transcription assistant

➊ & ➎ [...]
segment of the utterance not reported in the example rupture of syntactic construction or conversation turn shift "abc", "abc" direct speech abc...?, abc...? rhetorical question aaabc, aaabc strong emphasis of the speaker on the corresponding syllable

Smat forms in main text and tables

In the main text, smat forms in italics and not enclosed between slash marks are running orthographic forms (e.g. nü cha-daȗ 'I see it'). They follow the same transcription conventions as in line 1 of interlinearized examples (see above).

Smat forms in roman type enclosed between slash marks are segmented orthographic forms (e.g. /nü =cha=daȗ/ 'I see it'). They follow the same transcription conventions as in line 2 of interlinearized examples (see above). Their subsequent glosses, whenever present, follow the same transcription conventions as in line 3 of interlinearized examples (e.g. '3m/n/ns.acc=1sg.sbj=see'; see above).

Within tables specifically, smat forms are always in italics and never enclosed between slash marks, but always represent segmented orthographic forms (i.e. not running orthographic forms).

Highlighting within smat forms

Whether in examples or in the main text, phonemes or morphemes to which the reader should pay particular attention within a smat form or sentence are regularly highlighted in boldface (e.g. /nü =cha=daȗ/ [3m/n/ns.acc=1sg.sbj=see] 'I see it'). Superscript graphemes, however, such as tonal or tonological numbers and the orthographic apostrophe <'> (which stands for a glottal stop), are highlighted by means of small boxes instead for the sake of visibility (e.g. /dau 34 / 'to see').

Example references

Transcription of tones and tonemes

In phonetic and phonological representations, tones and tonemes are transcribed by means of superscript numerals placed to the right of the syllable they belong with. These numerals range from 1 to 6 and correspond to relative levels of pitch distributed at roughly equal intervals, with 1 standing for the lowest pitch level and 6 for the highest pitch level. Single numerals stand for a (level) tone or toneme in unstressed syllable. Sequences of two of these numerals stand for a level or contour tone or toneme in stressed syllable. Tones or tonemes in stressed syllables start at the pitch level represented by the first numeral of the sequence and end at the pitch level represented by the second numeral.

Abbreviations

List of glosses

In most PDF viewers, the unabbreviated form of glosses may be consulted anywhere in this study by hovering over them with the mouse pointer. This study is a typologically-informed description of a few major aspects of the grammar of a variety of Tikuna, a language isolate spoken in western Amazonia along the banks of the Amazon river. The Tikuna variety described in this work is that of San Martín de Amacayacu, a community located near the southeastern tip of Colombia. Its speakers typically refer to it as taga, lit. 'our (incl.) language' or 'people's language', even when talking to foreigners. The grammatical topics covered primarily include the phonological system of the language as well as the morphosyntax and semantics of its predicative phrase. Additional grammatical domains treated in less detail include aspects of the nominal phrase and the expression of negation. All the analyses I put forward in this description are based on first-hand linguistic data that I have collected between 2015 and 2018 in San Martín de Amacayacu with the help of native speakers of the language. This chapter introduces the language that is the subject matter of the present 1.2. Field site and fieldwork nal labor parties which any household can organize to ask for the help of other inhabitants in exchange for food and drink (manioc beer5 in particular; see picture in Figure 9 at the end of this chapter) and future favors. Civil service (education, health services, national park within which sma is located, etc.) and tourism, a rapidly growing activity, 6 provide a crucial monetary income for a number of households. A few families additionally hold small convenience food stores.

Most people in sma identify themselves as Roman Catholics, and a few as Evangelical Protestants. All, as far as I can tell, practice one or the other religion in strong syncretism with traditional native beliefs. The native notion that every individual belongs, like their father, to one or the other of the two Tikuna clanic moieties (moiety of the winged clans vs moiety of the non-winged clans), in particular, and that marrying within one's own clanic moiety amounts to committing an incest, remain predominant.

As of 2018, most households possessed at least one boat and one gas boat engine. A communal power station provided electricity to the whole village about 8 hours a day. A number of households possessed one or several electric appliances, mostly freezers, fridges, or televisions. Most adults and youths, to the exception of the elders, had a personal or shared cell phone, although the cellular and Internet network coverage in the village was generally very poor. A state-run local digital technology center7 offered Internet access on most weekday evenings for a very affordable price, a service that was mostly made use of by the youths. The village had no water distribution system. The Amacayacu river and its minor tributaries, as well as collected rainwater, were the main water supplies available.

Sma is an ethnically very homogeneous community, with a vast majority of its residents being ethnic Tikunas, and only a few being non-Tikuna indigenous people or people who do not identify themselves as indigenous. Most adults, to the exception of the non-Tikuna residents essentially, are fully proficient in sma Tikuna, which they have as their mother tongue. Most of these sma-Tikuna-speaking adults, to the exception of those above age 60, are simultaneously proficient-to varying degrees-in Spanish, their second language. sma Tikuna and Spanish stand in a diglossic relationship in the community, with sma Tikuna being used, in a major-1. Introduction ity of households, in most contexts of daily life, and Spanish being resorted to part of the time at school, for communication with non-Tikuna speakers (whether from the community or from the outside), as well as in discussions on administrative and political matters among sma Tikuna speakers themselves. Note, additionally, that sma Tikuna speakers-especially younger speakers, including fully-proficient ones-frequently practice code-mixing with Spanish while speaking sma Tikuna (the converse-code-mixing with sma Tikuna within Spanish discourse-rarely occurs, by contrast). sma Tikuna is thus in intense contact with Spanish within the community itself. Despite this intense contact with Colombia's national language, sma Tikuna remains, for the time being, relatively vital. A majority of children in the community can be considered to have sma Tikuna as their mother tongue as they only really acquire Spanish as a second language once they start to attend primary school. However, a significant number of children, often-but not always-because one or both of their parents are non-Tikunas, acquire Spanish, not sma Tikuna, as their mother tongue, although they usually have some passive knowledge of sma Tikuna. On the long run, this situation, combined with rapidly increasing direct contacts with non-Tikunas as a consequence of tourism, among other factors, is in fact likely to bring about a replacement of sma Tikuna by Spanish in more and more contexts of daily life in the community.

Sma probably represents, among the Tikuna communities, an extreme case of internal dialectal diversity. Founded half a century ago only, it is populated by families originating, for the most part, from three different areas, specifically the valleys of the Amacayacu, Loretoyacu, and Cotuhérivers. Due to the geographic location of sma, the speeches of its residents additionally stand in regular contact with the speeches of the neighboring Tikuna communities established on the banks of the Amazon river (such as Mocagua, Palmeras, and Puerto Nariño), as well as with the speeches of Tikuna communities of the interfluvial area (Buenos Aires, in particular). The concept of San Martín de Amacayacu Tikuna (henceforth abbreviated as smat), i.e. the variety of Tikuna described in the present work, therefore has to be understood, somewhat artificially, as the heterogeneous set of Tikuna speeches used by long-term permanent residents of the community of sma. In the remainder of this study, I call "subdialectal" the variation that occurs within the set of speeches that compose smat whenever that variation is shared in a consistent fashion by several smat speakers (i.e. whenever that variation is not idiosyncratic but shared by a subgroup of smat speakers). From a dialectological perspective, the tentative identification of a sma Tikuna variety that underlies this grammatical description might prove ineffective once we attain a better understanding of Tikuna dialectology as a whole and can show, perhaps, that the 1.2. Field site and fieldwork set of Tikuna speeches spoken in sma in fact correspond to several geographically well-identifiable Tikuna dialects.

Data collection

To collect the first-hand data that are analyzed in this grammatical description, I took 4 field trips to the Colombian Amazon between October 2015 and July 2018, for a total of 9 months and a half spent in the area, of which 6 months in sma itself (divided in stays of 1 to 8 weeks) and 3 months and a half in the regional capital city of Leticia, where I stayed between two periods spent in sma.

At the beginning of my first stay, I was extremely lucky to benefit from the crucial practical help of Jean-Pierre Goulard, an anthropologist with three decades of research experience with Tikuna people, who happened to be doing fieldwork in the region at the same time. Although I initially had no precise destination, it quickly became clear to me, when Jean-Pierre generously introduced me in sma, that it was an excellent working site for my purposes. The main factors that made me opt for conducting most of my data collection in sma after my first visit there were the vitality of Tikuna in the community, the ease of access to the village, the openness of its residents, their comparatively conservative way of life, 8 and the potential access that the community offers to virtually undocumented interfluvial dialects when speakers of these dialects come and stay over for a few days in sma, usually on their way to Leticia or to other settlements in the valley of the Amazon. Another important factor was the kindness with which lar and her family welcomed me in their house, where I lived during all of the 6 months that I spent in sma itself. By living with them, I had the invaluable opportunity to share the daily life of a Tikuna family for extended periods of time. Note, incidentally, that sma is also one of the sites where María Montes, one of the few specialists 1. Introduction of Tikuna, has conducted most of her linguistic research starting in the mid-1980's, which meant that working myself in sma could provide data that would be directly comparable with older data collected in the same community.

In the initial stages of my research, the language I used in interactions with smat speakers was exclusively Spanish. Although I later started to use more and more smat with them, especially while recording texts and with older speakers not proficient in Spanish, it proved culturally and politically delicate to switch entirely to smat for all daily interactions. A few residents of sma, as well as certain members of other Tikuna communities who happened to come to sma on occasions, thought of foreigners learning their language as a serious instance of cultural appropriation and suspected my intentions, and those of researchers working in the area more generally, were to "steal their culture or their language" to make money out of it back where I was from. Their fears were made all the more acute if they ever heard me speaking the language, or heard that I spoke it with other people. This generally discouraged me from speaking smat, especially with people who were not close collaborators in my project and might not be fully convinced of its essentially harmless nature. My hope is that the concerns of certain Tikunas regarding the purposes of my project will ease once I can go back to sma to deliver its final products to the community.

During part of my stays in sma, I taught free English classes twice a week to anyone interested. A basic knowledge of spoken English is currently becoming a very valuable skill in sma for working in the tourism sector. Although the results of these classes were as a whole limited, one participant in particular, jgs, made quick progresses which he could directly apply in his professional activity as a tourist guide.

Speakers and data

A total of 22 smat speakers have collaborated in the research whose results are presented in this grammatical description. Eight of them are women, the other 14 are men. The ages of these speakers ranged from 18 to 76 years old in 2017 (see Figures 10 and 11 at the end of this chapter for pictures of three of them). Table 1 lists the names of all those who are directly mentioned in this work with their corresponding gender and age. Each of them is attributed a threeletter reference used in the remainder of this work whenever they are mentioned. Note that in most PDF viewers, the gender and age of any of these speakers may be 1.3. Speakers and data consulted anywhere in this document by hovering over their name.

Speakers not directly mentioned in this work but whose valuable contributions I would like to acknowledge here are Eusevio Curico Cayetano, Juan Andrés Morán Cayetano, Elcy Micaela Reina Gregorio, Rodrigo Sánchez Gregorio, Olegario Sánchez Pinto, and one anonymous speaker.

The data on which this description is based (to which I refer collectively as "my data") are of two major types: elicited data and textual data.

My elicited data are mostly handwritten notes collected during dozens of hours of elicitation on topics ranging from phonetics and phonology to morphosyntax and lexicography.

My textual data (to which I refer as "my corpus") consist in the practical orthographical transcription of about 10 hours of recordings of half-staged9 and staged speech performances collated under the computer software FieldWorks Language Explorer (FLEx). 10 These recordings, which are listed in Table 1, represent a varied array of discourse genres, including, in particular, the following:

-interview-format conversations with me (generic or specific aspects of the speaker's daily life, speaker's life story, personal anecdotes, plans for the future, etc.);

-procedural discourse (cooking recipes, how to make a canoe, how to cultivate a swidden, etc.);

-historical accounts (origins of the Tikunas, life during the Rubber Boom, foundation of sma, etc.);

-staged storytelling (text C in Note that any recording that contains at least some moments of interview-format conversation is entitled "Interview" in Table 1. This does not imply that these recordings only contain interview-format conversation. Most of them, in fact, contain moments that qualify as several of the categories of speech performances just listed. The capital letters <A, B, C...> in the fourth column of Table 1 identify specific recordings in cases where my corpus contains several recordings by the same speaker (see conventions for "Speaker and utterance references" on p.23). A sample of excerpts from the recordings in Table 1 are available online at the following address: <https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCafhTQ1bTrPt6vohQgjEcAw>. An extensive, fully-interlinearized transcription of the recording C by lar ("Myth of Ngutapa") is additionally provided in Appendix A of the present work.

The main shortcoming of my corpus in terms of variety of included discourse genres is its lack of texts representing non-staged conversation. Despite considerable and repeated efforts, I was not able to record non-staged conversations with a sufficient level of audio quality as to allow for their posterior transcription. The steady ground noise in the environment, especially after dawn (insects, in particular) when speakers sit and relax after their day of work, is high in sma. Because I only had a single head worn microphone at my disposal, at least one speaker in a conversational setting had to be recorded with another type of microphone, but it turned out that even recordings of conversations between no more than two speakers with one of them being recorded with a shotgun (i.e. a highly directional) microphone proved insufficiently audible to allow for an accurate and extensive transcription of at least some parts of it. A cultural circumstance that further complicates the recording of conversations in smat is the fact that speakers engaged in relaxed conversations with few participants have a strong tendency to talk in a significantly lower voice than in e.g. Western European cultures. Exploitable recordings of spontaneous or half-staged conversations in smat will require the use of as many head worn microphones as conversation participants.

Of the 10 hours that make my corpus, note that only about 5 have been entirely transcribed and freely translated into Spanish with the systematic help of one or several speakers. The transcription and translation of these 5 hours can therefore be considered as highly reliable. The remaining 5 hours have not benefitted from such a systematic process of interpretation. For part of them, I only have a systematically verified transcription, but no systematically verified translation, or the other way around. I have been able to verify neither the transcription nor the translation of another part of these remaining 5 hours, which I pre-transcribed by 1. Introduction myself over the course of the research project waiting for an opportunity to verify them. A vast majority of the examples presented in this grammatical description stem from the part of my corpus that I have been able to fully verify with smat speakers. I only resorted to non-fully verified examples, or exceptionally to unverified examples, in cases where a non-fully verified or unverified example provided a clear and uncontroversial instance of a phenomenon widely attested in the verified part of the corpus. The main two reasons why I was not able to complete the systematic verification of the whole corpus were 1) the irregular availability of speakers, which did not allow me to work as much as I would have liked, and 2) the complexity of the language's tonological system, which for months could make the correct transcription of a single syllable into a long and painful process.

Elicitation and systematic transcription and translation have been mostly conducted with dsg, ear, jgs, jsg, and lar, which undoubtedly entails unintentional biases in this grammatical description towards the subdialectal variants employed by these speakers. 11 The recordings that constitute my corpus were made for the most part using a Zoom Q8 audio-video recorder and a Shure BETA 53 head worn microphone, which proved an optimum combination of recording quality, ease of use, volume, and weight. Using a head worn microphone, i.e. an admittedly relatively invasive device, considerably improved the recording quality (by contrast with any deviceincluding highly directional microphones-placed at a greater distance from the speaker's mouth) without posing cultural issues at any point in the context of sma. The recordings included a video whenever possible, which significantly enriched their posterior analysis. Note that given the tonological complexity of the language, 11 The mother of dsg and jsg, two brothers who grew up in sma, was from the area of the Agua Blanca river, a tributary of the upper Amacayacu river; their father was from the area of the Cotuhé river, a minor tributary of the Putumayo river. ear and lar, two sisters, have lived most of their lives in sma; their mother, gra, grew up mostly in Caballococha and the upper Loretoyacu river, a minor tributary of the Amazon upriver from the mouth of the Amacayacu; I do not know the geographic origins of their late father, Marcelino Ángel. jgs, finally, grew up mostly in Buenos Aires and Caña Brava, two communities settled on the Cotuhé river, and definitively settled in sma at the age of 16; I do not have clear data regarding the geographic origins of either of his parents. Note, in any case, that the geographic origins of these speakers and their parents, although they certainly account for most of the linguistic variation that occurs among them, obviously do not account for all the characteristics of their idiolects. ear and lar, for instance, two sisters who have lived most of their lives in the same area, diverge on the subdialectal variant of the conjunction na'a ∼ ni ́i ̀-i ̃'conj' they use, with ear using the former variant and lar the latter variant.

1. Introduction boring morphemes in order to be realized (excepting cases involving the consonant /ʔ/). The correspondence between the shape of morphemes and their function (i.e., from the practical perspective of the analyst, the identification of morphemes) is relatively straightforward in most domains of the morphological system of the language, except in the complex inflectional morphology of the finite predicative phrase, due to extensive fusion, syncretism, and homophony between unrelated morphemes in this domain.

smat nouns are morphologically distributed in independent nouns (stressed free forms) and bound nouns (unstressed bound forms). The language features five nominal classes. Agreement for nominal class, which manifests itself throughout the nominal phrase and in the indexation of participants within the predicative phrase, is obligatory. The assignment of participants to a given nominal class in discourse, however, is flexible even within a single speech event and depends in complex ways on lexical, semantic, and pragmatic criteria. Nominal phrases in subject and object syntactic function are left unmarked (i.e. occur in the zerocase). By contrast, non-core syntactic functions are encoded, in most cases, by means of a rich system of case-marking suffixes and relational nouns that are attached to the nominal phrase. This tendency to dependent-marking coexists with an opposite tendency to head-marking in cases where a nominal phrase comes after (instead of before) the predicative phrase, in which case its syntactic function is preferably marked through indexation within the predicative phrase (in cases where indexes are available for participants in the corresponding syntactic function) and the nominal phrase itself is left unmarked for syntactic function.

smat completely lacks a class of adjectives. Modification of nominal phrases typically realized by means of adjectives in other languages is regularly realized in smat by the subject relativization of stative predicative phrases. The language does possess, by contrast, a reduced class of adverbs, whose single function is to directly modify the predicative phrase.

Predicative phrases in smat can be verbal (i.e. based on a typically monosyllabic verb root) or non-verbal. Verb roots, which may receive inflectional morphology of the finite predicative phrase as they stand, have access to a rich paradigm of derivational suffixes most of which encode the nature of the spatial relation that holds between a figure (the subject or object participant) and a ground at the culminating phase of the process. They also frequently incorporate nominal constituents. Both verbal and non-verbal predicative phrases may additionally receive one or several of a number of derivational suffixes encoding categories such as Aktionsart, aspect, mood, intensity, or number, among others. The intricate 1.5. Typological profile of San Martín de Amacayacu Tikuna inflectional morphology of the finite predicative phrase provides slots for the indexation of subject and object arguments, as well as that of participants in the accusative (a syntactic function distinct from that of (core) object), benefactive, locative, and partitive object syntactic functions. The inflection of the predicative phrase additionally encodes predicative class (an ultimately lexical feature of predicative phrases, which are distributed in five predicative classes) and, optionally, associated motion (i.e. the occurrence of a backgrounded motion event prior to the main process). The encoding of tense is completely absent from the domain of the predicative phrase. Tense is encoded instead within the nominal phrase ("nominal tense") or by means of clause-level enclitics.

smat can be broadly characterized as a nominative-accusative language. The unique argument of intransitive predicative phrases (U) can indeed be said to align with the agent argument of transitive predicative phrases (A, as opposed to its patient argument P) as far as the encoding of their syntactic function is concerned (although this alignment can really only be observed in the indexation of these arguments within the predicative phrase, but not if these arguments are expressed as syntactically free nominal phrases, in which case nothing allows to tell how U, A, and P-which are all left unmarked-align). Note, however, that the effect of certain derivational suffixes of the verb root or the predicative phrase follows an ergative-absolutive alignment (e.g. the plural allomorph of some of these suffixes encodes the plurality of U or P, but never A).

It is unclear whether an unmarked order of main constituents (or Basic Word Order) can be detected in smat from a pragmatic perspective. Only the relative ordering of the subject (S) and the object (O) is constrained in (rare) cases where both of them are expressed as nominal phrases and occur before the predicative phrase (V) ( ✓ SOV, not *OSV). Apart from *OSV, however, all possible orders occur in apparently any type of clause (in slightly varying morphosyntactic structures) without, in most cases, one of them being clearly identifiable as less marked than the others pragmatically. From a strictly morphosyntactic perspective, however, the order S(O)V can be considered as the least marked insofar as it is the one that requires the least morphosyntactic material.

A rich system of particles and clause-level enclitics encode notions of tense, aspect, mood, evidentiality, and polarity, among others.

Aspects of smat grammar that might currently be of particular interest to typologists are the language's rich tonological system (see Sections 2.4, 2.6.2, and 2.7.3), its system of nominal classes characterized by obligatory agreement but 1.6. Organization of this grammatical description coding of predicative-or "conjugation"-class; note that none of these functions relates to tense, aspect, or mood). The functional distribution of the three Inflectional Types (Indicative, Imperative, and Subjunctive Inflectional Types), which constitute the three values of the last inflectional category of the smat PP, is described next. The encoding of Inflectional Type does not possess a specific locus within the inflectional template of the PP, but is expressed instead through the use of one or the other of the three slightly different paradigms of morphemes that are available in certain slots of the template. The chapter proceeds to give a detailed formal account of the inflectional morphology of the slots of the template whose paradigms vary as a function of Inflectional Type, followed by an account of the morphology of the slots whose paradigms remain identical across the three Inflectional Types. It closes with functional discussions of two of the grammatical categories encoded in the inflection of the PP in smat (associated motion and predicative class), and a discussion of the various strategies-inflectional or notby which the language may encode the number feature of participants from within the PP.

Chapter 6 deals with the morphology and the functional distribution of the smat deictic verb, whose meaning can be roughly glossed as 'to do thus'. The deictic verb, although it inflects for the exact same categories as regular PPs, features a unique, completely irregular inflectional paradigm, which is the main reason why it is treated in a separate chapter.

Finally, Chapter 7 explores at length one aspect of the morphosyntax of the clause in smat, specifically the expression of negative polarity.

This grammatical description additionally features three appendices. Appendix A contains the contextualized and fully-interlinearized transcription of a 22-minute long recording of episodes of the mythological cycle of Ngutapa and his children as told in smat by Loida Ángel Ruiz. The main chapters of this work regularly refer to segments of this text, where grammatical phenomena under discussion can be observed in a fully explicit discursive context.

Appendix B provides for reference an exhaustive glossary of the lexical morphemes mentioned anywhere in this grammatical description.

Finally, Appendix C summarizes in French the main findings of this study.

Note that an exhaustive index of the grammatical morphemes mentioned anywhere in this work is featured at the end of the volume. Section 2.5 is dedicated to smat phonotactics, i.e. to the way the underlying units presented in Sections 2.1-2.4 may-or may not-be combined into syllables.

Section 2.6 describes the major morphophonological phenomena that occur in the language. Such phenomena obtain both at the segmental and tonological levels in smat. The language's complex patterns of morphosyntactically-conditioned tonological alternations, in particular, are covered in detail in this section. Section 2.7 discusses aspects of smat segmental and suprasegmental phonology that relate to contact situations the language has experienced or is still experiencing with other languages spoken in the Western Amazonian region. This section explains in particular how tonemes are attributed to borrowed words, and even to words inserted in a smat context by code-mixing with Spanish, so that such words, like native smat words, should feature one toneme per underlying syllable. Section 2.8 briefly explores a few topics in the diachrony of smat's phonological system.

Finally, Section 2.9 introduces the practical orthography that I employ in the following chapters of this study for transcribing smat.

Segmental inventory

This section on smat's inventory of segmental phonemes and on their phonetic realization is divided in three subsections. The 11 consonant phonemes that occur in onset syllabic position are introduced first, in Section 2.1.1. The 6 vowel phonemes-and the 2 combinations of these-that occur in nucleus syllabic position are discussed next, in Section 2.1.2. Finally, the only phoneme to occur in coda syllabic position underlyingly, specifically the glottal stop /ʔ/, and the relatively complex rules that determine its realization, are the topic of Section 2.1.3.

Onset consonant phonemes

The main consonantal phones attested on the surface in onset syllabic position are listed in Table 2. Table 3 provides a phonological analysis of these phones. a This symbol stands for an empty consonantal onset in stressed syllable.

As shown in

Table 3. Inventory of native smat consonant phonemes with their corresponding allophones

Place of articulation (of consonant phoneme)

Manner of articulation b i l a b i a l a l v e o l a r p a l a t a l v e l a r l a b . v e l a r g l o t t a l [-voice] /pa 34 / /ta 43 / /ʨa 22 / /ka 22 4. Set of (near-)minimal pairs exemplifying contrasts between consonant phonemes in native smat stressed morphemes being the realizations of 11 consonant phonemes or underlying units. Contrasts between these 11 phonemes are exemplified by the set of (near-)minimal pairs displayed in Table 4. An additional hapax phoneme /ɦ/, not featured in Table 3, has to be posited to account for a phone [ɦ] occurring in only one morpheme in the language, /o 31 ɦo 1 ɦo 3 / [ˈŋo̞ ː 31 ɦo̞ 1 ɦo̞ 3 ] 'nocturnal rat sp.'. 15 Note that a symbol for empty consonantal onsets in stressed syllables (/Ø/) is included in Table 3. This inclusion is not meant to imply that such empty onsets are positive phonemes, but simply allows all consonantal phones from Table 2-including [ŋ]-to be featured in Table 3 along with their phonological analysis. For more details on the realization of empty consonantal onsets in stressed syllables, see end of this section.

The realizations of the phonemes in Table 3 are discussed in the following paragraphs.

The phoneme /d/ has two major realizations in non-nasal syllables. These stand 15 Species unidentified. This independent noun is also phonologically exceptional for displaying the phoneme /o/ in unstressed syllables (see Section 2.5). A consultant (jsg) told me that this word is onomatopoeic in nature and mimics the [ɦo̞ ɦo̞ ɦo̞ ɦo̞ ] sound that the animal makes.

2. Phonetics and phonology in strict complementary distribution: the phoneme is typically realized as the dentialveolar [d̪ ] in stressed syllables and as the alveolar tap [ɾ] in unstressed syllables. Contrast for instance its realization in stressed syllable in examples (1a) and (2a) with its realization in unstressed syllables in examples (1b) and (2b):

(1) a. /de 31 (e.g. hga). I have also observed [ɾ] (i.e. the usual allophone of /d/ in non-nasal unstressed syllables) to freely vary with realizations such as the retroflex stop [ɖ], the retroflex tap [ɽ], or the alveolar trill [r] in older speakers (the former two in e.g. gsg's speech, the latter in e.g. tvj's).

In most speakers, the phoneme /ʥ/ is realized [ʥ] in both stressed and unstressed non-nasal syllables. In some older speakers, however (e.g. lar, gsg), /ʥ/ may be freely realized as [ʥ] or [j] mostly in pre-tonic syllables (but also occasionally in post-tonic or even in stressed syllables). A realization of /ʥ/ as [j] in a pre-tonic non-nasal syllable is shown in the following example:

(3) /pe 3 =ʥa 3 =∼bu 34 -∼ʔeʔ-∼ʔɯ/ [pe̞ 3 ja 3 ˈmuː 34 ʔe̞ ̃4e̞ ̰ ʔɯ̃4] (more common realization:

[pe̞ 3 ʥa 3 ...]) 'you shall multiply them' 16 [lar E204] The free variant [j] for /ʥ/ might be a conservative realization that reflects that phoneme's former regular realization (see Section 2.8.1).

The phoneme /kʷ/ has two major realizations in free variation in non-nasal syllables. It may be heard either as the labialized velar stop [kʷ] or-more frequentlyas the labialized bilabial fricative [ɸʷ], as shown in the following example:

2. Phonetics and phonology nasal and nasal syllables. The phonemes /k/ and /g/ do not occur in nasal syllables. Note that I represent phonological syllabic nasality with a tilde symbol placed in front of the segmental components of the syllable (/∼.../). For more details on the syllabic feature [±nasal] and its effects on the realization of segmental phonemes, see Section 2.3.

An epenthetic velar nasal [ŋ] automatically fills empty consonant onsets in stressed syllables, whether non-nasal or nasal. This phenomenon is illustrated in the following examples, in non-nasal syllables-(6a-6b)-and in nasal syllables-(6c-6d):

(6) a. /(Ø)u 22 I have also observed the epenthetic velar nasal [ŋ] to optionally fill empty consonant onsets in unstressed syllables. Such epenthesis almost only occurs in traditional singing by older speakers, as in the following example: (8) /∼da 4 =i 1 =∼ʔi 34 ga 4 =∼da 31 -a 1 ∼de 1 / [nã ( 4) ŋi ̃(1)( ˈ ) ʔi ̃(ː) (34) ga (4)( ˈ ) na(ː) (31) ŋã( 1) ne̞ ̃(1) ] (ordinary realization:

[ni ̃4i ̃1ˈʔi ̃ː34 ga 4 ˈnaː 31 ã1ne̞ ̃1]) '... was the land ...' 20 [mvg C19] 18 Theobroma bicolor. 19 Cuniculus paca. 20 See note 17.

Vowel phonemes

Table 5 provides an inventory of the language's 6 vowel phonemes along with their attested realizations. Contrasts between these phonemes are exemplified by the set of (near-)minimal pairs displayed in Table 6.

The mid vowel phonemes transcribed as /e/ and /o/ in Table 5 are typically realized as the genuine mid vowels [e̞ ] and [o̞ ] respectively (i.e. neither as the close-mid vowels [e, o] nor as the open-mid vowels [ɛ, ɔ]).

The phoneme transcribed as /ɯ/ is typically realized as the unrounded close back vowel [ɯ], although it may occasionally be slightly fronted into the unrounded close central vowel [ɨ], especially when it immediately follows the palatal consonant phonemes /ʨ/ or /ʥ/, as in the following example:

(9) /ʨɯ 34 ta 3 / [ˈʨɯː 34 t ̪a 3 ]∼[ˈʨɨː 34 t ̪a 3 ] 'to get dark'

Stressed syllables may feature one of two sequences of two vowel nuclei in a row, specifically the sequences /ai/ and /au/. These are realized as the diphthongs [a͡ ɪ] and [a͡ ʊ] respectively (or [aɪ ̃] and [aʊ] in nasal or nasalized syllables; see below), as in examples (10a-10b), unless they are separated by a glottal stop on the surface, as in (22c) (see Section 2.1.3.1). An additional sequence, /ou/ [o̞ ͡ ʊ], is marginally attested in onomatopoeic words, as in (10d), and in the interjection /ʔou 43 / [ʔo̞ ͡ ʊ 43 ] 'Yes?, What?' (used in reply to someone else's call). No other sequences of vowel nuclei within a single syllable are attested in my data.

(10) a. /ʔai 43 du 4 'splish splash!'

The nasal allophones of the vowel phonemes in Table 5 regularly occur in nasal syllables (as in the first syllable of the words in examples (11b), (12b), and (13)) and, via surface nasality spreading, in nasalized non-nasal syllables that follow a nasal syllable. Surface nasality spreads "to the right" from any nasal syllable up to the next consonant other than /ʔ/ or to the end of the prosodic word. In Although much less systematic, surface nasality spreading may also occur "to the left" in rapid speech, especially when the nasal syllable that triggers it lacks an onset or has an onset /ʔ/, as shown in the following example: (14) /ʔauʔ 33 -∼a 4 ʨi 4/1 / [ˈʔaʊ̃3 3 ← ----ʔã4ʨi 4 ] 'to get sad'

Phonetics and phonology

Place of articulation

The realization [ɯ̃], which stands for /ɯ/ in nasal or nasalized syllables, is very frequently replaced with a syllabic nasal [N̩ ] in syllables that lack a consonant onset-as in example (15a)-and less frequently in syllables with an onset /ʔ/-as in (15b-15c). The place of articulation of this syllabic nasal ([m̩ ], [n̪ ̩ ], [ɲ ̩ ], or [ŋ ̩ ]) is determined by its immediate phonetic environment.

(15) a. /po 43 For more details on the syllabic feature [±nasal] and its effects on the realization of segmental phonemes, see Section 2.3.

Vowels in onsetless pre-tonic syllables-which are always unspecified for syllabic nasality-tend to be slightly nasalized and breathy-voiced when they come first in the prosodic word, as shown in example (16a) (see also (2b) above). This also occurs in the onsetless first syllable of prosodically independent function words that are usually left unstressed, as in (16b) (see also (128) Note that a coda /ʔ/ may belong morphologically together with the syllable that precedes it (as in (17b), /doʔ 43 / 'be unripe') or with the syllable that follows it (as in (18b), /-ʔ.∼de 1 / 'weapon'). In the latter case, a syllable boundary always separates the coda /ʔ/ from the rest of the morpheme it belongs to. I will call a coda /ʔ/ of the former type a same-syllable coda /ʔ/, and one of the latter type a pre-syllabic coda /ʔ/. The syllable that a same-syllable coda /ʔ/ belongs with may further be either a stressed or an unstressed syllable (a pre-syllabic coda /ʔ/, by contrast, can only belong together with an unstressed syllable).

Thus, three subtypes of coda /ʔ/'s are to be distinguished, as summarized in Table 7, where the exact position of each subtype of coda /ʔ/ within the syllabic structure is precisely identified. The different context-dependent phonological behaviors of these three subtypes are dealt with in the following sections. In cases where a coda /ʔ/ occurs inside an unanalyzable morpheme (i.e. not at either of its edges, as in (19b), /∼iʔ 31 ka 1 / 'to till'), its subtype cannot be determined with certainty, and is in any case irrelevant since, by definition, the phonological context of such coda /ʔ/'s does not vary.

Table 7. The three subtypes of coda /ʔ/'s

Note that it is relatively frequent in discourse-although far from systematic, especially in rapid speech-for a glottal stop to occur at the end of unstressed syllables immediately before pause, as in the following example (see also occurrences of /=ta 1 / 'add' as [...t ̪aʔ 1 ] in (76) below):

(20) /∼e 33 -∼ba 4/1 -∼a 1 kɯ 1 [ˈŋe̞ ː33 mã1ã1kɯ 1 this way ∼di 4 i 1 =∼ʔi 34 ni ̃ʔ4

it is ʨa 1 =ʔɯ 22 -ku 4/1 ʨi 5 ʔɯ 1 -∼ʔɯ 4 ʨa 1 ˈʔɯː 22 ku 4 ʨi 5 ɨ ̰ʔɨ ̃4 that I make manioc beer i 1 =ʨo 21 -∼ba 4/1 / i ̃1ˈʨo̞ ː 21 mã1 ʔʰ ] me 'That's how I make manioc beer. ' [lar D329] This particular [ʔ] is never found at the end of stressed syllables and elsewhere than before pause. It is most likely not lexical, i.e. it is most likely absent from the underlying representation of the morphemes at the end of which it occurs. It might rather be intonational in nature, i.e. it might be a marker that encodes features of whole utterances, and not of morphemes or words. Although its exact distribution and function remain unclear, it may be tentatively characterized as an utterance completion marker, which signals that an utterance is now complete and finished. This would explain why it may occur at the end of a wide array of unstressed morphemes which otherwise display no signs of featuring an underlying /ʔ/. This would also explain why it does not seem to occur at the end of topicalized phrases when these precede the main predicative phrase of the utterance they belong with 2. Phonetics and phonology and are followed by a pause. This [ʔ] seems to be especially common at the end of certain morphemes when these occur before pause, such as the anaphoric /-∼ba 4/1 /, the subordinator /-∼ʔɯ 4 /, the various inflectional forms of the relativizer, and the additive enclitic /=ta 1 /. This observation might in practice simply be due to a comparatively high frequency of occurrence of these morphemes utterance-finally; I have not tested this hypothesis, however. An adequate description of the glottal stop discussed in this paragraph would require further research; in any case, there is no doubt that it is unrelated to the underlying /ʔ/'s dealt with in the following sections.

Same-syllable coda /ʔ/ belonging with a stressed syllable

In practice, same-syllable coda /ʔ/'s may only be detected in monosyllabic (i.e. not in polysyllabic) stressed morphemes. They are realized in all contexts, but depending on the context they may be syllabified either as a coda [ʔ] or as an onset [ʔ], and they may or may not trigger the emergence of an epenthetic vowel right after them.

As shown in Figure 12, four situations may be distinguished, yielding three different surface outputs for syllables containing a same-syllable coda /ʔ/.

(i) Situation 1.

If the morpheme the same-syllable coda /ʔ/ belongs to is not a verb, or is a verb used non-predicatively (non-finite verb form), then on the surface that morpheme acquires a second syllable whose onset is [ʔ] and whose vowel nucleus is an epenthetic vowel (yielding [(C)Vː.ʔV] or [(C)V 1 ː.ʔV 2 ]). The quality of that epenthetic vowel is determined by the underlying vowel nucleus of the morpheme (see below).

Examples (21a-21b) display independent nouns containing a same-syllable coda /ʔ/. Example (21c) shows a zero-derived nominalization of the verb /ʥɯʔ 31 / 'to dance', yielding the meaning 'dancing', followed by the locative case marker /-wa 5 / 'aloc'. As an exception to this rule, these same realizations obtain when a verb used predicatively is immediately followed by the suffix /-∼ʔɯ 4 / [...ʔɯ̃4] 'sub', by any form of the relativizer suffix, or by the suffix /-ʔgu As shown in Table 8, the epenthetic vowel that regularly arises in Situations 1 and 2 is in most cases a copy vowel identical in quality to the vowel nucleus of the stressed syllable containing the same-syllable coda /ʔ/ (first five rows in Table 8). In two cases (sixth and seventh rows), specifically when the vowel nucleus of the stressed syllable containing the same-syllable coda /ʔ/ is an /a/ or what I label here an /o 2 /, the arising epenthetic vowel is [ɯ] rather than a copy vowel. Note that the distinction exceptionally made in Table 8 between a subtype of the phoneme /o/ represented as /o 1 / and another one represented as /o 2 / is a purely lexical one: this distinction is only relevant in smat phonology in the present context and reflects the fact that some-in practice, a majority of-stressed morphemes with a same-syllable coda /ʔ/ featuring the nucleus /o/ trigger a mere copy vowel in Situations 1 and 2 (these are represented here as featuring /o 1 /), while others-in practice, a minority-cause an [ɯ] to arise (these are represented here as featuring /o 2 /; for another instance of /o 2 /, see example (21a) above). 24 Finally, in cases where the vowel nucleus of the stressed syllable containing the same-syllable coda /ʔ/ is complex, i.e. when that nucleus is /ai/ or /au/ (last two rows), the position of the epenthetic vowel is occupied by the second vowel component of that complex vowel nucleus. Non-underlying syllables arising on the surface due to the insertion of an epenthetic vowel after a same-syllable coda /ʔ/ belonging with a stressed syllable are realized with a tone [ 3 ] (see end of Section 2.4.3 below) (see end of Section 2.6.2.1 below). For a mostly identical pattern of contextuallyconditioned realization of vowels in a different situation, see Section 2.6.1.1.

The epenthetic vowel that arises in Situations 1 and 2 allows to prevent coda /ʔ/'s to surface as coda [ʔ]'s at the end of syntactic words, which is avoided in most contexts in the language. Note, however, the series of three exceptional monosyllabic stressed words in examples (24a-24c). For an unknown reason, their same-syllable coda /ʔ/'s do not trigger the appearance of an epenthetic vowel and are always realized as coda [ʔ]'s. That is how they differ on the surface from another series of underlyingly identical words which, for their part, always display epenthetic vowels; these words are shown in parentheses in examples (24a-24c).

(24) a. /∼duʔ 22 / [ˈnuːʔ 22 ] 'all around here (ploc)' (≠ /∼duʔ 22 / [ˈnuː 22 ʔũ3] 'be here') b. /∼eʔ 22 / [ˈŋe̞ ːʔ 22 ] 'all around there (ploc)' (≠ /∼eʔ 22 / [ˈŋe̞ ː22 ʔe̞ ̃3] 'be there') c. /ʥeʔ 22 / [ˈʥe̞ ːʔ 22 ] 'all around over there (ploc)' (≠ /ʥeʔ 22 / [ˈʥe̞ ː 22 ʔe̞ 3 ] 'be over there')

Another exceptional situation where a [ʔ] may occur at the end of a syntactic word is in vocative truncated forms (see Section 2.6.1.3).

(iii) Situation 3.

If the morpheme the same-syllable coda /ʔ/ belongs to is a verb used predicatively and followed by a bound morpheme, and if that bound morpheme lacks a consonant onset or features a consonant onset /ʔ/, then the same-syllable coda /ʔ/ is syllabified as an onset [ʔ] forming a single syllable together with the vowel nucleus of the bound morpheme (yielding [(C)Vː.ʔ-] or [(C)V 1 V 2 .ʔ-]). This is shown in the following examples :

(25) a. /∼da 4 =puʔ 22 -a 1 ∼de 1 / [nã4ˈpuː 22 ʔa 1 ne̞ ̃1] 'the sky is white' b. /ku 3 =ʨa 3 =∼da 3 =tuʔ 33 -∼ʔeʔ 4 / [ku 3 ʨa 3 nã3ˈt ̪uː 33 ʔe̞ ̃4ʔe̞ ̃3] 'I have you cut it' c. /∼da 4 =ʔaiʔ 34 -e 3 / [nã4ˈʔa͡ ɪ 34 ʔe̞ 3 ] 'they are drunk'

(iv) Situation 4.

Finally, if the morpheme the same-syllable coda /ʔ/ belongs to is a verb used predicatively and followed by a bound morpheme, and if that bound morpheme features a consonant onset other than /ʔ/, then the samesyllable coda /ʔ/ is syllabified as a coda [ʔ] belonging together with the syllable it is part of underlyingly (yielding [(C)Vʔ.-] or [(C)V 1 V 2 ʔ.-]). This is shown in the following examples :

(26) a. /ʨa 3 =∼da 3 =ʨuʔ 34 -na 4/1 / [ʨa 3 nã3ˈʨuʔ 34 nã4] 'I disembowel it' b. /∼da 4 =deʔ 34 -ʔpa 3 ʨiʔ C / [nã4ˈd̪ e̞ ʔ 34 pa 3 ʨi ̰ʔi 3 ] 'it has yellow wings' c. /ʨa 3 =ʥa 3 =ʥauʔ 31 -gɯ 4 / [ʨa 3 ʥa 3 ˈʥa͡ ʊʔ 31 gɯ 4 ] 'I catch them'

An epenthetic vowel like those described for Situations 1 and 2 may occasionally occur in Situations 3 and 4, in free variation with the regular output of the latter two situations. While rare, this is not considered incorrect. In example (27), the speaker uses the exact same predicative phrase twice. Although the form employed falls within Situation 3, its first occurrence features an epenthetic vowel. Its second occurrence, by contrast, yields the expected surface output in this situation.

(27) /∼da 4 =ʔauʔ 33 -e 1 ʨa 1 / 'he wouldn't stop crying' First occurrence:

[nã4ˈʔa͡ ʊ 33 ʔe̞ 1 ʨa 1 ] Second occurrence: [nã4ˈʔaː 33 ʔu 3 e̞ 1 ʨa 1 ] [jsg B294-295] Furthermore, three words with a same-syllable coda /ʔ/, shown in parentheses in examples (24a-24c) above, always feature an epenthetic vowel, i.e. including in 2.1. Segmental inventory Situations 3 and 4. That is how they differ on the surface from another series of underlyingly identical words which, for their part, never display an epenthetic vowel, i.e. including in Situations 1 and 2.

When an onset /ʔ/ or a pre-syllabic coda /ʔ/ (see Section 2.1.3.3) immediately follows a same-syllable coda /ʔ/ belonging with a stressed syllable in a context where the latter does not trigger the emergence of an epenthetic vowel right after it (i.e. when two [ʔ]'s could be expected to get in contact on the surface), these two coda /ʔ/'s are merged and only one [ʔ] is realized. This is shown in the following examples (contact with an onset /ʔ/ in (28a), contact with a pre-syllabic coda /ʔ/ in (28b)):

(28) a. /deʔ 34 -ʔe 4 tɯ 1 / [d̪ e̞ ː 34 ʔe̞ 4 t ̪ɯ 1 ] 'to have yellow eyes' (*[d̪ e̞ ʔ 34 ʔe̞ 4 t ̪ɯ 1 ]) b. /ʥauʔ 21 -ʔʨi 5 du 1 / [ʥa͡ ʊʔ 21 ʨi 5 ɾu 1 ] 'to wash clothes' (*[ʥa͡ ʊʔ 21 ʔʨi 5 ɾu 1 ])

Same-syllable coda /ʔ/ belonging with an unstressed syllable

Same-syllable coda /ʔ/'s belonging with an unstressed syllable are realized in all contexts. They regularly trigger the emergence of a short epenthetic echo vowel immediately after them. As shown in the following examples, this echo vowel is always identical in quality to the one that precedes the coda /ʔ/ (contrast the epenthetic vowel that occurs after a same-syllable coda /ʔ/ belonging with a stressed syllable; see previous section):

(29) a. /ʨau 21 -taʔ 4 In rapid speech, this echo vowel may be optionally deleted, as in the following example:

2. Phonetics and phonology (30) /∼dɯ 31 -gɯ 1 -∼baʔ 4 =∼beʔ 4 =ga 4 / [ˈnɯː 31 gɯ 1 maʔ 4 me̞ ʔ4 ga 4 ] (realization in more careful speech:

[ˈnɯː 31 gɯ 1 mã4ʔã3me̞ ̃4ʔe̞ ̃3ga 4 ]) 'I guess [they got married] to each other [...]' [igv 664] Non-underlying syllables arising on the surface due to the insertion of an epenthetic vowel after a same-syllable coda /ʔ/ belonging with an unstressed syllable are usually realized with a tone [ 3 ] (cases where the lexical toneme of that unstressed syllable is / 5 /, / 4 / or / C /) or [ 1 ] (cases where the lexical toneme of that unstressed syllable is / 3 /), unless they occur in a morphosyntactic context where morphotonological alternations apply (see end of Section 2.4.3 below).

Pre-syllabic coda /ʔ/

As was previously said, pre-syllabic coda /ʔ/'s always belong morphologically to unstressed syllables, and more specifically to unstressed bound morphemes (i.e. suffixes or bound nouns; pre-syllabic coda /ʔ/'s are not allowed in clitics). However, such coda /ʔ/'s may only be realized on the surface as coda [ʔ]'s belonging phonetically with a stressed syllable. In other words, they may only be realized when the morpheme they are part of immediately follows a stressed syllable, as in examples (31a) and (32a). When the morpheme they are part of follows an unstressed syllable, they merely remain unrealized, as in (31b-31c) and (32b-32c).

(31) a. /ʔai 31 -ʔ.ka C / [ˈʔa͡ ɪʔ 31 ka̰ ] 'for the jaguar' b. /ʔai 31 -gɯ 4 -ʔ.ka C / [ˈʔa͡ ɪ 31 gɯ C (Ø)ka̰ ] 'for the jaguars' c. /ʔai 31 du 5 -gɯ 4 -ʔ.ka C / [ˈʔa͡ ɪ 31 ɾu 5 gɯ C (Ø)ka̰ ] 'for the dogs' (32) a. /to 33 -ʔ.∼de 1 / [ˈt ̪o̞ ʔ 33 ne̞ ̃1] 'our weapon' b. /to 33 -e 4 -ʔ.∼de 1 / [ˈt ̪o̞ ː 33 e̞ 4 (Ø)ne̞ ̃1] 'our mother's weapon' c. /to 33 -∼bɯ 1 kɯ 3 -ʔ.∼de 1 / [ˈt ̪o̞ ː 33 mɯ̃1kɯ 3 (Ø)ne̞ ̃1] 'our friend's weapon'

A syllable whose onset consonant is /ʔ/ may not feature a pre-syllabic coda /ʔ/. Thus, while e.g. the morpheme /-ʔa 3 kɯ 1 / 'daughter' is attested (syllabic structure /-C 1 VCV/ with C 1 =/ʔ/), no morpheme with a phonological shape such as */-ʔ.ʔa 3 kɯ 1 / is attested (syllabic structure */-ʔ.C 1 VCV/ with C 1 =/ʔ/).

Stress

Stress

Part of the language's morphemes feature stress as one of their permanent phonological properties. Morphemes that feature stress are almost always stressed (but see below for cases of stressed morphemes that may be left unstressed in discourse), while morphemes that do not feature stress never are. Whether a morpheme belongs to the category of stressed morphemes or unstressed morphemes is not a lexical property, but rather depends on the nature of that morpheme; this distribution is explained below. The position of stress within a stressed morpheme is determined automatically and is absolutely fixed. Stressed morphemes always bear stress on their first syllable. Consequently, stress position cannot create contrasts between morphemes.

The first syllable of independent morphemes-i.e. morphemes that may be uttered on their own, including in particular verbs and independent nouns-is regularly stressed, as in examples (33a-33f). The main phonological function of stress is therefore not a contrastive one, but a demarcative one: stress signals the beginning of independent morphemes.

(33) a. /tɯ 34 f. /∼bo 33 ta 3 da 3 ka 3 di 1 / [ˈmo̞ ː33 t ̪a 3 ɾa 3 ka 3 ɾi 1 ] 'ginger' 28 By contrast, dependent morphemes-i.e. morphemes that need to associate with some other morpheme to appear in discourse, and more specifically clitics and most bound morphemes-are entirely unstressed, as in (34a-86e).

(34) a. /-gɯ 4 A prosodic word may only contain a single stressed morpheme-and must contain one-while it may in principle contain any number of unstressed morphemes, including none. The stressing rules above equally apply when a single prosodic word is composed of both independent and dependent morphemes, as shown in the following examples:

(35) a. /ʔu 33 4 -pe 3 de 3 ∼ba 1 -gɯ 4 =∼ba 3 de 3 / [ˈko̞ ː 22 wɯ 4 pe̞ 3 ɾe̞ 3 mã1gɯ 4 mã3ɾe̞ 3 ] 'just deer thighs' d. / ba= 3 da 4 =ʥa 1 =dɯ 3 =ʔo 43 -gɯ 4 / [mã3nã4ʥa 1 ɾɯ 3 ˈʔo̞ ː 43 gɯ 4 ] 'they have disappeared'

In contradiction to the general rules stated above, a few dependent morphemes, such as the personal roots (as in example (36a)), the deictic roots (36b), or the first part of the bipartite deictic verb (36c), are regularly stressed.

(36) a. /ʨau 21 Conversely, although they may be stressed, a few independent function words are in practice left unstressed in most of their actual occurrences in discourse, as in (37a-37c) (see also (16b) above).

(37) a. /ʨo 31 The main acoustic correlates of stress are increased duration and, to a lesser extent, increased intensity. Although this is not always the case in rapid spontaneous speech, stressed syllables have a strong tendency to feature a duration at 2.2. Stress least one and a half as long as that of unstressed syllables. This implies in particular that simplex vowel nuclei (i.e. of the shape /V/, not /VV/) not followed by a coda [ʔ] are usually lengthened elsewhere than before pause, as shown in examples (38a-38c). This lengthening is typically omitted, however, when such vowel nuclei immediately precede a pause, as in (38d).

(38) a. /∼da 4 =∼be 43 -ʔ.kɯ 5 da 1 ∼ʔɯ 1 / [nã4ˈme̞ ʔ43 kɯ 5 ɾa 1 ʔŋ ̩ 1 ] 'it's beautiful' b. /ʨa 3 =∼da 3 =∼be 43 -∼ʔeʔ Intensity, presumably because it is significantly affected by laryngeal gestures necessary for the realization of tones, phonation patterns, and glottal stops, is not a reliable correlate of stress. The presence of stress in a syllable does not automatically entail a higher intensity compared to other syllables within the same prosodic word. However, a frequent and salient feature of spontaneous speech, which I will call "expressive emphasis" and which involves the imposition of series of strong intensity peaks upon ordinary speech for expressive purposes, consistently selects for stressed syllables when it occurs. In example (39), which features a narrow phonetic transcription, stressed syllables are highlighted in bold and expressive emphasis is indicated by underlining. The speaker gets excited by his story and strongly emphasizes a few syllables in his utterance to make it sound more dramatic. All of these emphasized syllables are stressed syllables.

(39) /∼ʔau 21 -∼a 1 kɯ 1 [ˈʔaʊ̃5

Phonetics and phonology

Because the inventory of tonemes is not the same in stressed and unstressed syllables, the way the presence of stress affects pitch as opposed to its absence cannot be evaluated, so that stress cannot be said to have specific pitch correlates. However, expressive emphasis, which always targets stressed syllables, does tend to have a general raising effect on pitch. This can be seen in example (39) above, where the first two emphasized syllables (underlined in the narrow phonetic transcription) display distorted tones: under the effect of expressive emphasis, /∼ʔau 21 / gets realized as [ˈʔaʊ̃5 1 ] instead of [ˈʔaʊ̃2 1 ] and /guʔ 31 ʨa 1 / as [ˈguːʔ 51 ʨa 1 ] instead of [ˈguʔ 31 ʨa 1 ].

Nasality

Phonological nasality is a contrastive feature of syllables (i.e. not a feature of individual segments nor a feature of morphemes or larger domains). As a consequence, syllables may only be either fully non-nasal or fully nasal on the surface ("harmonic" for surface nasality). Syllables that would be partly non-nasal and partly nasal ("disharmonic" for surface nasality) are not allowed. This rule of obligatory harmony for surface nasality and its phonological interpretation are schematically summarized with bilabial consonant onsets in Table 9. Note that I transcribe phonological syllabic nasality by means of a tilde symbol preceding the segmental components of the syllable (/∼.../).

The following are sets of (near-)minimal pairs exemplifying the contrast between phonologically non-nasal and nasal syllables:

(40) a. /pu Because a glottal stop is, for articulatory reasons, unspecified for nasality, the fact that the realization of /ʔ/ does not vary according to the phonological nasality fea-

Phonetics and phonology

ture of the syllable it belongs to is unsurprising and does not constitute an exception to the general pattern of obligatory harmony for surface nasality.

Possibly the only genuinely irregular exception to the pattern of syllabic harmony for surface nasality in the language occurs in the particle used for standard negation, which is typically realized as [(ˈ)t ̪aʊ̃3 4 ]30 (on the standard negative particle, see Section 7.2.1). The anomalous co-occurrence of a non-nasal segment [t ̪] with a nasal diphthong [aʊ] within a single syllable in this highfrequency morpheme clearly results from its historical origin as a phonological reduction of /ta 34 ʔu 4 ∼ʔɯ 4 / [ˈt ̪aː 34 ʔu 4 ʔɯ̃4] 'nothing' (this non-reduced form still exists in the language, but exclusively with a function of negative existential indefinite, i.e. not that of standard negator; see Section 7.3). The phonological nasality of the last syllable of the original form /ta 34 ʔu 4 ∼ʔɯ 4 / has been retained in today's phonologically-reduced monosyllabic form [(ˈ)t ̪aʊ̃3 4 ], giving rise to an anomalous case of a nasality-wise disharmonic syllable. Interestingly, certain speakers tend to denasalize [(ˈ)t ̪aʊ̃3 4 ] (whose exact phonological representation is unclear under the analysis of nasality put forward in this section) to [(ˈ)t ̪a͡ ʊ 34 ], a phonologically unsurprising reaction that results in the regularization of the phonetic and phonological forms of the standard negator ([(ˈ)t ̪a͡ ʊ 34 ], by contrast with [(ˈ)t ̪aʊ̃3 4 ], can be straightforwardly represented phonologically as /tau 34 / under the analysis of nasality put forward in this section).

While all other segmental phonemes may occur in nasal syllables, the velar consonant phonemes /k/ and /g/ do not occur in nasal syllables.

The presence or absence of nasality in a given syllable is entirely determined by the lexicon; there does not exist a single phonological or morphological process in the language that ever affects this feature so as to turn a nasal syllable into a nonnasal one or vice versa.

Note that due to this, there is no language-internal way to tell whether it is a [-voice] consonant phoneme (e.g. a /p/) or a [+voice] consonant phoneme (e.g. a /b/) that underlies a given nasal consonant on the surface (e.g. an [m]). In other words, there is no language-internal way to decide whether a syllable such as 10. Consequently, the phoneme underlying a nasal consonant on the surface is to be viewed as an archiphoneme specified for place of articulation but unspecified for voicing.

-nasal] syllable [p] -[b] [t ̪] -[d̪ ] [ʨ] -[ʥ∼j] [k] -[g] [kʷ∼ɸʷ] -[w] realization in [+nasal] syllable [m] [n] [ɲ] - [w̃]
In this section, I have transcribed the archiphonemes underlying nasal consonants on the surface with uppercase letters representing-arbitrarily-the [+voice] member of the pair of phonemes corresponding to each place of articulation (e.g. /B/ for the neutralization of /p/ and /b/, i.e. for a bilabial consonant phoneme unspecified for voice; see examples (40c), (41c), (42c), and (43c) above). For simplicity's sake, however, in the remainder of this study the phonemes underlying nasal consonants on the surface are transcribed as though they were the [+voice] member of the pair of phonemes corresponding to each place of articulation (e.g. /b/ in nasal syllables stands for /B/). This practical decision is illustrated in example (46). It should not obliterate the cross-linguistically unusual situation displayed by smat whereby the contrastive voicing feature of consonants becomes neutral- 11, stressed syllables feature one of 10 different tonemic values. The major phonetic exponent of 8 of these tonemic values is a pitch pattern, while that of the last 2 is a phonation pattern (on phonation patterns as "tonemes", see below).

The toneme inventory in stressed syllables is exemplified in detail in Section 2.4.1. Two alternative analyses of the toneme inventory in stressed syllables, which would have resulted in a reduction of that inventory to less than 10 underlying units, are considered but argued against in Section 2.4.2.

Unstressed syllables feature one of only 6 different tonemic values. Again, the major phonetic exponent of 5 of these tonemic values is a pitch pattern, while that of the last one is a phonation pattern. The toneme inventory in stressed syllables is discussed in detail in Section 2.4.3. Note, incidentally, that two of the tonemic values found in unstressed syllables (/ 4/1 / and / C /) in fact only occur in post-tonic syllables, and not in pre-tonic syllables (on syllabic structure, see Section 2.5). However, because the remaining four tonemic values of unstressed syllables are phonologically and phonetically identical in pre-and post-tonic syllables, these two syllable types are dealt with together as far as their tonological properties 91 2. Phonetics and phonology are concerned.

The phonetic realization of all the tonemes identified in Sections 2.4.1 and 2.4.3 is briefly illustrated on concrete samples in Section 2.4.4. smat's unusually rich toneme inventory, together with its maximal "syntagmatic toneme density" (i.e. the fact that all of its underlying syllables are tonologically specified), is assessed from a cross-linguistic and an areal perspective in Sections 2.4.5 and 2.4.6 respectively.

Relatively complex morphosyntactically-conditioned processes of tonological alternations, which may secondarily affect a syllable's lexical toneme, are discussed in Section 2.6.2 further below.

Note, importantly, that I indiscriminately call "tonemes" suprasegmental phonological items whose major phonetic exponent is a tone (tonemes proper, with pitch-related contrastive properties) and suprasegmental phonological items whose major phonetic exponent is a phonation pattern (which could be called "phonationemes", with phonation-related contrastive properties). For instance, I call "tonemes" both a phonological item typically realized as a pitch contour starting from the tonal height [ 5 ] and falling to the tonal height [ 2 ] (i.e. toneme / 52 /, as in example (47a)) and a phonological item typically realized as a phonation contour starting with modal voice and ending with creaky voice (i.e. "toneme" / MC /, as in (47b)).

(47) a. /wi 52 / [wi 52 ] 'to cut' b. /gu MC / [guṵ ] 'to finish'

The reason why I treat both types of phonological items identically, although they exhibit heterogeneous phonetic exponents, is because they do not constitute two orthogonal features but belong instead within a single functionally-homogeneous phonological paradigm in smat. Pitch has no phonological relevance in syllables that involve creaky voice phonation; no pair of such syllables consistently contrast for pitch properties under any conditions. 32 Conversely, phonation is but marginally relevant-only to the extent that it is not creaky-voiced-in syllables where pitch is the foreground contrastive feature; in these syllables, phonation 2.4. Toneme inventory is regularly modal. In other words, the phonological items that involve creaky voice phonation (i.e. / CM /, / MC /, and / C /; see below) and those that rely on pitchrelated exponents (the tonemes proper) stand in absolute complementary distribution. Since the phonational-tonological paradigm they constitute features more tonemes proper (8 in stressed syllables, 5 in unstressed syllables) than "phonationemes" (2 in stressed syllables, 1 in unstressed syllables), I have opted for designating both types after the usual term for the former.

On surface phenomena involving stiff voice and breathy voice phonation, see Section 2.1.1 on the realization of /ʔ/ and end of Section 2.1.2 respectively.

Inventory in stressed syllables

The contrastive nature of 10 tonal and phonational realizations in stressed syllables can be illustrated by sets of lexical, underived (near-)minimal pairs such as the ones in examples (48-49). I analyze each of these 10 tonal and phonational patterns as being the surface realization of a separate toneme.

(48) a. ] 'other (feminine/masculine)' displayed in example (48g) are two inflectional forms of a single lexical item and most likely have a partially identical diachronic origin. Note, however, that there is no reason to believe that one of them is derived from the other synchronically, given that the toneme / 36 / is never productively derived from / 21 / (nor / 21 / from / 36 /) in today's smat morphotonological alternation patterns (see Section 2.6.2). The tonemes of these two forms are thus to be considered as non-derived, lexical specifications. In any case, it is likely that most occurrences of the tonemes / 36 / and / CM / in discourse are not as primary, lexical tonemes but as secondary tonemes derived from primary tonemes by morphotonological rules (see Section 2.6.2). As secondary tonemes, / 36 / and / CM / are derived from lexical tonemes / MC / and / 21 / respectively. In example (60b), for instance, the lexical toneme / MC / of the verb /u MC / [ˈŋuṵ ] 'to hurt' automatically turns into / 36 / when that verb is immediately suffixed with a bound morpheme such as /-pɯ 1 tɯ 3 we 3 / [...pɯ 1 t ̪ɯ 3 we̞ 3 ] 'belly', which belongs to a lexical category of triggers of tonological alternations in compounding (Pattern 2 of morphotonological alternations; see Section 2.6.2.2). Contrast (60a), where that same verb retains its lexical toneme when suffixed with a bound morpheme that is not a trigger of such tonological alternations.

(60) a. /ʨa 3 =u MC -pa 3 da 1 / 1sg.sbj=hurt-leg [ʨa 3 ˈŋuṵ pa 3 ɾa 1 ] 'I have sore legs' b. /ʨa 3 =u MC -pɯ 1 tɯ 3 we 3 / → /ʨa 3 =u 36 -pɯ 1 tɯ 3 we 3 / 1sg.sbj=hurt-belly [ʨa 3 ˈŋuː 36 pɯ 1 t ̪ɯ 3 we̞ 3 ] 'I have stomach ache'

In the speech of a number of-mostly younger-smat speakers (e.g. jsg), the toneme / CM / has merged both phonologically and phonetically into the toneme / 22 /, as shown in examples (61a-61b). This implies that the toneme inventory of these speakers in stressed syllables only includes 9 tonemes, instead of 10 in other smat speakers (e.g. lar). 40 Garcinia sp. I have found no set of strictly minimal pairs that would illustrate the 10 tonal contrasts in stressed syllables with the exact same segmental sequence. This is probably to be expected: when a single phonological parameter exhibits such a rich inventory of values, complete sets of strictly minimal pairs illustrating the contrasts of all of these values should be comparatively unlikely to be found, simply because the probability of coming across lexical gaps inevitably increases together with the size of the set being looked for. However, I could relatively easily collect sets of exact tonological minimal pairs of up to 7 items, whether through elicitation or in spontaneous data. Table 12 displays fifteen such sets composed of 4 to 7 items. This table provides the approximate meaning-only one of them for items with several meanings-of given combinations of segments and tonemes. Note that an empty cell does not necessarily imply that the corresponding combination does not exist, but only that it is in any case unattested in my data.

As can be seen in Table 12, my data do not reveal any pattern of complementary distribution according to syllables' segments or nasality value among the 10 tones that occur in stressed syllables. Such a pattern would have shown certain tones to be contextual allotones of a single toneme. This would have resulted in a reduction of the inventory of tonemes to less than 10 items. On the contrary, the absence of any such complementary distribution implies that all of these tones do contrast phonologically with one another. Missing combinations of a given (elsewhere attested) toneme with a given (elsewhere attested) segmental syllable are to be interpreted as mere lexical gaps. 43 Indeed, while a few phonotactic restrictions do apply to certain segmental combinations within a single syllable (see Section 2.5.2), there is nearly no phonotactic restriction at all as to the combination of any given toneme with any given segmental string forming a phonotactically viable syllable (for the only case of such a restriction, see end of

Alternative analyses in stressed syllables

Two hypotheses that have been suggested in studies on Tikuna tonology could have resulted in reducing to less than 10 the total number of underlying tonemes needed to account for the tonal contrasts found on the surface in smat stressed syllables. However, as shown in Sections 2.4.2.1 and 2.4.2.2, where they are respectively assessed, these two hypotheses do not receive significant support from my data, which is the reason why I believe that the ten-toneme analysis developed in the previous section is, for language-internal descriptive purposes at the very least, the most appropriate for today's smat stressed syllables. 44 Potos flavus. 45

Cedrelinga cateniformis.

46 See note 34.

47 Unidentified (at least three widely divergent identifications have been proposed for this tree). Local Spanish acapú. 48 Eschweilera sp. 49 Unidentified. Wild plant yielding small, sweet red fruits. 50 Larva of Dermatobia hominis. 51 Unidentified.

52 See note 18. 53 This near-complete combinability of all segmental syllables with all tonemes is particularly surprising in the case of stressed syllables surfacing with a coda [ʔ]. The vowel nucleus of such syllables is not lengthened on the surface, so that they are realized as [ˈCVʔ.-] Note that immediately before pause, the duration of the vowel nucleus of stressed syllables that do not feature an underlying glottal stop does indeed tend to slightly vary depending on the toneme of the syllable they belong to. In this context, the tonemes / 43 / and / MC /, in particular, tend to correlate with a shorter duration of the vowel nucleus than the other tonemes. Thus, words such as /∼ba 43 / [ˈmã4 3 #] 'be sad' or /∼ba MC / [ˈmaã̰ #] 'to kill (sg.)' can be realized as perceptibly shorter than /∼ba 34 / [ˈmaˑ 34 #] 'to chop up' or /∼ba 22 / [ˈmaˑ 22 #] 'to germinate'. However, these optional phonetic duration differences completely disappear non-pausally; they are not the stable exponents of underlying length contrasts.

Could certain tones correspond to sequences of simplex tonemes, rather than unitary complex tonemes?

To reduce the toneme inventory of smat in stressed syllables, a second direction is to hypothesize that certain tones are the mere surface realization of what is underlyingly a combination of tonemes. This has been done by L. Anderson (1959:92, 118) nothing suggests that any two of these tones could stand in a complementary distribution relationship according to any criterion. All can contrast in essentially the same segmental and suprasegmental context, so that they may be considered to be the realizations of as many separate tonemes. In particular, note that the toneme of a given unstressed syllable is by no means conditioned by the toneme of the syllable that immediately precedes it.

Interestingly, although smat only exhibits 5 tonal (and phonational) realizations on the surface in unstressed syllables, these 5 realizations can be analyzed as being underlain by 6-not 5-tonemic values. Unstressed syllables featuring the toneme that I transcribe as / 4/1 / may alternatively surface with the tones [ 4 ] or [ 1 ]. While in some cases the two alternative tonal realizations of these syllables appear to follow a complementary distribution rule, as in examples (66a-66c), in other cases they stand in free variation-to varying degrees-in the exact same phonological context, as in (66d) and ( 67):

(66) /-gu 4/1 / 'ploc':

[ 4 ] [ 1 ]
a. /ʨa 21 -gu By exhibiting this ability to surface with two alternative tones, these syllables differ both from syllables with a lexical toneme / 4 /-as shown in (68)-and from syllables with a lexical toneme / 1 /-as shown in (69)-which lack this ability:

(68) /-ta 4/1 / '(maternal) uncle' vs /-ta 4 / 'trunk':

[ 4 ] [ 1 ]
a. /ʨau 21 -ta In view of the data in (66-69) only, it may seem that the syllables that I analyze as featuring / 4/1 / are merely syllables with two alternative lexical forms, one of which features / 4 / and the other / 1 /. However, the behavior of these syllables in relation to morphotonological alternations, because it partially differs from the behavior of syllables with / 4 / and / 1 /, leads me to consider / 4/1 / as a separate phonological item distinct from both / 4 / and / 1 /. Examples (70-71) illustrate this partial difference of behavior in the context of morphotonological alternations occurring in predicative phrases in the Subjunctive Inflectional Type followed by the relativizer in non-salientive /-∼ʔɯ 4 / (see Section 2.6.2). In (70a), the predicative phrase /e 34 -bɯ 4/1 / 'to have no (raw) food', which outside contexts of morphotonological alternations is typically realized [ˈŋe̞ ː 34 bɯ 4 ], i.e. with a tone [ 4 ] in its second syllable, normally keeps its tone [ 4 ] when it is inflected in the Subjunctive Inflectional Type and followed by /-∼ʔɯ 4 / 'rel.ns '. In (70b), by contrast, the predicative phrase /e 34 -te 4 / 'not to have a husband', which outside contexts of morphotonological alternations is realized [ˈŋe̞ ː 34 t ̪e̞ 4 ], i.e. also with a tone [ 4 ] in its second syllable, sees its tone [ 4 ] turn into [ 5 ] in the same morphosyntactic context.

(70) a. /e 34 -bɯ The toneme / 4/1 / is the only one to exhibit a (partial) sandhi behavior in smat. In fact, the allotonic complementary distribution rule alluded to above and illustrated in (66a-66c) is likely to have been obligatory in an former stage of the language. Partially lexicalized morphological combinations involving a toneme / 4/1 / with a fixed realization, like those displayed in (72), point to a regular sandhi rule whereby / 4/1 / must have been regularly realized as [ 4 ] immediately after certain stressed tonemes while it was regularly realized as [ 1 ] immediately after others.

(72) /-∼ba 4/1 / 'anaph':

[ 4 ] [ 1 ]
a. /∼dai 36 -∼ba However, what may once have been a regular rule has now come to be a mere tendency outside of lexicalized morphologically complex forms. This explains the cases of free variation illustrated in (66d) and ( 67) above. This sandhi-like tendency is summarized in Table 14 for syllables with / 4/1 / occurring immediately after a stressed syllable (my data are unclear as to how / 4/1 / tends to be realized immediately after the toneme / CM / or any of the tonemes occurring in unstressed syllables).

Note that this sandhi-like tendency is generally much stronger for tonemes / When the same-syllable coda /ʔ/ belongs with an unstressed syllable (see Section 2.1.3.2), the arising non-underlying syllable is also usually realized with a tone [ 3 ], as in examples (74a-74b). However, if the toneme of the unstressed syllable with which that same-syllable coda /ʔ/ belongs is / 3 /, the arising nonunderlying syllable is usually realized with a tone [ 1 ], as in (74c). Note that these arising non-underlying syllables are of very short duration, so that the exact tone with which they are realized is in practice often barely distinguishable in rapid spontaneous speech.

(74) a. /∼da 22 -∼daʔ 4 / [ˈnã2 Note that the tone with which non-underlying syllables are realized may be different in morphosyntactic contexts where morphotonological alternations apply (see Section 2.6.2).

Phonetic realization of the tonemes: a few audio samples

The graphs, waveforms, and spectrograms displayed in this section are meant to visually illustrate with concrete cases the typical realizations of smat tonemes as listed above in Table 11. Note that the four audio samples analyzed in this section may be accessed online at the following address: <https://drive.google.com/ drive/folders/17jIKlEw3cM1gkz635-364YzNuYNSpu44?usp=sharing>.

Figures 13 and 14 exemplify the realization of the tonemes proper (i.e. those with pitch-related contrastive properties) in stressed syllables. Figure 13 provides the graphic representation of tones extracted from a single audio sample (Audio sample 1, see example (75)). For the sake of readability, the tones are split in two groups according to practical phonetic criteria and represented in two different graphs meant to be read together (level and rising tones above, falling tones below). Figure 14 represents tones from another audio sample (Audio sample 2, see ( 76)) following the same expositional conventions.

(75) Audio sample 1 (see Figure 13):

[ˈpaː 64 See note 25. 65 In the form /pa 36 -ka 1 /, the first morpheme, /pa 36 -/, displays a secondary toneme derived by morphotonological alternation from /pa MC / 'to cling on', with a primary or lexical toneme / MC /. This morphotonological alternation is triggered by the second morpheme, /-ka 1 / 'liver', which has the lexical property of causing this process in compounding (see Section 2.6.2). (76) Audio sample 2 (see Figure 14):

[ʨa 3 nã3ˈŋo̞ ː36 ka 1 ] /ʨa 3 =∼da 3 =∼o 36 -ka 1 / 'I bite its liver' 67 [ʨa 3 nã3ˈt ̪uː 52 t ̪aʔ 1 ] /ʨa 3 =∼da 3 =tu 52 =ta 1 / 'I drag it too' 68 ([ʨa 3 nã3ˈme̞ ː34 t ̪aʔ 1 ] /ʨa 3 =∼da 3 =∼be 34 =ta 1 / 'I splash him too') 69 [ʨa 3 nã3ˈmuː 34 t ̪aʔ 1 ] /ʨa 3 =∼da 3 =∼bu 34 =ta 1 / 'I harass him too' [ʨa 3 nã3ˈmuː 33 t ̪aʔ 1 ] /ʨa 3 =∼da 3 =∼bu 33 =ta 1 / 'I weave it too' [ʨa 3 nã3ˈmuː 31 t ̪aʔ 1 ] /ʨa 3 =∼da 3 =∼bu 31 =ta 1 / 'I harpoon it too' [ʨa 3 nã3ˈmuː 22 t ̪aʔ 1 ] /ʨa 3 =∼da 3 =∼bu 22 =ta 1 / 'I send it too' [ʨa 3 nã3ˈŋaː 21 t ̪aʔ 1 ] /ʨa 3 =∼da 3 =a 21 =ta 1 / 'I scold him too' ([ʨa 3 nã3ˈmuṵ̃ t ̪aʔ 1 ] /ʨa 3 =∼da 3 =∼bu MC =ta 1 / 'I eat it too') 69 [ʨa 3 nã3ˈʔɯː 43 t ̪aʔ 1 ] /ʨa 3 =∼da 3 =ʔɯ 43 =ta 1 / 'I cook it too'

Each of the two audio samples on which Figures 13 and 14 are based contains nearly-minimally contrasting items pronounced in a row by my informant jsg, with a short pause after each item. Within each sample, all items (to the exception of the first, for morphophonological reasons) are identical except in one of their syllables which, while always displaying comparable segments, differs in tone from all other varying syllables in the other items. Each of the two samples thus provides a set of immediately comparable realizations of all pitch-related tonemes. Note that in Figures 13 and14, only the portion of the F0 signal corresponding to the portion of the items written in bold dark type is represented, i.e. only vocalic portions from a consonant release to a consonant closure. 70 66 Item not included in Figure 13. 67 In the form /ʨa 3 =∼da 3 =∼o 36 -ka 1 /, the morpheme /∼o 36 -/, displays a secondary toneme derived by morphotonological alternation from /∼o MC / 'to bite', with a primary or lexical toneme / MC /. This morphotonological alternation is triggered by the second morpheme, /-ka 1 / 'liver', which has the lexical property of causing this process in compounding (see Section 2.6.2). 68 On the non-underlying final glottal stop in [...t ̪aʔ 1 ], for /=ta 1 / 'add', see Section 2.1.3,p.74. 69 Item not included in Figure 14. 70 Strictly speaking, values of F0 are shown up to the moment when there is no longer voicing, which indeed roughly corresponds to the closure of the (voiceless) stops that immediately follow 77))

Figure 15 shows tonemes proper in unstressed syllables. It is based on a third audio sample (Audio sample 3, see ( 77)) that also contains segmentally-comparable contrasting items pronounced in a row by jsg, with a short pause after each item.

(77) Audio sample 3 (see Figure 15):

[ˈpe̞ ː In medium-quality recordings such as those used here, Praat sometimes detects pitch where there is perceptually none; portions of the curves I identify as such artifacts are in light gray. 71 Item not included in Figure 15. 72 The personal root /pe 33 -/ '2pl' may take an optional allomorph /pe 22 -/ when immediately preceding a syllable with the toneme / 5 / or / 4 /.

Figure 16. Waveform and spectrogram of the words /ʨo CM / [ˈʨo̞ ̰ o̞ ] 'to open (a canoe)' (above) and /ʨo MC / [ˈʨo̞ o̞ ̰ ] 'be white' (below) from Audio sample 4 (see example (78))

Finally, Figure 16 is meant to illustrate the interesting contrast that obtains between the tonemes / CM / and / MC / in stressed syllables, i.e. a contrast in left-vs right-alignment of creaky voice phonation within the syllable. It is based on a last audio sample (Audio sample 4, see ( 78)) that contains two minimally-contrasting items pronounced in a row by my informant lar, with a short pause after the first item.

(78) Audio sample 4 (see Figure 16):

[

Typological assessment

smat's inventory of ten tonemes in stressed syllables, i.e. the language's maximum number of phonological contrasts between primarily pitch-or phonationrelated suprasegmental realizations in the same segmental and morphosyntactic context, is rather exceptional cross-linguistically. It is delicate, however, to assess exactly how exceptional it is. Because a cross-linguistic operational definition of what should be counted as a toneme is not straightforward, toneme inventories are not established in the same way across different languages and are therefore not directly comparable. Even the analysis of a single tonal language may yield significantly divergent inventories from the perspective of different authors. This is especially true of languages with large toneme inventories.

That being said, and duly taken into account, one may nevertheless make an attempt at a statistical study of toneme inventory size across languages. Maddieson (1978:364-365), in such a study based on a genetically balanced sample of 207 tone languages, observed an exponential decay in number of languages as one increases the number of units in their toneme inventory. Thus, languages with a two-toneme inventory account for slightly more than 50% of his sample, those with a threetoneme inventory for about 30%, and those with four-, five-, and six-toneme inventories for only 6 to 7% each. Maddieson notes "a further sharp reduction [...] in the frequency of systems with more than 6 [contrastive] tones", and adds that his 207language sample, which happens not to contain languages with more than eight tonemes, allows to conclude that "probably less than 1 in 200 tone languages contrasts 8 or more tones". These results were roughly replicated in another, more recent study by Maddieson (2012) based on an independent, slightly wider but less genetically balanced sample of tone languages. A quick survey by Gor-apparently unique in Amazonia (and, in fact, in all of South America), but also remarkably distinct from any other toneme inventory in the region.

Interestingly, smat is spoken in Western Amazonia, in the heart of a large region noted by Hyman (2010:377-378) and Aikhenvald (2012:123-125) to feature most South American tone languages. The relevance of this observation remains unclear, however, as smat's tonological system does not seem to be significantly closer to those of its neighboring tone languages than to those of any other South American tone languages.

Smat's syntagmatic toneme density is even harder to assess from an areal perspective. I shall simply observe that many Amazonian tone languages have been described as featuring "pitch-accent" systems. As noted by Hyman, "[m]any of these so-called ["pitch-accent"] systems have a relatively low 'tonal density' [i.e. syntagmatic toneme density]" (2012:15). One may thus reasonably assume that the average syntagmatic toneme density among the Amazonian tone languages is rather low, and in any case far from smat's 100%-density. Nevertheless, smat's areal unusualness is likely much less striking in this regard than in regard to the size of its toneme inventory.

Phonotactics

Syllabic structure

Three types of syllables need to be distinguished within the prosodic word depending on their position relative to stress: stressed syllables, pre-tonic syllables, and post-tonic syllables. Pre-tonic and post-tonic syllables are two distinct types of unstressed syllables that respectively precede and follow a prosodic word's stressed syllable.

These three types of syllables are structurally different, both in terms of segmental components and suprasegmental components, as summarized in Table 15.

The minimal segmental structure of all three syllable types is /V/, as shown in examples (79a-79c). Note that on the surface an epenthetic velar nasal [ŋ] automatically fills the empty onset position of stressed /V/-shaped syllables, as in (79b); such [ŋ] epenthesis does not normally occur in pre-tonic and post-tonic /V/-shaped syllables, as shown in (79a) and (79c) respectively (see end of Section 2.1.1).

Syllable type

pre-tonic stressed post-tonic The maximal segmental structure of syllables in native morphemes goes from /CV/ for pre-tonic syllables to /CV 1 V 2 ʔ/ for stressed syllables. Post-tonic syllables' maximal segmental structure can be analyzed as /CVʔ/. Instances of segmentwise maximally complex syllables are provided in the following examples (on the phonetic realization of (80b-80c), see Section Morphemes starting with a post-tonic syllable may additionally feature a pre-syllabic coda /ʔ/, thus displaying the form /-ʔ.CV(ʔ)(...)/ from a morphological perspective (see Section 2.1.3.3). However, because such pre-syllabic coda /ʔ/'s, when realized, are by definition always syllabified as the coda of an immediately preceding stressed syllable, I analyze them here as belonging structurally not to post-tonic syllables but to stressed syllables from a strictly phonological perspective.

Segmental components (C)V (C)V 1 (V 2 )(ʔ) (C)V(ʔ) Suprasegmental components [±nasal] [toneme] [stress] [±nasal] [toneme] [±nasal] [toneme]
As shown in Table 16, the inventories of segmental phonemes available in onset (/C/) and nucleus (/V/) positions vary slightly from syllable type to syl-

Phonetics and phonology

Syllable type

Segmental component

pre-tonic stressed post-tonic (81) a. /pe 33 -/+/-ʔV 3 ∼de 1 / → /pe 33 -ʔe 3 ∼de 1 / 'your (pl.) bodies' [ˈpe̞ ː 33 ʔe̞ 3 ne̞ ̃1] 2.5. Phonotactics b. /to 33 -/+/-ʔV 3 ∼de 1 / → /to 33 -ʔo 3 ∼de 1 / 'our bodies' [ˈt ̪o̞ ː 33 ʔo̞ 3 ne̞ ̃1] (82) a. /pe 33 -/+/-a 1 ∼de 1 / → /pe 33 -a 1 ∼de 1 / 'your (pl.) farm plots' [ˈpe̞ ː 33 a 1 ne̞ ̃1] b. /to 33 -/+/-a 1 ∼de 1 / → /to 33 -o 1 ∼de 1 / 'our farm plots' [ˈt ̪o̞ ː 33 o̞ 1 ne̞ ̃1] (in free variation with: /to 33 -a 1 ∼de 1 / [ˈt ̪o̞ ː 33 a 1 ne̞ ̃1])

/kʷ/ ✓ onset /ʔ/ ✓ ✓ (/ɦ/) (✓) /o/ ✓ ✓ (✓) all others ✓ ✓ ✓
All other segmental phonemes are indiscriminately available in all three syllable types.

As shown in Table 15 above, all three syllable types may feature phonological nasality and all three obligatorily feature a toneme. The tonological inventories available in pre-tonic, stressed, and post-tonic syllables are different, however; these inventories are displayed in Table 17 (for more details on the toneme inventory of smat, see Section 2.4 above).

Remember that the position of stress in smat is absolutely static (see Section 2.2). Stress only occurs on the first syllable of certain morphemes (including verbs and independent nouns in particular) and never shifts from there. All other morphemes are always unstressed and, depending on their nature, they either systematically precede (proclitics) or systematically follow (suffixes, bound nouns, enclitics) the stressed syllable of the prosodic word they belong to. As a consequence, the fact that a syllable's position relative to stress has implications as to that syllable's phonological shape is not to be understood dynamically. That is, it should not be taken to mean that morphemes regularly alternate their phonological form according to their position relative to stress in actual occurrences (thus adapting to the syllabic structure associated with that position), since a given morpheme's position relative to stress is a stable property of that morpheme in smat. Note, however, that a few stressed function words are in practice frequently left unstressed (see examples (16b) and (37a-37c) above). In other words, although stress never shifts position within a given prosodic word, it may occasionally be dropped altogether. When this happens, the phonological shape of these function words seems to be remodeled so as to comply with the phonological restrictions that apply to pre-tonic syllables. The following example shows how the first syllable of the stressed word /ku 31 -ʔdɯ 3 / 'your', when left unstressed, drops its coda /ʔ/ (coda /ʔ/'s do not occur in pre-tonic syllables) and sees its toneme / As shown in Table 15 above, a prosodic word may only feature a single stressed syllable, while it may feature any number of unstressed (i.e. pre-tonic or posttonic) syllables, including none (see Section 2.2 and example (35) above). Apart from cases discussed in the preceding paragraph where a stressed morpheme is left unstressed, prosodic words must generally feature a stressed syllable.

From a morphosyntactic perspective, pre-tonic syllables are syntactically independent proclitics (as in example (84a)) or part of them (84b). Stressed syllables are syntactically independent words (85a) or part of them (85b). Finally, posttonic syllables either belong to polysyllabic syntactically-independent words (86a), or are bound morphemes (86b), syntactically independent enclitics (86d), or part of them ((86c) and (86e)).

Realization of unspecified vowels /V/

A handful of disyllabic bound nouns and suffixes exhibit an unspecified vowel position in their first syllable. They all share the property of having a first syllable that lacks an onset or features an onset /ʔ/. They include at least the following six morphemes:

-/-ʔV 3 ∼de 1 / [...ʔV 3 ne̞ ̃1] 'body'; -/-ʔV 5 ʨi 1 / [...ʔV 5 ʨi 1 ] 'genuinely';

-/-ʔV 1 da 1 / [...ʔV 1 ɾa 1 ] 'slightly'; -/-ʔV 4/1 ʨi 4/1 / [...ʔV 4 ʨi 4 ]∼[...ʔV 1 ʨi 4 ] 'out.sg'; -/-V 3 ʨi 1 / [...V 3 ʨi 1 ] 'at'; -/-V 4/1 ∼ʔɯ 4 / [...V 4 ʔɯ̃4]∼[...V 1 ʔɯ̃4] 'at.intervals'.
The vowel quality with which their unspecified vowel is realized in context is essentially determined by the same rules as those that determine the vowel quality of epenthetic vowels that arise after same-syllable coda /ʔ/'s belonging with stressed syllables (see Section 2.1.3.1, and Table 8 in particular). When these morphemes immediately follow a stressed syllable whose vowel nucleus is /i/, /e/, /o/, /u/, or /ɯ/, their unspecified vowel is realized as a copy vowel identical in quality to that preceding stressed vowel, as in examples (87a-87b) (see also (81) above). When they immediately follow a stressed syllable whose vowel nucleus is /a/, their unspecified vowel is regularly realized as /ɯ/, as in (87c). When they immediately follow a stressed syllable with a complex vowel nucleus /ai/ or /au/, their unspecified vowel is realized as the second component of that complex vowel nucleus, as in (87d-87e). Finally, when they follow an unstressed syllable, their unspecified vowel is regularly realized as /ɯ/, as in (87f), and the first syllable of /-ʔV 3 ∼de 1 / 'body' and /-ʔV 5 ʨi 1 / 'genuinely' (but not that of /-ʔV 1 da 1 / 'slightly' nor /-V 4/1 ∼ʔɯ 4 / 'at.intervals')83 additionally becomes nasal, as shown in (87g).

(87) a. /ʨi MC -ʔV 5 ʨi 1 / → /ʨi MC -ʔi 5 ʨi 1 / 'be very tasty' [ˈʨii ̰ʔi 5 ʨi 1 ] 2.6. Morphophonology (89) /go 34 -∼a 4 ʨi Note that this phenomenon might in fact apply to all post-tonic morphemes whose first (or single) syllable features a nucleus /a/ and lacks an onset or features an onset /ʔ/. The reason why I have not observed /a/ to /o/ shifts in other morphemes with such a phonological shape might be due to the limited size of my data. This would imply that the phenomenon under discussion is conditioned phonologically, not morphologically, and is not strictly speaking a morphophonological phenomenon, but a phonological one that by nature only occurs in polymorphemic words.

Noun truncation in vocative phrases

Independent nouns and proper nouns (including Spanish proper nouns inserted by code-mixing) used in the vocative are often-but not obligatorily-truncated to their first syllable only, as in example (91a). This is especially common when they are preceded by the vocative proclitic /pa 1 =/, as in (91b), or followed by the probable vocative enclitic /=ka 1 /, as in (91c).

(91) a. /∼ba 33 ∼ba 1 / → /∼ba 33 / 'Mommy!'85

[ˈmã3 3 ] b. /pa 1 =ʔo MC i 5 / → /pa 1 =ʔo MC / 'Grandpa!' [pa 1 ˈʔo̞ o̞ ̰ ] c. /Eu 33 se 4 vio 1 =ka 1 / → /Eu 33 =ka 1 / 'Eusevio!' 86 [e̞ ͡ ʊ 33 ka 1 ]
Note that when this process occurs, the resulting form retains any glottal stop /ʔ/ that immediately follows the nucleus of the first syllable in the original form.

Phonetics and phonology

Such glottal stops are realized as word-final [ʔ]'s in the resulting form. This process of truncation thus produces forms that regularly end with a glottal stop /ʔ/ realized as a word-final [ʔ], a situation usually avoided in smat (see Section 2.1.3.1, p.79).

(92) /pa 1 =bi 31 ʔi 5 / → /pa 1 =biʔ 31 / 'Mother!' [pa 1 ˈbiʔ 31 ] For the traces of an unrelated, no longer productive process of truncation retaining only the first two syllables of independent nouns, see end of Section 2.7.3.1 below.

Morphotonology

Smat displays at least three relatively complex patterns of tonological alternations occurring in specific morphosyntactic contexts. In these contexts, a syllable's lexical (or initial) toneme is replaced by a specific alternating (or resulting) toneme. For convenience, I refer to these patterns as Pattern 1, 2, and 3. Pattern 2, for instance, involves the replacement of a lexical toneme / 43 / by a toneme / 31 / in the personal roots when these are immediately suffixed morphemes from a certain lexical category of morphemes (which I call "triggers"). This particular morphotonological alternation is illustrated in example (94), where the lexical toneme / 43 / of the personal root of the second person singular (/ku 43 -/ [ˈkuː 43 ...]) turns into / 31 / when the personal root is attached with the bound noun /-ʔa 3 kɯ 1 / [...ʔa 3 kɯ 1 ] 'child, daughter', which happens to be lexically specified as a trigger of the morphotonological alternations of Pattern 2 (contrast (93), where the same personal roots retains its lexical toneme when attached with a bound noun that is not lexically specified as a trigger for Pattern 2 alternations):

(93) /ku 43 -/ + /-we 3 ʨi 1 / → /ku 43 -we 3 ʨi 1 / 'your container' [ˈkuː 43 we̞ 3 ʨi 1 ] (94) /ku 43 -/ + /-ʔa 3 kɯ 1 / → /ku 31 -ʔa 3 kɯ 1 / 'your daughter' [ˈkuː 31 ʔa 3 kɯ 1 ] Let me stress that the tonological alternations dealt with in this section are not conditioned phonetically or phonologically, but morphosyntactically. In other words, they are not cases of allophonic realizations of single lexical tonemes (whereby a given lexical toneme has two realizations in complementary distribution depending on the phonetic or phonological context), but-so to say-cases of "toneme allomorphy" (whereby each lexical toneme has one or occasionally several corresponding "allomorphic tonemes" that occur in specific morphosyntactic contexts).

Phonetics and phonology

The morphosyntactic contexts where the morphotonological alternations of Pattern 1, 2, and 3 occur, as well as the specific alternations that each of these patterns involves, are respectively discussed in Sections 2.6.2.1, 2.6.2.2, and 2.6.2.3.

Pattern 1 of morphotonological alternations

This complex pattern of morphotonological alternations occurs in the last (or single) syllable of predicative phrases of any kind-whether verbal or nonverbal-when these are inflected in the Subjunctive Inflectional Type (sbjv; see Chapter 5). It does not apply, however, in predicative phrases in sbjv that are suffixed with /-ʔgu 4/1 / [...ʔgu 4 ]∼[...ʔgu 1 ] 'circ' (on the morphotonological alternations triggered by this morpheme, see Section 2.6.2.3 below), /-ʥa 1 ∼de 5 / [...ʥa 1 ne̞ ̃5] 'simult.circ', or /-∼a 1 kɯ 1 / [...ã1kɯ 1 ] 'man'.

(i) Simpler cases.

As shown in Note that the morphotonological alternation /22/→/MC/ only applies in predicative phrases in Bare sbjv or that bear the relativizer suffix in its feminine form. In other words, it does not apply in predicative phrases in sbjv that bear the suffix /-∼ʔɯ 4 / [...ʔɯ̃4] 'sub' nor in predicative phrases in sbjv that bear the relativizer suffix in its masculine, neuter, salientive, or non-salientive forms. Contrast example (95f) above, where the morphotonological alternation under discussion does apply (predicative phrase in Bare sbjv), and the following example, where it does not (predicative phrase in sbjv + /-∼ʔɯ 4 / [...ʔɯ̃4] 'sub'):

(96) /dau 22 / → /∼nɯ 31 -gɯ 1 -∼da 1 ∼da 1 =dau 22 -∼ʔɯ 4 / [ˈnɯ̃ː 31 gɯ 1 nã1 nã1ˈd̪ a͡ ʊ 22 ʔɯ̃4] '(that) he takes care'

While, as has just been said, the lexical toneme /22/ usually remains unaffected in Pattern 1 of morphotonological alternations when it occurs in a predicative phrase that bears the relativizer suffix in its salientive form, a morphotonological alternation /22/→/36/ is exceptionally attested in that context. This rare morphotonological alternation is illustrated in the following example:

(97) /ʔɯ 22 / → /ku 43 -∼baʔ 4 wi 33 ʥa 3 -∼ʔɯ 3 ʔɯ 36 ʔe 1 / [ˈkuː 43 mã4ʔ ˈwiː 33 ʥa 3 ʔɯ̃3 ˈʔɯː 36 ʔe̞ ʔ 1 ] 'the one who will sing songs for you (lit. 'make songs with you') ' [igs 517] This marginal phenomenon, which I have observed in older speakers, might be a (lexicalized?) remnant of an alternation that used to be regular but has mostly become obsolete in today's smat. In any case, the historical and dialectological data currently available on Tikuna do not allow to test this hypothesis.

Pattern 1 further involves the following morphotonological alternations in unstressed syllables (i.e. in the last syllable of polysyllabic predicative phrases):

-/ 4 / and / C / → / 5 /; -/ 3 / → / 1 /; -/ 1 / → / 3 /; -/ 4/1 / → / 5 /, / 4 /, / 3 /, or / C /.

The first four are illustrated in examples (95a-95g). These examples display the lexical form of a series of polysyllabic predicative phrases alongside short utterances where the same predicative phrases appear in a context where they are inflected in Bare sbjv.

(98) a. /to 43 Note, importantly, that none of the morphotonological alternations of Pattern 1 described so far in this section apply in predicative phrases in sbjv that bear the relativizer suffix in its feminine form (/-kɯ 3 / [...kɯ 3 ] 'rel.f'), except for the alternation /22/→/MC/, which was said above to apply only in this context and in predicative phrases in Bare sbjv. In those smat speakers that still clearly distinguish them, the feminine and masculine forms of the relativizer suffix, which are segmentally homonymous, indeed only differ by their distinct effects on the application of the morphotonological alternations of Pattern 1 in the syllable that immediately precedes them. These distinct effects allow to distinguish forms such as (99a) (feminine subject relativization of the verb /bu 31 / [ˈbu 31 ] 'be young', where the application of the morphotonological alternations of Pattern 1 are inhibited) and (99b) (masculine subject relativization of the same verb, where the morphotonological alternations of Pattern 1 do apply Interestingly, the morphotonological alternations of Pattern 1 discussed so far in this section constitute a case of morphosyntactically-conditioned chain shift: in the morphosyntactic contexts where Pattern 1 occurs, almost every lexical toneme changes to another one from the language's inventory of tonemes, creating what looks like a chain-in fact, three chains and a "circle"-which can be represented as in Figure 17. The top chain in this figure is to be read as follows: a lexical toneme / 43 / becomes / 31 / in Pattern 1; a lexical toneme / 31 /, in its turn, becomes / 33 / in Pattern 1; a lexical toneme / 33 /, as well as a lexical toneme / 34 /, become / 21 / in Pattern 1; finally, a lexical toneme / 21 / becomes / CM / in Pattern 1. A lexical toneme / CM /, for its part, remains unchanged in Pattern 1. The other two chains in Figure 17 are to be read in the same way. The "circle" in the bottom left part of this figure signifies that a lexical toneme / 3 / becomes / 1 / in Pattern 1, while in the same context a lexical toneme / 1 / becomes / 3 /. Partially similar tonal chain 2.6. Morphophonology (100) /ʔɯ 43 -ku This seems to be a recent simplification of the language's complex system of morphotonological alternations, however, as it is found mostly in younger speakers and in less lexicalized morphological collocations. Alternatively, such occurrences of / 4/1 / may have specific outputs (i.e. outputs that differ from those of / 4 /) when the resulting predicative phrase in which they occur is in Bare sbjv, bears the suffix /-∼ʔɯ 4 / [...ʔɯ̃4] 'sub', or bears the relativizer suffix in its feminine, masculine, or non-salientive forms. When the resulting predicative phrase is in Bare sbjv or bears the relativizer in its feminine form (/-kɯ 3 / [...kɯ 3 ] 'rel.f'), such occurrences of / 4/1 / may turn into / C /, as shown in the following example (case of a predicative phrase in Bare sbjv):

(102) /∼du 34 -ku Importantly, these outputs of / 4/1 / in Pattern 1 that are specific to it (inasmuch as they differ from the respective outputs of / 4 / and / 1 /) are the reason why I treat the toneme / 4/1 / as a distinct underlying unit from both / 4 / and / 1 /, rather than as a mere phenomenon of lexical variation that would occur in morphemes that happen to have two variant forms, one displaying / 4 / and the other displaying / 1 / (see Section 2.4.3, p.106).

Note that these specific outputs of / 4/1 / in Pattern 1 additionally reveal that the last toneme of a number of synchronically unanalyzable polysyllabic verbs is underlyingly / 4/1 /, and not / 4 / as it may seem at first sight. Out of contexts of morphotonological alternations, the tone of the second syllable of the unanalyzable verb /dɯ 34 da 4/1 / [ˈd̪ ɯː 34 ɾa 4 ] 'be unkind', for instance, is always [ 4 ] and does not vary with [ 1 ]. It may thus seem that this tone is the realization of a lexical toneme / 4 /. No morpheme */-da 4/1 / exists synchronically to suggest that this might not be the case. However, in contexts of morphotonological alternations, the second syllable of this verb usually behaves as one with a lexical toneme / 4/1 / by displaying a resulting toneme / 4 /, rather than / 5 /, which would be the expected resulting toneme for a lexical toneme / 4 /. This is shown in the following example: 87 (104) /dɯ 34 da 4/1 / → /ʥa 1 =dɯ 34 da 4 -∼ʔɯ 4 / [ˈd̪ ɯː 34 ɾa 4 ] [ʥa 1 ˈd̪ ɯː 34 ɾa 4 ʔɯ̃4] '(that) he's unkind'

(iii) Tone of non-underlying syllables.

The morphosyntactic contexts where the morphotonological alternations of Pattern 1 occur also affect the tone 87 Interestingly, from an etymological perspective, knowing that the synchronically unanalyzable syllable */-da 4/1 / of this verb has a lexical toneme / 4/1 / may lead us to expect it to appear in other unanalyzable verbs not only with a tone [ 4 ], but also with a tone [ 1 ], as is characteristic of syllables with a lexical toneme / 4/1 /. This allows us to compare /dɯ 34 da 4/1 / [ˈd̪ ɯː 34 ɾa 4 ] 'be unkind' not only with the verb /po 22 da 4/1 / [ˈpo̞ ː 22 ɾa 4 ] 'be strong', but also with the verb /tu 21 da 1 / [ˈt ̪uː 21 ɾa 1 ] 'be weak'. Although the second syllable of the latter verb is to be analyzed synchronically as featuring / 1 / (remember that a toneme / 4/1 / realized as [ 1 ] in a predicative phrase's initial form regularly behaves just like / 1 / in Pattern 1; see above), /tu 21 da 1 / [ˈt ̪uː 21 ɾa 1 ] 'be weak' is very likelydiachronically speaking-to feature the same syllable */-da 4/1 / as the former two verbs.

with which non-underlying syllables arising due to the insertion of an epenthetic vowel after a same-syllable coda /ʔ/ are realized (on the tonal realization of such syllables out of contexts where morphotonological alternations occur, see end of Section 2.4.3). The resulting tone depends 1) on whether the syllable that the same-syllable coda /ʔ/ belongs with is stressed or unstressed, 2) on the lexical toneme of the syllable the same-syllable coda /ʔ/ belongs with, and 3) on the particular subcontext of use of sbjv in which the predicative phrase occurs. This complex pattern is summarized in Table 19. The first two rows of this table represent cases where the syllable that the same-syllable coda /ʔ/ belongs with is stressed. The first row represents cases where that stressed syllable has a lexical toneme / 34 / or / MC /, while the second row represents cases where it has any other lexical toneme. The last three rows of Table 19 represent cases where the syllable that the same-syllable coda /ʔ/ belongs with is unstressed. The third row represents cases where that unstressed syllable has a lexical toneme / 5 / or / 4 /, the fourth row represents cases where it has a lexical toneme / 3 /, and the last row represents cases where it has a lexical toneme / C /. For each of these specific phonological contexts, the resulting tone of the non-underlying syllable is given depending on the specific context of use of sbjv in which the predicative phrase occurs.

The following examples provide instances of the cases marked with a superscript letter in parentheses in Table 19 for illustration (< (a) >=example (105a), < (b)

] [V̰ ] (a) [V 5 ] [V 4 ] (b) [V 4 ]
/CVʔ X / [ˈCVː X ʔV 3 ] with any other lexical toneme

[V̰ ] (c) [V 5 ] [V 1 ] (d) [V 1 ] /-CVʔ 5 / [...CV 5 ʔV 3 ] or /-CVʔ 4 / [...CV 4 ʔV 3 ]
[V̰ ] (e) -or

[V 5 ] [V 1 ] (f) [V 1 ] /-CVʔ 3 / [...CV 3 ʔV 1 ] [V̰ ] [V 3 ] or [V 5 ] [V 3 ] [V 3 ] /-CVʔ C / [...CV̰ ʔV 3 ] [V̰ ] -or [V 5 ] [V̰ ] or [V 5 ] [V 1 ]

Pattern 2 of morphotonological alternations

This pattern of morphotonological alternations occurs in monosyllabic verbs with a lexical toneme / 43 / or / MC / that do not feature a same-syllable glottal 2.6. Morphophonology stop, 88 as well as in the personal roots with a lexical toneme / 43 / (specifically /ku 43 -/ [ˈkuː 43 ...] '2sg', /∼i 43 -/ [ˈŋi ̃ː43 ...] '3f', and /∼da 43 -/ [ˈnaː 43 ...] '3n/ns'). In this pattern, as shown in Table 18 above, a lexical or initial toneme / 43 / is converted in a resulting toneme / 31 /, and a lexical or initial toneme / MC / in / 36 /. Pattern 2 does not apply in any other tonological context, and in particular to tonemes in unstressed syllables. The morphotonological alternations of Pattern 2 are triggered by the immediate suffixation of specific, lexically-determined bound nouns, relational nouns, and suffixes to a monosyllabic verb or a personal root.

Example (106a-ii) shows a verb undergoing a morphotonological alternation of Pattern 2 as a result of the suffixation of a trigger bound noun (contrast (106a-i), where the verb features its unaltered lexical toneme when suffixed with a nontrigger bound noun; see (60) above for a parallel example). Example (106b-ii) similarly shows a verb undergoing a morphotonological alternation of Pattern 2 as a result of the suffixation of a trigger suffix (contrast (106b-i), where the verb features its unaltered lexical toneme when suffixed with a non-trigger suffix).

(106) a. i. /u MC -ku 4/1 tɯ 3 / 'to have sore feet' [ˈŋuṵ ku 4 t ̪ɯ 3 ] ii. /u MC -pɯ 1 ta 1 / → /u 36 -pɯ 1 ta 1 / 'to have a tooth ache' [ˈŋuː 36 pɯ 1 t ̪a 1 ] b. i. /ta 43 -ʔV 5 ʨi 1 / 'be very big' [ˈt ̪aː 43 ʔɯ 5 ʨi 1 ]89

ii. /ta 43 -ʔV 1 da 1 / → /ta 31 -ʔɯ 1 da 1 / 'be a bit big' [ˈt ̪aː 31 ʔɯ 1 ɾa 1 ] 89

Examples (107a-ii), (107b-ii), (107c-ii), and (107d-ii) show how the lexical toneme / 43 / of the second person singular, third person feminine, and third person neuter and non-salientive personal roots turns into the toneme / 31 / when these 88 The morphotonological alternations of Pattern 2 might also have formerly applied regularly in monosyllabic verbs that do exhibit a same-syllable glottal stop, although it no longer seems to be the case in today's smat. This is suggested by a probably lexicalized form such as /do 31 ʔ(-)o 1 ∼de 1 / [ˈd̪ o̞ ː 31 ʔo̞ 1 ne̞ ̃1] 'be of recent formation (a land in a mythological account)', from the verb /doʔ 43 / [d̪ o̞ ː 43 ʔɯ 3 ] 'be unripe' and the bound noun /-a 1 ∼de 1 / [...a 1 ne̞ ̃1] 'space' (on /a/→/o/ in this bound noun, see Section 2.6.1.2). The toneme / 31 / found in the first syllable of the compound is derived from the toneme / 43 / found in the uncompounded verb as a result of a Pattern 2 morphotonological alternation / 43 /→/ 31 / triggered by the bound noun 'space'.

2. Phonetics and phonology are suffixed a trigger bound noun or relational noun (contrast (107a-i), (107b-i), (107c-i), and (107d-i), where the same personal roots feature their unaltered lexical toneme when suffixed with a non-trigger bound noun or relational noun).

(107) a. i. /ku 43 The nature of triggers of the Pattern 2 morphotonological alternations of these bound nouns an suffixes is ultimately a lexical property of these morphemes in smat. It is, however, largely-but not fully-conditioned by the toneme of the first syllable of these morphemes. All bound nouns and suffixes with an initial toneme / 1 / are triggers, as well as a majority of those with / C / in that position (but see examples (107a-i) and (107d-i) for cases of a bound noun and a relational noun that are not triggers despite their initial toneme / C /). Few of those with initial / 4 / or / 3 / are triggers (but see (107b-ii) for an exceptional case of bound noun that is a trigger despite its initial toneme / 4 /). None of those with initial / 5 / or / 4/1 / is a trigger.

Note that the two alternations occurring in Pattern 2, / 43 /→/ 31 / and / MC /→/ 36 /, also occur in Pattern 1 of morphotonological alternations. Pattern 2 thus appears as a reduced version of Pattern 1 occurring in a different morphosyntactic context.

Morphophonology

The morphological alternations of Pattern 2 are occasionally omitted, especially in rarer morphological collocations and in younger speakers.

Pattern 3 of morphotonological alternations

Pattern 3 of morphotonological alternations occurs in the last (or single) syllable of predicative phrases of any kind-whether verbal or non-verbal-when these are attached the circumstantial suffix /-ʔgu The suffix /-ʔgu 4/1 / 'circ' is usually realized [...ʔgu 4 ] (rather than [...ʔgu 1 ]) in cases where it immediately follows a stressed syllable featuring the toneme / 22 / or / MC /. It is also occasionally found suffixed after a stressed syllable featuring / 34 / or after an unstressed syllable featuring / 4 /, although [...ʔgu 1 ] is preferred in these contexts. 91 After a stressed syllable featuring / CM / or an unstressed syllable featuring / 3 /, / 1 /, / 4/1 /, or / C /, [...ʔgu 4 ] and [...ʔgu 1 ] are about as likely to occur. As shown in Table 18 above, the presence of /-ʔgu 4/1 / 'circ' realized [...ʔgu 4 ] only has a tonological effect on the preceding syllable in three of these cases (in the other cases, the lexical toneme of the last-or single-syllable of the predicative phrase is left unchanged). Specifically, it triggers the following three morphotonological alternations:

-/ 22 / → / MC / ; -/ 1 / and / 4/1 / → / C /.

These are respectively illustrated in examples (108a), (108b), and (108c), which contain a predicative phrase in its lexical form alongside an occurrence of the same predicative phrase in a context where the morphotonological alternations of Pattern 3a apply. Note that a few speakers (e.g. jgs) do not carry out the / 1 /→/ C / alternation. ] occurs immediately after a non-underlying syllable arising on the surface due to the insertion of an epenthetic vowel after a same-syllable coda /ʔ/, that non-underlying syllable is realized as creaky-voiced (whether the same-syllable coda /ʔ/ belongs with a stressed or an unstressed syllable, and regardless of the toneme of that syllable). This is shown in the following example:

(109) /deʔ 34 / → /∼da 1 =deʔ 34 -ʔgu

Correspondences attested in older borrowings

As is to be expected, loanwords were usually adapted to smat phonetics and phonology when entering the language's lexicon. In a number of cases, no significant adjustments were required as the source form could easily be accurately reproduced by Tikuna speakers (on the presence of tonemes in the resulting smat form, see Section 2.7.3 below):

(111) /tu 33 pa 3 ∼da 1 / 'God' < LGA /tuˈpana/ 'God' 98 [ˈt ̪uː 33 pa 3 nã1]

In most cases, however, adjustments were needed. At the segmental level, this implied reinterpretations of phones in the source morphemes in terms of smat phonology. A number of non-trivial correspondences due to such reinterpretations are listed and exemplified in Table 20.

In some cases, especially in direct borrowings from Portuguese or Spanish, the syllabic structure of the source form had to be adapted too. In example (112a), a coda [s] (or [ʃ]?) in the source form is dropped in the resulting form, as only /ʔ/ may occur in coda position in native smat morphemes. In (112b), the same restriction causes the emergence of an epenthetic echo vowel /a/ at the end of the resulting form so as to allow for the reinterpretation of a coda [ɾ]∼[r] in the source form as an onset /d/ in the resulting form (see also /∼bu 33 tu 4 du 1 / 'motor (boat)' in Table 20).

(112) a. /pe 43 ta 1 / 'celebration' < Prt. festa/Sp. fiesta 'id.' 99 [ˈpe̞ ː 43 t ̪a 1 ] b. /ʔa 33 ʨu 4 ka 1 da 1 / 'sugar' < Prt. açúcar/Sp. azúcar 'id.' 100 [ˈʔaː 33 ʨu 4 ka 1 ɾa 1 ] Note that the patterns of phonological and phonetic adjustment described here are generally falling into disuse among younger speakers, now that a vast ma- 98 Stradelli (1929:684 A similar comment applies to the case of code-mixing in example (114) (see also (118) and (126) below). The inserted Spanish form perdonando 'forgiving' is realized by the younger speaker jsg virtually as it would be in a Spanish utterance, despite the fact that its underlying and surface forms do not conform to native smat phonology and phonetics (two occurrences of natively prohibited consonant codas, two natively prohibited occurrences of /o/ in post-tonic syllables, occurrence of [d̪ ] in unstressed syllable, occurrence of the non-native phone [ð̞ ]):

(114) /∼daʔ 4 ʨa 3 =∼da 1 =per 33 do 3 nan 4 do 3 -∼ʔɯ 4 / with Sp. perdonan-[naʔ 4 ʨa 3 nã1ˈpe̞ r 33 ð̞ o̞ 3 nañ 4 d̪ o̞ 3 In smat speakers that are not fully proficient in Spanish, the realizations of recent borrowings from Spanish and Spanish words inserted by code-mixing, although they appear to equally target a phonological form identical to that of the source form, are unstable and tend to undergo variable segmental adaptations that lead them to partially-but often incompletely-conform to the phonological and phonetic patterns found in native smat morphemes. The realization by the older speaker hga of the inserted Spanish phrase como treinta kilo(s) 'about 30 kilos' in example (115) retains a natively prohibited onset consonant cluster [t ̪ɾ] and a consonant coda [n̪ ], but simultaneously features segmental alterations that follow for the most part the increasingly obsolete patterns of segmental transfer discussed in the preceding section (

[o̞ ]>[u]∼[a], [e̞ j ̃]>[e̞ ], [l]>[

Toneme imposition

As discussed in Section 2.4 above, smat displays a high syntagmatic toneme density, with every underlying syllable obligatorily featuring a toneme of its own. When borrowed into smat, non-native morphemes have to conform to this general 2.8. Diachronic notes 'when I was 25 years old' 163 [hga 26] Note that the morphotonological alternations that regularly occur in native morphemes (see Section 2.6.2 above) equally apply not only in loanwords, but also-more surprisingly-in morphemes inserted by code-mixing. Examples (126a-126c), which were uttered by a younger speaker with full Spanish proficiency, all feature the Spanish morpheme sucede 'it happens' inserted by codemixing (in place of the native smat predicative phrase /ʔɯ 43 -pe 4 tɯ 1 / [ˈʔɯː 43 pe̞ 4 t ̪ɯ 1 ] 'to happen'). This inserted morpheme presents the expected toneme sequence /σ 33 σ 4 σ 1 / in (126a), in a context where no morphotonological alternation occurs, specifically when the predicative phrase is inflected in the Indicative Inflectional Type. In (126b) and (126c), however, the toneme / 1 / of its last syllable turns into / 3 / and / C / when the predicative phrase is inflected in the Subjunctive Inflectional Type ((126b); see also (114) above) and when it is immediately followed by the morpheme /-gu 4/1 / 'circ' (126c).

(126) a. /ʨa 3 =∼da 4 =su 33 ce 4 de 1 / [ʨa 3 nã4ˈsuː 33 se̞ 4 The occurrence of native smat morphotonological processes in Spanish morphemes inserted by code-mixing clearly shows that the latter are usually imposed genuine underlying tonemes as soon as they enter a smat frame utterance.

Diachronic notes

This section tentatively sketches and argues for hypotheses regarding the reconstructable diachrony of the phonemes /ʨ/ and /ʥ/ (Section 2.8.1), the phone 2. Phonetics and phonology

[ŋ] (Section 2.8.2), and certain occurrences of the phoneme /o/ (Section 2.8.3). Note that these hypotheses are necessarily fragile and provisional due to the limited and ambiguous nature of the data on which they are based (in large part pre-1953 non-linguistically-informed records of Tikuna, on which see Section 1.4). In particular, such attempts at reconstructing the phonological diachrony of smat will hopefully be awarded more ascertained results as more linguistic work is done to document the various dialects of Tikuna.

2.8.1 /ʨ/<*/ɕ/, /ʥ/<*/j/ In today's smat, the phoneme /ʥ/-usually pronounced [ʥ]-is occasionally realized [j] by some older speakers, and /ʨ/-normally [ʨ]-may exceptionally be realized [ɕ] by the oldest speakers (see Section 2.1.1). The written historical records on Tikuna suggest that these realizations [j] and [ɕ] are conservative (as opposed to their innovative variants [ʥ] and [ʨ]) and reflect the former regular realizations of their corresponding phonemes.

The likely or explicit realizations of the reflexes of today's smat /ʨ/ and /ʥ/ recorded in all the existing pre-linguistic records of Tikuna and in the major linguistic works on Tikuna are plotted in chronological order in Figures 19 and20. 164 The data in these figures lead me to hypothesize that a long-term process 164 Each name in Figures 19,20, and 21 below is that of an individual who collected first-hand data on a Tikuna variety. The names are placed at the approximate time of data collection (as opposed to the time of publication of the data; for more on the diagrammatic organization of these figures, see Section 1.4). Below each name of individuals who produced linguistically-informed records (i.e. after 1953) is a transcription in IPA of the phonetic realization reported or explicitly described by the corresponding individual for a given phoneme. Below each name of individuals who produced non-linguistically-informed records (i.e. before 1953) is an approximate transcription in IPA of the phonetic realization(s) that the corresponding individual likely witnessed for a given phoneme. My interpretation of these realizations is based on the transcription habits of each individual, taking into account the orthographic tradition of his native language at the time of data collection as well as his transcription habits for other languages of which he has left written records. As shown in Figure 19, for instance, the identifiable reflexes of today's smat /ʨ/ occurring in Tikuna words collected between 1817 and 1820 by the German biologist Johann Baptist Ritter von Spix (1781-1826) and published in Martius (1867:159-161, 413-486) can be interpreted as *[ɕ] or a coronal fricative phone close to it. In an overwhelming majority of cases, these reflexes are indeed transcribed <s> (up to 37 occurrences) or <sch> (up to 12 occurrences). The grapheme <s> in Spix' use most likely stands for [s] (compare his transcriptions for a Quechuan variety he witnessed in Peruvian Amazonia: <uâsy> 'house' most likely for [ˈwasi], <ghosa> 'husband' for These loanwords are relatively likely to have lacked an onset or to have featured a weakly articulated onset at the time of borrowing, and to have developed an initial [ŋ] at a later stage. Note, however, that most loanwords of comparatively old date (e.g. loanwords from Old Omagua) whose source form lacks an initial onset do not display an initial [ŋ] in today's smat, but a /ʔ/ (see, e.g., (117a), (119f), and (121b) above). It remains unclear why some loans from onsetless sources yielded Tikuna forms with an initial phone that would later develop into [ŋ], while others yielded Tikuna forms with an initial /ʔ/.

The likely or explicit realizations of the reflexes of today's smat [ŋ] recorded in all the existing pre-linguistic records of Tikuna and in the major linguistic works on Tikuna are plotted in chronological order in Figure 21. 174 Note that in this figure [ ɦ ] stands for its International Phonetic Alphabet value or more broadly for a weak voiced articulation close to it, or possibly even [Ø]. I interpret the data in Figure 21 as supporting the [Ø]∼[ ɦ ]>[ŋ] hypothesis. This evolution could have taken place over the course of the first half of the 19th century.

The [Ø]∼[ ɦ ]>[ŋ] hypothesis might explain why [ŋ] occurs in both nonnasal and nasal syllables in today's smat, i.e. why its distribution does not pattern like that of the other nasal consonant phones with regard to nasality, but rather like that of /ʔ/ (see Section 2.3). This modern distribution would not appear problematic if all cases of [ŋ], whether in non-nasal or nasal syllable, arose independently of nasality from [Ø] or a weak glottal articulation that, like /ʔ/, would probably have been transparent to nasality.

In this [Ø]∼[ ɦ ]>[ŋ] scenario, the rare and optional epenthesis of onset [ŋ]'s in unstressed onsetless syllables in today's smat (see end of Section 2.1.1) could be interpreted as an optional overapplication in synchrony of the diachronic process that allowed the initial boundary of stressed syllables with an onset As shown in Table 21, the phoneme /ʔ/ is left unrepresented at the beginning of stressed syllables. I do not represent it either at the beginning of the frequent quotative enclitic a'a /=∼ʔaʔ 3 / [...ʔã3ʔã1] or u'à/=∼ʔu 3 ∼ʔa 1 / [...ʔũ3ʔã1]. In all other cases, /ʔ/ is represented by the apostrophe <'>. In cases where a samesyllable coda /ʔ/ triggers the emergence of a non-underlying epenthetic vowel in the surface form, the graphic form represents that surface form and the epenthetic vowel is written (as in <ta'u> for /tauʔ 22 / [ˈt ̪aː 22 ʔu 3 ] 'toucan' or <chaùta'a> for /ʨau 21 -taʔ 4 / [ˈʨa͡ ʊ 21 t ̪a 4 ʔa 3 ]; see Section 2.1.3).

The phoneme /d/ is represented as <d> in stressed syllables-where it is realized [d̪ ]-and as <r> in unstressed syllables-where it is realized [ɾ].

The empty consonant onset /(Ø)/, realized [ŋ], is represented as <g> in Phonological nasality is systematically encoded by the first letter of a syllable. Thus, /∼b/ [m] is represented as <m>, /∼d/ [n] as <n>, /∼ʥ/ [ɲ] as <ñ>, and /∼w/ [w̃] as <w̃>. In nasal stressed syllables, the empty consonant onset /(Ø)/ is represented as <ng>; this digraph is read [ŋ] just as its analog <g> in nonnasal stressed syllables, but it further indicates that the syllable is nasal, i.e. that its nucleus is nasalized and that it may trigger surface nasality spreading. In cases where the first letter of a syllable is a vowel, phonological nasality is encoded by the addition of a tilde symbol <x> above it. Surface nasality spreading, a strictly phonetic phenomenon, is left unrepresented (see Section 2.1.2).

Note, additionally, the following non-straightforward segmental graphemes: <ch> stands for /ʨ/, <f > for /kʷ/ [kʷ∼ɸʷ], <j> for /ɦ/ (which only occurs in a single morpheme; see Section 2.1.1 above), <ü> for /ɯ/, and <y> for /ʥ/.

As shown in Table 22, half of the ten diacritic graphemes used to represent tonological information only occur in stressed syllables with a single value, while the other half occur in both stressed and unstressed syllables with different values. The correct interpretation of the latter half consequently requires to know which syllables are stressed and which are unstressed (see below). The tonological diacritics are written above the first vowel grapheme of syllables. In the graphic representation of the two complex nuclei /ai/ (<ai>) and /au/ (<au>) (and of the marginal complex nucleus /ou/, <ou>; see Section 2.1.2), only the letter <a> (or <o>, for <ou>) bears a diacritic.

Vowel graphemes that lack a tonological diacritic and immediately follow an apostrophe <'> represent epenthetic vowels arising after a same-syllable coda /ʔ/. These epenthetic vowels give rise to non-phonological syllables which surface with a default tone [ 3 ] (in most cases) or [ 1 ] (immediately after a toneme / 3 / in unstressed syllable) outside contexts of tonological alternations.

The toneme / 4/1 / is represented as <x> (which may also stand for / 4 /) in cases where it is realized [ 4 ] and <x> (which may also stand for / 1 /) in cases where it 186 See note 122.

187 See note 38. 188 Mauritia flexuosa. 189 Bradypus variegatus. 190 Alouatta seniculus.

2.9. Practical orthography is realized [ 1 ]. Out of context, i.e. in the lexical representation of morphemes, the toneme / 4/1 / is represented as <x̽ >, i.e. with a combination of the diacritics <x> and <x> (which stand for / 4 / and / 1 / respectively; e.g. <-'gu̽ > /-ʔgu 4/1 / 'circ').

Note that the toneme / CM /, <'x>, is represented with a combination of an apostrophe <'> with the diacritic <x> that would otherwise stand for / 22 / (remember that / CM / has merged into / 22 / in most younger speakers; see Section 2.4.1, p.97).

As a rule, syntactic words are separated by spaces. Most clitics, in particular, are thus detached from their host (e.g. <chomàrü > /ʨo 21 -∼ba 4/1 =dɯ 1 / [ˈʨo̞ ː 21 mã1ɾɯ 1 ] '(as for) me'). However, a hyphen <-> is specifically used to signal the boundary between the (string of) proclitics of the predicative phrase (which among themselves are not separated by spaces) and their host (e.g. <nü cha-daȗ> /∼dɯ 3 =ʨa 3 =dau 22 / [nɯ̃3ʨa 3 ˈd̪ a͡ ʊ 22 ] 'I see it').

Apart from the representation of the toneme / 4/1 / in context-which does not distinguish it from / 4 / or / 1 /-the only phonological ambiguity of this practical orthography is to do with stress, which is not systematically represented. However, stressed syntactic words-which always bear stress on their first graphic syllable-may be detected through an array of graphic clues such as the presence in their first graphic syllable of graphemes occurring only in stressed syllables (<ai, au, aĩ, aũ, d, f, g, ng, w̃, x, x, x, x, 'x>), or the presence of a hyphen <->, which always immediately precedes a stressed word. In cases where such clues are absent, knowledge of the limited number of unstressed morphemes of the language is usually enough to easily deduce which words are stressed or unstressed. In exceptional cases, a basic understanding of the language's morphosyntax should easily resolve any remaining ambiguities regarding the presence or absence of stress.

The way the presence or absence of stress, as well as its position, can be indirectly detected in this practical orthographic transcription is illustrated in example (132). This example is repeated from (20) with the addition of its orthographic transcription (first line; the word-by-word gloss is not repeated here and the phonetic transcription line represents a careful pronunciation rather than the actual recorded pronunciation of this utterance, which is why it slightly differs from the phonetic line in (20)).

(132) Ngemaàkü /∼e 33 -∼ba 4/1 -∼a 1 kɯ 1 [ˈŋe̞ ː33 mã1ã1kɯ 1 ni ́i ̀-i ∼di 4 i 1 =∼ʔi 34 ni 4 i 1 ˈʔi ̃34 cha-ü kućhi ̋'ü 'ü ʨa 1 =ʔɯ 22 -ku 4/1 ʨi 5 ʔɯ 1 -∼ʔɯ ʨa 1 ˈʔɯː 22 ku 4 ʨi 5 ʔɯ 1 ʔɯ̃4 i ̀choma. i 1 =ʨo 21 -∼ba 4/1 / i ̃1ˈʨo̞ ː 21 maʔ 1 ] 'That's how I make manioc beer. ' [lar D329] The first graphic word in ( 132) is known to be stressed (on its first syllable, as always) because its first syllable features the grapheme <ng>, which only occurs in stressed syllables. This implies, in passing, that the tonological diacritic <x> in <Nge> is to be interpreted as representing / 33 / (value of <x> in stressed syllables), not / 3 / (value of <x> in unstressed syllables; see Table 22). The sequences <ni ́i > and <cha> in the second and third graphic words are known to be unstressed, and more specifically to be proclitics of the predicative head, since they are followed by hyphens <->. These hyphens also indicate that the syntactic words <i > and <ü kućhi ̋'ü 'ü >, which follow them, are stressed (on their first syllable). The tonological diacritics in the first syllables of these two words are unambiguous; because they only occur in stressed syllables, they contribute to indicate that the syllable they belong to is stressed. The second to last graphic word <i > stands for the non-salientive inflectional form /i 1 =/ of the pervasive linker proclitic, and is therefore unstressed. Although it could in theory represent a (nonexistent) stressed morpheme */ʔi 21 /, in practice the risk of ambiguity is nil. Finally, no graphic clue signals the stressed nature of the last graphic word <choma>. Because the language features no unstressed morpheme with this shape, however, it is easily deduced to be stressed (on its first syllable), which implies that the value of its first tonological diacritic <x> is / 21 / (value of <x> in stressed syllables), not / 1 / (value of <x> in unstressed syllables).

Slight non-phonological intra-dialectal variations, such as those described in Section 2.1 in particular, are not reflected in the practical orthography (e.g. /kʷ/ is represented as <f > whether realized [kʷ] or [ɸʷ]). In cases where a morpheme has two phonological variants and one of them is obviously analyzable as secondarily derived from the other, that morpheme is always represented according to its more conservative variant (e.g. <feǹü ē> for both the conservative variant /kʷe 21 ∼dɯ 3 e 3 / [ˈɸʷe̞ ː 21 nɯ̃3e̞ ̃3] and the innovative variant /kʷe 21 ∼de 3 e 3 / [ˈɸʷe̞ ː 21 ne̞ ̃3e̞ ̃3], both meaning 'to hunt'). When no obvious derivation relationship is detectable between two phonological variants of a morpheme, the two variants are faithfully represented (e.g. <a'a> for /=∼ʔaʔ 3 / [...ʔã3ʔã1] but <u'a> for /=∼ʔu 3 ∼ʔa 1 / [...ʔũ3ʔã1], both being variants of the quotative enclitic).

Spanish words inserted in a smat utterance by code-mixing are written in italics and following Spanish standards (in particular, the tonemes that such words are

Chapter 3

The nominal phrase This chapter first provides a general introduction to the morphosyntax of the nominal phrase (NP) in smat (Section 3.1), and proceeds to explore at more length four areas of interest within this domain, specifically the distinction between independent nouns and bound nouns (Section 3.2), the pronominal system (Section 3.3), the system of non-locative demonstratives (Section 3.4), and the morphosyntax of the unique linker morpheme of the language (Section 3.5). The chapter closes with a brief introduction to the encoding of the syntactic functions of NPs (Section 3.6).

Introduction to the morphosyntax of the smat nominal phrase

Major types of morphemes and constituents involved

The major elements involved in the internal morphosyntax of the NP in smat are the following: Older speakers (e.g. igs, gra) typically always use the linker after wi ́'á(e.g. /wi ́'aý a=naî/ 'a tree', /wi ́'ága=yatü / 'a man (in a past context)'), while younger speakers (e.g. jsg, jgs) typically omit the linker after wi ́'a, except in past contexts (e.g. /wi ́'ánaî/ 'a tree', /wi ́'ága=yatü / 'a man (in a past context)').

The elements 1.-4. and 9. in the list above are dealt with at length in Sections 3.2-3.5. The elements 5.-8. are not explored in detail in this grammatical description. Instances of them frequently occur in examples throughout this study, however.

Introduction to the inflectional category of nominal class

Two major grammatical categories are expressed in the inflectional paradigms of several of the elements of the NP listed above, specifically nominal class and nominal tense. The category of nominal class comprises five different values, which I call the feminine (f), the masculine (m), the neuter (n), the salientive (s), and the non-salientive (ns) nominal classes, respectively. Agreement for nominal class is obligatory at the clausal level, i.e. any morpheme within a NP that can inflect for nominal class obligatorily occurs in its inflectional form corresponding to the nominal class of the participant referred to by the NP. Morphemes that inflect for nominal class (i.e. targets of agreement for nominal class) essentially include a few independent nouns (tò'other', akü ́'what? who?', akü 'ü ̃'thingy (filler word)', gẽ'ü ̃'which?', mentioned here-by convention-in their non-salientive form), the third person pronominal roots, the non-locative demonstrative roots, the relativizer suffix, and the linker. The inflectional paradigms of most of these morphemes are described at length in the remainder of this chapter. The forms of to, akü , akü 'ü , gẽ'ü , and the relativizer, which are not discussed in this grammatical description, are displayed in Table 23 for reference (the neuter allomorph of the relativizer has a default shape /-'ne/, but takes the disyllabic shape /-'ü ñe/ when attached to a monosyllabic verb root). Note that the morphological shape of independent nouns and bound nouns, for their part, does not bear-in most cases-any relation with the nominal class to which participants expressed by means of these nouns are assigned in discourse. Third person indexes on the predicative phrase also obligatorily agree for nominal class with the participant they represent. These indexes are described in Chapter 5. Although three of the labels I use to refer to the nominal classes of smat ('feminine, masculine, neuter') are borrowed from the terminology of the grammatical category of gender (as it is attested in e.g. Romance or Germanic languages), it is important to note that smat's nominal classes differ significantly from what is traditionally labeled genders in that the assignment of participants to nominal classes in smat is comparatively much more flexible. This assignment relies not only on lexical properties of nouns, but also, to a large extent, on semantic and pragmatic criteria. In example (133) above, for instance, the deer is assigned to the non-salientive nominal class despite the fact that the independent noun kowü 'deer'

shows a lexical "preference" for the masculine nominal class. This assignment of the deer to the non-salientive nominal class occurs for pragmatic reasons. In the context of the utterance, the deer appears as a despicable being who is having a bad influence on a woman. In accordance with the evaluative perspective of the speaker, the deer is "demoted" from its lexical nominal class to the non-salientive nominal class. This marked assignment (since it does not match the noun's preferred nominal class) activates the evaluative value of the non-salientive nominal class, which connotes that the referent does not deserve particular respect. 195 On the complex principles that govern nominal class assignment in smat, which are not covered in this grammatical description, see Bertet (to appear).

Introduction to the inflectional category of nominal tense

Nominal tense is a grammatical category that is expressed in the inflectional paradigms of the non-locative and locative endophoric demonstrative words (see Sections 3.4.1 and 3.4.3), the nge-/ye-words (a small class of words that are historically derived from the non-locative demonstrative roots; see Section 3.4.8), and the linker (see Section 3.5.1). The category of nominal tense in smat has two values, which can be labeled as [-past/unspecified] and [+past], respectively. A distinction has to be made between older and younger speakers as to how these two values are put to use.

In the speech of most older speakers (e.g. gra, lar), these two values are essentially-although not always strictly-mutually exclusive ([±past] system). Within clauses which refer to processes that took place in a pre-hodiernal past (i.e. at a time that precedes the day of utterance time), the [+past] forms of the endophoric demonstratives, the nge-/ye-words, and the linker are regularly used. By contrast, within clauses which refer to processes that did not take place in a prehodiernal past (e.g. processes that occurred earlier today or that are presently occurring, prospective or future processes, generic processes, etc.), the [-past] forms are used instead.

Contrast example (135), which refers to non-pre-hodiernal events, with (136), an excerpt from a traditional story that refers to pre-hodiernal past events (in this case, events situated in the remote past of traditional narratives). Both were uttered by the same speaker, whose speech is representative of that of older speakers.

(135) " [...] Younger speakers (e.g. jgs, jsg), for their part, have generalized the use of the [-past] forms of the endophoric demonstratives and the nge-/ye-words in all contexts, whether non-pre-hodiernal past or pre-hodiernal past. In the grammatical system that underlies their speech, the [-past] forms of these words can be said to be in practice unspecified for nominal tense, rather than [-past]. These speakers interpret the [+past] forms of these words, which they almost never use themselves, as mere optional variants of the [-past] forms available in specifically pre-hodiernal past contexts ([unspecified] vs [+past] system). However, younger speakers do maintain a use of the forms of the linker that relatively consistently expresses explicitly [-past] vs [+past] values. That is, although the category of nominal tense has become obsolete in the endophoric demonstratives and the nge-/ye-words as used by these speakers, that category remains essentially valid in their use of the linker.

Contrast example (137) with (136) above. The utterance in (137), an excerpt from a story told in the pre-hodiernal past, was produced by jsg, whose speech is representative of that of younger speakers. Although the events being referred to are (fictitiously) situated in a pre-hodiernal past, the speaker uses the [-past] (i.e., in practice for him, the [unspecified]) form of the nge-/ye-word meaning 'because' (erü ) and a [-past] form of the endophoric demonstrative (yi ̂'ema). In accordance with the temporal setting of the events, the speaker does employ, however, a [+past] form of the linker (ga).

Nominal tense often gives rise to agreement-like phenomena (as in (135-136), for instance, where entire clauses, and in particular entire NPs, feature only [-past] or only [+past] forms). Although it is by nature expressed within the NP,196 nominal tense does not seem to be, however, a feature of NPs but a feature of clauses. In this respect, it is not comparable with nominal class, in particular (on which see the preceding section).

I have not delved into the semantics of nominal tense for this research. Note, in any case, that it makes no doubt that nominal tense in smat is not an aspectual category (i.e. one that involves the encoding of a temporal relation that holds between an event time and a reference time) but a tense category (i.e. one that involves the encoding of a temporal relation that holds between a reference time and utterance time). The [+past] forms of the words that inflect for nominal tense in smat can never be used in contexts that refer to future events (i.e. that are posterior to utterance time), for instance. If nominal tense in smat were an aspectual category, i.e. one that in principle bears no direct relation to utterance time, this restriction would not be expected.

The grammatical category of tense in smat, apart from operating within NPs through nominal tense, can also be encoded at the clausal level by means of the 3.2. Independent nouns and bound nouns (pre-hodiernal) past enclitic /=ga/ 'pst' or the future enclitic /=ta/. The morphology of the predicative phrase, by contrast, does not provide any means for the encoding of tense.

Independent nouns and bound nouns

Prototypically, independent nouns are morphemes that simultaneously display the following two morphosyntactic properties:

-they may constitute a complete, well-formed NP on their own; -they cannot constitute a complete, well-formed predicative phrase on their own.

The first property entails that independent nouns may constitute a well-formed phonological word on their own, which in its turn implies that they are stressed morphemes (see Section 2.2). This distinguishes them, in particular, from bound nouns (on which see below).

The second property above implies that independent nouns cannot receive inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase as they stand. NPs made of a single morpheme that may be directly (i.e. without any morphological modification) inflected as a predicative phrase are cases of zero-derived nominalization of a verb root. Thus, the morpheme poȓa, which may constitute on its own a wellformed NP meaning 'strength', can be shown to be, in fact, a verb root by the fact that it can be directly inflected as a predicative phrase, as in e.g. na=poȓa( 3m/n/ns.sbj=be.strong) 'he is strong'. -they can constitute the head of an NP; -they cannot occur on their own in discourse but require a phonologically independent host with which to occur (a well-formed NP, a pronominal root, or a well-formed predicative phrase).

The second property is related to the fact that bound nouns are unstressed morphemes, and may consequently not constitute a well-formed phonological word on their own. Although the meaning of nouns does not directly account for their belonging to the morphological class of independent nouns or to that of bound nouns, there are a few obvious semantic domains that are typically represented by bound nouns. Most part names (for parts of any kind of entity, such as body parts, but also generic part names, e.g. top, bottom, front, back, inside, side, vertical dimension, etc.) are bound nouns. I also consider as part names, in a broad sense, the names of natural byproducts of living beings or other entities (e.g. egg, seed, semen, urine, feces, footprint, track, leftovers, etc.) and the immaterial "parts" or properties of living beings or other entities (e.g. thought, soul, name, voice/language, clan, 3.3. Pronouns custom, smell, taste, etc.), which are typically represented by bound nouns in smat. Unexpectedly, however, most names for internal organs are independent nouns (except for /-neka/ 'stomach (organ)', /-ka/ 'liver', and /-ü ñü ta/ 'bowels' ).

Most words referring to types of natural (as opposed to man-made) places (e.g. lake, river, riverbank, river mouth, slope, hill, jungle area that abounds with a given plant, etc.) are bound nouns, presumably because they are conceived of as parts of the landscape.

Participants in biological and social relations are also typically named by bound nouns, with a few notable exceptions such as papa̋'dad' (a synonym for the bound noun /-natü / 'father'), mama̋'mum' (a synonym for the bound noun /-e/ 'mother'), or yora̋'master', which are relatively recent loanwords (on the origins of these words, see example ( 123)), but also apparently native smat words such as o̰ i 'grandfather, old man' or ya'guà̰ 'ancestor, old person'.

Finally, generic (as opposed to more specific) texture, shape, and function names are also regularly bound nouns (e.g. liquid, paste, round shape, cup shape, motif, container, place where something belongs, home, raw food, prepared food, alcoholic drink, etc.; but not water, ball, canoe, basket, manioc beer, etc.). Some bound nouns, however, do not quite fit in any of these wide categories. These are names for certain wearable or portable items (e.g. garment, hammock, fabric, rope, weapon, paddle, seat-but not top garment, harpoon, stone axe, storage basket, among others), names for parasitic entities (e.g. parasite, louse/flea, weed, filth), and miscellaneous nouns meaning 'animal (in general)', 'domestic animal', 'time' (as in 'three times'), 'compensation', 'topic', etc. Detectable borrowed nouns are consistently borrowed as independent nouns regardless of their meaning.

Pronouns

This section deals with the pronominal roots and the different types of nominal words in the formation of which they may enter. All of the pronominal roots are monosyllabic morphemes (except for one allomorph of one of them, /yi ̀'e-/ '4'; see below). None of them may occur on its own in discourse, but they are among the few dependent morphemes to belong to the category of stressed morphemes (see Section 2.2; note, however, that the pronominal roots are in many cases optionally left unstressed). Being stressed morphemes, they always 3. The nominal phrase occur as the first syllable of independent words. Section 3.3.1 introduces the general morphological organization of the smat pronominal system and shows, in particular, that the pronominal roots exist under four major series of morphologically-conditioned allomorphs (labeled Allomorph 1 to Allomorph 4).

The next four sections successively present the types of morphological formations that involve each of these four series of allomorphs. Section 3.3.2 discusses the morphological formations in which a pronominal root is immediately attached with a bound noun (yielding a pronominally possessed bound noun) or a relational noun (independent pronoun in the syntactic function encoded by the corresponding relational noun; on the relational nouns, which are one of the two types of morphemes-along with case-marking suffixes-that contribute encoding of syntactic functions, see Section 3.6.2). In these two cases, the Allomorph 1 series of the pronominal roots is employed. Section 3.3.3 discusses the cases where a pronominal root is suffixed with /-ma̽ / 'anaph' (independent pronoun in the zero-case), /gü / 'refl' (reflexive independent pronoun in the zero-case), or one of the "focal" suffixes, which select for the Allomorph 2 series (on the notion of zero-case form of nominal constituents, i.e. the default form of nominal constituents when they are unmarked for syntactic function, see Section 3.6.1). Section 3.3.4 discusses the cases where a pronominal root is suffixed with /-'ü / 'acc', /-'na/ 'dat', and /-'ü / 'ben' (independent pronoun in the accusative, dative, or benefactive respectively), which select for the Allomorph 3 series. Finally, Section 3.3.5 discusses the case where a pronominal root is suffixed with /-'rü ̄∼ -'ri ̄/ 'gen' (independent pronoun in the genitive), which is the only morpheme that selects for the Allomorph 4 series (on the accusative, dative, benefactive, and genitive case-marking suffixes, see Section 3.6.2).

Finally, Section 3.3.6 focuses on specific semantic aspects of the language's pronominal system. It discusses, in particular, the semantics of the smat "fourth person", a value of the language's paradigm of grammatical persons that may either function as a first person plural inclusive, refer to a vaguely-defined social group with which the speaker identifies, or represent a generic, non-referential human participant.

Note that the morphology of the subject, (core) object, accusative, benefactive, and partitive object pronominal indexes belonging to the inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase are dealt with separately in Chapter 5. What is said of the semantic organization of the smat pronominal system in the present section, 3.3. Pronouns however, equally applies to the pronominal roots and to the pronominal indexes.

Morphological organization of the pronominal system

Table 24 provides a general overview of the morphology of the pronominal roots. As can be seen in this table, the three parameters that define the semantic structure of the smat pronominal system are person (with four values: '1', '2', '3', and '4'), number (with two values: 'sg' and 'pl'), and nominal class (with five values: 'f', 'm', 'n/ns', and 's'). Not all the possible combinations of these parameters occur: the parameter of number only applies in the first and second persons, and that of nominal class only applies in the third person. The resulting nine categories are '1sg ', '2sg', '1pl', '2pl', '3f', '3m', '3n/ns', '3s', and '4'. They are arranged vertically in all the tables in this section.

Each of the pronominal roots features from two to four morphologically-conditioned allomorphs, i.e. allomorphs whose selection strictly depends on the morphological combination in which the pronominal root occurs. Four morphological contexts of occurrence of the pronominal roots need to be distinguished, which respectively select for Allomorph 1, Allomorph 2, Allomorph 3, or Allomorph 4 of the pronominal roots. Thus, for instance, the second person singular pronominal root (second row in Table 24) takes the form /ku-/ when attached with a bound noun (as in /ku-natü / [2sg-father] 'your father'), the form /ku-/ when attached with /-ma̽ / 'anaph' (yielding /ku-ma/ 'you'), and the form /ku-/ when attached with the accusative case suffix /-'ü / 'acc' (yielding /ku-'ü / 'you (acc)') or with the form /-'rü / of the genitive case suffix (yielding /ku-'rü / 'your').

Additionally, some of the Allomorphs 1 to 4 of certain pronominal roots feature some phonologically-conditioned "sub-allomorphy" (/chaù-/cho-/cha-/ '1sg', Allomorph 1), some subdialectal variation (e.g. /cho-∼ cha-/ '1sg', Allomorph 3), or some "sub-allomorphy" conditioned by the nature of trigger or non-trigger of Pattern 2 morphotonological alternations of the bound morpheme with which they are attached (e.g. /ku-/ku-/ '2sg').

The morphological contexts of use of each of Allomorphs 1 to 4 of the pronominal roots are described in the following sections. The variation ("sub-allomorphies" and subdialectal variation) that occurs within each of Allomorphs 1 to 4 of a given pronominal root is discussed in these sections. Bound nouns and relational nouns (including predicative relational nouns), when they are immediately attached to a pronominal root, select for Allomorph 1 of that pronominal root. When attached with a bound noun, the pronominal roots fulfill a possessive function relative to that bound noun (e.g. the Allomorph 1 of the first person singular pronominal root, when combined with the bound noun /-chi ́'ü / 'home', yields the form /chaù-chi ́'ü / meaning 'my home'). Combinations of pronominal roots with bound nouns are displayed in Table 25. Note, importantly, that the third person neuter/non-salientive pronominal root can be used as an expletive pronominal form allowing bound nouns to occur in discourse without reference to a possessor. A form such as /na-kutü / '3n/ns', for instance, may either refer to the foot of a contextually-available neuter or non-salientive participant ('his foot'), or refer to a foot absolutely, i.e. without reference to a possessor ('(a/the) foot').

Combinations of pronominal roots with a relational noun yield independent pronouns standing for participants in the syntactic function encoded by that relational noun (e.g. the Allomorph 1 of the first person singular pronominal root, when combined with the areal locative relational noun /-wa/, yields the indepen- Non default sub-allomorphs of Allomorphs 1 of pronominal roots are highlighted in bold in Tables 2526.

Allomorph 1 of the first person singular pronominal root features three phonologically conditioned sub-allomorphs. It takes the form /chaù-/ by default. In cases where the first segmental phoneme of the morpheme with which it is attached is a bilabial or a labialized bilabial consonant (i.e., in practice, /p/, /b/ (including when they occur as their nasal allophone [m]), or /w/), it takes the form /cho-/. Finally, in front of a velar consonant (i.e., in practice, /k/ or /g/), it takes the form /cha-/. The non-default sub-allomorphs /cho-/ and /cha-/ are optional (and rare in the case of /cha-/) when the Allomorph 1 of the first person singular pronominal root is attached with a bound noun, but obligatory when attached with a relational noun (combinations of pronominal roots with bound nouns being comparatively less lexicalized than their combinations with relational nouns).

The Allomorphs 1 of the second person singular, third person feminine, and third person neuter/non-salientive pronominal roots feature two suballomorphs each. They take the forms /ku-/, /ngi ́-/, and /na-/, respectively, by default. In cases where the bound noun or the relational noun with which they are attached belongs to the lexical class of triggers of Pattern 2 morphotonological alternations (a property signaled by [+tr.] in Tables 2526), they take the forms /ku-/, /ngi ̂-/, and /na-/ instead (on Pattern 2 morphotonological alternations, see Section 2.6.2.2).

Allomorph 1 of the second person plural pronominal root features two suballomorphs /pe-/ and /pe-/. Their distribution is unclear. I hypothesize them to stand in free variation (or possibly to be two subdialectal variants), with the form /pe-/ being generally rarer than /pe-/.

Note, finally, that the form that functions as the Allomorph 1 of the third person salientive pronominal root (/tü -ma/) is, in practice, the third person salientive independent pronoun in the zero-case, i.e. a morphologically complex 3.3. Pronouns form that includes the morpheme /-ma̽ / 'anaph' (see next section). This form does not formally align, consequently, with the Allomorphs 1 of the other pronominal roots, which are morphologically simplex forms. The independent pronouns in the zero-case corresponding to other person-number-nominal class combinations than the third person salientive cannot function as Allomorphs 1, i.e. cannot be attached with a bound noun or a relational noun (e.g. */cho-ma-mü kü / '1sg-anaphcompanion' is not a grammatical alternative for /cho-mü kü / 'my friend'), while bound nouns or relational nouns are otherwise regularly attached to the zero-case form of non-pronominal NPs. This formal misalignment of the third person salientive pronominal root can be interpreted as showing that it lacks, in fact, an Allomorph 1 proper (which is why it is enclosed in parentheses in Tables 2526). Its corresponding zero-case independent pronoun is used to fill this lack by analogy with ordinary NPs, which can, in their zero-case form, be attached with a bound noun or a relational noun.

Pronominal roots (Allomorph 2) suffixed with /-ma̽ / 'anaph', /-gü / 'refl', and the "focal" suffixes

The suffixes /-ma̽ / 'anaph' and /-gü / 'refl', as well as the "focal" suffixes (e.g. /-'i ́ka/ 'only', /-'i ̋/ 'in.one's.turn', or /-'i ̋ra/ 'first'), when they are immediately attached to a pronominal root,197 select for Allomorph 2 of that pronominal root. Combinations of the pronominal roots with /-ma̽ /, /-gü /, and one "focal" suffix are displayed in Table 27.

Combinations of pronominal roots with /-ma̽ / 'anaph' yield independent pronouns standing for participants in the zero-case (e.g. the Allomorph 2 of the second person singular pronominal root, when combined with /-ma̽ /, yields the independent second person singular pronoun in the zero-case /ku-ma/, meaning 'you'). Combinations of pronominal roots with /-gü / 'refl' yield reflexive independent pronouns standing for participants in the zero-case (e.g. the Allomorph 2 of the second person singular pronominal root, when combined with /-gü /, yields the reflexive independent second person singular pronoun in the zero-case /ku-gü /, meaning 'yourself'). Combinations of pronominal roots with the "focal" Allomorph 2 of the first person singular pronominal root features the same three phonologically-conditioned sub-allomorphs as its Allomorph 1 (on their distribution, see the preceding section). The non-default sub-allomorphs /cho-/ and /cha-/ of Allomorph 2 of the first person singular pronominal root are obligatory (combinations of pronominal roots with /-ma̽ /, /-gü /, and the "focal" suffixes being completely lexicalized). It is unclear why the "focal" suffixes /-'i ́ka/ 'only', /-'i ̋/ 'in.one's.turn', and /-'i ̋ra/ 'first' select for the sub-allomorph /cha-/ (instead of /chaù-/, yielding the forms /cha-'i ́ka/ 'only I', /cha'i ̋/ 'I in my turn', and /cha'i ̋ra/ 'I first', respectively), since their first segmental phoneme is not velar.

Allomorph 2 of the fourth person pronominal root features two sub-dialectal variants /yi ̀'-/ (e.g. in jgs's speech) and /yi ̀-/ (e.g. in jsg's speech). In combination with /-ma̽ / 'anaph' specifically, it features an allomorph /yi ̀'e-/ in free variation with /yi ̀'-∼ yi ̀-/. The combination /yi ̀'e-ma/ seems to be, in practice, more frequent than /yi ̀'-mà∼ yi ̀-ma/.

The use of the reflexive independent pronouns in the zero-case in combination with the comitative relational noun /-ma'a/, apart from its compositional meaning 3.3. Pronouns ('with myself/yourself/etc.'), may feature a lexicalized meaning 'alone'. This lexicalized meaning is illustrated in the following example (see also example (498)): The case-marking suffixes /-'ü / 'acc', /-'na/ 'dat', and /-'ü / 'ben', when they are immediately attached to a pronominal root, select for Allomorph 3 of that pronominal root. The resulting combinations are displayed in Table 28.

Allomorph 3 of the first person singular pronominal root features two subdialectal variants /cha-/ (e.g. in jsg, jgs, and lar's speeches) and /cho-/ (e.g. in igv's speech). Note that these variants are not phonologically-conditioned, by contrast with the sub-allomorphs of Allomorphs 1 and 2 of the first person singular pronominal root (see the preceding two sections).

The Allomorphs 3 of the third person feminine and salientive pronominal roots (but not those of any other pronominal root) additionally occur in combination with the rare partitive object case-marking suffix /-'ne/. On the function of the resulting combinations /ngi ̂-'ne/ and /tü -'ne/, see Section 5.7.2.2, p.468.

The combinations of the Allomorphs 3 of pronominal roots with /-'ü / 'acc' and /-'ü / 'ben', i.e. the independent pronouns in the accusative and the benefactive(-malefactive), are the historical source (by phonological reduction) of the indexes for accusative and benefactive(-malefactive) participants that occur in slots 2 and 1 of the inflectional template of the finite predicative phrase, respectively (on these indexes, see Section 5.7.1).

Pronominal roots suffixed with /-'rü ̄∼ -'ri ̄/ 'gen' (Allomorph 4)

The genitive case-marking suffix /-arü /, when it is immediately attached to a pronominal root, obligatorily occurs in an irregular form /-'rü / or /-'ri ̄/. The distribution of the two irregular forms of /-arü / in this context is essentially subdialectal (with e.g. lar using the form /-'rü / and jsg using, optionally, the form /-'ri ̄/). The genitive case-marking suffix selects for Allomorph 4 of the pronominal roots. The paradigm of the resulting independent pronouns in the genitive is displayed in Table 29 in its three attested subdialectal variants.

The Allomorphs 4 of the first person singular, third person masculine/neuter/non-salientive, and fourth person pronominal roots feature two subdialectal variants each, characterized by either a vowel /o/ or a vowel /a/. Only the /o/-variants are attested in combination with the variant /-'ri ̄/ of the genitive suffix (column Variant 3 in Table 29, attested in e.g. jsg's speech). In combination with the variant /-'rü / of the genitive suffix, by contrast, both the /o/-variants (column Variant 1 in Table 29, attested in e.g. lar and igv's speeches) and the /a/variants (column Variant 2 in Table 29, attested in e.g. igs's speech) are attested. Note that the forms in the column Variant 2 in Table 29 are always unstressed (which is why they do not feature the coda glottal stop and the toneme / 52 / found 202 3.3. Pronouns

-'rü ̄∼ -'ri 'gen'

Variant 1 Variant 2 Variant 3

1sg cho-'rü ̄∼ cha-rü ̄∼ cho-'ri 2sg ku-'rü ̄∼ ku-'ri 1pl to-'rü ̄∼ to-'ri 2pl pe-'rü ̄∼ (pe-'ri ) 3f ngi ̂-'rü ̄∼ (ngi ̂-'ri ) 3m } no-'rü ̄∼ na-rü ̄∼ no-'ri 3n/ns 3s (tü -ma-arü ) 4
to-'rü ̄∼ ta-rü ̄∼ to-'ri Table

Pronominal roots (Allomorph 4) suffixed with /-'rü ̄∼ -'ri ̄/ 'gen' (including subdialectal variants)

in their Variant 1 or Variant 3 equivalents, as such phonemes cannot occur in unstressed syllables in the language; on the phonological effects of exceptional loss of stress in stressed function words, see Section 2.5.1, p.121). In practice, the forms in the other two columns in Table 29 are also frequently-but not always-left unstressed. Only their stressed phonological forms are provided in this table.

Note, finally, that the form that functions as the Allomorph 4 of the third person salientive pronominal root (/tü -ma/) is, in practice, the third person salientive independent pronoun in the zero-case, i.e. a morphologically complex form that includes the morpheme /-ma̽ / 'anaph' (see Section 3.3.3). This form does not formally align, consequently, with the Allomorphs 4 of the other pronominal roots, which are morphologically simplex forms. The independent pronouns in the zero-case corresponding to other person-number-nominal class combinations than the third person salientive cannot function as Allomorphs 4, i.e. cannot be attached with the genitive suffix (e.g. */cho-ma-arü / '1sg-anaph-gen' is not a grammatical alternative for e.g. /cho-'rü / 'my, mine'), while the genitive suffix is otherwise regularly attached to the zero-case form of non-pronominal NPs. This formal misalignment of the third person salientive pronominal root can be interpreted as showing that it lacks, in fact, an Allomorph 4 proper. Its corresponding zero-case independent pronoun is used to fill this lack by analogy with ordinary NPs, which can, in their zero-case form, be attached with the genitive suffix (for an exactly parallel discussion regarding the Allomorph 1 of the third person salientive pronominal root, see Section 3.3.2 above).

The nominal phrase

Combinations of the pronominal roots with the genitive suffix provide independent pronouns in the genitive, which encode pronominal possessors of NPs (by contrast with pronominal possessors of bound nouns, on the encoding of which see Section 3.3.2 above). This frequently occurring use of the independent pronouns in the genitive is shown in the following example:

(141) " [...]

Aspects of the semantics of smat's pronominal system

In most cases, first, second, and third person ordinarily correspond to speaker, hearer, and any participant that is neither speaker nor hearer, respectively. Second 3.3. Pronouns person singular morphemes, however, are occasionally used without reference to the hearer. Example (144) illustrates the generic, non-referential human use of the second person singular. This use is relatively frequent in discourse, although it largely overlaps with the generic use of the fourth person (compare (155-156) below).

(144) Wóő chi ́rḛ kūyà-pó'wōē, wóő kū-ã ànè, tå'úwa̋kù-pūrākǘgù rǜ, kü The second person singular in ( 146) is used as the semantic equivalent of a third person (see also ( 345) and ( T102)). This rare stylistic device seems to be specific to narrative discourse and to indicate that the process being referred to is sudden or unexpected. The category I refer to as the first person plural is exclusive: it refers to a group that is composed of the speaker and one or several third person participants, but does not normally include the hearer. The enacted speakers in the following example can therefore only refer to themselves as a first person plural when inviting a man to follow them (i.e. the speakers to the explicit exclusion of the hearer) to go fishing:200 What I label the fourth person corresponds either 1) to a well-defined inclusive first person plural (i.e. referring to a group composed of both speaker and hearer, and possibly one or several third person participants), 2) to a vaguely identified but referential social group of which the speaker considers themselves as a 3.3. Pronouns member but that does not necessarily include the hearer, or 3) to a generic, usually singular non-referential human participant (compare the English generic pronoun one in e.g. One should respect one's parents at all times). 201 It is to underline its broad semantic range that I have opted for calling this category of the language's persons system "fourth person", instead of e.g. "first person plural inclusive", which would have been misleading. 202 Examples (148-149) provide occurrences of a fourth person with a first person plural inclusive meaning (see also (T127-T128), which may be contrasted with (T137-T138) where the exact same referents are referred to as a first person plural (exclusive)). Note that the plural marking of fourth person participants (e.g. by means of /-gü / 'pl' suffixed to an intransitive verb with a fourth person subject in ( 148)) is in most cases optional and does not relate to the actual number of individuals subsumed within such participants, which may be two, as in ( 148), or more than two, as in ( 149). ( 148) "Kǘ i ̋rǖ-gà rǜ yìgǜmá'a tíī-dé'agǘ!" ñâ'ü . 201 For elements for a typology of non-referential or non-specific uses of prototypically or originally referential pronouns or pronominal indexes, see Siewierska (2011), who refers to such uses as occurrences of "pronominal R-impersonals", i.e. cases of implementation of semantic impersonality allowed "by a reduction in referentiality" of pronominal morphemes. Note, however, that Siewierska does not explicitly consider or explore the possibility of pronominal morphemes functioning both as a marker of first person plural inclusive and as a "pronominal R-impersonal". 202 The phrase "fourth person", however, has been used in reference to a variety of at best distantly related person categories in linguistic literature (see 2008:281-284), and therefore has the serious disadvantage of ambiguity for cross-linguistic comparison. The smat fourth person covers functionally both the category (Av) ("unspecified human (impersonal)") and the category (B) ("[i]nclusive first-person plural, when distinct formally from the first-person singular/exclusive plural") of the categories listed by Fleck as occurring with the label "fourth person" in linguistic literature (2008:281). Interestingly, the smat fourth person therefore "bridges" two functional categories deemed by Fleck to be "semantically completely unrelated" (2008:282). As these examples show, social groups referred to in this way may vary widely in size and type. The ordinary way to refer to the Tikuna language, specifically as /ta-ga(-wa)/ '(in) our [4th person] language',203 is illustrated in (150-370). In this case, the referents identified as the speaker's in-groups are in practice the Tikuna people (as opposed to any other ethnic group). ( 150 In ( 152), the referents identified as the speaker's in-groups are all Indigenous South Americans (as opposed to the White). To correctly interpret the gloss of this example, as well as those of ( 153) and (155-156), recall that predicative phrases in the Subjunctive Inflectional Type that lack an overt subject index, unless preceded by an NP that acts as their third person subject, are to be interpreted as featuring a covert fourth person subject 204 (so that e.g. /ì=ǘ-gü -'ü / [pcø.sbjv=be.there.sg-pl\sbjvsub], which features no overt subject marking, is to be interpreted as '(that) we (4th person) find ourselves'; see Section 5.5, p.445).

(

) Ngēmaka̰ níì-ĩ ̊i ̀yì'emá i ̀, <i ̀...> níì-ĩ ̊ñomá nâànèwa̋ì-ǘgü 'ü ̃i ̀, América del Surwa̋ì-ǘgü 'ü ̃i ̀, <nà-...> <nà-...> ì-bajo conocimientoã 'ü ̃[...]. 152
ngē-ma-ka̰ The exact social group referred to as a fourth person participant in ( 153) is unclear but possibly corresponds to the human species as a whole (as opposed to the other animal species).

(153) Tü 'ü ̃nǖná-ôo̰ i ̀ngēmàtȍ'rǖ ì yì'èmá ì-ngő'ü .

204 With any of the three semantic uses of the fourth person. As is to be expected, an example such as (154) shows that not just any social group with which the speaker identifies may be referred to as a fourth person participant, but only culturally highly relevant ones, i.e. ones that best define one's identity, and in particular ethnicity and race as in the preceding examples. In this example and the stretches of discourse that precede and follow it, the speaker is comparing the working conditions of tourist guides, being one himself, with those of other members of the community who work at a construction site. The two social groups thus defined by the speaker are certainly not relevant and stable enough for him to refer to the one he belongs to as an in-groups fourth person participant (contrast ( 154) with ( 152) above, where in comparing two ethnic or racial groups the speaker refers to the one she identifies with as a fourth person participant). ( 154 Importantly, I was the only hearer present when (150-152) were uttered. The fact that I am neither a Tikuna nor an Indigenous South American shows that the in-groups fourth person does not have to include the hearer among its referents, which makes it significantly distinct semantically from first person plural inclusive uses of the fourth person. Note also that in examples ( 150) through ( 153), uses of the fourth person, however vague, are referential inasmuch as they do point to identifiable individuals in the real world. This, in its turn, makes the ingroups use of the fourth person significantly distinct semantically from its generic use exemplified next.

Non-locative demonstratives

Examples (155-156) illustrate the generic use of the fourth person (see also (T116-T119)). This use largely overlaps functionally with the generic use of the second person singular (compare (144) above). Note that in the free English translations provided for these examples, the fourth person, which could be more literally translated as 'one', is rendered as a second person singular ('you').

(155) De pronto yìgǜmá'a <nà-...> nà-pù'gùrǜ tü níī-tȍ'ü o tã ů ná-bien yá <tȍ'rī...> tăchí'ü ̃ēgá ngēmànà-ṵ'gú.

de pronto maybe yì-gǜ-má'a

Non-locative demonstratives

Introduction to the demonstratives in smat

smat features two major classes of nominal demonstratives, which I call nonlocative demonstratives and locative demonstratives, respectively (the roots on which these are based are displayed in Tables 30 and31 and commented upon below).

The nominal phrase

The non-locative demonstrative roots are displayed in Table 30 with all of their basic inflectional forms (where two allomorphs are listed, the second one occurs specifically when suffixed with /-ma̽ / 'anaph'; items in parentheses are only marginally attested). The two series of locative demonstrative roots are listed in Table 31 for reference. The morphology, syntax, semantics, and pragmatics of the words that may be derived from the non-locative demonstrative roots are discussed individually in the following sections. Note that the uses of the locative demonstrative roots and the words that may be derived from them are not covered in this grammatical description. The following paragraphs introduce a few preliminary observations as to the general organization of the system of smat demonstratives.

As suggested in Tables 30 and31, the demonstratives, whether non-locative or locative, are organized along an axis of three grammatical degrees of "distance" that I label "proximal" (prox), "medial" (med), and "distal" (dist). Both the non-locative and the locative demonstrative roots may enter in the formation of demonstrative words with exophoric as well as endophoric reference. Endophoric demonstratives essentially refer to elements that are part of the linguistic context of a speech act (as in examples ( 158) and ( 161) above), while exophoric demonstratives refer to elements that are part of the non-linguistic context, e.g. real-world entities that are part of the physical environment where the speech act occurs (as in ( 157) and (159) above). In cases where the demonstrative roots are employed for exophoric reference (i.e., in most cases, when they are suffixed with /-a/ 'exo'), the three degrees of distance generally correspond, rather straightforwardly, to three ranges of physical distance. They are specifically used to convey-broadly speaking-that the referent is within reach (prox; this and here), out of reach but at a short distance (med; that and there), or out of reach and at a longer distance (dist; that over there and over there) relative to the deictic center (which, in a majority of cases, corresponds to the speaker).

The respective functions of the three degrees of distance are less straightforward in cases where the demonstrative roots are employed for endophoric reference (i.e., in most cases, when they are suffixed with /-ma̽ / 'exo'). Briefly, the medial demonstratives can be characterized as the default forms for anaphoric (and possibly cataphoric) reference, whether the referent is a participant or a propositional content. For anaphoric reference in pre-hodiernal past contexts (i.e. contexts referring to a past that precedes today), older speakers usually-but not obligatorily-use the distal demonstratives instead of the medial demonstratives. Younger speakers, however, tend to generalize the medial demonstratives regard-less of the temporal setting (pre-hodiernal past or non-pre-hodiernal-past) of the processes referred to. In most of their occurrences, the proximal demonstratives roots, when used in the same morphosyntactic contexts where the medial and distal demonstrative roots fulfill endophoric functions, do not involve endophoric reference strictly speaking, but point symbolically at temporal or spatial referents that partially coincide with the temporal or spatial setting of the utterance act itself (in phrases with meanings such as 'this year [in which you and me are talking]', 'this house [where you and me are right now]', or 'here [where you and me are right now]'). Occurrences of the proximal demonstrative roots in such contexts are in practice rare in spontaneous speech. The widely diverging semantic and pragmatic uses of the three-fold distance dimension of the paradigms of demonstrative roots, depending on whether they are employed for exophoric or endophoric reference, are discussed and exemplified in the following sections.

Note, additionally, that the non-locative demonstrative roots are among the forms that inflect for nominal class (simultaneously involving within a single paradigm cases of tonological inflection, as in /yi ̂-/ 'med.n' vs /yi ̆-/ 'med.m', suppletive inflection, as in /yi ̂-/ 'med.n' vs /nge-/ 'med.ns', and inflection through the addition of segmental material, as in /yi ̂-/ 'med.n' vs /yi ̂'e/ 'med.s'205 ). They obligatorily agree with the participant they relate to, whether the latter is syntactically present (as a head in cases where a demonstrative is used as a modifier; see example (159)) or not (cases where a demonstrative constitutes a complete NP on its own and the participant it relates to is to be understood contextually; see (160)). Interestingly, alongside a default salientive form unspecified for number (column s in Table 30), the non-locative demonstratives feature an (infrequently occurring) specific inflectional form employed to refer to explicitly plural referents assigned to the salientive nominal class (column s.pl). Such specifically plural non-salientive forms are almost unattested in the paradigms of other forms inflecting for nominal class in the language. Most forms of the non-locative demonstrative roots (with the exception of the default salientive forms) cannot stand on their own in discourse and only occur with additional morphology.

The locative demonstratives, for their part, exist in two series. These mostly correspond to forms that may directly commute (i.e. without additional marking) with a NP bearing the areal locative relational noun /-wa/ on the one hand (such as the first demonstrative in example ( 158)), and forms that may commute with a NP bearing the punctual locative relational noun /-gu̽ / on the other (such as the second demonstrative in ( 158)). On the functions of the relational nouns /-wa/ 'aloc' and /-gu̽ / 'ploc', see Section 3.6.2.

The non-locative demonstratives and a few other forms morphologically related to them are discussed and exemplified at length in the following sections. Note that smat additionally features a demonstrative verb, the irregular bipartite verb /ña-/ña-+-((rü )gü )/ 'do thus', whose first morphological component /ña-/ña-/ is likely cognate with the non-salientive and feminine allomorphs (/ña-/ and /ña-/ respectively) of the proximal demonstrative root. The demonstrative verb is dealt with separately in Chapter 6.

For a fine-grained semantic and pragmatic study of the non-locative and locative demonstratives in the Cushillococha variety of Tikuna, and of the exact values of the three grammatical degrees of distance mentioned above in particular, see Skilton (2019).

Exophorics in /-a/ 'exo'

As shown in Table 32, the exophoric non-locative demonstratives are generally obtained by adding the suffix /-a/ 'exo' to the demonstrative roots listed in Table 30 above. The salientive forms, however, do not take this suffix. The default salientive forms (column s) consist of the demonstrative root alone (da'e, yi ̂'e, gu'e), while the specifically plural salientive forms (column s.pl) consist of the root plus, obligatorily, the collective suffix /-ta/ (/daȃ̰ -ta, yi ̆a̰ -ta, guȃ̰ -ta/).

In most of its occurrences, the proximal exophoric demonstrative is used in reference to an item at least partially located within the immediate reach of the speaker, or an item they are holding. In example (162), the NP ñåàlibro 'this booklet' refers to a booklet that the speaker is holding with one hand at utterance time and at which he is simultaneously pointing with the other hand.

(162) Yȉ'kü ãḿ á tá i ̀kùnā-chă'ü ... i ̀ñåàlibro. In (160) above, the woman referred to with the feminine proximal exophoric /ñaa/ is implied (the example stems from a narrative) to be standing right next to the speaker. In ( 159) above, when referring to daầcomunidad 'this community', with the neuter proximal exophoric /da-a/, the speaker is pointing all around him with a circular gesture outlining a space that includes the spot where he sits.

The medial exophoric demonstrative is typically used in reference to an element located relatively close to the speaker, without being within their immediate reach. Note that the medial demonstratives generally do not seem to specify distance relative to the hearer, i.e. their referent may be located at a certain distance from both speaker and hearer and is not necessarily located close to the hearer. Finally, the distal exophoric demonstrative typically indicates that the referent is located far from the speaker but within their eyesight. In example (163), the speaker first refers to a man located a dozen of meters away from her (/gu-a/ 'dist.m-exo'), and then to a woman located a few meters away from both her and the hearer (/nge-a/ 'med.f-exo'). In both cases, the speaker simultaneously points at the referent with one hand. The non-salientive form of the proximal exophoric demonstrative is also occasionally used for endophoric reference, specifically for discourse deixis as defined by Diessel (1999:100-105), i.e. in reference to "aspects of meaning [...] expressed by a clause, a sentence, a paragraph, or an entire story". In example (164), the speaker is concluding a story and the NP ñaå̀uḡü áǹèi ̀i ̏'ra'ü ̃'this little story' refers to the contents of the relatively long speech act that he is putting an end to.

(164) Ngĕ'má yà-gű'ü ̃i ̀<ñåa.> ñåàūgǘànè i ̀ȉ'rā'ü .

ngĕ'-má Note that this kind of discourse deixis function is more usually fulfilled by the nonsalientive form of the medial endophoric demonstrative (compare example (175) below).

The specifically plural salientive forms of the exophoric demonstratives (column s.pl in Table 32) are used in marginal cases where the speaker wants to make explicit that they are referring to a plural, not singular, referent assigned to the salientive nominal class. Their use is illustrated in the elicited utterance in example (166). The default salientive forms (column s) can indiscriminately be used in reference to both singular or plural referents. Younger speakers regularly use the medial endophoric demonstratives for participant anaphoric reference in pre-hodiernal past contexts, as in (170) above. One of them (jsg) told me that the distal endophoric demonstratives sounded old-fashioned to him and were characteristic of the speech of the elders.

The participant anaphoric use of the medial and distal endophoric demonstratives in head position is often semantically and pragmatically very similar to the use of the third person stressed pronouns. This is indeed made indirectly perceptible by the non-literal translations of examples ( 170) and ( 172) above, where the smat endophoric demonstratives are rendered by pronominal English forms. The endophoric demonstratives are preferred-but not obligatory-for referring with an independent form to a previously established topic in cases where that topic is currently the most activated one (i.e. the last Given Topic activated, following Dik's (1997:309-338) terminology). This is the case in ( 170) and ( 172) above. In cases where that topic is no longer the most activated one, by contrast (i.e. for resuming a Given Topic after another Given Topic has been activated, in Dik's terminology), the stressed pronouns are regularly used instead. Thus, at the end of (305), a stressed pronoun (tü ma), rather than an endophoric demonstrative (yi ̂'emaó r gu'ema), is employed to reactivate the hunter as the main topic after the jaguar has been the main topic for a few seconds:

(174) [...] those in a phrase such as those (citizens) who voted against the measure). In this particular use, the endophorics no longer have any deictic content but rather serve as a particular type of definite determiner. 211 The endophorics may determine in this way both a relative clause that does not feature a head noun, as shown in examples (180-181), or one that does feature a head noun, as in ( 182). Just like in the other functions of the endophorics, the medial one is the default form while the distal one may be optionally used to explicitly signal that the utterance refers to pre-hodiernal past processes.

( Interestingly, the use of the smat endophorics as definite determiners is not limited to NPs modified by a relative clause, but may also extend to NPs modified by other modifiers such as the numerals, as in example (184), or the modifier independent noun 'other ', as in (185). endophoric ñomáwith the suffix (or bound noun?) /-ü kü 'ü/ 'time', yielding the form ñomaǘ kü 'ü 'these days', relates to this function of the proximal endophoric demonstrative. See also examples (T15), (T17), and (T85) for uses of ñomáin head syntactic position in association with the relational noun /-'ü / 'state', yielding the meaning 'in this state [in which one of us is while we're talking]'.

) 180
In this function, however, the proximal endophoric demonstrative is in most cases replaced by the proximal exophoric in younger speakers, as in the following example, where the proximal exophoric ñomáwould have been equally correct and would have conveyed the same meaning (see also (159) above, where the proximal exophoric domàcould probably have been used instead of the proximal exophoric daâ):

(187) [...] Certain occurrences of the proximal endophoric demonstrative do not appear to quite correspond to this "symbolic use", however, as in examples (188-189). It is unclear what its exact semantic and pragmatic value is in these rare occurrences. The discourse contexts of ( 188) and ( 189) would rather have led to expect a medial or distal endophoric demonstrative with an ordinary anaphoric function, instead of a proximal endophoric, since the referents in question have been previously established as topics. On a non-demonstrative grammaticalized use of the proximal endophoric ñomáas a near-preposition meaning 'like', see Sections 3.6.3 (ñomámay also occasionally function as a near-conjunction meaning 'while, as long as').

Like their exophoric analogs discussed at the end of the preceding section, the specifically plural salientive forms of the endophoric demonstratives (column s.pl in Table 33) are used in marginal cases where the speaker wants to make explicit that they are referring to a plural, not singular, referent assigned to the salientive nominal class. The default salientive forms (column s) can indiscriminately be used in reference to both singular or plural referents. An occurrence of the specifically plural salientive distal endophoric is provided in example (190). Because at this particular moment of the conversation, both the speaker's mother (a singular referent assigned to the salientive nominal class) and her brothers (a plural referent equally assigned to salientive) are highly activated topics, she uses a specifically plural salientive form (specifically, in this pre-hodiernal past context, the distal gŭamatá) to make clear that she is referring to the latter. In such a context, the corresponding default salientive form (gu'ema) could have been misinterpreted as referring to her mother (although in this particular case, the plurality of the referent is redundantly encoded by the plural marker /-gü /).

Putumayo-kṵã̰ -gǘ

Putumayo-origin-pl 'They were from this area over there originally, from the Putumayo, in this direction [while roughly pointing to the north]. ' [gra 133-134] 3. The nominal phrase duces a referent from the text-external world (while Lambrecht also discusses the existence of presentational constructions that introduce entities that are not present in the speech setting; 1994:39, 177-181).

This construction involves a non-locative demonstrative functioning as the predicative complement of the verb i ̃'be'. In most cases, the subject is syntactically present, in which case it always follows the verb i . Note that the latter, when inflected in the Indicative Inflectional Type, may be omitted (as in ( 160) and ( 200); it cannot be omitted, by contrast, when it is inflected in the Subjunctive Inflectional Type, as in (199)), as is regularly the case when it occurs as the main verb of a clause. This construction may be summarized as follows: non-locative.dem (3sbj=be) (lk=NP sbj )

In most cases, the non-locative demonstrative employed in this construction is an exophoric demonstrative in /-a/ 'exo' (see Section 3.4.2). The three grammatical degrees of distance of the demonstratives (prox, med, dist) then take their regular physical range interpretation. Example (196) illustrates the case of a presentational construction involving a proximal exophoric non-locative demonstrative: the referent introduced is located in the very hand of the speaker (see (160) above and (T18) for additional cases of proximal presentational construction). ( 196) "Dâ'è tíì-ĩ ̊yàkû'rǖ propina rü ̀siga adelante!" ñaĝü 'ü ̃cha'ü . In some cases, presentational constructions involving an exophoric non-locative demonstrative seem to convey a locational meaning (X is here.) instead of fulfilling a genuinely presentational function (Here is X!). The speaker in (199) has just found that the heap of corn that she asked her daughter-in-law to make beer with this morning is still in the exact same place when she comes back home in the afternoon. The demonstrative daầhere is probably better interpreted as a locational predicate.

dâ'è
(199) "Na̋nòtǘka̰ má níì-ĩ ̊chàunē'ü tàgú kùrǖ-ã ű'ü ̃ka̰ dâàtàã ̄yì-ĩ ̀'ü ̃yá chàwǘ!" ñâ'ü . Interestingly, the non-locative demonstrative employed in the presentational construction may also be a medial endophoric demonstrative in /-ma̽ / (see Section 3.4.3). The medial endophoric is used in cases where, for some reason, the referent introduced, although present in the speech setting, cannot be identified by pointing at it, i.e. in cases where it is not accessible to the visual perception of speaker or hearer (or both of them). In example ( 200), the speaker is shouting from a distance to his addressees, who have just stolen his axe and are running away with it. The referent introduced by the presentational construction, specifically the axe, is therefore not visible to the speaker and cannot be pointed at, although it is visible to the hearer (see (593) for a parallel example where the item stolen from the speaker is a plantain offshoot). In ( 201), the mythical figures Yoi and Ipi are hearing characteristic noises in the distance, from which one of them deduces that the creature that ate up their father must be finally arriving. The referent introduced is invisible to both speaker and hearer, although physically present.

(201) "Ngēmàmā níì-ĩ ̊i ̀tȍ'rǖ ūwànǖ rǜ a̋nená-ṹ!" ngē-ma=mā The proximal and distal endophoric non-locative demonstratives do not occur in the presentational construction in my data. 214 214 Interestingly, however, the proximal endophorics-at least-are probably able to occur in presentational constructions in Cushillococha Tikuna, where they possibly imply that the referent introduced is especially close to the deictic center although it is not visible. This is suggested by the forms <ño 2 ma 2 ma 3 > (whose likely smat reflex would be /ño-ma=ma/ 'med.ns-anaph=precisely') and <do 23 ma 4 ma 2 > (smat /do-ma=ma/ 'med.n-anaph=precisely') recorded by Anderson & Anderson (2016:31, 197). These forms are defined by the authors as 'to be coming, to be approaching', with the former applying to 'a dangerous animal or a dangerous person' (i.e. to referents typically assigned to the non-salientive nominal class) and the latter applying to a 'motor boat, [a] motorbike, [a] car, [or a] plane' (i.e. to referents typically assigned to the neuter nominal class). The most plausible interpretation of this unusual translation of nominal forms by verbal phrases is that the authors observed them employed in presentational constructions where they actually meant 'Here it is [very close to us although we don't see it]!' (with 'it' referring to a threatening entity or to a vehicle, respectively). If this interpretation of Anderson & Anderson's (2016) data is correct, then it is possible that the proximal, and perhaps also the distal, endophorics are also able to occur in presentational constructions in smat, potentially with pragmatic implications of particular proximity or remoteness of the referent introduced with respect to the deictic center, who does not have visual perception of that referent. This interesting hypothesis (which would imply that some Tikuna varieties have grammatical means in at least one construction to refer exophorically to invisible physical entities and simultaneously specify whether that invisible entity is located especially close to or far away from the deictic center), certainly a fragile one at this stage, could be easily confirmed or invalidated by further research. Note that it is not incompatible, in any case, with Skilton's (2019) demonstration that the Cushillococha Tikuna reflex of smat's medial endophoric, when used exophorically in reference to invisible entities, may refer to entities located at any distance from the deictic center, including on their own body (e.g. in reference to a speaker's tooth) or beyond the horizon (e.g. a remote town). It could be that among the endophorics, the medial one functions as the default choice in invisible exophoric uses, without however preventing occasional uses of the

Non-locative demonstrative roots bearing a "focal" suffix

Most bound morphemes that may be attached to nominal constituents are normally bound to whole, well-formed NPs that could equally well stand on their own in discourse. As a consequence, such bound morphemes may normally only be attached to a whole exophoric or endophoric demonstrative, i.e. to a morphologically complex form made of a demonstrative root augmented with either /-a/ 'exo' or /-ma̽ / 'anaph', and not to a demonstrative root alone, which cannot constitute a well-formed NP on its own.

The "focal" suffixes, however, are usually-but not always obligatorilyattached directly to a demonstrative root in cases where that demonstrative serves as a syntactic head (i.e. not as a modifier) and has a syntactic function that corresponds to the zero case (i.e. a syntactic function that does not require any specific marking). In other words, a non-locative demonstrative such as the nonsalientive endophoric /nge-ma/ (med.ns-anaph) 'that one', when combined with the "focal" suffix /-'i ́ka/ 'only', may yield either /nge-ma-'i ́ka/ (med.ns-anaphonly) 'only that one' or the less expected form /nge-'i ́ka/ (med.ns-only) 'only that one' (but /nge-ma-ma'a-'i ́ka/ (med.ns-anaph-com-only) 'only with that one', not */nge-ma'a-'i ́ka/, given the presence of syntactic function marking; and /nge-mac hi ̆'nü -'i ́ka/ (med.ns-anaph pineapple-only) 'only that pineapple', not */ngēchi ̆'nü -'i ́ka/, due to the modifying function of the demonstrative). These two options apparently stand in free variation, although the latter (dem.root-"focal".suffix) seems to be preferred.

In my corpus, the only widely productive "focal" suffixes attested directly on a demonstrative root are /-'i ́ka/ 'only', as in examples (203-204) (see also (T44)), and /-'i ̋ra/ 'first', as in (205). Interestingly, in (204), the demonstrative nge('i ́ka) '(only) that' is left in the zero case and its syntactic function as an accusative complement of the verb ū'say' is marked by means of a co-referent accusative index on that verb (/nü =/ '3m/n/ns.acc'; lit. 'this only I say it with you') instead of being marked by means of an accusative suffix on the demonstrative itself (which would presumably have yielded /nge-ma-'ü -'i ́ka/ (med.ns-anaph-acc-only), with the suffix /-ma̽ / 'anaph', due to the presence of syntactic function marking).

proximal or distal ones instead in cases where speakers intend to specify the distance range that separates the referent from the deictic center. The "focal" suffixes /-rü / 'as.for.it' and /-'rü / 'in.peace', of much more restricted use, are for their part only attested on non-locative demonstrative roots in my data (i.e. not on pronominal and locative demonstrative roots, nor on any well-formed NP being able to stand on its own, including whole endo-or exophoric demonstratives). The former mostly survives, in fact, in the invariable and synchronically unanalyzable discourse connector ngerü ̀'as.for.it' (see example ( 206)), which is in practice often left unstressed and realized as erü ̀(as in ( 207)). This discourse connector essentially signals a shift of topic, often involving a comparison or a contrast with a previous topic, and immediately follows the new main topic (which may already be marked by the clitic /=rü / 'top', as in ( 207)). 215 (206) A h! Mhhh, chagraarǖ ü ̆ngērǜ, tōmàníì-ĩ ̊tīkūnà ti ̄i ̀-ĩ ̊gü 'ü ̃rǜ, nü ŵa̋ [...] This discourse connector can be considered as a lexicalized form of the synonymous morphologically complex form /nge-rü / 'med.ns-as.for.it'. Such synchronically analyzable forms made of a demonstrative root-whether medial or distalregularly inflecting for nominal class plus the "focal" suffix /-rü / 'as.for.it' still exist, although they are much rarer than the lexicalized invariable form ngerü / erü ̀'as.for.it' to which they have given rise. The demonstrative root-the medial one in any context and optionally the distal one in pre-hodiernal past contexts specifically-then agrees in nominal class with the main topic of the utterance. Thus /yĭ-rǜ/ (med.m-as.for.it) 'as for it' in (208) agrees with the masculine participant po'i ̋'plantain', the main topic of this non-pre-hodiernal-past utterance.

( The "focal" suffix /-'rü / 'in.peace' too is only attested in direct association with a medial or distal demonstrative root. The resulting forms indicate that the referent of the demonstrative root is or should be left in peace or aside, i.e. away from involvement in any potential process. They mostly occur as the predicative complement of the verb i ̃'be', as in example ( 209), or in clauses lacking an inflected predicative phrase altogether, as in (210-211) (note that the extremely awkward literal translations provided in these two examples are calqued on English constructions such as 'Away with poverty!' or 'Off with his head!' and are merely intended to give a sense of the original construction). 216 (209) Ngē'rü ̋níì-ĩ ̊ì-tâiyàgú rǜ tå'ű'ègú tárǖ-ĩ ̄nǖ. Unexplainably, these forms may also be directly inflected like predicative phrases, with the meaning 'to leave X in peace', 'to forget about X' (with X being the referent of the demonstrative root), as shown in the following example:

( In my data, the demonstrative roots, when they are directly suffixed with a "focal" suffix and are therefore left unspecified by /-a/ 'exo' or /-ma̽ / 'anaph', happen to always exhibit an endophoric function (anaphora/cataphora or discourse deixis), i.e. to behave semantically and pragmatically as though they bore the suffix /-ma̽ / 'anaph'. This might be due to chance, however, and need not necessarily imply that the demonstrative roots are in fact inherently endophoric, unless explicitly specified as exophoric by the suffix /-a/ 'exo'. It could be that in cases where the demonstrative roots are morphologically unspecified for exo-or endophoricity, their exact function is in fact to be interpreted contextually. This interesting question could be easily settled by further research.

Non-locative demonstrative roots bearing the suffix /-'ü / 'acc'

Like most bound morphemes to the exception of the "focal" suffixes, the accusative suffix /-'ü / (on which see Section 3.6.2) is normally attached to whole endophoric or exophoric demonstratives including either /-a/ 'exo' or /-ma̽ / 'anaph' (see beginning of the preceding section). This is shown in the following example:

(213) Ngēma'ü ̃chāyà-fa'chà'ü ̃i ̀chòma. However, in cases where a medial or distal non-salientive demonstrative serving as a syntactic head functions as the complement in the accusative of the verbs wagü ̀'to do' or ü ̆'to make', both the expected forms /nge-ma-'ü / (med.ns-anaphacc) and /ye-ma-'ü / (dist.ns-anaph-acc) on the one hand, and the less expected forms /nge-'ü / (med.ns-acc) and /ye-'ü / (dist.ns-acc) on the other, may occur, with the latter forms being preferred, at least by older speakers. These forms nge'ü ̃and ye'ü ̃are only attested with a discourse deictic function, referring to a previously mentioned activity. The medial nge'ü ̃may occur in any context, as shown in example (214) (see also (T18)), while the distal ye'ü ̃only occurs, optionally, in pre-hodiernal past contexts, as in (215) (see also (T93)). ( 214

The nge-/ye-words

I call nge-/ye-words half a dozen functionally heterogeneous forms that are hardly or plainly unanalyzable synchronically but are obviously composed diachronically of the non-salientive form of the medial or distal non-locative demonstrative root (i.e. /nge-/'med.ns' or /ye-/ 'dist.ns') plus a bound morpheme which in certain cases may still be identified with some degree of certainty. These forms all exist under two inflectional forms, one, starting with /nge-/, being a default form unspecified for nominal tense, and the other, starting with /ye-/, being a specialized form optionally used to make it explicit that the utterance it is part of refers to pre-hodiernal past processes. The pre-hodiernal past form of several of them, however, appears to be very uncommon in spontaneous speech, at least in younger speakers. While all of these forms are historically based on deictic roots, only two have retained a clear deictic meaning, and more specifically a discourse deictic one, by involving reference to a circumstance alluded to in the preceding discourse (nge'guma/ye'guḿá'(at) that time; that way' and nge'kü ŕü ẃa/ye'kü ŕü ẃa̋'(in) those days'). The other five nge-/ye-words can be considered to no longer feature any deictic meaning. In spite of their non-deictic nature, I briefly mention them in this section on the smat demonstratives inasmuch as they are derived etymologically from deictic words.

Three of the nge-/ye-words are circumstantial independent nouns (respectively meaning '(at) that time; that way', '(in) those days', and '(in a) recent time'). These are discussed first below. The remaining four are discourse connectors ('because; but', 'and; so that, while', 'or better still (?)', 'according to it (?)') and are discussed next.

(i) Nge'guma/ye'guḿá'(at) that time; that way'.

In most of its occurrences, this nge-/ye-circumstantial independent noun refers to a relatively well circumscribed temporal setting commented upon in an immediately preceding stretch of discourse. In the following example, nge'gumárefers to a particular moment of the speaker's childhood that was the temporal background of events that have been the main topic of the preceding stretches of discourse:

(216) Chà'íka̋níì-ĩ ̊gá mā chà-yă'ü ̃gá ngē'gumá. For temporal uses of this nge-/ye-word in its pre-hodiernal past form ye'guḿa, see example (305) above and (T31-T32).

chà-'íka1

Nge'guma/ye'guḿáalso occasionally refers not to a temporal setting, but to the way in which a previously mentioned process unfolds. In this meaning, it fre-3.4. Non-locative demonstratives quently bears the suffix /-'rü 'ü / 'like', usually acquiring the precise meaning of 'in a way similar to that', as in the following example (see also (T80)):

(217) M ̂mm, chòmàrǜ tà ngē'gumárü 'ü ̃chòmá'a ná-gû'chà. In the absence of /-'rü 'ü / 'like', nge'guma/ye'guḿáexactly means 'by so doing, by doing what was just referred to' (i.e. literally 'that way'), as in (T154).

Finally, nge'guma/ye'guḿáadditionally occurs in a lexicalized form in the probably synchronically unanalyzable word /nge'guma(-)re/ 'that much, that many', 217 which refers to a quantity mentioned in preceding stretches of discourse. Example ( 218) provides an occurrence of nge'gumaŕe. Note that in this particular example, endophoric reference seems to be employed, rather unusually, as a summarizing device: the endophoric demonstrative nge'gumaŕéapparently stands as a generic quantifier that fills the syntactic position of the specific numeral that was actually uttered in the original situation reenacted by the speaker in an abridged fashion (as shown by the example's translation, the English demonstratives this and that can be used for the same pragmatic purposes). ( 218) " [...]

The nominal phrase

Nge'gumaŕéis obviously analyzable, from a diachronic perspective at least, as being composed of nge'guma/ye'guḿáplus a bound morpheme */-'re/ 'amount (?)'. 218 The fact that this quantity-specifying endophoric demonstrative is derived from a manner anaphoric demonstrative and therefore possibly literally means 'the amount of that way' (see preceding paragraph) might reflect the fact that amounts used to be conceived of by former speakers of the language (but most likely no longer are) as concepts that are communicated by gestures, i.e. through a procedure, specifically a way of moving one's body.

The second and third syllables of the forms nge'guma/ye'guḿáare likely analyzable, from a diachronic perspective, as the locative relational noun /-gu̽ / 'ploc'219 and the suffix /-ma̽ / 'anaph', respectively, although it is unclear how such a morphological association may have arisen historically.

(ii) Nge'kü ŕü ẃa/ye'kü ŕü ẃa̋'(in) those days'.

This rare nge-/ye-circumstantial independent noun is only attested in elicited data and might be somewhat old-fashioned. It refers to a vaguely delimited temporal setting commented upon in an immediately preceding stretch of discourse. The bound morpheme /-'kü ŕü ẃa/ which obviously composes this nge-/ye-word is also found in other more easily analyzed forms referring to vague time periods (in particular, /nu'kü ḿakü ŕü ẃa/ (past.time-times?) 'in the old days' and /ñṵ ma-kü ŕü ẃa/ (present.timetimes?) 'these days').

(iii) Nge'waka/ye'wakà'(in a) recent time, recently'.

This nge-/ye-word, which I analyze as a circumstantial independent noun, refers to a past time that is recent relative to the temporal setting of the processes being referred to. It mostly functions as an adjunct, in which case it may be translated as 'recently'

The nominal phrase

The corresponding pre-hodiernal past form ye'wa̰ is only attested in elicited data. The distribution of nge'waka/ye'wakàvs nge'wa̰ /ye'wa̰ is unclear.

The second syllable of nge'waka/ye'wakàand nge'wa̰ /ye'wa̰ might be cognate with the locative relational noun /-wa/ 'aloc '. 220 (iv) Nge-/ye-discourse connectors.

At least four discourse connectors appear to be derived, diachronically, from the non-salientive forms of the medial or distal non-locative demonstrative roots.

The very frequent discourse connector ngerü /yerü ́typically translates to English 'because', although it may also mean '[not ...] but [instead ...]' in specific cases where it introduces a positive clause that serves as a correction of an immediately preceding negative clause (see Section 7.8). For occurrences of the default form ngerü ́(under its more typical unstressed form erü ; see below), see example ( 207) and ( T18) and (T134), among many others. For occurrences of the specifically pre-hodiernal past form yerü , see (T34) and (T44).

The frequent word ngeka̰ (or eka̰ ; see below) may be used as a conjunction that loosely coordinates two clauses. It then virtually always occurs under the abridged and invariable form ka̰ and can be translated as 'and, and then', as in example (182). It often involves a subtle contrast between the two clauses it coordinates, as in (208). Ngeka̰ may additionally be used as a conjunction that introduces semantically vague adverbial clauses. It can then be roughly translated as 'so that ...' or 'while ...', as in (199), (T58), or (T106). For more on this construction, see Section 5.2.6, p.424. The pre-hodiernal past form yeka̰ corresponding to ngeka̰ is only attested in elicited data. The second syllable of ngeka̰ /yeka̰ might be cognate with the relational noun /-'ka̰ / 'cause'. 221

Non-locative demonstratives

The discourse connector ngenekatü ́(or enekatü ; see below) is only attested once in my corpus of spontaneous speech, in example ( 221), where it occurs under its unstressed form enekatü . It seems to be roughly translatable as 'or even better'. Its pre-hodiernal past form yeneḱatü ́is only attested in elicited data. Ngewa̋'according to it (?)' (or ewa; see below) is equally attested only once in my corpus, in example ( 222), where it occurs under its unstressed form ewa. Its meaning is unclear and its analysis as a discourse connector is tentative and provisional. Its pre-hodiernal past form yeẘa̋is only attested in elicited data. It's second syllable is likely cognate with that of the discourse connector ngi ̂wa( f)/nü ŵa̋(m/n/ns)/tü ŵa̋(s) 'well, as for it', and possibly with the locative relational noun /-wa/ 'aloc'. 222 These four discourse connectors, although they may be realized as stressed words, are virtually always left unstressed in spontaneous speech. As a consequence, the first syllable of their nge-form is typically realized /e-/, i.e. without an initial velar nasal, yielding forms that are better transcribed as erü , eka̰ (or even just ka̰ ), enekatü , and ewa̋respectively (on the phonetic and phonological effects of de-stressing stressed words, see Section 2.5.1, p.121).

The conjunction eḡá(also /ga=/) 'if' can be realized as ngeḡáand may therefore have been formerly another nge-/ye-word. A hypothetical corresponding prehodiernal past form *yegáis not attested in my data, however, and was explicitly rejected in elicitation. The enclitic /=eka/, which generally expresses unsureness of the speaker and is mostly employed in direct questions to make them more insistent, might also be a former nge-/ye-word. Against this hypothesis, however, are the fact that it does not seem to be realizable as *ngekàand that a hypothetical corresponding pre-hodiernal past form *yekàis unattested in my data.

Linker

The linker makes a specific part of speech of its own. It is a monosyllabic proclitic that inflects for both nominal class and nominal tense. It is among the morphemes that occur with the highest frequency in discourse.

The essential and most frequent function of the linker can be viewed as that of introducing any NP that constitutes a syntactic expansion of a participant already referred to within the clause, whether that participant was previously referred to by means of a NP or by means of a pronominal index procliticized to a finite predicative phrase. A straightforward illustration of the former case, i.e. an instance of expansion of a participant previously referred to by means of a NP, is given in example ( 223), where the noun naî 'tree' is expanded by two immediately subsequent relative clauses (each enclosed in square brackets). These relative clauses, because they follow the first mention of the participant they are elaborating on, must both be introduced by the linker (in its neuter inflectional form specifically, given that the speaker is here assigning naî 'tree' to the neuter nominal class):

nà=ū-gü -nè]-wa3

m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=say-pl\sbjv-rel.n-aloc 'to a huge tree they call ceiba tree ' [jgs 123-124] 3.5. Linker Example (224) features a slightly less straightforward illustration of the same type of expansion (the expansion is again enclosed in brackets). In this example, by contrast with the order featured in ( 223), the more head-like NP (i ̀kori ̋gü ́'White people') follows-instead of preceding-the more dependent-like NP (togü ́'others'). Because the corresponding participant is first referred to by togü , this word does not bear the linker. The NP i ̀kori ̋gü ́'White people', by contrast, since it refers to a participant already mentioned within the clause by togü , functions as an expansion and must consequently include the linker. In other words, of several NPs corresponding to a single participant within a single clause, it is always the non-first ones that bear the linker, regardless of whether these non-first NPs are more head-or more dependent-like relative to the NP that represents the first mention of the participant within the clause. Note, thus, that the notion of expansion as I define it here does not equal that of dependent or modifier. Note, additionally, that certain modifiers, such as the indefinite determiner wi ́'á(as in ( 223)) and the non-locative demonstratives (such as ngemàin (224)), as well as genitive phrases in general (i.e. NPs attached with the genitive case-marking suffix /-arü /), are directly preposed to the NP they modify, that is, they do not admit the presence of the linker in front of that modified NP. 223 Example (225) displays an occurrence of a NP (enclosed in brackets) functioning as a syntactic expansion of a pronominal index. The NP yàtogu'è'the other one', which makes it explicit whom the subject index /ta=/ '3s.sbj' is referring to, must include the linker, in this case in its salientive inflectional form (which in the speech of many speakers happens to be homonymous with its neuter form): Note, importantly, that in this example the NP yàtogu'è'the other one' occurs after the finite predicative phrase, which is why it is treated as an expansion of the pronominal index. If it had been placed before the predicative phrase, it would have represented itself the first mention of the referent within the clause and would therefore not have been procliticized with the linker.

Besides its essentially syntactic function just discussed, the linker may additionally be said to fulfill an important semantic function, inasmuch as it is the locus most frequently employed in discourse for the encoding of nominal tense, which indirectly informs the tense value of the whole utterance.

The details of the syntactic distribution of the linker may prove relatively complex in practice, as is shown further below, but for the most part they result from the general syntactic function just described. A particular circumstance that may significantly contribute to obscure this syntactic distribution to the non-native analyst, however, is the existence in the language of a number of morphemes that are homonymous with certain inflectional forms of the linker and may occur in similar or identical positions as the linker in the speech flow. The three morphemes with the highest potential for confusion are discussed in the following section. Importantly, however, these homonyms are either invariable or, for those of them that can be inflected, they also feature inflectional forms that are not homonymous with any of the forms of the linker. In most cases, these morphosyntactic properties allow to detect them with certainty in elicitation with adequate transformation tests. Section 3.5.1 exposes the morphological paradigm of the linker. Its syntactic distribution is described and exemplified at length in Section 3.5.2.

Morphological paradigm

The morphological paradigm of the linker is displayed in Table 34 in its three subdialectal variants classified by degree of conservativeness or innovativeness. The inflectional forms of the linker unspecified for nominal tense, which are in practice mostly used in non-past ([-pst]) contexts, are laid out in the first row of each subdialectal variant of the paradigm. Its specifically past inflectional forms ([+pst]) are laid out in the second row of each variant. The only forms concerned by the subdialectal variation featured by the inflectional paradigm of the linker are the neuter and the salientive forms (the forms highlighted in bold in the intermediary and innovative variants of the paradigm in Table 34 are the ones that differ from their equivalent forms in the conservative variant of the paradigm). This variation is only of a tonological (i.e. not a segmental) nature. Note, importantly, that this subdialectal variation is the reason for the apparent inconsistency in the way the forms of the linker are glossed in the examples throughout this grammatical description. Apparently identical forms of the linker are necessarily glossed differently across speakers whose speeches make use of distinct variants of the inflectional paradigm of the linker.

In the conservative variant of the paradigm (first two rows in Table 34), both the neuter and the salientive forms of the linker (whether its forms unspecified for nominal tense or its specifically [+pst] forms) exhibit a toneme / 1 /. The reason I identify this variant as comparatively conservative is because it is the one employed by all the oldest speakers (i.e. those above age 60, approximately) who have collaborated in my research, regardless of their geographical origins (igs, hga, osp, and gra in particular; certain younger speakers also use this variant, such as jgs).

In the intermediary variant of the inflectional paradigm of the linker (third and fourth rows in Table 34), the neuter forms likewise exhibit a toneme / 1 /, but the salientive forms, for their part, exhibit a toneme / 4 / (thereby aligning with the masculine forms of all three variants of the paradigm of the linker). Only lar, among the speakers who collaborated in my research, employs this variant. She also uses, on rare occasions, the conservative variant (i.e. she occasionally uses the toneme / 4 / variants of the salientive forms of the linker). The intermediary variant can minimally be characterized as such from a structural point of view, with respect to the conservative variant on the one hand and the innovative one on the other. I tentatively hypothesize that it is also, diachronically, the bridge variant that allowed the conservative variant to evolve into the innovative variant.

Finally, in the innovative variant of the inflectional paradigm of the linker (last two rows in Table 34), both the neuter and the salientive forms exhibit a toneme / 4 / (thereby aligning with the masculine forms). This variant is the one that displays most syncretism. The non-past form /ya=/ is indiscriminately used in the masculine, neuter, and salientive nominal classes. The past form /ga=/, for its part, can be said to no longer agree for nominal class, given that it is used in all of them. I identify this variant of the paradigm of the linker as innovative both because it is mostly used by younger speakers (e.g. jsg and igv), and because it allows to encode less grammatical distinctions than the other two variants (i.e. it most likely represents a simplification of one of the other two paradigms, which must therefore have been prior in time).

Note that there is the possibility that more forms of the linker exist besides those listed in Table 34. Attested in my data are a rare feminine form /a=/, an occurrence of which is displayed in example ( 226), and a substantially more frequent non-salientive form /a=/ (for occurrences of which see (T76), (T144), and (T154)), which I both identify-tentatively-as inflectional forms of the linker in view of their syntactic distribution and their apparent function.

(226) A ́ngeḿàchatü ̄rü ̀naê'ü ̃i ̄ya-i ̃. Diachronically speaking, the paradigm of the linker is likely cognate with that of the non-locative demonstrative roots or the non-locative endophoric demonstratives (on which see introduction to Section 3.4 and Section 3.4.3, respectively). More specifically, the inflectional forms of the linker unspecified for nominal tense are likely to be cognate with the medial non-locative demonstrative roots or non-locative endophorics (compare e.g. /ya=/ 'lk.m' in the conservative variant of the paradigm of the linker with the medial non-locative demonstrative root /yi ̆-/ 'med.m' or the medial non-locative endophoric /yi ̆-ma/ 'med.manaph'; compare, likewise, /ya=/ 'lk.n/s' in the conservative variant of the paradigm of the linker with /yi ̂-/ 'med.n' and yi ̂'è'med.s' or /yi ̂-ma/ 'med.n-anaph' 'I go to Lake Tarapoto with them. ' [jgs 106] The linker in (231) introduces a slightly different type of close apposition of very common use in smat discourse. In this appositional construction, a NP features as its first element an independent pronoun that is followed by a nominal constituent (introduced by the linker) that makes explicit the referent of that pronoun.

a=nge-mal

Linking a nominal constituent to a coreferential index that precedes it

Examples (237-240) illustrate a function of the linker that is relatively different from the one discussed in the preceding section. In (237-240), the linker does not link two parts of a complex NP, but a pronominal index that is part of the inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase, on the one hand, and a nominal constituent that is coreferential with that index and occurs after the predicative phrase, on the other hand (this function of the linker was introduced in the discussion of (225) above). This use of the linker is functionally comparable to its use in the pronoun lk=nominal.constituent close appositional construction, except that here the pronominal element in the construction is no 3.5. Linker longer a free form as above, but an index. In (237), two distinct (i.e. non coreferential) nominal constituents occur after the predicative phrase, with each of them making referentially explicit one of the two pronominal indexes procliticized to the predicative phrase:

(237) Chaná-gṵ i ̀chòmài ̀gű'ü .

chai=ná j =gṵ The linker that introduces the second half of the cleft constructions that serve for focalization can be interpreted as representing, again, the same use of the linker as a marker establishing an overt link between a nominal constituent and an index that precedes it. Instances of such constructions are provided in examples (241-243). In (241), the focalized constituent (/pe-natü / [2pl-father] 'your father') has the semantic role of the subject of the predicative phrase /ü -'chi ̋ru/ (make-clothes) 'to clothe'. At a strictly syntactic level, however, that focalized constituent functions as the complement of the copular verb /ni ́i ̀=i ̃/ (3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =be) 'it is'. What functions as the syntactic subject of the copula is the relative clause chā-ü 'chi ̋rūkǖ tá i ̀ñṵmá 'who will clothe me from now on'. Because that relative clause is coreferential with the subject index /ni ́i ̀=/ '3m/n/ns.sbj.pci ' in ni ́i ̀-i ̃'it is' and occurs after the main predicative phrase, it has to bear the linker (on focalization implemented by means of cleft constructions involving relative clauses, see Section 5.2.5, p.420). ( 241 Note that, just like in (240) above, the copular verb may be ellipsed from focalization constructions. The constituent that virtually occurs "after" the copular verb, however, retains its linker, although no coreferential index preceding it is in practice present (see (342) for a case of ellipsis of the copular verb from a focalization construction).

A note on coordination and loose apposition

Incidentally, note that in cases where a nominal constituent linked to a previous one or to a preceding index itself comprises several coordinated nominal constituents (as in ( 244)) or a nominal constituent that stands in "loose" apposition to another one (as in (245), the linker only occurs once, i.e. it is not repeated in front of each of these coordinated or apposed nominal constituents. In other words, the linker links parts of a NP that stand in a syntactic relation of the type modifier-head with each other (which includes the syntactic relation of close apposition), but not parts of a NP that stand in a relation of coordination or "loose" apposition with each other.

(244) Na'ka̰ chà-dău'ü ̃yá wa'à, ã 'tápē, påwǘgǘ rǜ ngēmà ṵ̈ kü ̋chî'ègǘmārè'ü ̃i ̀insectos ñâgü 'ü .

[na-]'ka̰

Contexts where the linker is typically absent

In summary, we have seen so far that the linker occurs in front of any nominal constituent that 1) follows, whether immediately or not, another nominal constituent with which it forms a single NP and with which it stands in a modifier-head relation (excepting a few cases, in particular when the modifier comes first and is the indefinite determiner wi ́'a, a non-locative demonstrative, or a genitive phrase), or 2) comes after an index with which it is coreferential. Examples (246-248) are meant to show that nominal constituents do not usually bear the linker out of these cases. In particular, the linker is usually not procliticized to extra-clausal constituents (kumàin (246), Nátǘtàmàmá'a nà-ūgü nèwai n ( 248)), clause-internal nominal constituents that precede the predicative phrase 3.5. Linker (e.g. ingléswa̋in (246)), or clause-internal constituents that follow the predicative phrase but are not indexed on it (na'ka̰ gá internado in (247)). ( 246 There is two contexts, however, where the linker is regularly procliticized to a nominal constituent without linking it to any preceding coreferential nominal constituent or index. These contexts, which are the topic of the following two sections, allow the linker to occur in syntactic positions unaccounted for by the summarized description of its distribution just put forward.

Generalization of the linker after the predicative phrase

Circumstantial independent nouns (i.e. members of a closed class of independent nouns that typically occur in discourse without syntactic function marking) that refer to temporal positions regularly bear the linker (in its non-past or past non-salientive forms) when they follow the predicative phrase. Such circumstantial independent nouns are not, however, coreferential with any preceding nominal constituent or index within the clause. This regular context of occurrence of the linker is illustrated in examples (249-251).

(249) Ngēmaka̰ chā-å'ìrà ȉ'ràrü ẃa̋i ̀ñṵmá. ngē-ma-ka̰ Note that it may also occasionally occur for a nominal constituent that is not a circumstantial independent noun to bear the linker in contexts where it occurs after the predicative phrase but is not coreferential with any nominal constituent or index that precedes it. This mostly happens in my corpus to nominal constituents in the areal locative syntactic function, as in examples (252-253) (for an occurrence of this phenomenon involving a nominal constituent in another syntactic function, see /i ̀=to-'ka̰ / [lk.ns=1pl-cause] 'for us' in (154) above). I interpret these irregular occurrences of the linker as the possible effect of a minor tendency in today's smat towards marking with the linker any nominal constituent that follows the predicative phrase, whether it is or not coreferential with a preceding nominal constituent or index.

(252) [...] ñṵmá rǜ 'ã rǜ w̃enà rǜ tōmàrǜ tāyā-tógǘgǘ i ̀tōònèwa.

Linker used as a type of definite determiner

Another case where the linker's function is not to link the nominal constituent to which it is procliticized to any preceding coreferential nominal constituent or index is when it serves as a particular type of definite determiner used to signal that a nominal constituent is intended to allow for the identification of a particular referent within a set of referents already established as a main topic (implying a contrast between that particular referent and the other referents in the set of referents in question). This function of the linker is extremely reminiscent of the use of the non-locative endophorics as a type of definite determiners (on which see Section 3. 4.3, p.225). In this function, the linker often marks a headless relative clause, as in (254-255), or minimally a NP modified by a relative clause. It may also mark a NP that does not contain any relative clause, as in (256). ( 254) "Kǘ ngi ̏'ā yeàtá-ĩ ̂gǘ rǜ yá yîàwoĉhi ̋nè tá gẽnágü 'ètá tíì-ĩ ̊yá pŏra'e!" ña'ü ̃tü 'ü .

kǘ=ngi ̏'ā

Past form of the linker procliticized to subordinate clauses

This section discusses the syntactic distribution of a morpheme /ga=/ that I tentatively analyze as the linker in its past non-salientive inflectional form. This morpheme is procliticized to apparently any type of subordinate clauses to indicate that they refer to past processes. Example (257) shows this morpheme /ga=/ procliticized to a circumstantial adverbial clause in /-'gu̽ / 'circ '. Examples (258-259) show it procliticized to complement clauses introduced by the conjunction na'a ∼ ni ́i ̀-i ̃(na'a and ni ́i ̀-i ̃are two subdialectal variants of the same conjunction; note that intriguingly, although these two variants generally have the 3.5. Linker exact same distribution, they do not occur in the same order relative to the morpheme /ga=/ under discussion in this section, yielding /ga=na'a . Importantly, the non-past non-salientive inflectional form of the linker (/i ̀=/) never occurs in front of subordinate clauses that do not refer to past processes (or, minimally, that are not explicitly marked as referring to past processes). 225 Such subordinate clauses, regardless of whether they are coreferential or not with a preceding nominal constituent or index, regularly occur with no morpheme of any sort filling the syntactic position that would be occupied by /ga=/ if they were to be marked as referring to past processes. This observation is illustrated in the following example:

(260) Mā nǖkù-fa'ü ̃ná'a åkǘ nà-trata'ü ̃i ̀ñåa? This observation questions whether the morpheme /ga=/ that marks subordinate clauses referring to past processes actually is to be analyzed as a form of the linker. Analyzing it that way implies considering that the linker exhibits a defective distribution in its occurrences on subordinate clauses. Such an analysis further implies to consider a syntactic constituent such as chà-bû'gù 'when I was young' in (257) as the syntactic equivalent of a nominal constituent, given that the linker, in all of its other uses, can only be procliticized to nominal constituents. Although the marker /ga=/ of subordinate clauses referring to past processes is most likely cognate with the linker, it might in fact be better analyzed, from a synchronic perspective, as a separate morpheme rather than as an inflectional form of the linker.

mā=nǖ i =kù=fa-'ü prf=3m/n/

Syntactic functions of nominal phrases

This section provides a brief overview of the strategies employed in smat for encoding the syntactic function of NPs. Morphologically speaking, these strategies involve either head-marking (i.e. encoding via markers-in practice proclitics for the most part-applied to the constituent that governs the syntactic relation, which in practice can only be a predicative phrase specifically), dependentmarking (i.e. encoding via markers-in practice suffixes and relational nounsapplied to the governed NP), or, in a few cases, a complete lack of marking. Head-and dependent-marking can only be said to co-occur in cases where a NP already marked with one of the two locative relational nouns (/-wa/ 'aloc' and /-gu̽ / 'ploc') is simultaneously indexed on the predicative phrase (on this phemonenon, see Section 5.7.2.1, and examples (515), (522), and (523) in particular).

Syntactic functions of nominal phrases

The interpretation of the syntactic function of NPs additionally relies, to a certain extent, on their position relative to other NPs in cases where several NPs occur before the predicative phrase (i.e. the ordering of NPs that precede the predicative phrase is constrained and depends on their respective syntactic functions; this ordering does not seem to be constrained, by contrast, for NPs that follow the predicative phrase). This section is framed from the perspective of the NP. Section 3.6.1 discusses cases where the syntactic function of the NP is not encoded morphologically on the NP, i.e. cases where the encoding of its syntactic function operates via head-marking on the predicative phrase or remains entirely covert. Section 3.6.2 proceeds to discuss cases that do involve morphological marking of the NP by means of case-marking suffixes or relational nouns. Section 3.6.3, finally, discusses two near-prepositions, i.e. two free words that contribute to the explicit encoding of the syntactic function of the NPs to which they are preposed (together with simultaneous marking of the NP by a relational noun attached to its right edge).

Absence of marking on the nominal phrase (zero-case)

I call "zero-case" form the form that NPs feature when they occur extra-syntactically (i.e. their citation form) or the form they typically feature in topicalizing left-dislocations where they are followed by the enclitic =rü ̀'top' (e.g. chaùega' my name' in example ( 261)). In their zero-case form, NPs can be said to be completely unmarked for syntactic function. All NPs in the zero-case in the examples displayed in this section are highlighted in bold.

(261) Nŭ'ma'è! Chàuegà rǜ Javier Sánchez níì-ĩ ̊.

nŭ'-ma-'è NPs in the syntactic function of subject (whether subjects of intransitive or transitive predicative phrases) always occur in the zero-case. Likewise, NPs that correspond to a third person participant assigned to the masculine, neuter, or non-salientive nominal class always occur in the zero-case in the syntactic function of object (but not NPs that correspond to first, second, fourth, or third person feminine or salientive participants in object function; such NPs, by a phenomenon of differential object marking, are typically-but not always-marked with the accusative case-marking suffix, on which see next section). Depending on the situation, the syntactic function of such NPs may be encoded either by their position only (e.g. gu'ü ̃'everything' in (262), which only its position right before a transitive predicative phrase indicates to be an object), by indexation only (e.g. kowü ́'the deer' in (263), which only its coreferential index /na=/ '3m/n/ns.obj' indicates to be an object), or by both their position and indexation (e. Participants in the accusative and benefactive(-malefactive) syntactic functions are regularly marked with the corresponding case-marking suffixes when they precede the predicative phrase, as in example (265) (on the case-marking suffixes, see next section). When they follow the predicative phrase, by contrast, they virtually always occur in the zero-case and get indexed on the predicative phrase, as in (266) (accusative complements of the deictic verb, however, do retain their dependent-marking when they occur after the deictic verb, which results from the fact that the inflectional morphology of the deictic verb does not allow for the indexation of such complements; see Section 6.1, p.507). ( 265 The complement of the copular verb root i ̃'to be' is always in the zero-case (see e.g. the proper noun 'Javier Sánchez' in (261), which is morphologically unmarked for syntactic function). Its syntactic function is only encoded by its position immediately before the copular verb.

NPs in the punctual locative syntactic function are ordinarily marked with the relational noun /-gu̽ / 'ploc'. This relational noun is occasionally dropped, however, with apparently no resulting effect of any sort. This seems to be possible only in cases where the NP in that syntactic function precedes the predicative phrase. See, for instance, the NP ná'marṵ'ü '(in) its anus' in the following example, whose punctual locative syntactic function is morphologically covert:

(267) [...] For additional instances of ellipsis of /-gu̽ / 'ploc', see tü ĝü 'etü ̀'(on) their own eyes' in example (467) and chomü kü tanü ̀lit. '(in) a group of companions of mine' in (574).

Finally, certain adjuncts, such as the circumstantial independent nouns (a subclass of independent nouns referring to positions in time or space) or the complements of duration (as in e.g. I worked there for three years), are never marked for syntactic function. Their position in the clause does not seem to be able to provide any indication as to their syntactic function either. In other words, the function of such NPs is entirely covert. Contrast the temporal adjunct wí'á gá gùnē'ü gu' one day' in (268) with the temporal adjuncts ñṵ má'nowadays' and nu'kü ḿá'(in) the past' in (262) above. All three NPs can reasonably be considered to feature the same semantic role. However, while the former is marked with the punctual locative relational noun /-gu̽ /, ñṵ má'nowadays' and nu'kü ḿá'in the past', two circumstantial independent nouns, do not display any syntactic function marking.

Presence of marking on the nominal phrase (case-marking suffixes and relational nouns)

NPs in most other situations than the ones discussed in the preceding section regularly bear explicit morphological marking of their syntactic function. A list of the syntactic function markers of smat is provided in Table 35, along with the major semantic roles they are associated with.

Near-preposition ñomá'like' and near-prepositional phrase ñṵ mátà'up to'

Ñoma, the non-salientive form of the non-locative proximal endophoric demonstrative (see Section 3.4.3), occasionally occurs in a grammaticalized function that no longer seems to be related to its original demonstrative meaning, but resembles instead the function of a preposition meaning 'like'. In this function, ñoma, which does not seem to inflect for nominal class as it does in its ordinary demonstrative function, immediately precedes an NP suffixed with the relational noun -'rü 'ü 'like'. This is shown in examples (271-272). Note that in this construction the syntactic function of the NP is marked twice: once by ñoma, and again by -'rü 'ü ̃'like'. While -'rü 'ü ̃'like' does not require the co-occurrence of ñoma, ñomádoes conversely seem to require that of -'rü 'ü ̃'like', whose function it merely "replicates" (with anticipation) at the left edge of the NP.

(271) [...] The phrase ñṵ mátà(/ñṵ ma=ta/ 'present.time=add'), usually employed as a near-conjunction with the temporal meaning 'until', may also exceptionally be used as a near-prepositional phrase. It then acquires the spatial meaning 'up to, all the way to'. In this function, the phrase immediately precedes an NP suffixed with the relational noun -wa̋'aloc', as shown in the following example:

Introduction to the structure of the smat predicative phrase

A general outline of the structure of the smat predicative phrase (PP) is provided in Figure 22. This chapter essentially discusses all the morphological phenomena that operate within the structural level delimited by the red box in this figure. Specifically, it introduces the major types of PPs occurring in the language, i.e. the verbal PP and the non-verbal PP. It further describes both the derivational morphology specific to the verbal PP (which includes derivation proper as well as incorporation of nominal constituents) and the derivational morphology shared by verbal and non-verbal PPs. The morphological phenomena that operate at the structural level delimited by the black dashed-line box in Figure 22 correspond to the inflectional morphology of the finite PP. They are treated separately in Chapter 5.

As was just mentioned, PPs are distributed in two major types, the verbal PP and the non-verbal PP (corresponding to the two innermost black boxes in Figure 22).

Verbal PPs may consist of a verb root alone, as in example ( 274 'she/he has a pork/porks' Both of these verbal and non-verbal "basic" PPs (blue box in Figure 22) may be further attached with one or several derivational suffixes of the PP, resulting in "extended" PPs (red box in Figure 22). For instance, as shown in (278a-278e), any of the basic PPs in (274-277) above may take the plural derivational suffix of the predicative phrase /-gü /:

( A possible-although not definitive-way to account for the ordering observed in (279-476), considering that the two PPs under scrutiny are attested elsewhere in my data and cannot be discarded as accidental hapaxes, is to hypothesize that the historically complex forms /a(-)ga/ 'to make a sound' and /ü (-)gü / 'to make (pl.)' might have been lexicalized to the point of being optionally treated as morphologically simplex verb roots in today's language.

I have not investigated in a systematic fashion the relative ordering of the suffixes indiscriminately analyzed here as belonging to the derivational morphology of the PP. This morphological domain clearly features some ordering variation, especially as far as the relative position of the plural suffix /-gü / is concerned (see e.g. the attested orderings /-echa-gü /∼/-gü -echa/ and /-chi ̀gü -gü /∼/-gü -chi ̀gü / in cases where /-gü / co-occurs with the persistive /-echa/ and the singular distributive /-chi ̀gü /, respectively). Strong ordering tendencies can also be observed, however, including regarding the relative position of /-gü / 'pl'. For instance, /-gü / virtually always comes after the intransitive plural suffix /-e/ when both co-occur within the same PP, yielding in most cases the immediate sequence /-e-gü /. It is likely that a thorough examination of all cases of co-occurrences of derivational suffixes of the PP in a smat corpus would uncover more ordering tendencies or constraints of the kind just mentioned. Certain ordering variations might also be revealed to be regularly meaningful. In any case, note, importantly, that in Section 4.4, where these morphemes are dealt with, they are grouped according to general semantic criteria rather than following a hypothetical morphological template that might underlie their organization. The presentational order of Section 4.4 should therefore not be interpreted as corresponding to any underlying morphological organization of the suffixes under discussion.

Before passing to the description of the various types of smat PPs and their derivational morphology, a brief definitional notice is in order. Although the description of the inflectional morphology of the finite PP is deferred to the next chapter, note, crucially, that it is what provides an operational criterion for defining what I simply refer to as a PP throughout the present chapter. I generally define as a PP any phrase that may directly (i.e. without any morphological modification) receive inflectional morphology of the finite PP.

Example ( 281) is intended to briefly illustrate how I put this definition to use in practice. In this example, the speaker is telling how his wife and his daughter, after prepaying for a bed, go pick it up from the store's depository:

(281) Ngēmaka̰ tá-tå'ēgǘ rǜ ngemàmé'e ná-ĩ ̂rǜ nā-ü tànǜã 'ü ̃chírḛ. ngē-ma-ka̰ Importantly, note that applying the definition of the PP just discussed in a systematic way leads me to include among the derivational suffixes of the PP three morphemes that are homonymous with enclitics, specifically /-chi ̀gü / 'distr.sg' (compare /=chi ̀gü / 'distr.sg'), /-mare/ 'just' (compare /=mare/ 'just'), and /-chi ́rḛ / 'admittedly' (compare /=chi ́rḛ / 'aprf'). In fact, although the meaning of these suffixes is largely similar to that of their homonymous enclitics (with which these suffixes are obviously cognate), they do not exactly overlap, which further suggests to analyze these three suffixes and their corresponding enclitics as distinct morphemes. Thus, if the last PP in (281) had contained the suffix /-chi ́rḛ / 'admittedly' instead of being followed by the enclitic /=chi ́rḛ /, the meaning of the corresponding clause would have been 'although she payed for it, ...' instead of 'she had already payed for it'.

This chapter is organized as follows. Verbal PPs, i.e. verb roots, most of their specific derivational morphology, and the incorporation of nominal constituents into verbal PPs, are the topics of Section 4.2. The various subtypes of nonverbal PPs are discussed in Section 4.3. The derivational morphology of the PP, i.e. the derivational suffixes that may generally be attached to both verbal and non-verbal PPs, is dealt with in Section 4.4 for the most part. Finally, the derivational morphemes that operate on PPs' valency (i.e. two derivational suffixes of the verb root and two derivational suffixes of the PP) are treated separately in Section 4.5, together with two valency-manipulating constructions lacking specialized morphological marking.

Verbal predicative phrases: verb roots, verb stems, verb phrases

This section is organized as follows. Section 4.2.1 first discusses the identification of verb roots, i.e. morphologically-simplex morphemes that are available for predication as they stand. Section 4.2.2 then introduces the derivational morphology specific to verb roots (i.e. only available to morphologically-simplex verb roots, as opposed to any other kind of predicative phrase), which derives (nonincorporating) verb stems from verb roots. The function of most of the derivational suffixes of the verb root is to encode figure-ground configurations achieved (nondurative motion process) or tended towards (durative motion process) in the process lexically encoded by the verb root. Section 4.2.3 describes and illustrates the use of each of these figure-ground configuration suffixes. The few derivational suffixes of the verb root that do not contribute encoding of figure-ground configurations are the topic of Section 4.2.4. The incorporation of bound nouns and full NPs, a morphological operation that is only available to verb roots and verb stems and derives incorporating verb stems or incorporating verb phrases, is dealt with last in Section 4.2.5.

Verb roots

I define verb roots as synchronically unanalyzable PPs, i.e. synchronically unanalyzable lexical items that may as such-i.e. with no additional morphologyreceive regular inflectional morphology of the finite predicative phrase. According to this criterion, the following lexical items can be identified as verb roots:

(283) a. ü ̆'to make' b. ñā'to run (sg.)' c. pū'to rain' All verbs are stressed morphemes (and therefore always bear stress on their first syllable). Although most verb roots are monosyllabic, as in (283a-283e),229 monosyllabicity is not an obligatory phonological property of verb roots, as evidenced by (283f-283i).

I tentatively analyze the morpheme /gẽ-/ 'not have' as a verb root, although it does not satisfy the definition of verb roots above insofar as it cannot occur in discourse without incorporating a bound noun or an NP. This stressed morpheme, which functions as a counterpart in the negative polarity of the morphosyntactically regular verb root ã'to have, to give' (see Section 7.2.3), does not quite fit in any morpheme class of the language.

The morphologically exceptional deictic "verb root" /ña-/ña-+-((rü )gü )/ 'do thus' does not satisfy the definition of verb roots above either, as it cannot take any of the regular inflectional morphology of the finite predicative phrase (on the deictic verb, see Section 6). I call the deictic verb a "verb", in the broad sense, insofar as it may form on its own a well-formed predicative phrase which, like verbs, consists in a functionally unanalyzable lexical form (for a discussion of the identification of the deictic verb as a "verb", see Section 6.2.1).

Conversely, a few synchronically unanalyzable morphemes that I treat as nonverbal do appear to satisfy, paradoxically, the definition of verb roots above, since they may directly take regular inflectional morphology of the finite predicative phrase as they stand. These are morphemes such as gẽ'tà'where? (ploc)', gãìkama' proximity (ploc)', or ya'ü ̃'remoteness (ploc)'. An instance of the latter occurring in PP position is provided by the following example:

(284) [...] These morphemes belong to the lexical class of circumstantial independent nouns (i.e. a class of independent nouns that always or often occur without syntactic function marking). When they occur as complements rather than in PP position, they are specialized for uses in the punctual locative (ploc) syntactic function (although they do not-and probably cannot-bear the relational noun /-gu̽ /, which usually serves as a marker for that syntactic function). Rather than verbs, these morphemes, when they occupy the function of PP, are in fact better considered as nouns occurring in a particular configuration of the type of non-verbal predicative phrases that are made of an NP plus the predicative relational noun /-gu̽ / 'ploc' (on this type of non-verbal PP, see Section 4.3.3.1). The configuration of /-gu̽ /-non-verbal PP in which these nouns are then involved is particular insofar as its ploc marking is exceptionally covert (being subsumed in the lexical properties of the noun that constitutes the NP part of the /-gu̽ /-non-verbal PP), while that marking is usually overt in /-gu̽ /-non-verbal PPs.

From verb roots to verb stems: overview of the derivational morphology of the verb root

Verb roots, to the exclusion of any other kind of PP, have access to a specific paradigm of at least 19 derivational suffixes displayed in Table 36. The first 11, of which three feature a singular and a plural allomorph, contribute the encoding of an array of specific figure-ground configurations to the process denoted by the verb root. These are discussed in the next section. Of the remaining 8 suffixes in Table 36, two, specifically /-eta/ 'antip1' and /-e/ 'antip2', have an antipassivizing function, i.e. convert transitive verbs into intransitive verbs whose subject retains the semantic role of agent. Note that these two morphemes are treated separately in Section 4.5.1, within a section dedicated to valency operations at the end of this chapter. Among those derivational suffixes of the verb root that do not encode figure-ground configurations, only the pluractional marker /-gü ̽ / and Only one derivational suffix of the verb root is virtually ever attested on a single verb root at a time in my corpus, i.e. sequences of two or more derivational suffixes of the verb root do not seem to occur. These suffixes therefore appear to be 4.2. Verbal predicative phrases mutually exclusive, or, in other words, to all belong in the same morphological slot. Cases where such sequences would seem to occur are dubious and probably involve bound morphemes homonymous with derivational suffixes of the verb root but in fact unrelated to them, or, minimally, fully lexicalized and synchronically unanalyzable occurrences of these suffixes. For instance, the verb root meaning 'to run' has two plural allomorphs, ü ̄and ü ḡü 'ü ̃(on PPs with singular and plural allomorphs, see Section 5.10, paragraph (iii)). It can be tempting to analyze its latter allomorph as */ü -gü -'ü / (run.pl-plurac-out.pl), lit. 'to run (pl.) repeatedly out', involving a sequence of two derivational suffixes of the verb root, specifically the pluractional /-gü ̽ / and the plural allomorph /-'ü ̽ / of the figure-ground configuration suffix meaning 'out'. In practice, the form ü ḡü 'ü ̃is fully lexicalized and does not seem to be analyzable in today's language. Whatever its etymology may be, it is probably better treated as a (unitary) polysyllabic verb root in today's smat, which makes its phonological sequence /-gü 'ü / unproblematic from the morphological perspective adopted in this section.

Additionally, the derivational suffixes of the verb root virtually always occur on monosyllabic verb roots in my corpus, as will become manifest from the examples in the next sections. This fact, however, probably only expresses a very strong tendency that results from the overall prevalence of monosyllabicity among verb roots, rather than a strict phonological constraint on verb roots available for derivation by means of these suffixes. Occurrences of these suffixes on polysyllabic verb roots are indeed exceptionally attested (e.g. /ngi ̂'ka-e/ 'to till (a patch of land)', from the disyllabic verb root ngi ̂'kàand the antipassive suffix /-e/ 'antip2').

On the morphotonological alternations / 43 /→/ 31 / and / MC /→/ 36 / undergone by monosyllabic verb roots whose lexical form features a toneme / 43 / or / MC /, respectively, when they are attached with certain bound morphemes (among which those marked with a plus sign <+> in Table 36), see Section 2.6.2.2.

Suffixes encoding figure-ground configurations

The following paragraphs first introduce the general morphosyntactic and semantic properties of the figure-ground configuration (FGC) suffixes from a global and theoretically-oriented perspective. The use of each of these suffixes in discourse is illustrated further below in the dedicated subsections 4.2.3.1 through 4.2.3.11.

Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase

The FGC suffixes are a system of 11 derivational suffixes of the verb root that characterize the spatial relation in which a figure stands relative to a ground in the process denoted by the verb root (for a list of these suffixes, see Table 36). The figure participant corresponds to the subject of intransitive verbs and to the (core) object of transitive verbs. The ground by reference to which the spatial relation of the figure is characterized typically corresponds to a non-core participant that may be explicitly expressed as an NP in the areal (aloc) or punctual (ploc) locative syntactic functions, indexed on the predicative phrase by means of a locative index standing for a participant in the aloc or ploc syntactic function (on which see Section 5.7.2.1), or left implicit in the context. Whether the ground is encoded as a participant in the aloc or in the ploc syntactic function depends on whether at the final phase of the process the figure is in a relation of contiguity with the ground (in which case it is encoded as a ploc participant) or whether at the final phase of the process no such relation is prevailing between the figure and the ground (in which case the ground is encoded as a aloc participant). For a straightforward illustration of this distinction, contrast examples ( 303) and (302) on p.304. In the former example, the figure (a group of people) gets to be contiguous with the ground (a tuk-tuk) by getting on it. The ground is accordingly encoded as a ploc participant (NP /motocarro-gu/ 'tuk.tuk-ploc'). In (302), by contrast, the reverse process occurs, whereby the same figure gets off the same ground. The relation of contiguity between the figure and the ground prevailing at the initial phase of the process is cancelled. The ground is accordingly encoded as a aloc participant (index /i ̋=/ '3aloc').

Note that the ground may also occasionally coincide with the figure itself as it stands at the initial phase of the process, although this particular case is comparatively rare in discourse. The FGC suffixes then characterize the spatial relation (sometimes a metaphorical one) in which the figure stands during or at the end of the process relative to itself as it stood at the beginning of the process (for instances of figure-ground configurations encoded by the FGC suffixes in which the ground corresponds to the figure itself as it stands at the initial phase of the process, see Sections 4.2.3.1, 4.2.3.2, 4.2.3.3, and 4.2.3.9).

The spatial relations encoded by the FGC suffixes may be relations tended towards over the course of the process or achieved at the end of the process. This depends on the Aktionsart properties of the verb root. Spontaneous and caused motion verb roots, in particular, with which the FGC suffixes co-occur in an overwhelming majority of cases in discourse (although these suffixes may also occur on non-motion verb roots), are lexically distributed in a durative and a non-durative 4.2. Verbal predicative phrases tends towards being at the opposite side of the ground' relative to where that figure stands at the initial phase of the process). /-egu/ 'inv' does not denote a specific subtype of topological relation but indicates instead that the topological relation prevailing at the initial phase of the process is inverted in the process, i.e. shifts from plus to minus or the other way around (whereby the figure 'gets to be or tends towards being generally contiguous with the ground while it was initially not contiguous with it', 'gets to be or tends towards being at the ground while it was initially away from it', 'gets to be or tends towards being off the ground while it was initially on it', etc.). This suffix thus essentially functions as an inverter of topological relation polarity. In cases where the figure coincides with the ground, /-egu/ indicates that the figure gets to stand or tends towards standing in a reversed orientation by reference to a plane tangent to it or intersecting it (e.g. 'the poster is hanging backwards', 'the canoe capsized', 'I put the glass upside down', 'I turned my pants inside out').

/-a̽ / 'plloc' denotes a plural topological relation (whereby the figure 'gets to be at several spots of the ground or tends towards being at several spots of the ground').

The exact semantic contribution of the comparatively rare suffix /-ye/ 'in.the.middle', finally, is less clear. I tentatively analyze it as belonging to the set of the FGC suffixes (although it might perhaps be better considered as a non-FGC derivational suffix of the PP) and describe it as a suffix denoting a medial topological relation (whereby the figure 'gets to be in the middle of the ground or tends towards being in the middle of the ground').

On the encoding of static topological relations in the absence of a verb root, which is implemented by non-verbal PPs made of an NP attached with the predicative relational noun /-gu̽ / 'ploc', see Section 4.3.3.1. For instances of use of /-ku̽ chi ́, -ku̽ / apparently encoding a topological relation of tight contact rather than one of containment, and where the ground is a subpart of the figure itself, see the verb stem /w̃e'-ku/ (bind-in.pl) 'to bind (a figure to a ground)' in predicates meaning 'to bind hairs to one another' in (T145-T149).

/-ku̽ chi

Grounds conceived of as featuring an inside, apart from the prototypical case of physical envelopes enclosing a hollow space (such as a house, as in ( 285), or a bag, as in (286-287)), may be any extended portion of space (whether hollow or not, whether it possesses well-defined boundaries or not) that is considered to be physically or metaphorically homogeneous in all of its parts but heterogeneous relative to its immediate surroundings (e.g. a forest relative to a clearing, as in (289), or the other way around, as in (290) below; a solid underground relative to the hollow space above its surface; a rounded-off volume extrapolated around a body and considered as being occupied by it relative to the space that is not comprised in that volume, as in ( 288) and ( 292) and ( 291) below; etc.).

The lexicalized verb stem /ü -ku/ (be.there.sg-in.pl) is irregular in that, although it is the singular allomorph of a PP meaning 'to enter' (which has a regular plural allomorph /cho-ku/ [be.there.pl-in.pl]) and although its FGC suffix consequently characterizes the spatial relation of a singular entity (in this case, a singular subject referent), it features the plural-instead of singular-allomorph of that FGC.

The following example shows an occurrence of this verb stem in discourse: The synchronically hardly analyzable verb root /po'ku/ 'to punish (a singular or plural object)' most likely lexicalized from a former verb stem ? /po'-ku/ (block?-in.pl) meaning 'to imprison (a plural object)' (lit. 'to block several entities inside a ground'), potentially suggesting that imprisonment may be considered (or have been considered) as the prototypical form of punishment in Tikuna culture. Instances of use of /-'V ̽ chi ́, -'ü ̽ / as a FGC suffix characterizing the spatial relation of the figure relative to itself as it stands at the initial phase of the process are provided in examples ( 293) and ( 294). This suffix is regularly used to encode transformation processes, i.e. processes over the course of which the figure metaphorically emerges out of itself under a new shape (whether spontaneously or through an external intervention). A relatively large range of verb roots may occur with this suffix in its transformational meaning, including i ̃'be' as in ( 293), but more often motion or posture verb roots, such as gũ̄'to reach' as in (294). The PP's lexical predicative class frequently shifts to pcnàin the presence of /-'V ̽ chi ́, -'ü ̽ / employed in this specific function, as is clear in (293) ((294) displays a case of reinterpretation of pcnàas pcØ with associated motion, a phenomenon typical of younger speakers, on which see Section 5.9, p.481). Like /ü -ku/ 'to enter (sg.)' (on which see Section 4.2.3.1), the lexicalized verb stem /u-'ü / (go.sg-out.pl) is irregular in that, although it is the singular allomorph of a PP meaning 'to exit' (which has a regular plural allomorph /cho-'ü / [be.there.pl-out.pl]) and although its FGC suffix consequently characterizes the spatial relation of a singular entity (in this case, a singular subject referent), it features the plural-instead of singular-allomorph of that FGC. The following example shows an occurrence of this verb stem in discourse:

(295) Wa'í ná'a consorciowa̋chà-pūrākü 'ü ̃rǜ mārǖ i ̋chā-ṹ'ü ̃náwa. Note that the plural allomorph /-'ü ̽ / of this suffix is homonymous with several unrelated morphemes with which the analyst can easily confuse it. Note, in particular, the existence of a bound morpheme /-'ü / (probably a bound noun, although it is not attested alone on an independent noun or a pronominal root) denoting the general notion of 'container, enclosing envelope' (perhaps especially 4. Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase one that is specialized for liquid contents). This morpheme is found in e.g. /ü -e-'ü / (put.sg-off.sg-container?) 'to remove (a cooking pot with liquid in it from a kitchen stove)' (lit. 'to take a container off'?) and /ü -'ü / (put.sg-container?) 'to place (a liquid somewhere in a container)'.

/-na̽ gü / 'on'

Illustrations of the use of the FGC suffix /-na̽ gü / 'on', which denotes a [+support] topological relation specifically in cases where the surface of the ground that supports the figure can be considered as horizontal, are provided in examples (296) (intransitive PP) and ( 292 For possible instances of use of /-na̽ gü / as a FGC suffix characterizing the spatial relation of the figure relative to itself as it stands at the initial phase of the process, see (T53) and (T87). These utterances, which contain the verb stems /gũnagü / 'reach-on' and /yu'-nagü / 'jump-on', respectively, both refer to the attempts of a man to leave the hammock where he is lying so as to get to stand on his feet. I tentatively interpret the use of /-na̽ gü / in these verb stems as indicating that the figure tries to get onto the surface represented by itself as it stood at the initial phase of the process. Considering that the ground might in fact be to be identified with the floor in these utterances, one could alternatively interpret /-na̽ gü / in a more concrete fashion as indicating that the figure, who is floating "off" the floor in his hammock at the initial phase of the process, tries in the process to get to be in a topological relation of support with the floor.

/-achi ́/ 'upslope'

Illustrations of the use of the FGC suffix /-achi ́/ 'upslope', which denotes a [+support] topological relation specifically in cases where the surface of the ground that supports the figure can be considered as inclined, are provided in examples (298) (intransitive PP; see also (T34) and (T95)) and ( 299 This FGC suffix is homonymous with the derivational suffix of the predicative phrase /-achi ́/ 'tel' (on which see Section 4.4.2.6). Note, however, that the FGC suffix /-achi ́/ 'upslope', by contrast with its homonym /-achi ́/ 'tel', triggers the Pattern 2 morphotonological alternations on the monosyllabic verb roots to which it is suffixed (hence, in (298), the form /ü -achi ́/ with a toneme / 31 / on its first syllable, derived from the verb root ü ́with a lexical toneme / 43 /; on these morphotonological alternations, see Section 2.6.2.2). The use of /-e, -ü / in the expression of motions onto a vehicle, which may seem paradoxical from the perspective of English, might indicate that motions onto a vehicle in smat are conceived of as motions off the surface of the earth, rather than motions onto a platform (in that case, the ground by reference to which the suffix /-ü / characterizes the topological relation of the figure in (302) would be to be identified with the surface of the earth, not the tuk-tuk: lit. 'They also got off [the surface of the earth] in a tuk-tuk').

/

While the [+support] topological relation distinguishes between support on a horizontal surface (/-na̽ gü / 'on', see Section 4.2.3.3) and support on an inclined surface (/-achi ́/ 'upslope', see Section 4.2.3.4), the [-support] topological relation encoded by /-e, -ü / does not make such a distinction. Compare (303), which refers to a motion off a horizontal platform, with (300), which refers to a motion down a slope.

The singular allomorph /-e/ of this suffix is homonymous with several other morphemes in the language, and in particular with the antipassive derivational suffix of the verbal root /-e/ 'antip2' (on which see Section 4.5.1) and the intransitive plural derivational suffix of the predicative phrase /-e/ 'intr.pl' (on which see Section 4.4.4).

/-V chi ̀/ 'at'

An illustration of the use of the FGC suffix /-V chi ̀/ 'at', which denotes a [+propinquity] topological relation, is provided in example (304) (intransitive PP). Note, importantly, that despite the English translation of /u-uchi ̀/ (go.sg-at) as 'came closer' in example (304) (i.e. a translation that implies a notion of perspective of an observer upon the process), the suffix /-V chi ̀/ does not in itself involve any semantic indication of deixis. All this suffix tells in this utterance is that over the course of the process (in this case, a durative spontaneous motion), the figure (in this case, the deer) tends towards standing in a topological relation of 4. Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase propinquity with the ground (in this case, the mythical brothers Yoi and Ipi). The deictic perspective imposed by a translation of this utterance into English is entirely absent from its original smat version. This FGC suffix, like its negative counterpart /-gachi ̀/ 'away' (discussed in the next section), is rare in discourse. Note, importantly, that like its positive counterpart /-V chi ̀/ 'at', the FGC suffix /-gachi ̀/ does not involve any semantic indication of deixis (for a brief discussion of this observation, see the previous section).

The suffix /-gachi ̀/ 'away', like /-V chi ̀/ 'at', is rare in discourse.

/-petü / 'across'

The FGC suffix /-petü / 'across' denotes a transverse topological relation, i.e. a relation (achieved or tended towards) of contiguity of the figure with the opposite side of the ground, with "opposite" being defined by reference to the side of the ground with which the figure is contiguous at the initial phase of the process. In simpler words, /-petü / indicates that, in the process, the figure gets to be or tends towards being at the other side of the ground. This FGC suffix, which I gloss 'across', may also receive translations such as 'through' or 'past '. Example (306) features two instances of use of /-petü / (in a transitive PP and an intransitive PP; see also (T154) for another occurrence of this suffix in an intransitive PP). ( 306 The ground across which the figure gets to be or tends towards being may be a physical entity, as in (306) (in this case, the mythical figure Yoi), but it may also be, more abstractly, a period of time, as in (T120). The verb stem bearing /-petü / may then be rendered in English as 'to spend (time)'.

Conversely, the figure itself may be an event, i.e. an abstract entity, that metaphorically crosses a ground corresponding to an animate being, i.e. a physical entity. The FGC suffix /-petü / then allows a participant referring to a life experience to stand in the syntactic function of subject of intransitive verb stems translatable into English as 'to happen (to an animate being)'. The animate referent with the semantic role of experiencer is encoded as a complement in the accusative, i.e. not as a regular ground, which is normally encoded as a participant in the punctual or areal locative. An occurrence of /-petü / in this semantic configuration, which is only attested with the verb roots ü /chó'be there (sg./pl.)' and gũ̄'to reach', is provided in the following example (see also (T58)):

(307) [...] kü ̋tå'ú'ü ̃ì chî'ē'ü ̃cha-gūpétü gù ì, hasta el final ñâ'ü .

/-egu/ 'inv'

The FGC suffix /-egu/ 'inv' indicates that the topological relation prevailing at the initial phase of the process gets to be or tends towards being inverted in the process. The semantics of /-egu/ 'inv' are roughly comparable with those of English 'back'. In example (308) (intransitive PP), for instance, the figure (in this case, a group of people), which is not contiguous with the ground (in this case, the village where they stay at night) at the initial phase of the process, gets to be contiguous with it at the final phase of the process (see also ( 247 Given the binary organization of part of the smat system of FGC suffixes in pairs of suffixes respectively encoding the positive value and the negative value of specific types of topological relations (e.g. /-ku̽ chi ́, -ku̽ / [+containment] vs /-'V ̽ chi ́, -'ü ̽ / [-containment]; /-V chi ̀/ [+propinquity] vs /-gachi ̀/ [-propinquity]), one may wonder whether /-ye/, if it is rightly classified as a FGC suffix, could not be, in fact, the counterpart of the plurilocal suffix /-a̽ / (on which see the previous section). Perhaps /-ye/ and /-a̽ / respectively denote the opposite values [singular] and [plural] of a more general type of topological relation that one might label [topological number]. If this hypothesis is correct, then the semantic contribution of /-ye/ in (312) would not be to indicate that the skein was cut in its middle part (so as to split in two halves of approximately equal size), but that it was cut in a single cut (so as to split in two parts and no more than two). More data on this suffix are needed to confirm or invalidate this speculative but plausible hypothesis. This FGC suffix is rare in discourse.

Other suffixes

This section deals with the few derivational suffixes of the verb root that do not contribute encoding of figure-ground relations (for a general list of these suffixes, see Table 36). Note that by contrast with the system of figure-ground configuration suffixes described in the previous section, the suffixes discussed in the present section do not form a homogeneous class from a semantic perspective.

Verbal predicative phrases

Apart from belonging to the morphological slot of the derivational suffixes of the verb root, they only have in common the negative property of not denoting figureground relations.

The antipassive suffixes /-eta/ 'antip1' and /-e/ 'antip2' are, like the morphemes discussed in the following sections, derivational suffixes of the verb root unrelated to the encoding of figure-ground configurations. Note, however, that these two suffixes are treated separately in Section 4.5.1 towards the end of this chapter together with other valency-manipulating devices.

/-gü / 'plurac'

The derivational suffix of the verb root /-gü / 'plurac' is a pluractional marker. It indicates that the process denoted by the verb root is performed in its entirety in several instances on a single occasion. Illustrations of the use of this suffix are provided in examples (313) (intransitive PP with a complement in the accusative) and (314) (transitive and intransitive PPs; see also (T101) for another occurrence of /-gü / on a transitive verb root). ( 313 Given their semantic proximity, it might be that the pluractional suffix of the verb root /-gü / 'plurac' is cognate with the plural suffix of the predicative phrase /-gü / 'pl' (on which see Section 4.4.4).

/-ta/ 'closed'

The derivational suffix of the verb root /-ta/ 'closed' only occurs on transitive verb roots in my data and is poorly attested in my corpus. Its semantic contribution is to indicate that the process denoted by the verb root and performed on the object referent (which at the initial phase of the process does not feature continuous boundaries) causes that referent to come to feature continuous boundaries tightly separating a portion of space. In other words, in indicates that the process results in the object referent becoming closed (three-dimensional entity), no longer perforated (two-dimensional entity, such as a wall), or fastened (linear entity, such as a belt). This suffix, which could be said to denote a [+sealed]

/-na̽ / 'open'

The derivational suffix of the verb root /-na̽ / 'open' only occurs on transitive verb roots in my data. Its semantic contribution is to indicate that the process denoted by the verb root and performed on the object referent (which at the initial phase of the process features continuous boundaries tightly separating a portion of space) causes that referent to no longer feature continuous boundaries. In other words, in indicates that the process results in the object referent becoming open (three-dimensional entity), perforated (two-dimensional entity, such as a poster), or unfastened (linear entity, such as a belt). This suffix, which could be said to denote a [-sealed] feature, is the positive counterpart of /-ta/ 'closed' (on which see the previous section). Illustrations of the use of this suffix are provided in examples (318-320).

(318) Tǖnà-chů'ná'ü ̃gá <yî'emá…> yî'emá kōpīwārà. This suffix is homonymous with the bound noun -té'husband', with which it might have-very hypothetically-a semantically non-straightforward cognacy relationship (based, perhaps, on the conception that somebody's husband is a portion of them).

(ii) /-ne/ 'repeatedly?'. The meaning of this suffix is possibly related to the notion of repetition. In most cases, it co-occurs with the suffix /-kü 'ü/ 'intens.iter ', as in (322a-322b) The synchronically unanalyzable verb dawenü ̄'to watch' might have been historically derived from daȗ 'to see' by means of the suffix /-enü /.

(iv) Possible additional suffixes. Other possible derivational suffixes of the verb root with unclear meanings include /-cha/ (as in /gu'(-?)cha/ 'be difficult', based on the verb root gu'u 'be detrimental'), /-ka/ (as in /ngi ̂'(-?)ka/ 'to till (a patch of land)', based on the synonymous verb root ngi ̂'i), /-'na̰ 'ü / (as in /ku(-?)'na̰ 'ü / 'to laugh', based on the synonymous verb root ku), and /-nü / (as in /daȗ(-?)nü / 'to 4. Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase watch', based on the verb root daȗ 'to see'). Because these hypothetical morphemes-if they can be rightly isolated at all-are most likely not synchronically productive, verb stems potentially containing one of them are treated as unanalyzable lexical items of their own in this grammatical description.

Incorporating nominals to the verb root or verb stem

Incorporation233 in smat is a morphosyntactic strategy that has the effect of integrating into a verb root or a verb stem a nominal constituent (whether a bound noun or an NP) that could in principle be alternatively expressed as (part of) a syntactically independent main constituent of the clause. The resulting incorporating verb stem or verb phrase is a verbal PP and may, as such, be subject to incorporation (recursively, although this only marginally occurs) and to the derivational morphology of the PP. Incorporation forces the integrated nominal constituent to occur in a rigid morphosyntactic configuration relative to the verb root or verb stem. It additionally prevents it from featuring any syntactic-function marking. The pragmatic effect of incorporation can be roughly characterized as that of decreasing, to varying degrees, the discourse salience of the referent corresponding to the incorporated nominal constituent. Incorporation is a highfrequency phenomenon in smat discourse.

Contrast the essentially parallel examples (324) and (325). In (324), the constituent chàuchí'ü ̃'my house' in not incorporated but occurs instead as a main constituent of the clause, with the effect of leaving it salient in the context. The speaker is not simply stating that he is building a house, but stressing that he is eventually building a house of his own, after living with his parents-in-law for years. In (325), by contrast, the referent 'house' is expressed as a constituent incorporated to the verb root ü ̆'to make' (in this case, via the formal type of incorporation that I call bound noun incorporation; see next section). The speaker here is not talking about a particular house, but simply referring to the general activity of building a house, a well-recognized one in Tikuna culture.

( 327), which features a formally distinct but functionally parallel type of incorporation (which I call NP incorporation; see below). In the former example, the enacted speaker is having a curious idea for the first time, that of taking his own stomach out so as to be able to drink more manioc beer. He expresses it in a main clause. To make it absolutely clear that he is indeed thinking about this strange idea of removing his own stomach from his own belly by himself, he refers to his stomach, whose identification is crucial in the context, as a separate syntactic constituent (chô'rǖ tü è 'my (own) stomach'). In example (327), by contrast, the same project is now referred to within a subordinate clause, the general point of the utterance now being to imagine the potential consequences of the hypothesis being considered ('If I do that, then ...'). The identification of the stomach now being well-established and therefore of less discursive The two formal types of incorporation attested in smat, bound noun incorporation and NP incorporation, are described in Section 4.2.5.1. Section 4.2.5.2 proceeds to expound the three functional uses for which these two formal types are employed, specifically core argument incorporation, possessee incorporation, and non-core participant incorporation. Section 4.2.5.3 finally discusses the use of pseudo-incorporation in possessive predication, i.e. constructions that are formally identical with bound noun or NP incorporation but do not correspond functionally to any of the three uses of genuine incorporation identified in Section 4.2.5.2.

Formal types

From a strictly morphological perspective, incorporation in smat corresponds to two different constructions, bound noun incorporation and NP incorporation.

(i) Bound noun incorporation Bound noun incorporation, a very frequent construction, allows a bound noun (alone, i.e. without the stressed morpheme or stem to which it would necessarily have been attached to occur as a free syntactic constituent of the main clause in discourse) to be directly attached to the right edge of a verb root or a verb stem. Because bound nouns are (invariably) unstressed forms in smat, the resulting incorporating verb stem constitutes a single phonological word.

Illustrations of bound noun incorporation are given in example (328) (on the identification of the syntactico-semantic types of incorporation provided in parentheses, see next section). Note that certain bound nouns belong to a lexical class of bound morphemes that cause the morphotonological alternations / 43 /→/ 31 / and In NP incorporation, the incorporated nominal constituent (which, as a well-formed NP, necessarily bears a stress on its first syllable) retains its stress and consequently constitutes its own phonological word (or several phonological words, in exceptional cases where the incorporated NP is syntactically complex) together with the unstressed possessive suffix /-a̰ / that it bears at its right edge.

Instances of the NP incorporation construction are provided in examples (329-330) (see also (327) above; these three examples all involve incorporation of the possessee incorporation functional type, on which see next section). Note that the suffix /-arü / gen belongs to the lexical class of bound morphemes that trigger the Pattern 2 morphotonological alternations mentioned in the preceding paragraph (hence the forms /me-arü / [be.good-gen], from mé'be good', in (329) and /i -arü / [be.small-gen], from i ̰ 'be small', in (330)).

(329) Ñù'gù'akǜ ṵ̈ kü ̋{i ̀} ì-mêarǖ suerteã̰ gú níì-ĩ ̊ì námá'a ì-aē'ü 'ü .

ñù'gù-'akǜ The NP incorporation construction is the only one in smat to derive PPs made of two or more phonological words. It is mostly attested in a single one of the three syntactico-semantic types of incorporation identified in the following section, specifically the one I call possessee incorporation.

Functional types

From a syntactic and semantic perspective, I distinguish three major types of incorporation in smat: core argument incorporation, possessee incorporation, and non-core participant incorporation.

(i) Core argument incorporation In core argument incorporation, the semantic role of the incorporated constituent corresponds to the semantic role of the subject of an intransitive verb root/stem or the object of a transitive verb root/stem. The subject syntactic position of the intransitive verb root/stem, or the object syntactic position of the transitive verb root/stem, is "absorbed" by the incorporated constituent. Core argument incorporation consequently decreases the valency of the verb root/stem: an intransitive one becomes avalent (rare), a transitive one becomes intransitive. Core argument incorporation mostly incorporates bound nouns (instead of entire NPs, but see ( 335)).

Only the bound noun /-aǹe/ 'space (i.e. land or sky)' is attested in my data to occur as an incorporated bound noun absorbing the subject position of an intransitive verb root/stem (subject-absorbing incorporation is not attested at all with an NP as the incorporated constituent). The resulting impersonal incorporating verb stem takes an expletive third person (non-salientive?) subject234 and denotes a terrain condition (as in (331); see also (T30)), a weather condition (as in (T105)), or a sky condition corresponding to a specific moment of day or night (as in (332) 235 ).

(331) [...] Incidentally, the only cases in my data where (genuine) incorporation is applied twice within a single verb stem involve, as a second step, subject-absorbing incorporation of /-aǹe/ 'space' (for a case of a verb stem displaying both possessive pseudo-incorporation and possessee incorporation, see example (345)). Thus, /nà=tá-chi ̋kà-ànē-'ü / (3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.big-room-space\sbjv-sub) 'there was a lot of room' in (333) can be analyzed as featuring, first, a case of possessee incorporation ('[the room] POSSESSEE of the space is big'>'the space is [room]-big'; on possessee incorporation, see below) followed by a case of core argument incorporation absorbing a subject syntactic position ('[the space] SBJ is room-big'>'it EXPLETIVE is [space]-room-big'). With bound nouns or NPs absorbing the object position of a transitive verb root/stem, core argument incorporation usually produces verb stems/phrases that denote relatively well-identified activities regularly practiced in Tikuna culture, as in example (334) (see also (325) above, and tà-ã 'pàè'ü ̃'they twisted chambira fiber' in (T82) and ti ̄-dü ĝuǹegü 'ü ̃'they sharpened darts' in (T83)). (ii) Possessee incorporation In possessee incorporation, the semantic role of the incorporated constituent corresponds, like in core argument incorporation, to the semantic role of the subject of an intransitive verb root/stem or the object of a transitive verb root/stem. Possessee incorporation may also occasionally occur in cases where the semantic role of the incorporated constituent corresponds to that of the complement in the accusative of an intransitive verb root/stem. However, unlike in core argument incorporation, no valency decrease occurs. The subject, object, or accusative complement syntactic position-respectively-is not absorbed by the incorporated constituent, but is instead occupied by a participant that corresponds semantically to the possessor of the incorporated constituent.

Thus, in possessee incorporation, the syntactic valency of the verb root/stem remains unchanged, but the mapping of its syntactic valency onto semantic roles is reorganized. In the case of a transitive verb root/stem, for instance, the presence of possessee incorporation implies that the participant in object position is not the patient, but the possessor of the patient, which is itself expressed as the incorporated constituent. Possessee incorporation allows a semantic possessor to be promoted to the syntactic position of its possessee and, as a result, to benefit from an increase in discursive salience, in particular over its possessee. Like core argument incorporation, possessee incorporation may yield relatively lexicalized incorporating verb stems (involving an incorporated bound noun) denoting wellidentified concepts in the Tikuna culture, but it is generally much more flexible and productive than core argument incorporation. An instance of possessee incorporation involving an incorporated constituent whose possessor occupies the object position of a transitive verb root/stem is provided in example (338) (bound noun incorporation; see also (328d) above, and /gã-nagü -perema/ [tie-on-upper.leg] 'to hang someone up by the leg' [lit. 'to 4.2. Verbal predicative phrases leg-hang someone'] in (T5)). Note that in (338), the (core) object, a first person participant (/cho=/ '1sg.acc'), is encoded as a participant in the accusative as an effect of differential object marking for non-third person masculine/neuter/nonsalientive participants. For an instance of the same functional type of incorporation involving NP incorporation, see (327) above. (iii) Non-core participant incorporation Finally, in non-core participant incorporation, the semantic role of the incorporated constituent does not correspond to that of either of the possible core arguments of the verb root/stem. The interpretation of that semantic role is mostly left to context and may be delicate to establish with certainty. In most cases, the referent identified by the incorporated constituent can be broadly interpreted as having the semantic role of a ground (portion of space proper, as in example (341); container, as in (342); or vehicle, as in (328b) above) or as characterizing the state reached by the object of a transitive verb denoting a transformation process (as in (343); see also ( 169)). The valency of the verb root/stem and its mapping of syntactic positions with semantic roles are left unaltered. Non-core participant incorporation virtually always involves the incorporation of bound nouns (not entire NPs). Like possessee incorporation, non-core participant incorporation may yield relatively lexicalized incorporating verb stems, although it is generally more flexible and productive than core argument incorporation.

Instances

(

Pseudo-incorporation in possessive predication

Possessive predication of participants expressed as bound nouns exclusively operates through a construction that is formally identical with bound noun incorporation and appears to incorporate the bound noun to the verb roots ã'to have' (positive possessive predication) or gẽ-'not have' (negative possessiveor privative-predication, on which see Section 7.2.3). Possessive predication of participants expressed as NPs may similarly operate through a construction that is formally identical with NP incorporation and involves the same two verb roots, although in the case of participants expressed as NPs an alternative construction involving non-verbal predication is available, and apparently preferred over NP incorporation to ãor gẽ-(on this alternative construction, see Section 4.3.3.6). Note, however, that the incorporation-like constructions employed for possessive predication are not, strictly speaking, genuine incorporation given that their possessee participant cannot be extracted from ãor gẽ-so as to be expressed as a separate, syntactically independent nominal constituent. Furthermore, from a syntacticosemantic perspective, these incorporation-like constructions do not quite fit with any of the three functional types identified in the previous section. For these reasons, I consider them as cases of pseudo-incorporation, rather than incorporation proper. An instance of possessive pseudo-incorporation of an NP is provided in the following example: Interestingly, the possessee participant of a positive possessive pseudo-incorporation construction,236 minimally in cases where it is an NP (as opposed to a bound noun, for which I do not have spontaneous data), may be relativized using a kind of gapping strategy. The pseudo-incorporated constituent is then dropped and the possessive suffix /-a̰ / gets directly attached to the verb stem after the genitive suffix /-arü / (as in e.g. /cha=a-arü ̄aîru-a̰ / [1sg.sbj=have-gen dog-poss] 'I have a dog' > /(aîrűya=)cha=a-arü -a-'e/ [(dog lk.n/s=)1sg.sbj\sbjv=have-gen-poss\sbjv-rel.s] '(the dog) that I have'). Note that gapping is otherwise only resorted to for relativizing participants with a syntactic function of subject or (core) object in smat, while relativizing participants with any other syntactic function regularly involves the use of a resumptive pronominal form standing for the pivot within the relative clause. An instance of relativization of the NP possessee participant of a positive pseudo-incorporation construction is provided in the following example:

Instances of possessive pseudo-incorporation of a bound noun

(348) [...]

Non-verbal predicative phrases

Several types of non-verbal predicative phrases are attested in smat. These are listed in Table 37. They involve the combination of a nominal constituent (a circumstantial independent noun, a-non-circumstantial-independent noun, or an entire NP) or an onomatopoeia together with a bound morpheme, which may be either a suffix (/-'ü ̽ / 'temp.pred', /-e/ 'event.pred', or /-a̰ / 'poss'), a predicative relational noun (/-gu̽ / 'ploc', /-ra'ü / 'like', /-'pḛ 'e/ 'equal', /-'cha'ü / 'vol', or /-'wa̰ e/ 'apprec' or one of its subdialectal variants), or a bound noun.

From a semantic perspective, the resulting PPs serve for the expression of a varied array of predication types. The meaning of each formal type of nonverbal predication identified in Table 37 is roughly glossed in the column 'Resulting PP' (with 'X' standing for the respective nominal constituent to which the bound morpheme in the leftmost column of the table is attached in the respective formal type of non-verbal predication).

Note that, as indicated by plus signs <+> in Table 37, certain of the bound morphemes that turn a nominal constituent into a non-verbal PP trigger the morphotonological alternation / 43 /→/ 31 / when they are immediately attached to the Allomorph 1 of a pronominal root featuring a lexical toneme / 43 / (a process that represents an instance of Pattern 2 morphotonological alternation, on which see Section 2.6.2.2; on the definition of the Allomorph 1 of pronominal roots, see Section 3.3.1). Thus, the combination of the pronominal root /na-/ '3n/ns' with the predicative relational noun /-'cha'ü / 'vol', for instance, yields the form /na-'cha'ü /, with the lexical toneme / 43 / of /na-/ turning into / 31 / (/na-/). Note that, by definition, only bound nouns and relational nouns can be directly attached to the Allomorph 1 of pronominal roots. Suffixes, by contrast with bound nouns and relational nouns, are defined as bound morphemes that cannot be attached to the Allomorph 1 of pronominal roots. That is why the bound morphemes in Table 37 that are suffixes, as opposed to bound nouns and relational nouns, feature the mention 'n/a' (for 'not applicable') in the column 'MA trigger' (for 'Pattern 2 Morphotonological Alternation trigger'). On existential predicative constructions involving the endophoric nonlocative demonstratives, the only major formal type of non-verbal predication not dealt with in this section, see Section 3.4.4. On combinations of the nonlocative demonstrative roots with the "focal" suffix /-'rü / being directly inflected as PPs-a rare phenomenon-see Section 3.4.6, p.242.

The various types of non-verbal predication listed in

Circumstantial independent noun+/-'ü ̽ / 'temp.pred': 'to belong to time X'

The rare suffix /-'ü ̽ / 'temp.pred' combines with circumstantial independent nouns referring to temporal positions (e.g. no'ri ̋'(at) the beginning', nu'kü ḿa' (in) ancient times', nge'wakà'(in) recent times', i ̃nè'the day before', /i ̃ne-ama/ [day.before-dir] 'a few days before') to yield PPs that can be generally glossed in English as 'to belong to time X'. Illustrations of the use of this suffix are provided in examples ( 349) and ( 350

Independent noun or onomatopoeia+/-e/

'event.pred': 'to perform an action related to

X'

The rare suffix /-e/ 'event.pred' combines with independent nouns denoting physical entities or social events to yield PPs that can be generally glossed in English as 'to perform an action involving the object X' (the exact meaning of the resulting PP is unpredictable from the meaning of the independent noun it comprises) or 'to hold the social event X'. It additionally combines with onomatopoeia to yield PPs meaning 'to make the sound X'. An illustration of the use of this suffix is provided in example (351) (see also (514)). Note that the suffix /-e/ 'event.pred' is homonymous with several other morphemes in the language, specifically the derivational suffixes of the verb root /-e/ 'off.sg' (on which see Section 4.2.3.5) and /-e/ 'antip2' (Section 4.5.1) and the derivational suffix of the PP /-e/ 'intr.pl' (Section 4.4.4). This usually does not particularly complicate its identification, however, as long as the stressed morpheme to which it attaches can be itself identified as an independent noun or an onomatopoeia, i.e. elements that do not have direct access to the inflectional morphology of the finite PP (while the homonyms of /-e/ 'event.pred' just mentioned are attached to verb roots or PPs, i.e. constituents that do have direct access to the inflectional morphology of the finite PP).

NP+predicative relational noun or /-a̰ / 'poss'

NP+/-gu̽ / 'ploc': 'be in/on/at X'

The predicative relational noun /-gu̽ / 'ploc' combines with entire NPs to yield PPs that predicate a static relation of spatial contiguity (i.e. a general topological relation; on the notion of topological relation, see Section 4.2.3) holding between a figure and a ground without specifying in any way the posture of the figure (specifying that posture would require the use of a verb root combined with a figure-ground configuration derivational suffix; on these suffixes, see Section 4.2.3). These PPs can be generally glossed in English as 'to be in/on/at X'. Note, importantly, that /-gu̽ / 'ploc' is the only predicative relational noun that, apart from its function in forming non-verbal PPs, may serve (in practice more frequently) as a syntactic function marker for participants in the punctual locative (see Section 3.6.2). Illustrations of the use of /-gu̽ / to form non-verbal PPs are provided in the following two examples:

(353) [...] ñâ'ü ̃ũ' ã ̀gá g'ŏ'o gá ĩ ́ã̰ tǘgu'ü ̃gá nű'akü nà.

237 Sp. minga refers to a communal labor party. 238 Sound of a blade being whet. The predicative relational noun /-gu̽ / 'ploc' is the only one, among the predicative relational nouns discussed in this section, to occasionally undergo ellipsis, as in example (355), where /tá=tü -ma-kǖwā-chìgǜ/ [3s.sbj=3s-anaph-sidedistr.sg] 'she had been staying [by] his side' could most likely be made morphosyntactically more explicit as /tá=tü -ma-kǖwā-gu-chìgǜ/ [3s.sbj=3s-anaphside-ploc-distr.sg] (note that ellipsis of /-gu̽ / 'ploc' also occasionally occurs in cases where it serves as a syntactic function marker).

NP+/-ra'ü / 'like': 'be similar to X'

The predicative relational noun /-ra'ü / 'like' combines with entire NPs to yield PPs that predicate a relation of similarity between the subject referent and the referent of the NP to which it is attached, yielding PPs that can be generally glossed in English as 'be similar to X, to look like X'. PPs formed by the suffix /-ra'ü / are regularly inflected in the predicative class pcna, in its original form as in example (356) or, in younger speakers, in its reinterpretation as pcØ involving associated motion as in (357) (on pcnàand its reanalysis in younger speakers, see Section 5.9, p.481). For more instances of use of /-ra'ü /, see (T70) and (T75).

(

NP+/-'pḛ 'e/ 'equal': 'be the equal of X'

The rare predicative relational noun /-'pḛ 'e/ 'equal' combines with entire NPs to yield PPs that predicate a relation of equality of status or quality between the subject referent and the referent of the NP to which it is attached, yielding PPs that can be generally glossed in English as 'be the equal of X', as shown in the following example:

(358) Tǖyà-ü chìgǖ'ü ̃ná'a tà-nâ'pḛ'ḛ'ü ka̰ . The predicative relational noun /-'cha'ü / 'vol' combines with entire NPs to yield PPs that predicate a relation of desire between the subject referent and the referent of the NP to which it is attached, yielding PPs that can be generally glossed in English as 'to want X', as shown in the following example (see also (258) The last two syllables of the synchronically unanalyzable verbs gẽcha'ü ̃'to miss (someone)' (< /gẽ-/ 'not have' + */-cha'ü / 'desire?') and gũcha'ü ̃'to arouse desire' (< /gṵ̃ / 'to hurt' + */-cha'ü / 'desire?'; see example (173) for an instance of use of this verb) are most likely cognate with the predicative relational noun /-'cha'ü / 'vol', which may formerly have been a regular bound noun meaning 'will, desire'.

NP+/-'wa̰ e, -wa̰ e, -'wḛ 'e/ 'apprec': 'to like X'

The predicative relational noun /-'wa̰ e, -wa̰ e, -'wḛ 'e/ 'apprec' features three subdialectal variants. It combines with entire NPs to yield PPs that predicate a relation of affection or desire between the subject referent and the referent of the NP to which it is attached, yielding PPs that can be generally glossed in English as 'to love X, to like X, to feel like an X, to want X', as shown in the following example (see also examples ( 160 The form /na-'wa̰ e'ü / [3n/ns-apprec\sbjv-sub, or perhaps 3n/ns-apprec\ sbjv-rel.ns], lit. '(that) it likes it' or 'what likes it' (or its morphosyntactically parallel subdialectal variants naŵa̰ e'ü , na'wḛ 'ḛ 'ü ) can be used in combination with a complement clause in na'a/ni ́i ̀-i ̃'conj' to form an impersonal construction expressing deontic modality comparable to the French construction il faut que ... The morphologically simpler form /na-'wa̰ e/ [3n/ns-apprec] (or its subdialectal variants naŵa̰ e, na'wḛ 'e) may alternatively be used instead, as in example (361) (see also (T118)). The interpretation of the exact syntactic function of na'wa̰ e'ü ̃or na'wa̰ ēin the construction under discussion is unclear. This construction, which additionally does not feature fully-compositional semantics, is in any case better treated unitarily as a highly grammaticalized one.

(361) Nâ'wḛ'e tá tà ná'a chòmàchī-ngî'ü ̃i ̀chòma. The suffix /-a̰ / 'poss' combines with entire NPs to yield PPs that either predicate a relation of possession (intransitive uses) or express a transfer event239 (transitive uses) between the subject referent and the referent of the NP to which it is attached. The resulting PPs can be generally glossed in English as 'to have X' (intransitive uses) or 'to give X, to provide with X' (transitive uses). Note that possessive predication involving a possessee expressed as an NP may be alternatively expressed verbally, by (pseudo-)incorporating that NP to the verb root ã(on the use of pseudo-incorporation for possessive predication, see Section 4.2.5.3).

nâ-'wḛ'e=tá=tà

Instances of non-verbal

NP+bound noun: 'to have one's Y that has X'

The combination of an entire NP with in principle any bound noun may occasionally be employed as an intransitive non-verbal PP indicating that the referent corresponding to the bound noun (which has a semantic role of possessee with respect to the subject referent) possesses or features the referent corresponding to the NP. In other words, these morphosyntactically and semantically intricate non-verbal PPs can be generally glossed in English as 'to have one's Y that has X', involving a relation of possession embedded within another relation of possession.

The non-verbal PPs formed in this way may usually be analyzed as possessive non-verbal PPs in /-a̰ / 'poss' (on which see the previous section) that additionally feature possessee incorporation involving a bound noun having the semantic role of the subject (on possessee incorporation, see Section 4.2.5.2, p.323). Thus, the meaning of /tá=ná-yae-pǜtà/ (3s.sbj=3n/ns-hair-tooth) 'he had his teeth that had hairs' in example (366) could probably be equivalently expressed as ? /tü -ma-pü tàna=ná-yae-a̰ / (3s-anaph-tooth 3m/n/ns.sbj=3n/ns-hair-poss) 'his teeth had hairs', i.e. rephrased using possessive predication in /-a̰ / 'poss' with the initially incorporated bound noun /-pü ta/ 'tooth' moved to the syntactic position of subject. For a morphosyntactically and semantically different instance of an NP+bound noun combination being directly inflected as a finite PP, see example (154). In this example, the form /na=purakü -aǹe/ (3m/n/ns.sbj=work-space) 'there is work' (with an impersonal subject) can be analyzed as underlyingly featuring possessive predication in /-a̰ / 'poss' ( ? /na-aǹèna=purakü -a̰ / [3n/ns-space 1sg.sbj=workposs], lit. 'the space has work') secondarily undergoing subject-absorbing core argument incorporation (on which see Section 4.2.5.2, p.321).

Derivational morphology of the predicative phrase

Overview

PPs of all types, whether verbal or non-verbal and regardless of their degree of morphological complexity, have access to a paradigm of at least 22 derivational suffixes displayed in Table 38. These suffixes are described and exemplified one by one in the following sections. Recall, importantly, that the way they are grouped into these sections is based on general semantic criteria, i.e. not on a hypothetical morphological template that might underlie their organization (for a discussion of the possible existence of such an underlying template, see Section 4.1, p.286). The derivational suffixes that encode notions of Aktionsart, aspect, or mood are treated in Section 4.4.2, those that encode a notion of intensity are discussed in Section 4.4.3, and There does not seem to be, in principle, any limitation as to the number of derivational suffixes of the predicative phrase that can occur within a single predicative phrase (while, by contrast, verb roots appear to only feature a single slot for a derivational suffix of the verb root; see Section 4.2.2). In practice, however, sequences of more than two derivational suffixes of the predicative phrase are rare in spontaneous speech (for an instance of a sequence of three such suffixes, see e.g. /gű-ē-'ẽ 'e-tàe/ [learn-intr.pl-caus-antip3] 'to teach' [lit. 'to cause people to know'] in example (432) below).

On the morphotonological alternations / 43 /→/ 31 / and / MC /→/ 36 / undergone by monosyllabic verb roots whose lexical form features a toneme / 43 / or / MC /, respectively, when they are attached with certain bound morphemes (among which those marked with a plus sign <+> in Table 38), see Section 2.6.2.2.

Aktionsart, aspect, and mood

/-echa/ 'persist'

The suffix /-echa/ 'persist' encodes the persistive Aktionsart. 241 Its presence indicates that the process is one that occurs in a persistent fashion, i.e. either again and again (in cases where the process referred to is telic, as in example (368)) or continuously (in cases where the process referred to is atelic, as in (369-372)). The resulting predicative phrase can be correspondingly translated into English as 'to always/often X, to X all the time/continuously/a lot, to keep X-ing, to spend one's time X-ing', among others. Note, by contrast, that /-echa/ 'persist' may not by itself convey notions of phasal polarity like those expressed by English 'still' or 'yet' (such notions are conveyed in smat by the enclitic /=taà/ 'itself'). That is, /-echa/ encodes semantic properties of the process itself; it cannot by itself give an The suffix /-echa/ is not subject to any morphosyntactic restrictions and does not bring about any morphosyntactic effects. In particular, it may be attached to both intransitive (as in (369-372)) and transitive (as in (368)) predicative phrases and does not entail any valency effects. It may further be attached to predicative phrases belonging lexically to any predicative class; when /-echa/ is attached to a given predicative phrase, the latter systematically retains its original predicative class (see (371), for instance, where /-echa/ occurs once on a pcØ predicative phrase and a second time on a pcrü ̄predicative phrase, without affecting the predicative class of either predicative phrase).

/-ta̰ 'a/ 'with.a.tendency'

The suffix /-ta̰ 'a/ 'with.a.tendency' indicates that the referent corresponding to the subject has a tendency or a propensity to perform the process denoted by the 4. Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase base predicative phrase. Although /-ta̰ 'a/ may convey a habitual reading, it does not properly qualify as a habitual aspect marker as it does not necessarily imply that the process repeats itself over a certain period of time, or even occurs at all. Possible English renderings for /-ta̰ 'a/ include 'to tend to X, to be inclined/disposed/prone to X, to usually/frequently X'. The suffix /-ta̰ 'a/ has no effect on the predicative class of the predicative phrase it is attached to (in (604), for instance, the pcrü ̄verb root yù'to wake up' 4.4. Derivational morphology of the predicative phrase retains its lexical predicative class when /-ta̰ 'a/ is attached to it). It only occurs on intransitive predicative phrases in my data (this is probably due to chance, however, and should not be taken as evidence for /-ta̰ 'a/ not being compatible with transitive predicative phrases).

/-V 'ü ̽ / 'at.intervals'

The suffix /-V 'ü ̽ / 'at.intervals' indicates that the process referred to by the predicative phrase it is attached to occurs at intervals on a relatively regular basis. Instances of use of this suffix are provided in examples (376-377) (see also (T82) and (T77)). ( 376 This suffix is attested with apparently irregular phonological shapes (relative to the morphophonological rules stated in Section 2.6.1.1 regarding the realization of its initial unspecified vowel /V/) in the combinations /ka-a̰ 'ü / (ask-at.intervals) 'to ask on a regular basis' (instead of the expected form */ka-ü 'ü /; see (T106)) and /ña-a'ü -'ü / (do.thus-at.intervals\sbjv-sub) 'she/he does thus on a regular basis' (instead of the expected form */ña-ü 'ü -'ü /; see (T77)).

Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase

The semantics of this suffix are to be contrasted, in particular, with the pluractional derivational suffix of the verb root /-gü / 'plurac', which likewise indicates that the process repeats itself, but in this case on a single occasion and more or less in a row (on /-gü / 'plurac', see Section 4.2.4.1). The suffix /-V 'ü ̽ / may be further contrasted with the distributive derivational suffix of the predicative phrase /-chi ̀gü , -etanü / 'distr.sg, distr.pl' (Section 4.4.2.4) in that /-chi ̀gü , -etanü /, in cases where it implies a notion of repetition of the process over time, entails that the various repetitions of that process are to be conceived of as steps towards the completion of a global process they are part of.

/-chi ̀gü , -etanü / 'distr.sg, distr.pl'

On the distributive suffix /-chi ̀gü , -etanü / 'distr.sg, distr.pl', which, alone among the derivational suffixes of the predicative phrase, features a singular and a plural allomorph, see Section 5.10, p.494.

/-ega/ 'intent'

The suffix /-ega/ 'intent' is an intentive mood marker. It may indicate either that the referent corresponding to the subject has the intention to carry out the process, or that a process that is not controlled by any referent is imminent. Possible English translations include 'intend to X, be about to X'. Examples (378-379) feature intentional uses of /-ega/, while (380) illustrates its imminential use.

(378) Ngēmàgá ná'a nágùchàrǖ-ĩ ̄nǜ'ü ̃gá ná'a chàgǜ tá'a chì-ma̰ egā'ü ̃gá desde muy joven.

ngē-mam The suffix /-ega/ has no effect on the predicative class of the predicative phrase it is attached to (in example (378), for instance, the pci ̀verb root ma̰ 'to kill (sg.)' retains its lexical predicative class when /-ega/ is attached to it). It may occur on both intransitive and transitive predicative phrases (as in (378-379) and (380), respectively), without exerting any effect on their valency. This suffix is homonymous with the bound noun /-ega/ 'name', with which it might have a semantically non-straightforward cognacy relationship (based, perhaps, on the conception that somebody's name is related to their mindset, the latter being in its turn related to their intentionality).

The verb "stems" chi ̰egà'be appealing to the taste', meégà'be appealing to the mind', and oêgaà'è'be worried' are obviously derived historically from the verb roots chi ̰ 'be tasty', mé'be good', and ô'be unwilling', respectively, by suffixation of a hypothetical morpheme */-ega/. However, because there is no straightforward semantic match between the hypothetical */-ega/ that these verb "stems" contain and the suffix /-ega/ 'intent' (nor with the bound noun /-ega/ 'name'), I prefer to treat them as synchronically unanalyzable morphemes.

/-achi ́/ 'tel'

The suffix /-achi ́/ 'tel' is a telic Aktionsart marker. It typically occurs attached to predicative phrases with stative or dynamic semantics to convert them into telic This derivational suffix of the predicative phrase is homonymous with the derivational suffix of the verb root /-achi ́/ 'upslope' (on which see Section 4.2.3.4). Note, however, that the telic suffix /-achi ́/ 'tel', by contrast with its homonym /-achi ́/ 'upslope', never triggers the Pattern 2 morphotonological alternations in cases where it is suffixed to a monosyllabic verb root (contrast, for instance, the predicative phrase /ü -achi ́/ [be.there.sg-tel] 'to suddenly get to be somewhere', where no morphotonological alternation occurs, with the verb stem /ü -achi ́/ [be.there.sg-upslope] 'to go up (a slope)', which features the morphotonological alternation / 43 /→/ 31 / in its first syllable; on the Pattern 2 morphotonological alternations, see Section 2.6.2.2).

/-kü 'ü/ 'intens.iter'

The suffix /-kü 'ü/ 'intens.iter' can be characterized as an intensive-iterative marker. It indicates that the process consists of a series of small, short, swift, tense sub-events. It is typically left untranslated in consultants' free translations into Spanish, and its English rendering relies on case-by-case lexical selection rather than on the regular use of an equivalent construction. Contrast for instance the translations of examples (383a), without /-kü 'ü/, and (383b), including /-kü 'ü/. The use of /-kü 'ü/ is lexicalized in a few predicative phrases, including at least /a-ega-kü 'ü/ [have-name-intens.iter] 'be called'. This predicative phrase is obviously derived by suffixation of /-kü 'ü/ on the semantically equivalent one /aega/ [have-name] 'be called'. As shown in examples ( 386) and ( 387), the former only differs from the latter in terms of the predicative class to which it belongs (aẽgàinflects for pcØ, while aẽgakü 'ü inflects for pci ) and the syntactic function of the obligatory complement it takes (the equivalent of the X complement in English 'be called X' is expressed as a locative argument in /-gu̽ / 'ploc' with aẽga, while it is expressed as a comitative argument in /-ma'a/ 'com' with aẽgakü 'ü). Beyond these purely morphosyntactic differences, however, aẽgakü 'ü does not seem to differ semantically from aẽga, so that it is unclear what the semantic contribution of /-kü 'ü/ might be in this particular predicative phrase. The suffix /-kü 'ü/ systematically shifts to pci ̄the predicative class of the predicative phrases it is attached to. It may further occur on both intransitive and transitive predicative phrases (as shown in examples (383b) and (384-385), respectively). Due to its iterative semantics, /-kü 'ü/ is typically not suffixed to predicative phrases with a stative Aktionsart.

On the semantically unclear suffix /-ne/ 'repeatedly?', with which /-kü 'ü/ occasionally co-occurs, see Section 4.2.4.4, p.315.

Intensity

/-'V chi ̀/ 'genuinely'

The suffix /-'V chi ̀/ 'genuinely' broadly indicates that the process is characterized by a remarkable intensity. It frequently occurs on predicative phrases featuring 4.4. Derivational morphology of the predicative phrase a stative Aktionsart, as in (388) (see also ( 173) and ( 332)), but may also occur on predicative phrases with a non-stative Aktionsart, as in ( 389 Note that /-'V chi ̀/ 'genuinely', apart from occurring within predicative phrases, may also occur suffixed to virtually any part of speech to convey similar notions of remarkable intensity.

/-'V ra/ 'slightly'

The suffix /-'V ra/ 'slightly' broadly indicates that the process is characterized by a not particularly remarkable intensity. It frequently occurs on predicative phrases featuring a stative Aktionsart, as in (390) (see also (249)), but may also occur on predicative phrases with a non-stative Aktionsart, as in (391).

(390) Tâ'ǜrā'ètíì-ĩ ̊gá dīẽ rù gá tǖta-pierdegü 'e. This suffix displays an irregular phonological form /-'ra/ (instead of its regular form /-'V ra/, which features an initial unspecified vocalic position) when it is attached to a number of verb roots predicating color properties (e.g. cho̰ 'be white' > /cho-'ra/ 'be a bit white', daů 'be red' > /daů-'ra/ 'be a bit red, be orange/pink', de'e 'be yellow' > /de'-ra/ 'be a bit yellow'), as well as in the synchronically unanalyzable verb root i 'rà'be small' (<i ̰ 'be small' + /-'ra/, lit. 'be a bit small', with a completely irregular tonological alternation of i ̰ to /i ̏-/).

tâ-'ǜrā-'eb

Note that /-'V ra/ 'slightly', apart from occurring within predicative phrases, may also occur suffixed to virtually any part of speech to convey similar notions of not particularly remarkable intensity.

Number

The suffixes /-e/ 'intr.pl', which pluralizes the subject participant of certain intransitive predicative phrases, and /-gü / 'pl', which conveys a notion of plurality that may be associated with either a subject participant, an object participant, or a participant in the accusative, are discussed in Section 5.10, on pp.492 and 495, respectively.

Other suffixes 4.4.5.1 /-maē/ 'compar'

The suffix /-maē/ 'compar' derives stative comparative predicative phrases (e.g. 'be bigger (than ...)') from pcØ243 intransitive stative predicative phrases (in most cases a verb stem predicating a quality, e.g. 'be big'). Suffixing /-maē/ to a given predicative phrase systematically shifts the latter's predicative class to pcrü . Contrast By definition, the valency of pcØ intransitive stative predicative phrases only features a single position, namely for a subject argument. When these are suffixed with /-maē/, although they remain morphosyntactically intransitive, they get the ability to take an additional complement in the accusative. This complement is optional. If present, its semantic role is that of standard of comparison ('than ...'). In the following example, the complement in the accusative is indexed (as /cha=/ '1sg.acc') on the inflected predicative phrase:

(393) [...]

/-neta/ 'superf'

The suffix /-neta/ 'superf' broadly indicates that the process is carried out in an incomplete or superficial way. The suffix may be more or less rendered in English by constructions such as 'to half X, to kind of X, to seem to X, to pretend to X'. Its function occasionally seems to be that of encoding that the process is not occurring in a full-fledged fashion, compared to the process denoted by the same predicative phrase without /-neta/ (contrast example (394a) with (394b) and (395a) with (395b)). ( 394 The use of /-neta/ 'superf' seems to have been lexicalized in a few predicative phrases, including at least añetà'to shoo away', which is apparently a synchronically unanalyzable form. 4.4. Derivational morphology of the predicative phrase free translations into Spanish. Possible renderings into English include 'to find oneself X-ing, to end up X-ing, to happen to X, to somehow/accidentally X, to X by chance/automatically'. The use of this suffix is illustrated in examples (399-403).

(399) [...] The use of /-'kü ra'ü / seems to have been lexicalized in a few predicative phrases. These include at least me'kü ra'ü , whose typical meaning 'be beautiful' cannot be straightforwardly derived from the combination of mé'be good' with /-'kü ra'ü / in its productive uses.

The suffix /-'kü ra'ü / does not affect the predicative class of the predicative phrase it is attached to (see e.g. example (403), where the pci ̀verb root ma̰ 'to 4.4. Derivational morphology of the predicative phrase kill (sg.)' retains it predicative class when /-'kü ra'ü / is attached to it). It further occurs on both intransitive and transitive predicative phrases (as in (399-401) and (402-403), respectively).

/-mare/ 'just'

The suffix /-mare/ 'just' contributes subtle meanings that can roughly rendered in English as 'just, simply, casually, with no particular effort, by nature', among others. 245

/-chi ́rḛ / 'admittedly'

The suffix /-chi ́rḛ / 'admittedly' operates at the level of the organization of discourse. It gives a concessive discursive function to the clause in which it occurs 4. Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase

The following is an instance of use of /-('?)tü ma'ü / in spontaneous speech (see also (366)):

(409) Ngēmàníì-ĩ ̊gá cha-wa̰ tǖmā'ü 'ü ̃gá chòma. ngē-mam

/-'wa̰ e, -wa̰ e, -'wḛ 'e/ 'apprec'

The predicative relational noun /-'wa̰ e, -wa̰ e, -'wḛ 'e/ 'apprec', when attached to predicative phrases, contributes meanings such as 'to like, to be inclined to (performing the process denoted by the rest of the predicative phrase)', as shown in the following example:

(412) [...] On the more frequent use of /-'wa̰ e, -wa̰ e, -'wḛ 'e/ 'apprec' in combination with an NP to form non-verbal predicative phrases, see Section 4.3.3.5.

Valency operations applied to the verb root and the predicative phrase

Smat features three antipassive suffixes, i.e. valency-decreasing suffixes associated with the loss of an object argument position corresponding to the deletion or demotion of a referent with a patient-like semantic role. These are discussed in Section 4.5.1. Section 4.5.2 discusses the causative suffix /-'e'e/, a valency-manipulating morpheme whose main effect is that of allowing for the additional expression of a causer referent in the syntactic position of a subject.

The passive and factitive constructions are two valency-manipulating constructions that do not involve the use of any dedicated derivational morphology. The former allows for the deletion of the agent referent from transitive predicates. The occurrence of the latter is restricted to stative intransitive predicative phrases and-similarly to the causative suffix /-'e'e/-allows for the additional expression 4. Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase of a causer referent in the syntactic position of a subject. These two constructions are discussed in Section 4.5.3. On core argument incorporation, which has the effect of decreasing the valency of predicative phrases, see Section 4.2.5.2, p.321.

4.

5.1 /-eta/ 'antip1', /-e/ 'antip2', and /-taè/ 'antip3' Smat features three functionally similar antipassive248 suffixes: /-eta/ 'an-tip1', /-e/ 'antip2',249 and /-taè/ 'antip3'. The former two are derivation suffixes of the verb root and as such derive intransitive verb stems exclusively from lexically transitive verb roots, while /-taè/, a derivational suffix of the predicative phrase, derives intransitive predicative phrases from, in principle, any kind of initially transitive predicative phrase. The distribution of /-eta/ and /-e/, which both occur in the same morphological slot, is unclear. I tentatively hypothesize that the former is rather used in the expression of solitary activities (e.g. writing, weaving, or committing a murder) and the latter in the expression of typically social, collective activities (e.g. planting manioc, toasting manioc flour, or drinking manioc beer). In the resulting constructions, the more patient-like referent (initially the object argument) is dropped and only the more agent-like argument is retained (keeping its function of subject argument). The effects of these suffixes are illustrated in the following three examples, respectively:

(413) a. Unexpectedly, /-taè/ 'antip3' is also occasionally suffixed to intransitive predicative phrases, which never occurs to the other two antipassive suffixes. This is illustrated in example (417b) (example (417a), with a related but different meaning, is intended to demonstrate that the predicative phrase /i ̰-a'e/ [be.small-mind] 'to play turbulently' may be used intransitively on its own): These few occurrences, where /-taè/'s exact effect is unclear, indicate that strict antipassivization may not be its only function. Very hypothetically, I suggest that /-taè/'s function in these cases might be to allow for the omission of an extended core argument, i.e. a non-core argument required by the predicative phrase's lexical valency. This hypothesis seems especially plausible in view of an example such as (418b). In this example, /-taè/ is suffixed to a verb stem (/ü -a̰ / [put.sg-mouth] 'to rebuke') that normally requires a complement in the accusative, as in (418a). In (418b), /-taè/'s function thus seems to be that of allowing for the absence of a non-core argument whose presence would otherwise be made obligatory by the verb stem in question.

(418) a. Plain intransitive construction (with an extended core argument):

Nü cha-ü á̰ .

Valency operations

'After that, his wife started the roasting [lit. '... his wife roasted.']. She roasted the capybara's meat. ' [jsg C144-146] Suffixing /-taè/ seems to entail the same predicative class shift to pcØ, although my data are less clear on this specific point as far as this antipassive suffix is concerned.

The three antipassive suffixes only operate on predicative phrases' valency and do not involve systematic Aktionsart or referentiality effects. Depending on the surrounding context, /-eta/ 'antip1', for instance, may convey a notion of stativity and unreferentiality to the process. Such an effect occurs in example ( 422), where /tá=chă-ètà-gǘ/ 'they painted' and /tà=wü -ètà-gü -'ü / 'they wrote' are to be interpreted as 'they knew how to paint in general' and 'they knew how to write in general'): Such effects are by no means automatic, however. In example (420) above, the process referred to by /nà=ma-ètā-'ü / 'he had killed', with the suffix /-eta/, has a telic Aktionsart (like the plain verb root ma̰ 'to kill (sg.)') and its contextually understood object (Ngutapa, whose murder was previously referred to by the storyteller) is referential. The contrast between examples (419) and ( 421) above illustrates the same point with the suffix /-e/ 'antip2'.

(422) Chi ̋yî'emá bū'ègá i ̋-chó'ü
The homonymy of the antipassive suffix /-e/ 'antip2' with the functionally unrelated suffixes /-e/ 'off.sg' (on which see Section 4.2.3.5), /-e/ 'event.pred' (Section 4.3.2), and /-e/ 'intr.pl' (Section 4.4.4) is intriguing. 252 This homony-4. Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase my suggests that some of these four morphemes might be cognates, least implausibly the antipassive suffix /-e/ 'antip2' and the intransitive plural marker /-e/ 'intr.pl', which occur in mutually exclusive contexts, with the former being suffixed only to transitive verb roots and the latter being suffixed only to intransitive predicative phrases. Note, in any case, that there is no language-internal synchronic evidence beyond phonological resemblance in support of such a hypothesis.

The synchronically unanalyzable (or only partially analyzable) intransitive verb stems chagü é̄'to fish with poison', feǹü ē̄'to hunt', ta'ē'to trade', and wi ̄yaē̄'to sing' might have been historically antipassive derivations in /-e/ 'antip2' from transitive verb roots that seem to no longer be in use (*chagü , *feǹü , *ta'ü, *wi ̄ya?).

/-'e'e/ 'caus'

The suffix /-'e'e/ is a causativizer suffix. It derives transitive predicative phrases from either intransitive or transitive predicative phrases of any kind, and allows for the introduction into the resulting construction of an additional referent which occupies the syntactic function of subject and whose semantic role is that of a causer. As a rule, the referent that initially had the syntactic function of subject in the non-causative construction (i.e. the referent whose semantic role is that of a causee in the resulting construction) takes on the syntactic function of object in the causative construction if the initial predicative phrase was intransitive (compare examples (423a) and (423b)). If the initial predicative phrase was transitive, however, that referent is demoted to the status of oblique argument in the accusative, while the referent that was inimorphemes with a lexical toneme / 3 / in their first syllable only exceptionally cause (see Section 2.6.2.2).

Valency operations

tially the object retains the function of object (compare (424a) and ( 424b)). 253 Note that predicative phrases derived with /-'e'e/ 'caus' are thus always monotransitive-not ditransitive-as they never feature more than one position for an object argument, even when derived from predicative phrases that were already initially transitive. The following examples feature spontaneous occurrences of causative constructions involving the suffix /-'e'e/ based on an initially intransitive predicative phrase ( 425) and an initially transitive predicative phrase (426). In these examples, the causee and patient referents are syntactically treated according to the general rules stated above.

(425) Ngēmàã kǜ gá chànā-gṵ'ẽ 'e'ü ̃gá chô'ri ̄bachillerato.

ngē-mà-ã kǜ=gá The general syntactic rules stated above do not always apply, however. Causee arguments in causative constructions based on initially intransitive predicative phrases may be treated as oblique arguments in the accusative-instead of core objects, as expected-when specific syntactic and semantic conditions are met, namely 1) when such causee arguments are represented by a full NP preceding the predicative phrase and 2) when the corresponding referent is animate. This is shown in example (427). This additional rule, while optional in most cases, seems to be obligatory, at least for certain speakers, in the specific case where the causee argument belongs to the salientive nominal class: contrast the ungrammatical sentence in example (428a) to its corrected form-with the salientive causee argument in the accusative-in example (428b Occurrences of /-'e'e/ 'caus' in my corpus are rather frequent on initially intransitive predicative phrases, while they are rare on initially transitive predicative phrases. In the latter cases, a causee referent is always morphosyntactically present, whether as a syntactically explicit NP or as an index procliticized to the predicative phrase. My data do not allow me to tell whether the causee referent (which is in this case an oblique complement in the accusative) may be left out from a causative construction derived from an initially transitive predicative phrase.

The suffix /-'e'e/ 'caus' does not alter the predicative class of the predicative phrases it attaches to. The causative constructions featured in examples (423-428) above are all based on predicative phrases that initially belong to pcØ and thus all display derived predicative phrases inflecting in pcØ. The causative constructions in ( 429) and ( 430) are based on predicative phrases that initially belong to pcrü ̄and pci , respectively, and therefore display derived predicative phrases inflecting in these same predicative classes.

( The ordering of /-'e'e/ 'caus' relative to other non-inflectional morphological components of the predicative phrase seems to generally entail scope effects, with morphemes preceding /-'e'e/ usually falling under its scope and morphemes following /-'e'e/ usually extending their scope over it. This hypothesis requires further 4. Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase research, however, as in many cases such scope effects cannot be easily tested. On the other hand, the scope relationship between /-'e'e/ 'caus' and the feature of associated motion-an inflectional feature in smat, only available in finite forms of predicative phrases (see Section 5.8)-is grammatically unspecified and its interpretation relies on context. In other words, whether a predicative phrase simultaneously featuring /-'e'e/ 'caus' and associated motion is to be interpreted as My data do not allow me to tell whether the stacking of /-'e'e/ 'caus', i.e. the suffixation of /-'e'e/ to a predicative phrase that already contains an occurrence of it, is grammatical. Interestingly, however, the antipassivization of a causative construction in /-'e'e/ by suffixing it with /-taè/ 'antip3' is attested, as shown in the following example: The semantics of causative constructions derived with /-'e'e/ 'caus' cover a very wide array of causation situations. 255 Depending on the context, causative constructions in /-'e'e/ may thus be varyingly translated in English as e.g. 'cause to do' or 'induce to be', 'make do, order to do, force to do' or 'allow to do, let do, put in conditions to do', etc. In particular, the occurrence of /-'e'e/ is not restricted to predicative phrases with specific semantic characteristics (e.g. only stative or only dynamic predicative phrases). Its occurrence does not specify-or is not constrained by-whether the causee is animate or inanimate (contrast ( 427) and ( 429) respectively), whether it has or does not have control (contrast ( 426) and ( 433)), or whether it is willing or unwilling (contrast ( 434) and ( 430)). ( 433 As for the causer argument, it may be acting both directly or indirectly (contrast (427) and ( 426)). A spontaneous example such as (435), where the causer and the causee (a reflexive pronoun) are coreferential, as well as the third translation 4. Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase option for the elicited utterance in example (431), suggest that the causer may be itself physically involved in the process carried out by the causee, although in most cases it is not. My data do not, however, allow me to tell whether the causer may be inanimate (as opposed to animate, which it always is in my data) or whether the causer's action may be accidental (as opposed to intentional, which it always is in may data).

( The /-'e'e/-causative form of the verb root ngü ̀'rest'-/ngü -'e'e,/ lit. 'to cause someone to rest'-has the lexicalized meaning 'to help (someone)'. The synchronically unanalyzable verb stem g'u'e'e 'to wait for someone' was most likely historically derived as the /-'e'e/-causative form of a former verb root *g'ŭno longer existing in today's smat.

On the rarer factitive construction, whose functions partially overlap with those of the causative construction in /-'e'e/, see the end of the next section.

Valency operations with no dedicated exponence 4.5.3.1 Passive construction

In smat, the more patient-like argument of a transitive predicate (syntactically represented as a core object in the transitive construction) may by no means be omitted from an utterance without the simultaneous addition of dedicated derivational morphology to the predicative phrase (on the antipassive suffixes /-eta/, /-e/ and /-taè/, which allow such an omission, see Section 4.5.1). By contrast, the more agent-like argument of a transitive predicate (syntactically represented as a subject in the transitive construction) may be omitted from an utterance without the addition of any specific derivational morphology to the predicative phrase. When this occurs, the predicate merely becomes intransitive and the more patient-like argument is promoted to the syntactic function of subject, i.e. the only core argument position left in the resulting utterance. I call "passive construction" this intransitive use of typically transitive predicative phrases with no derivational morphology involved. Contrast the ordinary transitive construction in example (437a), where both agent and patient referents are overtly mentioned, with the passive construction in (437b), where only the patient referent is retained:

(437) a. The passive construction in smat does not seem to allow for the overt expression of an agent participant (e.g. as an oblique equivalent to English 'by ...').

The passive construction does not affect the predicative class of the predicative phrase it is applied to. In examples (438a) and (438b) above, for instance, the predicative phrase /gü -egu/ (slant?-inv) 'to flip over' is inflected in the predicative class pcØ in both its ordinary transitive and its passive uses. Similarly, in the following example, /da-ye/ (chop-in.the.middle) 'to cut in halves' is inflected in pci ̄in a passive construction, in the same way as when it occurs in a transitive construction256 (compare also the two occurrences of the verb root yĕ'to chop down' in (440), which both feature pci ̄inflection):

(441) Níī-dåyé gátü maàrǖ ná'ĩ ́. Although the passive construction gets a stative-resultative reading in most of its uses, this Aktionsart feature is only implied as a tendency rather than being intrinsic to that construction. The following example displays a case of passive construction with a telic reading, which is evidenced by the presence of an adjunct providing a punctual temporal reference for the event referred to: 257 intransitively and transitively derives from a specific lexical property of that predicative phrase, namely its lability, and 2) that there is no directionality of any kind between the intransitive uses and the transitive uses of such predicative phrases, which tend to indiscriminately occur in both intransitive and transitive constructions. However, although the passive construction is in practice relatively rare in discourse, it seems that at least a vast majority of transitive predicative phrases may be submitted to it. Its high productivity inclines me to treat it as a morphosyntactic construction typically available to any transitive predicative phrase, rather than as an alternative use of particular predicative phrases allowed by specific properties of the latter. On the other hand, predicative phrases that may occur in the passive construction are in practice used transitively in the vast majority of their occurrences in discourse. This significant differential in frequency between transitive (frequent) and passive (rare) uses of these predicative phrases suggests some sort of directionality between the two uses, with transitive uses being more primary and passive uses being more secondary. This is why I have opted for treating the passive construction as a morphosyntactic operation that derives intransitive constructions from predicative phrases that are intrinsically transitive.

níī=då-yé

Factitive construction

Although of much more limited use than the passive construction, a converse phenomenon also occurs, whereby predicative phrases usually employed intransitively are occasionally used transitively with no derivational morphology involved. I call "factitive construction" the transitive use of a predicative phrase more typically used intransitively. The meaning of this construction can be roughly glossed as 'to cause or induce something to be in the state denoted by the predicative phrase'. Only intransitive predicative phrases with a stative Aktionsart may be submitted to it. When this occurs, the single argument of the intransitive construction takes on the syntactic function of core object in the resulting construction, but retains it semantic role of theme. The subject position of the resulting construction is occupied by an extra argument whose referent is semantically the agent that causes the object argument to be the theme of the predicate. Contrast the ordinary intransitive construction in example (443a) with the factitive construction in (443b), both involving the predicative phrase /gẽ-natü / (not.have-father) 'not to have a father':

(443) a. Intransitive construction: Likewise, non-verbal possessive predicative phrases in /-a̰ /, although they are mostly used intransitively (with the meaning 'to have X', as in e.g. /cha=di ̄eru-a̰ / [1sg.sbj=money-poss] 'I have a dog/dogs'), may regularly be used transitively with no morphological modification (with the meaning 'to give X, to provide with X', as in e.g. /cha=na=di ̄eru-a̰ / [1sg.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=money-poss] 'I gave her/him money'). On the non-verbal predicative phrases in /-a̰ / 'poss', see Section 4.3.3.6.

Just like the passive construction, the factitive construction does not affect the predicative class of the predicative phrase it is applied to.

The factitive construction seems to stand in functional overlap with the causative construction in /-'e'e/ 'caus' in cases where the latter is derived from an initially intransitive predicative phrase with a stative Aktionsart (on /-'e'e/ 'caus', see Section 4.5.2). Thus, for instance, the meaning of the intransitive verb root ta'kú'be an orphan' used transitively in a factitive construction as in example (444a) above ('to cause or induce to be an orphan') is essentially identical to the meaning of the same intransitive verb root when it is used in a causative construction derived with /-'e'e/ 'caus' ('to cause to be an orphan'), as in the following example:

(445) "A î níì-ĩ ̊yá pē-tà'kúē'ẽ 'èkǖ This chapter describes the inflectional morphology of the finite predicative phrase. Nearly all of the morphemes under study here are proclitics that immediately precede the predicative phrase. The only exception to this generalization is a suffix that is immediately attached to the right edge of the predicative phrase. The function of many of these morphemes is to index participants with various syntactic functions: subjects, objects, accusative participants (which are morphosyntactically and, to a certain extent, semantically distinct from (core) objects), benefactive(-malefactive) participants, locative participants, and partitive object participants. Other morphemes are markers of the predicative class (or "conjugation class", so to say) of the predicative phrase they precede. Still others encode that the predicative phrase features associated motion. A number of these morphemes are portmanteau morphemes that realize several of these functions simultaneously. These contribute to make the predominantly agglutinative morphology of smat fusional to a certain extent. Finally, one specific inflectional value (the Subjunctive Inflectional Type) involves tonological alternations among its phonological exponents and thus constitutes a case of partially suprasegmental morphology.

Crucially, note that the inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase does not directly encode any notions of tense, aspect, mood, or evidentiality (to the exception-arguably-of the progressive aspect, on which see Section 5.7. 446) displays a predicative phrase inflected in the Indicative Inflectional Type. The Indicative Inflectional Type can be considered, from a morphological perspective, as the unmarked Inflectional Type (by contrast with the other two Inflectional Types of the language, specifically the Subjunctive Inflectional Type and, to a certain extent, the Imperative Inflectional Type). That is why this feature is not included in the example's gloss. The inflectional proclitics in this example, whose sequence represents a typical case of agglutinative morphology, successively index a participant in the accusative (/tü =/ '3s.acc') and a subject participant (/na=/ '3m/n/ns.sbj'), and encode the predicative class (or "conjugation class") of the predicative phrase (/rü =/ 'pcrü '). This predicative class is in this case inherited by the predicative phrase /cho-'e'e/ (be.there.pl-caus) 'to cause to be somewhere (pl.)' from the lexical predicative class of the verb root chó'be there (pl.)' from which it is derived. Example (447) displays a predicative phrase inflected in the Subjunctive Inflectional Type. This manifests itself suprasegmentally on one of the inflectional proclitics (in this case, the third person subject index /na=/ '3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv', whose toneme / 1 / can be interpreted as an exponent of the Subjunctive Inflectional Type) as well as-in principle-on the last syllable of the predicative phrase itself (in this case, the third person object index /-a/ '3m/n/ns.obj', i.e. the unique inflectional suffix of the predicative phrase, which happens not to shift toneme under the effect of the morphotonological alternations that regularly affect the last syllable of predicative phrases in the Subjunctive Inflectional Type, hence the parentheses 5. Inflection of the predicative phrase in its gloss '3m/n/ns.obj(\sbjv)'). Note, importantly, that in glosses features with an exclusively suprasegmental exponent are preceded by a backslash <\>. Finally, the inflectional proclitic /ya=/ 'am' in (447) indicates that the main process ('he plucked it') is preceded by an associated motion event ('he went and plucked it'). This chapter is organized as follows. Section 5.1 gives a general overview of the entire inflectional template of the finite predicative phrase and of the various morphosyntactic categories that its 8 morphological slots allow to encode. Section 5.2 introduces, from both a formal perspective and a functional perspective, the major distinction that obtains between what I label the three Inflectional Types (or "moods", as a very first approximation) of the language, specifically the Indicative Inflectional Type (ind), the Imperative Inflectional Type (imp), and the Subjunctive Inflectional Type (sbjv). Although the morphology of all three Inflectional Types roughly operates within the same inflectional template, their specific paradigms differ within slots 4 to 8 of that template. Sections 5.3, 5.4, and 5.5 successively describe the specific inflectional morphology of ind, imp, and sbjv occurring in these slots. Section 5.6 displays a series of inflectional charts that summarize the detailed descriptions given in Sections 5.3-5.5. Section 5.7 proceeds to describe the inflectional morphology that occurs in slots 1 to 3 of the inflectional template of the predicative phrase, which remains identical across the three Inflectional Types. Sections 5.3 through 5.7 thus provide a complete description (slots 1 through 8)-but to a large extent a formal one-of the morphological material that contributes the encoding of inflectional features of the predicative phrase in smat. Sections 5.8 and 5.9 respectively focus, from a chiefly functional perspective, on two of the grammatical categories that are encoded by this morphological material, specifically associated motion (encoded in slot 5) and predicative class (encoded in slot 6). Finally, Section 5.10 discusses the various morphological strategies available in the language for the encoding of the number feature of participants within the predicative phrase itself, whether these strategies involve strictly inflectional morphological material from slots 1-8 or other morphological material.

Introduction to the inflectional template of the finite predicative phrase

A general overview of the inflectional template of the finite predicative phrase is provided in the following figure: The first row in the figure assigns a specific number to each of the eight morphological slots in the template, from 1 to 8 (PP stands for "predicative phrase"). This numeration will be kept throughout this chapter. The paradigms of morphemes available in slots 4 to 8 display slight variations depending on which of the three Inflectional Types (or "moods", so to say) the predicative phrase is inflected in. Those in slots 1 to 3, by contrast, are identical across the three Inflectional Types. All the morphemes that belong in slots 1 to 7 are proclitics that immediately precede the predicative phrase. By contrast, the one and only morpheme available in slot 8 is a suffix that is immediately attached to the right edge of the predicative phrase. Note that in a number of cases, within the domain of slots 4 to 7, a single fusional (or portmanteau) morpheme simultaneously fills two of the slots, or, in other words, encodes the combination of the features belonging functionally to two distinct slots.

The second row in the figure above is roughly devised like a gloss. To each slot corresponds an abbreviation that refers to the main function fulfilled by that slot. These abbreviations are to be understood as follows:

-ben: indexation of a benefactive participant; Importantly, recall that, as this list suggests, the inflectional template of the predicative phrase in smat does not directly encode any notions of tense, aspect, mood, 5. Inflection of the predicative phrase or evidentiality (see the introduction to this chapter for a brief discussion of this point).

Note that the figure above is meant to be no more than a practical summary. As such, it assembles within a single template morphological slots that may rarely, or never, co-occur within a single inflected predicative phrase. In fact, the eight slots in this figure can never be filled simultaneously, although all of them can be argued to constitute separate slots. In practice, inflected predicative phrases with more than four of these slots filled are rarely to be found in spontaneous speech, and under certain conditions it may even happen that a given inflected predicative phrase has none of these slots filled. Note also, importantly, that in the figure above the major distinction between the three Inflectional Types of the language is ignored. This is because the category of Inflectional Type is not straightforwardly encoded by a particular slot within the inflectional template of the predicative phrase, but by a complex combination of factors that may operate in one or several of slots 4 to 8, and/or in the predicative phrase itself. The formal and functional characteristics of the three Inflectional Types are introduced in the next section.

Tables 39 and40 provide the detailed set of the values that can be encoded in each of slots 1 to 3 (Table 39) and slots 4 to 8 (Table 40) of the inflectional template of the predicative phrase. Note that Table 40 puts together all of the values that are found across the three Inflectional Types. In fact, none of the Inflectional Types allows to encode that complete set of values, although each does allow to encode most of them. By contrast, all of the values listed in Table 39 can be encoded in all three Inflectional Types. Note also that the morpheme shapes listed in Table 40 for each value are only indicative. In fact, only one of them (/-a/ '3m/n/ns.obj') stands in a strict bijective relation with respect to the value that corresponds to it in Table 40. But the rest of these morpheme shapes can be said to be "basic" inasmuch as they are relatively frequent exponents of their corresponding values and can be argued to be the etymological building blocks of all of the other existing exponents of these values described in detail in Sections 5.3 through 5.5. By contrast, all of the morpheme shapes listed in Table 39 stand in an essentially bijective relation with their corresponding values.

As shown in these tables, the values that can be encoded by the benefactive participant index (slot 1), the accusative participant index (slot 2), and the subject index (slot 4) are identical sets of combinations of person & number features or person & nominal class features. The third person index in slot 3 may either stand for a locative participant (in the areal locative or in the punctual locative syntactic Imp is essentially identical to ind, except that it further lacks a slot 4.

Sbjv, by contrast with both ind and imp, does feature a slot 8, and does feature the value f in slot 7. In slot 4, however, sbjv does not feature the values 3m/n/ns, 3f, and 4. Subjects in these person & nominal class combinations are indexed in slot 7 instead. The morphemes used as explicit exponents of sbjv in slots 4 to 7 typically-but not systematically-involve a tonological deviation from their default shape used in ind, namely a shift to toneme / 1 / (as in e.g. /cha=/ '1sg.sbj(.ind)' featuring toneme / 3 / vs /cha=/ '1sg.sbj\sbjv', with / 1 /; or /ta=/ '3s.sbj(.ind)' with / 4 / vs /ta=/ '3s.sbj\sbjv' with / 1 /; but contrast these indexes, whose toneme shifts to / 1 / in sbjv, with the index /pe=/ '2pl.sbj(.ind)', whose toneme remains identical in sbjv, /pe=/ '2pl.sbj(.sbjv)').

The specific inflectional morphology of each of the three Inflectional Types is described at length in Sections 5.3-5.5.

Examples (448a-448d) illustrate the kind of morphological distinctions that obtain between ind, imp, and sbjv. They are also intended to briefly exemplify the kind of functional contrasts that obtain between ind (448a), imp (448b), sbjv (448c), and the latter's frequent combination sbjv-'ü ̃(448d), here comparing their uses in main clauses (note that out of context, the translations provided in (448a-448d) are no more than indicative translations among several other possibilities; the function exemplified by each example is indicated in parentheses in the terms of the functional distribution of the Inflectional Types outlined below in Table 41). ( 448 Note that the imp predicative phrase in (448b) only differs from the ind predicative phrase in (448a) by lacking a subject index in slot 4 (this informative absence of marking is exceptionally materialized and glossed in this example as /(Ø=)/ '(imp)'). On the other hand, the bare sbjv predicative phrase in (448c) only differs from the ind predicative phrase in (448a) at the tonological level. The default subject morpheme /ta=/ '3s.sbj(.ind)' in (448a) is replaced by /ta=/ '3s.sbj\sbjv' in (448c). Note also that the lexical form of the verb ngü ̀'to rest' (with a lexical toneme / 21 /) in (448a) undergoes a morphotonological alternation process operating as a further exponent of sbjv and becomes ng'ü ̆(with a derived toneme / CM /) in (448c). Importantly, the encoding of sbjv at a tonological level only occurs once among the inflectional proclitics of the predicative phrase. This is why the predicative class morpheme /rü =/ 'pcrü ' in (448c) remains identical as in (448a), as sbjv in (448c) is already encoded tonologically on /ta=/ '3s.sbj\sbjv'. Finally, as is self-evident, the sbjv-'ü ̃predicative phrase in (448d) further differs from (448a) by the addition of the subordinator suffix /-'ü / 'sub' to the sbjv predicative phrase as it stands in (448c).

The general functional distribution of the three Inflectional Types proper and sbjv-'ü ̃is summarized in Table 41 ([±ant] in the first rows of this table stands for presence or absence of advancement of narrative time; on these notions, see next section). In this table, syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic functions are listed together. As this table shows, only imp has a single, easily identifiable function. Ind, sbjv, and sbjv-'ü ̃occur in a variety of contexts with a variety of functions and display some functional overlap in main clauses. All of these functions are extensively exemplified and commented upon in the following five sections (5. As a caveat, let me make clear that the terms Indicative, Imperative, and Subjunctive used to refer to the three Inflectional Types are to be understood as little more than practical, mnemonic labels. Although they are borrowed from the terminological tradition related to the grammatical category of mood, these labels are by no means intended to suggest that the categories referred to here as Inflectional Types can be, beyond a first approximation, identified and adequately described as moods. The functional distribution of ind, imp, and sbjv, however, is vaguely reminiscent of that of the categories traditionally labeled as indicative, imperative, and subjunctive "moods" in the Romance languages. Because many readers will presumably be familiar with that somewhat arbitrary terminological tradition, I have opted for applying it to smat's Inflectional Types (rather than arbitrarily labeling them as e.g. Inflectional Type 1, Inflectional Type 2, etc.) with the practical purpose of making it easier for these readers to recognize and distinguish them.

Indicative Inflectional Type (ind) and

Subjunctive Inflectional Type+-'ü ̃'sub' (sbjv-'ü ) in declarative main clauses

In declarative main clauses, ind contrasts with sbjv-'ü ̃in a way that is fairly subtle and hard to capture. The interpretation provided here of the functional distribution of ind and sbjv-'ü ̃in this context should be seen as tentative and could without doubt be improved. Unfortunately, although this interpretation does account for a great majority of their occurrences, it also leaves unexplained a number of instances of predicative phrases in ind and sbjv-'ü ̃in declarative main clauses in my corpus. Note, additionally, that because this interpretation heavily relies on discursive factors, it cannot be straightforwardly tested.

As shown in Table 41 above, both ind and sbjv-'ü ̃occur in declarative main clauses. ind can be said to be the default, unmarked Inflectional Type in this context. Its use is general in any declarative context where the processes referred to are not felt to require explicit temporal sequencing in order to be correctly interpreted. This implies that ind is found in main clauses in a wide and largely heterogeneous array of declarative contexts, which will be exemplified below. In fact, in the speech of some speakers (e.g. igs), ind is pervasive in declarative main clauses-regardless of the (ir)relevance of explicit temporal sequencing for their interpretation-and only rarely contrasts with sbjv-'ü . For these speakers, the discussion that follows is mostly irrelevant, and as far as they are concerned ind can be simply said to be the regular Inflectional Type found in declarative main clauses of any kind.

However, in the speech of most speakers, sbjv-'ü ̃is regularly used in declarative main clauses to present a process as constituting a new, salient step within a temporal sequence of processes. sbjv-'ü ̃is then resorted to as a discursive device that allows the speaker to explicitly construct a clear temporal axis along which major steps are grammatically signaled as such as they are being mentioned. Such uses of sbjv-'ü ̃in declarative main clauses could be roughly glossed by 'at that point, …', as was done in the translation of example (448d) above. By contrast, non-sequential processes, or minor sequential processes that the speaker does not want to present as sequenced, are referred to with predicative phrases in ind.

In other words, predicative phrases in sbjv-'ü ̃essentially correspond to those that involve what I call advancement of narrative time ([+ant]), while predicative phrases in ind essentially correspond to those that do not involve advancement of narrative time ([-ant]

). An important consequence is that predicative phrases in sbjv-'ü ̃in declarative main clauses may not be uttered in a different order without typically implying a different sequence for the processes referred to, i.e. the ordering of [+ant] forms conditions the semantic interpretation of the processes referred to. By contrast, predicative phrases in ind in declarative main clauses may be uttered in a different order with no direct implication as to the sequence of the processes referred to, i.e. the ordering of [-ant] forms has no effect on the semantic interpretation of the processes referred to. Note that the ordering of [-ant] forms does, by contrast, condition the discursive-more specifically, the rhetorical-interpretation of utterances, as it obviously has direct effects on the order in which the information is delivered and construed and the way it is rhetorically organized. 259 259 Thus in example (451) below, which contains three main clauses in ind, the enacted speaker chooses to first make a more generic announcement ('I'm going to go hunting!') and then proceeds to make a more specific elaboration on it in the next two utterances ('I'll shoot some brown woolly monkeys. I'll go woolly-monkey-hunting.'). With the exact same semantic meaning, the first utterance ('I'm going to go hunting!') could presumably have been uttered last, but then that semantically more generic utterance would have been construed as a summary restatement of the more specific announcement made in the previous two utterances, yielding a different rhetorical structure from the one actually at play in (451). Likewise, in (450) below, the ordering of the three clauses in ind in the answer ('I've shot a beautiful teŕe̋parrot, it has fallen down here but I can't find it.') could in principle be altered (as in e.g. 'A beautiful teŕe̋parrot has fallen down here, but I can't find it, [in fact] I've shot it.') with no consequences as to their semantic interpretation, but 5.2. Functional distribution of the Inflectional Types Typical discourse genres where the ind vs sbjv-'ü ̃contrast is exploited are narratives (whether set in a remote past and unrelated to the discourse participants-myths, legends, tales, etc.-or set in a relatively recent past and related to the discourse participants-life stories, anecdotes, etc.) and procedural discourse (cooking recipes, descriptions of craft techniques, chronologically-ordered descriptions of the typical activities carried out in a given period of time, etc.). In these discourse genres, while predicative phrases in sbjv-'ü ̃are used to orderly unroll the series of major events (or steps to be conducted), predicative phrases in ind are generally employed with one or several of the following six main discursive functions (the simple illustrative contexts of use in parentheses are made up examples that parallel actual occurrences in my corpus; actual examples are provided below): 260 -locating a major event in space or time (e.g. 'The next day came.ind. Then he went.sbjv-'ü ̃into the jungle.');

-mentioning preliminary minor events (e.g. 'He eventually spotted.sbjv-'ü ̃a monkey. He came closer.ind and he shot.sbjv-'ü ̃it.');

-recapitulating a previous major event (e.g. 'And then he came down.sbjv-'ü .

So, he came down.ind, and then he started.sbjv-'ü ̃to speak.'); 261 such alterations would affect the rhetorical relations that bind them into a small discourse unit.

In practice, in (450), the rhetorical principle that guides the ordering of the clauses in ind under scrutiny is temporal iconicity, but the use of ind in these clauses indicates that establishing a clear temporal axis is not essential to the purposes of the enacted speaker at that moment.

260 Interestingly, when they fulfill one of the first three functions in this list, main declarative clauses containing a predicative phrase in ind are often explicitly topicalized by means of a topic marker (/=i ̀/ 'contr.top' in non-past contexts or /=ga/ 'pst' in past contexts) attached at their right edge (as in examples (454a) and (455e) below). This clause-level topicalization process could in fact be argued to turn these clauses into near-dependent clauses (as opposed to genuinely independent main clauses). Note further that all of the six functions in this list are somehow related to topical (i.e. already known or backgrounded) information, as opposed to the more focal (i.e. unknown or foregrounded) information typically conveyed by declarative main clauses containing a predicative phrase in sbjv-'ü . 261 The use of such recapitulating clauses for discourse cohesion is frequent in narratives and procedural discourse in smat. These recapitulating clauses are of two major formal and functional types. Some include the predicative phrase of the recapitulated clause more or less verbatim ("recapitulating linkage" proper in Aikhenvald (2019)'s terminology). These verbatim (or specific) recapitulating clauses typically provide linkage from one sentence to the next within a single paragraph and often imply that the two main processes referred to are temporally close to each other (see e.g. examples (454a-454b) below). Other much more formulaic recapitulating clauses feature an anaphoric word referring to the processes to be recapitulated (/nge-ma/ 'med.ns-anaph' in past or non-past 5. Inflection of the predicative phrase -initiating a series of major events (e.g. 'Once upon a time, a man went.ind into the jungle. There he found.sbjv-'ü ̃a deer.');

-elaborating on specific aspects of a major event occurring at the same reference time (e.g. 'And then they had.sbjv-'ü ̃dinner. They chatted.ind, they drank.ind [i.e. while eating]. Then they went.sbjv-'ü ̃to bed.);

-describing participants of a major event (e.g. 'The canoe was large.ind.').

On the other hand, the ind vs sbjv-'ü ̃contrast is typically deactivated in ordinary conversation with reference to recent past, present, or future processes, i.e. any time the processes referred to are tightly related to the utterance situation and their temporal order is deemed irrelevant or contextually obvious. Predicative phrases in declarative main clauses then tend to all be inflected in ind. Ind is also virtually systematic in non-temporally-ordered descriptions of events, e.g. in a description of the various activities one carries out or may carry out (in any order) on a given occasion or more generally in one's daily life. Crucially, ind is also the default Inflectional Type for predicative phrases in declarative main clauses elicited from speakers out of context.

Examples (449-453) illustrate uses of ind in contexts where it does not contrast with sbjv-'ü . Examples (449-451), firstly, exemplify the default use of ind in daily conversation strongly anchored in the utterance situation (for a good understanding of the examples in this section, recall that the glosses of predicative phrases in ind do not comprise the explicit mention 'ind', by contrast with those of predicative phrases in sbjv(-'ü ), which comprise the mention 'sbjv'):

(449) [Ñu'gu?]-Ñåà gá rǜ… Nűà chô'ri ̄pōpēràwa̋tá nǖchā-dău. {Nü }chāyarǖgü mā ì fecha. Marzogú! contexts indifferently, or /ye-ma/ 'dist.ns-anaph' in past contexts exclusively) in position of subject of the verb /ni ́i ̀=i ̃/ '3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =be', the whole clause ending with a topic marker (lit. 'This was, and ...'; "summary linkage" in Aikhenvald ( 2019)'s terminology). These formulaic (or generic) recapitulating clauses often-but not always-provide linkage not between sentences, but between entire paragraphs of discourse and not infrequently involve a temporal gap between the two (sequences of) processes referred to (see e.g. (T7) and (T38)). Occasionally, both a formulaic and a verbatim recapitulating clauses occur consecutively (as in e.g. (T136), where it could be that a paragraph break is implied by the formulaic recapitulating clause, while actual temporal contiguity between the preceding and the new paragraph is highlighted by the verbatim recapitulating clause). For typological discussions and case studies of the use of specific or generic recapitulation clauses for discursive purposes-a strategy referred to as "tail-head linkage" or "bridge linkage", among others-see Guillaume (2011) Note that in the answer in example (450), although the events referred to (i.e. the three coordinated clauses) are iconically ordered according to a chronological sequence, the use of ind indicates that their pragmatic relevance applies in practice to the utterance situation. That is, the speaker Moe (here enacted by the storyteller) is not telling an orderly story about events that happened independently from the utterance situation (which would have entailed the use of sbjv-'ü ). He is in effect commenting on the utterance situation itself.

( Note that in this last example, the speaker is outlining the array of possible activities he may carry out in any relative order in a given situation. He is not describing a schedule with a planned temporal order, in which case predicative phrases in sbjv-'ü ̃would have been expected where this example features predicative phrases in ind.

) "Fènǖēwa̋tá chā-ṹ! […] 451
By contrast with the examples just discussed (which illustrate the default use of ind in contexts where it does not contrast with sbjv-'ü ), the following two pieces of sustained speech provide good illustrations of the typical contrastive uses of ind and sbjv-'ü , specifically in narrative discourse (454) and in procedural discourse (455). The respective discursive functions (as identified above on p.401) of predicative phrases in ind in these examples are indicated in the translation line. Note that these examples include two occurrences (in (454c) and (455d), specifically) of predicative phrases in ind and sbjv-'ü ̃in declarative main clauses that can apparently not be properly accounted for by the distributional interpretation of ind and sbjv-'ü ̃provided in the present section. A relatively obvious but important remark regarding the notion of advancement of narrative time encoded by predicative forms in sbjv-'ü ̃is in order. The new reference time established by a given [+ant] predicative phrase does not systematically follow the reference time of the last [+ant] predicative phrase uttered by the speaker. As is to be expected, [+ant] predicative forms are not necessarily organized in linear and single-leveled chains, although they often are (as in a piece of discourse such as 'An event A occurred. After A, an event B occurred. After B, an event C occurred. After C, an event D occurred, etc.'). As a consequence, the reference time of the process encoded by a given [+ant] predicative form may in practice coincide with, be included within, or even precede, the reference time of the process encoded by the last [+ant] predicative form uttered by the speaker.

In example (456), for instance, the processes encoded by two [+ant] predicative forms uttered consecutively by the speaker (labelled processes B and C in the translation line) occur in practice at a single reference time rt2, because both are to be interpreted as advancing narrative time relative to the reference time rt1 of the process encoded by the first uttered [+ant] predicative form (labelled process A). To put it more simply, the tourists' resting and the speaker's resting, which are in practice two parallel events that roughly coincide temporally (occurring at rt2), are both encoded with [+ant] predicative phrases because they are conceived of as two distinct processes each of which occurs as a next step relative to the eating (which occurred at rt1). ( 456 Mere repetition (as in (455h-455i)) and reformulation (as in (454h-454i)) are frequent and simpler cases in which the processes encoded by two consecutive [+ant] predicative phrases occur in practice at the exact same reference time. When a speaker repeats or reformulates an utterance containing a [+ant] predicative phrase, they do not intend to refer to two distinct and temporally consecutive processes. In fact, they are referring twice to the same process, and the two [+ant] predicative phrases referring to that single process equally signal that the process takes place at a reference time that follows the reference time of a previously mentioned process.

The reference times of the processes encoded by [+ant] predicative phrases uttered consecutively within a given piece of discourse may thus relate with one another in all kinds of complex discursive structures. These will not be studied in detail here however, as they do not directly relate to the language's morphosyntax, but rather to its discourse pragmatics.

In relation to the intricacies of the notion of advancement of narrative time, note also that sbjv-'ü ̃occasionally replaces ind in the latter's regular use to initiate a series of major events (on this use of ind, see (455a) above). In this particular case, a predicative phrase in sbjv-'ü ̃does not-strictly speaking-advance narrative time relative to a previously established reference time (no such reference time having been established yet), but merely signals the start of a sequence involving narrative time, as in the following example, which occurs at the very beginning of a story:

(457) {Nü ŵa} ye'gúmárü 'ü ̃tàãã 'a tü maka̰ ã 'a yemànà-gő'ü ̃gá wí'á gá dùü 'ü ̃ã' a gá nāi'táwa̋chíbǖ'ü ̃ã' a. The tentative interpretation put forward in this section to account for the functional contrast that occurs between ind and sbjv-'ü ̃in declarative main clauses is admittedly framed in the terms of a typologically non-familiar contrast between non-advancement vs advancement of narrative time. An alternative framing in terms of imperfective or unbounded aspect (ind) vs perfective or bounded aspect (sbjv-'ü ) would certainly give a more familiar look to this grammatical contrast from the perspective of most linguists.

However, note that processes that would typically be expected to be encoded with perfective or bounded aspect in other languages are regularly inflected in ind in smat, most noticeably in the following contexts (repeated from the list on p.401):

-when the speaker mentions preliminary minor events (e.g. 'He eventually spotted.sbjv-'ü ̃a monkey. He came closer.ind and he shot.sbjv-'ü ̃it.');

-when the speaker recapitulates a previous major event (e.g. 'And then he came down.sbjv-'ü . So, he came down.ind, and then he started.sbjv-'ü ̃to speak.');

-when the speaker initiates a series of major events (e.g. 'Once upon a time, a man went.ind into the jungle. There he found.sbjv-'ü ̃a deer.').

Conversely, processes that would typically be expected to be encoded with imperfective or unbounded aspect in other languages are occasionally-although rarely-inflected in sbjv-'ü ̃in smat (as in (455d)). In view of these observations, I believe that a typologically more familiar interpretation of the ind vs sbjv-'ü ̃contrast in smat declarative main clauses in terms of imperfective vs perfective aspects would in practice unduly obliterate a significant part of the specifics of that grammatical contrast.

Indicative Inflectional Type (ind) out of declarative main clauses

(i) Uses in non-declarative main clauses. In non-declarative main clauses, ind may be used with one of three different functions (on ind in declarative main clauses, see the preceding section):

-it is found in polar interrogative utterances (in apparent free variation with sbjv-'ü , see Section 5.2.6 below);

-it is regularly found in content interrogative utterances;

-it is commonly found in constructional association with ngi ̏'ā'let's go' in (positive) exhortative utterances with a 4th person subject (bare sbjv is also occasionally found in this context, see Section 5.2.5 below).

As shown in examples ( 458) and ( 459), ind occurs in interrogative utterances, whether polar questions (as in ( 458)) or content questions (as in ( 459)). I have not been able to detect any significant semantic or pragmatic distribution between the use of ind and the equally frequent use of sbjv-'ü ̃in polar interrogative utterances. -encoding of a general positive directive meaning; 5. Inflection of the predicative phrase -expression of assertion (in combination with the morphemes /=na/ 'assert' or ta̋'assert.expl').

The directive meaning of bare sbjv in main clauses is compatible with any person value of the subject. It is found with first and fourth person subjects with an exhortative meaning (as in examples (464-465)), with second person subjects with an imperative meaning (as in ( 466)), and with third person subjects with a jussive meaning (as in ( 467)). ( 464) " […] '"[Whoever wants to be safe,] let them take care of themselves, let them go for matamatá fruit shells, and they shall put those matamatá fruit shells on their eyes [to protect themselves from the coming attack of an evil ghost]." ' [lar A34-36] Of these associations, the one involving bare sbjv and second person plural subjects (as in ( 466)) is probably the most common, given that it is apparently the regular way to express a second person plural positive imperative. Bare sbjv in main clauses seems to be much less likely to occur with subjects in other personnumber-nominal class combinations (as in (464-465) and ( 467)), at least in younger speakers, who in such contexts typically replace bare sbjv with ind (case of a fourth person subject, see Section 5.2.3 above) or with sbjv-'ü ̃in its deontic function (case of a first or third person subject, see Section 5.2.6 below; see example (467) for a case of vacillation between the use of bare sbjv and sbjv-'ü ̃for the expression of a jussive meaning).

A rare use of bare sbjv in main clauses, which is likely derived from its general directive meaning, is found in the expression of wishes and curses, as in examples (468-469). These interpretations of bare sbjv likely rely on the constructional cooccurrence of other markers associated to them, such as ño'kü ̀'soon; if only …' (in wishes) or /ta=ta/ 'fut?=add?' (in curses). Bare sbjv is also used in the expression of assertion, i.e. the expression of information that the speaker thinks does not, or may not, match with the assumptions of the addressee or a third party ('you know, …', 'this might not be what you/they think, but …'). With this function, bare sbjv obligatorily co-occurs with the second position clitic /=na/ 'assert', as in example (470), 263 or the utterance-initial particle ta̋'assert.expl ', as in (471). These two assertion markers have slightly 5. Inflection of the predicative phrase different meanings, with /=na/ being of more general use and ta̋typically being associated with the assertion of an explanation provided to account for some other information present in the context. Interestingly, while the uses of bare sbjv in circumstantial adverbial clauses just exemplified regularly require the constructional co-occurrence of other markers for their correct interpretation, the following example from my corpus features a case of bare sbjv circumstantial adverbial clause with no other marking than the use of bare sbjv itself: ear, with whom I transcribed the text from which this utterance was extracted, confirmed to me that it was perfectly acceptable as it stands, although the same meaning could have been alternatively expressed with a rü ̀+ bare sbjv ('while …') dependent clause. It thus seems that bare sbjv can function on its own as an Inflectional Type specialized in the expression of circumstantial adverbial clauses.

(478) "Áh, åkǘ chí nűà chà-ü 'ü ̃<níì-ĩ ̊...> níì-ĩ ̊ñomá'ü ̃nűà chì-ĩ ̀'ü ,
Examples ( 479) and ( 480) illustrate the use of bare sbjv in polar interrogative and command complement clauses respectively. These two examples were elicited. My corpus does not contain any instances of these rare, but apparently natural-sounding, constructions. Relative clauses are involved as components of the cleft sentences that constitute the strategy used for focalizing subject and (core) object arguments (on the strategy employed for focalizing other constituents, see Section 5.2.6 below). Example (484), in which the subject aî 'wild felid' is focalized, is to be compared with the semantically equivalent plain sentence /A î pe=ta'ku-e-'e'e./ (wild.felid 2pl.acc=be.an.orphan-intr.pl-caus) 'A jaguar has orphaned you.'. ( 484 Bare sbjv is also obligatory in subordinate clauses in /-'ü / 'sub'. Because subordinate clauses in /-'ü / are extremely frequent and occur in a wide array of contexts-including in main clauses via insubordination-the uses of bare sbjv in association with /-'ü / 'sub' are treated separately, in Section 5.2.2 above (uses in declarative main clauses) and in the next section (other uses).

Subjunctive Inflectional Type+-'ü ̃'sub' (sbjv-'ü ) out of declarative main clauses

This section deals with a particular use of sbjv, namely its extremely frequent use in association with the subordinator /-'ü / 'sub'. Unsurprisingly, the combination sbjv-'ü ̃occurs in complement and adverbial dependent clauses, and is involved in cleft constructions that allow for the focalization of constituents that are neither subjects nor (core) object arguments. More surprisingly, sbjv-'ü ̃also occurs in main clauses as a result of a phenomenon of insubordination.

The function of predicative phrases in sbjv-'ü ̃in declarative main clauses is dealt with in Section 5.2.2 above. All other uses of sbjv-'ü ̃are discussed in the present section.

(i) Uses in non-declarative main clauses. In non-declarative main clauses, sbjv-'ü ̃may be used with one of two different functions:

-it is found in polar interrogative utterances (in apparent free variation with ind, see Section 5.2.3 above);

-it is regularly found in utterances involving deontic modality.

The use of sbjv-'ü ̃in polar questions is illustrated in the following example:

( Examples ( 487) and ( 488) illustrate the use of sbjv-'ü ̃in utterances involving deontic modality, with a first person subject and a fourth person subject respectively (see ( 477) and ( 467) above for instances of deontic sbjv-'ü ̃involving a second person subject and a third person subject, respectively). Note that deontic sbjv-'ü can occur in both declarative utterances (as in ( 488)) and interrogative utterances (as in ( 487)). ( 487 -it is obligatory in adverbial clauses in na'a/ni ́i ̀-i ̃… 'conj' ('it being the case that …'), /…-'ka̰ / 'cause' ('in order to …'), and eka̰ /ka̰ … 'so that …' (or 'while …');

-it is obligatory in complement clauses in na'a/ni ́i ̀-i ̃… 'conj'.

Functional distribution of the Inflectional Types

The frequent and semantically vague adverbial clauses in na'a/ni ́i ̀-i ̃… 'conj' are roughly comparable to English gerundive clauses, hence the possibility of generally glossing them as 'it being the case that …'. They may take a wide array of circumstantial meanings and are often ambiguous. Their exact interpretation relies heavily on the linguistic and extra-linguistic context. Common possible translations of these adverbial clauses in English include 'when …, once …, while …, as …, because …, although …'. These clauses may also occasionally bear no clear semantic or discursive relation to their context (as in e.g. (T155)). The use of the conjunction na'a/ni ́i ̀-i ̃… 'conj' to introduce them is not optional. Purpose adverbial clauses ('in order to …') involve a predicative phrase in sbjv-'ü ̃to which the relational noun /-'ka̰ / 'cause' is attached. This is shown in example ( 491). These clauses are often-but not obligatorily-introduced by the conjunction na'a/ni ́i ̀-i ̃… 'conj'. Note that in rare occasions, clauses in sbjv-'ü -ka̰ may be used to express reason ('because …') rather than purpose.

(491) Yemáã kǜ ã 'a níì-ĩ ̊gá nů'kǘmá gá tànā-ù'ü ̃gá âi ã 'a, tã ů tǖnà-ngő'ü ka̰ […]. In this context, however, clauses in sbjv-'ü -ka̰ seem to be an emerging and still rarer alternative for the regular complement clauses in na'a/ni ́i ̀-i ̃… 'conj' discussed further in this section (or, in specific cases, for the command complement clauses in rü ̀… 'and', on which see Section 5.2.5 above).

ye-má-ã kǜ=ã 'a

Sbjv-'ü ̃is also of systematic use in the semantically vague adverbial clauses in eka̰ /ka̰ … 'so that …, while …', as illustrated in the following example:

(493) "Pàma, pà mā, kū-tṵkǘ ka̰ kuī-dé'aèchā'ü ?" pa=mā( x2) Regular complement clauses consist in a clause that is introduced by the conjunction na'a/ni ́i ̀-i ̃… 'conj' and includes a predicative phrase in sbjv-'ü ̃(on rare complement clauses including a predicative phrase in bare sbjv, see Section 5.2.5; on complement clauses of volitive predicates optionally marked with the relational noun /-'ka̰ / 'caus', see above in the present section). Such complement clauses may function syntactically as either subjects (as in example ( 494)), (core) objects, or any non-core participant required by the valency of the predicative phrase (as in ( 495)). ( 494 As shown in examples (494-496), complement clauses in na'a/ni ́i ̀-i ̃… 'conj' that are syntactically integrated in a matrix clause regularly follow the predicative phrase of that matrix clause. Most of the time, an expletive cataphoric third person non-salientive pronominal form (whether a free pronominal form, or an index occurring within the predicative phrase as in (494-495)) precedes, or is included in, the predicative phrase of the matrix clause and fills the syntactic position of the complement clause (compare English 'it is true that …', 'it is hard to ...').

Complement clauses in na'a/ni ́i ̀-i ̃… 'conj' may complement an extremely diverse range of predicative phrases involving notions such as utterance ('say that …, ask what …, etc.'), cognition ('know that …, think that …, etc.'), perception ('see that …, hear that …, etc.'), emotion ('be afraid to …, enjoy doing, etc.'), volitive modality ('want to …, order to …, etc.'), or phasal aspect ('continue to …, finish doing, etc.'), among others.

(iii) Uses not related to clause type. Clauses in sbjv-'ü ̃are involved as components of the cleft sentences that constitute the strategy used for focalizing constituents other than subject and (core) object arguments (on the strategy applied for focalizing subject and (core) object arguments, see Section 5.2.5 above). Constituents with any syntactic function (e.g. comitative in example (498), punctual locative in (499), manner in (491) above) and of any syntactic complexity (whether a simplex or complex NP as in (498-499) or a full dependent clause as in (500), repeated from (426 above)) may be focalized via this strategy. This focalization strategy, apart from its regular and expected use for information structure management, is involved in a non-optional, essentially grammaticalized way in the second person prohibitive construction, which probably comes historically from a focalization construction exerting focus on the negative particle taũ 'neg'. This construction is illustrated in the following example: Note the regular absence of the copula verb i ̃'be' in this construction, in contrast with its frequent-but not obligatory-presence in ordinary focalization, as shown in (498-500) above. On the second person prohibitive construction, see Section 7.7.

As was mentioned at the end of Section 5.2.5 above, the focalization of interrogative constituents in any syntactic function is optional but frequent in content interrogative utterances, as shown in example (502) (see also (485) above). In practice, interrogative utterances featuring such focalization of the interrogative constituent do not seem to contrast in any significant way from corresponding utterances that do not feature focalization, as in ( 459

Inflection in the Indicative Inflectional Type (ind; slots 4-8)

This and the next two sections give a detailed account of the inflectional morphology of the finite predicative phrase by Inflectional Type, starting with ind (Section 5.3), then going on to imp (5.4), and finishing with sbjv (5.5).

Agglutinative morphology in ind

The "basic"265 morphemes available in the relatively simple inflectional template of ind are listed in An important definitional property of ind is that it requires slot 4 to be filled (slots 5-7, on the other hand, may be left empty). In other words, a predicative phrase inflected in ind must minimally contain a subject index in order to be grammatical. This property is to be contrasted with the obligatory absence of subject index in imp, and the possible absence of subject index in sbjv under specific conditions.

Table 42 further manifests the following contrasts between the inflectional morphology of ind and that of sbjv:

-indexes for third person masculine/neuter/non-salientive, third person feminine, and fourth person subjects are available in slot 4 in ind, while no corresponding indexes are available in slot 4 in sbjv (the encoding of such subject indexes therefore has to rely on less straightforward morphological strategies in sbjv; see Section 5.5, p.442);

-the indexation of a third person salientive subject and that of a fourth person subject are formally identical in ind, while they are distinguished in sbjv;

-the only morpheme available in slot 7 in ind (as well as in imp) always encodes a third person (masculine/neuter/non-salientive) object index, while in sbjv the morphemes available in slot 7 may index either a third person (masculine/neuter/non-salientive/feminine) subject index or a third person (masculine/neuter/non-salientive) object index;

-slot 8 is not available in the inflectional template of ind (as well as in that of imp), while it is available in that of sbjv.

Part of the morphemes in Table 42 may be combined in a simple, concatenative fashion. Thus, the combination of the inflectional morphemes /cha=/ '1sg.sbj' + /rü =/ 'pcrü ' straightforwardly yields the phonological form /cha= rü =/, as in /cha=rü =ngü / 'I rest'. Likewise, the combination of /ku=/ '2sg.sbj' + /ya=/ 'am' + /rü =/ 'pcrü ' straightforwardly yields /ku=ya=rü =/, as in /ku=ya=rü =ngü / 'you (sg.) go and rest'. These fully predictable, concatenative morphological combinations require no further comment.

However, an important number of potential combinations of the morphemes featured in Table 42 are strongly dispreferred or plainly ungrammatical, with synchronically unanalyzable, fusional morphemes being used in their stead. These fusional morphemes are dealt with in Sections 5.3.2 through 5.3.4.

Also, the encoding of associated motion within a predicative phrase initially belonging to the predicative classes pci ̄or pci ̀has the unpredictable effect of reassigning these predicative phrases to pcrü . The same observation could be expressed differently by saying that the combination of the associated motion marker /ya=/ with the predicative class markers /i ̄=/ and /i ̀=/ is morphologically ungrammatical, with different, unpredictable combinations of morphemes being used instead of the expected combinations. This issue is discussed in Section 5.3.5.

For exhaustive charts of the inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase in ind, see Charts A-D in Section 5.6, pp.449-450.

Fusional morphemes encoding subject index and predicative class (slots 4+6)

In the specific situation where a subject index from slot 4 should immediately precede (i.e. with no intervening morpheme /ya=/ 'am' in slot 5) the predicative class markers /i ̄=/ 'pci ' or /i ̀=/ 'pci ' from slot 6, a phonological reduction of the vowel of the subject index regularly occurs (either deletion or assimilation to the vowel quality of the following /i ̄=/ or /i ̀=/). This phonological reduction yields fusional morphemes that simultaneously encode the value of subject index (a parameter belonging to slot 4) and the value of predicative class (a parameter belonging to slot 6). A list of these fusional morphemes, contrasted with their expected concatenative forms, is given in Table 43. To contextualize the use of these morphemes within the whole inflectional paradigm of ind, see p.449, Chart A (columns pci ̄and pci ).

4=6= 4+6= 4=6= 4+6= sbj=pci = sbj.pci = sbj=pci = sbj.pci = 1sg (cha=i ̄=) chi ̄= (cha=i ̀=) chi ̄i ̀= 1pl ku=i ̄= ki ̄= ku=i ̀= ki ̄i ̀= 2sg (ta=i ̄=) ti ̄= (ta=i ̀=) ti ̄i ̀= 2pl (pe=i ̄=) > pi ̄= (pe=i ̀=) > pi ̄i ̀= 3f *i ̄=i ̄= i ̄ya= *i ̄=i ̀= i ̄ya= 3m/n/ns (na=i ̄=) ni ́i ̄= (na=i ̀=) ni ́i ̀= 3s (ta=i ̄=) ti ́i ̄= (ta=i ̀=) ti ́i ̀= 4 (ta=i ̄=) ti ́i ̄= (ta=i ̀=) ti ́i ̀=
Table 43. Fusional morphemes encoding both subject index and predicative class pci ̄or pci ̀in ind, contrasted with their expected (but either rarely attested or ungrammatical) concatenative forms Thus, for instance, the combination of the inflectional values of /cha=/ '1sg.sbj' and /i ̄=/ 'pci ' is not normally realized as a concatenative /cha=i ̄=/. The vowel of the subject index /cha=/ is indeed regularly deleted when immediately preceding the predicative class marker /i ̄=/, yielding the fusional morpheme /chi ̄=/ '1sg.sbj.pci ' instead of /cha=i ̄=/. 266 Similarly, the combination of the inflectional values of /cha=/ '1sg.sbj' and /i ̀=/ 'pci ' is not normally realized as a concatenative /cha=i ̀=/. Indeed, the vowel of the subject index /cha=/ regularly undergoes progressive vowel quality assimilation when immediately preceding the predicative class marker /i ̀=/, yielding the fusional morpheme /chi ̄i ̀=/ '1sg.sbj.pci ' instead of /cha=i ̀=/.

Additionally, via a different process rather comparable to dissimilation (as opposed to the assimilation processes previously discussed), the combination of the inflectional values of /i ̄=/ '3f.sbj' (slot 4) and /i ̄=/ 'pci ' (slot 6) yields the fusional, fully irregular form /i ̄ya=/ '3f.sbj.pci ' instead of a concatenative */i ̄=i ̄=/. Likewise, the combination of the inflectional values of /i ̄=/ '3f.sbj' (slot 4) and /i ̀=/ 'pci ' (slot 6) yields the fully irregular form /i ̄ya=/ '3f.sbj.pci ' instead of 5. Inflection of the predicative phrase a concatenative */i ̄=i ̀=/. Note that in the specific case where /i ̄ya=/ '3f.sbj.pci ' is combined with the high-frequency verb root i ̃'to be', it virtually always takes an irregular phonological form /i ̄yi ̀=/ (or even /i ̄yi ̰=/, with a vowel /i/ presumably resulting from assimilation with the quality of the nucleus /i/ of i ), yielding the predicative phrase /i ̄yi ̀=i ̃/ (3f.sbj.pci =be) 'she is' (but see example ( 226) for an instance of the expected combinatorial form /i ̄ya=i ̃/). 267 Note that, although most of the expected concatenative combinations of the subject indexes from slot 4 with the predicative class markers /i ̄=/ 'pci ' and /i ̀=/ 'pci ' (such as /cha=i ̄=/ and /cha=i ̀=/ instead of the regular forms /chi ̄=/ and /chi ̄i ̀=/ respectively) are on the verge of extinction and virtually inexistent in the speech of younger speakers, they are still remembered, and may still occasionally be heard in the speech of middle-aged to older speakers. This is why they are not reported as unattested or ungrammatical in Table 43, but enclosed in parentheses instead. The two concatenative combinations /ku=i ̄=/ '2sg.sbj=pci =' and /ku=i ̀=/ '2sg.sbj=pci =' are even exceptional in that, although they certainly are a rare alternative to the regular forms /ki ̄=/ and /ki ̄i ̀=/ respectively, their occurrences are not marginal, even in the speech of younger speakers. In fact, among the forms recorded in Table 43, only the concatenative combinations */i ̄=i ̄=/ '3f.sbj=pci =' (instead of /i ̄ya=/) and */i ̄=i ̀=/ '3f.sbj=pci =' (instead of /i ̄ya=/) are plainly ungrammatical.

Fusional morpheme encoding associated motion and third person masculine/neuter/non-salientive object index (slots 5+7)

The combination of the associated motion marker /ya=/ from slot 5 with the third person masculine/neuter/non-salientive (core) object index /na=/ from slot 7, which would yield an expected form */ya=na=/ 'am=3m/n/ns.obj=', is ungrammatical. A fusional morpheme /ya=/ 'am.3m/n/ns.obj' (homonymous with the non-fusional associated motion marker /ya=/ 'am') is used instead. To contextualize the use of this morpheme within the whole inflectional paradigm of ind, see p.450, Chart D (column pcØ). For related cases of incompatibility between /ya=/ 'am' and a following third person masculine/neuter/non-salientive index, see Section 5.5, p.442. Thus, for instance, an expected concatenative combination such as */cha=ya= na=ngo̰ / (1sg.sbj=am=3m/n/ns.obj=eat) 'I go and eat it' will instead be realized as /cha=ya=ngo̰ / (1sg.sbj=am.3m/n/ns.obj=eat).

The same observation could be expressed differently by saying that the morpheme /na=/ '3m/n/ns.obj' is unavailable after /ya=/ 'am', although a third person masculine/neuter/non-salientive object index may be contextually understood in an inflected predicative phrase containing /ya=/ 'am'. Interestingly, however, the fusional morpheme /na=/ 'pcrü .3m/n/ns.obj', which is homonymous with /na=/ '3m/n/ns.obj' and functionally related to it (see Section 5.3.4 below), is for its part available after /ya=/ 'am', yielding the regular concatenative combination /ya=na=/ 'am=pcrü .3m/n/ns.obj=' (as in /cha=ya=na=ngü -'e'e/ (1sg.sbj=am=pcrü .3m/n/ns.obj=rest-caus) 'I go and make it rest'). This observation points towards the apparent uncombinability of /ya=/ 'am' with /na=/ '3m/n/ns.obj' in today's smat being more likely the accidental result of a superficial diachronic evolution, rather than the effect of a systemic constraint against the simultaneous explicit encoding of associated motion and a third person masculine/ neuter/non-salientive object index.

Fusional morphemes encoding predicative class and third person masculine/neuter/non-salientive object index (slots 6+7)

The concatenative combination of the predicative class markers /i ̄=/ 'pci ', /i ̀=/ 'pci ', /rü =/ 'pcrü ', and /na=/ 'pcna' from slot 6 with the third person masculine/neuter/non-salientive (core) object index /na=/ from slot 7 is ungrammatical. Fusional morphemes simultaneously encoding both of these categories are used instead. These are listed in Table 44, where they are contrasted to the expected, but ungrammatical, outcomes of the corresponding concatenative combinations. To contextualize the use of these morphemes within the whole inflectional Thus, for instance, an expected concatenative combination involving a pci ̄predicative phrase such as */cha=i ̄=na=ya'u/ (1sg.sbj=pci =3m/n/ns.obj=seize) 'I seize it' will instead be realized as /cha=ya=ya'u/ (1sg.sbj= pci .3m/n/ns.obj=seize).

I tentatively hypothesize that the fusional morphemes /ya=/, /ya=/, /na=/, and /na=/ under discussion in this section in fact arose as phonological reductions of formerly regular and concatenative combinations of the predicative class markers /i ̄=/, /i ̀=/, /rü =/, and /na=/ with a morphological element whose phonological shape could be reconstructed as */a/. 268 This */a/ element would have been the exponent of a third person masculine/neuter/non-salientive index. This hypothesis practically assumes the following phonologically plausible, although not unproblematic, evolutions:

-i ̄+ *ã> yai ̀+ *ã> yarü ̄+ *ã> na-nà+ *ã> naǸ ote that this hypothesis further prompts to assume that the "basic" third person masculine/neuter/non-salientive object index marker /na=/, which is in prac-5.3. Inflection in the Indicative Inflectional Type (slots 4-8) tice only available in the apparent absence of an explicit predicative class marker (i.e. only available in association with a predicative phrase in predicative class pcØ), is probably not the direct reflex in today's smat of the hypothesized element */a/. A direct phonological development */a/ > /na=/ is unlikely. The "basic" /na=/ is in fact more likely to have arisen through analogy between the inflectional paradigm of predicative phrases belonging to pcØ and the inflectional paradigm of other predicative classes. It might specifically have emerged as an extension into pcØ's morphology of the pcrü ̄fusional morpheme /na=/ 'pcrü .3m/n/ns.obj' (< /rü / + */a/, according to the hypothesis just put forward). Interestingly, a parallel analogical borrowing from the inflectional paradigm of a predicative class other than pcØ into pcØ can be assumed to have been at the origin of at least two other inflectional morphemes, namely /na=/ 'pcø.imp' (see Section 5.4) and /i ̀=/ 'pcø.sbjv ' (5.5, p.445).

If correct, this */a/-hypothesis would notably have the diachronically significant consequence of suggesting a former identity between the hypothetical third person index */a/ (slot 7) preposed to the inflected predicative phrase on the one hand, and the third person index morpheme /-a/ '3m/n/ns.obj' (slot 8) postposed to the inflected predicative phrase on the other hand (on /-a/, see Section 5.5, p.444). This conjecture might one day prove suggestive as to the formation of the current inflectional system of the Tikuna predicative phrase.

Reassignment of pci ̄and pci ̀predicative phrases to pcrü ̄caused by the introduction of associated motion

Introducing the encoding of associated motion within an inflected predicative phrase belonging to predicative classes pci ̄or pci ̀has the apparent automatic effect of reassigning these predicative phrases to the predicative class pcrü .

In practice, combinations of /ya=/ 'am' with the predicative class markers /i ̄=/ or /i ̀=/ are ungrammatical. The combination /ya=rü =/, featuring the pcrü ̄marker /rü =/, is used instead. Combinations of /ya=/ 'am' with the fusional morphemes /ya=/ and /ya=/ simultaneously encoding predicative classes pci ̄or pci ̀and a third person masculine/neuter/non-salientive (core) object index (see Section 5.3.4) are equally ungrammatical. The combination /ya=na=/, fea-turing the fusional morpheme /na=/ simultaneously encoding pcrü ̄and a third person masculine/neuter/non-salientive object index, is used instead. To contextualize this phenomenon within the whole inflectional paradigm of ind, see p.450, Charts C-D (columns pci ̄and pci ).

Contrast for instance the inflected predicative phrase /chi ̄=de'a/ (1sg.sbj.pci = speak) 'I speak' (< /cha=i ̄=de'a/ '1sg.sbj=pci =speak'; see Section 5.3.2) with /cha=ya=rü =de'a/ ('1sg.sbj=am=pcrü =speak) 'I go and speak'. The lexical predicative class pci ̄of the verb de'à'to speak' is faithfully encoded in the former, while it apparently shifts to pcrü ̄in the latter, after the introduction of /ya=/ 'am'. This phenomenon might properly deserve identification as a case of grammatical reassignment, whereby a predicative phrase would change predicative class for possibly semantic reasons. Note, however, that it can be alternatively analyzed as a non-semantically-motivated strategy that allows to avoid phonologically dispreferred combinations such as */ya=i ̄=/ or */ya=ya=/. Under this scenario, the morphemes /rü =/ and /na=/, which originally belong to the inflectional paradigm of pcrü , would have been extended into the inflectional paradigms of pci ̄and pci for phonological reasons, displacing part of the distinctive inflectional morphology of these two predicative classes. My decision to adopt the first of these two analyses in this grammatical description is mainly based on practical reasons.

Note that the uncombinability discussed in this section might also affect pcna, with the possible effect of forcing the use of /ya=rü =/ 'am=pcrü =' and /ya= na=/ 'am=pcrü .3m/n/ns.obj=' instead of the expected combinations ? /ya= na=/ 'am=pcna=' and ? /ya=na=/ 'am=pcna.3m/n/ns.obj=', respectively. My data do not allow me to settle this question.

Inflection in the Imperative Inflectional Type (imp; slots 4-8)

The "basic" morphemes available in the relatively simple inflectional template of imp are listed in Table 45.

For the most part, the inflectional template of imp is identical to that of ind (on ind, see Section 5.3). Note in particular that the several non-concatenative morphological peculiarities of ind (caused by uncombinabilities between certain morphemes) discussed in Sections 5.3.3 through 5.3.5 above also apply in imp. Importantly, however, while a definitional property of ind is that it requires slot 4 to be filled (i.e. a subject index to be present), the inflectional template of imp, by contrast, features no slot 4 (and, consequently, does not allow the presence of a subject index).

Inflection in the

Another, minor peculiarity proper to the inflectional template of imp (as opposed to both ind and sbjv) is the filler pcØ marker /na=/ (slot 6). In the simultaneous absence of encoding of associated motion and of a third person masculine/ neuter/non-salientive (core) object index (i.e. when both slots 5 and 7 are left empty), a predicative phrase belonging to pcØ such as pé'sleep' would be expected to yield the imp form */(Ø=)pe/ 'sleep!', devoid of any inflectional material. This expected form is ungrammatical. A morpheme /na=/, which I gloss as 'pcø.imp', is used in this particular context to fill the absence of predicative class marker for pcØ, in this case yielding the correct form /na=pe/ 'sleep!'. To contextualize the use of this morpheme within the whole inflectional paradigm of imp, see p.451, Chart E (column pcØ).

The use of this morpheme /na=/ 'pcø.imp' can be interpreted as an ad hoc strategy that allows for the regularization of an inflectional form that would otherwise have been the only one to be devoid of any morphological marking (on /i ̀=/, a functionally analogical filler pcØ marker used in sbjv, see Section 5.5, p.445). The specific form of this morpheme might have resulted from an extension into the inflectional template of pcØ of the regular predicative class marker /na=/ of pcna.269

Inflection of the predicative phrase

For more aspects opposing the inflectional template of imp (and ind) to that of sbjv, see Section 5.3.1.

For exhaustive charts of the inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase in imp, see Charts E-H in Section 5.6, p.451.

Inflection in the Subjunctive Inflectional Type (sbjv; slots 4-8)

The inflectional morphology of the finite predicative phrase in sbjv is generally more intricate than that of the finite predicative phrase in ind or imp. For a good understanding of this section, the reader is invited to first explore Charts J-M in the next section on pp.452-453, or minimally to have these charts at hand while reading this section. The following paragraphs, rather than a full description of the paradigms displayed in these charts, are conceived as a functionallyoriented itinerary through them intended to give a sense of how the inflectional morphology in sbjv generally works, and how it differs from the inflectional morphology in ind and imp. A complete description of the details of the inflectional morphology in sbjv could, in practice, hardly do any better than a mere chart. Importantly, note that part of the examples provided in this section are highly artificial (mostly because they involve, for the sake of simplicity, predicative phrases in bare sbjv, which is in practice of much more limited use that sbjv-'ü ; see Section 5.2). These examples are, nonetheless, representative of the complex morphological phenomena under discussion, which they are only meant to illustrate in as straightforward a manner as possible.

As a first approximation, one may analyze the combinations of inflectional proclitics that occur in sbjv as derived from those that occur in ind through the imposition of a toneme / 1 / on one-and only one-of the proclitics that constitute these combinations (specifically on the proclitic occurring in slot 4 whenever one is present in this slot, and otherwise on the last-or single-proclitic in the chain of proclitics). As for the proclitics that are not imposed sbjv's toneme / 1 / in these combinations, they appear exactly as they would in ind. Additionally, a predicative phrase inflected in sbjv is typically characterized by tonological al-ternations that affect the lexical toneme of its last syllable (on Pattern 1 morphotonological alternations, which are not addressed in detail in the present section, see Section 2.6.2.1). In most cases, the essential exponents of sbjv (which distinguish it from ind) can thus be said to be of a morphotonological nature.

Contrast, for instance, the predicative phrase in ind /cha=pe/ (1sg.sbj=sleep) 'I slept' with the corresponding predicative phrase in sbjv /cha=pe/ (1sg.sbj\sbjv=sleep\sbjv) '(that) I slept'. The latter differs from the former in that its (single) inflectional proclitic /cha=/ features an imposed toneme / 1 / instead of the original toneme / 3 / of the corresponding first person subject index in ind /cha=/. Additionally, the lexical toneme / 43 / of the single syllable of the verb root pé'to sleep', which is realized as is in the predicative phrase in ind, undergoes a tonological alternation that turns it into / 31 / in the corresponding predicative phrase in sbjv. Contrast, likewise, the ind predicative phrase /ta=na=ngo̰ -kutü / (3s.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=bite-foot) 'it bit him in the foot' with the corresponding sbjv predicative phrase /ta=na=ngo̰ -kutü / (3s.sbj\sbjv=3m/n/ns.obj=bite-foot\sbjv) '(that) it bit him in the foot'. Again, the latter differs from the former in that one of its inflectional proclitics, in this case /ta=/ '3s.sbj\sbjv', features an imposed toneme / 1 / instead of the original toneme / 4 / that the corresponding proclitic features in ind (/ta/= '3s.sbj'). Additionally, the lexical toneme / 3 / of the last syllable of the predicative phrase /ngo̰ -kutü / 'to bite someone's foot', which is realized as is when the predicative phrase is inflected in ind, undergoes a tonological alternation that turns it into / 1 / when the same predicative phrase is inflected in sbjv.

Simpler case 1: subject indexation in slot 4 is available (first four rows and seventh row in Charts J-M on pp.452-453). In the two examples just discussed, the proclitic that is imposed the toneme / 1 / characteristic of sbjv belongs to slot 4 of the inflectional template of the predicative phrase, as is by default the case in the more straightforward cases of inflection in sbjv. The combinations of proclitics that obtain in these cases are easily described, as all they involve is essentially a tonological shift in the proclitic occurring in slot 4 with respect to the corresponding combinations in ind. The only complication that occurs in these comparatively simple cases is that two of the subject proclitics that belong in slot 4 retain their original toneme / 3 / when "imposed" sbjv's toneme / 1 / (specifically /ta=/ '1pl.sbj' and /pe=/ '2pl.sbj', which occur as /ta=/ '1pl.sbj.sbjv' and /pe=/ '2pl.sbj.sbjv' under the effect of sbjv). When a predicative phrase in sbjv features one of these two proclitics in slot 4, only the morphotonological alter-

4=6= 4+6= 4=6= 4+6= sbj=pci = sbj.pci = sbj=pci = sbj.pci = 1sg ? cha=i ̄= chi ̄= ? cha=i ̀= chi ̀= 1pl ku=i ̄= ki ̄= ku=i ̀= ki ̀= 2sg ? ta=i ̄= > ti ̄= ? ta=i ̀= > ti ̄i ̀= 2pl ? pe=i ̄= pi ̄= ? pe=i ̀= pi ̄i ̀= 3s ? ta=i ̄= ti ̄= ? ta=i ̀= ti ̀=
Table 46. Fusional morphemes encoding both subject index (in slot 4) and predicative class pci ̄or pci ̀in sbjv, contrasted with their expected (but rarely attested or unattested) concatenative forms nations that affect the last syllable of the predicative phrase remain as unambiguous phonological exponents of the predicative phrase's Inflectional Type. Contrast, for instance, the ind predicative phrase /ta=na=fe/ (1pl.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=shoot) 'we shot it' with its corresponding sbjv form /ta=na=f'e/ (1pl.sbj(.sbjv)= 3m/n/ns.obj=shoot\sbjv) 'we killed it'. In practice, the latter only differs from the former by the effect of sbjv's morphotonological alternations affecting the last (and in this case, single) syllable of the predicative phrase (in this case, fèwith / 21 / in ind turns into f'ĕwith / CM / in sbjv).

Note that, in sbjv just like in ind (see Section 5.3.2), in cases where a subject index in slot 4 should immediately precede (i.e. with no intervening morpheme /ya=/ 'am' in slot 5) the predicative class markers /i ̄=/ 'pci ' or /i ̀=/ 'pci ' from slot 6, a phonological reduction of the vowel of the subject index regularly occurs (see columns pci ̄and pci ̀in Chart J on p.452). Because in most cases the resulting morphemes arise from the fusion of a morpheme in slot 4 that features sbjv's imposed toneme / 1 /, instead of featuring its lexical toneme as in ind, these resulting morphemes are slightly different from the 4+6 fusional morphemes occurring in ind. Table 46 provides a list of the 4+6 fusional morphemes as they occur in sbjv (this table is to be contrasted with Table 43 above, on which it is modeled).

Simpler case 2: a third person subject is expressed as a NP (last row in Charts J-M on pp.452-453). An additional, easily described complication occurs in sbjv in cases where a third person subject argument is expressed as a clause-internal syntactically independent NP that precedes the predicative phrase. In such contexts, a predicative phrase inflected in ind maintains its indexation of the subject argument in slot 4.270 By contrast, a predicative phrase inflected in sbjv does not, in such contexts, feature any indexation of the subject argument in slot 4. As a consequence, the toneme / 1 / characteristic of sbjv cannot be imposed to a proclitic belonging in slot 4 (in the absence of any such morpheme). In this situation, sbjv's toneme / 1 / is simply not realized, and the combinations of proclitics that obtain are identical to those found in ind, except that they lack any material in slot 4 (note that in practice, this makes the combinations of proclitics that occur in sbjv in this specific situation identical for the most part to those found in imp, which are likewise mostly identical to those found in ind except that they lack any material in slot 4; see the preceding section). The morphotonological alternations that affect the last syllable of the predicative phrase in sbjv maintain, for their part, their usual effect. Contrast, for instance, the clause in ind /Juan na=pe/ (John 3m/n/ns.sbj=sleep) 'John slept' with the corresponding clause in sbjv /Juan pe/ (John sleep\sbjv) '(that) John slept'. While the predicative phrase in the former clause obligatorily indexes the subject argument already expressed as a NP preceding it, no such indexation occurs within the predicative phrase of the latter clause. The predicative phrase in sbjv additionally features the effect of sbjv's morphotonological alternations (with péin ind → pêin sbjv). Contrast, likewise, the clause in ind /Juan na=ya=ma̰ / (John 3m/n/ns.sbj=pci .3m/n/ns.obj=kill.sg) 'John killed it' with the corresponding clause in sbjv /Juan ya=ma/ (John pci .3m/n/ns.obj=kill.sg\sbjv) '(that) John killed it'.

Much more intricate complications occur in sbjv in cases where a third person feminine/masculine/neuter/non-salientive (f/m/n/ns) subject argument (not expressed within the clause as a NP preceding the predicative phrase) or a fourth person argument are to be indexed on the predicative phrase. These complications arise from the fact that slot 4 in sbjv does not feature indexes for such subjects (while it does feature indexes for them in ind). The indexation of such subjects therefore has to operate via other strategies than straightforward encoding in slot 4.271

Inflection of the predicative phrase

The strategies employed for indexing a third person f/m/n/ns subject in sbjv differ from those employed for encoding a fourth person subject.

Complex case 1: indexation of a third person subject in slot 7 (fifth and sixth rows in Charts J-M on pp.452-453). Third person f/m/n/ns subjects in sbjv are encoded in slot 7, i.e. in the slot dedicated to the encoding of third person m/n/ns (core) objects in ind, and their exponents are segmentally (but not always tonologically) identical to those that encode third person m/n/ns objects in ind. 272 In other words, the morphological material occurring in slot 7 in ind, although it happens to only serve for the encoding of third person m/n/ns object indexes in ind (given that subjects are always indexed in slot 4 in ind), 273 essentially encodes a third person f/m/n/ns index, whether subject or object, which is why the exact same material is found to occur in sbjv for the encoding of third person f/m/n/ns subject indexes. Portmanteau proclitics in sbjv that simultaneously encode a third person f/m/n/ns subject index in slot 7 together with features from slots 5 (associated motion) or 6 (predicative class) are likewise segmentally (but not always tonologically) identical to those that simultaneously encode in ind a third person m/n/ns object index in slot 7 together with features from slots 5 or 6. The reason why all these morphemes encoding a f/m/n/ns subregular but more opaque /na6 +7 =ngü -gü -'ü / [pcrü .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=rest-pl\sbjv-sub] 'they rested' (subscript numbers in these forms correspond to the slots filled by the respective morphemes; for an instance of this phenomenon in context, see (T109)). I take such analogical forms as an indication that the system of encoding of third person f/m/n/ns subject indexes in sbjv proves opaque to speakers themselves, to the point of prompting unconscious "repairs" from them. ject index in slot 7 (potentially along with other features from slots 5 or 6) in sbjv are not always tonologically identical (although they are segmentally) with those that encode a m/n/ns object index in slot 7 (again, potentially along with other features) in ind, is that they undergo the imposition of sbjv's characteristic toneme / 1 / in cases where the third person subject index being encoded corresponds to a m/n/ns participant (by contrast with a f participant). However, sbjv's toneme / 1 / is not imposed to these morphemes in cases where the third person subject index being encoded corresponds to a f participant, which is how a third person m/n/ns subject index may be distinguished from a third person f subject index.

Examples (503-505) illustrate what was just said in the preceding paragraph (the subscript numbers to the right of the morphemes in these examples correspond to the slots of the inflectional template of the predicative phrase that the respective morphemes fill). Example (503) shows that the same form /na=/ in slot 7 that serves for the encoding of a third person m/n/ns object in ind (as in (503a), where it is glossed as '3m/n/ns.obj') may serve in sbjv for the encoding of a third person f subject, with no tonological modification (as in (503b), where it is glossed as '3f.sbj.sbjv'). The same morpheme, if affected by sbjv's toneme imposition of / 1 /, may serve in sbjv for the encoding of a third person m/n/ns subject (as in (503c), where it is glossed as '3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv'). 504) similarly shows that the same form /ya=/ in slots 5+7 that contributes the encoding of a third person m/n/ns object in ind (as in (504a), where it is glossed as 'am.3m/n/ns.obj') may contribute in sbjv the encoding of a third person f/m/n/ns subject (as in (504b), where it is glossed as 'am.3f/m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv'). Note that in this case, by contrast with the case just discussed in the preceding example, because the form /ya=/ already features a lexical toneme / 1 /, the encodings of a third person f vs a third person m/n/ns subject index cannot be distinguished 5. Inflection of the predicative phrase by the imposition of sbjv's toneme / 1 / for the encoding of the latter.

(504) a. cha4=ya5 +7 =ngo̰ 1sg.sbj=am.3m/n/ns.obj=bite 'I went and bit it' b. ya5 +7 =peâ m.3f/m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv=sleep\sbjv '(that) she/he slept' Example (505) shows an additional case of the same phenomenon. The form /na=/ in slots 6+7, which contributes the encoding of a third person m/n/ns object in ind (as in (505a)), may contribute in sbjv the encoding of a third person f subject index (as in (505b), where the form's toneme is left unchanged) or a third person m/n/ns subject index (as in (505c), where the form is imposed sbjv's toneme / 1 /). ( 505 Incidentally, the indexation of a f/m/n/ns subject in sbjv, because it occupies slot 7, forces the indexation of third person m/n/ns objects (when present) out of slot 7 (see fifth and sixth rows in Charts K and M on pp.452-453). From a functional perspective, this can be said to be the reason why the inflectional template of the predicative phrase in sbjv features an extra slot 8 (at the right edge of the predicative phrase) compared to the inflectional templates of the predicative phrase in ind or imp. The only function of this extra slot 8 is to encode a third person m/n/ns object index (by means of a suffix /-a/ '3m/n/ns.obj') in cases where slot 7 is already filled by the encoding of a third person f/m/n/ns subject (note that whenever slot 7 is available, however, the indexation of a third person m/n/ns object in sbjv operates, by default, in slot 7). Contrast, for instance, the ind predicative phrase /na4=na7=ngo̰ / (3m/n/ns.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=bite) 'he ate it' with its corresponding sbjv predicative phrase /na7=ngo-a8/ (3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv= bite\sbjv-3m/n/ns.obj) '(that) he ate it'. Because in the sbjv predicative phrase slot 7 is occupied by the indexation of a third person m/n/ns subject, the third person m/n/ns object index encoded in slot 7 in the ind predicative phrase is forced out of it into slot 8 in the sbjv predicative phrase.

Complex case 2: "negative indexation" of a fourth person subject (second-to-last row in Charts J-M on pp.452-453). Fourth person subjects in sbjv can be said to be encoded negatively. It is the absence of any subject marking in slots 4 or 7, combined with the absence of any NP in subject position preceding the predicative phrase, that is interpreted as implying that the predicative phrase has a fourth person subject. Fourth person subjects in sbjv are represented morphologically-so to say-as an absence of subject. When "indexation" of a fourth person subject occurs in sbjv, the last of the proclitics that precede the predicative phrase is systematically imposed sbjv's toneme / 1 / (which may, as in other cases discussed in this section, result in no change if the last proclitic's lexical toneme, i.e. the one it features in ind, is already / 1 /).

Contrast the predicative phrase in ind /ti ́i ̄=de'a-gü / (4sbj.pci =speak-pl) 'we (incl.) spoke' (with /ti ́i ̄=/ < /ta=i ̄=/ '4sbj=pci ='; see Table 43) with the corresponding predicative phrase in sbjv /i ̀=de'a-gü / (pci \sbjv=speak-pl\sbjv) '(that) we (incl.) spoke'. The latter differs from the former in that it completely lacks-from a formal perspective-a subject, and in that its last (and only) proclitic (/i ̀=/ 'pci \sbjv') features sbjv's imposed toneme / 1 / (by contrast with /i ̄=/ 'pci ' in the ind predicative phrase, which features its lexical toneme / 3 /). Contrast, likewise, the predicative phrase in ind /ta=ya=rü =ngü -gü / (4sbj=am=pcrü =restpl) 'we (incl.) went and rested' with the corresponding predicative phrase in sbjv /ya=rü =ngü -gü / (am=pcrü \sbjv=rest-pl\sbjv) '(that) we (incl.) went and rested'. Again, the latter differs from the former in that it completely lacks a subject, and in that the last morpheme in its chain of proclitics (/rü =/ 'pcrü \sbjv') features sbjv's imposed toneme / 1 / (by contrast with /rü =/ 'pcrü ' in the ind predicative phrase, which features its lexical toneme / 3 /). Finally, contrast in the same way the predicative phrase in ind /ta=ya=pe-gü / (4sbj=am=sleep-pl) 'we (incl.) went and slept' with the corresponding predicative phrase in sbjv /ya=pe-gü / (am.sbjv=sleep-pl\sbjv) '(that) we (incl.) went and slept'. Note, in this last example, that the form /ya=/, which already features a lexical toneme / 1 /, remains tonologically unchanged from the ind predicative phrase to the sbjv predicative phrase.

Note, finally, an exception that occurs in pcØ predicative phrases in sbjv with a fourth person subject, in cases where neither associated motion nor a third person m/n/ns object index are encoded within the predicative phrase (see second-to-last row of the first column of Chart J on p.452). Given an ind predicative phrase /ta=pe-gü / (4sbj=sleep-pl) 'we (incl.) slept', one might expect its corresponding sbjv predicative phrase to be */pe-gü /, i.e. to lack any proclitic, as per the principles put forward in the preceding paragraph. In this specific situation, however, and probably so as to avoid the complete lack of inflectional marking in the predicative phrase, an ad hoc pcØ marker /i ̀=/ 'pcø.sbjv' "fills" the lack of proclitics, yielding in this case a sbjv predicative phrase /i ̀=pe-gü / (pcø.sbjv=sleep-pl\sbjv) '(that) we (incl.) slept' (for a similar case of "filler" pcØ marker occurring in the inflectional morphology of imp, see the discussion of /na=/ 'pcø.imp' in Section 5.4). The form of this morpheme might indicate that it represents historically an extension of the regular predicative class markers /i ̄=/ and /i ̀=/ of pci ānd pci ̀respectively (which both acquire the form /i ̀=/ under the effect of sbjv's toneme / 1 / imposition) into the inflectional morphology of pcØ.

Summary: charts of combinations found in slots 4-8 of the inflectional template of the predicative phrase

Below (Charts A-M, pp. 449-453) are exhaustive charts of the morphological combinations found in slots 4-8 of the inflectional template of the predicative phrase. Although these charts should be essentially predictable by application of the morphological rules exposed in Sections 5.3 through 5.5 above, they should usefully provide a fully explicit exposition of the outcomes of these relatively complex morphological rules. Note that slots 1-3 of the inflectional template of the predicative phrase are not considered here as they present no particular morphological difficulties in their combinations both between themselves and with morphemes from slots 4-8 (for a list of the morphemes occurring in slots 1-3, see Table 39, p.393).

The charts in this section are arranged, at a first level, by Inflectional Type. The Indicative Inflectional Type (ind) is exposed in Charts A-D, the Imperative Inflectional Type (imp) in Charts E-H, and the Subjunctive Inflectional Type (sbjv) in Charts J-M. 274 5.6. Inflectional charts (slots 4-8) Within each of these three sections, the charts are, at a second level, arranged according to the combination they correspond to among the four possible combinations of the following two parameters:

-absence vs presence of encoding of associated motion (slot 5) in the inflected predicative phrase ([-am] vs [+am]);

-absence vs presence of indexation of a third person masculine/neuter/ non-salientive (core) object argument (slots 7 or 8) in the inflected predicative phrase ([-3m/n/ns.obj] vs [+3m/n/ns.obj]).

Within each particular chart, forms are arranged horizontally according to the predicative class whose inflectional morphological combinations they illustrate (pcØ, pci , pci , pcrü ; forms belonging to the poorly attested pcnàare not included).

Forms are further arranged vertically according to the particular personnumber-nominal class combination that is encoded by their subject index.

The subject person-number-nominal class combinations 2sg.sbj in imp and 4sbj in sbjv are not-strictly speaking-indexed, which is why they are in parentheses in the corresponding charts. In these two particular cases, it is in fact the absence of a subject exponent in the inflected predicative phrase that guides the interpretation of the person of the subject. The bottom row labeled 'Explicit NP' in Charts J-M refers to the specific situation, only occurring in sbjv, where no subject is indexed in the inflected predicative phrase because the subject is expressed within the clause as an explicit syntactic NP preceding the inflected predicative phrase.

Seven of the eight predicative phrases used here for illustration (in light grey in the charts) are verb roots. These are the intransitive verb roots pé'to sleep' (lexically a pcØ verb root), de'à'to speak' (lexically pci ), yu'u 'to jump' (a verb root often encountered inflected in pci , although it belongs lexically to pcØ), and ngü ̀'to rest' (lexically pcrü ), and the transitive verb roots ngo̰ 'to eat' (lexically pcØ), ya'u 'to seize' (lexically pci ), and ma̰ 'to kill (sg.)' (lexically pci ). The eighth predicative phrase used in the charts, the transitive predicative phrase /ngü -'e'e/ 'to make rest' (lexically pcrü ), is derived from ngü ̀'to rest' (lexically pcrü ) by means of the causative suffix /-'e'e/ 'caus', which has no effect on the predicative class of Charts E-H correspond to forms in bare sbjv-i.e. not sbjv-'ü -that are further not associated with relativizers nor /-'gu̽ / 'circ'. Under certain circumstances, the exact tonological outcomes of the predicative phrases themselves may be different in sbjv forms associated with relativizers, /-'gu̽ /, or /-'ü / 'sub' (see Section 2.6.2.1).

Inflection of the predicative phrase

the predicative phrase it is attached to. 275 Importantly, the fact that only intransitive predicative phrases ('sleep, speak, jump, rest') are used here to illustrate the inflectional morphology of predicative phrases that do not comprise a third person masculine/neuter/non-salientive (core) object index (i.e. [+3m/n/ns.obj] forms) should not be misunderstood. This convenient selection should not be erroneously taken to mean that only intransitive predicative phrases can be inflected as [-3m/n/ns.obj] forms. Indeed, transitive predicative phrases will be inflected just like intransitive predicative phrases any time their object is not integrated within them as a third person masculine/neuter/ non-salientive object index. Thus, the intransitive predicative phrase /cha=pe/ 'I sleep' (Chart A, column pcØ), for instance, is inflectionally distinct from the transitive one /cha=na=ngo̰ / 'I eat it' (Chart B, column pcØ), but it is no different from the transitive one /cho'ni ̋cha=ngo̰ / 'I eat fish', where the object, a NP in the non-salientive nominal class, is not indexed on the predicative phrase, in this case because it is a syntactically independent NP that precedes the inflected predicative phrase. Although intransitive predicative phrases may only inflect as [-3m/n/ns.obj] forms by definition, transitive predicative phrases may, for their part, inflect as both [-3m/n/ns.obj] and [+3m/n/ns.obj] forms depending on their morphosyntactic context.

A general gloss is provided for each chart in order to give a quick and rough indication of the meaning of the forms it contains.

Indicative Inflectional Type (ind)

Chart

Indexes common to the three Inflectional Types

(ind, imp, and sbjv(-'ü ); slots 1-3)

This section deals with the inflectional proclitics of the predicative phrase whose use and phonological shape are independent from the category of Inflectional Type, i.e. are identical in the three Inflectional Types. These proclitics belong to slots 1 to 3 of the inflectional template of the predicative phrase. For a synoptic presentation of their paradigms, see Table 39, p.393. Section 5.7.1 discusses the proclitics that serve as indexes for participants with a benefactive(-malefactive) and accusative syntactic function (slots 1 and 2 of the inflectional template of the predicative phrase, respectively). The proclitics that serve as indexes for participants with a locative and partitive object syntactic function (which I hypothesize to occupy the same slot, specifically slot 3) are the topic of Section 5.7.1.

Indexes for benefactive-malefactive and accusative participants (slots 1-2)

The benefactive(-malefactive) and accusative indexes in slots 1 and 2 of the inflectional template of the predicative phrase (see Table 39, p.393) stand pronominally for participants which, if they were expressed as full NPs, would bear the benefactive and accusative case-marking suffixes /-(a)'ü / and /-'ü /, respectively. Compare, for instance, example (506), where the participant referring to the recipient of a payment, being expressed as a NP, receives the benefactive suffix /-'ü / (/maestro-'ü / [expert-ben] 'to a professional'), with (507), where the recipient participant is encoded as a mere pronominal index procliticized to the predicative phrase (/cha=/ '1sg.ben'):

(506) O a vece gá ì-dīẽ rùã̰ gú i ̀dīẽ rùmá'a maestro'ü ̃nà-ü tànǖ'ü . Restoring an independent pronoun instead of a benefactive or accusative index may occur as a strategy allowing for the insertion of an enclitic (especially one that typically behaves as a second-position clitic) between the pronoun and the predicative phrase. In the following example, the future enclitic /=ta/, which usually behaves as a second-position clitic, is inserted right after the expression of a second person singular accusative participant by means of an independent pronoun (/kû-'ü / '2sg-acc'), and in front of the predicative phrase: However, the restoration of an independent pronoun is not obligatory for enclitic insertion, and in practice remains infrequent (although it might have been obligatory at a former stage of the language when independent pronouns in the benefactive and the accusative were just starting to evolve into proclitics). Contrast example (509) above, where /=ta/ 'fut' intervenes between the expression of the accusative participant and the predicative phrase, with the following example, where the same enclitic comes after the whole predicative phrase regardless of the fact that the latter bears an accusative index (/nü =/ '3m/n/ns.acc'):

(510) "Kǘ <chàu'rü 'ü ̃tá...> chàu'rü 'ü ̃tá... nǖkù-ü 'ü ̃tá i ̀ngēmànǖchà-ü 'ü !" kǘ=<chàu-'rü 'ü =tá...> 5.7. Indexes common to the three Inflectional Types

Using an independent pronoun in the accusative instead of an accusative index seems to be obligatory in a single context, specifically when the corresponding participant is a complement of the deictic verb. This morphologically irregular verb is never procliticized with the accusative indexes (see Section 6.2.1). Thus, the third person salientive independent pronoun in the accusative (/tü -'ü / '3s-acc') in the following example cannot be replaced by its corresponding index (a form such as */tü =ña-'ü / [3s.acc=do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub] for 'he told him' is unattested in my data and in all likelihood ungrammatical): In cases where both a benefactive participant and an accusative participant are to be referred to pronominally within the same clause, only the accusative one may be encoded as an index procliticized to the predicative phrase. The benefactive one is then obligatorily expressed as an independent pronoun (for instances of this situation, see examples ( 153), (T69), and (T70)). In other words, slots 1 and 2 of the inflectional template of the predicative phrase cannot be filled simultaneously. I treat them as separate slots, instead of considering that they belong to a single paradigm of which only one element can be present within a given inflected predicative phrase, because the benefactive and accusative series of indexes are not interchangeable in the situation just discussed. That is, when both a benefactive and an accusative participants are referred to pronominally within a single clause, it is not possible to express first the accusative one as an independent pronoun and next the benefactive one as an index. Benefactive and accusative pronominal markers have to occur in this order, with the consequence that only the benefactive one, being more peripheral than the accusative one relative to the predicative phrase, can be "expelled" out of the inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase when needed.

The first person singular benefactive and accusative indexes display two interspeaker variants each, specifically /cha=∼cho=/ (ben) and /cha=∼cho=/ (acc). The /a/-variants /cha=/ and /cha=/ are logically (given the origin of the benefactive and accusative indexes as phonological reductions of the independent 5. Inflection of the predicative phrase pronouns in the benefactive and the accusative) used by those speakers who use the /a/-variant of the first person singular pronominal root in cases where it bears the benefactive or accusative suffixes (/cha-'ü / '1sg-ben', /cha-'ü / '1sg-acc'). Conversely, the /o/-variants /cho=/ and /cho=/ are used by those speakers who use the /o/-variant of the first person singular pronominal root in combination with the benefactive or accusative suffixes (/cho-'ü / '1sg-ben', /cho-'ü / '1sg-acc'). On the /a/ and /o/ variants of the first person singular pronominal root in combination with the benefactive and accusative suffixes, see Section 3.3.4.

Note that morphological sequences involving an accusative index followed by the areal locative index /i ̋=/ (on which see next section) are occasionally realized by some speakers exactly like the benefactive index in the corresponding person, which can prove confusing to the analyst. Thus, the morphemes /ku=/ and /tü =/, in examples ( 512) and ( 513) respectively, do not encode a second person singular benefactive and a third person salientive benefactive participants (although they are homonymous with the corresponding benefactive indexes /ku=/ '2sg.ben' and /tü =/ '3s.ben'), but the sequence of a second person singular accusative and a third person salientive accusative participants followed by the areal locative index /i ̋=/:

Third person indexes for locative and partitive object participants (slot 3)

Third person participants with a locative syntactic function may be indexed on the predicative phrase by means of the proclitics /i ̋=/ (areal locative participant), /ne=/nu=/ (areal locative participant corresponding to the source of a centripetal motion), and /i ̀=/ (punctual locative participant?) in slot 3 of the inflectional template of the predicative phrase. These morphemes are discussed in Section 5.7.2.1.

The encoding of third person (core) object participants that are only partitively affected by the process denoted by a transitive predicative phrase involve, under certain conditions, the use of the proclitics /ta=/ (masculine partitive object), /ne=(/nu=?)/ (neuter partitive object), and /ne=/ (non-salientive partitive object) in what I hypothesize to be the same morphosyntactic slot. These morphemes are the topic of Section 5.7.2.2.

The reasons why I tentatively analyze these two subsystems of locative participant indexation and partitive object participant indexation as belonging to the same morphosyntactic slot are because 1) they never co-occur within the same inflected predicative phrase in my data (negative evidence) and 2) they appear to share one morpheme, specifically /ne=/ (and possibly its subdialectal variant /nu=/), which is featured in both subsystems although with different functions (positive but uncertain evidence). This question could probably be easily settled by further research.

Locative indexes

(i) /i ̋=/ '3aloc'. The index /i ̋=/ '3aloc' ordinarily stands for third person areal locative (aloc) participants (i.e. grounds conceived as areas, as opposed to grounds conceived as points) in most contexts (see paragraph (ii) below for one case where an aloc participant is indexed on the predicative phrase by means of /ne=/nu=/, not /i ̋=/). Like aloc participants in general, such indexed participants may refer, in particular, to an areal ground within the boundaries of which the figure remains (areal localization) as in (514), to a source (i.e. an areal ground left by the figure in a motion event) as in (515), or to a goal (i.e. an areal ground reached by the figure in a motion event), as in (516). The index /i ̋=/ '3aloc' may also stand for a dative participant referring to the animate ground of a motion event (lit. 'to/from her/him/them'), although such occurrences are relatively rare. This mostly occurs in association with the verb kà(pcØ), which in the absence of a dative participant means 'to call (over)' (i.e. to request attention or a physical spontaneous motion on the part of an addressee conceived of as a figure themselves), but in the presence of such a participant means 'to ask for (an information or an object)' (i.e. to request the-metaphorical or physical-caused motion of a figure away from an addressee conceived of as a ground). Indexing a dative participant on this verb, in cases where it is intended to mean 'to ask for' but where that dative participant is not expressed as a NP preceding the predicative phrase, is therefore crucial for its correct interpretation. The 5.7. Indexes common to the three Inflectional Types dative participant in example (517a) is expressed as a NP that precedes the predicative phrase (in this case, an independent pronoun, /nü -'na/ [3n/ns-dat] 'from him'). Consequently, the predicative phrase /ta=ka-'ü / (3s.sbj\sbjv=ask\sbjvsub) 'he asked' does not bear any indexation of a dative participant. In (517b), by contrast, which immediately follows the utterance in (517a), the dative participant is further backgrounded by no longer being expressed as a separate NP. As a consequence, the predicative phrase /i ̋=ta=ka/ (3aloc=3s.sbj=ask) 'he asked' must index a dative participant by means of /i ̋=/. In the absence of any marking for a dative participant, the utterance would be interpreted as 'he called luck over (i.e. to come to him)' (for an instance of a construction involving kàin its meaning 'to call (over)', see ( 234)).

(517) a. Nü 'nà tà-kă'ü ̃gá ná'ka̰ gá pŏrá. The areal locative index /i ̋=/ '3aloc' may further stand for a duration complement (lit. 'for it'), although note that such complements, when expressed as NPs, are not usually marked with the areal locative relational noun /-wa/ but left in the zero-case instead (but see (T44) for an instance of such a complement-in this case a relative clause-marked with /-wa/). In example (518), /i ̋=/ in the relative clause /nű-à i ̋=chī=pūrākü -'ü / (prox.aloc-exo 3aloc=1sg.sbj.pci .sbjv= work\sbjv-sub), lit. '[the time] that I've been working here for it', is a resumptive index standing for the pivot, which serves as a duration complement within the relative clause:

nü -'nà

(518) " [...] Apart from its function as an index, /i ̋=/ also frequently serves as a mere progressive aspect marker (expressing an aspectual notion comparable to the one encoded by the English be+-ing construction). This function of /i ̋=/ is very likely to be derived from its function as an index for a duration complement just discussed. Possibly the only difference between contexts where /i ̋=/ serves as an index for a duration complement and contexts where it functions as a progressive marker is that an explicit duration referent is present in the former (e.g. tiempo 'time' in (518)) while no such referent is explicitly identified in the latter. This is why I use the same gloss for /i ̋=/ whether it functions as an index or as an aspect marker. Instances of /i ̋=/ in its function as a progressive marker are featured in the following two examples ((520) is repeated from (324) for convenience; see also (T104)):

(519) Chi ̋… mé'e… yî'emá <bū'…> tü maǹē gá rǖ-ȉ'ràmāè'ègá yo'ni ̋yî'emá ya̰ ri ̋má'a i ̋tà-ĩ ̄nǖkā'ü .

chi ̋=mé'e and=dub yî'e-má (ii) /ne=/nu=/ 'ctrpet.3aloc'. In one particular configuration, areal locative participants are not indexed with /i ̋=/ but with the morpheme /ne=/ nu=/ instead. This happens when the indexed areal locative participant specifically refers to the source of a centripetal motion, as in the relative clause /nů'kǘmá ne=tà=ĩ ̂-gü -'ü / (past.time ctrpet.3aloc=3s.sbj\sbjv=go.pl-pl\sbjv -rel.ns) 'where they came from long ago' in the following example: Note that the index /ne=/nu=/ is employed even when the ground participant it indexes is already expressed as a NP in front of the predicative phrase (which is virtually always the case in practice), as long as that participant is to be interpreted as the source of a centripetal motion, as in examples ( 522) and ( 523). Participants with most other syntactic functions are normally not indexed on the predicative phrase when they are syntactically present as a NP preceding it.

(522) Turista rǜ gű'ü ̃ì nâànèwa̋nűná-ĩ ̂gǘ. In other words, the presence of the index /ne=/nu=/ is what signals that the motion is centripetal, which is why it must remain on the predicative phrase whether it functions as an ordinary index (in the absence of a coreferential NP preceding the predicative phrase) or as a kind of agreement marker (in the presence of a coreferential NP preceding the predicative phrase). In the absence of /ne=/nu=/, the same areal locative participant would be interpreted as the goal of a non-centripetal motion ((522), for instance, would then be interpreted as 'The tourists go everywhere.').

Note that although (521-523) refer to centripetal motions oriented towards the speaker themselves, as is frequently the case, this need not always be the case. Centripetal motions can be conceived of as motions whose path is oriented towards the most activated ground topic, which indeed often, but not always, coincides with the location of the speaker (see (574) for an occurrence of /ne=/nu=/ contributing to the encoding of a centripetal motion not oriented towards the speaker).

The distribution between the variants /ne=/ and /nu=/ is a subdialectal one, with most speakers using the former (lar, jsg, igv, among others) and only a few speakers using the latter (among whom jgs and gsg).

(iii) /i ̀=/ '3ploc'. Although its exact distribution remains unclear, the morpheme /i ̀=/ seems to function essentially as an index standing for a third person punctual locative (ploc) participant, as in the following example: 5.7. Indexes common to the three Inflectional Types

In this example, /i ̀=/ is most likely added to the predicative phrase because the speaker feels that the verb ü ́'to put (sg.)', being a motion verb, and more specifically a non-durative one (on the distinction between durative vs non-durative motion verb roots, see Section 4.2.3), semantically requires a locative complement, and more specifically a ploc one, although there is no need for mentioning any specific locative complement in the context. Note, however, that /i ̀=/ is optional in this utterance (as was confirmed to me by ear, with the help of whom I transcribed the utterance in (524)) and does not contribute any referential meaning. In most of its occurrences, the index /i ̀=/ thus seems to serve, like in (524), as a mere optional filler for a semantically called for but morphosyntactically optional complement position. In my data, such occurrences of /i ̀=/ are especially frequent in association with the verbs tó'to plant' and gũ/yi ̀'to fall (sg./pl.)'.

For unclear reasons, inflected occurrences of the verb gṵ (pcØ/pci ) 'to finish' especially frequently include /i ̀=/ when that verb specifically means 'to reach its end (at a certain point in space or in a discourse performance)'. In co-occurrence with this verb, /i ̀=/ typically remains even in the presence of a ploc NP preceding the predicative phrase (which is not the case with the verbs just mentioned above). This is shown in the following example (contrast, however, example (164), an essentially parallel example that does not involve the co-occurrence of /i ̀=/ with gṵ 'to reach its end'):

(525) Ngĕ'má níì-ĩ ̊i ̀ngēmàìnà-gű'ü ̃ērǘ ná-nû'u. It could be that the presence of /i ̀=/ in finite forms of certain predicative phrases has lexicalized to the point of tending to become obligatory in any context. 277 The morpheme /i ̀=/ is homonymous with a handful of other morphemes in the language, in particular /i ̀=/ 'pcø.sbjv', /i ̀=/ 'pci \sbjv', /i ̀=/ 'pci ', /i ̀=/ 'pci .sbjv', and /i ̀=/ 'lk.ns'. This often seriously complicates its identification, 5. Inflection of the predicative phrase not only to the foreign analyst but possibly also to speakers themselves. This might explain why some speakers occasionally use /i ̋=/ where /i ̀=/ could have been expected, thereby generalizing the use of /i ̋=/ to the indexation of both aloc and ploc participants. Thus, while the locative complement that the verb a̰ u 'to stay' takes is normally a ploc complement, the relative clause /nü -mài ̋=nà=ã ű-'ü / (3n/ns-anaph 3aloc=pcrü .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=stay\sbjv-rel.ns) 'where he is' in example (526), which precisely relativizes a complement of that verb, does not feature the ploc index /i ̀=/ to resumptively stand for the pivot, but the aloc index /i ̋=/ instead:

ngĕ'-má

(

Partitive object indexes

The third person partitive (core) object indexes occur in what I hypothesize to be the same slot as the third person locative participant indexes (for why I hypothesize these two types of indexes to belong to the same slot, see introduction to Section 5.7.2 above). These partitive object indexes are part of an intricate system of encoding of partitively affected third person objects. This grammatical system is of relatively unfrequent use in discourse. Note that due to the limited number of unequivocal instances of its use in my corpus, the analysis of it I present here relies for a large part on elicited utterances and must therefore be considered as tentative.

Masculine partitive objects are indexed on the predicative phrase by means of a proclitic /ne=/, neuter ones by means of /ne=/ (which possibly displays a subdialectal variant /nu=/), and non-salientive ones by means of /ta=/ (whose identification may be complicated by the fact that it is homonymous with several other morphemes in the language, in particular /=ta/ 'add'). As discussed below, feminine and salientive partitive objects, which do not have dedicated indexes, can only be referred to pronominally by means of independent pronouns in the partitive case. Instances of use of /ne=/ '3n.part.obj' and /ta=/ '3ns.part.obj' as ordinary indexes (i.e. elements referring to the participant in the absence of a NP referring to it in front of the predicative phrase) are provided in examples ( 527) and ( 528 The partitive object indexes remain, however, in the presence of a NP that is coreferential with them and precedes the predicative phrase, as shown in example (529). This is most likely because they are the only way to indicate that the object is partitively, and not totally, affected in the process (see Section 5.7.2.1, paragraph (ii) above for the similar case of the index /ne=/nu=/ 'ctrpet.3aloc' remaining in the presence, in front of the predicative phrase, of a NP coreferential with the participant it indexes).

( 530) and ( 531), the encoding of masculine partitive objects is highly anomalous in that it involves the obligatory indexation of the participant on the predicative phrase not only as the index /ne=/ '3m.part.obj', but also, simultaneously, as an ordinary core object index (represented by /na=/ in (530) and /-a/ '3m/n/ns.obj' in ( 531)). This intriguing feature was confirmed during elicitation sessions to be regular. The encoding of feminine and salientive partitive objects involves the use of the independent pronouns bearing the partitive suffix -'ne, i.e. /ngi ̂-'ne/ (3fpart) and /tü -'ne/ (3s-part). Note that the partitive suffix -'nèis only attested in these morphological compounds in my corpus. The partitive object pronouns ngi ̂'nèand tü 'ne, similarly to the partitive object indexes discussed above, may serve either as ordinary pronouns, as in (532), or as a kind of resumptive pronoun that is coreferential with a NP that precedes the predicative phrase, as in (533). In the latter case, the partitive object pronoun is likely maintained because it is the only available strategy for encoding grammatically the fact that the object is partitively, not totally, affected in the process. ( 532 The neuter partitive object index /ne=/ is relatively well attested in a specific kind of intransitive construction where it cannot, by definition, function as an index for a partitive object, but functions instead as what could be characterized as an index for a partitive areal locative participant. In this construction, which always features an areal locative participant referring to a static location or a goal ground (in practice, nű[prox.aloc] 'all around here' or /gu-'ü -wa/ [finish\sbjv-rel.nsaloc] 'everywhere'), /ne=/ explicitly indicates that the process only occurs in or towards most-but not all-subparts of the ground, which is not to be conceived of as an indivisible whole but rather as a set of potentially involved "sub-grounds". Note that in this specific use, the partitive index /ne=/ '3n.part.obj' is also attested under a subdialectal variant /nu=/ (compare the variants /ne=/nu=/ of the areal locative index discussed in Section 5.7.2.1, paragraph (ii) above). Thus, in example (534), the presence of /nu=/ explicitly indicates that the speaker did not literally go everywhere in the region, but to most places in the region, in a spontaneous and cumulative fashion, rather than in an organized and systematic way: Likewise, in (535), the presence of /nu=/ indicates that Peta-Peta did not literally examine all the parts of the body of the Tikuna man, but most of its parts:278 Associated motion in smat belongs to the grammatical categories that are encoded through the inflectional morphology of the finite predicative phrase (it occupies a morphological slot of its own-slot 5-within the inflectional template of the predicative phrase, although its encoding is in practice often merged into portmanteau morphemes together with the encoding of categories belonging in neighboring slots; see Section 5.1). It may consequently only occur in finite predicative phrases. This clearly distinguishes it from the semantically close but separate smat category of "direction" (grammatical encoding of the "path" of a location or a motion), which is encoded by means of derivational suffixes (see Section 4.2.3). The exponent of associated motion is a proclitic morpheme /ya=/, which either encodes associated motion alone, as in example (536), or is a portmanteau morpheme that simultaneously serves as an exponent for associated motion and a third person index and/or the Subjunctive Inflectional Type, as in ( 541 '[Before leaving the household, a woman said to her lover: "If you miss me one day, go look for the Onane282 tree and make it into a canoe!" After days of affliction, the man recalled:] "Oh, that's right, she had told me to go look for the Onane tree!"' [jsg B298] A handful of verbal predicative phrases obligatorily involve the presence of the associated motion marker whenever they are inflected as finite predicative phrases, without necessarily implying, however, any actual motion event. These predicative phrases featuring lexicalized associated motion minimally include ó'to disappear', ta'u 'to get lost', and gü mā'to forget'. While a physical motion of the subject argument could be argued to be implied in example (547) (lit. 'go and be absent'?; compare the pcØ predicative phrase ta'u 'be absent', which does not require associated motion marking), there clearly is none in (548). On the reinterpretation currently taking place in younger speakers of the inflectional paradigm specific to the predicative class pcnàas the inflectional paradigm of the predicative class pcØ involving associated motion, see Section 5.8, p.481. The resulting forms, although they include the associated motion marker, clearly do not imply any actual associated motion. This reinterpretation phenomenon is likely stimulated, or even made possible, by the existence in the language of predicative phrases with lexicalized associated motion marking that does not involve an actual associated motion.

Predicative class assignment (slot 6)

This section discusses the fairly complex lexical, semantic, and morphosyntactic bases for the assignment of predicative phrases to one of the five predicative classes of the language, specifically the unmarked predicative class (pcØ) and the predicative classes in /i ̄=/ (pci ), in /i ̀=/ (pci ), in /rü =/ (pcrü ), and in /na=/ (pcna). For a detailed description of the morphological encoding of the predicative classes, see Sections 5.3-5.5, as well as the charts at the end of Section 5.6. Their respective labels are derived from what can be shown to be their basic morphological exponent, i.e. their only exponent that does not simultaneously encode features unrelated to predicative class (portmanteau morpheme) but only encodes predicative class in a straightforward manner. These basic morphological exponents can be directly observed, in particular, in cases where the subject of a predicative phrase inflected in the Subjunctive Inflectional Type is a syntactic NP (as opposed to a pronominal index) that precedes that predicative phrase (see row "Explicit NP" at bottom of Chart J, p.452).

The smat predicative classes are, as a first approximation, comparable to the categories commonly referred to as "conjugations" or "verb groups" in the traditional grammar of the Romance languages (see the four conjugations of Classical Latin or the three verb groups of French). They are ultimately a lexical feature of each predicative phrase (and, among them, of verbs) that is exposed morphologically through the selection of a specific inflectional paradigm. As a consequence, learners of the language essentially have to memorize the predicative class of each predicative phrase as they first encounter it. Recall, importantly, that I do not normally include explicitly the grammatical feature pcØ in glosses (hence its absence in the glosses of the left-side forms in ( 549)), as I analyze it as the default predicative class of the language. There is no obvious morphosyntactic or semantic reason why a verb meaning 'to eat' should be lexically assigned to pcØ while one meaning 'to drink' is assigned to pci ̄(as shown in example (549a)), or why a verb meaning 'to sleep' should be lexically assigned to pcØ while one meaning 'to rest' is assigned to pcrü ̄(as shown in (549c)). It seems even more arbitrary and unpredictable that the two suppletive forms of the verb meaning 'to kill', one of them taking a singular object and the other one taking a plural object, should be lexically assigned to two different predicative classes (pci for the former, pcØ for the latter, as shown in (549b)).

Certain verb morphemes may enter the formation of several lexicalized predicative phrases with different syntactic and semantic role structures and obviously related but different meanings (contrast, for instance, /aîru-'ü ̃cha=daȗ/ (dog-acc 1sg.sbj=see) 'I see the dog' vs /aîru-ka̰ cha=daȗ/ (dog-cause 1sg.sbj=see) 'I look for the dog', where the same verb daȗ governs different types of complements and takes on slightly different meanings). Often, such pairs (or larger sets) of predicative phrases based on the same verb morpheme are additionally assigned lexically to different predicative classes. There is no apparent motivation, however, for these differences in predicative class assignment, and for why the members of such pairs of predicative phrases are respectively assigned to this or that specific predicative class. Contrast, for instance, the pairs of predicative phrases in the following examples:

(550) a. pcØ: pci : Peru-wa̋cha=gũ̄chi ̄=gũ̄4 However, the fact that the lexical assignment of predicative phrases to predicative classes is to be analyzed as ultimately arbitrary and unpredictable on morphosyntactic or semantic grounds does not mean that no regularities at all may be detected in that assignment. pcØ is clearly the default predicative class, from a morphological point of view (what characterizes its inflectional paradigm is in many cases the absence of morpheme in the slot where the inflectional paradigms of the other predicative classes display a specific predicative class marker) as well as from the point of view of the lexical distribution of predicative phrases in predicative classes. Predicative classes with all sorts of meanings and morphosyntactic properties (whether verbal or non-verbal and intransitive or transitive, in particular) are lexically assigned to pcØ, which likely makes it the most frequent predicative class both in the language's lexicon and in discourse. Spanish morphemes that are borrowed or inserted by code-mixing and used predicatively in smat (e.g. gańà'win', from Sp. gana 'she/he wins'; seŕò'be absent', from Sp. cero 'zero'; Sp. importante 'important', used in smat as a verb meaning 'be important'), are systematically assigned to pcØ, which manifests its nature of open class. pci ̄is the second-largest predicative class in terms of the number of predicative phrases that are lexically assigned to it, but note that it is a closed lexical class, by contrast with pcØ, and one with a relatively reduced number of members compared with pcØ. All predicative phrases lexically belonging to pcØ seem to be verbal. They may be either intransitive or transitive, and do not appear to feature clear defining semantic properties (e.g. dü rá'be unkind (intr.)', de'à'to speak (intr.)', â'to burn oneself (intr.)', ya'u 'to seize (tr.)', gû'to roast (tr.)').

Few predicative phrases are lexically assigned to pcrü ̄(about 20-25 different pcrü ̄predicative phrases are attested in my corpus). All of them are verbal, and 5.9. Predicative class assignment (slot 6) more specifically consist in or are derived from intransitive verbs. Most of them denote processes affecting the referent corresponding to the subject but on which the latter has no control or a limited control (e.g. chaù 'be bored', gü mā'to forget', yù'to wake up', ngü ̀'to rest', châ'to swell', ó'to disappear'). But note, on the one hand, that not all predicative phrases denoting such processes are lexically assigned to pcrü ̄(e.g. muǘ ̃'be afraid' belongs lexically to pcØ and d'awè'be sick' to pci ), and, on the other hand, that a few lexical pcrü ̄verbs do involve full control of the subject (e.g. mo'è'to say hello or goodbye').

Predicative phrases assigned to pci ̀and pcnàare, in practice, not easily detectable for phonological and morphological reasons. In particular, the inflectional forms corresponding to these two predicative classes are in many cases identical or extremely similar to those of the much more frequent predicative classes pci ̄and pcØ, respectively. What is clear, in any case, is that pci ̀and pcnàare very limited classes in terms of the number of predicative phrases that are lexically assigned to them. They are likely to be, in addition, obsolescent classes in the process of merging into other predicative classes.

About 5-10 different predicative phrases that can be relatively confidently analyzed as lexically attributed to pci ̀are attested in my corpus. All of them are verbal. They display widely diverging meanings and may be either intransitive or transitive, which suggests that they do not feature any defining semantic or morphosyntactic properties (e.g. kà'to shout (intr.)', naî 'to fart (intr.)', daȗ 'to bother (intr., with the bothered argument marked with the relational noun /-gu̽ / 'ploc')', ma̰ 'to kill (sg.; tr.)'). The copula verb i ̃'to be' is by far the pci ̀predicative phrase with the highest frequency in discourse. It is probable that the distinction between the inflectional paradigms of pci ̄and pci ̀is gradually getting blurred in today's smat, with the result that pci ̀predicative phrases (with the exception of i ̃'to be') may optionally be inflected like pci ̄predicative phrases without any detectable consequence, especially in the speech of younger speakers.

Only two verbal predicative phrases that can be confidently analyzed as belonging lexically to pcnàare attested in my corpus: pù'to rob' and deȳù'to cause to feel cold'. Additionally, non-verbal predicative phrases formed by the predicative relational noun /-ra'ü / 'like' also belong to pcnà(e.g. /aîru-ra'ü / 'to resemble a dog'). In the speech of younger smat speakers, however, the inflectional paradigm of pcna, although it is still identified as such passively, is being reinterpreted in active uses of the language as the inflectional paradigm of pcØ involving associated motion (for the inflectional paradigm of pcØ involving associated motion, see first columns of Charts C-D, G-H, and L-M, pp.449-453; on associated motion, see Section 5.8). Contrast the pairs of semantically identical forms in examples (551a-551b), where a conservative variant involving the specific inflectional paradigm of pcnàis given first, and the corresponding innovative variant where that inflectional paradigm is reinterpreted as that of pcØ in the presence of associated motion is given next: (551) a. i. Under certain circumstances, interfering with a predicative phrase's lexical predicative class and reassigning it to a different predicative class results in apparently regular (i.e. predictable) semantic and morphosyntactic effects. Data on this phenomenon are complex. I shall only present here two well-established cases that are representative of it.

Stative intransitive predicative phrases lexically belonging to pcØ may be optionally reassigned to pci ̄283 in discourse with the semantic effect of implying that the subject is a collective entity, i.e. a plurality of entities that are being viewed as a group, rather than as a collection of individuals. The predicative phrase undergoes no other morphosyntactic change in this process. When such predicative phrases are inflected in their lexical predicative class (i.e. pcØ), the referent corresponding to their subject may be singular or plural (in which case the predicative 5.9. Predicative class assignment (slot 6) phrase may optionally bear the suffix /-gü / 'pl'), but in cases where that referent is plural, it is typically being viewed as a plurality of individuals rather than as a collective entity. Another well-attested case of predicative class reassignment with regular semantic effects is that of lexical pcØ (spontaneous or caused) durative motion verbs reassigned to pci ̄(on the notions of durative vs non-durative motion verb roots, see Section 4.2.3). When inflected in their lexical predicative class pcØ, these verbs require a aloc complement that refers to the goal of the motion (or occasionally an equivalent goal complement marked with a relational noun different from /-wa/ 'aloc', e.g. in cases where that complement has an animate referent), whether that motion is oriented towards or away from the deictic center. When these verbs are reassigned to pci , their aloc (or equivalent) complement becomes optional and no longer refers to the goal, but to the source of the motion, and this motion is now specifically implied to be oriented away from the deictic center. This type of pcØ>pci ̄reassignment thus entails both morphosyntactic and semantic effects. Apart from these cases of "spontaneous" predicative class shift, a frequent cause of predicative class shift is the suffixation of certain derivational morphemes to predicative phrases. These derivational morphemes impose (in most cases) a particular predicative class upon the predicative phrase they are suffixed to. Thus, as shown in example (558a), the verb yă'to grow', which is lexically assigned to pcØ, is inflected as a pci ̄predicative phrase when suffixed with the distributive morpheme /-chi ̀gü / (see Section 5.10, p.494), and as a pcrü ̄predicative phrase when suffixed with the comparative morpheme /-maē/ (see Section 4.4.5.1). Similarly, predicative phrases automatically shift to pcØ when attached with the antipassive suffixes /-e/ 'antip2' and /-eta/ 'antip1', as shown in (558b) and ( 558c) respectively (see Section 4.5.1). ( 558 'I was a murderer'

This type of morphosyntactic effect of certain derivational morphemes is mentioned in their respective sections in Chapter 4.

Strategies for participants number encoding

Note, finally, the existence of one case of automatic predicative class shift related to the introduction of a strictly inflectional feature into a certain type of predicative phrases. Predicative phrases that belong lexically to pci ̄and pci àppear to shift to pcrü ̄when their inflection includes associated motion (on this phenomenon of predicative class shift, see Section 5.3.5).

Strategies for encoding the number of participants

Number may be analyzed, to a certain extent, as an inflectional category of the smat predicative phrase. Its encoding cannot be attributed to a single, relatively straightforwardly identifiable locus, however, in the way that e.g. associated motion or predicative class can be. In practice, no less than seven different strategies can be identified as contributing to the encoding within the finite predicative phrase of the value of the number feature of arguments.

From a morphological perspective, these seven strategies variously rely on:

-the selection of particular inflectional indexes (e.g. /cha=/ '1sg.sbj' vs /ta=/ '1pl.sbj'), particular allomorphs of certain verb roots (e.g. ũ'go.sg' vs i ̃'go.pl'), or particular allomorphs or certain derivational suffixes when present (e.g. /-e/ 'off.sg' vs /-ü / 'off.pl');

-the addition of particular suffixes to the predicative phrase (/-e/ 'intr.pl' and/or /-gü / 'pl');

-or the reassignment of the predicative phrase to a predicative class that departs from its lexical one (pcØ>pci ̄in specific circumstances).

From a semantic perspective, they may variously encode either the singular, plural, or collective value (or a value that is a combination of these) of the number feature of either a subject, object, accusative, or benefactive argument.

Only one of them is of strictly obligatory application, specifically the one that operates through inflectional index selection. Note that it is frequent for several of them (from two to at least four) to be simultaneously-and often redundantlyapplied within the same predicative phrase (see for instance example (574) below, which features a predicative phrase within which the plurality of the subject argument is encoded via three different strategies: /nű=ĩ ̂-gǘ-etānǖ-'ü / (ctrpet.3aloc=go.pl-pl-distr.pl\sbjv-rel.ns) '[who] came, each of them, from 5. Inflection of the predicative phrase [another community]').

These strategies are dealt with one by one in the following paragraphs following an arrangement that roughly goes from the one that is encoded in the leftmost locus to the one that is encoded in the rightmost locus within the inflected predicative phrase. The section closes with a brief discussion of the inflectional character of number encoding in smat.

(i) Index selection. The singular vs plural (or collective) value of the number feature of first and second person benefactive, accusative, and subject arguments is obligatorily encoded through the selection of the corresponding singular or plural indexes in slots 1, 2, and 4-respectively-of the inflectional template of the predicative phrase, whenever such indexes are present. Note, importantly, that third and fourth person indexes in any of these slots are, by contrast, always unspecified for number. On these indexes, see Section 5.1, and in particular Tables 39 and40 (ii) Predicative class reassignment. The collective value of the number feature of the subject argument of stative intransitive predicative phrases lexically belonging to pcØ may be optionally made explicit by the reassignment of such predicative phrases to pci . On this phenomenon, see Section 5.9, 482.

This strategy is illustrated by the contrast between examples (561) and ( 562). The same predicative phrase, i ̏'rà'be small', is employed in both examples. In the former, this predicative phrase is inflected in its lexical predicative class, pcØ, leaving the number of its subject argument unspecified (in this case, the subjectthe city of Leticia-is contextually singular). In the latter example, by contrast, the same predicative phrase is inflected in the predicative class pci , which explicitly indicates that its subject argument is a collective entity (in this case, the trees of a patch of jungle). The verb roots that inflect for number as per the phenomenon just described are listed in Table 47. Note, incidentally, that almost all of them denote localization or motion processes, to the exception of the verb meaning 'to kill'. Verbal predicative phrases derived from any of these verb roots select for their singular or plural allomorphs following the same principle as these verb roots themselves (e.g. sg. /ü -petü /, pl. /cho-petü / 'to pass', derived from ü /chó'to find oneself (sg./pl.)' through the addition of the suffix /-petü / 'across'). Three fully lexicalized and, to a certain extent, irregular verb stems based on the verb roots inflecting for number are included in this This strategy for number encoding is illustrated by the contrast between the three pairs of examples (602-564), (565-566), and (567-568). The first pair of examples shows that the distribution of the two allomorphs go̊and yi ̀of the intransitive verb meaning 'to grow' relies on whether the subject of this verb is singular, as in (602), or plural, as in (564). The fact that it is the number of the object argument, rather than that of the subject argument, that determines the selection of the singular or plural allomorph of transitive verb roots inflecting for number is made even clearer by (567-568). In (567), although the subject is explicitly marked as plural (by the presence of the suffix /-gü / 'pl' within the predicative phrase), the singular allomorph gåof the verb meaning 'to lead' is selected in accordance with the singular number of the object argument. Conversely, in (568), although the subject is explicitly singular (as indicated by /cha=/ '1sg.sbj\sbjv'), the plural allomorph nâof the same verb is selected in accordance with the plural number of the object argument.

( (iv) Addition of /-e/ 'intr.pl'. The plural (or collective) value of the number feature of the subject argument of certain verbal intransitive predicative phrases is regularly-although not entirely systematically-encoded through the addition of the suffix /-e/ 'intr.pl' to these predicative phrases. It is unclear why certain verbal intransitive predicative phrases may receive this suffix (e.g. pé'to sleep', ta'u 'to be absent', or chi ́bü ̀'to eat'), while others never do (e.g. ó'to disappear', de'à'to speak', or daȗ 'to see', the latter being an intransitive verb root that takes a complement in the accusative), and still others display some inter-speaker variation with respect to whether or not they may take this suffix (e.g. ngü ̀'to rest').

The verb purakü ́'to work' belongs to the lexical class of predicative phrases that regularly take /-e/ 'intr.pl' when their subject is plural (or collective). Contrast example (569), where purakü ́is not suffixed with /-e/ as its subject corresponds referentially to a single man, with (570), where purakü ́is suffixed with /-e/ as its subject now corresponds to a group of men. This strategy for number encoding is illustrated by the contrast between examples ( 571) and (572) (the latter being repeated from (455b) above). These largely parallel examples differ in the selection of the form of the figure-ground configuration suffix featured in their essentially synonymous main predicative phrases. In (571), the singular allomorph /-e/ of the figure-ground configuration suffix meaning 'off' is selected for, while it is its plural allomorph /-ü / that is used in (572). Because the predicative phrases in question are transitive, the selection of /-e/ 'off.sg' in (571) indicates that the object argument is singular (in this case, a mash), while the selection of /-ü / 'off.pl' in (572) indicates that the object argument is plural (in this case, plantains).

(571) Ngemàkùnā-taè'ü .

nge-mam Note, however, than in a few lexicalized predicative phrases, the plural allomorph of a figure-ground configuration suffix is used in practice with a singular value, as in the singular intransitive predicative phrases /ü -ku/ (be.there.sgin.pl) 'to enter (sg.)' and /u-'ü / (go.sg-out.pl) 'to exit (sg.)', in particular.

(vi) Distributive suffix allomorph selection.

The non-plural (i.e. singular or collective) vs plural value of the number feature of the subject, object, or accusative argument of predicative phrases that contain the derivational distributive suffix is regularly-although not entirely systematically-encoded through the selection of one or the other of the two suppletive forms of this suffix (specifically /-chi ̀gü / 'distr.sg' vs /-etanü / 'distr.pl'). In a clause that contains several arguments that could be specified by the plural form of the distributive suffix (e.g. both the subject and object arguments of a transitive predicative phrase), which of them is being specified by it as plural is left to context. This strategy for number encoding in illustrated by the contrast between examples ( 573) and (574). These examples both feature a predicative phrase that includes the plural form of the intransitive verb meaning 'to go' (i ). These predicative phrases necessarily have a non-singular (i.e. collective or plural) subject. The one in ( 573) is suffixed with the non-plural form of the distributive suffix (/-chi ̀gü /), which indicates that its subject (in this case, the jungle fauna) is to be viewed as a collective entity rather than as a collection of individuals. In such a context, distributivity is accordingly interpreted as indicating that the process occurs little by little or step by step. (vii) Addition of /-gü / 'pl'. Finally, the plural value of the number feature of either the subject, object, or accusative argument of apparently any predicative phrase may be optionally made explicit by the addition of the suffix /-gü / 'pl' to that predicative phrase. In a clause that contains several arguments that could be specified by /-gü / 'pl' (e.g. both the subject and object arguments of a transitive predicative phrase), which of them is being specified by it as plural is left to context. Note that this suffix, by contrast with /-e/ 'intr.pl' (see paragraph (iv) above), is transcategorial, i.e. it may be attached to words belonging to several parts of speech, including nominal constituents and predicative phrases.

Examples ( 575) and ( 576) both feature the verb de'àoccurring with a third person non-salientive subject. The number of the subject argument of de'àin (575) is left unspecified (in this case, the subject-a single man-is contextually singular). In ( 576 Although in this section I treat on the same level the seven identified strategies for specifying the number feature of arguments within a predicative phrase, note that not all of them can be equally said to be inflectional in nature. The encoding of number through index selection (see paragraph (i)) and predicative class reassignment (see paragraph (ii)) may only operate in finite predicative phrases as it relies on strictly inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase. The remaining five strategies (see paragraphs (iii-vii)), by contrast, rely on morphology that can be considered as derivational in nature inasmuch as it may occur in non-finite predicative phrases. For instance, the use of the plural allomorph of a verb root inflecting for number (strategy discussed in paragraph (iii)) and that of the suffix /-e/ 'intr.pl' (strategy discussed in paragraph (iv)) in zero-derived nominalizations are illustrated in examples ( 577) and ( 578 Note, however, that in spontaneous speech the plural (or collective) marking morphological devices employed by these remaining five strategies rarely occur in non-finite predicative phrases. In such contexts, their singular counterparts may be generalized with, in practice, no indication of singular number implied. Thus, in example (579), the singular allomorph of the verb meaning 'to kill' (ma̰ ) is used in a non-finite nominalization while its "object" argument, which is syntactically treated as a genitive complement (/duà̰ -arü / 'human-gen'), is referentially plural (the noun duà̰ 'human' virtually always has a plural referent, which the context indicates is also the case in this example).

(579) Yemá níì-ĩ ̊gá dùã̰ arǖ ma̰ rű'ü .

5. Inflection of the predicative phrase ye-má Note, also, that the five strategies discussed in paragraphs (iii-vii), although their application does not systematically correlate with the number features of arguments, are applied consistently in a majority of cases in spontaneous speech (the strategy of predicative class reassignment described in (ii), in comparison, is only resorted to occasionally).

For these reasons, while one cannot talk of a grammatical system of agreement for number beyond the encoding of first and second person participants in smat (in the way that one can talk of an elaborate smat grammatical system of agreement for nominal class, in particular), number in the language may still be considered to a certain extent as an inflectional category, even outside of first and second person participants.

6. The deictic verb morphs /ña-/ vs /ña-/ on the one hand and /-gü / vs /-rü ḡü / on the other is related to subject index and Inflectional Type).

The deictic verb's semantic and syntactic peculiarities are discussed in Section 6.1, its unique inflectional morphology in Section 6.2, and its limited derivational morphology in Section 6.3.

Semantics and syntax

The verb /ña-/ña-+-((rü )gü )/ is semantically vague and may in principle refer to virtually any kind of process. It will consequently be found with such diverse translations as 'do (like that), move (like that), say (like that), ask (like that), call (like that), sound (like that), think (like that), decide (like that), etc.'. 285 Its one and, most of the time, stable semantic (and pragmatic) feature is its deictic function. This deictic component may essentially target (or one might say "point at") two different kinds of objects, some of a linguistic (or minimally vocalic) nature, others of an extra-linguistic nature. Note that the elements targeted by the deictic verb are marked out by square brackets in all the examples presented throughout this chapter.

In the first case, the 'doing thus' targets a piece of linguistic discourse as such (i.e. primarily as a signifier in the Saussurean sense), or occasionally a non-linguistic vocalic production (e.g. a melody), just produced or soon to be produced by the speaker. The deictic verb can then be said to fulfill an endophoric function. 286 (or its extended variant /akü -'ü / 'what?.ns\sbjv?-rel.ns'), as in the following example:

(i) [...] According to the nature of the endophoric target, which may be a mere name, a complete utterance, a non-uttered cognitive content, an onomatopoeia, etc., the deictic verb will be respectively translatable as 'call target' (as in example ( 581)), 'say target' (582), 'think target' (580), 'make target' (583), etc. The deictic verb is especially pervasive in its use as a device introducing direct speech, although direct speech does not obligatorily require its presence.

(583) "Tàaau!" ñâgü 'ü ̃a'a gá nátǘwa.

[tàaau] The target of the deictic component of the deictic verb may be, on the other hand, a strictly extra-linguistic process. This is typically a gesture performed by the speaker while they are uttering the deictic verb, but it may also be any physical process being achieved by some other entity present in the utterance situation and '[...] when [the jaguar] took a step, it made "Flau!" [as its movements cause some air to be ejected through a flute that was thrust into its anus]. It took another step and went "Flau! Flau!" ' [lar D166-168] In this construction, the deictic verb functions as a semantically-empty auxiliary verb whose only morphosyntactic function is to bear the encoding of the inflectional values of the whole predicative phrase it forms together with the verbal lexeme that constitutes its core object. Parallel examples by other speakers are needed, however, to confirm the status of this syntactic strategy as a genuine, grammaticalized construction.

Interestingly, whether the target of the deictic verb is a piece of discourse, a gesture, an anaphoric, or a non-finite verb, its exact syntactic function cannot be established with certainty. As a corollary, whether the deictic verb is morphosyntactically intransitive or transitive appears to be an unanswerable question. From a strictly morphosyntactic perspective, nothing definitively precludes from analyzing the deictic verb's target as a core object, since core objects in smat are in the zero-case, i.e. are left morphologically unmarked for their syntactic function. Thus, there is the possibility that the anaphoric ngemà'that' in example (585), which stands in the zero-case, is indeed to be interpreted as the core object argument of the deictic verb. On the other hand, no language internal facts seem to offer positive evidence for the analysis of the deictic verb's target as its object. Regular predicative phrases can be unequivocally told to be transitive or intransitive depending on whether or not they require the indexation of a core object in contexts where, all other things being equal, they are not preceded by any syntactic NP (in the zero-case) that might function as their core object (thus fè'to shoot' in /kowü ́na=fe/ [deer 3m/n/ns.sbj=shoot] 'she/he shot the deer' can be definitively identified as a transitive verb because */na=fe/ is not acceptable as is with the meaning 'he shot (it)', which can only be conveyed by /na=na=fe/ [3m/n/ns.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=shoot], i.e. with the inclusion of an object index). The inflectional paradigm of the deictic verb does not seem to display any marking for object indexes, but this cannot be taken as definitive evidence for the verb's intransitive nature due to its morphological uniqueness in the language (see Section 6.2). In principle, it might simply be that the deictic verb, although transitive, has the unique morphological ability to occur without an object index in contexts where it lacks an object NP preceding it. These considerations leave open the question of the syntactic relationship, if any, that holds between the deictic verb and its target in smat. This is why I have opted for labeling the target with a syntactically neuter term, instead of referring to as e.g. a complement.

The deictic verb

The subject of the deictic verb is typically an animate referent, as in most examples in this section, or less frequently a concrete, inanimate referent. But it may also occasionally be an abstract entity, such as a speech, a story, a call, a song, a thought, a person's mind, etc. In such cases, the deictic verb does not, strictly speaking, refer to a process ('do thus') being carried out by the subject. It can rather be considered in practice as the equivalent of an equative verb, and functions more specifically as a deictic equative verb ('be thus'). Its specialized use is then to introduce a linguistic, cognitive, or vocalic object that is being equated with the subject. This is illustrated in example ( 618), where the 'speaking' (de'a) that is taking place is equated with, or defined as, the question enclosed in quotation marks (see also example (594) below):

(588) "Na̋kùmài ̀tōkù-gẽnátü 'ü ," ñâ'ü ̃ã' a, "<ku-...> tōkù-tà'kù'ü ?" ñâ'ü ̃ã' a gá nȍ'rǖ dé'à.

[naa ssert kù-ma2 '"So, did you rob us of our father," they asked, "did you orphan us?", such were their words [lit. '... thus did their speaking.']. ' [lar C404-405] In addition to a subject argument, the deictic verb may optionally take an argument marked for the accusative case (to be distinguished from a core object, which does not bear any syntactic-function marking, as mentioned above) in cases where it specifically refers to an uttering-process (i.e. a piece of linguistic discourse actually spoken). The referent of that argument is the addressee of the utteringprocess mentioned by the speaker. This is illustrated at the end of example (582) above. Note that such accusative arguments may only consist of explicit nps as they cannot be indexed on the deictic verb.

When used endophorically, the deictic verb is virtually always immediately adjacent to the piece of linguistic discourse (or non-linguistic vocalic production) it points at. As a consequence, its arguments-whether a subject or a complement in accusative-normally precede the deictic verb when the latter itself 506 6.1. Semantics and syntax precedes its target ((sbj) (acc) deictic.verb "target"). This is illustrated in the following example (see also the beginning of example ( 582 Conversely, the arguments of the deictic verb normally follow the latter when it itself follows its target ("target" deictic.verb (lk=sbj) (acc), or "target" deictic.verb (acc) (lk=sbj)).290 This is illustrated in the following example (see also the end of example (582) above).

(590) "Tå'úwa̋kù-mê'ü ̃i ̀kùmàrǜ ī-ṹ nűa!" ñatàgǜ'ü ̃ã' a tü maàrǖ nuera'ü .

[tå'ú-wab '"You are useless: go away from here!" she ordered her daughter-in-law. ' [jsg B264-265] This strong ordering tendency, combined with the fact that the deictic verb cannot bear indexes for syntactic functions other than subject, regularly leads to the otherwise relatively unusual presence of main constituents bearing case-marking (in this case, accusative case-marking) after an inflected predicative phrase. In other contexts, when a main nominal constituent occurs after an inflected predicative phrase, dependent-marking on that constituent is typically avoided in favor of other strategies such as head-marking on the inflected predicative phrase (see Section 3.6.1).

As was noted above, the deictic verb is by far the most favored device resorted to for introducing direct speech. Semantically more specific utterance verbs rarely fulfill this function by themselves. It is therefore not rare for the deictic verb to co-occur with a semantically more specific verb in what can be analyzed as a unique case of serial-verb construction in the language. This construction facilitates the use of semantically specific utterance verbs as (co-)introducers of direct speech. In this construction, two finite predicative phrases featuring the same subject and referring to the same event follow each other with no intonational break. One of the two finite predicative phrases is the deictic verb (always inflected in sbjv/-'ü /). It is preceded by its endophoric target (e.g. a complete utterance in direct speech), or occasionally followed by it, in cases where it occurs second of the two finite predicative phrases. The other finite predicative phrase (which is, for its part, freely inflected in any of the three Inflectional Types) refers lexically to a specific type of uttering process ('to say ', 'to ask', 'to answer', 'to call', 'to rebuke', etc.). In most cases, the two predicative phrases involved in this construction are arranged in the order just suggested:

[target] deictic.verb.sbjv-'ü PP1 specific.uttering.process PP2 although the opposite ordering also occurs: specific.uttering.process PP1 deictic.verb.sbjv-'ü PP2 [target] Examples ( 591) and ( 592) feature typical instances of this construction. Note that the two finite predicative phrases in the construction under discussion may be separated by enclitics (such as /=a'a/ 'quot', which may occur between all sorts of constituents in the language, and /=ga/ 'pst', which usually behaves as a secondposition clitic, in (591)) or by complements of the one that refers to a specific uttering process (such as /tü -'ü / [3s-acc] 'him' in (592)).

(591) "G üǘ ü!" ñatàgǜ'ü ̃ã' a gá tíì-kà.

[gü ]

hey ña-tà-gǜ-'ü PP1 =ã 'a=gá For what is likely an instance of the construction under discussion displaying the rarer of its two ordering variants mentioned above (with the deictic verb occurring after, instead of before, the predicative phrase referring to a specific uttering process), see example (596) below.

The deictic verb

Of all the interrogative-indefinite words, only ñu'(u), which I gloss as 'what activity?', may occupy the syntactic position of target of the deictic verb. A kü 'what?.ns' and ñu'akü ̀'how?', in particular, are not available in this position. Conversely, ñu'(u) may only occur as the target of the deictic verb, for which it serves as a specialized interrogative-indefinite. 292 In practice, ñu'(u) is most of the time realized in its shortened variant ñu', especially by younger speakers (on this phonologically exceptional form featuring a glottal stop that surfaces in word-final position without being followed by an epenthetic vowel, see Section 2.1.3.1) [igs 227-228] Although it is undoubtedly derived from the deictic verb, the invariable vagueness marker ña'ü ̃'about, something like' is better treated as distinct from it from a strictly synchronic perspective. This marker occurs at the end of an NP whose literal meaning it qualifies as being only an indicative approximation used for establishing a vague referent. In most cases, this NP is a Spanish phrase inserted by code-mixing, as in the following example:

(595) Nárǖ-ngǜgǘ, eh... hasta The verb /ña-/ña-+-((rü )gü )/ 'do thus' only rarely occurs in ind and imp in my data. The vast majority of its occurrences in my corpus are in sbjv/-'ü /, presumably because it is mostly found in narratives with the typical sequencing (i.e. [+ant]) effect of sbjv/-'ü / (see Section 5.2.2). Occurrences of /ña-/ña-+ -((rü )gü )/ in bare sbjv are rare, and all of them co-occur with a relativizer or the clause-level inflectional morpheme /-'gu̽ / 'circ'. This is why sbjv/-'ü / forms (with /-'ü / 'sub' set apart in square brackets) are reported in Especially noteworthy is the fact that the subject indexes of the verb /ña-/ña-+ -((rü )gü )/ 'do thus', when present, are for the most part encoded by means of suffixes (/-cha/ '1sg.sbj', /-ku/ '2sg.sbj', etc., which follow the stressed syllable of the phonological word they belong to) instead of the functionally equivalent proclitics featured by the inflectional paradigm of regular predicative phrases (/cha=/ '1sg.sbj', /ku=/ '2sg.sbj', etc., which precede the stressed syllable of the phonological word they belong to). Two inflectional forms of /ña-/ña-+-((rü )gü )/ 'do thus' are even more exceptional: in /ngi ́-(rü )rü ḡü / 'she does thus' (ind) and /ngi ́[-'ü ]/ '(that) she does thus' (sbjv[/-'ü /]), the exponent of the third person feminine subject index, /ngi ́-/, is identical to the Allomorph 1 of the (stressed) pronominal root /ngi ́-/ '3f' (on the morphology of the pronominal roots, see Section 3.3.1). Nowhere else in the inflectional paradigms of smat predicative phrases is the exponent of a subject index a stressed syllable, nor more specifically a personal root. 293 Moreover, unlike regular predicative phrases, the deictic verb does not allow for 6.2. Inflectional morphology the indexation of arguments with any syntactic functions other than subject. It cannot receive the proclitics indexing arguments in accusative, in particular (on these morphemes, see Section 5.7), although its valency does provide a position for a syntactically explicit complement in accusative (see Section 6.1).

Another noteworthy morphological peculiarity of the verb /ña-/ña-+-((rü )gü )/ 'do thus', as discussed at the beginning of Section 6, is that it is best treated, from a synchronic perspective, as a unique case of bipartite morpheme. This results from the fact that its two separable morphological components, /ña-/ña-/ on the one hand and /-((rü )gü )/ on the other-the latter being absent from certain inflectional forms-cannot be attributed separate functional contributions in today's smat and must consequently be considered to constitute a single functional unit. Smat does not feature any other such bipartite morphemes.

Because the inflectional paradigm of /ña-/ña-+-((rü )gü )/ 'do thus' is formally so different from that of regular predicative phrases (and, among them, regular verbs), the deictic "verb" could in strict logic be treated and labelled as a separate part of speech of its own, rather than as a verb. Note, however, that it inflects for the exact same categories as a regular predicative phrase (for Inflectional Type in particular), and that it may receive at least a few derivational suffixes of the (regular) predicative phrase (see Section 6.3). I call /ña-/ña-+-((rü )gü )/ 'do thus' a "verb", in the broad sense, insofar as only verbs, among the regular predicative phrases with which it patterns, similarly consist in a functionally unanalyzable lexical form.

The manner deictic word ñaâkü ̀'in this manner', which occurs with both endophoric and exophoric uses (on these notions, see Section 6.1), is very likely to have resulted historically from the combination of a bare sbjv form *ñâ'do.thus. 3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv' and the clause-level inflectional morpheme /-akü / 'man', with the literal meaning 'in the manner of him/her/it doing like this'. Note however that ñaâkü ̀has become unanalyzable and invariable in today's smat, as shown in example (597). 294 In this example, a form like ? /ña-cha-akü / ('do.thus-1sg.sbj\sbjvman') lit. 'in the manner of me doing like this' would have been expected otherwise, given that the subject of the main verb is a first person singular: Taũ 'neg', in its function of general marker encoding the negative polarity of a clause without affecting in any way its morphosyntactic structure, can be used in a large variety of contexts. In particular, taũ 'neg' occurs:

-with most types of predicative phrases, whether verbal (as in examples (601-604) and (608-609)) or non-verbal (as in (605-607));

-in both main clauses (as in ( 601), (603-606), and ( 609)) and subordinate clauses (as in (607-608));

-with both the Indicative Inflectional Type (as in ( 602) and (604-606)) and the Subjunctive (and Subjunctive + /-'ü / 'sub') Inflectional Type (as in ( 601), (603), and (607-610));

-and in declarative utterances (as in ( 601) and (603-606)), interrogative utterances (as in ( 609)), and exclamative utterances (as in ( 606)).

(605) Chòmàṵ̈ kü ̋tã ů chā-nâ'wa̰ ēērǘ ná-mů'chi ̋na̰ 'a'ü chi ̀.

chò-ma1 However, as will be shown in the following sections, taũ 'neg' is normally not used:

-in the negation of existential and topical-locational predicates (Section 7.2.2) and that of possessive predicates (7.2.3);

-in the negation of clauses that would feature existential indefinite arguments in the positive polarity (7.3);

7. Negation -in association with the Imperative Inflectional Type (7.7).

Taũ 'neg', a phonologically anomalous word in that its only syllable combines an oral onset together with a nasal nucleus, is likely to have arisen etymologically from a phonetic reduction of /ta'u-'ü / 'be.absent\sbjv-rel.ns' (lit. '(a/the) non-existing'), i.e. the regular subject participant relativization in the non-salientive nominal class of the negative existential verb ta'u 'be absent'. /Ta'u-'ü / 'be. absent\sbjv-rel.ns' is in fact still used in its unreduced form to express meanings such as 'no X, none, nothing, nobody' (see Section 7.3 below). It is unclear, however, through what kind of grammaticalization path a relativization like /ta'u-'ü / 'be.absent\sbjv-rel.ns' may have ended up functioning as the most general negative marker in smat.

Existential and topical-locational negation

One of the few contexts in which the mere adjunction of taũ 'neg' is not normally available as a strategy to convert a positive clause into its corresponding negative clause is when existential predication is involved (on existential predication, see Section 3.4.4). In other words, a clause that includes an existential predicative word in its positive polarity (e.g. Na-ngemài ̀chi ̆'nü . 'There is pineapples.') can normally not be negated by means of taũ 'neg' (e.g. ? Taũ na-ngemài ̀chi ̆'nü . 'There is no pineapples.'). A dedicated negative existential verb ta'u 'be absent' is regularly used instead and no other marker of negation appears in the clause (e.g. Na-ta'u i ̀chi ̆'nü . 'There is no pineapples.'). This is illustrated in the following examples ((610) Existential negation is occasionally used to express privative negation; ta'u could then be glossed as 'to lack' (but see Section 7.2.3 below on a more common way to express privative negation). The referent whose being possessed is negated then appears as a subject argument, and the one whose being a possessor is negated is encoded as an oblique argument in the benefactive(-malefactive) case (as in example ( 612)) or the genitive case (as in ( 613)) although the latter may also be omitted altogether and left to be understood from the context (as in ( 614 Ta'u 'be absent' is also used as the regular way to negate a clause that involves topical-locational predication. Thus, a clause that includes, in its positive polarity, a locational predicative word not built on the punctual locative relational 7. Negation noun /-gu̽ / 'ploc' (e.g. Na-nge'mái ̀yoi ̀. 'There's boas [there].') can normally not be negated by means of taũ 'neg' (e.g. ? Taũ na-nge'mái ̀yoi ̀. 'There isn't boas [there].'). Ta'u 'be absent' is used instead (e.g. Na-ta'u i ̀yoi ̀. 'There isn't boas [there].'). The topical location may be explicitly mentioned in the clause expressing negative topical-location (as in example (615)) or not be explicitly mentioned (as in ( 616)). Note that by contrast to topical-locational predication, non-topical locational predication is regularly negated with taũ 'neg ', as in (606) Note that in practice the semantic distinction between existential predication ('something is existing') and topical-locational predication ('there is something [somewhere]') is hazy in the positive polarity. It is therefore not surprising that such a distinction should be neutralized in the negative polarity.

Privative negation

Another context in which the mere adjunction of taũ 'neg' is not normally available as a strategy to convert a positive clause into its corresponding negative clause is when possessive predication is involved (on positive possessive predication, see Sections 4.2.5.3 and 4.3.3.6). In other words, a clause that predicates possession by means of the possessive predicative suffix /-a̰ / and/or the possessive verb ã'to have' in its positive polarity (e.g. /cha=aîru-a̰ / 'I have a dog' or /cha=a-pata/ 'I have a house') can normally not be negated by means of taũ 'neg' (e.g. ? /taũ cha=aîru-a̰ / 'I don't have a dog' or ? /taũ cha=a-pata/ 'I don't have a house'). A dedicated privative (i.e. negative possessive) verb root /gẽ-/ 'not have' is regularly used instead and no other marker of negation appears in the clause (e.g. /cha=gẽ-arü ̄aîru-a̰ / 'I don't have a dog' or /cha=gẽ-pata/ 'I don't have a house'). 298 As is regularly the case when incorporation of a nominal constituent into the predicative phrase occurs (on incorporation, see Section 4.2.5), if the referent whose being possessed is negated is referred to with a bound noun, then the privative predicative word takes on the form /gẽ-/bound.noun (not.have-bound.noun), as in examples (617-618). By contrast, if that referent is referred to with a full NP (and with an independent noun in particular), then the privative predicative phrase takes on the structure /gẽ-arü ̄NP-a̰ / (not.have-gen NP-poss), as in ( 619). ( 617 This might be due to the fact that ã'have' here is not strictly speaking a stative, privative process, but involves dynamicity and control of the subject argument (and could in fact be glossed as 'take (a wife)'). On another, rarer construction involving the negative existential verb ta'u 'be absent' to express privative negation, see Section 7.2.2 above.

Non-clausal negation (negative existential indefinites)

If a clause in the positive polarity contains existential 300 indefinites (comparable to English 'something, somewhere, etc.') that precede the main predicative phrase, then the standard negator taũ 'neg' (on standard negation, see Section 7.2.1 above) is not normally used to negate it. That clause's existential indefinites are replaced by corresponding negative existential indefinites instead (comparable to English 'nothing, nowhere, etc.'). 301 One part of these negative existential indefinites is productively derived as subject participant relativizations including the negative existential verb root ta'u 'be absent' (on ta'u 'be absent', see Section 7.2.2 above). Due to their nature of relativizations, these inflect for nominal class. Their basic forms are listed in 299 The form timbu stands for local Sp. timbo 'plastic barrel'. The Spanish word's phonological form is slightly adapted when inserted in a smat utterance by code-mixing (see Section 2.7.2.2). 300 Indefinites with semantic values other than existential (e.g. specific or universal indefinites) do not have negative counterparts and do not display the behavior described in this section under the scope of negation. See example (602) above for a case of negative clause featuring a (positive) indefinite with a universal meaning ('just any …').

301 I do not have enough data to explore what happens in cases where within a single clause there might be a conflict on whether an existential indefinite or the main verb should be the locus for negative polarity, i.e. cases where an existential indefinite is involved in existential, topicallocational, or privative negation (on these contexts of negation, see Sections 7. The speaker jsg does not make a clear distinction between the feminine relativizer /-kü / and the masculine relativizer /-kü /, which are in practice only distinguished by their tonological effects on the predicative phrase are suffixed to (see Section 2.6.2.1). His use of /ta'u-kü / here, although due to its phonological shape it would be interpreted by other speakers as referring to a masculine referent, is meant by jsg to refer to a feminine referent (= /ta'ṵ -kü / in other speakers), in this case a teŕe̋parrot (smat teŕe, which typically triggers feminine (f) agreement). '"But where is the teŕe̋parrot?" He gave a look there: nothing [lit. '... no feminine-being(.f)!']!' [jsg B217] Note that although in a majority of cases /ta'u-'ü / 'be.absent\sbjv-rel.ns' and /ta'u-'e/ 'be.absent\sbjv-rel.s' are interpreted as meaning respectively 'nothing' and 'nobody' (due to the inherent prototypical meanings of the nominal classes non-salientive and salientive), these are by no means their only possible interpretations, as both may refer to any kind of entity whose denomination in smat may agree with them in nominal class. In the following example, for instance, /ta'u-'e/ 'be.absent\sbjv-rel.s' does not mean 'nobody', but simply agrees in nominal class with its contextually implied referent, di ̄erù'money', a noun that usually triggers agreement in the salientive (s) nominal class:

(623) Tå'ű'emá'a i ̋tā-quedagǘ gá tōma. A second group of negative existential indefinites exists, which can be interpreted as partially lexicalized forms replacing ta'u'ü ̃in cases where it has a very general meaning 'nothing'. This group of negative existential indefinites is morphologically built as combinations of /ta'u-/ 'nothing'303 with a case suffix or a relational noun. The ones attested in my data are listed in Table 51 (but note that there is likely to be a few more than these, with other case suffixes or relational nouns). 304 By contrast to the previously discussed negative existential indefinites, which can function as modifiers or modified heads, these /ta'u/-based negative existential indefinites always constitute entire arguments on their own, i.e. they may not modify, nor be modified by, any other word. The following example illustrates the ordinary use of one of them, /ta'u-'ü / 'be.absent\sbjv?-acc': As shown in example (626), some of these /ta'u-/-based negative existential indefinites have a regular, compositional meaning (see also e.g. /ta'u-ma'a/ 'be.absent\ sbjv?-com' meaning 'with nothing, without anything', as would be expected). Others, by contrast, have grammaticalized with less straightforwardly predictable meanings, as suggested in Table 51. Illustrations of the latter cases are provided in (627-629). Note that ta'uǵù(which only seems to mean 'never', while the relational noun /-gu̽ / 'ploc' it contains would have lead to predict it to also be able to mean *'nowhere') features, as in (627), a free variant tagù(probably a phonological reduction from ta'uǵùitself; on the origin of the variant tagu, see also Section 7.5 and note 307 below). Note also that ta'uákü ̀'cannot, may not' (lit. 'no way') is not only used in the expression of physical inability, as in ( 629), but also more general impossibility (see e.g. (T117)).

tå'ű-'e-má'a

(627) Tågùna̋nà-gű i ̀nâē'ü ̃ērǘ ná-mů'űchi ̀, tå'ű'ètánā-dài. If several existential indefinites co-occur within a single clause, then only the first one is negative, while the next ones remain as they would be in the corresponding positive clause. This is illustrated in the following example: In other words and more generally, negative polarity is only marked once within a given clause, and more specifically on the first available locus. This rule equally applies across different types of negation strategies in cases where they could in principle co-occur, e.g. when topical-locational negation (on topicallocational negation, see Section 7.2.2) and an existential indefinite post-posed to it co-occur within the same clause, as in the following example:

Negation and phase aspect

Negative polarity, whether clausal or non-clausal, never has scope over the second position clitic /=taà/ 'itself' and the independent particle marü ̄'prf' (or its proclitic variant /ma=/). Thus:

-/=taà/ co-occurring with negative polarity within a clause yields the meaning '(not) yet' (lit. A rarer but stronger construction used for reinforcing negation can be syntactically interpreted as negation focus ('It is not the case that …'). In this construction, the non predicative negative word in a clause (i.e. taũ 'neg' or a negative existential indefinite) appears in the regular position of focalized constituents (focalized. constituent inflected.copula (lk=)clause.in.sbjv-sub; on focalization, see Section 5. Note that the intensifier suffix /-'V chi ̀/ 'genuinely' only has scope over the word it is part of. As such, /-'V chi ̀/ 'genuinely' cannot serve to emphasize negation, which normally has scope over it, as in example (603) above, unless it occurs on the negative word itself, as in ( 617) and (641) above. 308

Negation

On the occasional use of the negative existential indefinite ta'uǵù(∼tagu) 'never' as an emphasized alternative for the standard negator taũ 'neg', see Section 7.3 above.

Pro-sentential negation

There is no morpheme specialized in pro-sentential negation in smat. Negative pro-sentences result from the mere ellipsis of any other constituent than the negative word from what their equivalent full negative clause would be (although that negative word's clitics and/or marü ̄'prf' often remain, if present, as in the first half of example ( 644)). Thus, ( 644 However, where a specialized negative word (e.g. ta'u 'be absent', /gẽ-/ 'not have', ta'uǵù'never', etc.) would be regularly expected in a full negative clause, taũ 'neg' (or its variant taũ'ü ) can work as a universal pro-sentential negation marker, much like English 'no!'. Thus, in example (647) (repeated from (635) above, although with a more literal translation), while in fact privative negation is involved (which could have triggered the use of the specialized privative verb /gẽ-/ 'not have' in the pro-sentential part of the speaker's answer), the less specific negation marker taũ 'neg' is used instead of /gẽ-/ 'not have' (here under its irregular combinatorial variant tama, for /taũ=ma/ 'neg-precisely'; see Section 7.5 above):

(647) Note that when the remaining negative word is taũ 'neg', it may indeed be realized as taũ, but it also frequently occurs under its conservative variant taũ'ü (while this variant is marginal in full clauses; see Section 7.2.1 above), as in examples (644-645). By contrast, it does not seem to be able to occur under its innovative denasalized variant taů. This phonological conservatism of the pro-sentential use 7. Negation of taũ 'neg', as compared to its ordinary clausal use, is likely due to the fact that taũ 'neg' is normally left unstressed in the latter use, while it obligatorily bears stress in the former.

In answers to interro-negative questions (e.g. 'Don't you like it?'), pro-sentential negation is pragmatically used for confirmation by the speaker of the assumption of the addressee ('No, [I don't like it indeed.]'), as shown in the following example:

(648) [Taũ taà̃k[i ̄]-pa?]-Taũ'ü ! taũ=taàñ eg=itself k[i ̄]=pa2

Negative imperative

Negation cannot co-occur with a predicative phrase in the Imperative Inflectional Type (on which see Section 5.4). The negative imperative construction used to express prohibitives, whether with a singular or a plural second person subject, seems to be based on the negation focus construction described in Section 7.5 above (focalized.negative.word (inflected.copula) (lk=)clause.in.sbjvsub). By contrast to the negation focus construction, however, the prohibitive construction does not seem to ever involve the use of the inflected copula, and it oftenalthough not obligatorily-includes an additional specialized prohibitive second position enclitic /=ta/ 'proh' (focalized.negative.word=proh (lk=) clause.in.sbjv-sub). 309 However, it is possible that the prohibitive construction may also take existential negative indefinites (see Section 7.3 above) in its position for focalized negative words (with meanings such as 'Don't touch anything!' or 'Never tell them about it!'). 310

Negation and coordination

Negative polarity and coordination do not display any specific interaction. Negation and coordination in the expression of groups such as 'X and not Y', 'not X and Y', or 'not X and not/nor Y' (with X and Y being either arguments or whole clauses) are thus encoded separately by their ordinary dedicated markers. The following example illustrates the coordination of two negative clauses (of the type 'not X and not/nor Y'), which is ordinarily done by means of the general coordination marker rü ̀'and':

(651) Ṵ̈ kü ̋tã ů pūrākǘ i ̀yâ'ü ̃níì-ĩ ̊rǜ <taũ…> tã ů nágù tá chagǜ chīì-ma̰ 'ü chì. 310 In the following elicited example, however, a positive existential indefinite (gẽ'ta' where?.aloc') co-occurs with taũ 'neg' within a single negative clause:

(i) It might thus be that negative polarity in prohibitive utterances always has to be marked by taũ 'neg', regardless of whether existential indefinites are present in the clause or not-while in declarative and interrogative utterances (see Section 7.5 above), these existential indefinites, if present, would have been the regular locus for the encoding of negative polarity. However, it might also be that the example cited above is a rarer and somewhat artificial alternative to an expected (but unattested) ? Ta'uẃa̋tāku-u'ü ! [lit. 'Go nowhere!'], where negative polarity would be encoded within the negative existential indefinite (ta'uẃa̋'nowhere') itself. The details of the smat prohibitive construction will require more exploration. 539 7.9. Negation in interaction

Pragmatic uses of negation in interaction

Interro-negative questions with /=ta/ 'fut', as in (654), or /=chi ́/ 'irr', as in (655), are often pragmatically used for suggestion or invitation ('Won't Taũ (or its variant taũ'ü ) 'neg' in its pro-sentential function (see Section 7.6 above) is regularly used pragmatically as a way to answer a content question in a deliberately vague way, out of self-effacement (in which case taũ is often followed by a more precise answer) or in order to elude a question ('Well, nothing special, (it's just that …)'), as in the following example (repeated from ( 450 Rhetorical questions are often used to convey an emphatic negative exclamative meaning. In this discursive strategy, the referent asked about is implicitly meant not to exist, or in other words an interrogative word is used instead of its corresponding negative existential indefinite (as in e.g. 'What did he do…?' = 'He did (absolutely) nothing!'). This is illustrated in examples (657-658) (see also (T56)). Compare ( 657) with (622) for a parallel utterance featuring the corresponding explicitly negative construction. In (658), the corresponding negative sentence is uttered immediately after the rhetorical question, yielding a binary discursive structure interrogative.sentence+negative.sentence of relatively common use in the language:

(657) I ̋taýa-daȗgü ́u'a: gẽ'e...? i ̋=ta=ya=daȗ-gü =u'a3 Goulard & Montes (2016).

An English summary of the episodes transcribed in this appendix is given first in Section A.1. The fully interlinearized transcription of these episodes is provided in Section A.2.

For another fully interlinearized smat text, see Bertet (2019).

A.1 English summary

The marginal codes refer to the lines of Section A.2 where each episode starts.

One day, Ngutapa, the ancestor of all human beings, went deep into the jungle with T1

his wife, tied her up by her legs, and abandoned her. Caracara birds saved her and gave her darts for her to get revenge from her husband with. The woman went to bathe in a river close to Ngutapa's maloca. The distant noise of her feet in the water sounded to Ngutapa's ears like a threatening song. But any time Ngutapa would go to the river to see where the song came from, the woman would hide away. Ngutapa never found out who was trying to intimidate him with that song.

A bit later, Ngutapa spotted an irresistible abiu fruit on a tree near his maloca. He T38 did not beware that abiu fruits were out of season and went to pick the fruit. But while he was climbing down the tree, a wasp stung him in both knees-in fact, his wife in the shape of a wasp, although Ngutapa did not realize it. From then on, his knees started to swell more and more every day, to the point that he could no longer do anything and had to remain lying in his hammock for months and months without understanding what was happening to him. Until it eventually became apparent that Ngutapa was pregnant, and with no less than two pairs of twins, a boy and a girl in either knee! One day, Ngutapa felt so bored that he resolved to go take a bath despite his condition.

T84

But on his way to the river he fell down badly, and the children were pushed out of his knees. Ngutapa's four children were born, and he started to bring them up in his maloca.

One time, Ngutapa went hunting alone and never came back. The children grew T95 worried about him, but whenever they asked their grandmother-who knew that a jaguar had eaten Ngutapa up-about their father, she would answer elusively. That's because in ancient times, directly referring to jaguars by their name would enrage them: they would immediately come and attack you.

One day, the grandmother told the two boys, Yoi and Ipi, that she would let them know T125 clearly what had happened to Ngutapa as soon as they managed to cut down a certain tree in her swidden. Her real intention had just been to occupy them with an unattainable task, but to her surprise the two supernatural brothers, who had now grown into young men, soon came back to her with their mission accomplished. The grandmother, although furious, ended up telling them unambiguously that a jaguar had orphaned them.

Yoi and Ipi resolved to revenge the death of their father. They wove a magic thread T144 from their sisters' hairs, strung it across the world, and pulled on it so as to contract the entire world onto itself. This way, they would be able to inspect all the animals of the world-who all looked like jaguars at the time-and find the one who had orphaned them. They had them stand in line and open their mouth one after the other. The murderer would be the one that had hairs from their father in its mouth. They examined the birds first, then the deer, [the tapir, the anteater, the puma... And they gave each T167 animal its current name and its specific morphology as they went.

Last came the jaguar. Loud puffing sounds were heard coming from a distance, like those made by a stomach one would fill up and then empty of its air-Ngutapa's stomach. But as soon as the jaguar was in sight of the two brothers, it suddenly went quiet and became visibly reluctant to come any closer. Yoi and Ipi asked it what was wrong with it. The jaguar first pretended to have a toothache, but when they ordered it to open its mouth, they found it full with their father's hairs! The two brothers killed the jaguar. They ripped it open, collected Ngutapa's flesh from its stomach, and put it into a basket that they stored hanging in their maloca.

One day, Yoi and Ipi went hunting. Some parrots came and tore the basket open so as to eat Ngutapa's flesh. As the pieces of flesh fell to the ground, they turned into all the sorts of people who exist in today's world. When the brothers came back, the maloca was overflowing with people. So they expanded the world back to its original size to make them space, and the groups of people spread in all directions. That is how the earth was populated.]313 '"What is it, mother, that is malevolently mentioning me?" he asked.' 317 As a whole, this song is meant to warn Ngutapa that something bad is about to happen to him. Its exact meaning is unclear, however. Tü tü ̀(tonemes uncertain) is likely an onomatopoeia simultaneously imitative of the kicking sounds that Ngutapa's wife is making in the water, the sound that Ngutapa will make later on when he will bump into a plant on which his wife is standing in the shape of a wasp, and the sounds that the latter will make when she will sting her husband in both knees. O mari ̄yanà(also U mari ̄yanàor G ũmari ̄yana), whose phonological shape suggests that it is a loanword, might be another name of Ngutapa himself. They are in fact addressing their grandmother here-not their mother.

A.2 Linguistic analysis

331 Inaudible. 332 The exact syntactic structure from taū'echìgù to the end of this utterance is unclear.

333 These are periphrastic ways to refer euphemistically to jaguars (in daily Tikuna aî) without taking the risk of being understood and potentially attacked by them (see (T116-T119) below).

'Such was the situation 334 , and when did she finally say things clearly...? At no point did she say it [clearly]

Profil typologique du tikuna de San Martín de

Amacayacu

La phonétique et la phonologie du tikuna de San Martín de Amacayacu (tsma) présentent peu de complexité aux niveaux phonétique et phonologique. L'inventaire des phonèmes segmentaux de la langue est relativement réduit (11 consonnes, 6 voyelles), et la réalisation phonétique de ces phonèmes ne présente pas de complexité particulière. La structure syllabique segmentale est simple et peut être schématisée comme suit : /(C)V(V)(ʔ)/. Les processus morphophonologiques de la langue n'affectent que rarement les segments. La phonologie du tsma connaît une complexité bien plus considérable au niveau suprasegmental. La question de la position de l'accent tonique, qui tombe systématiquement sur la première syllabe de certaines catégories de morphèmes libres (pour la plupart d'entre eux) et ne se déplace jamais, ne présente pas de difficulté particulière, pas plus que le trait syllabique de nasalité phonologique, dont la présence dans certaines syllabes est entièrement déterminée lexicalement et ne donne pas lieu à des phénomènes de diffusion phonologique. La langue affiche, en revanche, un inventaire de tonèmes très développé (10 tonèmes d'après l'analyse que je propose ici). Leur réalisation phonétique repose en grande partie sur des propriétés de hauteur mélodique (pitch), mais aussi sur des propriétés phonatoires. Chaque syllabe sous-jacente possède son propre tonème lexical, lequel peut se retrouver affecté, dans certains contextes morphosyntaxiques récurrents en discours, par des processus morphotonologiques complexes.

La morphologie du tsma peut sans doute être qualifiée de principalement agglutinante, bien qu'elle soit aussi, dans une proportion importante, fusionnelle. Autrement dit, une correspondance simple prévaut le plus souvent entre morphèmes et traits grammaticaux, mais il est loin d'être rare qu'un même morphème encode plusieurs traits grammaticaux en même temps (voire, exceptionnellement, qu'une seule fonction grammaticale soit conjointement réalisée au moyen de plusieurs morphèmes ; cf. le cas du verbe déictique ci-après). Les morphèmes sont typiquement syllabiques, c'est-à-dire qu'ils se composent formellement d'une ou plusieurs syllabes complètes, et ne peuvent contenir de segments qui ne sauraient se réaliser qu'en étant syllabifiés avec des morphèmes voisins (à l'exception de la consonne /ʔ/, dans certaines circonstances). La forme des morphèmes est généralement un indicateur simple de leur fonction dans la plupart des domaines de la morphologie de la langue (autrement dit, la forme des morphèmes permet le plus souvent une identification aisée de leur fonction par le linguiste), sauf dans le domaine com-plexe de la morphologie flexionnelle du syntagme prédicatif, où se présentent de nombreux cas de fusion, syncrétisme ou homophonie entre morphèmes divers.

Les substantifs en tsma se répartissent en deux catégories morphologiques : les substantifs indépendants (qui sont des formes libres accentuées) et les substantifs liés (qui sont des formes liées inaccentuées). La langue possède un système de cinq classes d'accord nominales. L'accord en classe est obligatoire à l'intérieur du syntagme nominal, où il se manifeste sur diverses catégories de morphèmes. Les indices pronominaux attachés au syntagme prédicatif s'accordent également en classe nominale avec le participant qu'ils indexent. Si l'accord en classe est rigide, l'assignation des participants à une classe donnée en discours est pour sa part flexible, y compris au sein d'un même événement de parole, et repose sur une combinaison complexe de critères lexicaux, sémantiques et pragmatiques. Le syntagme nominal en fonction syntaxique de sujet ou d'objet est non marqué morphologiquement (il se présente, autrement dit, sous sa forme au cas zéro). Les fonctions syntaxiques non nucléaires, en revanche, sont le plus souvent marquées au moyen d'un inventaire étendu de suffixes casuels et de noms relationnels qui s'attachent au syntagme nominal concerné. Cette tendance au marquage des fonctions syntaxiques sur le constituant dépendant cohabite avec une tendance opposée à leur marquage sur le constituant tête dans le cas où un syntagme nominal suit (au lieu de précéder) le syntagme prédicatif. Dans ce cas précis, sa fonction syntaxique est manifestée, de préférence, par un indice correspondant attaché au syntagme prédicatif, le syntagme nominal lui-même ne portant pas, de son côté, de marquage morphologique de sa fonction.

Il n'existe pas de classe d'adjectifs en tsma. C'est la proposition relative ayant son antécédent en fonction de sujet d'un syntagme prédicatif d'aspect interne statif qui, en tsma, assure le plus souvent le type de fonction assuré dans d'autres langues par des modifieurs adjectivaux. La langue dispose en revanche d'une catégorie réduite d'adverbes, dont l'unique fonction est de servir directement de modifieur du syntagme prédicatif.

Le syntagme prédicatif en tsma peut être verbal (c'est-à-dire être construit sur une racine verbale, qui sera typiquement monosyllabique) ou bien non verbal. La racine verbale, qui peut être fléchie telle quelle comme un syntagme prédicatif fini, a accès -facultativement -à un riche paradigme de suffixes dérivationnels qui, pour la plupart, spécifient le type de relation spatiale qui existe entre une figure (correspondant à l'argument sujet ou objet) et un fond (ground) lors de la phase culminante du procès. De plus, la racine verbale incorpore fréquemment un voire plusieurs constituants nominaux. Le syntagme prédicatif, qu'il soit verbal ou non verbal, peut recevoir en sus un ou plusieurs suffixes dérivationnels appartenant à un riche inventaire de morphèmes dont les valeurs ont trait à des catégories telles que l'aspect interne ou externe, le mode, l'intensité, ou encore le nombre. La morphologie flexionnelle -passablement complexe -du syntagme prédicatif fini comprend des positions structurelles dont la fonction est d'indexer l'argument sujet, l'argument objet, ou le participant en fonction accusative (une fonction syntaxique distincte de celle d'objet (nucléaire)), bénéfactive, locative, ou d'objet partitif. La morphologie flexionnelle du syntagme prédicatif permet également l'encodage de la classe prédicative (une propriété fondamentalement lexicale des syntagmes prédicatifs, qui se répartissent en cinq classes prédicatives) et, facultativement, du mouvement associé (c'est-à-dire l'encodage de l'existence d'un événement secondaire de mouvement ou de déplacement qui précède immédiatement la réalisation du procès). La catégorie grammaticale du temps est entièrement absente du domaine morphosyntaxique que représente le syntagme prédicatif. L'encodage de valeurs grammaticales temporelles ne peut se réaliser que depuis l'intérieur du syntagme nominal (« temps nominal », nominal tense) ou bien au moyen d'enclitiques dont la portée est propositionnelle.

On peut considérer le tsma comme une langue de type nominatif-accusatif. On peut dire, en effet, que l'argument unique du syntagme prédicatif intransitif (U) s'aligne avec l'argument agent du syntagme prédicatif transitif (A, et non pas avec son argument patient P) du point de vue de l'encodage de la fonction syntaxique de ces arguments (bien qu'en pratique cet alignement ne puisse s'observer que dans la manière dont ces arguments sont indexés au syntagme prédicatif, et non pas dans la manière dont ces arguments sont marqués morphologiquement lorsqu'ils sont représentés par des constituants nominaux indépendants, puisque ces constituants ne portent alors aucun marquage, ce qui empêche d'identifier quelque alignement que ce soit entre U, A et P). On notera cependant que certains suffixes dérivationnels de la racine verbale ou du syntagme prédicatif ont un effet dont l'application présente un alignement de type ergatif-absolutif (ainsi, l'allomorphe pluriel de certains de ces suffixes peut spécifier la pluralité soit de U soit de P, mais jamais de A).

Il n'est pas certain qu'un ordre des constituants principaux non marqué d'un point de vue pragmatique (Basic Word Order) puisse être identifié en tsma. Les positions relatives du sujet (S) et de l'objet (O) sont contraintes syntaxiquement dans le cas (rare) où les deux sont représentés par des constituants nominaux indépendants et se trouvent précéder le syntagme prédicatif (V) ( ✓ SOV, mais pas *OSV). Cependant, à l'exception donc de *OSV, toutes les séquences possibles sont attestées dans -semble-t-il -quelque type de proposition que ce soit (impliquant selon les cas des structures morphosyntaxiques légèrement variables) sans qu'on puisse le plus souvent déterminer clairement que l'une d'entre elles soit pragmatiquement moins marquée que les autres. D'un point de vue purement morphosyntaxique, en revanche, on peut avec plus de fondement considérer l'ordre S(O)V comme le moins marqué, dans la mesure où c'est celui de tous qui requiert pour se produire le moins de matériel morphosyntaxique.

Les catégories grammaticales de temps, aspect, mode, évidentialité et polarité (entre autres) sont encodées au moyen d'un système relativement riche de particules et d'enclitiques de portée propositionnelle.

Parmi les aspects de la grammaire du tsma qui pourraient présenter actuellement un intérêt particulier pour les typologues, on peut mentionner son système tonologique très développé (décrit dans les Sections 2.4, 2.6.2, et 2.7.3), son système de classes d'accord nominales dans lequel l'accord en classe est obligatoire mais l'assignation à une classe est flexible (cf. Bertet to appear), son système de suffixes dérivationnels de la racine verbale spécifiant des configurations figurefond (Section 4.2.3), sa construction passive non marquée morphologiquement (Section 4.5.3.1), la présence dans la langue d'encodage grammatical du mouvement associé (Section 5.8), la variété des stratégies morphosyntaxiques dont la langue dispose pour spécifier au sein du syntagme prédicatif le nombre grammatical des participants de troisième personne (Section 5.10), et enfin son verbe déictique (Section 6).

Organisation de la thèse

Cette thèse est organisée comme suit. Le Chapitre 1 introduit le lecteur au contexte général de la langue tikuna puis au contexte spécifique de la communauté de San Martín de Amacayacu où j'ai mené mes recherches. Il présente les locuteurs qui ont collaboré à ces recherches et les données que ceux-ci m'ont permis de recueillir, puis recense les principales ressources publiées actuellement disponibles sur la langue tikuna et en langue tikuna, avant d'esquisser un portrait typologique du tsma.

Le Chapitre 2 décrit en détail la phonétique et la phonologie du tsma, en commençant par l'inventaire de ses phonèmes segmentaux, puis en passant à son riche inventaire suprasegmental, sa phonotactique (c'est-à-dire la manière dont ses phonèmes peuvent être combinés pour former des syllabes et des morphèmes) et sa morphophonologie (c'est-à-dire la manière dont ses morphèmes peuvent être combinés pour former des mots). Ce chapitre explore également des aspects de la phonologie du tsma qui découlent de contacts passés ou présents avec d'autres langues (phonologie des mots d'emprunt et du mélange codique -code-mixing) ainsi que des aspects de sa diachronie. Il se termine sur une présentation du système orthographique pratique dans lequel est transcrit le tsma dans les autres parties de cette étude.

Les Chapitres 3 à 7 traitent de la morphosyntaxe de la langue. Le Chapitre 3 commence avec une introduction générale à la structure du syntagme nominal, puis analyse en détail la morphologie et la distribution syntaxique de quelques-uns de ses éléments constitutifs (substantifs indépendants et substantifs liés, pronoms, démonstratifs non locatifs, et joncteur). Il s'achève sur une brève introduction au système de marquage des fonctions syntaxiques des syntagmes nominaux en tsma.

Les Chapitres 4 à 6 examinent en détail la morphosyntaxe du syntagme prédicatif (SP). Le Chapitre 4 commence par présenter la structure générale du SP. Sont ensuite décrits par le menu, d'une part, la morphologie non flexionnelle à laquelle seul le SP verbal a accès (suffixes dérivationnels de la racine verbale et incorporation nominale), puis, d'autre part, la composition morphologique des divers types de SP non verbaux. Pour finir, ce chapitre analyse un par un les suffixes dérivationnels auxquels ont accès aussi bien le SP verbal que le SP non verbal.

Le Chapitre 5 poursuit avec l'examen de la morphologie flexionnelle complexe du SP fini en tsma. Une introduction générale à la structure formelle de la « matrice flexionnelle » (inflectional template) du SP est proposée dans un premier temps, accompagnée d'une présentation succincte du type de fonctions grammaticales qu'assurent les morphèmes (des proclitiques pour l'essentiel) qui occupent les huit positions structurelles de cette matrice (indexation de participants aux fonctions syntaxiques diverses, encodage du mouvement associé et encodage de la classe prédicative -ou « conjugaison » ; noter au passage qu'aucune de ces fonctions n'a trait au temps, à l'aspect ou au mode). La distribution fonctionnelle des trois tiroirs verbaux de la langue (tiroirs Indicatif, Impératif et Subjonctif), lesquels représentent les trois valeurs de la dernière dimension flexionnelle du SP en tsma, est exposée dans un second temps. L'encodage de la valeur du tiroir verbal ne se réalise pas à un emplacement précis et unique de la matrice flexionnelle du SP, mais procède indirectement à travers la sélection de l'un ou l'autre des trois paradigmes de morphèmes légèrement distincts dont disposent certaines positions structurelles de la matrice. Le chapitre se poursuit avec un exposé formel détaillé des morphèmes occupant les positions structurelles de la matrice qui disposent de paradigmes dif-férents en fonction du tiroir verbal, suivi d'un exposé des morphèmes occupant les positions de la matrice qui présentent un paradigme unique commun aux trois tiroirs verbaux. La fin du chapitre est consacrée à l'exploration, depuis une perspective fonctionnelle, de deux des catégories grammaticales (mouvement associé et classe prédicative) que permet d'encoder la morphologie flexionnelle du SP en tsma, puis à l'exposition des diverses stratégies -flexionnelles ou non -auxquelles peut avoir recours la langue pour spécifier à l'intérieur du SP le nombre grammatical des participants.

Le Chapitre 6 traite de la morphologie et de la distribution fonctionnelle du verbe déictique du tsma, lequel a approximativement le sens de 'faire comme ça'. Bien que la flexion du verbe déictique s'organise selon les même catégories grammaticales que le SP régulier, son paradigme morphologique est unique et entièrement irrégulier. C'est là la principale raison pour laquelle ce verbe est examiné dans un chapitre à part. Le Chapitre 7, pour finir, analyse en détail l'un des aspects de la morphosyntaxe de la phrase en tsma, à savoir l'expression de la négation.

Cette étude comprend par ailleurs trois annexes. L'Annexe A consiste en la transcription contextualisée et accompagnée d'une analyse linguistique intégrale d'un enregistrement de 22 minutes dans lequel Loida Ángel Ruiz narre en tsma quelques épisodes du cycle mythologique de Ngutapa et ses enfants. Les chapitres centraux de cette étude font régulièrement référence à des passages de ce texte. Ceci est conçu pour permettre au lecteur d'observer dans toute la richesse d'un contexte naturel les phénomènes grammaticaux analysés dans ces chapitres.

L'Annexe B est un glossaire qui recense, à toutes fins utiles, la totalité des lexèmes mentionnés en un point ou un autre de cette étude.

Le présent résumé en français constitue la troisième annexe de cette étude.

On notera pour finir qu'un index exhaustif des morphèmes grammaticaux mentionnés où que ce soit dans cette étude est joint à la fin du présent volume.

Chapitre 1 -Introduction

Je présente dans ce chapitre la langue qui constitue l'objet de cette étude ainsi que les données sur lesquelles cette étude s'appuie. La Section 1.1 brosse une esquisse du contexte géographique, sociolinguistique, généalogique et dialectologique de la langue tikuna prise dans son ensemble. La Section 1.2 s'intéresse plus spécifiquement au contexte de San Martín de Amacayacu. Elle développe également les raisons pour lesquelles j'ai choisi de mener mes recherches dans cette communauté en particulier et expose la manière dont j'ai procédé dans ces recherches. La Section 1.3 présente les vingt-deux locuteurs qui ont participé à l'étude dont les résultats sont consignés dans ce travail et explicite la nature des données que leur collaboration m'a permis de rassembler. La Section 1.4 dresse un inventaire des principales ressources sur la langue tikuna et en langue tikuna publiées à ce jour, qu'il s'agisse de travaux scientifiques de date relativement récente ou bien de témoignages non scientifiques de la langue recueillis à des dates plus anciennes. La Section 1.5 décrit le profil typologique du tikuna de San Martín de Amacayacu. La Section 1.6, pour finir, expose l'organisation générale de la suite du présent travail.

Chapitre 2 -Phonétique et phonologie

Ce chapitre est consacré à la phonétique et à la phonologie du tsma. Les unités segmentales sous-jacentes de la langue et leur réalisation sont décrites dans la Section 2.1. Celles-ci forment un inventaire relativement réduit de 11 phonèmes consonantiques (dont aucune nasale ni aucune liquide) et 6 phonèmes vocaliques. Une seule consonne, à savoir l'occlusion glottale, peut apparaître en position de coda syllabique, auquel cas sa réalisation de surface est régie par des règles d'une complexité moyenne.

Les sections suivantes sont consacrées à l'exposition des unités sous-jacentes suprasegmentales du tsma. L'accent tonique est traité dans la Section 2.2. Sa présence et sa position sont fixées sur la première syllabe de certains types de morphèmes (parmi lesquels les racines verbales et les substantifs indépendants, notamment), de sorte que sa fonction peut être considérée comme non pas contrastive, mais démarcative. La Section 2.3 traite de la nasalité, qui représente un trait phonologique s'exprimant à l'échelle de la syllabe. L'inventaire exceptionnellement développé des tonèmes du tsma, qui constitue l'un des aspects les plus singuliers de la langue, fait l'objet d'un examen approfondi, aussi bien d'un point de vue descriptif que d'un point de vue typologique et aréal, dans la Section 2.4. La Section 2.5 expose la phonotactique du tsma, c'est-à-dire les modalités selon lesquelles les unités sous-jacentes présentées dans les Sections 2.1-2.4 peuvent ou ne peuvent pas se combiner pour former des syllabes. La Section 2.6 décrit les principaux phénomènes de morphophonologie attestés dans la langue. Des phénomènes de cette nature se produisent en tsma aussi bien au niveau segmental qu'au niveau suprasegmental. Cette section expose notamment en détail les patrons complexes d'alternances tonologiques morphologiquement conditionnées qui ont lieu dans la langue. La Section 2.7 explore des aspects de la phonologie segmentale et suprasegmentale du tsma qui ont rapport à des situations de contact dans lesquelles s'est trouvée -ou se trouve encore aujourd'hui -la langue avec diverses autres langues parlées à une époque ou à une autre dans l'ouest amazonien. Cette section expose, en particulier, la manière dont les mots d'emprunt, et même les mots espagnols insérés par mélange codique dans un énoncé en tsma, se voient attribuer des tonèmes de telle sorte que chacune de leurs syllabes sous-jacentes possède son propre tonème lexical sur le modèle des mots natifs. La Section 2.8 sonde brièvement quelques aspects de la diachronie du système phonologique du tsma. La Section 2.9, pour finir, expose l'orthographe pratique dans laquelle est transcrit le tsma dans la suite de cette étude.

Chapitre 3 -Syntagme nominal

Ce chapitre commence par une introduction générale à la morphosyntaxe du syntagme nominal (SN) en tsma (Section 3.1), puis explore plus en détail quatre points présentant un intérêt particulier à l'intérieur de ce domaine, à savoir la question de la distinction entre substantifs indépendants et substantifs liés (Section 3.2), le système pronominal (Section 3.3), le système des démonstratifs non locatifs (Section 3.4) et enfin la morphosyntaxe du joncteur, un morphème à la distribution unique dans la langue (Section 3.5). Le chapitre s'achève sur une brève introduction au système de marquage des fonctions syntaxiques des syntagmes nominaux (Section 3.6).

Les principaux éléments qui entrent dans la composition morphosyntaxique interne du SN en tsma sont :

1. les substantifs indépendants, qui sont des formes libres ; 2. les substantifs liés, qui sont des formes liées ; 3. les racines pronominales et les mots pronominaux indépendants dérivés de celles-ci ;

4. les racines démonstratives non locatives et les mots démonstratifs non locatifs indépendants dérivés de celles-ci ;

5. les racines démonstratives locatives et les mots démonstratifs locatifs indépendants dérivés de celles-ci ;

6. les nominalisations sans marque morphologique, c'est-à-dire des syntagmes prédicatifs directement employés en fonction de constituants nominaux sans marquage morphologique associé ;

7. une poignée de morphèmes dérivationnels -peu fréquents -qui ne peuvent s'attacher qu'à des mots nominaux ;

8. la proposition relative, formée au moyen du suffixe relativeur, et la proposition subordonnée en /-'ü / 'sub', c'est-à-dire des propositions occupant une fonction de constituant nominal et dont le référent est respectivement un participant ou un procès ;

9. le déterminant indéfini wi ́'á'indf' ; 10. et enfin le joncteur, qui a pour fonction prototypique de marquer explicitement la relation de constituance liant entre eux deux constituants nominaux dont l'un sert de modifieur à l'autre et qui forment ensemble un unique SN complexe.

Il est important de noter, au sujet de la distribution syntaxique du joncteur, que certains types de modifieurs précèdent presque toujours directement le SN qu'ils modifient, c'est-à-dire sans l'intervention du joncteur. Il s'agit avant tout des mots démonstratifs non locatifs, d'une part, et des syntagmes génitivaux (qui sont des syntagmes nominaux portant le suffix de cas /-arü / 'gen'), d'autre part. Wi ́'á'indf' est sujet à de la variation intergénérationnelle : alors que chez les locuteurs âgés, wi ́'árequiert la présence du joncteur (entre lui et le SN qu'il détermine) quel que soit le contexte, chez les locuteurs moins âgés, en revanche, il a tendance à ne déclencher la présence du joncteur qu'en contexte passé.

Les éléments 1. à 4. de la liste ci-dessus sont traités en détail dans les Sections 3.2-3.5. Les éléments 5. à 8. ne sont pas examinés en profondeur dans cette étude. On pourra cependant les observer à l'oeuvre dans une partie importante des exemples présentés tout au long de ce travail.

Chapitre 5 -Morphologie flexionnelle du syntagme prédicatif Ce chapitre décrit la morphologie flexionnelle du SP fini. La quasi-totalité des morphèmes dont il est question ici sont des proclitiques qui sont directement préposés au SP. La seule exception à cette généralisation est un suffixe qui s'attache à l'autre extrémité du SP. Bon nombre de ces morphèmes ont pour fonction d'indexer des participants ayant des fonctions syntaxiques diverses : sujet, objet, participant en fonction accusative (lequel se distingue de l'objet (nucléaire) au niveau morphosyntaxique et, dans une certaine mesure, au niveau sémantique), participant bénéfactif(-maléfactif), participant locatif et participant objet partitif. D'autres parmi ces proclitiques encodent la classe prédicative (ou « conjugaison », si l'on veut) du SP auquel ils sont préposés. D'autres encore indiquent que le procès s'accompagne d'un mouvement associé. Un certain nombre de ces morphèmes sont des morphèmes fusionnels, qui accomplissent plusieurs de ces fonctions à la fois. Ceux-ci contribuent à rendre jusqu'à un certain point fusionnelle la morphologie principalement agglutinante du tsma. Enfin, l'une des valeurs flexionnelles encodées dans le SP -à savoir le tiroir verbal Subjonctif -compte parmi ses exposants un processus d'alternance tonologique. Sa réalisation morphologique est, en d'autres termes, de nature partiellement suprasegmentale.

On remarquera que la morphologie flexionnelle du SP ne compte pas parmi ses fonctions l'encodage explicite de valeurs de type temporel, aspectuel, modal ou évidentiel (à l'exception, d'après l'analyse que je propose, d'une valeur d'aspect progressif ; cf. Section 5.7.2.1, p.462). Ce type de valeurs grammaticales est pour l'essentiel encodé au moyen de suffixes dérivationnels du SP (cf. Section 4.4) ou bien d'enclitiques ou particules de portée propositionnelle, ou encore, pour ce qui concerne la catégorie du temps spécifiquement, à l'intérieur des constituants nominaux à travers l'utilisation de formes spécifiques de certaines classes de mots qui se fléchissent en temps nominal.

Les deux exemples qui suivent illustrent une partie de ces remarques préliminaires concernant les propriétés formelles et fonctionnelles de la morphologie flexionnelle du SP en tsma : L'exemple (6) montre un SP fléchi au tiroir verbal Indicatif. On peut considérer le tiroir Indicatif comme non marqué d'un point de vue morphologique (par rapport aux deux autres tiroirs verbaux de la langue, à savoir le tiroir Subjonctif et, dans une moindre mesure, le tiroir Impératif). C'est là la raison pour laquelle la glose de cet exemple ne mentionne pas la valeur Indicatif. Les proclitiques flexionnels représentés dans cet exemple -où ils forment une chaîne de morphèmes typiquement agglutinante -ont successivement pour fonction d'indexer un participant en fonction accusative (/tü =/ '3s.acc'), d'indexer un argument sujet (/na=/ '3m/n/ns.sbj'), et d'encoder la classe prédicative (ou « conjugaison ») du SP (/rü =/ 'pcrü '). Cette dernière est en l'occurrence héritée par le SP /cho-'e'e/ (se.trouver.pl-caus) 'faire être quelque part (un complément pluriel)' de la classe prédicative lexicale de la racine verbale chó'se trouver (un sujet pluriel)' sur laquelle il est formé. L'exemple (7) montre quant à lui un SP fléchi au tiroir verbal Subjonctif. La flexion dans ce tiroir verbal se manifeste de manière suprasegmentale au niveau de l'un des proclitiques (en l'occurrence, au niveau de l'indice de troisième personne sujet /na=/ '3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv', dont le tonème / 1 / peut s'interpréter comme un exposant du tiroir Subjonctif) ainsi que, de façon générale, dans la dernière syllabe du SP lui-même (en l'occurrence, sur l'indice de troisième personne objet /-a/ '3m/n/ns.obj' -le seul élément de la morphologie flexionnelle du SP à être un suffixe -, qui se trouve ne pas changer de tonème sous l'effet des alternances morphotonologiques qui affectent en temps normal la dernière syllabe des SP au tiroir Subjonctif, d'où les parenthèses que comprend sa glose : '3m/n/ns.obj(\sbjv)'). On notera que les traits grammaticaux dont l'exposant est de nature exclusivement suprasegmentale sont précédés dans la ligne de glose d'une barre oblique inversée <\>. Enfin, le proclitique flexionnel /ya=/ 'am' en (7) indique que le procès principal ('il le cueillit') est précédé par un événement de mouvement associé ('il alla le cueillir').

Ce chapitre s'organise comme suit. La Section 5.1 donne un aperçu général de l'ensemble de la matrice flexionnelle du SP fini ainsi que des diverses catégories morphosyntaxiques que ses huit positions structurelles ont pour fonction d'encoder. La Section 5.2 introduit, depuis une perspective formelle et fonctionnelle, la division fondamentale qui sous-tend ce que j'appelle les trois tiroirs verbaux de la langue, à savoir les tiroirs Indicatif (ind), Impératif (imp) et Subjonctif (sbjv). Bien que la morphologie de ces trois tiroirs opère à peu de chose près au sein d'une seule et même matrice flexionnelle, leurs paradigmes spécifiques diffèrent au niveau des positions 4 à 8 de cette matrice. Les Sections 5.3, 5.4 et 5.5 décrivent tour à tour la morphologie flexionnelle propre à ind, imp et sbjv dans ces positions. La Section 5.6 contient une série de tableaux de flexion qui résument les descriptions détaillées développées dans les Sections 5.3-5.5. La Section 5.7 poursuit avec la description de la morphologie correspondant aux positions 1 à 3 de la matrice flexionnelle du SP, lesquelles présentent des paradigmes qui ne varient pas d'un tiroir verbal à l'autre. Les Sections 5.3 à 5.7 offrent ainsi une description complète (positions 1 à 8) -mais dans une large mesure purement formelle -du matériel morphologique ayant pour fonction l'encodage de traits flexionnels dans le SP du tsma. Les Sections 5.8 et 5.9 examinent quant à elles de plus près, et avec une approche principalement fonctionnelle, deux des catégories grammaticales que ce matériel morphologique a pour fonction d'encoder, à savoir le mouvement associé (qui se réalise dans la position 5 de la matrice) et la classe prédicative (position 6). La Section 5.10 s'intéresse pour finir aux diverses stratégies morphologiques dont dispose la langue pour spécifier le nombre grammatical des participants depuis la morphologie du SP lui-même, que ces stratégies fassent usage de matériel morphologique strictement flexionnel (appartenant aux positions 1 à 8 de la matrice) ou bien qu'elles fassent usage de matériel morphologique autre.

Chapitre 6 -Le verbe déictique /ña-/ña-+-((rü )gü )/ 'faire comme ça' Le verbe déictique de manière350 /ña-/ña-+-((rü )gü )/, dont 'faire comme ça' peut faire office de traduction approximative, est l'un des verbes les plus fréquents de la langue en discours, notamment dans le genre narratif. Il mérite une attention particulière tant d'un point de vue fonctionnel que d'un point de vue formel. Ses spécificités, qui le distinguent de quelque autre type de syntagme prédicatif que ce soit, et en particulier des racines verbales régulières, sont en effet tout aussi frappantes de l'un de ces deux points de vue que de l'autre.

On remarquera notamment sa nature morphologique bipartite, un cas unique dans la langue (d'où le fait que je le désigne par une étiquette bipartite : /ña-/ña-+ -((rü )gü )/). Dans la plupart de ses formes flexionnelles -à quelques exceptions près -, sa composante lexicale est représentée par deux éléments morphologiques séparés. Dans ces formes, un premier morphème /ña-/ña-/ et un second morphème /-gü /-rü ḡü /, qui remplissent conjointement une seule et même fonction, sont séparés par un indice pronominal sujet (p. ex. /ña-cha-rü ḡü / ['faire.comme.ça-1sg.sbj-faire.comme.ça'] 'je fais comme ça' ; la distribution morphologique des allomorphes /ña-/ vs /ña-/, d'une part, et /-gü / vs /-rü ḡü /, d'autre part, est corrélée pour l'essentiel à la personne de l'indice sujet et à la valeur du tiroir verbal).

Les propriétés sémantiques et syntaxiques particulières du verbe déictique sont traitées dans la Section 6.1, sa morphologie flexionnelle exceptionnelle, dans la Section 6.2, et la morphologie dérivationnelle limitée à laquelle il a accès, dans la Section 6.3.

Chapitre 7 -Négation

Ce chapitre traite des morphèmes et constructions qui servent à rendre négative la polarité de la proposition. Le Tableau 49 (p.518) résume les constructions morphosyntaxiques qui servent à la réalisation de chacune des principales fonctions ayant trait à la polarité négative. Ces constructions et les fonctions qui leur sont associées sont décrites en détail dans les sections qui suivent (les numéros entre parenthèses dans le Tableau 49 indiquent la section dans laquelle est analysée chaque fonction). La plupart des fonctions listées dans le Tableau 49 sont examinées depuis une perspective typologique dans van der Auwera & Krasnoukhova (2020). L'organisation générale de ce chapitre est en grande partie fondée sur les classifications typologiques proposées par Miestamo (2017) et van der Auwera & Krasnoukhova (2020).

  . . . . . . . . . . . . . 220 Morphological paradigm of the smat linker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253 Syntactic function markers in smat . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 275 Derivational suffixes of the verb root . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 292 Formal types of non-verbal predicative phrases in smat along with their respective meanings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 331 Derivational suffixes of the predicative phrase . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 342 Set of values of the morphosyntactic categories encoded in slots 1 to 3 of the inflectional template of the predicative phrase with their corresponding morpheme shapes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 393 Combined set of values of the morphosyntactic categories encoded in slots 4 to 8 of the inflectional template of the predicative phrase in ind, imp, and sbjv, with their corresponding "basic" morpheme shapes . . . 393 Summary of the functional distribution of the Inflectional Types including sbjv-'ü ̃. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 398 Set of "basic" morphemes available in slots 4 to 7 of the inflectional template of the predicative phrase in ind . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 429 Fusional morphemes encoding both subject index and predicative class pci ̄or pci ̀in ind contrasted with their expected concatenative forms . 431 44 Fusional morphemes encoding both predicative class and third person masculine/neuter/non-salientive (core) object index in ind contrasted with their expected concatenative forms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 Set of "basic" morphemes available in slots 5 to 7 of the inflectional template of the predicative phrase in imp . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 Fusional morphemes encoding both subject index and predicative class pci ̄or pci ̀in sbjv contrasted with their expected concatenative forms . 47 Smat verb roots and verb stems with suppletive singular vs plural forms 48 Inflectional paradigm of the verb /ña-/ña-+-((rü )gü )/ 'do thus' . . . . . 49 Summary of the major functions related to negative polarity with their corresponding morphosyntactic strategies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 Negative existential indefinites formed as regular subject participant relativizations including the verb root ta'u 'be absent' . . . . . . . . . . . . 51 Negative existential indefinites attested in my data that are not formed as participant relativizations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 Timeline of the main contacts between Tikuna and other languages spoken in its surroundings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 Chronological representation of the likely or explicit realizations of the reflexes of smat /ʨ/ attested in written records and linguistic descriptions of Tikuna . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 Chronological representation of the likely or explicit realizations of the reflexes of smat /ʥ/ attested in written records and linguistic descriptions of Tikuna . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 Chronological representation of the likely or explicit realizations of the reflexes of smat [ŋ] attested in written records and linguistic descriptions of Tikuna . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 Outline of the structure of the smat predicative phrase (PP) . . . . . .

  , sociolinguistic, genetic, and dialectal context of the Tikuna language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 1.2 Field site and fieldwork . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 1.2.1 San Martín de Amacayacu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 1.2.2 Data collection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Figure 4 .Figure 5 .

 45 Figure 4. On the Amacayacu river heading to San Martín de Amacayacu

  -/b/ /t/ -/d/ /ʨ/ -/ʥ/ /k/ -/g/ /kʷ/ -/w/ realizations in [

Figure 13 .Figure 14 .Figure 15 .

 131415 Figure 13. Graphic representation of phonetically level and rising tones (above) andfalling tones (below) from Audio sample 1 (see example (75))

(

  137) [...] ērǘ tá-tâiyà gá yî'emá. brought them ripe plantains for them to cook for the monkey] because it was hungry.' [jsg C115]

  .pci .sbjv=go.sg '"[Mother, what do you want to leave home for? -Stop bothering me!] I'm leaving alone!"' [igs 81]

( 146 )

 146 Ye'gúmá ã 'a kū-chi ̊ã' a gá <tè'è mé'e...mythical brothers Yoi and Ipi had all the animals stand in line and were reviewing them one by one.] And then, here stands the, uh... the tapir!' [lar C401-403]

( 147 )

 147 "Kǘ tōwe̋rǖ-ṹ!" ñatàgǜgü 'ü ̃ã' a. kǘ=tō-wec ome.on=1pl-following rǖ=ṹ pcrü =go.sg ña-tà-gǜ-gü -'ü =ã 'a do.thus-3s.sbj\sbjv-do.thus-pl\sbjv-sub=quot '"[We're going poison-fishing.] Come on, come with us!" they said.' [lar E133]

  do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub '[A supernatural being to a hunter hidden in a tree:] "Come on, come down and let's talk [lit. '... and you and I speak with ourselves!']!" he said.' [jsg B46] (149) "Mārǖ īyā-ṹ í tăé! [...] Ngi ̏'ārü ̀ngi ́'ka̰ ta-daȗ!"

  group of siblings between themselves:] "Our mother is gone! [...] Let's look for her!"' [igs 263-269] Instances of uses of the fourth person in vague reference to the speaker's ingroups are given in examples (150-153).

( 163 )

 163 Gŭaã ḿá rǜ tà årú. Ngéàrǜ tà årú. m of the clan of the cascabel 206 plant.] That one over there too, he['s] cascabel. That one too, she['s] cascabel.' [igs 433-434]

( 166 )

 166 Daȃ̰ táti ́i ̀-i ̃yáchaù'akü à̰ ! daȃ̰ -taṕ rox.s-coll ti ́i ̀=i 3s.sbj.pci=be ya=chaù-'akü à̰ lk.m/s=1sg--ma) do-mádo-mà(do'e-ma) NA ño-maḿ ed nge-màyi ̆-máyi ̂-màyi ̂'e-má(yi ̆a-ma-ta) nge-mad ist ye-màgu-mágu-màgu'e-má(guȃ-ma-ta) ye-maT able 33. smat endophoric non-locative demonstratives regardless of the temporal setting (non-pre-hodiernal-past or pre-hodiernal-past) of the processes referred to. Examples (167-168) illustrate the participant anaphoric use of the medial endophoric demonstrative in modifier syntactic position. Examples (169-170) illustrate its anaphoric use in head syntactic position. (167) "Na̋nămá'a táyà-chăgǘēgǘ yá yĭmá dùü !" naa ssert? nă-má'a 3m-com tá=yà=chăgǘē-gǘ 4sbj=am=fish.with.poison-pl yá=yĭ-má lk.m/s=med.m-anaph dùü be.a.human '"Let's go poison-fishing with that man [i.e. the one we've been talking about]!"' [lar D127] (168) Nü chànā-we'ü ̃ì gű'ü ̃ì panorama ì yîmà ĩ ́ànèàrǖ.

(

  188) [...] yemáã kǜ tǖná-yăē'ẽ 'e, ná'a tã ů ñomáwa̋ì-chíbǖ'ü ̃[...]. ye-má-ã kǜ dist.ns-anaph-man tǖ=ná=yă-ē-'ẽ 'e 4acc=3m/n/ns.sbj=grow-intr.pl-caus

( 190 )

 190 Nűakṵã̰ gǘ chírḛ tíì-ĩ ̊gàgŭamatá, nűàPutumayokṵã̰ gǘ. nű-a-kṵã̰ -gǘ=chírḛ prox.aloc-exo-origin-pl=aprf tíì=ĩ 3s.sbj.pci=be ga=gŭa-ma-tá lk.n/s.pst=prox.s-anaph-coll nű-ap rox.aloc-exo

  (200) "Ngémàí chô'rǖ pĕta-petà rǜ ngímá'a pī-ü gǘànē!" pī=ü -gǘ-ànē 2pl.sbj.pci .sbjv=make-pl-space\sbjv '"There you have my axe: open fields with it!"' [lar E66]

  countries are developed and have advanced technologies.] That's what I'd like to go and see.' [jsg B565]

( 221 )

 221 E nèkatǘ ēgá mêàtü kù-ü tànǜgùrǜ gű'ü ̃mā tíī-ūgǘ! enèkatǘ or.even.better? ēgá if mêaẁ ell tü =kù=ü -tànǜ-gu=rǜ 3s.ben=2sg.sbj\sbjv=make-compensation-circ=top gű-'ü =mā finish\sbjv-rel.ns=precisely tíī=ūgǘ 3s.sbj.pci =narrate '[Ask him, he will tell you all sorts of stories!] Or even better, if you pay him well, he'll tell [you] everything!' [igs 567]

( 222 )

 222 Nǖyā-ūgǘgùēwa̋rǜ ã 'a gá, ná-abierto ã 'a gá ngēmàmorral.nǖ=yā=ūgǘ-gu3m/n/ns.acc=pci .3f.sbj.sbjv=narrate-circ she said, the bag was open.' [jsg B457-458]

( 223 )

 223 wí'á nâi yà tá'ü chi ̄nè yà wôchi ̋nèmá'a nà-ūgü nèwaw í'á indf nâi tree [yà=tá-'ü chi ̄-nè] lk.n/s=be.big-genuinely\sbjv-rel.n [yà=wôchi ̋nè-má'a lk.n/s=ceiba.tree-com

  nominal phrase 'The other one already died.' [igs 448]

( 231 )

 231 Ngemà, expresogú i ̋nà-gūgü 'ü ̃ì nü mà ì ngēmàkōri ̋gǘ. nge-mà med.aloc-anaph expreso-gú

( 268 )

 268 Wí'á gá gùnē'ü gùgá, ñâ'ü ̃gá fènü èkǖ: "[...]" [wí'á indf gá=gùnē-'ü -gu]=gá lk.pst=get.light\sbjv-rel.ns-ploc=pst ñâ-'ü do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub gá=fènü è-kǖ lk.pst=hunt\sbjv-rel.m 'One day, the hunter said to himself: "[...]"' [jsg B17-18]

( 273 )

 273 Ñṵmá tà yeà nȍ'ri ̄ĩ ́pátāi ̋-ü 'ü wa̋tānā-nâgü 'ü . i ̋=ü -'ü -wa3aloc=make\sbjv-rel.ns-aloc tā=nā=nâ-gü -'ü 1pl.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=carry.pl-pl\sbjv-sub 'We carry them all the way there where their depot is built.' [jsg A53-54]

  ́, -ku̽ / 'in.sg, in.pl' Illustrations of the use of the FGC suffix /-ku̽ chi ́, -ku̽ / 'in.sg, in.pl', which denotes a [+containment] topological relation, are provided in examples (285) (intransitive PP, the FGC suffix characterizes the spatial relation of the subject referent relative to a contextually understood ground) and (286-287) (transitive PPs, the FGC suffix characterizes the spatial relation of the object referent relative to a ground referred to by means of an NP or understood contextually).

( 289 )

 289 "Naī'nekü wa̋chi ̄-ü ḱu!" naī'nekü -waj ungle-aloc chi ̄=ü -ku1 sg.sbj.pci .sbjv=be.there.sg-in.pl '"I'm going into the jungle!"' [igs 101]

  ̽ chi ́, -'ü ̽ / 'out.sg, out.pl' Illustrations of the use of the FGC suffix /-'V ̽ chi ́, -'ü ̽ / 'out.sg, out.pl', which denotes a [-containment] topological relation, are provided in examples (290-

  used to work for two tourist agencies.] But now that I work for the consortium, I've quit [lit. '... I've gone out of it.'].' [jsg A123]

  -e, -ü / 'off.sg, off.pl' Illustrations of the use of the FGC suffix /-e, -ü / 'off.sg, off.pl', which denotes a [-support] topological relation, are provided in examples (300-301) (transitive PPs, see also (T45); see (302-303) and (T46) for occurrences of this suffix in intransitive PPs). (300) Nánā-tȕēgǘ. ná=nā=tȕ-ē-gǘ 3m/n/ns.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=pull-off.sg-pl 'They dragged it [i.e. a canoe] down [i.e. down the riverbank to the river].' [jsg B327] (301) Pō'i ̋'i ̋rà i ̋kù-wòü 'ü . pō'i ̋-'i ̋rà plantain-first i ̋=kù=wò-ü -'ü 3aloc=2sg.sbj\sbjv=drop.pl-off.pl\sbjv-sub '[In a recipe:] You put in [lit. 'You drop off ...'] the plantains first.' [tvj B332]Intriguingly, /-e, -ü / 'off.sg, off.pl' is used not only in the expression of motions off a vehicle, as in (303), but also in the expression of motions onto a vehicle, as in (302). (302) Motocarrogúgá ti ̄-chôü 'ü ̃{tà}. motocarro-gu=gá tuk.tuk-ploc=pst ti ̄=chô-ü -'ü {=tà}. 3s.sbj.pci \sbjv=be.there.pl-off.pl\sbjv-sub=add '[My parents-in-law also lost a bag with money in it once, just like my wife.] They also took a tuk-tuk.' [jsg B481] (303) Ngemài ̋tá-chôü ̃rǜ mé'e ngemàtànā-ta'ü ̃motocarrowa. /n/ns.obj=drop.sg\sbjv-sub motocarro-wat uk.tuk-aloc '[They arrived at their apartment.] They got off it [i.e. the tuk-tuk] and I guess they left it [i.e. the bag] there in the tuk-tuk.' [jsg B486] 4.2. Verbal predicative phrases

( 304 )

 304 U ūchī'ü ̃ã' a [...]. u-ūchī-'ü =ã 'a go.sg-at\sbjv-sub=quot rǜ=ã 'a and=quot '[All the animals were standing in line. It came to the turn of the deer.] It came closer [to Yoi and Ipi, who examined it].' [lar C381]

  ) for a similar example):(308) [...] nà-pū'gù rǜ pā'à tá-wòègù ērǜ ì nge'gùmá[...] nà=pū-'gù=rǜ 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=rain-circ=top pā'à be.quick ta=wò-ègù-gü 1pl.sbj=drop.pl-inv-pl ērǜ as.for.it ì=nge'gùmaĺ k.ns=anaph.circ '[We take the tourists fishing, but] if it rains then in that case we come back quickly [because it's no fun fishing in the rain].' [jgs 290] An instance of use of /-egu/ 'inv' as a FGC suffix characterizing the spatial relation of the figure relative to itself as it stands at the initial phase of the process is provided in the following example (see also (438)): (309) Tü machátākṵré'ü ̃ã' a tǖnà-kűègùpǜtā'ü . tü -ma-chátākṵré-'ü =ã 'a 3s-anaph-antler-state=quot tǖ=nà=kű-ègù-pǜtā-'ü 3s.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=push-inv-tooth\sbjv-sub '[The mythical figure Yoi examined the mouth of the deer, who in mythical times had the exact same shape as a jaguar.] He drove its [upper canine] teeth up over into antlers [i.e. he pressed on the jaguar-deer's teeth up through its head so as to revert their orientation relative to their base and make them into the antlers that deers have nowadays].' [lar C389] 4.2.3.10 /-a̽ / 'plloc' The FGC suffix /-a̽ / 'plloc' denotes a plurilocal topological relation, i.e. a relation (achieved or tended towards) of contiguity of the figure with two or more distinct parts of the ground. Illustrations of the use of this suffix are provided in examples (310) (intransitive PP) and (311) (transitive PP; see also (T46), where like in (311) /-a̽ / indicates that the ground-a human being-is applied a figurea wasp sting-in both members of a pair of limbs). (310) Yĕ'má tíī-ã āchí'ü gǘ gá nů'kǘmá [...]. yĕ'-má dist.ploc-anaph tíī=ã -a-chí'ü -gǘ 3s.sbj.pci =have-plloc-home-pl gá=nů'kǘmá lk.f/m/ns.pst=past.time '[My relatives used to live in ordinary houses in the upper Loretoyacu river.] They used to live scattered over there formerly [lit. '... to have homes at several points in that region formerly.'].' [gra 114] (311) [...] chìrűchi ̀pa̰ ã 'a tü ĝǜ tī-nůá'ü ̃gá chü tākü . chìrű-chi ̀pa̰ =ã 'a matamatá.tree-small.concave.shape=quot tü -gǜ 3s-refl tī=nů-á-'ü 3s.sbj.pci\sbjv=put.pl-plloc\sbjv-sub gá=chü tākü lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=night.time '[To protect themselves from the coming attack of an evil ghost,] they put the matamatá fruit shells on [i.e. on both of their eyes] at night.' [lar A44] 4.2.3.11 /-ye/ 'in.the.middle' I tentatively consider /-ye/ 'in.the.middle' as a FGC suffix denoting a medial topological relation, i.e. a relation (achieved or tended towards) of contiguity of the figure with the middle of the ground. An illustration of the use of this suffix is provided in example (312) (transitive PP used in a passive construction; on the passive construction, see Section 4.5.3).

( 324 )

 324 Ñṵmá rǜ chàuchí'ü ̃i ̋chā-ü ̆ì chòmà. ñṵmá=rǜ

(

  326) "Na̋ēkà chí mé'e i ̋chànā-ǘ'ü chígùyá chô'rǖ tü è [...]...?" na=ēkà=chí=mé'e assert=who.knows?=irr=dub i ̋=chà=nā=ǘ-'ü chí-gu3 aloc=1sg.sbj\sbjv=3m/n/ns.obj=put.sg-out.sg-circ yá=chô-'rǖ tü è lk.m/s=1sg-gen stomach '"What if I took my own stomach out [so I can fit more manioc beer in my belly]...?"' [lar E225]

4 .

 4 Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase .............................-arü ̄.....-a̰ verb.root/stem-gen NP-poss

(

  333) "[...] nâpàgú tá-péēgǘ rǜ ngēmàka̰ níì-ĩ ̊gá nà-táchi ̋kàànē'ü ̃gá malocawa." nâ-pà-gú 3n/ns-hammock-ploc tá=pé-ē-gǘ 3s.sbj=sleep-intr.pl-pl rǜ and ngē-mà-ka̰

  of possessee incorporation involving an incorporated constituent whose possessor occupies the subject position of an intransitive verb root/stem are provided in examples (336) (bound noun incorporation; see also (328a) above, and /yu-natü / [die-father] 'to lose one's father' [lit. 'to father-die'] in (472)) and (337) (NP incorporation; see also (329) and (330) above). (336) Ná-ma̰ yae. Nŭ'akǜ gá ná-yìyae. ná=ma̰ -yae3 m/n/ns.sbj=be.long-hair nŭ'-akǜ=gá prox.ploc-approx=pst ná=yì-yae3 m/n/ns.sbj=fall.pl-hair 'He had a long hair. His hair fell about here [with a gesture of the speaker at the level of his hips].' [jsg B139] (337) [...] yàyîmà<m...> <m...> můarǖ åkǘã nè… ñâ'ü ñè. ya=yî-mal k.n/s=med.n-anaph <m...> <m...> mů-arǖ be.several-gen åkǘ-ã -nè what?.ns-poss\sbjv-rel.n ñâ-'ü ñè do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-rel.n '[We whip it with a wooden whisk,] this thing that has several... several, uh... [lit. '... that is what-numerous? ...'] that is like this [with a gesture drawing a whisk with several branches in the air].' [tvj B479-480]

(

  338) [...] dâà ĩ ́ànèegàgú chōtà-ü ȇga'ü ̃gá yî'èmá paî. dâ-à prox.n-exo ĩ ́-ànè-egà-gú building-space-name-ploc chō=tà=ü -ega-'ü 1sg.acc=3s.sbj=make-name\sbjv-sub gá=yî'è-má lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=med.s-anaph paî priest '[Because I was born the same year he had come and baptized the village,] the priest baptized me with the name of this community.' [ano2 2'59"-3'02"] Instances of possessee incorporation involving an incorporated constituent whose possessor occupies the syntactic position of the accusative complement of an intransitive verb root/stem are provided in examples (339) (bound noun incorporation) and (340) (NP incorporation). (339) [...] tǖnà-dăuá'ü ñē'ü ̃gá gű'ü wa̋mā. tǖ=nà=dău-á-'ü ñē-'ü 3s.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=see-plloc-body\sbjv-sub gá=gű-'ü -wa=mā lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=finish\sbjv-rel.ns-aloc=precisely '[The mythical figure Peta-Peta came across a weird feathered creature-in fact a Tikuna man. He crouched next to him and] [started to] examine his body [lit. 'body-look at him ...'] from every possible angle.' [lar E40] (340) [...] tåmā nǖchā-faarǖ dé'aã̰ gá gŭmá tōnátǖ.tåmā the stories and songs I know I learned from my mother. Our father died when we were young so] I didn't learn any stories from our father [lit. 'I didn't story-know our father at all.'].' [gra 173]

( 346 )

 346 Ngemàgá mārǖ gű'ü gùná-ã ãr ǖ dărű'ü ã̰ . nge-ma=gá med.aloc-anaph=pst mārǖ prf gű-'ü -gufi nish\sbjv-rel.ns-ploc ná=ã -ã rǖ dă-rű'ü -ã̰ 3m/n/ns.sbj=have-gen see?-purp-poss '[A man was captured by an isolated group.] After that, they would never leave him unwatched [lit. '... he had a watcher all the time.'].' [amb 54] For instances of pseudo-incorporation employed in privative predication, see example (347) (the only case of formal incorporation where the (pseudo-)incorporated constituent is a syntactically complex NP in my corpus) and the examples in Section 7.2.3. 4.2. Verbal predicative phrases (347) [...] nűà rǜ tā-gẽårǖ ngēmà nâiã̰ gǘ [...]. nű-à=rǜ prox.aloc-exo=top tā=gẽ-arǖ [ngē-mà nâi]-ã̰ -gǘ 1pl.sbj=not.have-gen med.ns-anaph tree-poss-pl'[We usually take the tourists upriver to the primary jungle to show them this and that tree species because] here [i.e. around the village] we don't have those trees[...].' [jgs 252]

(

  351) [...] chānā-gṵ'ẽ 'e tà ná'a maloca rǜ ñomáü kǘ'ü tàã ̄rǜ náwa̋tā-pétàēgü 'ü ̃[...]. chā=nā=gṵ-'ẽ 'e=tà 1sg.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=know-caus=add ná'a conj maloca=rǜ maloca=top ño-má-ü kǘ'ü=tàã =rǜ prox.ns-anaph-time=itself=top ná-wa3 n/ns-aloc tā=pétà-ē-gü -'ü 1pl.sbj=celebration-event.pred-pl\sbjv-sub '[As their guide, I showed these tourists what a maloca is and] I also explained to them that the maloca, to this day, we hold our rituals in it [...].' [jgs 431-433] Additional examples of PPs involving /-e/ 'event.pred' stemming from elicited data are provided in the following example: (352) a. cho'ni ̋'fish' → cho'ni ̋ē'to fish' b. wawà'baby' → wawaè̄'to rock a baby' 4. Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase c. waīyuri ́'minga' 237 → waīyuri ́ē'to hold a minga' d. ñoī ̄'ñoī ̄sound' 238 → ñoī ̄ē'to sound ñoī '

( 355 )

 355 Siempre gá <yî'emá... ya̰ ri ̋arǖ yōra̋gá rǜ...> tü maàrǖ māma̋rǜ tá-tü makǖwāchìgǜ. -anaph-side-distr.sg '[A hunter caught a baby tamarin monkey and took it back home.] The master of the tamarin... [Self-correction:] His mother had been closely following him all along [lit.'... had been [by] his side progressively all the time.'].' [jsg C116-118]

  ), (485), and (605)): (360) "Mārǖ tã ů chā-kû'wa̰ ēi ̀ñṵmá!" mārǖ prf tã ů neg chā=kû-'wa̰ e1

( 386 )

 386 gễã̰ gùã ēgàkǖ gá má'è gễ-ã̰ -gub e.a.female-rel.s.pl-ploc ã -egà-kǖ have-name-rel.f gá=má'è lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=wasp 'a wasp called "woman"' [lar T50] (387) G ȕ'tapa̰ má'a ī-ã ēgàkǘ'ü kǖ G ȕ'tapa̰ -má'a Ngutapa-com ī=ã -egà(-)kǘ'ü -kǖ pci =have-name(-)intens.iter\sbjv-rel.m 'a [man] called Ngutapa' [lar D6]

(

  417) a. Plain intransitive construction: Cha-i ̰a'e. cha=i ̰-a'e1 sg.sbj=be.small-mind 'I'm bothering people [e.g. a kid playing turbulently].' b. Intransitive construction involving /-taè/ 'antip3': Cha-i ̰a'etaè. cha=i ̰-a'e-taè1 sg.sbj=be.small-mind-antip3 'I'm playing games [with other children].' [lar elic.]

  the chicken [lit. 'I cause the chicken to eat.']'[jsg elic.]

  meaning '[cause to [go/come and ...]]' (involving motion of the causee) or '[go/come and [cause to ...]]' (involving motion of the causer) is context-dependent. The following example may thus be interpreted as involving motion of either the causee or the causer, or even motion of both participants: (431) Chaȳa-pe'e'e. cha=ya=pe-'e'e 1sg.sbj=am.3m/n/ns.obj=sleep-caus 'I cause him to go and sleep [e.g. I tell my son to go to bed without moving myself.].' 'I go and cause him to sleep [e.g. I go back home from fishing and rock my baby to sleep.].' 'I go with him and cause him to sleep [e.g. I walk my drunk husband back home after a party and put him to bed.].' [jsg elic.]

( 432 )'

 432 Yá'guà̰ níì-ĩ ̊{ga} tà-gűē'ẽ 'etàè'ü ̃rǜ yȉ'kǜã ḿá tü maàrǖ pūrākǘwa̋i ̋tà-gūgǘgu, yaűànèkǜ [...] The moment when the elders would share their knowledge [lit. '... when the elders caused to learn ...'] was some time after they came back from their work, in the late afternoon[...].' [lar D206-207]

  /part= sbj= am= pc= 3= ... -3m/n/ns.obj

-

  acc: indexation of an accusative participant; -loc/part: indexation of a locative or partitive object participant; -sbj: indexation of the subject argument; -am: encoding of associated motion; -pc: encoding of the predicative class (or "conjugation class"); -3: indexation of a third person (masculine, neuter, non-salientive, or feminine) subject or (core) object argument; -3m/n/ns.obj: indexation of a third person (masculine, neuter, or nonsalientive) (core) object argument.

( 458 )''

 458 Plato mārǖ dāu'nà ná-dăwēnǖ? Is the plate with its mouth up already [lit. 'Does the plate already look up?']?' [jca D4] (459) "A kǘ nűàpē-ü gǘ i ̀pēma?are you guys doing here?"' [igv 320]The following example illustrates the regular use of ind in association with ngi ̏'a' let's go' in an exhortative utterance with a 4th person subject: (460) "Ngȉ'ā tá-wīyāēgǘ!" ngȉ'ā let's.go tá=wīyāē-gǘ 4sbj=sing-pl '"Let's sing!"' [jsg B332] (ii) Uses in dependent clauses. The use of ind is systematic in explicative dependent clauses in erü ́'because' or yerü ́'because.pst'. This use is illustrated in the following example: (461) Heike gá tà-tå'ú'ü ̃yerǘ Leticiawa̋tá-ṹ [Heike wasn't there because she had gone to Leticia […].' [jgs 310-311] 5.2.4 Imperative Inflectional Type (imp) Imp is the most specialized of the three Inflectional Types. It is exclusively used in main clauses for the expression of second person singular positive imperatives, as in the following two examples (see also (448b) above): (462) Nuàna-u! nu-ap rox.aloc-exo na=up cø.imp=go.sg 'Come (sg.) here!' [amb 201] (463) Yeã ḿá'ǜrà rǖ-tŏ! ye-ã ḿá-'ǜrà dist.aloc-dir-slightly rǖ=tŏ in main clauses. Uses of bare sbjv in main clauses are comparatively rare in spontaneous speech. In this context, bare sbjv may fulfill one of two different functions:

'

  You shall fall from an açai tree!' [ear elic.] (469) "Ñȍ'kǜ kù-dùü , pà kŏù, rǜ châ'ü ̃i ̋kī-w̃ègü ̋[…only you turned into humans and untied me, caracaras […]!"' [lar T15]

( 470 )

 470 Arroz na̋nà-tå'ṵ gá nů'kǘmá! arroz=nar ice=assert nà=tå'ṵ 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.absent\sbjv gá=nů'kǘmá lk.f/m/ns.pst=past.time '[(Denis Bertet:) Did people already eat rice in the old days?]-There was no rice in the old days, you know!' [igs 613] (471) […] ta̋gá fènü ēwa̋i ̀-ṹ'gùrǜ tã ů ì-âirűã̰ ta̰ 'a, chàu'rü 'ü . taa

( 479 )

 479 Juan chô'nà ná-kà rǜ/na̋nā-gű í chàu'ākǜ. me if my daughter is studying.' [ear elic.] (480) Nămá'a nǖchī-ū rǜ chàu'ka̰ yà-da̰ u. /m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv=see\sbjv 'I told him to come and look for me [lit. 'I said it to him and may he come and look for me.'].' [ear elic.] (iii) Uses not related to clause type. The use of bare sbjv is obligatory in relative clauses. The predicative phrase in bare sbjv then bears the relativizer suffix, which agrees in nominal class with the pivot (featuring the forms /-kü / 'rel.f', /-kü / 'rel.m', /-('ü )ne/ 'rel.n', /-'e/ 'rel.s', and /-'ü / 'rel.ns'), as illustrated in the following examples: (481) […] nȍ'rǖ tāra̋tà gá īyà-gẽchìgṵkǖ […] 5. Inflection of the predicative phrase nȍ-'rǖ 3m-gen tāra=tà machete=add gá=ī=yà=gẽ-chìgṵ-kǖ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3f.acc=pci .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=carry.sg-distr.sg\sbjv-rel.f '[…] also his machete that he was carrying along with him […]' [lar D124] (482) […] gàgûmàyeàtà-chi ̂'ü ñè […] the one he had been eating there […]' [lar E194] (483) "Ü pā chà-mé'gù i ̋chà-ṹṹ'ü 'ü wa̋[…]" ü pā formerly chà=mé-'gù 1sg.sbj\sbjv=be.good-circ i ̋=chà=ṹ-ṹ'ü -'ü -wa3 aloc=1sg.sbj\sbjv=go.sg-at.intervals\sbjv-rel.ns-aloc '"[…] where I used to often go when I was doing well [...]"' [lar T99]

( 498 )

 498 "Taů pemá'a níì-ĩ ̊! Chàgǜmá'a tàã ̄níì-ĩ ̊i ̀ngēmàchà-ü 'ü !"

( 501 )

 501 Taũ tāi ̀nü 'ü ̃pe-daû'ü ̃[…]! taũ=tan eg=proh i ̀=[nü -'ü lk.ns=[3n/ns-acc pe=daû-'ü ] 2pl.sbj.sbjv=touch\sbjv-sub] 'Don't (pl.) touch him […]!' [mvg A10]

  /ns.obj\sbjv=make-compensation\sbjv-sub '[To build their house, people here call communal labor days and offer food and drink in exchange for a few hours work.] Or sometimes if you've got 5. Inflection of the predicative phrase b. "Châ'ü ̃pē-chî'èwē, pà chàu'ākǜã̰ !" are bothering me, my children!"' [igs 73]

  (509) "Ñṵmá tá i ̀, kû'ü ̃tá chà-ü ágü 'ü !" ñṵmá=tá=i present.time=fut=contr.top kû-'ü =tá 2sg-acc=fut chà=ü ágü -'ü 1sg.sbj\sbjv=try\sbjv-sub '"Now I'm going to test you!"' [jsg B114]

( 511 )

 511 Mārǖ gá última pruebawa̋ná-gū rǜ tü 'ü ̃ã' a gá ñâ'ü : [...] do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub 'It was now [lit. 'It (impersonal) had arrived to ...'] the last test and he told him: [...]' [jsg 134-135]

( 512 )

 512 "Nűànà-ṹ rǜ <chô'rǖ...> chòmǜkǖrű'ü ̃weḕtá kűchīì-gå!" chò-mǜkǖ-rű'ü =weē=tá 1sg-companion-purp=from.the.outset=fut kű=chīì=gå 2sg.acc.3aloc=1sg.sbj.pci =lead.sg '[Just before leaving on a journey, the legendary figure Moe receives a visit from his closest friend. Moe calls him:] "Come here, I was going to take you with me [lit. '... I was going to take you away from it (i.e. the currently most activated ground topic)...'] as my... as my companion!"' [jsg B324-325] (513) Ngēmàníì-ĩ ̊gá, tü yà-gà'ü ̃gá tü ma. ngē-mam

5.

  Inflection of the predicative phrase (514) "Yeàtàã ̄nü ŵa̋i ̋pē-pó'wōēgǘèchā'ü wa!" ye-a=tàã dist.aloc-exo=itself nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns i ̋=pē=pó'wō-ē-gǘ-èchā-'ü -wa3 aloc=2pl.acc=fishhook-event.pred-pl-persist\sbjv-rel.ns-aloc '["But where do you get all that fish from?] -Well, from the very place over there where you guys always fish!"' [jsg B316] (515) Châ'ü ̃i ̋tá-<ch...> ta̰ 'ǘchí gá casawa! father once told me I was useless.] He thr... threw me out of home!' [ano1 12] (516) [...] gè'ta̋i ̋nà-<i ̃...> ĩ ̂gü 'ü wa̋rǜ náwe̋chī-ũ ĉhìgǜ tà {ga} nǖchà-faànèchìgǖ'ü ka̰ . .pci =go.sg-distr.sg=add {ga=}nǖ=chà=fa-ànè-chìgǖ-'ü -ka̰ lk.f/m/ns.pst=3m/n/ns.acc=1sg.sbj\sbjv=know-space-distr.sg\sbjv-sub-cause '[...] where they g... went, I'd follow them to get to know new places.' [jgs 766-767]

( 521 )

 521 Chô'rǖ māma̋wa'í yá nűmàkṵã̰ , San Martínwa, nűamá... nů'kǘmá netà-ĩ ̂gü 'ü wa, ne=tà=ĩ ̂-gü -'ü -wac trpet.3aloc=3s.sbj\sbjv=go.pl-pl\sbjv-rel.ns-aloc Agua Blanca-waA gua.Blanca-aloc '[My father is not from here but from the Putumayo area.] My mum [is] the one who's from here, [the region of] San Martín [de Amacayacu], from [the area] in this direction... where people came from long ago [i.e. when they founded this community], Agua Blanca [i.e. a river a couple of hours upriver of San Martín].' [jsg A355-357]

'

  The tourists [i.e. those who come here] are from everywhere [lit. '... come from it at every place'].' [jgs 189-190] (523) Yeà nenánā-nâ ì ṍnà, chi ́bü , tü maka̰ [...]. organize cultural workshops here with the elders on behalf of the National Park nearby.] They [i.e. staff from the Park] bring from there the provisions, the food, for them [i.e. the elders] [...].' [jsg A200]

( 524 )

 524 "Chòmàrǜ tá, kóyà'ü ̃tá níì-ĩ ̊i ̀chàgǜ {?} tá ìchà-ü 'ü ." .sg\sbjv-sub '"For my part, I'll position myself there [i.e. at any spot in the immediate surroundings] under the shape of a caiman."' [lar T153]

(

  534) Bueno, gű'ü wa̋gá nűchà-ũ 'ü . bueno good gű-'ü -wa=gá finish\sbjv-rel.ns-aloc=pst nű=chà=ũ -'ü 3n.part.obj=1sg.sbj\sbjv=go.sg\sbjv-sub '[When I first came to this region, I seized all the opportunities I had to visit the communities X, Y, Z, etc.] In short, I went just about everywhere.' [jgs 770]

( 547 )

 547 Nü ĝǜ nà-fa̰ 'gú ná'a mārǖ nà-nô'réḛ pü 'ü ̃rǜ náyàrǖ-tåu'ē. -'ü =rǜ 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.few-amount?\sbjv-sub=top ná=yà=rǖ=tåu'-ē 3m/n/ns.sbj=am=pcrü =get.lost-intr.pl 'When they [i.e. collared peccaries] feel there's only few of them left [due to people hunting them], they get lost [to protect themselves from hunters].' [gra 299] (548) Pō'i ̋gǘ rǜ mārǖ náyàrǖ-ógǘ. pō'i ̋-gǘ=rǜ plantain-pl=top mārǖ prf ná=yà=rǖ=ó-gǘ 3m/n/ns.sbj=am=pcrü =disappear-pl 'Plantain [varieties], they're disappearing [i.e. we're gradually losing diversity in our crops].' [jsg A166] 5. Inflection of the predicative phrase

  , p.393. This typologically unsurprising strategy for number encoding is illustrated by the contrast between examples (559) and (560) (repeated from (459) above). These nearly parallel examples mainly differ in the selection of the subject indexes featured in their predicative phrases, namely a second person singular subject index in (559) as opposed to a second person plural subject index in (560). (559) "Åkǘ ngemà ku-ü 'ü ?" akǘ what?.ns nge-mà med.aloc-anaph ku=ü -'ü 2sg.sbj\sbjv=make\sbjv-sub '"What are you (sg.) doing there?"' [igv 381] (560) "A kǘ nűàpē-ü gǘ i ̀pēma?are you (pl.) doing here?"' [igv 320]

( 561 )

 561 Dâà{nà} Leticia rǜ nô'ri ̋rǜ nà-ȉ'rā/ns.sbj\sbjv(.pcØ)=be.small\sbjv 'You know, this [city of] Leticia, it was small initially!' [igs 622] (562) [...] nâi rǜ níī-ȉ'ràgǘ [...]. nâi=rǜ tree=top níī=ȉ'rà-gǘ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =be.small-pl '[In secondary jungle, unlike in primary jungle,] trees are small [...].' [jgs 223] (iii) Verb allomorph selection. The singular vs plural (or collective) value of the number feature of the subject argument of certain verbal intransitive predicative phrases, and that of the object argument of certain verbal transitive predicative phrases, is regularly-although not entirely systematically-encoded through the selection of one or the other of the two suppletive forms of the verb root on which these predicative phrases are based.

'

  They made "splaaash!" in the river.' [gsg 0'53"-0'56"]

  99 chānā-ǘ ērǘ chā-gẽårǖ <åkǘ'ü .> ū'ēã̰ . the mixture is ready, I leave it to ferment into beer.] I leave it in a plastic barrel because I don't have a, uh… a jar.' [lar D326]

( 631 )

 631 Tå'úgùmā gè'ta̋nà-ũ 'ü ̃[…]. /ns.sbj\sbjv=go.sg\sbjv-sub 'He would never go anywhere [...].' [amb 39]

  'e 3s.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj=pcrü =se.trouver.pl-caus 'il les fit rester à la maison' [lar T96] 626 C. Résumé en français (7) yànà-kâwēã 'ü ̃ã' a yà=nà=kâwē-ã -'ü =ã 'a am=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=cueillir.sg-3m/n/ns.obj(\sbjv)-sub=quot 'il alla le cueillir' [lar T43]

Table of contents

 of 3.4.4 Non-locative medial and distal endophorics in /-ma̽ / 'anaph' used as existential predicative phrases . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.5 Presentational construction involving the non-locative demonstratives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.6 Non-locative demonstrative roots bearing a "focal" suffix . . 3.4.7 Non-locative demonstrative roots bearing the suffix /-'ü / 'acc' 3.4.8 The nge-/ye-words . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Morphological paradigm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.5.2 Syntactic functions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.6 Syntactic functions of nominal phrases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.6.1 Absence of marking on the nominal phrase (zero-case) . . . . 3.6.2 Presence of marking on the nominal phrase (case-marking suffixes and relational nouns) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.6.3 Near-preposition ñomá'like' and near-prepositional phrase ñṵ -mátà'up to' . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . List of consultants and overview of the corpus analyzed in this work . . 2 Inventory of native smat consonantal phones . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Inventory of native smat consonant phonemes with their corresponding allophones . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Set of (near-)minimal pairs exemplifying contrasts between consonant phonemes in native smat stressed morphemes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Schematic illustration of the rule of obligatory harmony for surface nasality with bilabial consonant onsets, including its phonological interpretation 10 Neutralization of the [±voice] phonological contrast in [+nasal] syllables 11 smat toneme inventory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 Sets of smat tonological minimal pairs (monosyllabic stressed morphemes) 13 Average duration of vowel nucleus (in stressed syllables, non-pausally) as a function of the toneme of the corresponding syllable in four audio samples . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102 14 Preferred realization of toneme / 4/1 / depending on the toneme of the immediately preceding stressed syllable (sandhi-like tendency) . . . . . 108 15 Phonological structure of syllables in native smat morphemes . . . . . 119 16 Available segmental phonemes by syllable type in native smat morphemes120 17 Available tonemes by syllable type . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122 18 Smat morphotonological alternation patterns in coda-less syllables . . 129 19 Effects of the morphosyntactic contexts that trigger Pattern 1 of morphotonological alternations on the tone of non-underlying syllables arising due to the insertion of an epenthetic vowel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138 Non-trivial attested correspondences between smat phonemes in loanwords and their corresponding source phone . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148 Practical orthography: segmental and nasality-marking graphemes . . . 169 Practical orthography: tonological and phonational diacritic graphemes 173 Inflectional forms of tò'other', akü ́'what? who?', akü 'ü ̃'thingy', gẽ'ü 'which?', and the relativizer suffix . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186 Smat pronominal roots with their various allomorphs . . . . . . . . . . 196 Examples of pronominal roots (Allomorph 1) in possessive function attached with bound nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197 Examples of pronominal roots (Allomorph 1) suffixed with relational nouns197 Pronominal roots (Allomorph 2) suffixed with /-ma̽ / 'anaph', /-gü / 'refl', and the "focal" suffix /-'i ́ka/ 'only' . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200

	3.5 Linker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.5.1 Tables 1

5 Inventory of smat vowel phonemes with their corresponding allophones 6 Set of (near-)minimal pairs exemplifying contrasts between vowel phonemes in smat stressed morphemes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 The three subtypes of coda /ʔ/'s . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Epenthetic vowel inserted after a same-syllable coda /ʔ/ belonging with a stressed syllable . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Pronominal roots (Allomorph 3) suffixed with /-'ü / 'acc', /-'na/ 'dat', and /-'ü / 'ben' . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 202 Pronominal roots (Allomorph 4) suffixed with /-'rü ̄∼ -'ri ̄/ 'gen' (including subdialectal variants) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203 smat non-locative demonstrative roots . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 212 smat locative demonstrative roots . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 212 smat exophoric non-locative demonstratives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217 smat endophoric non-locative demonstratives .

  .

	➊
	➋ ➌	chò-mà=rǜ 1sg-anaph=top cha=ná=tå'u 1sg.ben=3m/n/ns.sbj=be.absent ērǜ as.for.it <tã ů...> neg ērǘ because tå'ú-'ü chā=completo be.absent\sbjv-rel.ns 1sg.sbj=complete	ì=chò-mal	k.ns=1sg-anaph
	➍
	➎

'[My brother is disabled in his hands.] As for myself, I don't... I don't lack anything, I'm complete [i.e. fully able-bodied] [...].' [jgs 727]

  Table 1, p.42) A recording reference in cases where the corpus contains several recordings by the same speaker (see Table 1, p.42) 123]

Table 1

 1

	met & Desnoyers (2013));	, based on a visual stimulus by Vuiller-
	-storytelling from traditional repertoire (tales, legends, myths);
	-songs (lullabies, ritual songs, entertainment songs, etc.);

Table 1 .

 1 List of consultants and overview of the corpus analyzed in this work

	42

Table 2 .

 2 Table 3, the 19 consonantal phones in Table 2 can be analyzed as 2. Phonetics and phonology Inventory of native smat consonantal phones

					Place of articulation
	Manner of articulation voiceless stop voiceless affricate voiceless fricative	b i l a b i a l [p]	l a b . b i l a b i a l a l v e o l a r p a l a t a l [t ̪] [ʨ] [ɸʷ]	v e l a r [k]	l a b . v e l a r g l o t t a l [kʷ] [ʔ]
	voiced stop voiced affricate tap non-nasal approximant	[b]		[d̪ ] [ɾ]	[ʥ] [j]	[g]	[w]
	nasal stop nasal approximant	[m]		[n]	[ɲ]	[ŋ]	[w̃]
					Place of articulation
	Manner of articulation [-voice]	b i l a b i a l /p/ [p, m]	a l v e o l a r /t/ [t ̪, n]	p a l a t a l /ʨ/ [ʨ, ɲ]	v e l a r /k/ [k] [kʷ∼ɸʷ, w̃] [ʔ] l a b . v e l a r g l o t t a l /kʷ/ /ʔ/
	[+voice]	/b/ [b, m] [d̪ , ɾ, n] [ʥ∼j, ɲ] [g] /d/ /ʥ/ /g/	/w/ [w, w̃]
					/Ø/ a [ɲ, ŋ]

Table

	/ [ˈpa 34 ] [ˈt ̪a 43 ] [ˈʨa 22 ] [ˈka 22 ] [ˈkʷaa̰ ∼ˈɸʷaa̰ ] [ˈʔa 22 ] /kʷa MC / /ʔa 22 / 'be full' 'be big' 'anoint' 'stab' 'know' 'sing'
	[+voice] /ba 33 / /da 34 / /ʥa 22 / /ga 34 / [ˈba 33 ] [ˈd̪ a 34 ] [ˈʥa 22 ] [ˈga 34 ] 'pour' 'chop' 'grow' 'lead'	/wa MC / [ˈwaa̰ ] 'tip over'
	/(Ø)a MC / [ˈŋaa̰ ] 'be raw'

Table 5 .

 5 Inventory of smat vowel phonemes with their corresponding allophones

	Height high	/i/ [i, i ̃]	front	central	back /ɯ/ [ɯ, ɯ̃, N̩ ] [u, u] /u/
	mid		/e/ [e̞ , e̞ ]		/o/ [o̞ , o̞	]
	low			/a/ [a, a]

Place of articulation (of vowel phoneme)

	Height high /pi 34 / [ˈpi 34 ] 'wipe'	front	central	back /bɯ 43 / /pu 43 / [ˈbɯ 43 ] [ˈpu 43 ] 'split' 'be bitter'
	mid	/pe 43 / [ˈpe̞ 43 ] 'sleep'		/po 43 / [ˈpo̞ 43 ] 'bend'
	low		/pa 43 / [ˈpa 43 ] 'be dry'

Table 6 .

 6 Set of (near-)minimal pairs exemplifying contrasts between vowel phonemes in smat stressed morphemesother words, rightwards surface nasality spreading is automatic within the prosodic word after a nasal syllable, but it only affects vowel phonemes, and all consonant phonemes except for /ʔ/ are opaque to this process. This phenomenon is illustrated in examples (11-13) (the arrows below the phonetic representations symbolize the extent of surface nasality spreading).

	(11) a. /ʨau 21 -e 4 / b. /∼i 43 -e 4 /	[ˈʨa͡ ʊ 21 e̞ 4 ] [ˈŋi ̃ː43 e̞ ̃4 -→ ]	'my mother' 'her mother'
	(12) a. /ʨau 21 -ʔe 4 tɯ 1 / b. /∼i 43 -ʔe 4 tɯ 1 /	[ˈʨa͡ ʊ 21 ʔe̞ 4 t ̪ɯ 1 ] [ˈŋi ̃ː43 ʔe̞ ̃4 -→ t ̪ɯ 1 ]	'my eye' 'her eye'
	(13) /∼i 43 -e 4 -ʔe 4 tɯ 1 /	[ˈŋi ̃ː43 e̞ ̃4ʔe̞ ̃4 ---→ t ̪ɯ 1 ]	'her mother's eye'

3 Consonant phoneme /ʔ/ in underlying coda position The only phone that may occur in coda syllabic position is [ʔ], which

  below). I analyze as a realization of the underlying segmental phoneme /ʔ/. In this position, /ʔ/ may only contrast with its own absence, as shown by the minimal pairs in examples (17-19):

	(16) a. /i 3 =ʥu 22 / b. /∼e 33 dɯ 4 /	[i ̤ 3 ˈʥu 22 ] ([ˈŋe̞ ː33 ɾɯ 4 ]∼)[e̞ ̤ 3 ɾɯ 4 ]	'she died' 'because'
	2.1.(17) a. /do 43 -gɯ 4 / b. /doʔ 43 -gɯ 4 /	[ˈd̪ o̞ ː 43 gɯ 4 ] [ˈd̪ o̞ ʔ 43 gɯ 4 ]	'be soft (pl.)' 'be unripe (pl.)'
	(18) a. /ku 31 -∼de 1 / b. /ku 31 -ʔ∼de 1 /	[ˈkuː 31 ne̞ ̃1] [ˈkuʔ 31 ne̞ ̃1]	'your (sg.) tree' 'your (sg.) weapon'
	(19) a. /∼i 31 -ka 1 / b. /∼iʔ 31 ka 1 /	[ˈŋi ̃ː31 ka 1 ] [ˈŋi ʔ31 ka 1 ]	'her liver' 'to till (a patch of land)'

  The former case is illustrated in example (23a) and the latter in (23b):23

	(23) a. /∼da 4 =deʔ 34 -∼ʔɯ 4 / [nã4ˈd̪ e̞ ː 34 ʔe̞ 4 ʔɯ̃4] '(that) it's yellow' b. /∼duʔ 31 -ʔe 1 / [ˈnuː 31 ʔũ5ʔe̞ 1 ] 'a short one (e.g. a machete)'

4/1 / [...ʔgu 4 ]∼[...ʔgu 1 ] 'circ'.

  , unless they occur in a morphosyntactic context where morphotonological alternations apply

	Underlying form /(C)iʔ X / /(C)eʔ X / /(C)o 1 ʔ X / /(C)uʔ X / /(C)ɯʔ X /	Realization in Situations 1 and 2 [Ciː X ʔi 3 ] [Ce̞ ː X ʔe 3 ] [Co̞ ː X ʔo̞ 3 ] [Cuː X ʔu 3 ] [Cɯː X ʔɯ 3 ]	Example /∼wiʔ 52 / [ˈw̃i ̃ː52 ʔi ̃3] 'to slip' /teʔ 34 / [ˈt ̪e̞ ː 34 ʔe̞ 3 ] 'to get stuck' /ʥo 1 ʔ 34 / [ˈʥo̞ ː 34 ʔo̞ 3 ] 'to chew' /kuʔ 22 / [ˈkuː 22 ʔu 3 ] 'to kick' /bɯʔ 22 / [ˈbɯː 22 ʔɯ 3 ] 'to bite'
	/(C)aʔ X / /(C)o 2 ʔ X /	[Caː X ʔɯ 3 ] [Co̞ ː X ʔɯ 3 ]	/∼aʔ 34 / [ˈŋaː 34 ʔɯ̃3] 'be full' /go 2 ʔ 22 / [ˈgo̞ ː 22 ʔɯ 3 ] 'to toast'
	/(C)aiʔ X / /(C)auʔ X /	[Caː X ʔi 3 ] [Caː X ʔu 3 ]	/aiʔ 33 / /ʥauʔ 21 / [ˈʥaː 21 ʔu 3 ] 'to wash' [ˈŋaː 33 ʔi 3 ] 'to penetrate'

N.B.: / X / stands for any toneme. On the distinction between two subtypes of the phoneme /o/ (specifically /o 1 / and /o 2 /) exceptionally made in this table, see p.78.

Table 8 .

 8 Epenthetic vowel inserted after a same-syllable coda /ʔ/ belonging with a stressed syllable

Table 9 .

 9 Schematic illustration of the rule of obligatory harmony for surface nasality with bilabial consonant onsets, including its phonological interpretation

	b. /waiʔ 22 / c. /∼Kʷaiʔ 22 /	[waː 22 ʔi 3 ] [w̃aː 22 ʔi ̃3]	'to grind' 'to saw'
	unsurprisingly-in a nasal syllable (44b) and-unexpectedly-in a non-nasal syllable (44a):
	(44) a. /o MC / b. /∼o MC /	[ŋo̞ o̞ ̰ ] [ŋo̞ õ̞ ̰ ]	'be visible' 'to bite'

Note, incidentally, that [mʷ ] is occasionally heard instead of [w̃] in nasal syllables with a labialized velar onset.

As shown in Table

9

, the only systematic exception to this pattern of syllabic harmony for surface nasality is the sequence [ŋV

[-nasal]

] occurring in stressed syllables. The following examples exhibit a [ŋ] occurring both-This exception is not surprising if one analyzes this sequence underlyingly as /V/ and considers that its [ŋ] emerges secondarily as a default surface consonant onset that fills its underlying lack of consonant onset (see end of Section 2.1.1).

Note also that the phoneme /ʔ/, whether in onset or coda position, is real-

ized the same (i.e. as [ʔ]) in phonologically non-nasal and nasal syllables, as

	shown in the following two examples:
	(45) a. /ʔa 22 / b. /∼ʔa 22 /	[ʔa 22 ] [ʔã2 2 ]	'to sing' 'mosquito'

Table 10 .

 10 Neutralization

	archiphoneme subsuming the phoneme pair	/B/	/D/	/Dʑ/	-	/W/

of the

[±voice]

phonological contrast in

[+nasal]

syllables one realized

[mãX]

is to be analyzed phonologically as /∼pa X / or /∼ba X /. Strictly speaking, one thus has to consider that the [±voice]

feature of onset consonant phonemes, while contrastive in non-nasal syllables, is neutralized in nasal syllables

, according to the pattern shown in Table

Tonemes and their typical realization in stressed syllables in unstressed syllables

		2.4. Toneme inventory
	/ 52 / / 36 / / 43 / / 34 / / 31 / / 33 / / 21 / / 22 /	Tonemes with pitch-related contrastive properties (tonemes proper) [ 52 ] contour tone / 5 / [ 5 ] level tone [ 36 ] contour tone / 4 / [ 4 ] level tone [ 43 ] contour tone / 3 / [ 3 ] level tone [ 34 ] contour tone / 1 / [ 1 ] level tone [ 31 ] contour tone / 4/1 / [ 4 ] or [ 1 ] level tone [ 33 ] level tone [ 21 ] contour tone [ 22 ] level tone
	Tonemes with phonation-related contrastive properties ("phonationemes") / CM / creaky-voiced to modal contour phonation / C / creaky-voiced level phonation / MC / modal to creaky-voiced contour phonation

Table 11

 11

. smat toneme inventory in Table

frequently occur in the lexical form of monosyllabic morphemes, and

  especially in monosyllabic verbs (specifically the tonemes / 43 /, / 34 /, / 31 /, / 33 /, / 21 /, / 22 /, / MC /). This allows to easily collect sets of (near-)minimal pairs such as those displayed in examples (50-51), which abundantly confirm the contrastive nature of the corresponding 7 tonal and phonational patterns:

	2. Phonetics and phonology		2.4. Toneme inventory
	(49) a. [ˈt ̪u 52 ] b. [ˈʥe̞ 36 ] c. [ˈʨo̞ 43 ] d. [ˈʨo̞ 34 ] e. [ˈʨa 31 ] f. [ˈt ̪ɯ 33 ] g. [ˈʨa 21 ] h. [ˈʨa 22 ] (52) a. [ˈd̪ a͡ ʊ 43 ] b. [ˈd̪ a͡ ʊ 34 ] c. [ˈka͡ ʊ 31 ] d. [ˈt ̪a͡ ʊ 33 ] e. [ˈʨa͡ ʊ 21 ] f. [ˈd̪ a͡ ʊ 22 ] g. [ˈga͡ ʊ̰ ] i. [ˈʨo̞ ̰ o̞ ] j. [ˈʨo̞ o̞ ̰ ] The remaining 3 tonemes (/ 52 /, / 36 /, / CM /), by contrast, are rarely analyzed as /tu 52 / 'to drag' -/ʥe 36 / 'all around over there' -/ʨo 43 / 'to stay (pl.)' -/ʨo 34 / 'to keep one's mouth open' -/ʨa 31 / 'to swell up' -/tɯ 33 / 'to hang' -/ʨa 21 / 'to stir with water' -/ʨa 22 / -/dau 43 / 'to touch' -/dau 34 / 'be red' -/kau 31 / 'to scrape (an animal's hair off)' -/tau 33 / 'be ash-colored' -/ʨau 21 / 'be bored' -/dau 22 / 'to see' -/gau MC / 'be cold (something)' 'to paint' -/ʨo CM / 'to open (a carved tree trunk -/ʨo MC / 'be white to make it into a canoe)'
	Of these 10 tonemes, 7 (50) a. [ˈpa 43 ] b. [ˈpa 34 ] c. [ˈka 31 ] d. [ˈka 33 ] e. [ˈpa 21 ] f. [ˈka 22 ] g. [ˈpaa̰ ]	-------	/pa 43 / /pa 34 / /ka 31 / /ka 33 / /pa 21 / /ka 22 / /pa MC /	'be dry' 'be full (something)' 'to wake' 'to lie (horizontally)' 'be tired' 'to stab' 'to cling on'
	(51) a. [ˈnũ4 3 ] b. [ˈnũ3 4 ] c. [ˈmũ3 1 ] d. [ˈnũ3 3 ] e. [ˈnã2 1 ] f. [ˈmũ2 2 ] g. [ˈmuṵ̃ ]	-------	/∼du 43 / 'bat sp.' 34 /∼du 34 / 'to put (pl.)' /∼bu 31 / 'to catch (with a fishing spear)' /∼du 33 / 'be angry' /∼da 21 / 'nasal mucus' /∼bu 22 / 'to send' /∼bu MC / 'to eat (a raw fruit)'
	34 Unidentified.
	94			93

found in the lexical form of monosyllabic morphemes.

  This makes it less straightforward to observe that these tonemes too are contrastive with all the other tonemes occurring in stressed syllables. Cases of lexical / 52 / in monosyllabic morphemes are displayed in the following example:

	2. Phonetics and phonology
	The toneme /
	(53) a. [ˈwɯ 52 ] b. [ˈwi 52 ] c. [ˈga͡ ʊ 52 ] d. [ˈt ̪o̞ ː 52 ʔɯ 3 ]	analyzed as ---	/wɯ 52 / /wi 52 / /gau 52 / /toʔ 52 /	'to scratch' 'to cut' 'to tear' 'be twisted'
	The only monosyllabic lexical items containing the toneme / 36 / that I have come across so far are the following:
	(54) a. [ˈnaɪ ̃36 ] analyzed as b. [ˈnũ3 6 ] -c. [ˈŋe̞ ̃36 ] -d. [ˈʥe̞ 36 ] -	/∼dai 36 / 'other (neuter)' /∼du 36 / 'all around here (aloc)' /∼e 36 / 'all around there (aloc)' /ʥe 36 / 'all around over there (aloc)'
	Cases of lexical / CM / in monosyllabic morphemes are displayed in the following example:
	(55) a. [ˈbe̞ ̰ e̞ ] b. [ˈʨṵ u] c. [ˈŋṵ uʔu 3 ] d. [ˈʨi ̰iʔi 3 ]	analyzed as ---	/be CM / /ʨu CM / 'to raise its paws up' 'to flutter' /uʔ CM / 'to bristle its hair' /ʨiʔ CM / 'to give a burning sensation'

52 / is about as rare in monosyllabic morphemes as in polysyl- labic morphemes

  (mostly disyllabic, in practice) such as the ones shown in the following example:

				2.4. Toneme inventory
	(56) a. [ˈʔiː 52 pi 4 ] b. [ˈŋi ̃ː52 ʔã3] c. [ˈŋaʔ 52 we̞ 1 ] d. [ˈʔiʔ 52 ɾa 1 ] d. [ˈko̞ ː 31 wi 5 ] e. [ˈko̞ ː 33 ɾi 5 ] f. [ˈko̞ ː 21 i 5 ] g. [ˈko̞ ː 22 wɯ 4 ]	analyzed as -------	/ʔi 52 pi 4 / /ʔiʔ 52 da 1 / 'be small' /aʔ 52 we 1 / 'calabash tree' 35 /∼i 52 ʔa 3 / 'let's go' 'Ipi (mythological figure)' /ko 31 wi 5 / 'fruit sp.' 40 /ko 33 di 5 / 'White person' /ko 21 i 5 / 'far away (?)' 41 /ko 22 wɯ 4 / 'deer' 42
	The tonemes / 36 / and / CM /, by contrast, are more common in polysyllabic morphemes (mostly disyllabic, in practice) such as the ones shown in examples (57a-57c) (/ 36 /) and (58a-58c) (/ CM /):
	(57) a. [ˈɸʷe̞ ː 36 ʥɯ 4 ] analyzed as b. [ˈwa͡ ɪ 36 ɾa 3 ] -c. [ˈʔaː 36 we̞ 1 ] -	/kʷe 36 ʥɯ 4 / /wai 33 da 3 / /∼ʔa 36 we 1 /	'fish sp.' 36 'açai palm' 37 'coal'
	(58) a. [ˈʔo̞ ̰ o̞ ʔmi ̃5] b. [ˈmṵ uʔkɯ 3 ] c. [ˈt ̪a̰ awa 1 ]	analyzed as --	/∼ʔoʔ CM ∼bi 5 / 'worm' /∼buʔ CM kɯ 3 / 'horsefly' /ta CM wa 1 / 'be thirsty'
	Outside monosyllabic morphemes, the tonemes / 36 / and / CM / can thus also be shown to contrast with each other and all other stressed syllable tonemes by sets of unanalyzable disyllabic near-minimal pairs. Such complete sets as the one pre-sented in example (59) to illustrate the contrast of / 36 / with 6 other tonemes are rare, however:
	(59) a. [ˈko̞ ː 36 wa 1 ] b. [ˈko̞ ː 43 ʥa 1 ] c. [ˈko̞ ː 34 nɯ̃3]	analyzed as --	/ko 36 wa 1 / /ko 43 ʥa 1 / /ko 34 ∼dɯ 3 /	'cocoi heron' 38 'caiman' 39 'tongue'
	96

35

Crescentia cujete.

36

Unidentified. Local Spanish pez botella.

37

Euterpe sp.

38

Ardea cocoi.

39

Caimaninae sp.

Table 12 .

 12 Sets of smat tonological minimal pairs (monosyllabic stressed morphemes)

	2. Phonetics and phonology
	Section 2.5.2). 53

  or [ˈCV͡ Vʔ.-] (on vowel lengthening in syllables that do not feature a coda[ʔ], see Section 2.2). In this context, tonal contours become hardly perceptible on the surface and tonological contrasts that largely rely on distinctive contour properties (e.g. / 21 / vs / 22 /) become extremely hard to detect. Be that as it may, words such as [ˈd̪ a͡ ʊʔ 43 .me̞ ̰ ʔe̞ ̃3] 'to touch somebody's hand' and [ˈd̪ a͡ ʊʔ 34 .me̞ ̰ ʔe̞ ̃3] 'to paint somebody's hand red' do contrast with each other phonologically, at least in careful speech. It must be noted, however, that such contrasts were obtained through elicitation.

	2. Phonetics and phonology
	Toneme    / 52 / / 36 / / 43 / / 34 / / 31 / / 33 / / 21 / / 22 / (/ MC /	Average duration of vowel nucleus 0.24 sec 0.23 sec 0.24 sec 0.24 sec 0.26 sec 0.24 sec 0.25 sec 0.25 sec 0.29 sec)
	100

Table 13 .

 13 Average duration of vowel nucleus (in stressed syllables, non-pausally) as a function of the toneme of the corresponding syllable in four audio samples

  , who claims that the Cushillococha Tikuna reflexes of the smat tones [ 52 ], [ 43 ], and [ 31 ] are the realization of sequences of two level tonemes linked to a single syllable. He thus analyzes these three Cushillococha Tikuna tones, which he transcribes as [ 51 ], [ 43 ], and [ 31 ], as representing the underlying combinations 2. Phonetics and phonology from such sets of near-minimal pairs as the following: This word has an alternative form /ʔoʔ 22 diʔ C / [ˈʔo̞ ʔ 22 ɾi ̰ʔi 3 ].

	(62) a. [ˈko̞ ː 33 ɾi 5 ] b. [ˈbɯʔ 22 bɯ 4 ɾi 4 ] c. [ˈpo̞ ː 21 ɾi 3 ] d. [ˈpo̞ ː 33 ɾi 1 ] e. [ˈʔo̞ ː 22 ɾi ̰ ]	analyzed as ----	/ko 33 di 5 / /bɯʔ 22 bɯ 4 di 4 / 'tree sp.' 57 'White person' /po 21 ∼di 3 / 'edible plant sp.' 58 /po 33 ∼di 1 / 'tobacco' 59 /ʔo 22 di C / 'fruit' 60
	(63) a. [ˈmaː 33 mã5] b. [ˈʔo̞ ː43 me̞ ̃4] c. [ˈnaː 22 mã3] d. [ˈd̪ o̞ ː 21 mã1] e. [ˈnaː 22 ma̰ ]	analyzed as ----	/∼ba 33 ∼ba 5 / 'mum' /∼ʔo 43 ∼be 4 / 'woolly monkey' 61 /∼da 22 -∼ba 3 / 'his path' /do 21 ∼ba 1 / 'catfish sp.' 62 /∼da 22 -∼ba C / 'its root'
	(64) a. [ˈʔo̞ ː 33 t ̪a 5 ] b. [ˈnaː 22 t ̪a 4 ] c. [ˈʨɯː 34 t ̪a 3 ] d. [ˈpe̞ ː 43 t ̪a 1 ] e. [ˈnaː 22 t ̪ɯ̰ ]	analyzed as ----	/ʔo 33 ta 5 / /∼da 22 -ta 4 / /ʨɯ 34 ta 3 / /pe 43 ta 1 / /∼da 22 -tɯ C /	'chicken' 'its trunk' 'to get dark' 'celebration' 'his rope'
	(65) a. [nɯ̃5...] b. [nã4...] c. [nã3...] d. [nã1...]	analyzed as ---	/∼dɯ 5 =/ /∼da 4 =/ /∼da 3 =/ /∼da 1 =/	'3m/n/ns.ben' '3m/n/ns.sbj' '3m/n/ns.obj' '3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv'
	Like in stressed syllables, sets of strictly minimal pairs illustrating all of these 5 contrasts in unstressed syllables would be extremely hard to collect. However,

57 Manilkara sp. 58 Macrolobium sp.? Local Spanish batata. 59 Nicotiana sp. 60 61 Lagothrix lagotricha. 62 Unidentified. Local Spanish bocón.

  alternations is realized [ˈʔaː 33 ga 1 ], i.e. also with a tone [ 1 ] in its second syllable, likewise sees its tone [ 1 ] turn into [ 3 ].

	4/1 / [ˈŋe̞ ː 34 bɯ 4 ](∼[ˈŋe̞ ː 34 bɯ 1 ]) 'to have no food' b. /e 34 -te 4 / [ˈŋe̞ ː 34 t ̪e̞ 4 ] 'to have no husband' In (71a), still in the same morphosyntactic context, the predicative phrase /∼ʔa 33 -→ /e 34 -bɯ 4 -∼ʔɯ 4 / (∼ /e 34 -bɯ 5 -∼ʔɯ 4 /) [ˈŋe̞ ː 34 bɯ 4 ʔŋ ̩ 4 ] 'which has no food' → /e 34 -te 5 -∼ʔɯ 4 / [ˈŋe̞ ː 34 t ̪e̞ 5 ʔŋ ̩ 4 ] 'which has no hus-[band' bɯ 4/1 / 'to have (raw) food', which outside contexts of morphotonological alter-nations is typically realized [ˈʔaː 33 bɯ 1 ], i.e. with a tone [ 1 ] in its second syllable, sees its tone [ 1 ] turn into [ 3 ]. This time, the morphotonological alternation under-gone by / 4/1 / is in fact identical to that undergone by / 1 /: indeed, in (70b) the predicative phrase /∼ʔa (71) a. /∼ʔa 33 -bɯ 4/1 / → /∼ʔa 33 -bɯ 3 -∼ʔɯ 4 / [ˈʔaː 33 bɯ 1 ](∼[ˈʔaː 33 bɯ 4 ]) [ˈʔaː 33 bɯ 3 ʔŋ ̩ 4 ] 'to have food' 'which has food' b. /∼ʔa 33 -ga 1 / → /∼ʔa 33 -ga 3 -∼ʔɯ 4 / [ˈʔaː 33 ga 1 ] [ˈʔaː 33 ga 3 ʔŋ ̩ 4 ] 'to make noise' 'which makes noise'

33

-ga 1 / 'to make noise (lit. 'to have noise')', which outside contexts of morphotonological

Table 14 .

 14 Preferred

	107

4

/1 / occurring in suffixes (e.g. in the derivational suffixes of the verb root and those of the predicative phrase; see

Sections 4.2.2 and 4.4, respectively)

than in bound nouns. realization of toneme / 4/1 / depending on the toneme of the immediately preceding stressed syllable (sandhi-like tendency)

Non-underlying syllables that arise on the surface due to the insertion of an epenthetic vowel after a same-syllable coda /ʔ/ belonging with a stressed syllable (see Section 2.1.3.1) are realized with a tone [ 3 ], as shown in the

  Note that contrary to Figures 13 and 14, Figure 15 features whole items, i.e. not only single vowel nuclei. Vertical dotted bars in Figure 15 roughly indicate where the consonants [w] and [m] start and end in the items [ˈpe̞ ː 22 wa 5 ] and [ˈpe̞ ː 33 mã3] respectively. the vowel nuclei under study. Note that the graphs in Figures 13 through 15 were made in Praat.

	33 mã3] ([ˈpe̞ ː 33 ne̞ ̃3] [ˈpe̞ ː 22 t ̪e̞ 4 ] [ˈpe̞ ː 22 wa 5 ] [ˈpe̞ ː 33 ka 1 ]	analyzed as ----	/pe 33 -∼ba 3 / /pe 33 -∼de 3 / /pe 22 -te 4 / /pe 22 -wa 5 / 72 /pe 33 -ka 1 /	'your (pl.) path' 'your (pl.) son') 71 'your (pl.) husbands' 72 'at you (pl.)' 'your (pl.) livers'

Table 15 .

 15 Phonological structure of syllables in native smat morphemes

	Number within prosodic word	none, one, or several	one	none, one, or several
	(79) a. /i 1 =/ b. /a 21 / c. /-e 4 /	[i ̤ 1 ...] [ˈŋa 21 ] [...e̞ 4 ]	'lk.ns' 'to tie' 'mother'

Table 16 .

 16 Available segmental phonemes by syllable type in native smat morphemes

lable type. The phoneme /kʷ/ is only available in stressed syllables. As an onset, /ʔ/ does not occur in pre-tonic syllables (note that it does not occur either as a coda in pre-tonic syllables, as shown in Table

15

). The hapax phoneme /ɦ/ occurs in a single morpheme in post-tonic syllables (see Section 2.1.1). In native morphemes, the vowel phoneme /o/ does not occur in post-tonic syllables. The only exceptions to this restriction are found in post-tonic syllables that immediately follow the stressed syllable in case the latter itself contains a nucleus /o/ 76 (as in the lexical items /woː 43 o 5 / [ˈwo̞ ː 43 o̞ 5 ] 'admittedly' or /to 43 ∼ʔo 5 ∼de 1 / [ˈto̞ ː43 ʔo̞ ̃5ne̞ ̃1] 'stairs'). In discourse, most of these exceptions arise as a consequence of the morphophonological processes described in Sections 2.6.1.1 and 2.6.1.2. As discussed in these sections, when it immediately follows a stressed /o/, a post-tonic syllable with no onset or an onset /ʔ/ that features an unspecified vowel position or a nucleus /a/ underlyingly is normally realized with a contextual nucleus /o/. This phenomenon is shown in examples (81b) (unspecified vowel contextually realized as /o/) and (82b) (/a/ contextually shifting to /o/). Contrast these examples with (81a) and (82a) respectively, where the stressed syllable features a nucleus other than /o/; (82a) in particular, by contrast with (82b), shows that a post-tonic syllable's /a/ only turns into /o/ following a stressed syllable's /o/, i.e. not following any other nucleus.

Table 17 .

 17 Available tonemes by syllable type

	into / 3 / (only the latter may occur in unstressed syllables):
	(83) Stressed: /ku 31 -ʔdɯ 3 / [ ˈ kuʔ 31 ɾɯ 3 ]	∼ Unstressed: /ku 3 dɯ 3 / [ku 3 ɾɯ 3 ]	'your'

Table 18

 18 gives a general overview of most of the morphotonological alternations attested in smat arranged by morphosyntactic context of occurrence (i.e. by pattern). The morphotonological alternation just discussed, for instance, is repre-

	128

Table 18 .

 18 Smat

morphotonological alternation patterns in coda-less syllables sented in the third row of this table (in stressed syllables, initial toneme / 43 / → resulting toneme / 31 / in Pattern 2).

Table 18

 18

	, Pattern 1 involves the follow-

MC / (only applies in predicative phrases in Bare sbjv or that bear the relativizer suffix in its feminine form; see below); -/ MC / → / 36 /. These are illustrated in examples (95a-95g). These examples display the lexical form of a series of monosyllabic verbs (i.e. the form they exhibit in most contexts, in particular in any context where they are not the single syllable of a predicative phrase inflected in sbjv) alongside short utterances where the same verbs appear in a context where they are inflected in Bare sbjv, i.e. sbjv in the absence of the relativizer suffix or the suffix /-∼ʔɯ 4 / [...ʔɯ̃4] 'sub' (e.g. in assertive main clauses, as in (95a), in directive main clauses, as in (95d), or in dependent clauses meaning 'until ...', as in (95e); see Section 5.2.5).

  ).

	(99) a. /bu 31 / b. /bu 31 /	→ →	/bu 31 -kɯ 3 / [ˈbuː 31 kɯ 3 ] 'young one (fem.)' or 'girl' /bu 33 -kɯ 3 / [ˈbuː 33 kɯ 3 ] 'young one (masc.)' or 'boy'

Resulting tone by context of use of sbjv Initial tone

	2. Phonetics and phonology
	Bare sbjv sbjv+rel.f	sbjv+rel.n sbjv+rel.s	sbjv+rel.ns sbjv+sub	sbjv+rel.m
	/CVʔ 34 / [ˈCVː 34 ʔV 3 ] or /CVʔ MC / [ˈCVV̰ ʔV 3
	>=example (105b), etc.):
	(105) a. /tauʔ 34 / [ˈt ̪aː 34 ʔu 3 ] b. /tauʔ 34 / [ˈt ̪aː 34 ʔu 3 ] c. /tuʔ 33 / [ˈt ̪uː 33 ʔu 3 ] d. /tuʔ 33 / [ˈt ̪uː 33 ʔu 3 ] e. /ʨi 43 bɯ 1 -∼ʔeʔ 4 / → → → → → [ˈʨiː 43 bɯ 1 ʔe̞ ̃4ʔe̞ ̃3 ]	/∼da 1 =tauʔ 34 =∼da 5 / [nã1ˈt ̪aː 34 ʔṵ nã5] 'there isn't, you know!' /∼da 1 =tauʔ 34 -∼ʔɯ 4 / [nã1ˈt ̪aː 34 ʔu 4 ʔɯ̃4] '(that) there isn't' /pe 3 =∼da 3 =tuʔ 33 / [pe̞ 3 nã3ˈt ̪uː 33 ʔṵ ] '(you guys) cut it down!' /pe 3 =∼da 3 =tuʔ 33 -∼ʔɯ 4 / [pe̞ 3 nã3ˈt ̪uː 33 ʔu 1 ʔɯ̃4] '(that) you (pl.) cut it down' /tɯ 3 =pe 3 =ʨi 43 bɯ 1 -∼ʔeʔ 4 / [t ̪ɯ 3 pe̞ 3 ˈʨiː 43 bɯ 1 ʔe̞ ̃4ʔe̞ ̰ ] '(you guys) feed him!'
				137

Table 19 .

 19 Effects

	of the morphosyntactic contexts that trigger Pattern 1 of morphotono-logical alternations on the tone of non-underlying syllables arising due to the insertion of an epenthetic vowel
	f. /ʨi 43 bɯ 1 -∼ʔeʔ 4 / → [ˈʨiː 43 bɯ 1 ʔe̞ ̃4ʔe̞ ̃3 ]	/tɯ 3 =pe 3 =ʨi 43 bɯ 1 -∼ʔeʔ 4 -∼ʔɯ 4 / [t ̪ɯ 3 pe̞ 3 ˈʨiː 43 bɯ 1 ʔe̞ ̃4ʔe̞ ̃1 ʔɯ̃4] '(you guys) feed him!'

4/1 / [...ʔgu 4 ]∼[...ʔgu 1 ] 'circ'.

	The tonological effects of this suffix are different depending on whether it is realized [...ʔgu 4 ] or [...ʔgu 1 ].

(i) Pattern 3a (before /-ʔgu 4/1 / 'circ' realized [...ʔgu 4 ]).

(ii) Pattern 3b (before /-ʔgu 4/1 / 'circ' realized [...ʔgu 1 ]).

	[ˈd̪ e̞ ː 34 ʔe̞ 3 ]	[nã1ˈd̪ e̞ ː 34 ʔe̞ ̰ gu 4 ] 'if it's yellow'	4/1 /
	The suffix /-ʔgu 4/1 / 'circ' is usually realized [...ʔgu 1 ] (rather than [...ʔgu 4 ]) in cases where it immediately follows a stressed syllable featuring nearly any toneme other than / 22 / or / MC /. Although dispreferred, it is also occasionally found after the latter two tonemes. The realization [...ʔgu 1 ] is further preferred after unstressed sylla-bles featuring / 4 /. In all other attested contexts, [...ʔgu 4 ] and [...ʔgu 1 ] are about as likely to occur. As shown in Table 18 above, the presence of /-ʔgu 4/1 / 'circ' real-ized [...ʔgu 1 ] only has a tonological effect on the preceding syllable in one of these cases. Specifically, it triggers

the morphotonological alternation / MC /→/ 36 /, il

	lustrated in the following example:	-
	(110) /ʥau MC / [ˈʥa͡ ʊ̰ ]	→	/∼da 1 =ʥau 36 -ʔgu 4/1 / [nã1ˈʥa͡ ʊ 36 ʔgu 1 ] 'if it's blue'
	The suffix /-ʔgu 4/1 / 'circ' realized [...ʔgu 1 ]

has no effect on the tonal real- ization of non-underlying syllables arising on the surface due to the insertion of 142 2.7. Phonology of contact phenomena 2.7.2 Segmental transfer

  ).

	2. Phonetics and phonology
	(113) /∼da 4 =se 43 do 1 / [nã4ˈse̞ ː 43 ɾo̞ 1 ] 'he's not there'	with Sp. cero 'zero' 117
	99 Prt. [ˈfɛːst ̪ɐ], Sp. [ˈɸʷje̞ st ̪a].
	100 Prt. [aˈsuːkah], Sp. [aˈsukaɾ].
		147

co 3 mo 3 trein 43 ta 1 ki 43 lo 1 -gɯ

	2. Phonetics and phonology
	-realization of /n/ (<n>) as the velar [ŋ] in syllable-final position (e.g. canción [kaŋˈsjo̞ ŋ] 'song'), except when it immediately precedes a stop or an affricate, in which case it is realized as a nasal stop homorganic with the following consonant as in most other varieties of Spanish;
	-realization of /f/ (<f>) as the bilabial [ɸʷ∼ɸ] (e.g. fácil [ˈɸʷasil∼ˈɸasil] 'easy');
	-realization of /x/ (<j, g>) as the velar [x] (e.g. mujer [muˈxe̞ ɾ] 'woman');
	-frequent merger of /x/ (<j, g>) into /f/, especially before the back vowels /o, u/ (e.g. mojojoy [mo̞ xo̞ ˈxo̞ j∼mo̞ ɸʷo̞ ˈɸʷo̞ j] 'palm weevil' 122 );
	-merger of /b, p, d/ (<b, p, d>) into /k, g/ in syllable-final position (e.g. aptitud [aktiˈtuk̚] 'aptitude');
	-merger of /e/ (<e>) into /i/ when unstressed and immediately preceding a non-front vowel /a, o, u/ (e.g. planear [plaˈnjaɾ] 'to plan');
	-tendency to debuccalize /s/ (<s, z>) in syllable-final position, realizing it as the glottal fricatives [h, ɦ] (e.g. pescar [pe̞ sˈkaɾ∼pe̞ hˈkaɾ] 'to call');
	-in less educated speakers, tendency for the voiced stops /b, d, g/ (<b, d, g>) not to be spirantized in contexts where they are in other varieties of Spanish (e.g. en mi vida [e̞ m mi ˈβ̞ ið̞ a ∼ ʔe̞ m mi ˈbida] 'in my life');
	-in less educated speakers, tendency to insert glottal stops [ʔ] in onset position of words lacking a consonant onset (e.g. un año [ˈuŋ ˈaɲo̞ ∼ ˈʔuŋ ˈʔaɲo̞ ] 'one year');
	ɾ]; see -in less educated speakers, tendency to stress and lengthen the first syllable of also example (125) below): stressed words (e.g. mi papá [mi paˈpa ∼ mi ̩ paːˈpa] 'my father').
	(115) /4 / [ku 3 mã3 ˈt ̪ɾe̞ ñ̪ 43 t ̪a 1 ˈkiː 43 ɾu 1 gɯ 4 ]	with Sp. como treinta kilo(s) 'id.' 120
	117 [ˈse̞ ɾo̞ ].
	118 [pe̞ ɾð̞ o̞ ˈnañd̪ o̞ ].
	119 I do not attempt to provide phonological representations for the segmental content of Spanish words inserted by code-mixing. Theory-wise neuter orthographic transcriptions are exceptionally given instead.

=su 33 ce 4 de 3 -∼ʔɯ 4

	d̪ e̞ 1 ] '(they) happened to me' [ano1 137] b. /ʨa 3 =∼da 1 / [ʨa 3 nã1ˈsuː 33 se̞ 4 d̪ e̞ 3 ʔŋ ̩ 4 ] '(at that point it) happened to me' [ano1 4] c. /al 43 go 1 ʨa 3

=su 33 ce 4 de C -gu

	4/1 =ta 4 =i 1 / gu 4 ta 4 i 1 ] [ˈʔal 43 go̞ 1 ʨa 3 ˈsuː 33 se̞ 4 d̪ e̞ ̰ 'if something should happen to me' [ano1 70]

Table 21 .

 21 Practical orthography: segmental and nasality-marking graphemes

	Graph. Ø a	Value /ʔ/ [ˈʔ]	Example aî'tü ̀'neotropical otter' 180 /ʔaiʔ 31 tɯ 1 / [ˈʔa͡ ɪʔ 31 t ̪ɯ 1 ]
	'	/ʔ/	[ʔ]	naī'chakü 'ü 'tree branch' /∼daiʔ 33 ʨa 5 kɯʔ 4 / [ˈnaɪ ̃ʔ33 ʨa 5 kɯ 4 ʔɯ 3 ]
	a	/a/ [a], [a]	taẁemakü ̄'moon' /ta 21 we 3 ∼ba 1 kɯ 3 / [ˈt ̪aː 21 we̞ 3 mã1kɯ 3 ]
	ã/∼a/		chaùapṵ̈ 'ü 'my knee' /ʨau 21 -∼a 5 pɯʔ C / [ˈʨa͡ ʊ 21 ã5pɯ̰ ʔɯ 3 ]
	ai	/ai/ [a͡ ɪ], [aɪ ̃]	aȋ'kü ḿá'truth' /ʔaiʔ 22 kɯ 4 ∼ba 4/1 / [ˈʔa͡ ɪʔ 22 kɯ 4 mã4]
	aĩ	/∼ai/		aĩ'e̋'child (archaic)' /∼ʔai 33 ʔe 5 / [ˈʔaɪ ̃33 ʔe̞ ̃5]
	au	/au/ [a͡ ʊ], [aʊ]	taū 'be ash-colored' /tau 33 / [ˈt ̪a͡ ʊ 33 ]
	aũ	/∼au/		aũ 'be evil' /∼ʔau 21 / [ˈʔaʊ̃2 1 ]
	b	/b/		bó'be round' /bo 43 / [ˈbo̞ 43 ]
	ch	/ʨ/		oćhagù'dart' /ʔo 43 ʨa 5 gu 1 / [ˈʔo̞ ː 43 ʨa 5 gu 1 ]
	d	/d/	[ˈd̪ ]	daì 'kill (pl.)' /dai 21 / [ˈd̪ a͡ ɪ 21 ]
	a This symbol stands for the absence of consonant grapheme at the beginning of a stressed syllable.

In stressed syllable In unstressed syllable Graph. Value Example Value Example

		2.9. Practical orthography
	180 Lontra longicaudis. 181 Unidentified. Local Spanish hormiga cazadora. 182 See note 36. 183 Aotus vociferans. x --x̏/ 52 / wü ̏'to scratch' /wɯ 52 / [ˈwɯ 52 ] x̋/ 36 / kowà'cocoi heron' 187 /ko 36 wa 1 / [ˈko̞ ː 36 wa 1 ] x́/ 43 / teḿā'moriche palm' 188 /te 43 ∼ba 3 / [ˈt ̪e̞ ː 43 mã3] x̊/ 34 / nai 'be hot' /∼dai 34 / [ˈnaɪ ̃34 ] x̂/ 31 / gẽ'e 'red howler monkey' 190 /eʔ 31 / [ˈŋe̞ ː 31 ʔe̞ 3 ] x̄/ 33 / tomà'we (excl.)' /to 33 -∼ba 4/1 / [ˈt ̪o̞ ː 33 mã1] x̀/ 21 / i ñè'day before' /∼ʔi 21 ∼de 1 / [ˈʔi ̃ː21 ne̞ ̃1] x̆/ 22 / ã'mosquito' /∼ʔa 22 / [ˈʔã2 2 ] 'x̆/ CM / d'awè'be sick' /da CM we 1 / [ˈd̪ a̰ awe̞ 1 ] x̰ / MC / ñṵ má'present time' /∼ʥu MC ∼ba 4 / [ˈɲuṵ̃ mã4]	/ Ø / [ 3 ], [ 1 ] bo'o 'palm weevil' 186 /boʔ 22 / [ˈbo̞ ː 22 ʔo̞ 3 ] --/ 5 / wa'we̋'Black person' /waʔ 43 we 5 / [ˈwaʔ 43 we̞ 5 ] / 4 / powi ́'brown-throated sloth' 189 /po 22 wi 4 / [ˈpo̞ ː 22 wi 4 ] / 4/1 / [ 4 ] chaùkutü ̄'my foot' /ʨau 21 -ku 4/1 tɯ 3 / [ˈʨa͡ ʊ 21 ku 4 t ̪ɯ 3 ] ----/ 3 / cha-chi ́bü ̀'I eat' /ʨa 3 =ʨi 43 bɯ 1 / [ʨa 3 ˈʨiː 43 bɯ 1 ] / 1 / yi ̏'kü ̀'later' /ʥiʔ 52 kɯ 1 / [ˈʥiʔ 52 kɯ 1 ] / 4/1 / [ 1 ] kuḱutü ̄'your (sg.) foot' /ku 43 -ku 4/1 tɯ 3 / [ˈkuː 43 ku 1 t ̪ɯ 3 ] ----/ C / chaù'ka̰ 'for me' /ʨau 21 -ʔka C / [ˈʨa͡ ʊʔ 21 ka̰ ]
	185 Pecari tajacu.
	172

184

Priodontes maximus.

Table 22 .

 22 Practical orthography: tonological and phonational diacritic graphemes

	2. Phonetics and phonology
	non-nasal stressed syllables.

3.1 Introduction to the morphosyntax of the smat nominal phrase

	3	3.1.1 Major types of morphemes and constituents involved . . . 3.1.2 Introduction to the inflectional category of nominal class 3.1.3 Introduction to the inflectional category of nominal tense

.2 Independent nouns and bound nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3 Pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

	3.3.1 Morphological organization of the pronominal system . . 3.3.2 Pronominal roots attached with bound nouns and rela-tional nouns (Allomorph 1) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.3 Pronominal roots (Allomorph 2) suffixed with /-ma̽ / 'anaph', /-gü / 'refl', and the "focal" suffixes . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.4 Pronominal roots suffixed with /-'ü / 'acc', /-'na/ 'dat', and /-'ü / 'ben' (Allomorph 3) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.5 Pronominal roots suffixed with /-'rü ̄∼ -'ri ̄/ 'gen' (Allo-morph 4) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.6

Aspects of the semantics of smat's pronominal system . . 3.4 Non-locative demonstratives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

  The nge-/ye-words . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

	3. The nominal phrase
	3.4.8
	3.4.1 Introduction to the demonstratives in smat . . . . . . . . 3.4.2 Exophorics in /-a/ 'exo' . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.3 Endophorics in /-ma̽ / 'anaph' . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.4 Non-locative medial and distal endophorics in /-ma̽ / 'anaph' used as existential predicative phrases . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.5 Presentational construction involving the non-locative demon-stratives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4.6 Non-locative demonstrative roots bearing a "focal" suffix 3.4.7 Non-locative demonstrative roots bearing the suffix /-'ü / 'acc' . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

3.5 Linker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

	3	3.5.1 Morphological paradigm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.5.2 Syntactic functions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.5.2.1 Linking parts of a complex NP . . . . . . . . . . . 3.5.2.2 Linking a nominal constituent to a coreferential in-dex that precedes it . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.5.2.3 A note on coordination and loose apposition . . . . 3.5.2.4 Contexts where the linker is typically absent . . . . 3.5.2.5 Generalization of the linker after the predicative phrase265 3.5.2.6 Linker used as a type of definite determiner . . . . 3.5.2.7 Past form of the linker procliticized to subordinate clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

.6 Syntactic functions of nominal phrases . . . . . . . . . . . . .

	3.6.1 Absence of marking on the nominal phrase (zero-case) . . 3.6.2 Presence of marking on the nominal phrase (case-marking suffixes and relational nouns) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.6.3 Near-preposition ñomá'like' and near-prepositional phrase ñṵ mátà'up to' . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

and independent locative demonstrative words derived from

	3.1. Introduction to the morphosyntax of the smat nominal phrase
	not it requires the presence of the linker between it and the NP it determines.
	1. independent nouns, i.e. free form nouns (e.g. naî 'tree', o̰ i ̋'grandfather, old man', tomaepṵ̈ 'three', chü takü ̀'night time');
	2. bound nouns, i.e. bound form nouns (e.g. /-te/ 'husband', /-kutü / 'bank (e.g. of a river)', /-wemü / 'food', /-pṵ̈ 'ü/ spherical shape');
	3. pronominal roots (e.g. /ku-bound.noun/ 'your (sg.) ...') and independent pronominal words derived from them (e.g. /ku-ma/ [2sg-anaph] 'you (sg.)', /ku-ma'a/ [2sg-com] 'with you (sg.)', /ku-'rü / [2sg-gen] 'your, yours (sg.)');
	4. non-locative demonstrative roots (e.g. /nge-/ 'med.ns') and independent non-locative demonstrative words derived from them (e.g. /nge-a/ [med.ns-exo] 'that (exophoric)', /nge-ma/ [med.ns-anaph] 'that (anaphoric)', /nge'guma/ [anaph.circ] 'at that point');
	5. locative demonstrative roots (e.g. /nge/ [med.aloc] 'all around there (aloc)') them (e.g. /nge-a/ [med.aloc-exo] 'there (exophoric, aloc)', /nge-ma/ [med.aloc-anaph] 'there (anaphoric, aloc)');
	6. zero-derived nominalizations, i.e. predicative phrases occurring as nominal constituents without any morphological modification (e.g. taîyà'be hungry > hunger', yatü ̀'be a male > man', chi ́bü ̀'to eat > meal', ngo̰ 'to bite, to eat > biting, eating', /ü -chi ́'ü / [make-home] 'to build a house > house-building');
	7. a handful of unfrequent derivational morphemes specialized for syntacti-cally simplex nominal constituents (e.g. /-ta/ 'coll', which derives collec-tives in the salientive nominal class, such as /ti ̄kuna-ta/ [Tikuna-coll] 'the

k.m/n/s=be.a.human\sbjv-rel.s ya=nu'-ma-gü -'el k.m/n/s=prox.ploc-anaph-pl\sbjv-rel.s

	3.1. Introduction to the morphosyntax of the smat nominal phrase
	yi ̂'e-ma-gü gũ-gü -'er each-pl\sbjv-rel.s ḿed.s-anaph-pl ti ́i ̀=i cho-'rü 3s.sbj.pci=be 1sg-gen papad ad ga=tü -'i ̋ral k.pst=3s-first nu-ap rox.aloc-exo cho-'rü 1sg-gen mamam ñṵ achi and togu'e-gü um ya=duǜ -'el	óther.s-pl
	'[About his parents:] It's them and people like them who came here first [...], my father, my mother [...], and other people who live here.' [igv 32-37]

ērǘ chô'nà pēnà-pù <i ̀...> <ya...> yá yî'emá īyà-īyàaa!" ērǘ because(.[-pst])

	<ya=...> lk.n(.[-pst])=	chô-'nà 1sg-dat	pē=nà=pù 2pl.sbj=pcna.3m/n/ns.obj=rob	<i ̀=...> lk.ns(.[-pst])=

yá=yî'e-má lk.m/s(.[-pst])=med.s(.[-pst])-anaph

	3.1. Introduction to the morphosyntax of the smat nominal phrase
	īyà.īyà plaintain.variety
	'[When the mythical figure Iya-Iya realized that the Tikunas had just stolen his bag with all of his crop plants in it, including a plantain variety named after him, he shouted to them from a distance: "You plant them now,] since you've robbed me of that iya-iya plantain!"' [lar E206-207]
	(136) [...] yerǘ yemà níì-ĩ ̊gá tǖnà-wòü 'ü ̃ã' a gá gû'èmá õ 'ü 'étǖ'è.

yerǘ because.pst ye-mà dist.aloc(.[+pst])-anaph

	níì=ĩ	3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be

gá=tǖ=nà=wò-ü -'ü =ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3s.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=drop.pl-off.pl\sbjv-sub=quot gá=gû'è-má lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dist.s(.[+pst])-anaph

	õ -'ü -'étǖ-'è fit?-out.pl-eye\sbjv-rel.s
	'[An evil spirit warned a group of people that he would soon harm them if they did not protect themselves. When the moment came, he gouged out the eyes of those who had not followed his advice, and threw those people into a river until they drowned. He named that river O ñatü ] because it was there that he had thrown off [into the river; smat o'ü 'etü ̀'to gouge out someone's eyes' sounds approximately like O ñatü ] the ones who had had their eyes gouged out.' [lar A74]
	In the clause in (135), the nge-/ye-word meaning 'because' occurs in its [-past] form (erü ), while it takes its [+past] form (yerü ) in (136). Likewise, the linker in (135) occurs in [-past] forms, including in its two occurrences in false starts where the speaker inflects it in the wrong nominal class (<i ̀...> <ya...> yá). In (136), by contrast, the linker occurs in [+past] forms (ga, twice). Finally, the non-locative endophoric in (135) occurs in its [-past] form (yi ̂'ema), while the locative endophoric (yemà) and the non-locative endophoric (gû'èmá) that occur in (136) feature [+past] forms (note that the [+past] forms of endophorics are based on the distal demonstrative roots, by contrast with their [-past] forms, which are based on the medial demonstrative roots; on the analogy between distance in space and dis-tance in time that operates in the use of the demonstrative roots, see Section 3.4.1).

Table 24 .

 24 Smat pronominal roots with their various allomorphs

3.3.2 Pronominal roots attached with bound nouns and relational nouns (Allomorph 1)

-chi ́'ü 'home' -mü kü ̄[+tr.] 'companion' -ku̽ tü 'foot'

		3.3. Pronouns
	1sg 2sg 4	chaù-chi ́'ü ̃cho-mü kü ̄(∼ chaù-mü kü ) chaù-kutü ̄(∼ cha-kutü ku-chi ́'ü ̃ku-mü kü ̄ku-kutü 1pl ) to-chi ́'ü ̃to-mü kü ̄to-kutü 2pl pe-chi ́'ü ̃pe-mü kü ̄pe-kutü 3f ngi ́-chi ́'ü ̃ngi ̂-mü kü ̄ngi ́-kutü 3m na-chi ́'ü ̃na-mü kü ̄na-kutü 3n/ns na-chi ́'ü ̃na-mü kü ̄na-kutü 3s (tü -ma-chi ́'ü ) (tü -ma-mü kü ) (tü -ma-kutü ) ta-chi ́'ü ̃ta-mü kü ̄ta-kutü Table
	25. Examples of pronominal roots (Allomorph 1) in possessive function attached with bound nouns

-'ka̰ 'cause' -'chi ̀[+tr.] 'with.hate.toward' -wa' aloc' -gu̽ 'ploc' 1sg chaù

	dent first person singular pronoun in the areal locative /cho-wa/, roughly translat-able as 'at me'). Examples of such combinations are provided in Table 26. Combi-nations of pronominal roots with a predicative relational noun yield a
	-'ka̰ ku-'ka̰ to-'ka̰ pe-'ka̰ ngi ́-'ka̰ na-'ka̰ na-'ka̰ s (tü -ma-ka̰ ) sg pl pl f m n/ns 4 ta-'ka̰	chaù-'chi ̀cho-wa̋cha-gu2 ku-'chi ̀ku-wa̋ku-gu1 to-'chi ̀to-wa̋to-gu2 pe-'chi ̀pe-wa̋∼ pe-wa̋pe-gu3 ngi ̂-'chi ̀ngi ́-wa̋ngi ́-gu3 na-'chi ̀na-wa̋na-gu3 na-'chi ̀na-wa̋na-gu3 (tü -ma-chi ) (tü -ma-wa) (tü -ma-gu) ta-'chi ̀ta-wa̋ta-guT
	able 26. Examples of pronominal roots (Allomorph 1) suffixed with relational nouns

non-verbal predicative phrase within which the pronominal root serves as an index for

	various sorts of complements (e.g. the Allomorph 1 of the third person neuter/non-salientive pronominal root, when combined with the volitive predicative relational noun /-'cha'ü /, yields the non-verbal predicative phrase /na-'cha'ü / meaning 'to want it').

pronouns standing for participants in the zero-case that fall under the scope of the corresponding "focal" suffix

	3. The nominal phrase
	1sg sg pl pl f m n/ns 3s	}	-ma̽ 'anaph' cho-màcha-gü ̀cha-'i ́ka2 -gü 'refl' -'i ́ka' only' ku-màku-gü ̀ku-'i ́ka1 to-màto-gü ̀to-'i ́ka2 pe-màpe-gü ̀pe-'i ́ka3 ngi ̂-màngi ̂-gü ̀ngi ̂-'i ́ka3 nü -mànü -gü ̀nü -'i ́ka3 tü -màtü -gü ̀tü -'i ́ka4 yi ̀'emá∼ yi ̀'mà∼ yi ̀màyi ̀'gü ̀∼ yi ̀gü ̀yi ̀-'i ́kaT
	able 27. Pronominal roots (Allomorph 2) suffixed with /-ma̽ / 'anaph', /-gü / 'refl', and the "focal" suffix /-'i ́ka/ 'only'
	suffixes yield independent (e.g. the Allo-morph 2 of the second person singular pronominal root, when combined with the focal suffix /-'i ́ka/ 'only', yields /ku-'i ́ka/ 'only you', i.e. an independent second person singular pronoun in the zero-case restricted by /-'i ́ka/).

Table 28 .

 28 Pronominal

	201

roots (Allomorph 3) suffixed with /-'ü / 'acc', /-'na/ 'dat', and /-'ü / 'ben'

  chāyā-yâ'u yá kû'rǖ óchagù [...]." "[...] I've caught your dart [...]."' [jsg B226]Note that a NP possessed by an independent pronoun in the genitive is not necessarily definite, as shown in (142), or even specific (see also example (196)):(142)[...] erü ... wí'á nȍ'rǖ... cuñau'ü 198 níì-ma̰ .

	chā=yā=yâ'u 1sg.sbj=pci .3m/n/ns.obj=seize	yá=kû-'rǖ óchagù lk.m/n/s=2sg-gen dart
	erü	because	wí'á

'indf nȍ-'rǖ 3m-gen cuñau-'ü brother.in.law-acc níì=ma̰ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =kill.sg '[...] because... he had killed one of his... brothers-in-law.' [amb 15-16] The independent pronouns in the genitive may also occur-although rarely-in head position, i.e. without the NP they relate to, as in the following example: (143) Ñù' ñâã kǜ tá-nů yákû'rǖ? ñù' what.activity? ñâã kǜ in.this.manner tá=nů 3s.sbj=put.pl ya=kû-'rǖ lk.m/s=2sg-gen '[Oh, it seems my cups are not in the same position as yours, while they should.] How are yours put?' [jca D80]

  ) [...] ñṵã ćhi ̋nű{m}àcha-må'ü 'ü , dâàĩ ́ànè i ̀náegà i ̀Nâpàtǘwa̋i ̀tăgàwa̋ka̰ kōri ̋gàwa̋i ̀San Martín de Amacayacu [...].

					3.3. Pronouns
	ñṵã ćhi	and nű{-m}ap rox.aloc-anaph	cha=må'ü -'ü	1sg.sbj\sbjv=live\sbjv-sub	dâ-ap
	ná-má'a 3n/ns-com yà=dé'a-gü -'ü ná=gû'chà 3m/n/ns.sbj=be.difficult pci.3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=speak-pl\sbjv-sub gá=ná'a lk.pst=conj gá=nü {-ma} tă-gà-wa4 -language-aloc lk.pst=3n/ns-anaph

rox.n-exo ĩ ́-ànè building-space i ̀=ná-egà=i lk.ns=3n/ns-name=contr.top? Nâ-pà-tǘ-wa3 n/ns-hammock-river-aloc i ̀=tă-gà-wal k.ns=4-language-aloc ka̰ and kōri ̋-gà-wa=i Ẁhite.person-language-aloc=contr.top San Martín de Amacayacu. San Martín de Amacayacu '[...] and I live here, in this community called "Napatü " in Tikuna, and in Spanish "San Martín de Amacayacu" [lit. '... in this community [that] its name [is] "Napatü " in our (4th person) language, and in the language of the White "San Martín de Amacayacu".'] [...].' [igv 7-8] (151) Námá'a ná-gû'chà gá ná'a tăgàwa̋yà-dé'agü 'ü ̃gá nü {ma}. 'They had trouble speaking our [4th person] language [although they were Tikunas too].' [igv 366]

)

  Gű'ü ̃ì gùnē'ü ̃ná-pūrākǘànè tà ì tō'ka̰ .

	gű-'ü	finish\sbjv-rel.ns	ì=gùnē-'ü	lk.ns=get.light\sbjv-rel.ns	ná=pūrākǘ-ànè=tà

3m/n/ns.sbj=work-space=add ì=tō-'ka̰ lk.ns=1pl-cause '[They have a stable job, while we guides never know which days we're going to work. But at the end of the year, many tourists come.] There's work for us every day too.

' [jgs 492]

gû'è-má dist.s-anaph wa'í

  What is Ariana's story?] -Ariana, she [lit. 'that one'] was a woman. She [lit. 'that one'] was supernatural.' [igv 284] When the processes being referred to are located in the pre-hodiernal past, some speakers, older ones in particular, have a strong tendency to use the distal endophoric demonstratives instead to make it explicit, as shown in examples (171-172):

	A ri ̄ana=rǜ Ariana=top i ̄=ü ǖnè 3f.sbj=be.supernatural wí'á indf gễ-kǖ be.a.woman-rel.f k.pst=med.f-anaph īyì=ĩ 3f.sbj.pci=be gá=ngé-mal tã ů=ã 'a neg=quot pā'à be.quick i ̋=nà=rǖ=gà-gü -'ü 3aloc=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=pcrü =get.down-pl\sbjv-sub gá=ngé-mal k.pst=med.f-anaph gá=<yî'e-m...> lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=med.s-yĭ-má med.m-anaph ṍmé=ã 'a brown.woolly.monkey=quot gá=nü =gűchà'ü -'ü chī-kǖ
	'[contr	tíì=ĩ	3s.sbj.pci=be	ga=ná-wal
	nǖ=kù=fa-'ü 3m/n/ns.acc=2sg.sbj\sbjv=know\sbjv-sub yî-ma-má'a med.n-anaph-com tá=nā=ü -e'ü 3s.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=make-mixture ya=ṵẗā lk.n/s=annatto.tree

nü =chà=nā=we-'ü 3m/n/ns.acc=1sg.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=show\sbjv-sub ì=gű-'ü lk.ns=finish\sbjv-rel.ns ì=panorama lk.ns=panorama ì=yî-mà lk.ns=med.n-anaph ĩ ́-ànè-àrǖ building-space-gen '[As a guide, I take tourists to the watchtower of Puerto Nariño.] I show them the whole panorama of that community.' [jgs 99-100] (169) Nǖkù-fa'ü ̃yàṵẗā? Yîmamá'a tánā-ü ȇ'ü . 'Do you know annatto 208 ? They mixed it [i.e. the poison they were preparing] with that [i.e. annatto].' [igs 342-343] (170) A ri ̄anàrǜ wí'á gễkǖ īyì-ĩ ̊gá ngéma. I ̄-ü ǖnè gá ngéma. (171) [...] tànā-yă'ú'ü ̃ã' a gàgûmàtü maàrǖ ã 'a quena [...]. tà=nā=yă'ú-'ü =ã 'a 3s.sbj\sbjv=3m/n/ns.obj=take\sbjv-sub=quot ga=gû-mal k.n.pst=dist.n-anaph tü -ma-arǖ=ã 'a 3s-anaph-gen=quot quena flute '[...] he took his flute [lit. 'that flute of his', previously mentioned] [...].' [lar D158] (172) Gû'èmá wa'í tíì-ĩ ̊gànáwa̋pūrāakü 'è [...]. k.n/s.pst=3n/ns-aloc pūrāakü -'è work\sbjv-rel.s '[After referring to his father several times:] It was him [lit. 'that one'] who worked there [...].' [hga 80] This is not systematic, however, as these speakers may use the medial endophoric demonstratives in the same contexts. Example (173) was uttered by the same speaker, and stems from the same text, as (171) above. Although both utterances equally refer to pre-hodiernal past processes, participant anaphoric reference in (173) operates with a medial endophoric demonstrative (yi ̆ma), instead of a distal one as in (171) above (guma): 3. The nominal phrase (173) Tã ů ã 'a pā'à i ̋nàrǖ-gàgü 'ü ̃gá <yî'em...> yĭmá ṍmé ã 'a gá nü -gűchà'ü 'ü chīkǖ. lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3m/n/ns.ben=arouse.desire-genuinely\sbjv-rel.m 'These... these woolly monkeys he so wanted to hunt would not go down quickly.' [lar D126]

  ye'gúmá ã 'a tǖyà-gẽ'ü ̃rǜ ã 'a tī-yû'gàchī'ü ̃ã' a gá tü màã 'a.

	ye'gúmá=ã 'a anaph.circ.pst=quot rǜ=ã 'a	tǖ=yà=gẽ-'ü	3s.acc=pci.3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=drop\sbjv-sub

and=quot tī=yû'-gàchī-'ü =ã 'a 3s.sbj.pci \sbjv=jump-away\sbjv-sub=quot gá=tü -ma=ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3s-anaph=quot

  Ngemà nü chàyà-we'ü ̃yá yi ̆má renacomá'a nà-ūgü kǖ [...]. In the following example, where four different generic categories of criminals are mentioned and distinguished from one another by means of relative clauses, only the NPs referring to the first (ngēmàmaeta'ü ̃'the one who has committed a murder') and the third (ngēmàchî'ē'ü ̃üg ü 'ü ̃'those who have done a wrong') categories involve the use of a determinative endophoric demonstrative.(183) Ngēmaka̰ níì-ĩ ̊<ta-re...> tü ĝǜmá'a ti ̄-dé'agü 'ü ̃ná'a ñù'ã kǜ ngēmàmaeta'ü ,

	nge-mà med.aloc-anaph yá=[yi ̆-má lk.m=med.m-anaph nü =chà=yà=we-'ü renaco-má'a	3m/n/ns.acc=1sg.sbj\sbjv=am=show\sbjv-sub

tree.sp-com nà=ū-gü -kǖ] 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=say-pl\sbjv-rel.m 'And then I take them [i.e. tourists] to see what they call renaco 212 [i.e. a tree sp.] [...].' [jgs 107-108] (181) M ̂mm, posillomaẁa, wâ'í yî'emá ñà'tǖgú dăwēnǜ'e! m̂mm yeah posillo-ma-wac up-cavity-aloc wâ'í contr [yî'e-má med.s-anaph ñà'tǖ-gú lower.part-ploc dăwēnǜ-'e]

watch\sbjv-rel.s '[And then you're going to put a red rubber band in it. -The cup?] -Yeah, in the cup, but the one that's mouth down [i.e. not the other cup, which is mouth up].' [rca B18-19] (182) Ka̰ yî'emá posillo i ̀dāu'nàgú dăwēnǜ'èi ̀mā tà-cauchito rosadoã 'ü ? ka̰ and [yî'e-má med.s-anaph posillo cup i ̀=dāu'nà-gú lk.ns=upper.part-ploc dăwēnǜ-'e]=i ẁatch\sbjv-rel.s=contr.top mā=tà=cauchito prf=3s.sbj\sbjv=rubber.band rosadoã -'ü pink-poss\sbjv-sub 'And the cup that's mouth up [i.e. not the other cup, which is mouth down], does it have a pink rubber band [in it] already?' [rca B45] Note that the non-locative endophorics are not obligatory in this function. ná'a ñù'ã kǜ nà-po'kú'ü ̃ngi ̋ta̰ 'a'ü , ná'a ñù'ã kǜ nà-po'kú'ü ... eh... ngēmàchî'ē'ü üg ü 'ü , ná'a ñù'ã kǜ <nà-...> nà-po'kúè'ü ̃ãḛ gākǖ yá dīẽ rùka̰ ngi ̋kǖ [...]. ngē-ma-ka̰ med.ns-anaph-cause níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be <ta=re...> 3s.sbj\sbjv= tü -gǜ-má'a 3s-refl-com ti ̄=dé'a-gü -'ü 3s.sbj.pci\sbjv=speak-pl\sbjv-sub ná'a conj ñù'ã kǜ how? [ngē-mam ed.ns-anaph ma-eta-'ü ] kill.sg-antip1\sbjv-rel.ns ná'a conj ñù'ã kǜ how? nà=po'kú-'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=punish\sbjv-sub ngi ̋-ta̰ 'a-'ü steal-with.a.tendency\sbjv-rel.ns ná'a conj ñù'ã kǜ how? nà=po'kú-'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=punish\sbjv-sub [ngē-mam ed.ns-anaph chî'ē-'ü be.bad\sbjv-rel.ns ü -gü -'ü ] make-pl\sbjv-rel.ns ná'a conj ñù'ã kǜ how? <nà=...> 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv= nà=po'kú-è-'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=punish-intr.pl?\sbjv-sub ã ḛgākǖ leader yá=dīẽ rù-ka̰ lk.m/n/s=money-cause ngi ̋-kǖ steal\sbjv-rel.m [...]. 'That's why they mee... they discuss how the one who has committed a murder, how a thief should be punished, how... uh... those who have done a wrong should be punished, how [community] leaders who have stolen money should be punished [...].' [igv 210-215]

  ñṵmá i ̀ñåàmundowa̋chā-sufre i ̀chòma.

	ñṵmá=i i ̀=chò-mal	present.time=contr.top	ñå-ap rox.ns-exo	mundo-waw	orld-aloc	chā=sufre 1sg.sbj=suffer

k.ns=1sg-anaph '[...] today I'm suffering in this world [with an imprecise gesture towards himself with his whole hand].' [ano1 166]

  Finally, a case of presentational construction involving a distal exophoric demonstrative is provided in (198): the referent introduced is coming from far away from both speaker and hearers. Note that in this example the distance implied is emphasized by prosodic means, specifically through the lengthening of the stressed syllable of the distal demonstrative.

	(198) "Gûuu'ètíì-ĩ ̊yàtăé rǜ ngemànetá-ṹ rǜ tá-gẽ'chi ̋rù!" gû'ed ist.s tíì=ĩ 3s.sbj.pci=be ya=tă-é lk.n/s=4-mother rǜ and nge-mam ed.aloc-anaph ne=tá=ṹ ctrpet.3aloc=3s.sbj=go.sg rǜ and tá=gẽ-'chi ̋rù
	prox.ns ña-gü -'ü	tíì=ĩ do.thus-pl\sbjv-sub 3s.sbj.pci=be cha-'ü ya=kû-'rǖ lk.n/s=2sg-gen 1sg-acc	propina tip	rü	ànd	siga go.on	adelante forward

'[And they gave me money.] "Here's a tip for you [with a gesture as if he were taking something from the pocket of his pants], keep going!" they told me.

' [jgs 452-453]

A case of presentational construction involving a medial exophoric demonstrative is provided in (197): the referent introduced is located at a short distance from both speaker and hearer.

(197) Yi ̂àni ́i ̀-i ̃yái ̃pata! yi ̂-am ed.n-exo ni ́i ̀=i 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be ya=i ̃-patal k.m/n/s=building-house 3.4. Non-locative demonstratives 'Here [lit. 'There ...'] is the house [i.e. at a short distance]!' [jsg elic.] 3s.sbj=not.have-clothes '"There comes our mother, faaar away [lit. 'Theeere is our mother, coming from the distance: ...']: she's naked!"' [igs 115]

med.ns-anaph=precisely níì=ĩ

	yi ̆-má=tá med.m-anaph=fut ku-gǜ-'ü tà-wa=tá 2sg-refl-immediate.vicinity-aloc=fut níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be níì=ĩ yá=kú-énḛ'e lk.m=2sg-brother 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be i ̀=kù=nā=gà-'ü lk.ns=2sg.sbj\sbjv=3m/n/ns.obj=lead\sbjv-sub	rü	ànd
	ña-ta-gǜ-'ü do.thus-3s.sbj\sbjv-do.thus-sub
	'"Here's your brother coming: you'll take him with you at your home!" she said.' [jgs 747]

3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be i ̀=tȍ-'rǖ lk.ns=4-gen ūwànǖ enemy rǜ and am ed.aloc.anaph ne=ná=ṹ ctrpet.3aloc=3m/n/ns.sbj=go.sg

'"Here comes our very enemy [lit. 'There is our very enemy, coming from the distance!']!"

' [lar C473]

In (202), finally, the speaker (located in the interfluvial Tikuna community of Buenos Aires) is most likely addressing her message to the hearer (located in San Martín de Amacayacu) over the radio. At utterance time, the hearer (and possibly also the speaker) cannot see the referent being introduced (the hearer's brother), although the latter is considered by the speaker as present, in a broad sense, in this far from prototypical speech setting. 236 3.4. Non-locative demonstratives (202) "Yi ̆má tá níì-ĩ ̊yá kúénḛ'e rü ̀kugǜ'ü tàwa̋tá níì-ĩ ̊i ̀kùnā-gà'ü !" ñatagǜ'ü .

  3.4. Non-locative demonstratives (203) Yî'e'íka̋tíì-ĩ ̊gá ngî'rǖ bolsillowa̋queda'e.

	yî'e-'íkam	ed.s-only	tíì=ĩ	3s.sbj.pci=be	gá=ngî-'rǖ lk.pst=3f-gen	bolsillo-wap	ocket-aloc	queda-'er	emain\sbjv-rel.s
	'[Before dropping her wallet, she had taken 50,000 pesos from it.] That's all that was left [lit. 'It's only that that remained ...'] in her pocket.' [jsg B464]
	(204) Marü , ngē'íka̋kúmá'a nǖchī-ūrǜ chô'rǖ pūrākǘwa̋tá chā-ṹ! marü , prf ngē-'íkam ed.ns-only kú-má'a 2sg-com nǖ=chī=u3 m/n/ns.acc=1sg.sbj.pci =say pūrākǘ-wa=tá work-aloc=fut chā=ṹ 1sg.sbj=go.sg	rǜ and	chô-'rǖ 1sg-gen

'[At the end of an interview:] That's it, I'll stop here [lit. 'I tell you only this, ...'], I'll go to work now.' [gra 311-312] (205) Ngē'i ̋ràtá tā-ü gǘ [...]. ngē-'i ̋ra=tá med.ns-first=fut tā=ü -gǘ 1pl.sbj=make-pl '[We plan to hold a ritual between ourselves.] We'll do that first [and then we'll hold another one for tourists.]' [igv 235]

  .

	3. The nominal phrase
	ah oh	mhhh mhhh	chagra-arǖ swidden-gen	ü	make	ngērǜ as.for.it	tō-ma1 pl-anaph	ni ́i ̀.i	conj	tīkūnà
	chò-mà=rǜ 1sg-anaph=top cha=ná=tå'u 1sg.ben=3m/n/ns.sbj=be.absent ērǜ as.for.it <tã ů...> neg ērǘ because tå'ú-'ü chā=completo be.absent\sbjv-rel.ns 1sg.sbj=complete	ì=chò-mal

Tikuna ti ̄i ̀=ĩ ̊-gü -'ü =rǜ 1pl.sbj.pci .sbjv=be-pl\sbjv-sub=top nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns '[How is the process of swidden making?] -Oh! Mhhh, swidden making, well, we Tikunas [...].' [lar D221-223] (207) Chòmà rǜ ērǜ <tã ů...> tå'ú'ü ̃chaná-tå'u ērǘ chā-completo ì chòmà[...]. k.ns=1sg-anaph '[My brother is disabled in his hands.] As for myself, I don't... I don't lack anything, I'm complete [i.e. fully able-bodied] [...].' [jgs 727]

  [I find it hard to tell stories.] -Yeah, same for me, I find it hard too [lit. 'Yeah, me too it's hard for me like that way.'].' [igv 601]

	m̂mm yeah ná=gû'chà chò-ma=rǜ=tà 1sg-anaph=top=add 3m/n/ns.sbj=be.difficult	ngē'gumá-rü 'ü	ãnaph.circ-like	chò-má'a 1sg-com

'

nge'gùma(-)ré=tá anaph.circ-amount?=fut

		kù=dē-'ü	2sg.sbj\sbjv=collect\sbjv-sub
	ì=dùü -'ü	lk.ns=be.a.human\sbjv-rel.ns	ná-'chíné'e-wa3

nge'gùmaŕé tá kù-dē'ü ̃ì dùü 'ü , ná'chíné'ewa!" n/ns-mouth-aloc '[Before leaving, our boss briefed us: "You're going to do this and that,] you're going to pick up this number of people, at the river mouth!"

' [jgs 318-319]

Table 34 .

 34 Morphological paradigm of the smat linker (including subdialectal variants)

	3.5. Linker

k.f?=med.f-anaph

	chatü =rü	giant.anteater=top	na-e'ü	3n/ns-animal	i ̄ya=i	3f.sbj.pci=be

'The giant anteater, as for it, is an animal.'

[ear elic.]

parts of the complex NP between which the linker is establishing an overt link are not syntactically adjacent, but sep- arated by constituents that are not part of that complex NP. I call "scattered NPs" such

  NPs interrupted by constituents that do not belong to them syntactically. The linker in (232) introduces a relative clause, just like in (228) above, 3.5. Linker except that the NP integrated by the linker in (232) is scattered on both sides of the predicative phrase.(232) [...] ērǘ yàtǜ'è rǜ pō'i ̋mǜmá'a tánā-gàu'ẽ 'e i ̀mêàī-dōkā'ü .

	Examples (235-236) feature instances of
	express.boat-ploc 3aloc=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=reach-pl\sbjv-sub Examples (232-236) essentially illustrate the same use of the linker as (228-231) i ̋=nà=gū-gü -'ü ì=[nü -mà] lk.ns=3n/ns-anaph [ì=ngē-mal because ya=tǜ'è=rǜ lk.n=manioc=top [pō'i ̋-mǜ]-má'a plantain-past-com tá=nā=gàu-'ẽ 'e 4sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=join-caus [i ̀=mêal k.ns=well ī=dōkā-'ü ] pci =boil\sbjv-rel.ns '[As for the alcoholic beverage called pururuka, that one is made with a different process] because the manioc, you mix it with well-cooked plantain mash.' [lar D350-352] [tò] other.ns nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns tà=ü -'ü 3s.sbj\sbjv=make\sbjv-sub [i ̀=nâ-ànè] chàu-'ka̰ 1sg-cause nà=kà-gü -'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=ask-pl\sbjv-sub gá=ná'a lk.f/m/ns.pst=conj [ná-]má'a 3n/ns-com chà=pūrākü -'ü -ka̰ 1sg.sbj\sbjv=work\sbjv-sub-cause [gà=Casa Gregorio-má'a lk.n/s.pst=Casa Gregorio-com nà=ū-gü -nè] 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=say-pl\sbjv-rel.n above. In (232-236), however, the two ērǘ '[...] they called me to work for what they call the Casa Gregorio [i.e. a hotel].' [jgs 785-787]

k.ns=med.ns-anaph kōri ̋-gǘ]

White.person-pl '[My typical schedule, when I'm in charge of a group of tourists, starts with preparing my boat. Then I go to the mouth of the Amacayacu river.] Then the tourists arrive in express boat.

' [jgs 12]

In many cases, this appositional construction is essentially equivalent, from a semantic and pragmatic perspective, to just mentioning the nominal constituent without its preceding pronoun and, consequently, without the linker (e.g. /[na-ma'a] [i ̀=po'i ]/ [3n/ns-com lk.ns=plantain] = /po'i ̋-ma'a/ [plantain-com] 'with plantains'). When the pronoun in the kind of appositional construction under discussion is an independent pronoun in the zero-case (i.e. a pronoun in /-ma̽ / 'anaph'; see Section 3.3.3), however, expressing a participant via the appositional construction contrasts with mentioning it plainly in that employing the appositional construction explicitly signals that the mention of the participant involves a change of topic (e.g. /[tü -ma] [ya=cho-'rü ̄papa]/ [3s-anaph lk.m/s=1sg-gen dad] '(as for) my father' contrasts with /cho-'rü ̄papa/ [1sg-gen dad] 'my dad'). This is why the speaker in (231) mentions the tourists-which in the context entail a change of topic-via the appositional construction (involving the independent pronoun in the zero-case /nü -ma/ [3n/ns-anaph]).

Example (

233

) is likewise parallel to (229) above, with a linker also introducing the head of a NP, except that the NP in (

233

) is scattered on both sides of the predicative phrase:

(233) Tò nü ŵa̋tà-ü 'ü ̃i ̀nâànè. lk.ns=3n/ns-space '[Once a swidden has grown old, you leave it uncultivated.] So you make another swidden.' [lar D286] Example (234) features a linker introducing a close apposition in a NP scattered on both sides of the NP (contrast with (231) above): (234) [...] chàu'ka̰ nà-kàgü 'ü ̃gá ná'a námá'a chà-pūrākü 'ü ka̰ gà Casa Gregoriomá'a nà-ūgü nè.

scattered NPs that are not inter- rupted by a predicative phrase, but by a nominal constituent

  (note that chî'è 'be bad' in(235) and pūrākǘ 'to work' in (236), although they happen to be verb roots, occur in these examples as zero-derived nominalizations, which is why they can be analyzed as nominal constituents). The linker in these two examples introduces close appositions in constructions of the type pronoun lk=nominal.constituent presented above in the discussion of example (231).

	(235) Ngēmàníì-ĩ ̊gá tü maàrǖ chî'è gá chô'rī pāpa̋gá ná'a tà-à'ēèchā'ü ngē-mam ed.ns-anaph níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be gá=[tü -ma]-arǖ lk.pst=3s-anaph-gen chî'è be.bad [gá=chô-'rī lk.pst=1sg-gen pāpa] dad gá=ná'a lk.pst=conj tà=à'-ē-èchā-'ü 3s.sbj\sbjv=drink-antip2-persist\sbjv-sub	.
	[chô-]'ri	1sg-gen	pūrākǘ work	[ì=chò-mà]=rǜ lk.ns=1sg-anaph=top	ná=mů 3m/n/ns.sbj=be.several

'[My dad was a good person but he used to drink a lot.] That was my dad's vice, spending his time drinking.' [ano1 145-146] (236) Chô'ri ̄pūrākǘ ì chòmà rǜ ná-mů. 'I have several occupations [lit. 'My occupations, me, are several.'].' [jsg A11]

ellipsed (as is often the case with this verb root), is virtually present in the utterance.

  In a way, in such a configuration, it is the linker that signals where the ellipsed form of the copular verb (which would necessarily have occurred before the linker) is to be virtually inserted (in the absence of the linker highlighted in bold in (240), the whole utterance would be interpreted as an NP meaning 'that work of mine').

	1sg.ben=3m/n/ns.sbj=hurt	[i ̀=chò-ma] i lk.ns=1sg-anaph	[i ̀=gű-'ü ]j lk.ns=finish\sbjv-rel.ns
	'I regret all of it [lit. 'It all hurts for me.'].' [ano1 163] Example (238) illustrates the same phenomenon (in the second of the two clauses it case, the nominal constituent is not indexed on the predicative phrase): to introduce a nominal constituent that precedes the predicative phrase (in that comprises), but additionally shows (in its first clause) that the linker is not required (240) Ngēmà ì chārǖ pūrākǘ ì chòmà. ngē-mà med.ns-anaph [ì=chā-rǖ lk.ns=1sg-gen pūrākǘ work ì=chò-mà] i lk.ns=1sg-anaph
	(238) Kōpīwāràmàchī tíī-gû. Taýa-gûi ̀kopi ̄waramachi	̄.
	kōpīwārà-màchī capybara-meat	tíī=gû 3s.sbj.pci =roast	ta=yaī=gu3
	tá=tü ̂i-ma-tānǜ-gu=ã 'a 3s.sbj=3s-anaph-group-ploc=quot	[gá=gû'e-má lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dist.s-anaph	dùã̰ ] i human
	'[...] he was in the middle of the people [...].' [lar E229]
	In (240), the presence of a linker introducing the nominal constituent can be inter-preted as representative of the same function of the linker as a marker establishing

s.sbj=pci .3m/n/ns.obj=roast [i ̀=kopi ̄wara-machi ]i lk.ns=capybara-meat 'She roasted the capybara meat. She roasted the capybara meat.

' [jsg C146- 147]

Example (239) displays a case where the predicative phrase is a non-verbal one (on non-verbal predicative phrases in /-gu̽ / 'ploc', see

Section 4.3.3.1)

and the pronominal form it comprises is not an index, but in fact a free pronoun. The nominal constituent that follows the predicative phrase and makes this free pronoun referentially explicit bears, as expected, the linker.

(239) […] tá-tü matānǜgùã 'a gá gû'emá dùã̰

[…]

. an overt link between a nominal constituent and an index that precedes it. This utterance lacks a predicative phrase altogether, however, and consequently lacks any 3. The nominal phrase index that could stand in a relation of coreferentiality with the nominal constituent that bears the linker. This is because an inflected form of the copular verb i ̃'to be' (in this case, /ni ́i ì=i ̃/ [3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =be] 'it is'), although 'That['s] my work.

' [jgs 80]

  ) "Mārǖ penátǖ nü ŵa̋níì-ĩ ̊yá chā-ü 'chi ̋rūkǖ tá i ̀ñṵmá [...]" Linker the cleft construction is not a relative clause but a subordinate clause in /-'ü / 'sub' (on focalization implemented by means of cleft constructions involving subordinate clauses in /-'ü / 'sub', see Section 5.2.6, p.426). Because that subordinate clause functions syntactically as the subject of the copular verb and follows it, it bears, again, the linker.

	(242) "Mò, gè'ta̋níì-ĩ ̊i ̀chó'ni ̋má'a nekù-ṹu'ü 'ü ?" Mò Moe∼voc gè'taw here?.aloc níì i =ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be ne=kù=ṹ-u'ü -'ü ]i ctrpet.3aloc=2sg.sbj\sbjv=go.sg-at.intervals\sbjv-sub [i ̀=chó'ni ̋-má'a lk.ns=fish-com
	mārǖ prf [yá=chā=ü -'chi ̋rū-kǖ=tá pe-nátǖ 2pl-father nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns lk.n/s=1sg.acc=make-clothes\sbjv-rel.m=fut níì i =ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be i ̀=ñṵmá] i lk.ns=present.time
	'"Well, it's your (pl.) father who will clothe me from now on [...]"' [igs 246]

In

(242-243)

, because the focalized constituent does not have the semantic role of the subject or object of the embedded predicative phrase, the second half of 3.5. '"Moe, where is it you always get fish from [lit. '... where is it you come again and again from with fish?']?"' [jsg B315] (243) Ngēmamá'a níì-ĩ ̊gá tànā-d'ăi'ü ̃gá nů'kǘmá. ngē-ma-má'a med.ns-anaph-com níì i =ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be [gá=tà=nā=d'ăi-'ü lk.f/m/ns.pst=3s.sbj\sbjv=3m/n/ns.obj=kill.pl\sbjv-sub gá=nů'kǘmá] i lk.f/m/ns.pst=past.time '[Do you know what curare is?] It's with that that they killed them [i.e. wild animals] in ancient times.' [igs 606]

  ) "Kùmà rǜ ingléswa̋kī-dé'a?"

	kù-mà=rǜ 2sg-anaph=top	inglés-waE	nglish-aloc	kī=dé'a2 sg.sbj.pci =speak
	'"Do you speak English?"' [jgs 345]
	(247) Ngemà gá wenà chàyà-taègū'ü ̃na'ka̰ gá internado. nge-mà=gá med.aloc-anaph=pst wenà again chà=yà=ta-ègū-'ü 1sg.sbj\sbjv=am=drop.sg-inv\sub gá=internado] lk.pst=boarding.school	[na-'ka̰ 3n/ns-cause
	nge-mà=ì med.aloc-anaph=contr.top chà=ũ -'ü 1sg.sbj\sbjv=go.sg\sbjv-sub nà=ū-gü -nè-wa]	museo-wam [Ná-tǘ-tàmà-má'a useum-aloc ná-má'a 3n/ns-com 3n/ns-river-inside-com

'Then I went back to the boarding school again.

' [jsg A386-387]

(248) Ngemà ì museowa̋námá'a chà-ũ 'ü , Nátǘtàmàmá'a nà-ūgü nèwa. 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=say-pl\sbjv-rel.n-aloc 'Then I go to the museum with them, to what they call the "Natutama" ["Underwater", the name of the museum].

' [jgs 135-136]

-ònè-wa] lk.ns=1pl-space-aloc

	3.5. Linker
	ñṵmá=rǜ='ã rǜ present.time=top=unlike.before tā=yā=tó-gǘ-gǘ 1pl.sbj=pci .3m/n/ns.obj=plant-pl-pl w̃enà=rǜ again=top [i ̀=tō'[This and that sort of timber trees and medicinal plants,] now, again, we tō-ma=rǜ 1pl-anaph=top plant them in our swiddens.' [lar D301-302]
	(253) Ta̋dǜ ì-ṹ'gùi ̀nāi'nēkǖwa̋rǜ nà-mù i ̀mŭrenǖ [...]. taa ssert.expl dǜ like.this ì=ṹ-'gup cø.sbjv=go.sg-circ [i ̀=nāi'nēkǖ-wa]=rǜ lk.ns=jungle-aloc=top nà=mù 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.several\sbjv i ̀=mŭrenǖ lk.ns=fly
	'Because you know, when you go to the jungle, there's lots of flies [...].' [jsg C46-47]

  ../ but /ni ́i ̀.i ga=.../).

	(257) Ngēmà gá chārǖ må'ü gá chà-bû'gù.
	ngē-mà med.ns-anaph [gá=chà=bû-'gù] gá=chā-rǖ lk.f/m/ns.pst=1sg-gen lk.f/m/ns.pst=1sg.sbj\sbjv=be.young-circ må'ü live
	'[After telling the story of his childhood and youth:] That [was] my life when I was young.' [jgs 797]
	(258) Chô'rī māma̋gá tá-nâ'chà'ü ̃gá ná'a chà-superando'ü , adelantewa̋chà-ũ 'ü	.
	chô-'rī 1sg-gen chà=superando-'ü māma=gá mum=pst 1sg.sbj\sbjv=surpass\sbjv-sub tá=nâ i -'chà'ü adelante-waf orward-aloc 3s.sbj=3n/ns-vol [gá=ná'a lk.pst=conj chà=ũ -'ü ]i
	tá=tá-ã 'e-gǘ 3s.sbj=be.big-mind-pl	[ná-]má'a 3n/ns-com	[níì.ĩ	conj	gá=mārǖ

1sg.sbj\sbjv=go.sg\sbjv-sub 'My mother, she wanted me to surpass myself, to move forward.

' [ano1 120-121]

(259) Tá-táã 'egǘ námá'a níì-ĩ ̊gá mārǖ tà-ã bü è'ü ̃ã' a. lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=prf tà=ã -bü -è-'ü ]=ã 'a 3s.sbj\sbjv=have-edible.plant-intr.pl\sbjv-sub=quot 'They were happy to have gotten crops [lit. '... happy with it that they had gotten crops.'].

' [lar E218]

  ) [...] nài gá gễ'ü ̃nà-fa'ü ̃[...].

	[nài other.f '[...] he got to know another woman [...].' [igv 692] gá=gễ-'ü ] nà=fa-'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=know\sbjv-sub lk.pst=be.a.female-acc
	(266) Nǖkù-fa'ü ̃i ̀ūgǘànè? nǖ=kù=fa-'ü 3m/n/ns.acc=2sg.sbj\sbjv=know\sbjv-sub	i ̀=[ūgǘànè] lk.ns=story

'[After telling a story to his son:] Did you understand the story [lit. 'Have you gotten to know (the meaning of) the story?']?

' [jsg C176]

  wí'ámḛ'emá'a gá nô'táã ́ã' a ná'marṵ'ü ã 'a tàyā-we'ü ̃ã' a gàgûmàquena ã 'a[...]. man was hunting with a blowgun when he was attacked by a jaguar. After a long wrestle with the animal, he recalled that he happened to have a flute within reach in his bag. He seized it and] with one hand he decidedly thrust the flute into its [i.e. the jaguar's] anus.' [lar D159-160]

	wí'á-mḛ'e-má'a=gá one-hand-com=pst tà=yā=we-'ü =ã 'a 3s.sbj\sbjv=pci .3m/n/ns.obj=set.straight\sbjv-sub=quot nô'táã =ã 'a outright=pst ná-'marṵ'ü=ã 'a 3n/ns-anus=quot ga=gû-mal

k.n.pst=dist.n-anaph quena=ã 'a flute=quot '[A

Table 35 .

 35 Syntactic function markers in smat This is especially the case, in particular, when the pronoun lk=nominal.constituent construction is used, as in the following two examples (on this construction, see Section 3.5.2.1, p.258):

	MA tr. -'ü ̃n/a Suffixes -'nàn/a -'ü (∼ a'ü ̃) n/a -'nèn/a -arü , -'rü ̄∼ -'ri ̄+	Gloss acc (accusative) dat (dative) recipient (give it to X), animate goal or Major semantic roles theme of perception and cognition processes (see X, know X), prototypical patients (usually encoded in the zero-case) in cases of differential object marking (he could kill you) source ground in motion and vision events (jump onto X to attack them, leave X to their activities, look after X), addressee of request (ask X a question/for something) ben (benefactive-malefactive) animate referent to the advantage or disadvantage of whom a process occurs (do a job for X), experiencer (please X) part (partitive) partitively affected object (eat some of the X's) gen (genitive) possessor in a broad sense (the boat of X, the master of X), complement of a zero-derived nominalization (the being strong of X, the killing of X)
	Relational nouns -'ka̰ -'chi ̀+ -'cha̰ ḛ kü ̄+ -ma'a -'ü ̃+	cause with.hate. toward because.of com (comitative) state	referent for the obtention of which a non-motion event occurs (look for X, steal X), animate goal ground in a motion event (come to see X, crouch next to X), reason or motive (as a result of X, for the sake of X), referent from the perspective of whom the process is viewed (for X, ...) complement of the verb root aî 'to hate' referring to the hated participant (hate X) cause (because of X) accompanier (travel with X), addressee of uttering events (tell it to X), experiencer (be hard for X), tool (cut it with an X), container (store it in an X) state (cause someone to be in state X, transform oneself into X)
			(continued)

localization, a source, or a goal) (live in X, walk past X, leave X, go to X, look at X), referent in quest of which a motion event occurs (go for product X), domain of activity (work in field X), conceptual domain (within domain X, one finds this and that element), occur inside the NP. lk.ns=fishhook-event.pred-purp 'Then I look for a place to fish.

' [jgs 273]

  ñomá... wí'á nâē'ü ̃i ̀<nge'...> ngē'wakà ì-yâ'ù'ü rü 'ü ̃ngĕ'má nárǖ-ã̰ u. Ñomá tè'e̋yà-bí'ìchíànē'ü rü 'ü ̃ṵ̈ kü ̋níì-ĩ ̊{i ̀} nűà [...].

		3.6. Syntactic functions of nominal phrases
	'[He would never go anywhere,] he would stay there like a newly caught [pet] animal.' [amb 29]
	(272) ñomá like níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be tè'ew hat/who?.s	yà=bí'ìchí-ànē-'ü -rü 'ü {i ̀=}nű-à lk.ns=prox.aloc-exo	ãm.3m/n/ns.obj.sbjv=sweep-space\sbjv-sub-like	ṵ̈ kü	I.mean
	'[The ground is clear in the primary jungle.] I mean, it's like someone has swept the ground here [with an imprecise gesture pointing to the ground around him] [...].' [jgs 243]
	ñomá like ì=yâ'ù-'ü -rü 'ü wí'á indf nâ-ē'ü pci\sbjv=seize\sbjv-rel.ns-like 3n/ns-animal i ̀=<nge'-...> lk.ns=med.ploc ngĕ'-má med.ploc-anaph ngē'wakà recent.time ná=rǖ=ã̰ u 3m/n/ns.sbj=pcrü =stay.sg
	278

-a̰ -gü 3m/n/ns.sbj=pork-poss-pl

  Although the ordering "verbal derivation + incorporation + derivation of the PP" within the verbal PP is indeed the one observed in an overwhelming majority of cases, note that it may exceptionally

278) a. cha=na=chi ́-gü 1sg.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj=bite-pl 'they bit me' b. cha=na=chi ́-a-gü 1sg.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj=bite-plloc-pl 'they bit me in different parts [of my body]' c. cha=na=chi ́-kutü -gü 1sg.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj=bite-foot-pl 'they bit me in the foot/feet' d. cha=na=chi ́-a-kutü -gü 1sg.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj=bite-plloc-foot-pl 'they bit me in different parts of my foot/feet' e. na=kuchi ̀'they have a pork/porks'

occur for an incorporated bound noun to precede verbal derivation, as

	4. Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase
	a-ga-gü -mare-'ü =a'a have-sound-plurac-just\sbjv-sub=quot
	'It was simply making noises.' [lar D173]
	(280) [...] ñṵmá tà tà-gű níì-ĩ ̊gá yemáã kǜ ã 'a tǖyà-ü gǘega'ü ̃[...]. ñṵmá=tà present.time=add tà=gű níì.ĩ conj 3s.sbj\sbjv=finish\sbjv gá=ye-má-ã kǜ=ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dist.ns-anaph-man=quot tǖ=yà=ü -gǘ-ega-'ü 3s.acc=pci.3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=make-pl-name\sbjv-sub
	in (279) (where the bound noun /-ga/ 'sound' precedes what appears to be the pluractional derivational suffix of the verb root /-gü /), or to follow PP derivation, as in (476) (where the bound noun /-ega/ 'name' follows what appears to be the plural derivational suffix of the predicative phrase /-gü /):
	(279) A gagü mare'ü ̃a'a.
	285

'[The mythical figure Yoi examined all the animals one by one, giving a name to each,] until he finished giving all of them a name in the process [lit. 'until they were finished that he made them names that way'] [...].

' [lar C418]

tå'ē-gǘ] 3s.sbj=trade-pl rǜ

  Because a PP minimally consists of one syllable, the location of the right boundary of the second PP, i , is obvious. The right boundary of the third PP, /ü -taǹü /, is, like its left boundary, clearly manifested by inflectional morphology, in this case by the inflectional suffix /-a/ '3m/n/ns.obj'. Importantly, this leaves out of that PP the last morpheme in the utterance, /=chi ́rḛ / 'aprf'. In such a context, 4. Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase this /=chi ́rḛ / can be unequivocally distinguished from the homonymous derivational suffix of the PP /-chi ́rḛ / 'admittedly', which would have been positioned to the left of /-a/ '3m/n/ns.obj'. Finally, the right boundary of the first PP, /ta'e-gü /, cannot be established from (281) alone, but simple morphosyntactic tests show it to correspond to the right edge of the phonological word it belongs to. For instance, when the context of this finite PP is manipulated so as to cause it to shift from the Indicative Inflectional Type to the Subjunctive Inflectional Type, it is its last syllable that is affected by the morphotonological alternations triggered by the Subjunctive Inflectional Type (on the notion of Inflectional Type, see Section 5.2.1; on the morphotonological alternations triggered by the Subjunctive Inflectional Type, see Section 2.6.2.1). This syllable can therefore be deduced to be the last of the PP. As shown in example (282), the exact same PP precisely happens to be produced by the same speaker immediately before the utterance in (281) in a context where it occurs in the Subjunctive Inflectional Type, allowing the diagnostics just mentioned to be applied to identify the right boundary of the PP /ta'e-gü / in (281):

	ná=[ĩ tô-'rī 1pl-gen	]	cama-ka̰ bed-cause	tà=[tå'ē-gü ̋]-'ü	and 3s.sbj\sbjv=trade-pl\sbjv-sub nge-ma=mé'e med.aloc-anaph=dub ta-'ü be.big\sbjv-rel.ns	familiar

med.ns-anaph-cause tá=[3m/n/ns.sbj=go.pl rǜ and nā=[ü -tànǜ]-ã -'ü =chírḛ 3f.sbj.sbjv=make-compensation-3m/n/ns.obj\sbjv-sub=aprf

'They bought that [i.e. the bed] and I guess they went there, and she had already payed for it.

' [jsg B451-452]

This example contains three PPs, which are individually enclosed in square brackets. The left boundaries of all three are straightforwardly delimited by the inflectional proclitics /ta=/ '3s.sbj', /na=/ '3m/n/ns.sbj',

228

and /na=/ '3f.sbj.sbjv', respectively.

(282) Tô'rī camaka̰ tà-tå'ēgü 'ü , ta'ü , familiar. familial 'They bought a bed for us, a big one, a double bed.

' [jsg B449-450]

  erü ́nü ŵa̋<n...> <nȍ'...> náēya̰ tá-yå'ü ̃[...].

		4.2. Verbal predicative phrases
	erü tá=yå'ü because nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns 3s.sbj=remoteness.ploc <n...> <nȍ-'...> 3n/ns-	ná-ēya̰ 3n/ns-sister
	'[If he intended to take a wife there, he would have to give his sister in exchange, but he couldn't] because, well, his... his sister was far away.' [amb 94-95]

Table 36 .

 36 Derivational suffixes of the verb root

	the suffixes /-na̽ / 'open' and /-ta/ 'closed' are about as frequent as the two an-tipassive suffixes just mentioned. These and a few rarer suffixes are described in Section 4.2.4.

spatial relation of the figure relative to itself as

  4. Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase (285) "Ngi ̏'ārǜ <ta-ch...> tá-chókùwâ'í <pà n...> <pa...> pà õ 'õ ̋rǜ ná-chü tā!" Nȍ'rī gè'ri ̋gú yà-ǘkuchíã 'ü , ná'wetāgu. Tǖyà-pḛkúchí'ü ̃gá yî'emá kōpīwārà[...]. it stands at the initial phase of the process (i.e. in a case where the ground coincides with the figure itself) is provided in the following example (see also (T88)):

			4.2. Verbal predicative phrases
	ngi ̏'al et's.go <pa=...> rǜ and voc= '"Let's get in [the house] now, my... my... my child, it's getting dark!"' [igs <ta=ch...> 3s.sbj= tá=chó-ku3 s.sbj=be.there.pl-in.pl wâ'í contr <pà=n...> voc= pà=õ 'õ voc=little.child rǜ and ná=chü tā 3m/n/ns.sbj=get.dark 302-303]
	(286) nȍ-'rī 3m-gen ná-'wetā-gu3 n/ns-bag-ploc gè'ri ̋-gú bag-ploc tǖ=yà=pḛ-kúchí-'ü yà=ǘ-kuchí-ã -'ü pci.3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=put.sg-in.sg-3m/n/ns.obj\sbjv-sub 3s.acc=pci.3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=cram-in.sg\sbjv-sub gá=yî'e-má lk.pst=med.s-anaph kōpīwārà
	3m/n/ns.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=collect	rṵã ćhi	and nȍ-'rī 3m-gen	morral-gú bag-ploc
	(288) Kü ́pa'ài ̄-tokućhi kü =pa'ac ome.on=be.quick 'Come on, sit down a bit [lit. '... get into a sitting posture in such a way as ́! i ̄=to-kućhi ṕci=sit-in.sg to fit within the space your body occupies as you stand right now!', i.e. sit down without moving from where you're standing right now, as opposed to moving and sitting down at a different spot than where you're standing right now]!' [igs 290]

capybara '[A hunter shot a capybara.] He put it in his bag, in the rucksack. He crammed the capybara in [it].' [jsg C74-76] (287) Nánā-dê rṵã ćhi ̋nȍ'rī morralgú nà-nůkúã 'ü ñá=nā=dê nà=nů-kú-ã -'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=put.pl-in.pl-3m/n/ns.obj\sbjv-sub '[A hunter saw some fruits on the ground.] He collected them and put them in his bag.' [jsg C33]

An instance of use of /-ku̽ chi ́, -ku̽ / as a FGC suffix characterizing the

  4. Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase 292) (transitive PPs; see also (T29) for an occurrence of this suffix in an intransitive PP). man was captured by an isolated group. At first he was never allowed out. Two years passed.] At that point, they [started to] let him out [of the village] a bit for short periods of time.' [amb 52-53]

	(290) Ngē'gumá gá ȉ'ràrǘwa̋pā'àã ćhí i ̋nà-mŭ'úchígǘã 'ü ngē'gumá=gá anaph.circ=pst ȉ'ràrǘwaa .bit pā'àã ćhí briefly i ̋=nà=mŭ-'úchí-gǘ-ã -'ü 3aloc=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=send-out.sg-pl-3m/n/ns.obj\sbjv-sub .
	'[A

(291)

[...]

tå'úgùi ̋nà-ǘ'ü chíã 'ü ̃gà<nȍ'rǖ...> nȍ'rǖ gè'ri ̋[...]. tå'ú-gub e.absent\sbjv?-ploc i ̋=nà=ǘ-'ü chí-ã -'ü 3aloc=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=put.sg-out.sg-3m/n/ns.obj\sbjv-sub ga=<nȍ-'rǖ...> lk.n.pst=3n/ns-gen nȍ-'rǖ 3n/ns-gen gè'ri bag '[...] he would not take his... his bag off [lit. '... out', i.e. out of the volume extrapolated around himself] [...].' [lar E139-140] (292) Posillo tǖi ̋nà-nů'ü ! posillo cup tǖ=i ̋=nà=nů-'ü 3s.acc=3aloc=pcø.imp=put.pl-out.pl 'Take the cups out [of the plate]!' [jca E4]

  ) (transitive PP; see also (T5)).

	(296) Nágùnà-chi ̊nágǘ'ẽ 'eã 'ü ̃[...].
	ná-gu3	n/ns-ploc	nà=chi -nágǘ-'ẽ 'e-ã -'ü	3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=stand-on-caus-3m/n/ns.obj\sbjv-sub

'They had him stand on it [i.e. on a big tree root] [...].' [amb 68] (297) [...] dāu'ü ̃ã' a nà-chonágǘwètā'ü ã' ü ̃gá yemá nâmàchī ã 'a. dāu'ü =ã 'a upper.part=quot nà=cho-nágǘ-wètā'ü -ã -'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=hook-on-bag-3m/n/ns.obj\sbjv-sub gá=ye-má lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dist.ns-anaph nâ-màchī=ã 'a 3n/ns-meat=quot '[...] they hung the bag of flesh from the top [lit. '... on the top'] [of their maloca, i.e. probably from a small platform or a beam].' [lar C558]

4.2.3.7 /-gachi ̀/ 'away'

  An illustration of the use of the FGC suffix /-gachi ̀/ 'away', which denotes a [-propinquity] topological relation, is provided in example (305) (intransitive PP).(305) [...] ye'gúmá ã 'a tǖyà-gẽ'ü ̃rǜ ã 'a tī-yû'gàchī'ü ̃ã' a gá tü màã 'a.

	ye'gúmá=ã 'a anaph.circ.pst=quot rǜ=ã 'a	tǖ=yà=gẽ-'ü	3s.acc=pci.3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=drop\sbjv-sub

and=quot tī=yû'-gàchī-'ü =ã 'a 3s.sbj.pci \sbjv=jump-away\sbjv-sub=quot gá=tü -ma=ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3s-anaph=quot '[When the hunter thrust a flute into the jaguar's anus, the latter fainted, and] at that moment it [i.e. the jaguar] released him [i.e. the hunter] and he jumped away.' [lar D162]

)

  Yemá níì-ĩ ̊rǜ ã 'a nà-mŭpétǜã 'ü ̃nü ŵa̋rǜ ã 'a ǘpétǜchìgǖ'ü ̃gá gû'èmá tã ů

	<chî'ē'ü ...> chî'ē'ü ̃námá'a ü 'e. ye-má dist.ns-anaph níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be nà=mŭ-pétǜ-ã -'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=send-across-3m/n/ns.obj\sbjv-sub rǜ=ã 'a and=quot ǘ-pétǜ-chìgǖ-'ü be.there.sg-across-distr.sg\sbjv-sub gá=gû'è-má lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dist.s-anaph nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns <chî'e-'ü ...> be.bad\sbjv-rel.ns chî'ē-'ü be.bad\sbjv-rel.ns ná-má'a 3n/ns-com ü -'em ake\sbjv-rel.s	rǜ=ã 'a and=quot tã ů neg

'[The animals were standing in line. The mythical figure Yoi examined the puma's mouth but found it clear of his father's hairs.] And so, he let it [i.e. the puma] pass, and all those [i.e. the animals] who hadn't done harm... harm to them [i.e. to Yoi and his siblings by killing their father] passed one after the other [i.e. from in front of Yoi to behind him].

' [lar C459-461]

  4. Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase (312) "Tè'e̋tíì-ĩ ̊ya... dùã̰ yàchàu'chì āi'èēka̰ yà-dåyékü tà'ü ̃i ̀ñåàná'ĩ ́?" woman left her chambira palm skein outside at night, and on the next day she found it cut in halves.] "Who is it that... has something against me? [Why] is this chambira palm skein cut in halves?"' [igs 15-17] If this analysis of /-ye/ as a FGC suffix is correct, then what is to be identified as the figure in (312) is a cut (i.e. a non-prototypical figure) and the ground corresponds to the skein.

	tè'ew hat/who?.s āi-'eh ate\sbjv-rel.s tíì=ĩ ēka̰ 3s.sbj.pci=be yà=då-yé-kü tà-'ü ya=dùã̰ lk.n/s=human pci.3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=chop-in.the.middle-skein\sbjv-sub ya=chàu-'chì lk.n/s=1sg-with.hate.toward so.that i ̀=ñå-al k.ns=prox.ns-exo ná'ĩ ýounger.chambira.palm
	'[A

)

  Yemá níì-ĩ ̊rǜ ã 'a nǖtī-ūgü ègā'ü ̃nü ŵa̋gá gű'ü ̃gá nánētǖ[...].'[A hunter came across some fruits. He picked them up, put them into his bag, and left.] He left, and the fruits he had picked up were dropping one by one.' [jsg C38-40] 4. Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase Note, importantly, that although this suffix naturally tends to occur in processes involving plural participants, it does not in itself have any

	ye-má dist.ns-anaph nǖ=tī=ū-gü -egā-'ü níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.acc=3s.sbj.pci\sbjv=say-plurac-name\sbjv-sub 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be rǜ=ã 'a and=quot gá=gű-'ü lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=finish\sbjv-rel.ns gá=ná-nētǖ	nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns
	níī=ṹ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =go.sg gá=nà=dê-gǖ-'ü lk.pst=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=collect-plurac\sbjv-rel.ns i ̀=nü -ma=i lk.ns=3m-anaph=contr.top	ngē-mam ed.ns-anaph níī=gǜ-gü -chìgǜ ŏ'rḭ'i fruit 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =

lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3n/ns-plant '[When the Tikunas stole the crop plants from the mythical figure Iya-Iya, the latter commanded them to plant them.] And so, he said the names of all the plants [...].' [lar E183] (314) Níī-ṹ i ̀nü mài ̀, ngēmàŏ'rḭ'i gá nà-dêgǖ'ü ̃níī-gǜgü chìgǜ.

implication as to the grammatical or semantic number of participants.

  The second clause of the following example, for instance, which features a verb root bearing the suffix /-gü /, involves a single agent referent (the speaker) and, implicitly, a single patient referent (a soccer ball, although it is not mentioned):(315) Rṵ̈ achi ̋<chà-...> chayà-ǘ'gù ì tiempo ì, chà-kŭ'gǜtàè'ü ̃canchawa.

	rṵ̈ achi cha=yà=ǘ-'gù and <chà=...> 1sg.sbj\sbjv= 1sg.ben.3aloc?=am.3f/m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv?=be.there.sg-circ ì=tiempo=ì chà=kŭ'-gǜ-tàè-'ü 1sg.sbj\sbjv=kick-plurac-antip3\sbjv-sub lk.ns=time=contr.top cancha-was ports.field-aloc

'And when I... when I have time, I play soccer [lit. '... I do repeated kicking ...'] at the sports field.

' [jsg A38-40]

  feature, is the positive counterpart of /-na̽ / 'open' (on which see next section). Illustrations of the use of this suffix are provided in examples (316) and (317).'[That's how I prepare manioc beer.] And then I cover it [lit. '... I seal its container by laying (its lid onto it).'].' [lar D325]

				4.2. Verbal predicative phrases
	ñṵã ćhi	and chā=nā=gå-tā-'ü	1sg.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=lay-closed-container?
	(317) Nańa-w̃e'ta.
	na=na=w̃e'-ta3 m/n/ns.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=bind-closed
	'He fastened it with a knot [e.g. a bag or a basket].' [ear elic.]
	(316) Ñṵã ćhi ̋chānā-gåtā'ü	.

  This suffix, which is only attested on transitive verb roots in my data, indicates that the process results in the splitting into parts of the referent corresponding to the object:

	(321) a. to-téfetch-apart b. waì-técut-apart	'to partition' 'to cut in halves'
	tǖ=nà=chů'-ná-'ü yî'e-má med.s-anaph kōpīwārà 3s.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=scratch-open\sbjv-sub capybara	gá=<yî'e-má…> lk.pst=med.s-anaph
	'He disemboweled the... the capybara [lit. 'He ripped the capybara open.'].' [jsg C84]
	(319) Tô'ü ̃náyàrǖ-w̃å'ná'ü gǘ a las cuatro de la mañana.
	tô-'ü la the mañana 1pl-acc ná=yà=rǖ=w̃å'-ná-'ü -gǘ 3m/n/ns.sbj=am=pcrü =hang-open-container?-pl	a at	las the	cuatro four	de of

morning

(i) /-te/ 'apart'.

enü ̄stick.one's.tongue.out-?

  (on /-kü 'ü/, see Section 4.4.2.7).

(322) a. gũ'-ne-kü 'ü bark-repeatedly?-intens.iter 'to bark' b. u-ne-kü 'ü go.sg-repeatedly?-intens.iter 'to take steps' c. pe-ne-aǹèclap-repeatedly?-space 'be thunderclaps all around' (iii) /-enü / '?'. The meaning of this morpheme is unclear. It might bear some relation with the notion of horizontality. (323) a. bai'-enü ̄illuminate-? 'illuminate (with a flash light)' b. dḛ -'to stick one's tongue out' c. wi -enü ̄be.straight-? 'to aim (a projectile weapon)'

  ) [...] nágù chàrǖ-ĩ ̄nǜ'ü ̃ṵ̈ kü , mārǖ chà-ü chí'ü 'ü ̃tà.

	ná-gù 3n/ns-ploc chà=ü -chí'ü -'ü =tà chà=rǖ=ĩ ̄nǜ-'ü 1sg.sbj\sbjv=make-home\sbjv-sub=add 1sg.sbj\sbjv=pcrü =think\sbjv-rel.ns	ṵ̈ kü	I.mean	mārǖ prf

'[And next, once I manage to achieve these new life plans,] well then my intention [is] to also build a house [lit. '... to house-make too.'].' [jgs 795-796] Contrast, likewise, example (326) with (

  4. Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase relevance, it is incorporated to the verb stem /ü -'ü chi ́/ (put.sg-out.sg) 'to take out'.(327) "Chí na̋mé'e ṵ̈ kü ̋chòmàrǜ chí tà chàgǜ i ̋chà-ǘ'ü chíarǖ tü èã̰ gú i ̀,[...]."

	chí=na=mé'e irr=assert=dub i ̋=chà=ǘ-'ü chí-arǖ ṵ̈ kü 3aloc=1sg.sbj\sbjv=put.sg-out.sg-gen I.mean chò-ma=rǜ=chí=tà 1sg-anaph=top=irr=add tü è-ã̰ -gú=i stomach-poss-circ=contr.top chà-gǜ 1sg-refl
	'"But imagine, if-say-I took my stomach out [lit. '... I stomach-removed myself, ...'], [well then I could drink more]."' [lar E230]

  chi ̋nűà ñà'tǖwa̋rǜ ná-mêànè. As a guide, I take the tourists for a walk in the jungle and then we come back to the village.] We arrive at twilight, at the very end of the afternoon [lit. '... really when the sky is green.'?].' [jgs 72]

	4. Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase
	mārǖ prf mā=nà=yaű-ànè-gú-'ü chì nà=yâànè 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.twilight prf=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.blue/green-space-circ-genuinely i ̋=tā=gū-gü -'ü 3aloc=1pl.sbj.sbjv=reach-pl\sbjv-sub
	'[
	chi	and	nű-à prox.aloc-exo	ñà'tǖ-wa=rǜ lower.part-aloc=top	ná=mê-ànè 3m/n/ns.sbj=be.good-space
	'[In the primary jungle, the canopy is dense] and here at ground level it's clear [of undergrowth] [lit. '... it is space-good.'].' [jgs 236]
	(332) Mārǖ nà-yâànè, mā nà-yaűànègú'ü chì i ̋tā-gūgü 'ü	.

  Our ancestors lived in large communal dwellings and had no mosquito nets,] they slept in hammocks and that's why there [had to] be a lot of room in a maloca [i.e. so that all would fit in it at night?]."' [jgs 428-429]

	níì=ĩ	3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be	med.ns-anaph-cause
	gá=nà=tá-chi ̋kà-ànē-'ü	lk.f/m/ns.pst=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.big-room-space\sbjv-sub
	gá=maloca-wal	k.f/m/ns.pst=maloca-aloc
	'"[

  4.2. Verbal predicative phrases (334) [...] yemáã kǜ níì-ĩ ̊gá nů'kǘmá ã 'a gá tà-ü wēmǜgü 'ü ̃níì-ĩ ̊gá tà-náiwēmǖ'ü ̃gá yá'gùã̰ . And the Tikunas put some chili pepper in the cooking pot because] that's how the ancestors used to cook [lit. '... to do food-making ...'], their food was spicy.' [lar E256]Example (335) features a rare instance of object-absorbing core argument incorporation involving the incorporation of an NP (instead of a bound noun):(335) Nü màgáfeǹü ēkü ̄u'ãbe'mài ̀na-ka'arü ̄i ̰eā̰ rü ̀u'ànü na-dawenü 'ü ̃u'a.

	ye-má-ã kǜ dist.ns-anaph-man gá=tà=ü -wēmǜ-gü -'ü níì=ĩ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3s.sbj\sbjv=make-food-pl\sbjv-sub 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be gá=nů'kǘmá=ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=past.time=quot níì.ĩ conj
	gá=tà=nái-wēmǖ-'ü	lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3s.sbj\sbjv=be.spicy-food\sbjv-sub	gá=yá'gùã̰ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=ancestor
	'[nü -ma3 m-anaph	ga=feǹü ē-kü =u'al

k.f/m/ns.pst=hunt\sbjv-rel.m=quot be'maq uietly i ̀=na=ka'-arü 3ploc=3m/n/ns.sbj=lean-gen i ̰e-a̰ blowgun-poss rü =u'aà nd=quot nü =na=dawenü -'ü =u'a3 m/n/ns.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=watch\sbjv-sub=quot '[A hunter heard weird splashing sounds in the jungle. Some human-like creatures were playing in a river.] The hunter silently leaned his blowgun against [a tree] and watched them.' [gsg 1'37"-1'44"]

  341) Más adelante gá, ŏ'rḭ'i'ü ̃nà-dău'ü ̃gá ngemàgǜtǖ'ü 'ü . [A woman had asked her daughter-in-law to make into beer a whole heap of corn ears by chewing them. The girl was supernatural] so I guess after chewing [lit. '... chewing into paste ...'] a single one [all the jars got filled.]'[jsg B258]

	rü =me'e and=dub	wí'á=tàã =a'a=gá one=itself=quot=pst	tíī=yo'-mǜ 3s.sbj.pci =chew-paste
	más more	adelante=gá ahead=pst	ŏ'rḭ'i-'ü	fruit-acc	nà=dău-'ü	3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=see\sbjv-sub
	gá=nge-mal
	tå'ú'ü ?" tè'ew ho?.s ya=cha=na=ngő-'el <ô'-...> k.n/s=1sg.ben=3m/n/ns.obj=bite\sbjv-rel.s ? chô-'rǖ 1sg-gen ô'-tḛ'e ?-granular.substance i ̀=nŭ'-al k.ns=prox.ploc-exo i ̀=chô-'rü chà=ǘ-tá'ü -'ü 1sg.sbj\sbjv=put.sg-bounded.flat.surface\sbjv-rel.ns ēka̰ so.that nà=tå'ú-'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.absent\sbjv-sub	lk.ns=1sg-gen	nà-

k.pst=med.aloc-anaph gǜ-tǖ'ü -'ü drop-space.below\sbjv-rel.ns 'Further on, he saw some fruits that had dropped there on the ground [lit. '... that had below-dropped there', i.e. probably to the area below the tree they dropped from].' [jsg C29-30] (342) "Tè'e̋yàchanà-ngő'èi ̀chô'rǖ <ô'...> chô'rǖ ô'tḛ'e i ̀nŭ'àchà-ǘtá'ü 'ü ̃ēka̰ '"Who ate my co... my corn flour that I had stored here [lit. '... that I had flat-receptable-put here?']? It's no [longer] there!"' [gra 239-241] 4.2. Verbal predicative phrases (343) [...] rü ̀me'e wí'á tàã ̄a'a gá tíī-yo'mǜ [...]. '

  The mythical figure Peta-Peta came across a weird feathered creature-in fact a Tikuna man-and started examining it.] "The feathered thing has a head!" he observed.' [lar E48] (345) Nô'táã ́ã' a níī-cho̊ã 'a nü ŵa̋ã 'a gá yemá ã 'a gá, nâē'ü ̃rǜ ã 'a kù-ã ȳaepǜtā ã 'a. The mythical figure Yoi ordered the jaguar, who arrived last of the animals he had summoned, to open its mouth so he could examine it.] So it opened its mouth wide: lo and behold, the animal had hairs in the teeth [lit. '...

	4. Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase
	'[nô'táã =ã 'a outright=quot gá=yemá=ã 'a=gá níī=cho=ã 'a 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =open.one's.mouth=quot lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dist.ns-anaph=quot=pst nâ-ē'ü =rǜ=ã 'a nü ŵa=ã 'a well.m/n/ns=quot 3n/ns-animal=top=quot kù=ã -yaè-pǜtā=ã 'a 2sg.sbj\sbjv=have-hair-tooth\sbjv=quot '[
	in examples (344) and (345).	are provided
	(344) "Ná-ã ērú yá gáu!" ña'ü ̃a'a ná=ã -erú 3m/n/ns.sbj=have-head yá=gáu lk.m/s=cover.with.feathers ña-'ü =a'a do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot
		327

the animal, your teeth have hairs!'] [i.e. he was the one who had eaten up Yoi's father]!' [lar C514] Note that /kù=ã -yae-pǜtā/ (2sg.sbj\sbjv=have-hair-tooth\sbjv) 'he [lit. 'you ...'] had hairs in the teeth' in (345) can be analyzed as featuring both possessive pseudo-incorporation ('his teeth have hairs' literally encoded as 'his teeth hair-have') followed by possessee incorporation ('his teeth hair-have'>'he teethhair-has'; on the stylistically-marked use of second person singular marking with reference to a third person participant to convey a notion of surprise, see

Sec- tion 3.3.6, p.206)

.

  erü ́naī'nēkǖ ì nűà tā-ã ārǖã̰ gü 'ü ̃San Martínwa̋rǜ <mārǖ...We usually take the tourists upriver from San Martín de Amacayacu to show them the primary jungle,] because the jungle that we have here in 4. Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase San Martín is [jungle] that is exploited by man [lit. '... is [a jungle] that [people] have worked in already.']'[jgs 220-221]

	erü	because	náwa̋tà-pūrākǘe'ü ̃níì-ĩ ̊[...]. naī'nēkǖ	> marü	<nágù...>
	prf tà=pūrākǘ-e-'ü mārǖ prf 3s.sbj\sbjv=work-intr.pl\sbjv-rel.ns <ná-gù...> 3n/ns-ploc ná-wa3 n/ns-aloc níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be
	'[

jungle ì=[nű-à lk.ns=prox.aloc-exo tā=ã -arǖ-ã̰ -gü -'ü 1pl.sbj.sbjv=have-gen-poss-pl\sbjv-rel.ns San Martín-wa]=rǜ San.Martín.de.Amacayacu-aloc=top <mārǖ...>

Table 37 are discussed and exemplified individually in the next sections

 37 (see the corresponding section

	MA trigger	Gloss	Resulting PP	Section
	C.i.n.+... /-'ü ̽ / I.n.+... /-e/ Onom.+... /-e/ NP+... /-gu̽ / /-ra'ü / /-'pḛ 'e/ /-'cha'ü / /-'wa̰ e/ a /-a̰ / bound noun	n/a n/a n/a + + + + n/a variable	temp.pred (temporal predicativizer) event.pred (event predicativizer) event.pred (event predicativizer) ploc (punctual locative) like equal vol (volitive) apprec (appreciative) 'to like X' 'belong to time X' 'to perform an action related to X' 'to make sound X' 'be in/on/at X' 'be similar to X' 'be the equal of X' 'to want X' poss (possessive) 'to have/provide with X' variable 'to have one's Y that has X'	4.3.1 4.3.2 4.3.2 4.3.3.1 4.3.3.2 4.3.3.3 4.3.3.4 4.3.3.5 4.3.3.6 4.3.4
	Key: C.i.n. I.n. Onom. MA trigger trigger of Pattern 2 morphotonological alternations (see Section 2.6.2.2; suffixes circumstantial independent noun independent noun onomatopoeia for which no indication is provided in this column do not trigger these alternations) n/a not applicable (the corresponding suffix never occurs in a context where it could trigger Pattern 2 morphotonological alternations)

a Variants: /-wa̰ e, -'wḛ 'e/

Table 37 .

 37 Formal types of non-verbal predicative phrases in smat along with their respective meanings 331 4. Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase references in the rightmost column of the table).

  ) (see also(189)).(349)[...] nů'kǘmá'ü 'ü ̃<gá...> gá tǜ'ègǘ. Non-verbal predicative phrases In these examples, the non-verbal PP that /-'ü ̽ / contributes to form occurs in subject relativizations functioning as modifiers. Although, as I could confirm in elicitation sessions, such PPs may indeed occur in main clauses (/na=nge'waka-'ü / [3m/n/ns.sbj=recent.time-temp.pred] lit. 'it belongs to recent times', i.e. 'it is recent or new', talking for instance of an item recently bought), this is not attested in spontaneous data.

	nů'kǘmá-'ü -'ü	past.time-temp.pred\sbjv-rel.ns	<gá=...> lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=	gá=tǜ'è-gǘ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=manioc-pl
	'ancient manioc varieties [lit. 'manioc varieties that belong to the past']' [lar E197]
	(350) Wenà a'a gá nü ĝǜ i ̋yà-ũ 'ü ̃rü ̀tǖnà-dău'ü ̃gá yî'emá nô'ri ̋'ü 'ègá nă'ma̰ 'a gá ná'a tà-pà'ü ̃wenà.
	wenà=a'a=gá again=quot=pst rü lk.pst=med.s-anaph nü -gǜ 3m-refl tǖ=nà=dău-'ü i ̋=yà=ũ -'ü beginning-temp.pred\sbjv-rel.s 3aloc=pci.3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=go.sg\sbjv-sub gá=yî'e-má lk.pst=3m-wife nô'ri -'ü -'el k.pst=conj gá=nă-'ma̰ 'a 3s.sbj\sbjv=be.nubile\sbjv-sub gá=ná'a again tà=pà-'ü ̃wenà
	'[A man had left his first wife when she had children and he no longer desired her. When his second wife had children in her turn, he left her too.

] He turned back again and saw that his first [lit. '... belonging to the beginning ...'] wife looked young again.

' [igv 703-704]

4.3.

  356) Mārǖ náyà-tòmarà'ü .

mārǖ prf ná=yà=tò-ma-rà'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj=am=other.ns-anaph-like 'It's different [lit. 'It is like something else.'].' [jsg B522] (357) [...] åkü nèwa̋tánā-kă rǜ nánà-ūìtḛ'erà'ü . åkü -nè-waw hat?.ns\sbjv-rel.n-aloc tá=nā=kă 3s.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=crush rǜ and ná=nà=ūì-tḛ'e-rà'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj=pcna=manioc.flour-granular.substance-like '[Our ancestors used to toast corn and then] they would crush it in this thing [whose name the speaker does not recall right now] and it would look like fine manioc flour.' [gra 234]

  He was setting him tests so that he would grow into his equal [lit. '... be his equal.'].' [jsg B102]

	4.3.3.4 NP+/-'cha'ü / 'vol': 'to want X'
	tǖ=yà=ü -chìgǖ-'ü	3s.acc=pci.3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=make-distr.sg\sbjv-sub	ná'a

conj tà=nâ-'pḛ'ḛ-'ü -ka̰ 3s.sbj\sbjv=3n/ns-equal\sbjv-sub-cause 4.3. Non-verbal predicative phrases '

  Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase '[A man came back to his former wife after abandoning his new wife, but she rejected him:] "I don't love you any more now!"' [igv 709]

	4.
	sg.sbj=2sg-apprec	i ̀=ñṵmá lk.ns=present.time

3n/ns-apprec=fut=add ná'a

	i ̀=chò-mal k.ns=1sg-anaph	conj	chò-ma1 sg-anaph	chī=ngî-'ü	1sg.sbj.pci.sbjv=hold\sbjv-sub

'[My partner and I are not married yet, but my parents married, my parentsin-law married, so...] I'm going to have to get married too.' [ano1 65] 4.

3.3.6 NP+/-a̰ / 'poss': 'to have/provide with X'

PPs in /-a̰ / 'poss' employed intransitively are

					4.3. Non-verbal predicative phrases
	(362) [...] mārǖ gá chà-dīẽ rùã 'ü ̃gá chòmà.
	mārǖ=gá prf=pst	chà=dīẽ rù-ã -'ü	1sg.sbj\sbjv=money-poss\sbjv-sub	gá=chò-mà lk.f/m/ns.pst=1sg-anaph
	'[The fifteen days of work were over and] I now had money.' [jgs 700]
	(363) [...] chô'rǖ pāpa̋rǜ gá tá-wí'á i ̰ ̃ēã̰ , wí'á i ̰ ̃ē gà ma'ü ñè [...]
	chô-'rǖ 1sg-gen gà=ma-'ü ñè pāpa=rǜ=gá dad=top=pst lk.n.pst=be.long\sbjv-rel.n tá=wí'á 3s.sbj=indf	i ̰ ̃ē-ã̰ blowgun-poss	wí'á indf	i ̰ ̃ē blowgun
	'[When he went hunting,] my father used [lit. '... had ...'] a blowgun, a long blowgun [...].' [ano2 5'48"-5'52"]
	Instances of non-verbal PPs in /-a̰ / 'poss' employed transitively are featured in the following two examples:
	(364) Ngemà gá chānà-dīẽ rùã̰ gü 'ü	.
	nge-mà=gá
	mêa=mā well=precisely	kū=nā=dê'a-ã̰ 2sg.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=water-poss
	tured in the following two examples (see also (471) and (536)):	fea-

med.aloc-anaph=pst chā=nà=dīẽ rù-ã̰ -gü -'ü 1sg.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=money-poss-pl\sbjv-sub '[The group of tourists I had guided congratulated me.] And then they gave me some money [i.e. for a tip].' [jgs 450-451] (365) Mêàmā kūnā-dê'aã̰ . '[In a recipe: You pour some water in the mashed plantains to make them into a pulp.] You put a good amount of water in it [lit. 'You provide it well with water.'].' [tvj B372]

suffixes that are less easily

  those that encode a notion of number are briefly addressed inSection 4.4.4. Section 4.4.5 discusses a few other

		MA trigger	Gloss	Section
	Aktionsart, aspect & mood /-echa/ /-ta̰ 'a/ /-V 'ü ̽ / /-chi ̀gü , -etanü / /-ega/ /-achi ́/ /-kü 'ü/ Intensity /-'V chi ̀/ /-'V ra/ Number /-e/ /-gü / Valency /-taè/ /-'e'e/ Other suffixes /-maē/ /-neta/ /-'kü ra'ü / /-mare/ /-chi ́rḛ / /-ama/ /-('?)tü ma'ü / Predic. relat. nouns /-'cha'ü / /-'wa̰ e, -wa̰ e, -'wḛ 'e/	+ + +, + + + n/a ? + +	persist (persistive) with.a.tendency at.intervals distr.sg, distr.pl (distributive) 4.4.2.4 4.4.2.1 4.4.2.2 4.4.2.3 intent (intentive) 4.4.2.5 tel (telic) 4.4.2.6 intens.iter (intensive iterative) 4.4.2.7 genuinely 4.4.3.1 slightly 4.4.3.2 intr.pl (intransitive plural) 4.4.4 pl (plural) 4.4.4 antip3 (antipassive 3) 4.5.1 caus (causative) 4.5.2 compar (comparative) 4.4.5.1 superf (superficial) 4.4.5.2 by.force.of.circumstance 4.4.5.3 just 4.4.5.4 admittedly 4.4.5.5 even.so 4.4.5.6 ? 4.4.5.7 vol (volitive) 4.4.6.1 apprec (appreciative) 4.4.6.2
	Key: MA trigger trigger of Pattern 2 morphotonological alternations (see Section 2.6.2.2; suffixes for which no indication is provided in this column do not trigger these alternations) n/a not applicable (the corresponding suffix never occurs in a context where it could trigger Pattern 2 morphotonological alternations)

Table 38 .

 38 Derivational suffixes of the predicative phrase 4.4. Derivational morphology of the predicative phrase grouped into homogeneous semantic categories. The two derivational suffixes of the predicative phrase that are predicative relational nouns are dealt with in Section 4.4.6. The function of the last two suffixes, finally, is to manipulate the valency of predicative phrases. These are treated separately within a section dedicated to valency operations at the end of this chapter (Section 4.5).

  4. Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase predicates. Its semantic contribution can be roughly glossed in English as 'to start (or resume) to X'. Instances of use of this suffix are provided in examples (381) and (382) (see also (T14) and (T90)).

	(381) Tü màgá mārǖ... piezawa̋tà-gū'gùyì-ĩ ̀'ü ̃gá nü 'nà tà-fa̰ ã ćhí'ü tü -ma=gá 3s-anaph=pst mārǖ prf pieza-war oom-aloc tà=gū-'gu1 pl.sbj.sbjv=reach-circ yì=ĩ ̀-'ü pci.3f/m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv=be\sbjv-sub gá=nü -'nà lk.pst=3n/ns-dat tà=fa̰ -ã ćhí-'ü 3s.sbj\sbjv=know-tel\sbjv-sub	.
	'[While getting off the tuk-tuk in the street, she inadvertently dropped her bag. The tuk-tuk left.] And the moment she realized it was once she had arrived to [her] room.' [jsg B489-490]
	ngē'gumá anaph.circ tī=āu'-ã ćhí-'ü níì=ĩ 3s.sbj.pci\sbjv=cry-tel\sbjv-sub 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be	rǜ and gá=yî'e-má ná-'ka̰ 3n/ns-cause lk.pst=med.s-anaph	téret eŕe.parrot

(382) Ngē'gumá níì-ĩ ̊rǜ ná'ka̰ tī-āu'ã ćhí'ü ̃gá yî'emá tére̋

[...]

.

'[A woman erroneously believed that her daughter-in-law-a parrot-had spent her day idling and threw her out of her house.] And so, the teŕe̋parrot got sad [lit. '... started to feel depressed ...'] about it.

' [jsg B266-267]

  Instances of /-kü 'ü/ in spontaneous speech are featured in examples (384-385).

	(383) a. Chi ̄-de'a. chi ̄=de'a1 sg.sbj.pci =speak 'I speak.'
	b. Chi ̄-de'akü 'ü. chi ̄=de'a-kü 'ü
	téret mů-'űchi ̄-'ü eŕe.parrot ná=y{ā}=ngo̰ -gǘ 3m/n/ns.sbj=pci .3m/n/ns.obj?=bite-pl be.several-genuinely\sbjv-rel.ns gá=wē'ű-gǘ
	[jsg B197-198]	'
	(385) Nánā-mā'gǘ rǜ i ̋yà-yâu'ü tānǜkǘ'üã 'ü	.
	ná=nā=mā'-gǘ 3m/n/ns.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=shoot.with.an.arrow-pl i ̋=yà=yâu'-ü -tānǜ-kǘ'ü-ã -'ü 3aloc=pci.3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=seize-off.pl?-group-intens.iter-3m/n/ns.obj\sbjv-sub rǜ and

1sg.sbj.pci =speak-intens.iter 'I chatter.' [jsg elic.] (384) [...] tére̋náy{ā}-ngo̰ gǘ, mů'űchi ̄'ü ̃gá wē'űgǘ. Náyā-ngo̰ kǘ'ügǘ. lk.pst=amazon.parrot-pl ná=yā=ngo̰ -kǘ'ü-gǘ 3m/n/ns.sbj=pci .3m/n/ns.obj=bite-intens.iter-pl '[...] [a woman had a lot of corn, but it would never bear fruit because] teŕep arrots ate it, multitudes of parrots. They pecked it up grain after grain.'They shot a volley of arrows at him but he caught them all in midair in a flash.' [amb 71] 4. Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase

  ).

	! ná=tâiyà-'ü chì (388) Ngēmà kūchì mé'e ná-tâiyà'ü chì! Na-chi ̀'ü ngē-mà med.ns-anaph kūchì=mé'e pork=dub 3m/n/ns.sbj=be.hungry-genuinely na=chi ̀-'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=stand\sbjv-sub
	'[We once went to the school's pigsty to feed the pigs.] That pig must have been very hungry! It stood up on its hind legs!' [igv 404]
	(389) Mārǖ tåmā nü 'nà nà-dăugǘ'ü chī'ü mārǖ prf tåmā neg.precisely nü -'nà 3m-dat	.

nà=dău-gǘ-'ü chī-'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=see-pl-genuinely\sbjv-sub '[A man was held captive by an isolated group. Six years passed and he was now allowed to go hunting wherever he wanted.] They no longer watched him that much.' [amb 119]

  in the following example the pcrü ̄form /na=rü =mu-maē/ [3m/n/ns.sbj=pcrü =be.several-compar] 'they are more' to the corresponding non-comparative pcØ form /na=mu/ [3m/n/ns.sbj=be.several] 'they are many':

	(392) Hmmm, nárǖ-můmāē i ̀buenogü 'ü	.
	ngü	ŷes	ná=rǖ=mů-māē

3m/n/ns.sbj=pcrü =be.several-compar i ̀=bueno-gü -'ü lk.ns=good-pl-rel.ns 'Yeah, the good ones [i.e. memories] are more.' [igv 483]

in spite of fully convinc- ing appearances, the process is not truly, genuinely occurring, as

  When you reach the sacred place called Moruapü,] If you're good-hearted, then and only then a constrictor does as though it were carrying you away but it's not for real and all it does is take you somewhere.' [jsg B390-391]

	) a. Chana-ngo̰ . cha=na=ngo̰ 1sg.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=bite 'I eat/bite it.' 'I taste it.' [jsg? elic.] m/n/ns.acc=1sg.sbj=bite-superf nü =cha=ngo̰ -neta3 b. Nü cha-ngo̰ neta. '[(397) [...] nǖná-dău rǜ ã 'a nà-chi ̊'kā'ü ̃ã' a <gá...> gá <n...> năã pṵ'ü gá G ȕ'tàpa̰ , gá nȍ'rǖ máã pṵ'ünétà. nǖ=ná=dău 3m/n/ns.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj=see rǜ=ã 'a and=quot nà=chi ̊'kā-'ü =ã 'a 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.transparent\sbjv-sub=quot <gá=...> lk.f/m/s/ns.pst= gá=<n...> lk.f/m/s/ns.pst= nă-ã pṵ'ü 3m-knee gá=G ȕ'tàpa̰ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=Ngutapa gá=nȍ'rǖ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3m-gen má-ã pṵ'ü-nétà
	(395) a. I ̋chana-ta̰ . i ̋=cha=na=ta̰ 3aloc=1sg.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=drop.sg 'I throw it.' b. Nü cha-ta̰ neta. nü =cha=ta̰ -neta3 examples (396-398): (396) Gá {i ̀}de buen corazónã̰ gú'íka̋níì-ĩ ̊i ̀yőì tǖī-yaû'nétā'ü ̃wâ'í dōrā níì-ĩ ̊rǜ tǖtíī-illustrated in nü ŵa=a'a well.m/n/ns=quot ye-a=ã 'a dist.aloc-exo=quot nǖ=nà=dău-'ü =ã 'a 3m/n/ns.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=see\sbjv-sub=quot gá=<ná-mā-gu=ã 'a…> lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3n/ns-path-ploc=quot ná-mā-gu=ã 'a 3n/ns-path-ploc=quot kà-kǖ lie\sbjv-rel.m gá=dùü lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=be.a.human yá=yĕ'-má=ã 'a lk.m/s=dist.ploc-anaph=quot pṵ-nétā-kǖ=ã 'a be.filled.with.air-superf\sbjv-rel.m=quot <gá=...> lk.f/m/s/ns.pst= gá=gẫu-kǖ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=cover.with.feathers\sbjv-rel.m gåmārē. gá={i ̀=}de buen corazón-ã̰ -gú-'íkai f=pcø.sbjv=good.hearted-poss-circ-only níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be i ̀=yőì lk.ns=constrictor tǖ=ī=yaû'-nétā-'ü 4acc=pci=seize-superf\sbjv-subcontr wâ'í tell.lies dōrā rǜ 4acc=3s.sbj.pci =lead-just tǖ=tíī=gå=mārē 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =be níì=ĩ ånd '[...] then, he saw a man lying there on the... on the path, who was blown up like a balloon [lit. '... who looked like he was inflated, ...'], covered with... with down.' [lar E35-37]

m/n/ns.acc=1sg.sbj=drop.sg-superf 'I push it.' [jsg elic.] However, /-neta/ is more typically used to imply that, have.a.tumor-knee-superf '[...] he looked at it: Ngutapa's knees, what looked like tumors in his knees [but weren't: Ngutapa was actually pregnant in the knees], were translucent.' [lar T68] (398) [...] nü ŵa̋a'a yeàã 'a nǖnà-dău'ü ̃ã' a gá <námāgùã 'a…> námāgùã 'a kàkǖ gá dùü ̃yá yĕ'má ã 'a pṵnétākǖ ã 'a <gá...> gá gẫukǖ.

'kü rà'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj=pci.3m/n/ns.obj=kill.sg-by.force.of.circumstance

  gü ȓü ãć hí, åkǘ cha-gūpétǜgù rǜ, ngemà tá-chî'èmārēkü rà'ü ̃[...].

	4. Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase
	gü ȓü ãć hí maybe tá=chî'è-mārē-kü rà'ü åkǘ what?.ns cha=gū-pétǜ-gù=rǜ 1sg.acc=reach-across-circ=top 3s.sbj=be.bad-just-by.force.of.circumstance '[...] [I want to be well prepared before starting a family, otherwise] if nge-mà med.aloc-anaph (402) [...] tü maàrǖ b'ăi'ã ćhímá'a gá gû'emá fènǖè'èã 'a gá i ̋tànā-ta'ü ̃ã' a gá tü maàrǖ i ̰ ̃ē. [I ̋]tànā-gḛ'kü rà'ü 'ü ̃gá tü maàrǖ i ̰ ̃ē gá nge'akü nà. tü -ma-arǖ 3s-anaph-gen b'ăi'ã ćhí-má'a=gá get.frightened-com=pst gû'e-má dist.s-anaph fènǖè-'e=ã 'a=gá hunt\sbjv-rel.s=quot=pst i ̋=tà=nā=ta-'ü =ã 'a 3aloc=3s.sbj\sbjv=3m/n/ns.obj=drop.sg\sbjv-sub=quot gá=tü -ma-arǖ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3s-anaph-gen i ̰ ̃ē blowgun [i ̋=]tà=nā=gḛ-'kü rà'ü -'ü 3aloc=3s.sbj\sbjv=3m/n/ns.obj=drop-by.force.of.circumstance\sbjv-sub something happens to me, they may find themselves in trouble [...].' [jgs 615-617] gá=tü -ma-arǖ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3s-anaph-gen i ̰ ̃ē
	nô'ri ̋-'ü chì beginning-genuinely chī=ǘ-kù-gù=rǜ	ṵ̈ kü =gá I.mean=pst	guía-wag	uide-aloc
	3m/n/ns.sbj=be.difficult 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=get.mad\sbjv-sub <ērǘ…> because 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=get.mad-circ=top tã ů=mā neg=precisely nà=nù-'ü ēgá 3m-anaph=pst ṵ̈ kü I.mean ērǘ . ma̰ 'kü rà'ü nü -ma=gá ērǘ=chí because=irr if nà=nū-'gu=rǜ ngĕ'-má med.ploc-anaph
	ngē-ma-ka̰ med.ns-anaph-cause tå'ú-'ü -'ü be.absent\sbjv-rel.ns-acc níì=ĩ chà=fa̰ -'kü rà'ü -'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be i ̀=<tã ů...> lk.ns=neg 1sg.sbj\sbjv=know-by.force.of.circumstance\sbjv-sub ná=yà=ma̰ -'[Their captors were offending his girlfriend before his very eyes.] He didn't lose his temper because... because if he had, they would automatically have killed him on the spot.' [amb 31-32]
	i ̀=chò-mal	k.ns=1sg-anaph
	'[I didn't have enough opportunities to learn stories and wasn't really inter-

(400) Nô'ri ̋'ü chì ṵ̈ kü ̋gá, guíawa̋chī-ǘkùgù rǜ, chàu'ka̰ ná-gû'chàkü rà'ü .

Ná

-gû'chà ṵ̈ kü ̋ērǘ [...]. 1sg.sbj.pci .sbjv=be.there.sg-in.pl-circ=top chàu-'ka̰ 1sg-cause ná=gû'chà-kü rà'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj=be.difficult-by.force.of.circumstance ná=gû'chà because 'At the very beginning, when I started [working] as a guide, the fact is I found it hard [lit. '... I found myself having a hard time.']. I mean, it was hard because [...].' [jgs 380-382] (401) Ngēmaka̰ níì-ĩ ̊i ̀<tã ů...> tå'ú'ü 'ü ̃chà-fa̰ 'kü rà'ü 'ü ̃i ̀chòma. ested.] That's why I don't know any [lit. '... I find myself knowing none.' or '... I've ended up knowing none.'].' [gra 184] blowgun gá=nge-'akü nà lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=med.aloc-approx.aloc '[...] [because a jaguar was attacking him,] the hunter threw his blowgun aside out of fear. He dropped [i.e. unintentionally] his blowgun to the ground.' [lar D136-137] (403) Nü màgá tã ů mā nà-nù'ü ̃<ērǘ…> ērǘ chí ēgá nà-nū'gùrǜ ngĕ'má náyà-

  Instances of use of this suffix are provided in the following examples (see also(396), (192), and (212)).

	(404) Ngĕ'má nà-ã̰ umārè'ü ̃gá nü ma.
	ngĕ'-má med.ploc-anaph gá=nü -mal	nà=ã̰ u-mārè-'ü .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=stay.sg-just\sbjv-sub pcrü
	ná-má'a 3n/ns-com ngē-mà med.ns-anaph tíī=dé'à-chìgǜ-mārē 4sbj.pci =speak-distr.sg-just níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be ì=pūrākǘ ñṵ achi lk.ns=work	and wenà again	tá=ta-ègù 4sbj=drop.sg-inv	rǜ and

k.f/m/s/ns.pst=3m-anaph '[A man was captured by an isolated group. They hold him captive in their maloca.] He found himself blocked there [lit. 'He just stayed there.'].

' [amb 38]

(405) Námá'a tíī-dé'àchìgǜmārē ñṵ achi ̋wenà tá-taègù rǜ ngēmà níì-ĩ ̊ì pūrākǘ.

'[Guiding tourists is not a heavy job.] You just chat with them along the way and then you come back and that's it.

' [jgs 518-519]

to want, to feel like (performing the pro- cess denoted by the rest of the predicative phrase)', as

	gá=chò-mal	níì=ĩ k.pst=1sg-anaph ed.ns-anaph	3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be	gá=cha=wa̰ -('?)tǖmā'ü -'ü	lk.pst=1sg.ben-?-?\sbjv-rel.ns
	'[My father didn't pay much attention to me.] This is what annoyed me.' [ano1 123]
	4.4.6 Predicative relational nouns
	4.4.6.1 /-'cha'ü / 'vol'
	two examples (see also (637)):	shown in the following
	(410) Ngü , ñṵmá chā-chíbü chà'ü	.
	ngü	ŷes	ñṵmá present.time	chā=chíbü -chà'ü	1sg.sbj=eat-vol
	'Yes, I'd like to eat now.' [ano1 183]
	(411) Mārǖ tã ů i ̋chī-u'chà'ü	.
	mārǖ prf	tã neg ů	i ̋=chī=u-'chà'ü	3aloc=1sg.sbj.pci=go.sg-vol
	'I no longer wanted to leave.' [jsg B668]
	On the use of /-'cha'ü / 'vol' in combination with an NP to form non-verbal predicative phrases, see Section 4.3.3.4.

The predicative relational noun /-'cha'ü / 'vol', when attached to predicative phrases, contributes meanings such as '

  ngemàtà gá, dùã̰ <gá...> gá na'chì tá-âiē ērǘ <nà-...> na-a'ewa̰ e.

	nge-ma=tà=gá med.aloc-anaph=pst tá=âi-ē 3s.sbj=hate-intr.pl ērǘ dùã̰ <=gá...> human=pst because <nà=...> =gá =pst 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv= na-'chì 3m-with.hate.toward na=a'-e-wa̰ e3 m/n/ns.sbj=drink-antip2-apprec
	'[...] there too people didn't like him because he... he liked drinking.' [amb 185-187]

Transitive construction:

	4.5. Valency operations
	cha=bü -eta1 sg.sbj=split-antip1
	'I split stuff.' [jsg elic.]
	(414) a. Transitive construction:
	Chana-bḛ . cha=na=bḛ 1sg.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=uproot 'I uproot it.'
	b. Antipassive construction in /-e/ 'antip2':
	Cha-bee. cha=be-e1 sg.sbj=uproot-antip2
	'I uproot stuff [typically manioc].' [lar elic.]
	(415) a. Transitive construction:
	Chana-pona. cha=na=po-na1 sg.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=knock-open 'I smash it.'
	b. Antipassive construction in /-taè/ 'antip3':
	Cha-ponataè. cha=po-na-taè1 sg.sbj=knock-open-antip3
	Chana-bü 'I smash stuff.' [lar elic.] . cha=na=bü 1sg.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=split The following example features a
	'I split it.'
	b. Antipassive construction in /-eta/ 'antip1': Cha-bü êta.

spontaneous case of alternation between an antipassive construction in /-taè/ 'antip3' and a transitive construction

	'She arrived there and she collected our wages [lit. '... and she collected.']. She also collected hers, for working at the Early Childcare Center.' [jsg B444-446]
	volving the same predicative phrase (see also example (421) below):	in-
	(416) Yeàī-gū rǜ nā-cobratàè'ü . Ngî'rǖ tà gá tǖnā-cobra'ü ̃ná'a CDIwa̋nā-pūrākü 'ü	.
	ye-ad ist.aloc-exo ngî-'rǖ=tà=gá ī=gū 3f.sbj=reach 3f-gen=add=pst tǖ=nā=cobra-'ü rǜ nā=cobra-tàè-'ü and 4acc=3f.sbj.sbjv=collect\sbjv-sub 3f.sbj.sbjv=collect-antip3\sbjv-sub ná'a conj CDI 250 -waC DI-aloc nā=pūrākü -'ü 3f.sbj.sbjv=work\sbjv-sub

  'èrü ̀mārǖ tá-chăètàgǘ, ngĕ'ma'èmārǖ tà-wü ètàgü 'ü .

	chi	and	yî'e-má med.s-anaph	bū-'eb

e.young\sbjv-rel.s gá=i ̋=chó-'ü -'e=rü lk.pst=3aloc=be.there.pl-out.pl\sbjv-rel.s=top mārǖ prf tá=chă-ètà-gǘ 3s.sbj=anoint-antip1-pl ngĕ'-ma-'em ed.ploc-anaph\sbjv-rel.s mārǖ prf

tà=wü -ètà-gü -'ü 3s.sbj\sbjv=scratch-antip1-pl\sbjv-sub

'And the children who left from there [i.e. from day nursery], they already knew how to paint, some already knew how to write.

' [igv 124-126]

man=pst chà=nā=gṵ-'ẽ 'e-'ü 1sg.sbj\sbjv=3m/n/ns.obj=finish-caus\sbjv-sub

	4. Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase
	tã neg ů tǖ=nà=chî'è-wē-gü -'ü -ka̰ =ã 'a <tǖ=nà=...> 3s.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv= 3s.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.bad-convenience-pl\sbjv-sub-cause=quot <tà=...> 3s.sbj\sbjv= níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be gá=[tü -ma-nētǖ=ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=[3s-anaph-plant=quot nǖ=tà=tū'-ẽ 'è-'ü ] 3m/n/ns.acc=3s.sbj\sbjv=fell-caus\sbjv-sub]
	'[...] it was [just] to get rid of... of them that [...] she had asked them to cut down her tree.' [lar T134]
	gá=chô-'ri	lk.pst=1sg-gen	bachillerato high.school.education
	'That's how I finished high school [lit. 'That's how I caused my high school education to end.'].' [jsg A392]
	(426) [...] tã ů <tǖnà-...> <tà-...> tǖnà-chî'èwēgü 'ü ka̰ ã 'a níì-ĩ ̊gá... [...] tü maǹētǖ ã 'a nǖtà-tū'ẽ 'è'ü .

med.ns-anaph-

'ẽ 'e-gü -'ü ] 1pl.sbj.sbjv=eat-caus-pl\sbjv-sub]

  ).

		4.5. Valency operations
	'I cause the child to eat.' [jsg elic.]
	(427) Gű'ü ̃gá gùnē'ü gù gá <tānā-...> kūchì'ü ̃tā-chíbǜ'ẽ 'egü 'ü	.
	gű-'ü <tā=nā=...> finish\sbjv-rel.ns 1pl.sbj.sbjv=3m/n/ns.obj= gá=gùnē-'ü -gù=gá lk.pst=get.light\sbjv-rel.ns-ploc=pst [kūchì-'ü [pork-acc tā=chíbǜ-'We... We fed the porks [lit. '... caused the porks to eat ...'] every day.' [igv 394-395]
	(428) a. *Bu'ècha-chi ́bü 'e'e. bu-'eb e.young\sbjv-rel.s(obj) 'I cause the child to eat.' cha=chi ́bü -'e'e 1sg.sbj=eat-caus
	b. Bu'e'ü ̃cha-chi ́bü 'e'e. bu-'e-'ü be.young\sbjv-rel.s-acc	cha=chi ́bü -'e'e

  429) Tá'a náyànā-ó'ẽ 'e gá grado quinto [...].

	tá'a frustr gá=grado quinto ná=yà=nā=ó-'ẽ 'e 3m/n/ns.sbj=am=pcrü .3m/n/ns.obj=disappear-caus lk.pst=fifth.grade
	'He almost suppressed [lit. '... caused to disappear ...'] the fifth grade [...].' [jsg A378]
	(430) "A kǘ [i ̀] ñomá'ü ̃nü ŵa̋kūì-ĩ ̊'ẽ 'è'ü ?"
	akǘ what?.ns kū=ì=ĩ -'ẽ 'è-'ü [i ̀]=ño-má-'ü 2sg.acc=pci=be-caus\sbjv-rel.ns lk.ns=prox.ns-anaph-state	nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns
	'"Who put you in this situation [lit. 'What is it that caused you to be this way?']?"' [lar T17]

pétǜ-'ẽ 'e-ètānǖ 1pl.acc=2pl.sbj.pci .sbjv=be.there.pl-across-caus-distr.pl\sbjv ērǘ

  ) [...] gű'ü rǘ'ü 'ü ̃gá cuento'ü ̃tōmá'a tī-ù'ü ̃gá tô'ü ̃námá'a tà-múü 'ẽ 'è'ü ... gá yá'guà̰ .

	gű-'ü -rǘ'ü -'ü tī=ù-'ü 3s.sbj.pci\sbjv=say\sbjv-sub finish\sbjv-rel.ns-sort\sbjv-rel.ns gá=[tô-'ü gá=cuento-'ü lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=[1pl-acc lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=tale-acc ná-má'a tō-má'a 1pl-com
			because
	taũ=mā neg=precisely	tō-ma1 pl-anaph	pē=tā=tà'kú 2pl.acc=1pl.sbj=be.an.orphan

3n/ns-com tà=múü -'ẽ 'è]-'ü 3s.sbj\sbjv=be.afraid-caus\sbjv]-rel.ns gá=yá'guà̰ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=ancestor '[...] they would tell us all sorts of stories with which they frightened us [lit. '... caused us to be afraid ...']... the elders.' [lar D210-211] (434) "[...] kǘ nü ŵa̋ēkà tōpī-chópétǜ'ẽ 'eètānǖ, ērǘ taũ mā tōmàpētā-tà'kú!" kǘ=nü ŵa=ēkà come.on=well.m/n/ns=who.knows? tō=pī=chó-'"[...] please let us move on, because we didn't orphan you!"' [lar T159]

nà=gű-pǜtà-'ẽ 'è-'ü =ã 'a 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=hurt-tooth-caus\sbjv-sub=quot

	435) O wǘpa'ü 'ü ̃nü ĝǜ a'a ngĕ'má nà-ǘ'ẽ 'è'ü	.
	owǘ-pa'ü -'ü nà=ǘ-'ẽ 'è-'ü õlder.chambira.palm-spine-state 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.there.sg-caus\sbjv-sub nü -gǜ=a'a 3n/ns-refl=quot	ngĕ'-má med.ploc-anaph
	nü -gǜ=ã 'a 3n/ns-refl=quot

'He transformed himself into chambira palm spines and lay there [lit. 'He caused himself to be there under the shape of chambira palm spines.'].

' [jsg B93]

In one example in my corpus, a causative construction with coreferential causer and causee arguments (with the latter represented by a reflexive pronoun) is used to express that the process is artificially simulated (with lit. 'to cause oneself to ...' conveying the meaning of 'to pretend to ...'). The jaguar who killed the mythical hero Ngutapa pretends he cannot speak at the moment so as to elude questions by Ngutapa's sons: (436) [...] nü ĝǜ ã 'a nà-gűpǜtà'ẽ 'è'ü ̃ã' a [...]. '[...] [he] was pretending to [lit. '... causing himself to ...'] have a toothache [...].' [lar C502]

Transitive construction:

	4. Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase 4.5. Valency operations
	'[Put the plate with its mouth up! (Short pause)] Have you flipped it over yet? -Yes!' [rca & jca E12-13] b. Platomaẁa? -M ̂mm, platomaẁa̋wâ'í ná-gü ègù i ̀plato. plato-ma-wap late-cavity-aloc m̂mm yes plato-ma-wap late-cavity-aloc wâ'í contr níì.ĩ conj yà=pâ-'ü pci.3f/m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv=be.dry\sbjv-sub eḡaí f ma=na=tu'ṵ -guṕ rf=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=fell\circ-circ ná=gü -ègù 3m/n/ns.sbj=slant?-inv i ̀=plato lk.ns=plate '[As for the pen, it's in, uh... -] In the plate? -Yeah, in the plate but the plate is upside down [lit. '... is flipped over.'].' [rca & jca E34] '[On how to make a swidden:] Once you've cleared it [i.e. the patch of jungle you've selected] from its undergrowth, then you cut down the smaller trees. Once the smaller trees have been cut down, uh... you leave it [all] to dry for one month, once they [i.e. the bigger trees] have been cut down [too].' [lar D230-233]
	Examples (439) and (440) feature both a passive construction and an ordinary tran-sitive construction involving the same verb, specifically the verb root wü ̏'to scratch, to write' in (439) (with the passive construction coming first and the transitive con-
	Chana-cha. cha=na=cha1 'I paint it.' sg.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=paint m/n/ns.sbj=prox.ploc-exo ná=nŭ'-a3 chô-'rǖ 1sg-gen ì=especie lk.ns=species especie de plátano species of plantain pō'i pōpērà-gú paper-ploc plantain yuca manioc mā=ná=wü tǜ'è-arǖ manioc-gen ná=nŭ'u 3m/n/ns.sbj=prox.ploc mā=chā=nā=wü prf=1sg.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=scratch	prf=3m/n/ns.sbj=scratch
	b. Passive construction:
	Na-cha. na=cha3 m/n/ns.sbj=paint 'It is painted.' [jsg elic.] Examples (438a) and (438b) illustrate the exact same contrast in spontaneous tex-tual examples: (438) a. Mā kùnā-gü ègū'ü ? -Marü ! mā=kù=nā=gü -ègū-'ü prf=2sg.sbj\sbjv=3m/n/ns.obj=slant?-inv\sbjv-sub marü prf mārǖ prf kū=chĕ'-tǜ=i 2sg.sbj=chop-weed=contr.top nâi kūī=yĕ-'ü 2sg.sbj.pci=chop.down\sbjv-sub tree i ̀=nge-mal k.ns=med.aloc-anaph mārǖ prf <ná=...> 3m/n/ns.sbj= níī=yĕ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =chop.down ya=nâi=i lk.n=tree=contr.top un one mes month kù=nā=ü -'ü 2sg.sbj\sbjv=3m/n/ns.obj=put.sg\sbjv-sub
		379

struction coming next) and the verb root yĕ'to chop down (smaller trees)' in (440) (with the two constructions occurring in the reverse order; note that the verb root tu'u 'to fell (bigger trees)' at the end of (

440

) also appears in a passive construction):

(439) Ná-nŭ'a, chô'rǖ pōpēràgú. Mā ná-wü ̏ì especie. Especie de plátano-pō'i ̋yuca-tǜ'èarǖ... Ná-nŭ'u, mā chānā-wü .

'It's here, in my notebook. They're written down, the species. Species of plantain-po'i ̋[in Tikuna]-of manioc-tü 'e... It's here, I've written them down.

' [jsg A272-275]

(440) Mārǖ kū-chĕ'tǜ i ̀, nâi kūī-yĕ'ü ̃i ̀ngema. Mārǖ <ná-...> níī-yĕ yànâi i ̀, eh... un mes kùnā-ü 'ü ̃níì-ĩ ̊yà-pâ'ü ̃eḡámāna-tu'ṵ gu.

'ü lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.an.orphan-3m/n/ns.obj\sbjv-sub

	4. Non-inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase
	tā-gẽnátǖē tā=gẽ-nátǖ-ē 1pl.sbj=not.have-father-intr.pl
	'we were orphans' [gra 161] b. Factitive construction: ỹe-má yemá âi gá nā-gẽnátǜ'ü dist.ns-anaph âi wild.felid gá=nā=gẽ-nátǜ-'ü lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3m/n/ns.obj=not.have-father\sbjv-rel.ns
	'the jaguar who had orphaned them' [lar C523-524]
	Contrast, in the same way, examples (444a) and (444b), which likewise feature the same verb root ta'kú'be an ophan' used in an intransitive and a factitive construc-tion, respectively:
	ná=múü gá=nü -mal 3m/n/ns.sbj=be.afraid k.f/m/s/ns.pst=3n/ns-anaph <níì.ĩ gá=nà=tà'kú-ã -gá=ye-má lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dist.ns-anaph conj gá=...> lk.f/m/s/ns.pst= yì=ĩ ̀-'ü pci.3f/m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv=be\sbjv-sub níì.ĩ conj bū-'ü -gǘ be.young\sbjv-rel.ns-pl gá=Yó'i lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=Yoi rǜ and Ȉpí Ipi rǜ and nă-ēya̰ -tá-gǘ 3m-sister-coll-pl
	'[The jaguar was reluctant to come closer to the mythological brothers Yoi and Ipi, because] he was afraid because... because he was the one who had orphaned the children, Yoi and Ipi and their sisters.' [lar C486-490]

(444) a. "[...] mārǖ pē-tà'kúē." mārǖ prf pē=tà'kú-ē 2pl.sbj=be.an.orphan-intr.pl '"[...] you are orphans now."' [lar T142] b. [...] ná-múü ̃<níì-ĩ ̊gá...> níì-ĩ ̊gá nü màyì-ĩ ̀'ü ̃gá nà-tà'kúã 'ü ̃gá yemá bū'ü gǘ, gá Yó'i ̋rǜ Ȉpí rǜ năēya̰ tágǘ.

Chapter 5 Inflection of the predicative phrase 5.1 Introduction to the inflectional template of the finite predica- tive

	."
	aî wild.felid yá=pē=tà'kú-ē-'ẽ 'è-kǖ níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be

lk.m/s=2pl.acc=be.an.orphan-intr.pl-caus\sbjv-rel.m '"It's a jaguar that has orphaned you."' [lar T143] phrase . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

390 5.2 Functional distribution of the three Inflectional Types: In- dicative

	5.	. 412 5.2.4 Imperative Inflectional Type (imp) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 413 5.2.5 Bare Subjunctive Inflectional Type (sbjv) . . . . . . . . . 413 5.2.6 Subjunctive Inflectional Type+-'ü ̃'sub' (sbjv-'ü ) out of declarative main clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 421

, Imperative, Subjunctive (and Subjunctive+-'ü ̃'sub') 395 5.2.1 Overview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 395 5.2.2 Indicative Inflectional Type (ind) and Subjunctive Inflectional Type+-'ü ̃'sub' (sbjv-'ü ) in declarative main clauses 399 5.2.3 Indicative Inflectional Type (ind) out of declarative main clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

3 Inflection in the Indicative Inflectional Type (ind; slots 4-8) 428 5

	5.4	430 5+7) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 432 5.3.3 Fusional morpheme encoding associated motion and third person masculine/neuter/non-salientive object index (slots 5.3.4 Fusional morphemes encoding predicative class and third person masculine/neuter/non-salientive object index (slots 6+7) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 433 5.3.5 Reassignment of pci ̄and pci ̀predicative phrases to pcrü caused by the introduction of associated motion . . . . . . 435

.3.1 Agglutinative morphology in ind . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 428 5.3.2 Fusional morphemes encoding subject index and predicative class (slots 4+6) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Inflection in the Imperative Inflectional Type (imp; slots 4-8) 436 5.5 Inflection in the Subjunctive Inflectional Type (sbjv; slots 4-8)438 5.6 Summary: charts of combinations found in slots 4-8 of the inflectional template of the predicative phrase . . . . . . . . 446 5.7 Indexes common to the three Inflectional Types (ind, imp, and sbjv

	. 454 5.7.1 Indexes for benefactive-malefactive and accusative partic-ipants (slots 1-2) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 454 5.7.2 Third person indexes for locative and partitive object par-ticipants (slot 3) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 459 5.7.2.1 Locative indexes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 459 5.7.2.2 Partitive object indexes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 466 5.8 Associated motion (slot 5) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 470 5.9 Predicative class assignment (slot 6) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 478 5.

(-'ü ); slots 1-3) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

10 Strategies for encoding the number of participants . . . . . . 487

-'ü =ã 'a am=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=pluck.sg-3m/n/ns.obj(\sbjv)-sub=quot

  2.1, p.462). Such notions are mostly encoded by means of derivational suffixes of the predicative phrase (seeSection 4.4), clause-level enclitics and particles, or, in the case of tense specifically, within nominal constituents via the inflection of certain word classes for nominal tense.

	The following two examples illustrate part of these introductory observa-tions about the formal and functional properties of the inflectional morphology of the predicative phrase in smat:
	(446) i ̃'gùtǖnárǖ-chó'ẽ 'e i ̃'-gub uilding-ploc tǖ=ná=rǖ=chó-'ẽ 'e 3s.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj=pcrü =be.there.pl-caus
	'he had them stay home' [lar T96]
	(447) yànà-kâwēã 'ü ̃ã' a
	yà=nà=kâwē-ã 'he went and plucked it' [lar T43]
	Example (

Table 39 .

 39 Set of values of the morphosyntactic categories encoded in slots 1 to 3 of the inflectional template of the predicative phrase with their corresponding morpheme shapes

	1 ben= 1sg cha=/cho= 1pl ku= 2sg to= 2pl pe= 3f i ̋= 3m/n/ns nü = 3s tü = 4 tü =	2 acc= 1sg cha=/cho= 1pl ku= 2sg to= 2pl pe= 3f i ̄= 3m/n/ns nü = 3s tü = 4 tü =	3 loc/part= 3aloc i ̋= ctrpet.3aloc ne=/nu= 3ploc i ̀= 3m.part.obj ne= 3n.part.obj ne=(/nu=?) 3ns.part.obj ta=
	4 sbj= 1sg cha= ±ya= pcØ Ø 5 6 am= pc= pl ku= pci ̄i ̄= 2sg ta= pci ̀i ̀= 2pl pe= pcrü ̄rü = 3f i ̄= pcnàna= 3m/n/ns na= 3s ta= 4 ta=	7 3= f na= ... PP 3m/n/ns na=	8 -3m/n/ns.obj ±-a1

Table 40 .

 40 Combined set of values of the morphosyntactic categories encoded in slots 4to 8 of the inflectional template of the predicative phrase in ind, imp, and sbjv, with their corresponding "basic" morpheme shapes function), in which case it makes no distinction of nominal class, or it may stand for a partitive object participant, in which case it differs whether it stands for a participant in the masculine, neuter, or non-salientive nominal class (partitive objects in the feminine or salientive nominal class can never, for their part, be indexed on the predicative phrase). The third person index in slot 7, which may stand for a subject or an object argument depending on the context, may only take the values masculine/neuter/non-salientive (m/n/ns) or feminine (f). Incidentally, this implies that salientive (s) third person subject or object arguments can never be indexed in slot 7 and that their indexation, in contexts where they would be indexed in slot 7 if they belonged to another nominal class, therefore has to occur in other slots (specifically in slot 4 in cases where they stand for a subject argument, and-by a phenomenon of differential object marking-in slot 2 in cases where they stand for an object argument, in which case they are encoded morphologically as an accusative participant). The third person (masculine, neuter, or non-salientive) object index in slot 8 is simply either present or absent. Likewise, the feature of associated motion encoded in slot 5 is simply either present or absent. Finally, the values encoded in slot 6 straightforwardly correspond to each of the five predicative classes of the language (note that pcØ, by contrast with the other predicative classes, is morphologically unmarked in most cases, and that in such cases I do not, accordingly, state its presence explicitly in glosses).

	The following examples (repeated from (446) and (447) above) provide the mapping

of actual occurrences of inflected predicative phrases with the tem- platic analysis just

  put forward (the first row of these examples is repeated from the first row of the figure provided above at the beginning of this section): .imp', '.sbjv', or '\sbjv'-the latter when the phonological exponent of 'sbjv' is tonological). By contrast, where inflectional morphological material of ind is used, no Inflectional Type gloss is featured (compare the glosses in examples (448a) and (448c) below, for instance).

	5. Inflection of the predicative phrase
	(as '
	(446') 1 2 tü = 3s.acc=	3 4 na= 3m/n/ns.sbj=	5 6 rü = pcrü =	7 PP cho-'e'e be.there.pl-caus	8
	'he had them stay home' [lar T96]
	(447') 1 2 3 4 5 ya= am= 'he went and plucked it' [lar T43] 6 7 na= 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv= pluck.sg -3m/n/ns.obj\sbjv (-sub) PP 8 kaŵē-ã(-'ü )

Ind (Declarative-Non-sequenced):

  ) a.

	5.2. Functional distribution of the Inflectional Types
	c. Sbjv (Assertion): Tarü -ng'ü ̆na! ta=rü =ng'ü =na3 s.sbj\sbjv=pcrü =rest\sbjv=assert 'She's resting/She rested, you know!'
	d. Sbjv-'ü ̃(Declarative-Sequential step): Tarü -ng'ü 'ü . ta=rü =ng'ü -'ü 3s.sbj\sbjv=pcrü =rest\sbjv-sub '[At that point,] she rests/she rested [specifically in a series of sequenced processes].'
	Taŕü -ngü ta=rü =ngü . =rest 3s.sbj=pcrü 'She's resting/She rested.'
	b. Imp (2sg imperative): Rü -ngü ! (Ø=)rü =ngü (imp=)pcrü =rest 'Rest!'

Table 41 .

 41 2.2-5.2.6). Summary of the functional distribution of the Inflectional Types including sbjv-'ü ̃(the Tikuna forms in parentheses are morphemes obligatorily or typically associated with the corresponding functions)

	main clauses Declarative-Non-sequenced ([-ant]) Declarative-Sequential step ([+ant]) Assertion (...=na̋or ta̋...)	ind ✓	imp	sbjv Bare sbjv sbjv-'ü ✓ ✓	Ĩn
	Polar interrogative Content interrogative	✓ ✓			✓
	2sg imperative 4th person exhortative (ngi ̏'ā...) Directive with other subject persons Curse (ta=tà...)	✓	✓	✓ ✓ ✓
	Deontic In dependent clauses Adverbial clauses				✓
	Complement clauses General case (na'a/ni ́i ̀-i ̃...) (Indirect polar interrogative (na̋... or rü ̀...) (Indirect command (rü ̀...)) Not related to clause type Relativization and subject/object focalization (...-rel) Non-subject/object focalization			✓ ✓ ✓	✓ ✓

'when/if' (...-'gu̽ ), 'while' (...-yaǹe), 'while' (rü ̀...), 'until' (ñṵ ma=tà...), 'in this or that manner' (...-akü ) ✓ 'it being the case that' (na'a/ni ́i ̀-i ̃...), 'in order to' (...-'ka̰ ), 'so that, while' (eka̰ /ka̰ ...) ✓ 'because' (erü /yerü ́...) ✓

  and Aikhenvald (2019).

	5.2. Functional distribution of the Inflectional Types
	ñu'guẁ hen? nǖ=chā=dău ñå-à=gá=rǜ prox.ns-exo=pst=top 3m/n/ns.acc=1sg.sbj=see {nü =}chā=ya=rǖ=gü mā nű-à prox.aloc-exo chô-'ri 1sg-gen pōpērà-wa=tá paper-aloc=fut 3m/n/ns.acc=1sg.sbj=am=pcrü =forget ì=fecha lk.ns=date marzo-gú March-ploc
	'[(Denis Bertet:) When [was that first meeting]?]-This one was… I'll look it up here in my notebook. I've forgotten the date. [The speaker thinks for a few seconds.] In March!' [jsg A209-212]
	(450) "A kǘka̰ kū-dău?" ñâ'ü . "Tã ů, tére̋í mé'kü rà'ü kǖ īchā-fè rǜ nŭ'àchírḛ ī-gû rǜ tã ů īchā-dău." akǘ-ka̰ what?.ns-cause kū=dău 2sg.sbj=see ñâ-'ü do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub tã ů neg téret eŕe.parrot í=mé-'kü rà'ü -kǖ lk.f=be.good-by.force.of.circumstance\sbjv-rel.f ī=chā=fè 3f.acc=1sg.sbj=shoot rǜ and nŭ'-a=chírḛ prox.ploc-exo=aprf ī=gû 3f.sbj=fall.sg rǜ and tã ů
	402

neg ī=chā=dău 3f.acc=1sg.sbj=see

'"What are you looking for?" [she] 262 asked. "Well, nothing special, I've shot a beautiful teŕe̋parrot, it has fallen down here but I can't find it."

' [jsg B220-222]

  Nȍ'ri ̄objetivo ì ngēmà rǜ ná-mé'echì ērǘ mārǖ mů'űchī'ü ̃tȍ'ri ̄semilla-nábǜ-

	5. Inflection of the predicative phrase 5.2. Functional distribution of the Inflectional Types
	Ṍmé tá nèchānā-fè. Ṍméã rǖ fègǜwa̋tá chā-ṹ," ñâ'ü 1sg.sbj=go.sg chā=ṹ ṍmé=tá brown.woolly.monkey=fut nè=chā=nā=fè a. fènǖē-wa=tá hunt-aloc=fut 3m.part.obj=1sg.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=shoot ṍmé-ã rǖ disappearing, banana [species] are disappearing, [species of] everything are ã' disappearing. If you inquire about [traditional] stories here in this school, no child… a child no longer knows them.' [jsg A161-168] brown.woolly.monkey-gen fè-gǜ-wa=tá shoot-plurac-aloc=fut chā=ṹ 1sg.sbj=go.sg ñâ-'ü =ã 'a do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot '[Ngutapa is telling his plans to his mother:] "I'm going to go hunting! [...] I'll shoot some brown woolly monkeys. I'll go woolly-monkey-hunting," he said.' [lar T98-T101] Examples (452-453), secondly, exemplify the default use of ind in non-tempo-rally-ordered description: (452) nȍ-'ri 3n/ns-gen objetivo purpose ì=ngē-mà=rǜ ná=mé-'echì 3m/n/ns.sbj=be.good-genuinely ērǘ because mů-'űchī-'ü tȍ-'ri 4-gen semilla seed ná-bǜ ná=yà=rǖ=tåu'-ē-gǘ 3m/n/ns.sbj=am=pcrü =be.absent-intr.pl-pl yá=especie lk.m/n/s=species tǜ'è=rü manioc=top pō'i ̋-gǘ=rǜ plantain-pl=top mā=ná=yà=rǖ=ó-gǘ ná=yà=rǖ=ó-gǘ 3m/n/ns.sbj=am=pcrü =disappear-pl historia=gá story=if dâ-ap rox.n-exo escuela-was chool-aloc <mā=tå'ú-'ü prf=be.absent\sbjv-rel.ns ì=niño…> lk.ns=child wí'á one? bū-'è=rǜ be.young\sbjv-rel.ns=top tã prf=3m/n/ns.acc=3s.sbj=know mā=nǖ=tá=fa̰ neg ů 3m/n/ns.acc=pcø.sbjv=see\circ-circ=top nü =ì=da̰ u-'gú=rǜ prox.aloc-exo nű-à prf=3m/n/ns.sbj=am=pcrü =disappear-pl gű-'ü finish\sbjv-rel.ns prf=3m/n/ns.sbj=am=pcrü =disappear mā=ná=yà=rǖ=ó med.ploc-anaph\sbjv-rel.n ngĕ'-ma-nè 3n/ns-edible.plant be.several-genuinely\sbjv-rel.ns prf mārǖ lk.ns=med.ns-anaph=top (453) Kü ̋Nariñowa̋námá'a chà-ṹ'gù rǜ, ngemà rǜ tà, námá'a chānā-ũ ànè Nariñowa, chíbǜpáta'ü wa̋rǜ námá'a chā-ṹ, ngemà ì-wí'á ì torremá'a nà-ūgü 'ü , ngēmàwad āu'nà námá'a chā-i ̃. kü I.mean Nariño-waP uerto Nariño-aloc ná-má'a 3n/ns-com chà=ṹ-'gù=rǜ 1sg.sbj\sbjv=go.sg-circ=top nge-mà=rǜ=tà med.aloc-anaph=top=add ná-má'a 3n/ns-com chā=nā=ũ -ànè 1sg.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=go.sg-space Nariño-waP uerto Nariño-aloc chíbǜ-páta'ü -wa=rǜ eat-building-aloc=top ná-má'a 3n/ns-com chā=ṹ 1sg.sbj=go.sg nge-mà=ì med.aloc-anaph=contr.top wí'á indf ì=torre-má'a lk.ns=tower-com nà=ū-gü -'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=say-pl\sbjv-rel.ns ngē-mà-wam ed.ns-anaph-aloc dāu'nà upper.part ná-má'a 3n/ns-com chā=i 1sg.sbj=climb

náyàrǖ-tåu'ēgǘ. Ngĕ'manè yá especie, tǜ'è rü ̀mā náyàrǖ-ó, pō'i ̋gǘ rǜ mā náyàrǖógǘ, gű'ü ̃náyàrǖ-ógǘ. Historia gá nűà dâàescuelawa̋nü ì-da̰ u'gú rǜ, <mā tå'ú'ü ̃ì niño…> wí'á bū'è rǜ tã ů mā nǖtá-fa̰ .

'The purpose of that [project] is very important because many of our semillas-our varieties-have gone lost. Some species [of] manioc are already 'So when I go to [Puerto] Nariño with them [i.e. any tourist I guide], well then, I walk them around [Puerto] Nariño, I go to the restaurant with them, or then-a thing they call a tower, I climb to its top with them.

' [jgs 93-97]

ind: preliminary event] and drank [sbjv-'ü ].'

	5. Inflection of the predicative phrase 5.2. Functional distribution of the Inflectional Types 5. Inflection of the predicative phrase 5.2. Functional distribution of the Inflectional Types
	(454) a. Yeã ḿá ná-gū i ̀, wí'á nátǘ'ākǜmá'a yànà-ũ 'ü ye-ã ḿá dist.aloc-dir ná=gū=i 3m/n/ns.sbj=reach=contr.top . yà=nà=ũ -'ü ãm=pcrü .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=go.sg\sbjv-sub '[The speaker is in the middle of telling a hunting story.] He [i.e. the wí'á indf ná-tǘ-'ākǜ-má'a 3n/ns-river-child-com hunter] went further [ind: preliminary event] and found a creek [sbjv-'ü ].' b. Nátǘ'ākǜmá'a náyàrǖ-ṹ gá yĭmá yâtǜ rǜ ngemànà-ũ 'ü . ná-tǘ-'ākǜ-má'a 3n/ns-river-child-com ná=yà=rǖ=ṹ 3m/n/ns.sbj=am=pcrü =go.sg gá=yĭ-má lk.pst=med.m-exo yâtǜ be.a.male rǜ and nge-mam ed.aloc-anaph nà=ũ -'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=go.sg\sbjv-sub mārǖ=gá prf=pst yà=gù-'ü pci.3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=reach\sbjv-sub nà=ṹ-ã ćhí-'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=go.sg-upslope\sbjv-sub 'He became satisfied [sbjv-'ü ] and resumed his path [sbjv-'ü ].' g. Níī-ũ ĉhìgǜ, más adelantewa. níī=ũ -chìgǜ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =go.sg-distr.sg más adelante-waf urther.on-aloc 'He continued walking, further [ind: elaboration].' h. Más adelantewa̋gá, gü ȓǘ nǖnà-ĩ ̄nǜ'ü ̃gá algo. más adelante-wa=gá further.on-aloc=pst gü ȓǘ nǖ=nà=ĩ ̄nǜ-'ü gá=algo lk.pst=something 3m/n/ns.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=hear\sbjv-sub suddenly kū=nā=wò-ü 2sg.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=drop.pl-off.pl tǜ'è manioc 'You throw them in… [I mean] the manioc roots [ind: elaboration].' d. Yo'ni ̋yà-dōkā'ü ̃i ̀, {ngema} mārǖ a̋kūnā-wòü ̃i ̀ngēmà<åkü ́kána.> chó'ni i. Mêàmā kùnā-ñűmǖ'ü , kú'mḛ'emá'a. mêa=mā kù=nā=ñű-mǖ-'ü 2sg.sbj\sbjv=3m/n/ns.obj=crush-paste\sbjv-sub well=precisely kú-'mḛ'e-má'a 2sg-hand-com ̋. yo'ni meanwhile yà=dōkā-'ü =i pci.3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=boil\sbjv-sub=contr.top {nge-ma} med.aloc-anaph mārǖ prf kū=nā=wò-ü i ̀=ngē-mal <åkü =kána.> k.ns=med.ns-anaph 2sg.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=drop.pl-off.pl ed.aloc.anaph am 'You knead the [plantain] paste well [sbjv-'ü ], with your hands […].' [tvj B358-369]
	<nȍ-'rī…> 3m-gen nà=ü -'ü algo-'ü something-acc 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=put.sg\sbjv-sub nȍ-'rī 3m-gen gè'ri bag ná=ǘ 3m/n/ns.sbj=put.sg <nà=ĩ ̄n…> nà=dău-'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=see\sbjv-sub nȍ-'rī 3m-gen mūkāwà rifle 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv= rṵ̈ achi and ná-tǘ-'ākǜ-wa3 'He hea… he saw something [sbjv-'ü ] […].' [jsg C48-62] n/ns-river-child-aloc ná=gū 3m/n/ns.sbj=reach rǜ and nà=à'-è-'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=drink-intr.pl\sbjv-sub gá=nü -mal k.pst=3m-anaph d. Nà-à'è'ü , dê'a. nà=à'-è-'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=drink-intr.pl\sbjv-sub dê'aw e. Dê'a{wa} níī-tăwà. dê'a{-wa} water-aloc níī=tăwà 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =be.thirsty (455) a. Pānéràgú kūnā-bā i ̀dê'a, ngā'ügu, ȉ'rā'ü , tâ'ü ̃i ̀ñù'gu'akǜ. pānérà-gú pot-ploc kū=nā=bā 2sg.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=pour i ̀=dê'al k.ns=water ngā'ü-gum iddle-ploc ȉ'rā-'ü be.small\sbjv-rel.ns tâ-'ü be.big\sbjv-rel.ns i ̀=ñù'gu-'akǜ lk.ns=when?-approx '[Oh, well, the recipe for fish porridge is pretty much the same as for fish broth:] you pour the water into the pot [ind: initiation of series of f. Ñù'gu'akǜ rǜ <tă'…> tōmaepṵ, tă'ré níì-ĩ ̊. ñù'gu-'akǜ=rǜ when?-approx=top <tă'…> tōmaepṵẗ hree tă'ré níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be two 'Sometimes there's tw… three, or two of them [ind: description].' major events], half way, a little bit [of it], [or] a lot [of it] sometimes.' b. Ngemàkùnā-woǜ 'ü ̃i ̀pō'i ̋, mārǖ gȁu'ü gü 'ü . nge-mam kù=nā=wo-ü -'ü 2sg.sbj\sbjv=3m/n/ns.obj=drop.pl-off.pl\sbjv-sub g. Kūnā-dǘ. kū=nā=dǘ 2sg.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=scrape 'You grate them [ind: recapitulation].' ed.aloc-anaph i ̀=pō'i lk.ns=plantain mārǖ prf gȁu-'ü -gü -'ü tear-out.pl-pl\sbjv-rel.ns h. Mêàmā kùnā-ñűmǖ'ü . mêa=mā well=precisely kù=nā=ñű-mǖ-'ü 2sg.sbj\sbjv=3m/n/ns.obj=crush-paste\sbjv-sub
	405 407

'The man found a creek [ind: recapitulation] and went to it [sbjv-'ü ].' c. <Nȍ'rī…> Nȍ'rī… gè'ri ̋ná-ǘ, nȍ'rī mūkāwà nà-ü 'ü ̃rṵ̈ achi ̋nátǘ'ākǜwan á-gū rǜ nà-à'è'ü ̃gá nü ma. 'He left his… his bag [ind: function?] and left his rifle [sbjv-'ü ], and he reached the creek [ater 'He drank, water [sbjv-'ü ].' 'He was thirsty [lit. '... thirsty for water.'] [ind: description].' f. Mārǖ gá yà-gù'ü , nà-ṹã ćhí'ü . 'Further on, he suddenly heard something [sbjv-'ü ].' i. Algo'ü ̃<nà-ĩ ̄n…> nà-dău'ü . 'You throw in [i.e. into the pot] the plantains [sbjv-'ü ], already peeled.' c. Kūnā-wòü . tǜ'è. what?.ns=was.it.again chó'ni fish 'While it's boiling [sbjv-'ü : function?], then you throw in the, uh… the fish [ind: elaboration?].' e. Mārǖ a̋kūnā-wòü ̃i ̀, kùnā-dü 'ü ̃i ̀ngēmàpō'i ̋. mārǖ prf am ed.aloc.anaph kū=nā=wò-ü =i 2sg.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=drop.pl-off.pl=contr.top kù=nā=dü -'ü 2sg.sbj\sbjv=3m/n/ns.obj=scrape\sbjv-sub i ̀=ngē-mal k.ns=med.ns-anaph pō'i plantain 'Once you've thrown them in [ind: location in time], you grate the plantains [sbjv-'ü ].' 'You knead the [plantain] paste well [sbjv-'ü ].'

  ) […] námá'a tā-chíbǜēgü 'ü . Ngemà tā-chíbǜēgǘgù ṵ̈ kü , pā'àã ćhí nàrǖ-ngǜgü 'ü ̃ì

	5. Inflection of the predicative phrase
	nà=rǖ=ngǜ-gü -'ü chò-mà=tà ṵ̈ kü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=pcrü =rest-pl\sbjv-sub I.mean chà=rǖ=ngü -'ü 1sg-anaph=add '[And then] we eat with them [i.e. the tourists we guide] [process A: ì=nü -mà lk.ns=3n/ns-anaph 1sg.sbj\sbjv=pcrü =rest\sbjv-sub +ant, rt1]. Then, so after eating , they take a quick rest [process B: +ant, rt2] and so I also take some rest [process C: +ant, rt2].' [jgs 33-35]
	nü mà, chòmà tà ṵ̈ kü ̋chàrǖ-ngü 'ü	.
	ná-má'a 3n/ns-com tā=chíbǜ-ē-gǘ-gù tā=chíbǜ-ē-gü -'ü 1pl.sbj.sbjv=eat-intr.pl-pl-circ 1pl.sbj.sbjv=eat-intr.pl-pl\sbjv-sub ṵ̈ kü I.mean pā'àã ćhí briefly	nge-mà med.aloc-anaph
			409

'gu=rǜ pci .3f/m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv=be-circ=top mārǖ

  The use of bare sbjv in association with /-'gu̽ / 'circ' in its temporal meaning 'when ...' is exemplified in example (472). Its use with /-'gu̽ / 'circ' in its hypothetical meaning 'if ...' is exemplified in (473). Its use with /-ya̽ ne/ 'simult.circ' ('while ...') is exemplified in (474). Its use with rü ̀… 'and' ('while ...') is exemplified in (475). Its use with /ñṵ ma=ta/ 'present.time=add' ('until ...') is exemplified in (476). Finally, its use with /-akü / 'man' ('in this or that manner') is exemplified in (477).

	5.2. Functional distribution of the Inflectional Types 5. Inflection of the predicative phrase
	/ñṵ ma=tà…/ 'present.time=add' ('until ...'), and /...-akü / 'man' ('in this åkǘ-rű'ü what?.ns-purp ì=cha=pē=nā=tū'ù-'ü lk.ns=1sg.ben=2pl.sbj.sbjv=3m/n/ns.obj=fell\sbjv-sub or that manner'); -it is found in the rare polar interrogative complement clauses in na̋… 'assert' or rü ̀… 'and' ('whether …') and command complement clauses in rü ̀… 'and' ('(tell) to …'). The various uses of bare sbjv in circumstantial adverbial clauses are illus-ì=chàu-nētǖ lk.ns=1sg-plant rǜ and <pê-'...> 2pl-tã ů neg pē=chà=nā=tū'-ẽ 'ḛ 2pl.acc=1sg.sbj\sbjv=3m/n/ns.obj=fell-caus\sbjv '"What did you cut down my tree for, when I hadn't asked you to cut it down […] …?"' [lar T139] (476) […] ñṵmá tà tà-gű níì-ĩ ̊gá tà-yŭè'ü ̃[…]. ñṵmá=tà present.time=add tà=gű 3s.sbj\sbjv=finish\sbjv ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=tà=yŭ-è-'ü lk.f/m/ns.pst=3s.sbj\sbjv=die-coll\sbjv-sub trated in examples (472-477). (472) […] chà-bû'gùtā-yŭnátǖ, tā-tà'kúē. '[People only ate forest fruits] until all of them died out [lit. 'until they were finished that they died'] […].' [lar E92]
	chà=bû-'gu1 sg.sbj\sbjv=be.young-circ '[…] our father died and we were orphaned when I was a child.' [gra 83] tā=yŭ-nátǖ 1pl.sbj=die-father tā=tà'kú-ē 1pl.sbj=be.an.orphan-intr.pl (473) E ḡá tă'ré yì-ĩ ̊'gùrǜ mārǖ chàuēya̰ tàã ̄tánā-atiende. eḡá if tă'ré two 3s.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=attend.to tá=nā=atiende yì=ĩ ̊-prf chàu-ēya̰ =tàã 1sg-sister=itself (477) Wí'á tá i ̀posillo… nákǖwāgúkù-ü 'ü , dāu'nàgú tà-dăwēnǖã kǜ! wí'á=tá=i òne=fut=contr.top posillo cup ná-kǖwā-gu3 n/ns-side-ploc kù=ü -'ü 2sg.sbj\sbjv=be.there.sg\sbjv-sub dāu'nà-gú upper.part-ploc tà=dăwēnǖ-ã kǜ 3s.sbj\sbjv=watch-man
	dâ-a=nà prox.n-exo=? 'At the beginning, this [city of] Leticia was small, you know!' [igs 622] Leticia=rǜ Leticia=top nô'ri ̋=rǜ beginning=top nà=ȉ'rā 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.small\sbjv ¡Cómetelo tú! que a mí no me gusta.). These normally feature a predicative phrase in ind, not sbjv, g. as in the following example: nà=yŭ-yáne3 m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=die-simult.circ gá=nü -mà=ã 'a=gá lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3m-anaph=quot=pst tà=ǖ-'ü -è-'ü =ã 'a 3s.sbj\sbjv=run.pl-?-coll\sbjv-sub=quot (i) "A h, mêàrǜ chāpē-chî'èwē!" ah oh mêaẁ ell rǜ and 1sg.acc=2pl.sbj=be.bad-convenience chā=pē=chî'è-wē '[…] they ran around while he was unconscious.' [lar T91]

cø.sbjv=dog-poss-with.a.tendency\sbjv chàu-'rü 'ü 1sg-like '[He didn't take his dog, who might have bothered him,] because you know, when you go hunting, you don't normally have a dog, like me.' [jsg C22-23] (ii) Uses in dependent clauses. Apart from main clauses, bare sbjv is found in two major kinds of dependent clauses: -it is regularly found in circumstantial adverbial clauses in /...-'gu̽ / 'circ' ('when/if ...'), /...-ya̽ ne/ 'simult.circ' ('while ...'), rü ̀… 'and' ('while ...'), 264 (i) Dâànà Leticia rǜ nô'ri ̋rǜ nà-ȉ'rā! 264 But not in the adverbial clauses in rü ̀... translatable as 'because …' (or Spanish que as in e.'Come on, quiet, you're bothering me [Sp. ¡Ah, cállense! que me están molestando.]!' [igs 69] 'If there's two [lit. 'If they are two ...', i.e. two tourists], then my sister waits on them herself.' [igv 614] (474) […] nà-yŭyáne̋gá nü mà ã 'a gá tà-ǖ'ü è'ü ̃ã' a. (475) "Åkǘrű'ü ̃ì chapēnā-tū'ù'ü ̃ì chàunētǖ rǜ <pê'...> tã ů pēchànā-tū'ẽ 'ḛ […] …?" 'You're going to put one cup... next to it, with its mouth up [lit. '... in the manner of it looking at the top!']!' [rca B8]

  Alas, why do I have to be here, in the state in which I am, suffering from hunger [lit. '... with (the state of) being hungry hurting for me here?']?"' [lar T85]

	'"
	tâiyà nűà cha-<ni ́i ̀.i ̃...> conj 1sg.sbj.pci\sbjv=be\sbjv-sub 1sg.sbj\sbjv=make\sbjv-sub chì=ĩ ̀-'ü chà=ü -'ü prox.aloc-exo prox.aloc-exo nű-à prox.ns-anaph-state what?.ns=irr gű?" áh oh åkǘ=chí ni ́i ̀.i conj ño-má-'ü nű-à tâiyà be.hungry nű-à prox.aloc-exo cha=gű 1sg.ben=hurt\sbjv

)

  Tǖi ̋chà-ǘ'ü chí'ü ̃yáposillo?

	tǖ=i ̋=chà=ǘ-'ü chí-'ü	3s.acc=3aloc=1sg.sbj\sbjv=be.there.sg-at\sbjv-sub	ya=posillo lk.m/s=cup
	"kûnèpǜ" ñagǜ'ü !"
	gè'taw here?.aloc ña-gǜ-'ü do.thus-dtcC-sub ku=ṹ-'gu2 sg.sbj\sbjv=go.sg-circ o̰ i őld.man ña-gǜ-'ü do.thus-dtcC-sub pà=chàu-'ākǜ voc=1sg-daughter tío uncle ña-gǜ-'ü rǜ and do.thus-dtcC-sub nô'eő ld.woman kû-nèpǜ 2sg-uncle ña-gǜ'ü do.thus-dtcC-sub

'[Is there already a black rubber band in the bottom of the lower cup?]-Should I take the [upper] cup out [of the lower cup so I can see inside it to begin with]?' [jca C31] (488) "G è'ta̋ku-ṹ'gu, pà chàu'ākǜ rǜ "nô'e" ñagǜ'ü , "o̰ i ̋" ñagǜ'ü , "tío" ñagǜ'ü , '[My father used to teach me:] "Wherever you go, my daughter, one should say "grandmother" [to address people respectfully], one should say "grandfather", one should say "uncle", one should say "my uncle" [lit. 'your uncle']!"' [igs 704-706] (ii) Uses in dependent clauses. Apart from main clauses, sbjv-'ü ̃is found in two major kinds of dependent clauses:

complement clauses of predicates involving volitive modality

  (i.e. predicates with meanings such as 'to want to …', 'to invite to …', 'to tell to …', 'to ask to …', etc.), as shown in example (492).

	5. Inflection of the predicative phrase
	gá=âi=ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=wild.felid=quot tǖ=nà=ngő-'ü -ka̰ 3s.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=bite\sbjv-sub-cause tã ů neg
	'That's how people would call the jaguar in ancient times so that it would not eat them up […].' [lar T119]
	Among younger speakers (e.g. jsg, igv), such clauses in sbjv-'ü -ka̰ are also frequently used as mere (492) Tã ů tá-nâ'chà'ü ̃gá ná'a <mujeres…> mujeresmá'a chātà-dău'ü ka̰ .
	tã neg ů chā=tà=dău-'ü -ka̰ tá=nâ-'chà'ü 3s.sbj=3n/ns-vol	gá=ná'a lk.pst=conj	<mujeres…> women	mujeres-má'a women-com
	dist.ns-anaph-man=quot gá=tà=nā=ù-'ü lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3s.sbj\sbjv=3m/n/ns.obj=say\sbjv-sub níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be gá=nů'kǘmá lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=past.time
				423

1sg.acc=3s.sbj\sbjv=see\sbjv-sub-caus

'He didn't want to see me [lit. 'He didn't want it for seeing me ...'] with… with women.

' [ano1 93-94]

)

  Ngü , ná-mé ná'a gĕ'tṵ'ṵ̈ 'ü má'a ì-pūrāākü 'ü .

	5. Inflection of the predicative phrase
	(497) Chà'ü ̃chànā-ü 'ü ̃i ̀chòmài ̀, chô'rǖ māma̋châ'ü ̃gṵ'ẽ 'eã kǜ.
	chà'ü	manioc.beer	chà=nā=ü -'ü	1sg.sbj\sbjv=3m/n/ns.obj=make\sbjv-sub
	i ̀=chò-ma=i	lk.ns=1sg-anaph=contr.top	chô-'rǖ 1sg-gen	māmam	um	châ-'ü	1sg-acc	gṵ-'ẽ 'e-ã kǜ learn-caus-man
	'The way I make manioc beer is the way my mother taught me [lit. ''My making manioc beer, [it's] as my mother taught me.'].' [lar D306-307]
	ngü ì=pūrāākü -'ü ŷes ná=mé 3m/n/ns.sbj=be.good pcø.sbjv=work\sbjv-sub	ná'a conj	gĕ'tṵ'ṵ̈ -'ü -má'a be.pubescent\sbjv-rel.ns-com
	'Yes, it's nice to work with teenagers [lit. 'Yes, it is good that one works with young people.].' [igv 252]
	(495) […] nǖchā-fa̰ ná'a ñù'ré [yà] dùã̰ nűà må'e'ü ̃[…]
	nǖ=chā=fa̰ 3m/n/ns.acc=1sg.sbj=know		ná'a conj	ñù'ré how.much?	[yà=]dùã̰ lk.n/s=human	nű-à
	. ná=ũ -chìgǜ (496) […] yerǘ ã 'a ye'ìràwa̋ná-ũ ĉhìgǜ níì-ĩ ̊gá nà-chā'ü yerǘ=ã 'a because.pst=quot ye'ìrà-wam ore.and.more?-aloc 3m/n/ns.sbj=go.sg-distr.sg gá=nà=chā-'ü lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=pcrü .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=swell\sbjv-sub	ni ́i ̀.i	conj
	'[…] because he went on swelling more and more.' [lar T57]
	Regular complement clauses in na'a/ni ́i ̀-i ̃… 'conj' may also be topicalized and thus occur in extra-syntactic position. In this specific case, the conjunction na'a/ni ́i ̀-i ̃… 'conj' is frequently dropped, as in the following example:

prox.aloc-exo må'-e-'ü live-intr.pl\sbjv-sub '[…] I know how many people live here […]' [jgs 395]

The exact syntactic role of regular complement clauses in na'a/ni ́i ̀-i ̃… 'conj' is sometimes unclear, as in (

496

), where a complement clause functions as a syntactically indeterminate complement of the intransitive phasal verb uchi ̀gü ̀'continue' (/u-chi ̀gü / [go.sg-distr.sg] lit. 'go gradually'):

s/ns.pst=am=pcrü .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=disappear\sbjv-sub

	'"You're not part of it [lit. 'It's not with you (pl.)!']! I'm doing this alone [lit. 'It's with myself that I'm doing this!']!"' [igs 230]
	(499) Yĕ'má wâ'í níì-ĩ ̊gá yànà-ô'ü , Brasil gá nâànègu. Náegà gàE ẘārègùníì-ĩ ̊gá . yànà-ô'ü yĕ'-má=wâ'í níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be dist.ploc-anaph=contr gá=yà=nà=ô-'ü lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=am=pcrü .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=disappear\sbjv-sub Brasil Brazil gá=nâ-ànè-gul k.f/m/s/ns.pst=3n/ns-space-ploc ná-egà 3n/ns-name ga=E ẘārè-gul k.n.pst?=E ẘare-ploc níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be
	gá=yà=nà=ô-'ü lk.f/m/tã ů neg <tǖ=nà=...> 3s.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv= tǖ=nà=chî'è-wē-gü -'ü -ka̰ =ã 'a 3s.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.bad-convenience-pl\sbjv-sub-cause=quot <tà=...> 3s.sbj\sbjv= níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be gá=[…][tü -mà-nētǖ=ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=[…][3s-anaph-plant=quot nǖ=tà=tū'-ẽ 'è-'ü ] 3m/n/ns.acc=3s.sbj\sbjv=fell-caus\sbjv-sub]
	'[…] it was [just] to get rid of... of them [lit. 'it was so that they would not bother her …'] […] that she had asked them to cut down her tree.' [lar T134]
	níì=ĩ k.ns=[med.ns-anaph 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be 2pl-com i ̀=[ngē-mal chà=ü -'ü ] 1sg.sbj\sbjv=make\sbjv-sub] chà-gǜ-má'a=tàã	1sg-refl-com=itself	níì=ĩ	3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be

'But that's where [lit. 'But there it is that …'] they disappeared, in Brazilian territory. They disappeared in a [place] called Eware [lit. 'It's in a [place that] its name [is] Eware that they disappeared.'].' [lar D26] (500) […] tã ů <tǖnà-...> <tà-...> tǖnà-chî'èwēgü 'ü ka̰ ã 'a níì-ĩ ̊gá... […] tü mànētǖ ã 'a nǖtà-tū'ẽ 'è'ü .

Table 42

 42

	.

Table 42 .

 42 Set of "basic" morphemes available in slots 4 to 7 of the inflectional template of the predicative phrase in ind

Table 44 .

 44 Fusional morphemes encoding both predicative class and third person masculine/neuter/non-salientive (core) object index in ind contrasted with their expected (but ungrammatical) concatenative forms paradigm of ind, see p.449, Chart B (columns pci , pci , and pcrü ).

	6=7= pc=3m/n/ns.obj= pci ̄*i ̄=na= pci ̀*i ̀=na= pcrü ̄*rü =na= pcnà*na=na=	>	6+7= pc.3m/n/ns.obj= ya= ya= na= na=

Table 45 .

 45 Imperative Inflectional Type (slots 4-8) Set of "basic" morphemes available in slots 5 to 7 of the inflectional template of the predicative phrase in imp

	5 am= ±ya= pcØ Ø 6 pc= pci ̄i ̄= pci ̀i ̀= pcrü ̄rü = pcnà?	7 3m/n/ns.obj= ±na=	PP ...

3m/n/ns.obj=rest-caus

  ) a. cha4=ya5=na6 +7 =ngü -'e'e 1sg.sbj=am=pcrü .

	'I went and made him rest' b. ya5=na6 +7 =ng'ü ȃm=pcrü .3f.sbj.sbjv=rest\sbjv '(that) she went and rested' c. ya5=na6 +7 =ng'ü ȃm=pcrü .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=rest\sbjv '(that) he went and rested'

  [A hunter met the legendary figure Daiyae, who promised to give him anything he would ask for if he succeeded in a few tests.] He asked him for strength.' [jsg B63] b. Chi ̋ná'a tà-fènü ēèchā'ü , {ngema} suerteka̰ gá i ̋tá-kà gá tü ma.

	3n/ns-dat	tà=kă-'ü =gá 3s.sbj\sbjv=ask\sbjv-sub=pst?	ná-'ka̰ 3n/ns-cause	gá=pŏrá lk.pst=be.strong
	chi suerte-ka̰ =gá and ná'a conj tà=fènü ē-èchā-'ü luck-cause=pst i ̋=tá=kà 3aloc=3s.sbj=ask 3s.sbj\sbjv=hunt-persist\sbjv-sub gá=tü -mal {nge-ma} med.ns-anaph k.pst=3s-anaph
	'And because he spent his time hunting, he asked him for luck.' [jsg B65-66]

'

  ñåà níì-ĩ ̊ì tiempo i ̀nűà i ̋chī-pūrākü 'ü ̃[...]."

	5. Inflection of the predicative phrase
	ñå-à prox.ns-exo i ̋=chī=pūrākü -'ü níì=ĩ 3aloc=1sg.sbj.pci.sbjv=work\sbjv-sub 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be ì=tiempo lk.ns=time	i ̀=nű-à lk.ns=prox.aloc-exo
	'[I introduced myself to these tourists I was going to work as a guide for: "My name is such and such,] I've been working here for this long [lit. 'this is the time that I've been working here for it'] [...]."' [jgs 335]

  526) [...] nü mài ̋nà-ã ű'ü guã ḿá ná-dăwēnǖ.

	nü -ma3 n/ns-anaph ná=dăwēnǖ 3m/n/ns.sbj=watch i ̋=nà=ã ű-'ü -gu-ã ḿá 3aloc=pcrü .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=stay\sbjv-rel.ns-ploc-dir

'[And how is the pen positioned?] -[...] it is pointing towards where he [i.e. Denis Bertet, sitting close by] is.

' [jca D93]

  ), respectively. The nominal class of the indexed partitive objects in these two examples (n and ns, respectively) is clear from the context.

	. ne=chà=ngő-'ü (527) Nechà-ngő'ü	3n.part.obj=1sg.sbj\sbjv=eat\sbjv-sub
	'[I climbed a tree to pick some guavas(.n).] I ate some.' [igv 380]
	(528) "Pē-nâ'wa̰ ēgùrǜ mêàtàpīì-ma!" pē=nâ-'wa̰ ē-gu=rǜ 2pl.sbj.sbjv=3n/ns-apprec-circ=top	mêaẁ

ell tà=pīì=ma3 ns.part.obj=2pl.sbj.pci .sbjv=kill.sg\sbjv '[The Master of the peccaries to a group of hunters: "Are you the ones who keep injuring my animals(.ns)?] If that's what you want, kill some properly!"' [gra 276]

  ) [...] tåmā ã 'a ngî'nè nà-f'ĕ'ü ̃ērǘ ã 'a ī-ȉ'ràmàchī ñâ'ü .

					5.7. Indexes common to the three Inflectional Types
	(533) [...] níì-ĩ ̊gá chó'ni ̋tü 'nè tà-yâu'gǖ'ü ̃[...].
	níì.ĩ	conj	gá=chó'ni	lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=fish(.s)	tü -'nè 3s-part	tà=yâu'-gǖ-'ü	3s.sbj\sbjv=seize-plurac\sbjv-sub
	'[A group of Tikunas invited a man to go poison-fishing with them. He was first reluctant to participate, but then felt like] catching some of the [dead] fish [...].' [lar E158]
	tåmā=ã 'a neg.precisely=quot ī=ȉ'rà-màchī 3f.sbj=be.small-meat	ngî-'nè 3f-part ñâ-'ü do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub nà=f'ĕ-'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=shoot\sbjv-sub	ērǘ=ã 'a because=quot
	'[A man went hunting and came across a flock of parrots(.f), but] he didn't shoot some because they didn't have a lot of meat, he said to himself.' [lar D117]

go/come (i.e. undergo a motion unspecified for path) and perform the main process denoted by the lexical component of the predicative phrase

  5.8. Associated motion(slot 5) that this grammatical category is particularly common in the languages of the western half of the Amazonian basin, among which it is highly likely to have spread by contact (2016). Associated motion in smat is a semantically fairly simple category that essentially contributes meanings such as '

	', as shown in the following example:
	(536) "Ngü , chā-pūrākǘã̰ níì-ĩ ̊rǜ kü ́chārǖ finca pēyàrǖ-chĕ'gü !" ñâ'ü . Ngemà gá, . quince día de vacación níì-ĩ ̊rǜ ngemà taȳà-pūrākǘe'ü ngü ŷes chā=pūrākǘ-ã̰ 1sg.sbj=work-poss níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be rǜ and kü =chā-rǖ come.on=1sg-gen finca farm pē=yà=rǖ=chĕ'-gü ñâ-'ü do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub 2pl.sbj.sbjv=am=pcrü =chop-pl\sbjv nge-mà=gá med.aloc-anaph=pst quince fifteen día day de of vacación vacation níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be rǜ and nge-mà med.aloc-anaph ta=yà=pūrākǘ-e-'ü 1pl.sbj.sbjv=am=work-intr.pl\sbjv-sub
	'[I asked him if he had some work he could offer me.] "Yes, I do have work: go (pl.) clear my farm [i.e. from unwanted vegetation with a machete]!" he said. And then there was a fifteen-day vacation period and we went and worked there.' [jgs 694-698]
	Note that associated motion is relatively rare in smat discourse, with motion of subject arguments being much more frequently expressed by lexical means, i.e. by means of specialized verbs of motion.

i ̄=yà=ta-ègù 3f.sbj=am=drop.sg-inv

  ) (on /ya=/ '"[If I leave this place I'll never come back.] -Come on, do go there [i.e. to San Martín de Amacayacu], go take a look around there [lit. '... go and walk the land there ...'], but then you'll come back!"' [jgs 739-741] The encoding of a round-trip or circular path 281 within a single predicative phrase (as in e.g. 'go and come back', whether taking the same route or different routes), in particular, is apparently regularly obtained by the combination of associated motion with a motion verb suffixed with the figure-ground configuration morpheme /-egu/ 'inv' (yielding complex predicative phrases with literal meanings such as 'go and [perform the lexically-encoded motion event back to the initial point]'). The legendary figure Moe went by water to Eware-a magical place deep into the jungle-with a companion, and once there he disappeared.] And meanwhile, in the canoe... -it [i.e. the canoe] went around and went around in circles with him [i.e. the companion; lit. '... it went and circled back from there with him (with a repeated circular hand gesture)...'], throughout the interior [jungle].' [jsg B358-362]Although associated motion is more typically found with non-stative predicative phrases, it seems to be able

	5. Inflection of the predicative phrase
	(542) "Tåmā, ēgá kù-ã 'ma̰ 'achà'ü ̰ gú nŭ'má rǜ kúēya̰ tǖyà-gå rǜ wí'á cambio tá-ü gǘ!" tåmā neg.precisely ēgá if kù=ã -'ma̰ -chà'ü ̰ -gú ka̰ and tü -ma<=a'a...> 3s-anaph=quot <-m...> -má'a=a'a=gá com=quot=pst yŏ'ni ̋=ã 'a=gá meanwhile=quot=pst gûē-wa=ã 'a canoe-aloc=quot todo all el the centro-wa=a'a center-aloc=quot tü -ma-má'a 3s-anaph-com i ̋=ná=yà=bô-ègù 3aloc=3m/n/ns.sbj=am=be.round-inv tü -ma-má'a 3s-anaph-com i ̋=ná=yà=bô-ègù=ã 'a 3aloc=3m/n/ns.sbj=am=be.round-inv=quot 2sg.sbj\sbjv=have-wife-vol\circ-circ nŭ'-má=rǜ prox.ploc-anaph=top kú-ēya̰ 2sg-sister tǖ=yà=gå 3s.acc=am=lead.sg rǜ and wí'á indf cambio 4sbj=make-pl tá=ü -gǘ exchange '[
	'[To a man who wanted to take a wife:] "No, if you want to take a wife here, bring your sister [lit. '... go and lead your sister (here) ...'] and let's make an exchange!"' [amb 91-93]
	following two examples feature instances of such a combination:	The
	(543) Tü ma'ākǜ tü maka̰ yeã ḿá i ̄yà-taègù. tü -ma-'ākǜ 3s-anaph-daughter tü -ma-ka̰ 3s-anaph-cause yeee-ã ḿá dist.aloc-dir
	'[A mother abandoned her children to go and live in the jungle. These were crying and following her.] Her daughter went a looong way with her to see her off [lit. 'Her daughter went and came back from that direction over theeere (with palm-lateral flat-hand gesture pointing far away) for her.'].' [igs 103]
	(544) Ka̰ tü mà<a'a...> <-m...> -má'a a'a gá, yŏ'ni ̋ã' a gá, gûēwa̋ã 'a... -todo el centrowa̋a'a, tü mamá'a i ̋náyà-bôègù, tü mamá'a i ̋náyà-bôègù ã 'a.

to occur with predicative phrases featuring, in principle, any kind of semantics, including

  predicative phrases with a stative Aktionsart, as shown in the following example:

	̊. because (545) Chāyà-ã mǜkǖ tá ná'ka̰ ērǘ... Pā'à chanà-gű'ü ka̰ níì-ĩ chā=yà=ã -mǜkǖ=tá 1sg.sbj=am=have-companion=fut ná-'ka̰ 3n/ns-cause ērǘ cha=nà=gű-'ü -ka̰ 1sg.ben=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=finish\sbjv-sub-cause níì=ĩ	pā'à be.quick 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be
	'[Right now I'm going to go plant some manioc in my swidden.] I'll have friends there to help me do it because [lit. 'I'll go and have companions for it because...']... It's so I'm done quickly.' [lar D403-404]
	Associated motion in smat normally affects the subject argument of the predica-tive phrase. In causative constructions, however,

associated motion may apply to either the causer argument (which is morphosyntactically encoded as a subject) or to the causee argument (which is morphosyntactically encoded as an object), or

  to both. For a discussion of the interpretation of associated motion in causative constructions, see Section 4.5.2, p.375. The following example provides an instance of associated motion that only applies to the causee (i.e. the object) argument:

	5.8. Associated motion (slot 5)
	ah oh chā=tá=yà=dău-'ẽ 'e {ká}naw as.it.again ērǘ because 1sg.acc=3s.sbj=am=see-caus nâi tree yá=O ñānè-ka̰ lk.m/n/s=O ñane-cause
	(546) "A h, {ká}na̋ērǘ nâi yá O ñānèka̰ chātáyà-dău'ẽ 'e!"

Conservative variant: pcnac ha=na=na=deȳu1

	sg.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj=pcna=cause.to.feel.cold 'I'm cold' ii. Innovative variant: pcØ with /ya=/ 'am' cha=na=ya=deȳu1 sg.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj=am=cause.to.feel.cold 'I'm cold' b. i. Conservative variant: pcnaǹ a=na=uī ̀-tḛ 'e-ra'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj=pcna=manioc.flour-granular.substance-like
	'it's like manioc flour' ii. Innovative variant: pcØ with /ya=/ 'am' na=ya=uī ̀-tḛ 'e-ra'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj=am=manioc.flour-granular.substance-like
	'it's like manioc flour'

  The semantic effect of pcØ>pci ̄reassignment of stative intransitive predicative phrases in discourse is illustrated in the following examples:

	'That's why they lived in malocas [large communal dwellings].' [igs 484]
	(552) a. i. Lexical predicative class pcØ: na=me(-gü ) Example (553) is to be contrasted with (554), where the same predicative phrase achi ́'ü ̃'have one's home' occurs inflected in pcØ, its lexical predicative class (the difference in the relational noun carried by the noun maloca, /-gu̽ / 'ploc' in (553) vs /-ma'a/ 'com' in (554), is irrelevant here and is not what accounts for the change in predicative class assignment of the inflected predicative phrase): 3m/n/ns.sbj=be.good-pl 'it is/they are good [individually]' ii. Reassignment to pci : ni ́i ̄=me(-gü ) (554) Malocamá'a tá-ã chí'ü ̃gàcharǖ pāpa. maloca-má'a maloca-com tá=ã -chí'ü 3s.sbj=have-home ga=cha-rǖ lk.n/s.pst=1sg-gen pāpad ad 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =be.good-pl na=i ̏'ra(-gü ii. Reassignment to pci ni ́i ̄=i ̏'ra(-gü ta=gẽ-'chi ̋ru(-gü ii. Reassignment to pci ti ́i ̄=gẽ-'chi ̋ru(-gü 'they don't have clothes [collectively]' 3s.sbj.pci =not.have-clothes-pl ) : 'she/he/they don't have clothes [individually]' 3s.sbj=not.have-clothes-pl ) c. i. Lexical predicative class pcØ: 'they are small [collectively]' 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =be.small-pl ) : 'it is/they are small [individually]' 3m/n/ns.sbj=be.small-pl ) b. i. Lexical predicative class pcØ: 'they are good [collectively]' 'My dad lived in a maloca.' [igs 474]
	This device is often used, for instance, in stretches of discourse referring to the way of life of social groups, such as the ancestors of the Tikunas, who are typically conceived of as a collectivity, as shown in the following example:
	. 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be (553) Ngēmaka̰ níì-ĩ ̊gá malocagùtī-ã chí'ü 'ü ngē-ma-ka̰ med.ns-anaph-cause níì=ĩ tī=ã -chí'ü -'ü 3s.sbj.pci\sbjv=have-home\sbjv-sub	gá=maloca-gul	k.f/m/ns.pst=maloca-ploc

Lexical predicative class pcØ: cha=ya1

  ) a. i.

	sg.sbj=grow 'I'm fully-grown/old' ii. Reassignment

to pci ̄caused by /-chi ̀gü / 'distr.sg': chi ̄=ya-chi ̀gü 1sg.sbj.pci=grow-distr.sg

	'I gradually grow older' iii. Reassignment to pcrü ̄caused by /-maē/ 'compar': (ku=)cha=rü =ya-maē2 sg.acc=1sg.sbj=pcrü =grow-compar 'I'm older (than you)' b. i. Lexical predicative class pci : cha=ya=gu1 sg.sbj=pci .3m/n/ns.obj=roast 'I roasted it' ii.

Reassignment to pcØ caused by /-e/ 'antip2': cha=gu-e1 sg.sbj=roast-antip2

	'I did some roasting' c. i. Lexical predicative class pci cha=ya=ma̰ 1sg.sbj=pci .3m/n/ns.obj.sbjv=kill.sg : 'I killed it' ii. Reassignment

to pcØ caused by /-eta/ 'antip1': cha=ma-eta1 sg.sbj=kill.sg-antip1

  table, however. The singular forms of two of them,

	Intransitive verbs	sbj is sg	sbj is pl
	'find oneself' enter' 'stay' 'go/come' run' 'fly, rush' grow' 'fall'	ü ́cho' ü -kù(pcØ/pci ) a̰ u (pcrü ) ũi cho-kù(pcØ/pci chó(pcrü ) 'exit' ) u-'ü ̃cho-'ü 'return' ta-egùwo-egu' ñāü (gü 'ü ) go̊ü 'sprout, go̊(pcrü ) yi ̀(pcrü ) gũ̂yi Transitive
	verbs	obj is sg	obj is pl
	'put/take' drop' carry' lead' kill'	ü ́nu' ta̰ gẽ̊na' gåna' ma̰ (pci )	wo' daì (pcØ)
	N.B.: those items for which no indication of lexical predicative class is provided in this table belong lexically to the predicative class pcØ.

Table 47 .

 47 Smat verb roots and verb stems with suppletive singular vs plural forms

	/ü -ku/ (be.there.sg-in.pl) 'to enter' and /u-'ü / (go.sg-out.pl) 'to exit', are irregular inasmuch as they feature the plural allomorph of a figure-ground configuration suf-fix (instead of its singular allomorph, as expected; see paragraph (v) below). The verb stem meaning 'to return' (sg. /ta-egu/ 'drop.sg-inv', pl. /wo-egu/ 'drop.pl-inv'), for its part, can be considered to have, to a certain degree, non-compositional semantics.

  5.10. Strategies for participants number encoding (563) [...] ērǘ chàwǘ rǜ tã ů gè'ta̋mārē nárǖ-go. , the same principle is shown to apply to the distribution of the allomorphs ta̰ and wòof the transitive verb meaning 'to drop'. Note, however, that it is now the number of the object argument (as opposed to the subject argument as in the preceding two examples) that determines the use of the singular or plural allomorph of the verb:

	ērǘ because	chàwǘ=rǜ corn=top	tã neg ů	gè'ta=mārē where?.aloc=just	ná=rǖ=go3 m/n/ns.sbj=pcrü =grow.sg
	'[Corn we plant at the very spots where we've heaped and burnt slashed vegetation,] because corn does not just grow anywhere.' [lar D261-262]
	(564) [Nü ]wa̋yȉ'kǜã ḿá rǜ mārǖ... eh... nâi mārē nárǖ-yì. [nü ]waw ell.m/n/ns yȉ'kǜ-ã ḿá=rǜ later-dir=top mārǖ prf nâi=mārē tree=just ná=rǖ=yì 3m/n/ns.sbj=pcrü =grow.pl
	'[Once a swidden has grown old it no longer yields fruit.] That's because afterwards... uh... nothing else than trees grows [there].' [lar D386-387]
	In (565-566)(565) "Kǘ nü ŵa̋kù-ô'gùrǜ nűàtá kūchā-ta̰ !" kǘ come.on nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns kù=ô-'gu=rǜ 2sg.sbj\sbjv=be.unwilling-circ=top kū=chā=ta̰ 2sg.acc=1sg.sbj=drop.sg	nű-a=tá prox.aloc-exo=fut
	'"If you refuse to do it, I'll abandon you here!"' [jsg B353]
	(566) Kü ̋tü ĝǜ i ̋tà-wògü 'ü	.
	kü	I.mean	tü -gǜ 3s-refl	i ̋=tà=wò-gü -'ü	3aloc=3s.sbj\sbjv=drop.pl\sbjv-sub
	'[My parents did not get along well.] So they separated [lit. 'So they dropped each other.'].' [jgs 641]

  567) Nȍ'rǖ ĩ ́pátāwa, <nȍ'rǖ...> nȍ'rǖ malocawa̋nà-gågǘã 'ü ̃[...].

	nȍ-'rǖ 3n/ns-gen nà=gå-gǘ-ã -'ü ĩ ́-pátā-wab uilding-house-aloc 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=lead.sg-pl-3m/n/ns.obj\sbjv-sub <nȍ-'rǖ...> 3n/ns-gen nȍ-'rǖ 3n/ns-gen	maloca-wam aloca-aloc
	'[A man and a woman entered the territory of an isolated group.] They [i.e. the isolated group] took him [i.e. the man only] to their house, to their... their maloca.' [amb 35-36]
	(568) Nü nà-mé'gù ná'a helado tà nà-ngo̰ gü 'ü ̃ì, ngemà chànā-nā'ü ̃heladeríawa. nü =nà=mé-'gù 3m/n/ns.ben=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.good-circ ná'a conj helado=tà ice.cream=add nà=ngo̰ -gü -'ü =ì 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=bite-pl\sbjv-sub=contr.top nge-mà med.aloc-anaph chà=nā=nā-'ü 1sg.sbj\sbjv=3m/n/ns.obj=carry.pl\sbjv-sub heladería-wai ce.cream.parlor-aloc
	'If they [i.e. the tourists I guide] feel like eating an ice cream too, I take them there, to the ice-cream parlor.' [jgs 101-102]

Selection of figure-ground configuration suffix allomorph. The singular vs plural (or collective) value

  of the number feature of the subject argument of most verbal intransitive predicative phrases that contain any of the derivational suffixes encoding the figure-ground configurations 'in', 'out', and 'off', and that of the object argument of most verbal transitive predicative phrases that contain these same suffixes, is regularly-although not entirely systematicallyencoded through the selection of one or the other of the two suppletive forms of these suffixes (e.g. /-ku̽ chi ́/ 'in.sg' vs /-ku̽ / 'in.pl'). On these suffixes, see Sec-

				5.10. Strategies for participants number encoding
	(569) Dītíchi ̄àwa̋nà-pūrākü 'ü	.
	Dītíchi ̄à-waL eticia-aloc	nà=pūrākü -'ü	3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=work\sbjv-sub
	'He worked in Leticia.' [amb 184]
	(570) Ngemà ná-pūrākǘē [...].
	nge-mà med.aloc-anaph	ná=pūrākǘ-ē 3m/n/ns.sbj=work-intr.pl
	'They work there [...].' [jgs 477]
	(v) tions 4.2.3.1, 4.2.3.2, and 4.2.3.5.
	492

  By contrast, the predicative phrase containing i ̃'to go (pl.)' in (574) is suffixed with the plural form of the distributive suffix (/-etanü /), which indicates that its subject (in this case, students) is to be viewed as a collection of individuals rather than as a collective entity. In such a context, distributivity is accordingly interpreted as indicating that each of these individuals is involved in a specific sub-occurrence of the process (in this case, each individual student comes from a community that is different from that of all or part of the other students).

			5.10. Strategies for participants number encoding
	ná=mů 3m/n/ns.sbj=be.several [nâ-ē'ü =rü 3n/ns-animal=top mārǖ ì=dùü -'ü =tà lk.ns=be.a.human\sbjv-rel.ns=add prf yȁ'nà far.away ná=ĩ -chìgǜ=tà] 3m/n/ns.sbj=go.pl-distr.sg=add rǜ and
	'[People used to hunt with blowguns.] Now it's complicated because there's [too] many people so the animals are withdrawing further and further [lit. '... and the animals, they're now going far away little by little accordingly.'].' [ano2 7:29-7:34]
	(574) Ngemà gá, mů'űchī'ü ̃gá chòmǜkǖtānǜ chàrǖ-ã ű'ü ̃gá chòmàrü 'ü ̃<nai yà ĩ ́àn...> tòmà yàĩ ́ànè... -wa̋nű-ĩ ̂gǘetānǖ'ü .
	nge-mà=gá med.aloc-anaph=pst gá=chò-mǜkǖ-tānǜ lk.f/m/ns.pst=1sg-companion-group mů-'űchī-'ü be.several-genuinely\sbjv-rel.ns chà=rǖ=ã ű-'ü 1sg.sbj\sbjv=pcrü =stay.sg\sbjv-sub [gá=chò-mà-rü 'ü lk.f/m/ns.pst=1sg-anaph-like <nai other.n yà=ĩ ́-àn...> lk.n/s=building-tò-mà other.ns-anaph ya=ĩ ́-ànè-wal k.n/s=building-space-aloc nű=ĩ ̂-gǘ-etānǖ-'ü ] ctrpet.3aloc=go.pl-pl-distr.pl\sbjv-rel.ns
	'[Then I went to a boarding school.] And then, I was living together with lots of [school]mates who came from... other com... other communities like me [lit. '... who came, each of them, from another community like me.'].' [jgs 713-716]
	(573) Ñṵmá rǜ mārǖ ná-gû'chà ērǘ ná-mů ì dùü 'ü ̃tà rǜ nâē'ü ̃rü ̀mārǖ yȁ'nà ná-ĩ ̂chìgǜ tà.
	ñṵmá=rǜ present.time=top	mārǖ prf	ná=gû'chà 3m/n/ns.sbj=be.difficult	ērǘ because
	494

  ), by contrast, de'àbears the suffix /-gü / 'pl', which in this case may only indicate that its subject is plural since no other potentially plural argument is present in the clause.(575) [...] wí'á profesor gá Cicerónmá'a nà-ūgü 'ü , ngemà gáchomá'a yà-dé'ā'ü :[...]

	wí'á indf nà=ū-gü -'ü profesor teacher 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=say-pl\sbjv-rel.ns gá=Cicerón-má'a lk.f/m/ns.pst=Cicerón-com nge-mà=gaḿ ed.aloc-anaph=pst yà=dé'ā-'ü pci.3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=speak\sbjv-sub	cho-má'a 1sg-com
	'[In Tarapacá, more and more people knew me, and...] a teacher called Cicerón, he then spoke to me: [...]' [jgs 690-691]
	(576) Ná'chíné'ewa̋gá chà-ũ 'ü ̃rǜ nü 'nà chà-kă'ü ̃gá ná'a españolwa̋yà-dé'àgü 'ü	.
	ná-'chíné'e-wa=gá 3n/ns-mouth-aloc=pst chà=kă-'ü 1sg.sbj\sbjv=ask\sbjv-sub chà=ũ -'ü gá=ná'a 1sg.sbj\sbjv=go.sg\sbjv-sub lk.f/m/ns.pst=conj español-waS panish-aloc rǜ and nü -'nà 3n/ns-dat yà=dé'à-gü -'ü pci.3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=speak-pl\sbjv-sub
	'[My boss told me to go pick up some tourists.] I went to the river mouth and I asked them if they spoke Spanish.' [jgs 322-323]

  The spear that the evil spirit carried on his shoulder was this long.] That's what [he used] for killing people.' [igs 391]

	dist.ns-anaph	níì=ĩ	3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be	gá=dùã̰ -arǖ lk.f/m/ns.pst=human-gen	ma̰ -rű'ü	kill.sg-purp
	'[

  chi ̋wí'á cauchito ì náwa̋chā-åkǘ'ü ... ǘkùchí. My mother said [lit. '... did like this: ...']: "So, won't you... won't you ever go to San Martín de Amacayacu, go visit your godmother, go visit your relatives, go visit your brothers?" she asked me [lit. '... thus she did to me.'].' [jgs 730-734]

	6. The deictic verb
	Chô'rǖ māma̋gá ñatagǜ'ü : "Na̋<tã ů tá...> tågù tá níì-ĩ ̊ì Nâpàtǘwa̋kù-ũ 'ü , kû'rǖ māiaḡāwà'ü ̃kùyà-dău'ü , kútānǖ'ü 'ü ̃kùyà-dău'ü , kúénḛ 'egǘ'ü ̃kùyà-dău'ü ?" ñatagǜ'ü ̃ṵ̈ kü ̋châ'ü .
	chô-'rǖ 1sg-gen tågù=tá never=fut māma=gá mum=pst níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be ña-ta-gǜ-'ü ì=nâ-pà-tǘ-wal kù=ũ -'ü 2sg.sbj\sbjv=go.sg\sbjv-sub kû-'rǖ do.thus-3s.sbj\sbjv-do.thus-sub k.ns=3n/ns-hammock-river-aloc [naa ssert <tã ů=tá...> neg=fut māiã ḡāwà-'ü godmother-acc 2sg-gen kù=yà=dău-'ü 2sg.sbj\sbjv=am=see\sbjv-sub kú-tānǖ'ü -'ü 2sg-relative-acc
	kù=yà=dău-'ü	2sg.sbj\sbjv=am=see\sbjv-sub	kú-énḛ 'e-gǘ-'ü 2sg-brother-pl-acc
	kù=yà=dău-'ü 2sg.sbj\sbjv=am=see\sbjv-sub ] châ-'ü 1sg-acc	ña-ta-gǜ-'ü	do.thus-3s.sbj\sbjv-do.thus-sub	ṵ̈ kü	I.mean
	'
	chi	and	wí'á indf	cauchito=ì rubber.band=contr.top	ná-wa3 n/ns-aloc	chā=åkǘ-'ü	1sg.sbj=what?.ns\sbjv?-rel.ns
	ǘ-kùchí put.sg-in.sg '[...] and I, uh... [lit. 'and I somethinged ...'] I put a rubber band around it.' [rca F42-43]

  ) above): 289 (589) [...] tü 'ü ̃ã' a gá ñâ'ü : "Kū-chò'pḛ'e mā níì-ĩ ̊kùma!" ñâ'ü ̃[...]

	tü -'ü =ã 'a=gá 3s-acc=quot=pst mā=níì=ĩ prf=3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be ñâ-'ü	do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub kù-ma] 2sg-anaph ñâ-'ü do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub [kū=chò-'pḛ'e 2sg.sbj=1sg-equal
	'[...] he said to him: "You are equal to me now!" he said [...]' [jsg B135-136]

do.thus-3s.sbj\sbjv-do.thus-sub=quot=pst tíì=kà PP2 3s.sbj.pci =shout

	6.1. Semantics and syntax
	'"Heeey!" he shouted [lit. '... he said he shouted.'].' [lar E172-173]
	(592) "Kǘ kù'i ̋nǖnà-ü ágǘ!" ñâ'ü ̃tü 'ü ̃gá nà-mŭ'ü [kǘ=kù-'i come.on=2sg-in.one's.turn nǖ=nà=ü ágǘ] 3m/n/ns.acc=pcø.imp=try . ñâ-'ü PP1 do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub tü -'ü =gá 3s-acc=pst nà=mŭ-'ü PP2 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=send\sbjv-sub
	'"Come on, you try it now!" he sent him off [lit. '... he said he sent him.'].' [jsg B118]
	Example (593) displays a variant of this construction in which the finite predicative phrase that refers to a specific uttering process takes an expletive non-salientive comitative complement /na-ma'a/ (3n/ns-com), lit. 'with it'. This complement is anaphorically coreferential with the target and redundantly refers to the piece of direct speech "with which" (i.e. uttering which) the specific uttering process is performed. 291
	(593) "Yĭmá yá īyà-īyàaa rǜ mêàpēnā-tôoo!" ñatàgǜ'ü ̃ã' a gá námá'a tì-k'ă'ü [yĭ-má prox.m-anaph yá=īyà.īyà lk.m/s=plantain.variety rǜ and mêaẁ ell pē=nā=tô] 2pl.sbj.sbjv=3m/n/ns.obj=plant\sbjv ña-tà-gǜ-'ü PP1 =ã 'a=gá do.thus-3s.sbj\sbjv-do.thus-sub=quot=pst ná-má'a 3n/ns-com	.

tì=k'ă-'ü PP2 3s.sbj.pci \sbjv=shout\sbjv-sub

	'"There you have the īyà-īyà plantaaain: plant it carefullyyy!" he shouted [lit. '... he said he shouted with it.'].' [lar E178-179]

  . It always immediately precedes the deictic verb. The following example features an instance of ñu'(u) in its interrogative function: What do you have in mind, what are you thinking about? [lit. 'What does your mind do like, [what does] what you're thinking about [do like]?']"'

	(594) "Ñù'ù ñâ'ü ̃i ̀kúã 'e, nágùkùrǖ-ĩ ̄nǜ'ü ?"
	ñù'ù what.activity? kù=rǖ=ĩ ̄nǜ-'ü ñâ-'ü 2sg.sbj\sbjv=pcrü =think\sbjv-rel.ns do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub	i ̀=kú-ã 'el k.ns=2sg-mind	ná-gu3 n/ns-ploc
	'"

ñad o.thus.3s.sbj.sbjv.sub

  las cinco de la tarde ñâ'ü .This marker ña'ü ̃likely arose through the grammaticalization of the sequence 'target' /ña-'ü / ("target' do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-rel.ns'), lit. 'what they call 'target". Its complete paradigm is shown in Table48(contrast it with the inflectional paradigm of regular predicative phrases shown in Charts A-M, pp. 449-453).Two forms, with a syllable in parentheses in Table48, have alternative realizations in apparent free variation: /ngi ́-rü ḡü / ∼ /ngi ́-rü rü ḡü / and /ña-ta[-'ü ]/ (rare) ∼ /ña-ta-gü [-'ü ]/ (frequent). The latter pair of forms are occasionally truncated to their first syllable, yielding ña, as in the following example:

	6.2. Inflectional morphology
	6.2 Inflectional morphology
	6.2.1 Synchronic description
	The deictic verb /ña-/ña-+-((rü )gü )/ 'do thus' is inflectionally extremely ir-regular. (596) Chô'rī pāpa̋Anónimo gá chātá-ǘa̰ gá ña: "Kùmàrǜ tå'úwa̋kū-sirve!" ñatárǖgǜ châ'ü ̃gá tü mà.
	chô-'rī 1sg-gen ña-tá-rǖgǜ pāpad ad do.thus-3s.sbj-do.thus Anónimo=gá anonymous=pst kù-ma=rǜ chā=tá=ǘ-a̰ =gá 1sg.acc=3s.sbj=put.sg-mouth=pst 2sg-anaph=top tå'ú-wab e.absent\sbjv?-aloc kū=sirve 2sg.sbj=avail châ-'ü 1sg-acc gá=tü -mà lk.pst=3s-anaph
	ná=rǖ=ngǜ-gǘ 3m/n/ns.sbj=pcrü =rest-pl 'My father Anónimo rebuked me, saying: "You are useless!" he said to me.' hasta las cinco de la tarde until.five.p.m. ñâ'ü something.like [ano1 9-10]
	'[In a typical day, tourists do this and that. Then they come back.] They rest, uh... like until five p.m.' [jgs 158-159]

Table 48 .

 48 Table 48 instead of bare sbjv forms. There is no reason to believe, however, that standalone bare sbjv Inflectional paradigm of the verb /ña-/ña-+-((rü )gü )/ 'do thus'forms of /ña-/ña-+-((rü )gü )/ do not exist, but such forms would naturally only occur in the comparably rare main-clause contexts where bare sbjv is grammatically required (see Section 5.2.5). Such standalone forms could of course turn out to be slightly different from the ones tentatively suggested in Table48by the bracketing out of /-'ü / 'sub' from the sbjv/-'ü / forms.

	511

ña-tà-gǜ-ètānǖ-'ü =ã 'a do.thus-3s.sbj\sbjv-do.thus-distr.pl\sbjv-sub=quot

	6. The deictic verb
	taũ=mā neg=precisely	tō-ma1 pl-anaph	pē=tā=tà'kú 2pl.acc=1pl.sbj=be.an.orphan
	'"[...] we didn't orphan you!" they would answer [group after group].' [lar T159]
	(600) "Kǘ tōwe̋rǖ-ṹ!" ñatàgǜgü 'ü ̃ã' a.
	kǘ=tō-wec	ome.on=1pl-following	rǖ=ṹ pcrü =go.sg
	ña-

tà-gǜ-gü -'ü =ã 'a do.thus-3s.sbj\sbjv-do.thus-pl\sbjv-sub=quot

	7. Negation
	(602) […] ērǘ chàwǘ rǜ tã ů gè'ta̋mārē nárǖ-go. ērǘ because chàwǘ=rǜ corn=top tã ů neg gè'ta=mārē where?.aloc=just	ná=rǖ=go3	m/n/ns.sbj=pcrü =grow
	'[…] because corn does not grow just anywhere.' [lar D261-262]
	(603) Tã ů ngo̰ wa̋na-mé'echi ̄'ü ̃[…].
	tã neg ů	ngo̰ -wab ite-aloc	na=mé-'echi ̄-'ü	3f.sbj.sbjv=be.good-genuinely\sbjv-sub
	'It's not very good for eating […].' [lar C442]
	(604) Tã ů ã 'a ñṵmárü 'ü ̃tíì-ĩ ̊gá nů'kǘmá gá påã tá […].
	'"Come on, come with us!" they said.' [lar E133] tã ů=ã 'a neg=quot ñṵmá-rü 'ü present.time-like tíì=ĩ 3s.sbj.pci=be gá=nů'kǘmá lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=past.time gá=på-ã -tá lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=be.nubile-rel.s.pl-coll
	'In ancient times girls were not like nowadays […].' [lar E244]

/ns.sbj=be.absent '

  He's dead now so he's no longer living [lit. '... so he doesn't exist.'].' [gra 91]

	is repeated from (470)):
	(610) Arroz na̋nà-tå'ṵ gá nů'kǘmá!
	arroz=nar ice=assert	nà=tå'ṵ 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.absent\sbjv	gá=nů'kǘmá lk.f/m/ns.pst=past.time
	'There was no rice [lit. 'Rice did not exist ...'] in the old days, you know!' [igs 613]
	(611) Mā ná-yŭ nü ŵa̋i ̀ñṵmá rǜ ná-tå'u. mā=ná=yŭ prf=3m/n/ns.sbj=die nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns ná=tå'u 3m/n	i ̀=ñṵmá lk.ns=present.time	rǜ and

)

  Wí'ákanà ã 'a gá tá-gẽẘēmǜē'ü chi ̀[…].

	wí'á-kanà=ã 'a=gá indf-time=quot=pst

tá=gẽ-wēmǜ-ē-'ü chi 3s.sbj=not.have-food-intr.pl-genuinely

	'Once upon a time-it is said-[people] had no food left at all […].' [lar D108-109]
	(618) "Na̋kùmài ̀tōkù-gẽnátü 'ü ̃[…]?"
	naa ssert	kù-ma2	sg-anaph	i ̀=tō=kù=gẽ-nátü -'ü	lk.ns=1pl.acc=2sg.sbj\sbjv=not.have-father\sbjv-sub
	'"So, is it you who robbed us of our father [lit. '... who father-unhad us?'] […]?"' [lar C404]
	298 In the following example, however, privative negation is unexpectedly expressed through the combination of taũ 'neg' (in this particular case, its conservative variant taũ'ü ) and ã'have', instead of /gẽ-/:
	(i) Ngēmàka̰ níì-ĩ ̊ì chòmà nágù chàrǖ-ĩ ̄nǜ'ü ̃ná'a taũ'ü ̃tàã ̄chà-ã ma'ü ngē-mà-ka̰ med.ns-anaph-cause3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =be níì=ĩ lk.ns=1sg-anaph .	ì=chò-mà 3n/ns-ploc
	ná-gù 1sg.sbj\sbjv=pcrü =hear\sbjv-sub	chà=rǖ=ĩ ̄nǜ-'ü	conj ná'a neg=itself
	taũ'ü =tàã	1sg.sbj\sbjv=have-wife\sbjv-sub	chà=ã -ma-'ü	'That's
	why I'm planning not to have a wife yet.' [jgs 619-620]

Table 50 .

 50 2.2-7.2.3), with meanings such as 'Wheat never existed in this region.' or 'I don't have anything.'. Negative existential indefinites formed as regular subject participant relativizations including the verb root ta'u 'be absent'Table50(but see e.g. in example (641) below the form /ta'-uchi ̄-'ü / 'be.absent-genuinely\sbjv-rel.ns' meaning 'nothing at all'; this form shows that the verb ta'u 'be absent' may receive its own morphology (in this case, the intensifier suffix /-'V chi ̀/ 'genuinely') to productively contribute more complex forms of negative existential indefinites).

	7.3. Non-clausal negation

tå'ú-'ü =tá be.absent\sbjv-rel.ns=fut

	kú-má'a 2sg-com	chā=ü	1sg.sbj=make
	'"I'm not going to hurt you [lit. 'I won't do anything with you ...'] […]!"' [jsg B57]
	(621) Tå'ű'emá'a nǖníī-ū.

tå'ű-'e-má'a be.absent\sbjv-rel.s-com nǖ=níī=ū

	3m/n/ns.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =say
	'He didn't tell anyone about it.' [amb 152]
	(622) "Na̋gè'kǖ í tére?" Tá'a yĕ'àná-dău: tå'úkǖ 302 ã 'a!
	302

be.absent\sbjv-rel.s-com

	i ̋=tā=queda-gǘ 3aloc=1pl.sbj=result-pl	gá=tō-mal	k.pst=1pl-anaph
	'We were left with nothing [i.e. '... with no money(.s).'].' [jsg B474]
	Note also that these negative existential indefinites, while they often function as heads ('nothing/nobody'), as in examples (620-621), may equally well function as modifiers (

'no …'), as in (624), or headless modifiers ('none'), as

					7.3. Non-clausal negation
	Form ta'u-'ü ̃be.absent\sbjv?-acc Morphological gloss Meaning nothing (in acc) ta'u-ma'a be.absent\sbjv?-com nothing (in com) ta'u-wa̋be.absent\sbjv?-aloc nothing (in aloc) ta'u-gù(∼tagu) be.absent\sbjv?-ploc 'never' (∼'not') ta'u-ru'ü ̃be.absent\sbjv?-purp 'useless item' ta'u-akü ̀be.absent\sbjv?-man 'cannot, may not' (… ?)
	just like any other relativization.			in (625),
	(624) […] níì-ĩ ̊gá tå'ú'ü ̃tü mapǜtàwa̋nà-dău'ü ̃gá náyaēã 'a gá, […].
	ni ́i ̀.i nà=dău-'ü conj gá=tå'ú-'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=see\sbjv-sub lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=be.absent\sbjv-rel.ns gá=ná-yae=ã 'a=gá tü -ma-pǜtà-wa3 s-anaph-tooth-aloc lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3n/ns-hair=quot=pst
	'[…] as he saw no hairs in his teeth, […].' [lar C413]
	(625) Tå'űnè tà náwa̋cha-u'ü	.
	tå'ű-nè=tà be.absent\sbjv-rel.n=add	ná-wa3 n/ns-aloc	cha=u-'ü	1sg.sbj\sbjv=go.sg\sbjv-sub
	528

Table 51 .

 51 Negative existential indefinites attested in my data that are not formed as participant relativizations'None [i.e. of the cities(.n) of Colombia] I've been to.' [jsg B580]

(or /ma=/) co-occurring with negative polarity within

				7.4. Negation and phase aspect
	taman eg.precisely	chā=gẽ-'ma̰ =tàã	1sg.sbj=not.have-wife=itself
	'[Are you married?]-No, I'm not married yet [lit. 'No, I still don't have a wife.'].' [jgs 564-565]
	(636) […] yerǘ dùã̰ rǜ tá-tå'u tàã yerǘ because.pst dùã̰ =rǜ human=top tá=tå'u=tàã .	3s.sbj=be.absent=itself
	'[…] because there were no [White] people yet [lit. '... because people still didn't exist.'].' [igs 617]
	(637) […] mārǖ gá tã ů chà-gű'chà'ü 'ü ̃[…]. mārǖ=gá prf=pst tã ů neg chà=gű-'chà'ü -'ü 1sg.sbj\sbjv=learn-vol\sbjv-sub
	'[…] I no longer wanted to study […] [lit. '... I now didn't want to study ...'].' [jgs 718]
	tã ů=tàã	neg=itself	chā=nā=ü gǘ 1sg.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=start
	'I haven't started yet [lit. 'I still haven't started.'].' [igv 592]
	(635) Tama, chā-gẽ'ma̰ tàã	.

'It is still the case that [clause.in.the.negative.polarity]'), as shown in examples (634-636); -marü ̄a clause yields the meaning '(no) longer' (lit. 'It has now become the case that [clause.in.the.negative.polarity]'), as shown in (637-638). 305 (634) Tã ů tàã ̄chānā-ü gǘ. (638) [Níì-ĩ ] gá tå'úgù mārǖ nà-gūnàgü 'ü ̃ã' a gá, […]. [ni ́i ̀.i ]=gá conj=pst tå'ú-

gù be.absent\sbjv?-ploc mārǖ

  In clauses involving negative polarity, just like in positive clauses, marü ̄'prf' can appear in different positions. When it comes before the inflected predicative phrase, it often immediately precedes taũ 'neg', as in (637), or the negative indefinite words; but it may also immediately follow them, as in (638). It may as well immediately follow the inflected predicative phrase, as in the following example:(639) […] tã ů ã 'a nà-gūnàgü 'ü ̃mārǖ gá mô'ü 'àkǜ chìgǜ. as a marker systematically co-occurring with negation (except in cases of privative negation with /gẽ-/ 'not have'), with no emphasis effect implied. The co-occurrence of /=ma/ with negation is by no means systematic in smat, but its meaning is in many cases bleached in this context.

		7.5. Emphasizing negation
	almost fully grammaticalized
	prf 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=reach-on\sbjv-sub=quot=pst nà=gū-nàgü -'ü =ã 'a=gá
	'As he [could] no longer stand up [lit. 'As he now never stood up, ...'], […].' [lar T68]
	tã ů=ã 'a neg=quot gá=mô'ü -'àkǜ=chìgǜ nà=gū-nàgü -'ü lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=following.day-approx=distr.sg 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=reach-on\sbjv-sub	mārǖ prf
	'[…] in the days that followed he was no longer [able to] stand up.' [lar T53]

of a previous statement, an assumption, or a wish is

  2.6, p.426). From a pragmatic perspective, this construction is often used when contradiction implied ('[Contrary to what I/you/they said/believed/want,] negative.clause').

	This construction is illustrated in the following examples:
	(642) "[…] tã ů chírḛ níì-ĩ ̊kūchà-ǘa'ü !" tã ů=chírḛ níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be neg=aprf kū=chà=ǘ-a-'ü 2sg.acc=1sg.sbj\sbjv=put.sg-mouth\sbjv-sub
	'"[…] I'm not rebuking you [i.e. contrary to what you have reasons to believe: a mother-in-law talks to her daughter-in-law after berating her and then realizing she had been mistaken]!"' [jsg B277]
	(643) "Na̋<tã ů tá…> tågù tá níì-ĩ ̊ì nâpàtǘwa̋kù-ũ 'ü ̃[…]?" naa ssert <tã ů=tá…>

neg=fut tågù=tá never=fut níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be ì=nâ-pà-tǘ-wal k.ns=3n/ns-hammock-river-aloc

	kù=ũ -'ü	2sg.sbj\sbjv=go.sg\sbjv-sub
	'"Won't you go to San Martín de Amacayacu some day, then [i.e. while I'd like you to go there] […]?"' [jgs 730-731]

  ) can be interpreted as being based on a full clause such as /Taũ'ü =ma=nü ŵa/ [/maloca-wa̋ta=ma'-e-gü ́gánu'kü ḿa./] '[We] didn't [live in a maloca in the old days.].', and (645) can be interpreted as being based on a full clause such as Taũ'ü ̃[/cha=/ti ́mido.] '[I'm] not [tímido.]'. Example (646) starts with the realization of a full clause, and then proceeds to "repeating" that same clause by means of tagù'never' used as a pro-sentential negation marker.

							7.6. Pro-sentential negation
	'[Did your family live in a maloca back then?]-Oh, we didn't, no!' [gra 109]
	(645) 'Ná-tímido' ñâ'ü ̃ì kōri ̋gàwa. Kü ̋chòmà ì tã ů'ü . Chā-muy activo námá'a.
	ná-tímido 3m/n/ns.sbj=shy kü I.mean chò-mà=ì 1sg-anaph=contr.top ñâ-'ü do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub tã ů'ü ñeg chā=muy ì=kōri ̋-gà-wal k.ns=White-sound-aloc 1sg.sbj=very activo active ná-má'a 3n/ns-com
	'[When guiding tourists, my colleagues are shy and don't speak.] That is, they are tímidos ['shy'], in Spanish. I'm not. [lit. 'Me, not.'] I'm very active with them.' [jgs 463-465]
	(646) <Tågu.> Tågùyü 'ü'ü ̃kū-dău? Tågu?
	<tågu.> never	tåguǹ ever	yü 'ü-'ü	celebrate-acc	kū=dău 2sg.sbj=see	tåguǹ
	(644) Taũ'ü ̃mānü ŵa, taũ'ü	!
	taũ'ü =man eg=precisely	nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns	taũ'ü	ñeg
	to fall under the scope of negation, according to the free translations provided by my transcription assistants:
	(i) […] ná-tå'űchì i ̀nâi ṵ̈ kü ̋ì ǜ'àaǹē'ü ̃[…]. ná=tå'-űchì 3m/n/ns.sbj=be.absent-genuinely i ̀=nâi lk.ns=tree	ṵ̈ kü	I.mean
	ì=ǜ'à-aǹē-'ü	lk.ns=be.dirty-space\sbjv-rel.ns
	'[…] [in the primary jungle] there isn't many trees that, you know, make the area impractical [expected meaning: '... there's absolutely no trees …'] […].' [jgs 239]
	(ii) Internet? Eh… Tã ů'ü 'ü chì, tã ů'ü 'ü chì ērǘ […].
	Internet Internet	eh… uh	tã ů'ü -'ü chì neg-genuinely	tã ů'ü -'ü chì neg-genuinely	ērǘ because
	'[Do tourists go to the Internet center?]-Internet? Uh… No, not much, because [only some of them do] [expected meaning: 'Not at all, because …'] […].' [jgs 293-295]

ever

'You've… you've never seen a pelazón ceremony? Never?

' [igs 486]

  Tama, chā-gẽ'ma̰ tàã .

	taman	eg.precisely	chā=gẽ-'ma̰ =tàã	1sg.sbj=not.have-wife=itself
	'[Do you already have a wife?]-No, I don't have a wife yet.' [jgs 564-565]

  My corpus and elicitation notes only contain cases of prohibitives involving the negative word taũ 'neg', such as the following:

						7.8. Negation and coordination
	tã ů=tā neg=proh	ì=pē=chó-ku-gü -'ü	lk.ns=2pl.sbj.sbjv=be.there.pl-in.pl-pl\sbjv-sub
	'"Don't you (pl.) enter!"' [igv 317]
	(649) Taũ (ta) (i ̀) "no'e" ñaku'ü ̃tü 'ü	!
	taũ(=ta) neg=proh	(i ̀=)no'el k.ns=old.woman	ña-ku-'ü	do.thus-2sg.sbj\sbjv-sub	tü -'ü	3s-acc
	'Don't call her "grandma"!' [ear elic.]
	(650) Tã ů tā ì pē-chókugü 'ü	!

  III). Note, importantly, that lar, the speaker of the recording transcribed below, was part of the transcription and translation committee forGoulard & Montes (2016), which mostly consists in a written version of a recording of the cycle of Ngutapa told in 1985 and 1988 by Humberto Chetanükü, a renowned Tikuna storyteller from the upper Loretoyacu river. lar's version of the episodes below is therefore heavily influenced by Chetanükü's version reported in

	& Montes (2016, episodes I-
	aloc=3s.sbj=am=see-pl=quot	gẽ'-eb e.where?-rel.s
	'They went to check: nobody [lit. '...: where [was] she...?'].' [igs 267-268]
	. 3m/n/ns.acc=3s.sbj.pci =say=quot (658) […] ñù'gù 'arü ̀nǖtíī-ū ã 'a mêà...? Tå'úgù ã 'a nǖtī-ù'ü ñù'gù='arü ẁhen?=unlike.before nǖ=tíī=ū=ã 'a tå'ú-gù=ã 'a be.absent\sbjv?-ploc=quot nǖ=tī=ù-'ü 3m/n/ns.acc=3s.sbj.pci\sbjv=say\sbjv-sub mêà well
	'[…] when did she finally say things clearly...? At no point did she say it [clearly].' [lar T108]

  T1 Nů'kǘmá năwa̋neì-ĩ ̄kǖ gá o̰ i ̋gá G ȕ'tàpa̰ <'ü ̃tá...> -ã rǖ ūgǘànè'ü ̃tá chī-ù'ü ̃ni ́i ̀i ̃gá åkǘ nǖ-ǘpétǖ'ü ̃gá gŭmá dùü ̃gá ñṵmá <năw...> năwenà ñomá nâànèwa< ì-mů...> ì-mùkǖ. animals-with the ability to transform themselves into birds. On the extent of the concept of duǜ 'ü ãmong the Tikuna, seeGoulard (2009, especially pp.65-66).

	nů'kǘmá past.time gá=o̰ i lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=old.man nă-wa3 m-aloc ne=ì=ĩ ̄-kǖ ctrpet.3aloc=pcø.sbjv=go.pl\sbjv-rel.m gá=G ȕ'tàpa̰ <-'ü =tá...> lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=Ngutapa-acc=fut ūgǘànè-'ü =tá story-acc=fut chī=ù-'ü 1sg.sbj.pci.sbjv=say\sbjv-sub ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=åkǘ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=what?.ns nǖ=ǘ-pétǖ-'ü 3m/n/ns.acc=be.there.sg-across\sbjv-sub -ã rǖ -gen gá=gŭ-má lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dist.m-anaph dùü be.a.human gá=ñṵmá lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=present.time <nă-w...> 3m-nă-wenà 3m-after ño-má prox.ns-anaph nâ-ànè-wa3 n/ns-space-aloc <ì=mů...> pcø.sbjv=be.several ì=mù-kǖ pcø.sbjv=be.several\sbjv-rel.m 'I'm going to tell the story of Ngutapa, the old man from whom we orig-inated long ago-and what happened to that man after whom we have come to exist now in this world.' T2 Nü ĝǜmá'a ã 'a gá <na-...>, ĩ ́pátāwa̋<na-...>, năpátā gàtâ'ü ñè, maloca i ñomáü kǘ'ü i ̀náegà... -wa̋må'ēgü 'ü ̃gá nů'kǘmá, nü ŵa̋nāi'nēkǖànèwa̋mārē. nü -gǜ-má'a=ã 'a=gá 3m-refl-com=quot=pst <na=...> 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv= ĩ ́-pátā-wab uilding-house-aloc <na=...> 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv= nă-pátā 3m-house ga=tâ-'ü ñè lk.n.pst=be.big\sbjv-rel.n maloca maloca i ̀=ño-má-ü kǘ'ü lk.ns=prox.ns-anaph-time i ̀=ná-egà... lk.ns=3n/ns-name -wa-aloc må'-ē-gü -'ü live-intr.pl-pl\sbjv-sub gá=nů'kǘmá lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=past.time nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns nāi'nēkǖ-ànè-wa=mārē jungle-space-aloc=just 'The story goes that [they lived] among themselves... in a house... his big house, what's called a maloca nowadays-long ago they used to live in those, you know, in the middle of the jungle.' T3 Wí'á gá gùnē'ü ̃ã' a gá, tü mamá'a yànà-ǘkū'ü ̃gá nă'ma̰ . wí'á indf gá=gùnē-'ü =ã 'a=gá lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=get.light\sbjv-rel.ns=quot=pst tü -ma-má'a 3s-anaph-com yà=nà=ǘ-kū-'ü ãm=pcrü .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.there.sg-in.pl\sbjv-sub gá=nă-'ma̰ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3m-wife 'One day, he [i.e. Ngutapa] went in [into the jungle] with his wife.' T4 Năé'íka̋ã 'a gá ĩ ́'wa̋yĕ'ma'e. nă-é-'íka=ã 'a=gá 3m-mother-only=quot=pst ĩ ́'-wab uilding-aloc yĕ'-ma-'ed ist.ploc-anaph\sbjv-rel.s 'His mother stayed home alone.' T5 Náyàrǖ-ǘkùã 'a gá, gè'tàtǖnà-gànagǘpērēmā'ü ̃ã' a gá gû'emá nă'ma̰ . ná=yà=rǖ=ǘ-ku=ã 'a=gá 3m/n/ns.sbj=am=pcrü =be.there.sg-in.pl=quot=pst gè'taẁ here?.ploc tǖ=nà=gà-nagǘ-pērēmā-'ü =ã 'a 3s.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=tie-on-upper.leg\sbjv-sub=quot gá=gû'e-má lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dist.s-anaph nă-'ma̰ 3m-wife 'He went into [the jungle] and hung his wife up somewhere by her legs.' T6 Nāi'nēkǖwa̋tǖyà-ta'ü , yemáã kǜ. nāi'nēkǖ-waj ungle-aloc tǖ=yà=ta-'ü 3s.acc=am.3f/m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv=drop.sg\sbjv-sub ye-má-ã kǜ dist.ns-anaph-man 'He went and abandoned her in the jungle, like that.' T7 Yemá níì-ĩ ̊gá, yemàtü 'nà níī-ṹ rǜ yemá'ü ̃yeàtì-ĩ ̀'ü ̃ã' a níì-ĩ ̊gá gè'tàtǖnà-w̃è'nagǘpērēmā'ü . ye-má dist.ns-anaph níì=ĩ ̊=gá 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =be=pst ye-mad ist.aloc-anaph tü -'nà 3s-dat níī=ṹ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =go.sg rǜ and ye-má-'ü dist.ns-anaph-state ye-ad ist.aloc-exo tì=ĩ ̀-'ü =ã 'a 3s.sbj.pci \sbjv=be\sbjv-sub=quot ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=gè'tal k.f/m/s/ns.pst=where?.ploc tǖ=nà=w̃è'-nagǘ-pērēmā-'ü 3s.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=bind-on-upper.leg\sbjv-sub 'And then, he left her and she remained there in that state, hung up somewhere by her legs by him.' T8 Tü 'ü ̃ã' a nà-ngő'ü ̃nü ŵa̋gá åkǘ mé'e níì-ĩ ̊gá <ye...> yemá... tü -'ü =ã 'a 3s-acc=quot nà=ngő-'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=bite\sbjv-sub nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns gá=åkǘ=mé'e lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=what?.ns=dub ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=<ye-...> lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dist.ns ye-má... dist.ns-anaph 'She was bitten by, you know, uh... because...' T9 Nů'kǘmá rǜ tíì-gẽ'chi ̋rù gá yá'gùã̰ . nů'kǘmá=rǜ past.time=top tíì=gẽ-'chi ̋rù 3s.sbj.pci =not.have-clothes gá=yá'gùã̰ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=ancestor 'In ancient times the ancestors didn't have clothes.' T10 Má'è ã 'a tü maã rǖ gû'chā'ü wa̋tǖ-ngő'ü ̃níì-ĩ ̊gá yemàã 'a tī-gü rà'ü . má'è=ã 'a wasp=quot tü -ma-ã rǖ 3s-anaph-gen gû'chā-'ü -wab e.difficult\sbjv-rel.ns-aloc tǖ=ngő-'ü 3s.acc=bite\sbjv-sub ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=ye-ma=ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dist.aloc-anaph=quot tī=gü rà-'ü 3s.sbj.pci\sbjv=be.covered.with.insects\sbjv-sub 'Wasps bit her in her private parts, because she was [hanging] there covered with insects.' T11 Gű'ü rǘ'ǜ'ü ̃ẽǹ e̋tü maka̰ ĩ ̄'ü . gű-'ü -rǘ'ǜ-'ü finish\sbjv-rel.ns-sort\sbjv-rel.ns ẽ ǹea rmy.ant tü -ma-ka̰ 3s-anaph-cause ĩ ̄-'ü go.pl\sbjv-sub 'All kinds of aggressive ants came onto her.' T12 [Yemá ã 'a] níì-ĩ ̊rǜ yeànā-gūgü 'ü ̃ã' a gá kŏu. [ye-má=ã 'a] dist.ns-anaph=quot níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be rǜ and ye-ad ist.aloc-exo nā=gū-gü -'ü =ã 'a 3f.sbj.sbjv=reach-pl\sbjv-sub=quot gá=kŏul k.f/m/s/ns.pst=red.throated.caracara 'Then came the red-throated caracara birds.' T13 "Kŏugǘ, kŏugǘ, kŏugǘ!" ñâ'ü ̃ã' a gá tü maètǖwa̋ã 'a. kŏu-gǘ (x3) red.throated.caracara.cry-pl (x3) ñâ-'ü =ã 'a do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot gá=tü -ma-etǖ-wa=ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3s-anaph-above-aloc=quot 'They sounded "Koȗ, koȗ, koȗ!" above her.' T14 Tü màã 'a gá tà-dé'aã ćhí'ü : tü -ma=ã 'a=gá 3s-anaph=quot=pst tà=dé'a-ã ćhí-'ü 3s.sbj\sbjv=speak-tel-\sbjv-sub 'She started to speak:' T15 "Ñȍ'kǜ kù-dùü , pà kŏu, rǜ châ'ü ̃i ̋kī-w̃ègü ̋níì-ĩ ̊ñomá'ü ̃nűàchaȳà-ĩ ̊'ẽ 'è'ü ̃yá G ȕ'tàpa̰ !" ñatàgǜ'ü ̃ã' a. ñȍ'kǜ if.only kù=dùü 2sg.sbj\sbjv=be.a.human pà=kŏuv oc=red.throated.caracara rǜ and châ-'ü 1sg-acc i ̋=kī=w̃è-gü 3aloc=2sg.sbj.pci.sbjv=untie-pl\sbjv ni ́i ̀.i conj ño-má-'ü prox.ns-anaph-state nű-ap rox.aloc-exo cha=yà=ĩ ̊-'ẽ 'è-'ü 1sg.ben=pci.3f/m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv=be-caus\sbjv-sub yá=G ȕ'tàpa̰ lk.m/s=Ngutapa ña-tà-gǜ-'ü =ã 'a do.thus-3s.sbj\sbjv-do.thus-sub=quot '"If only you turned into humans and untied me, caracaras, for Ngutapa is keeping me here in this state!" she said.' T16 Yemá níì-ĩ ̊rǜ ã 'a, nü ŵa̋gá, nů'kǘmá rǜ níì-ĩ ̊gá nà-dô'ònē'ü ̃ã' a rǜ, [nü ŵa] ã 'a, mmmh, <yemá> níì-ĩ ̊... mmmh, gá yemá ñatàgǜ'ü ̃rǜ ã 'a, gá yemá dùü 'ü 'ü ̃gá, gü ȓǘ ã 'a, tü maka̰ nü ŵa̋ã 'a <nü ...> <tü ĝǜ nà-...> <nà-...> nü ĝǜ nà-dùü è'ü rǜ ã 'a tǖi ̋yà-w̃ègǘè'ü . ye-má dist.ns-anaph níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be rǜ=ã 'a and=quot nü ŵa=gá well.m/n/ns=pst nů'kǘmá=rǜ past.time=top ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=nà=dô'-ònē-'ü =ã 'a=rǜ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.unripe-space\sbjv-sub=quot=top [nü ŵa]=ã 'a well.m/n/ns=quot <ye-má> dist.ns-anaph ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=ye-má lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dist.ns-anaph ña-tà-gǜ-'ü =rǜ=ã 'a do.thus-3s.sbj\sbjv-do.thus-sub=top=quot gá=ye-má lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dist.ns-anaph dùü -'ü -'ü =gá be.a.human\sbjv-rel.ns-acc=pst gü ȓǘ=ã 'a suddenly=quot tü -ma-ka̰ 3s-anaph-cause nü ŵa=ã 'a well.m/n/ns=quot <nü -...> 3n/ns <tü -gǜ 3s-refl nà=...> 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv= <nà=...> 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv= nü -gǜ 3n/ns-refl nà=dùü -è-'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.a.human-intr.pl\sbjv-sub rǜ=ã 'a and=quot tǖ=i ̋=yà=w̃è-gǘ-è-'ü 3s.acc=3aloc=pci.3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=untie-pl-intr.pl\sbjv-sub 'And then, so, as in ancient times the world was immature, 314 then, uh... when she said that, to those creatures, 315 all of a sudden, they appeared to her in the shape of human beings and they untied her.' T17 Nü ŵa, "<A kǘ...> A kǘ [i ̀] ñomá'ü ̃nü ŵa̋kūì-ĩ ̊'ẽ 'è'ü ?" ñâ'ü ̃ã' a tü 'ü . nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns <akǘ...> what?.ns akǘ what?.ns [i ̀]=ño-má-'ü lk.ns=prox.ns-anaph-state nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns kū=ì=ĩ ̊-'ẽ 'è-'ü 2sg.acc=pci=be-caus\sbjv-rel.ns ñâ-'ü =ã 'a do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot tü -'ü 3s-acc 'Then, "Who... who put you in this situation?" they asked her.' wife, did not go all the way to her house.' 'So, they untied her and she left, and... -but the woman, Ngutapa's 314 Exact meaning unclear. T18 "Kǘ ñṵmá, ērǘ ngē'ü ̃kúmá'a ná-wagü ̀yá yĭmá kúté rǜ, <kǘ...> kǘ kùgǜ nà-ü tànǜ rǜ ñåàtá i ̀kûgùnè <rǜ...> rǜ ngēmamá'a tá i ̀kùgǜ kù-ü tànǖ'ü !" ñâ'ü ã' a. kǘ=ñṵmá come.on=present.time ērǘ because ngē-'ü med.ns-acc kú-má'a 2sg-com ná=wagü 3m/n/ns.sbj=do yá=yĭ-má lk.m/s=med.m-anaph kú-té=rǜ 2sg-husband=topcome.on <kǘ=...> come.on kǘ=kù-gǜ 2sg-refl nà=ü -tànǜ pcø.imp=make-compensation rǜ and ñå-a=tá prox.ns-exo=fut T21 G è'ta̋mārē ã 'a tü ŵa̋níì-ĩ ̊gá tà-gù'ü ̃ã' a, nátǘwa̋ã 'a {gá a'a}. gè'ta=mārē=ã 'a where?.aloc=just=quot tü ŵaw ell.s níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be gá=tà=gù-'ü =ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3s.sbj\sbjv=reach\sbjv-sub=quot ye-ma=gá=ã 'a dist.aloc-anaph=pst=quot yà=ū-a-kǘ'ǜ-'ü =ã 'a pci .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=say-plloc-intens.iter\sbjv-sub=quot gá=ye-má lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dist.ns-anaph tü -ma-ã rǖ 3s-anaph-gen tü -kútǖ=ã 'a impact.sound-foot ná-tǘ-wa=ã 'a{=gá=a'a} 3n/ns-river-aloc=quot=pst=quot 'And then, her kicks started to sound like a song:' i ̀=kû-gùnè lk.ns=2sg-dart <rǜ...> and rǜ and ngē-ma-má'a=tá med.ns-anaph-com=fut i ̀=kù-gǜ lk.ns=2sg-refl kù=ü -tànǖ-'ü 2sg.sbj\sbjv=make-compensation\sbjv-sub ñâ-'ü =ã 'a do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot '"Now, since your husband did that to you, get revenge: here are darts for you, you're going to get revenge with them!" they said.' T19 "Ngü !" ñatàgǜ'ü . ngü ȏkay ña-tà-gǜ-'ü do.thus-3s.sbj\sbjv-do.thus-sub '"Okay!" she said.' 'She went up to some random place, to the river.' T22 Yeàtà-tü kútǜ'ü ̃ã' a. ye-ad ist.aloc-exo tà=tü -kútǜ-'ü =ã 'a 3s.sbj\sbjv=impact.sound-foot\sbjv-sub=quot 'There she was making kicking noises [on the water surface].' T23 "Tü , tü , tü !" ñâ'ü ̃ã' a gá {tà-}ü 'ü 316 gá tü makutǖ. tü ̊(x3) impact.sound (x3) T26 "G ȕ'tàpa̰ tü tǜ, O mārīyānà tü tǜ, G ȕ'tàpa̰ tü tǜ!" ñâ'ü ̃ã' a <gá...> [gá] tü -makutǖã rǖ ã 'a ūègùã ćhí. G ȕ'tàpa̰ Ngutapa tü tǜ ? O mārīyānà ? tü tǜ ? G ȕ'tàpa̰ Ngutapa tü tǜ ? ñâ-'ü =ã 'a do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot <gá=...> lk.f/m/s/ns.pst= [gá=]tü -ma-kutǖ-ã rǖ=ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3s-anaph-foot-gen=quot ū-ègù-ã ćhí say-inv-tel ñâ'ü =ã 'a do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3s.sbj\sbjv=make\sbjv-sub '"G ȕ'tàpa̰ tü tǜ, O mārīyānà tü tǜ, G ȕ'tàpa̰ tü tǜ!" 317 said the song of her feet.' gá={tà=}ü -'ü gá=tü -ma-kutǖ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3s-anaph-foot T27 {A 'a gá <t...>} {=ã 'a=gá <t...>} =quot=pst '"Tü , tü , tü !' her feet sounded.' '?' T20 Nü ŵa, tǖi ̋níī-w̃ègǘ rǜ ã 'a tī-ũ 'ü , <tü ŵa̋rǜ t...> wâ'í tã ů ã 'a gá tü machí'ü wat á-gū gá gû'emá gē'e, gá nă'ma̰ gá G ȕ'tàpa̰ . nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns tǖ=i ̋=níī=w̃è-gǘ 3s.acc=3aloc=3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =untie-pl rǜ=ã 'a and=quot tī=ũ -'ü 3s.sbj.pci\sbjv=go.sg\sbjv-sub <tü ŵa=rǜ well.s=top t...> wâ'í contr tã ů=ã 'a=gá neg=quot=pst tü -ma-chí'ü -wa3 s-anaph-home-aloc gá=gû'e-má lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dist.s-anaph gē-'eb gá=nă-'ma̰ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3m-wife lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=Ngutapa gá=G ȕ'tàpa̰ e.a.female\sbjv-rel.s T25 [Yema] gá ã 'a, yà-ūakǘ'ǜ'ü ̃ã' a gá yemá tü maã rǖ tü kútǖ ã 'a: 3s.sbj=reach tá=gū T24 Tü makutǖ níì-ĩ ̊gá ã ḡānè, níì-ĩ ̊gá tà-āiyā'ü ̃ã' a. tü -ma-kutǖ 3s-anaph-foot níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be gá=ã -gā-nè, lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=have-sound\sbjv-rel.n ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=tà=āiyā-'ü =ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3s.sbj\sbjv=bathe\sbjv-sub=quot 'What made the noise was her feet while she was bathing.' T28 "Tṵ̈ aḱǘ níì-ĩ ̊, <pà...> pà õ 'e, i ̀chàgùi ̋rǖ-ṍ'wígā'ü ?" ñâ'ü ̃ã' a. tṵ̈ aḱǘ what?.ns níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be <pà=...> voc pà=õ 'ev oc=mother i ̀=chà-gul k.ns=1sg-ploc i ̋=rǖ=ṍ'wí-gā-'ü 3aloc=pcrü =tease-sound\sbjv-rel.ns ñâ-'ü =ã 'a do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot

315 I.e. to the caracara birds. In ancient times, these were still duǜ 'ü ̃or 'people'-i.e. not ordinary

  T29 "A kǘ ṵkü ̋rǜ ká'a yàrǖ-dă'úchí!" ñatàgǜ'ü ̃ã' a gá náé. It makes no doubt that it was written, 319 because it was at a time when there is no abiu fruits and the fruit was the only one [in the tree], which is why he really wanted it and climbed up and plucked it.' He looked at it in his turn and...' T72 Nü ŵa̋ērǘ nü 'ècha̰ níì-ĩ ̊gá <nà-...> nà-yūǖ'ü ̃nü ŵa̋chírḛ gá nü màgá G ȕ'tàpa̰ rǜ ã 'a nǖnà-dău'ü ̃ã' a níì-ĩ ̊gá <nà-...> nà-ã ãk ū'ü ̃rǜ yà-ĩ ̊agü 'ü ̃ã' a gá năã pṵ'ü gá mārǖ ñù'gùmārē ì-ĩ ̀'ü ̃ã' a. T90 Níī-yŭã ćhí nü ŵa̋níì-ĩ ̊gá yà-gū'ü ̃ã' a gá, <nà-...> yà-yŭã ćhíyàne̋ã 'a gá ìtàyà-y'ĭ'ü ̃ã' a gá gû'emá nă'ākǜã̰ . He fainted because of the shock, and as he fainted his children fell out to the ground.' T91 Tà-ǖ'ü è'ü ̃tü ŵa̋ã 'a rǜ nà-yŭyáne̋gá nü màã 'a gá tà-ǖ'ü è'ü ̃ã' a. And then [Ngutapa said]: "Mother, here are my children!" and the children were all there running right in front of him, they all kept laughing all the time.' T93 <Ngēmàn...> <Gû'emá [tì-ĩ ̀'ü ̃ã' a]...> Gû'emá tì-ĩ ̀'ü ̃ã' a gá tü mamá'a ye'ü ỹeànà-wagǖ'èníì-ĩ ̊gá nȍ'rǖ po'kú yì-ĩ ̀'ü ̃ã' a, {yemaḱa̰ } níì-ĩ ̊gá nü 'cháã ḿá ã 'a It was... It was because of them that he had been in that state, for such had been his punishment, that's why it happened to him, of all people, to get pregnant.' T94 G è'ta̋mārē nà-ã 'ākǖ'ü , năã pṵ'üwa̋nà-ã 'ākǖ'ü ̃gá G ȕ'tàpa̰ . Ngutapa got pregnant in an absurd part [of his body], he got pregnant in his knees.' T95 Tü ŵa̋ã 'a i ̋tá-chôṍchí rǜ ã 'a ĩ ́'gùã 'a <tàrǖ-ch...> [tǖ]ná-mŭgǘ rǜ mô'ü 'akǜ nü ŵa̋níì-ĩ ̊... rǜ yànà-ǘkū'ü ̃ã' a tü 'nà gá <gû'em...> gûã matá, nă'ākǜã̰ . So they went up [the riverbank] and they... he took them home, and the next day came... and he left them-his children-and went in [into the jungle].' T96 I ̃'gùtǖnárǖ-chó'ẽ 'e rǜ tü 'nà ã 'a yànà-ǘkū'ü ̃nü ŵa̋níì-ĩ ̊gá fènǖēwa̋nà-ũ 'ü . .thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot '"I'll go woolly-monkey-hunting," he said.' T102 Yemá ã 'a níì-ĩ ̊gá, ná-chü tāmārē ã 'a gá, ñù'gùi ̋kù-gù gá o̰ i ̋gá G ȕ'tàpa̰ ...? His children, during that time, were... they stayed in his house.' T105 Chü tāmārè'ü ̃nü ŵa, gü ȓǘ ã 'a gá nà-ã ùànē'ü . Mother, 330 but where is our father gone? He's not there and he's not coming [back]!" said the children, who kept asking the grandmother.' T107 Tå'úgùnü ŵa̋ã 'a nǖtà-ngå'ü 'ü ̃ã' a gá nâḛkǖ rǜ "taū'echìgù", "ã űègu", "tāua̰ mǜkǖ", "chi ̆gùpǜtà" {?} 331 ñatàgǜ'ü ̃ã' a gá námá'a tü 'ü ̃tà-ngå'ü 'ü ̃ã' a <gá gû'emát...> gá bûã̰ tá ã 'a. 332 .f/m/s/ns.pst=be.young-rel.s.pl-coll=quot 'The grandmother would never answer them [clearly], she'd say [words like] "the twisted chambira broom", "the wrung one", "the one with ash colored down", "the black agouti tooth", 333 that's how she would answer the... the children.'T108 [{Ye'akǜ} ã 'a rǜ] ñù'gù'arü ̀nǖtíī-ū ã 'a mêa...? Tå'úgùã 'a nǖtī-ù'ü .

	akǘ what?.ns ña-tà-gǜ-'ü =ã 'a ṵkü I.mean do.thus-3s.sbj\sbjv-do.thus-sub=quot rǜ and ká'a=yà=rǖ=dă-'úchí let's.see=am=pcrü =see-out.sg gá=ná-é lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3n/ns-mother '"What could it be? Go out and see!" said the mother.' T30 Tá'a yeàná-ñā ã 'a gá tǖrèwa̋ã 'a gá, nŭ' ã 'a ná-dăwēnǖ ã 'a gá, yeànà-dúàànè-mārè'ü ̃ã' a. tá'a=ye-af rustr=dist.aloc-exo ná=ñā=ã 'a 3m/n/ns.sbj=run.sg=quot gá=tǖrè-wa=ã 'a=gá lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dock-aloc=quot=pst nŭ'=ã 'a prox.ploc=quot ná=dăwēnǖ=ã 'a=gá 3m/n/ns.sbj=watch=quot=pst ye-ad ist.aloc-exo nà=dú-à-ànè-mārè-'ü =ã 'a dău'ü ã' a. ye'gúmá-'akǜ=ã 'a anaph.circ.pst-approx=quot <ná=...> 3m/n/ns.sbj= tá'a=nŭ' frustr=prox.ploc ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=nà=dăwēnǜ-'ü =gá lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=watch\sbjv-sub=pst tå'ú-'ü -'ü be.absent\sbjv-rel.ns-acc nà=dău-'ü =ã 'a 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=see\sbjv-sub=quot 'Although he looked all over at that moment, he saw nothing.' T32 Tå'ú'ü 'ü ̃ná-dău rǜ ü ãć hí'ü ̃ã' a w̃enà rǜ ye'gúmá'akǜ tà ã 'a gá, ūàkǘ'ǜ'ü ̃ã' a gá tü maã rǖ āiyà ã 'a níì-ĩ ̊gá yeàã 'a... tå'ú-'ü -'ü be.absent\sbjv-rel.ns-acc ná=dău 3m/n/ns.sbj=see rǜ and ü -ã ćhí-'ü =ã 'a be.there.sg-upslope\sbjv-sub=quot w̃enà again rǜ and ye'gúmá-'akǜ=tà=ã 'a=gá anaph.circ.pst-approx=add=quot=pst ū-à-kǘ'ǜ-'ü =ã 'a say-plloc-intens.iter\sbjv-sub=quot gá=tü -ma-ã rǖ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3s-anaph-gen āiyà=ã 'a bathe=quot ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=ye-a=ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dist.aloc-exo=quot 'He saw nothing so he went up [the riverbank] again, and at that very moment, her bathing [noises] sounded like a song as she was...' T33 "G ȕ'tàpa̰ tü tü !" ñâ'ü ̃ã' a, "U mārīyānà tü tǜ, G ȕ'tàpa̰ tü tǜ, U mārīyānà tü tǜ!" ñâ'ü ̃ã' a gá tü makutǖã rǖ ūègùã ćhí. G ȕ'tàpa̰ Ngutapa tü tǜ ? ña-'ü =a'a do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot U mārīyānà ? tü tǜ ? G ȕ'tàpa̰ Ngutapa tü tǜ ? U mārīyānà ? tü tǜ ? ñâ-'ü =ã 'a do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot gá=tü -ma-kutǖ-ã rǖ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3s-anaph-foot-gen ū-ègù-ã ćhí say-inv-tel ye-ad ist.aloc-exo ná=ñā 3m/n/ns.sbj=run.sg tá'a=ã 'a=gá frustr=quot=pst nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns nà=tå'ú-'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.absent\sbjv-sub rǜ=ã 'a and=quot nà=dú-à-ē-mārè-'ü pcrü .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv?=ripple?-plloc-off.sg-just\sbjv-sub yerǘ=ã 'a because.pst=quot i ̋=tá=go-ṍchí 3aloc=3s.sbj=run-upslope 'He ran there, but there was nothing, all there was was a fading ripple [in the water] because she had run up [the riverbank].' T35 Yà-ĩ ̊àēmārè'ü ̃ã' a gá <ng...> nge'akü nà ã 'a <gá...> gá åkǘ mé'e, gá nāi'atǖgǘ ã 'a níì-ĩ ̊gá tī-ñà'ü ̃ã' a. yà=ĩ ̊-à-ē-mārè-'ü =ã 'a=gá pci .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=quiver?-plloc-off.sg-just\sbjv-sub=quot=pst <ng...> nge-'akü nà=ã 'a med.aloc-approx.aloc=quot <gá=...> lk.f/m/s/ns.pst= gá=åkǘ=mé'e lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=what?.ns=dub gá=nāi'atǖ-gǘ=ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=tree.leaf-pl=quot ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=tī=ñà-'ü =ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3s.sbj.pci \sbjv=run.sg\sbjv-sub=quot 'A few meters away, the, uh... the leaves were still slightly quivering given that she had run away.' T36 <Tī-...> Mārǖ tà-kűchìgǜè'ü . <tī=...> 3s.sbj.pci \sbjv= mārǖ prf tà=kű-chìgǜ-è-'ü 3s.sbj\sbjv=hide-distr.sg-?\sbjv-sub 'She was already hiding here and there.' T37 Tå'úgùmā tü ŵa̋gá ĩ ́'wa̋tà-gù'ü ̃yerǘ yemá'ü ̃tíì-ĩ ̊. tå'ú-gu=mā be.absent\sbjv?-ploc=precisely tü ŵa=gá well.s=pst ĩ ́'-wab uilding-aloc tà=gù-'ü 3s.sbj\sbjv=reach\sbjv-sub yerǘ because.pst ye-má-'ü dist.ns-anaph-state tíì=ĩ 3s.sbj.pci=be 'So she never went all the way home because she kept doing like that.' T38 Yemá ã 'a níì-ĩ ̊rǜ mô'ü 'akǜ chìgǜ níì-ĩ ̊. ye-má=ã 'a dist.ns-anaph=quot níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be rǜ and mô'ü -'akǜ=chìgǜ following.day-approx=distr.sg níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be 'And so, days passed.' T39 Nà-yîtá'ü 'ü ̃ã' a nágùã 'a gànȍ'rǖ maloca. nà=yî-tá'ü -'ü =ã 'a 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=sway-bounded.flat.surface\sbjv-sub=quot ná-gu=ã 'a 3n/ns-ploc=quot ga=nȍ-'rǖ lk.n.pst=3n/ns-gen maloca maloca '[Ngutapa] was swaying in a hammock in his maloca.' T40 Nŭ' mé'e nà-dăwēnǜ'ü ̃rǜ ã 'a {ye} nà-de'pṵ'ṵ'ü ̃gàtà'ǘ ã 'a gàwìi ̋pṵ'ü. nŭ'=mé'e prox.ploc=dub nà=dăwēnǜ-'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=watch\sbjv-sub rǜ=ã 'a and=quot {ye} dist.aloc nà=de'-pṵ'ṵ-'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.yellow-spherical.shape\sbjv-sub ga=tà'ǘ=ã 'a lk.n.pst=abiu=quot ga=wìi ̋pṵ'ü lk.n.pst=beauty?-spherical.shape 'I guess he was looking all around himself, and in the distance was a beautiful, yellow abiu fruit.' T41 "Mmmh, cha̰ a̋chaná-chḭegà yàtà'ǘ rǜ ká'a pā'àchàyaǹā-kâwè!" ñâ'ü ̃ã' a. mmmh cha̰ -a1 sg-? cha=ná=chḭegà 1sg.ben=3m/n/ns.sbj=be.appealing.to.the.taste ya=tà'ǘ lk.n=abiu rǜ and ká'a=pā'al et's.see=be.quick chà=ya=nā=kâwè 1sg.sbj\sbjv=am=pcrü .3m/n/ns.obj=pluck.sg\sbjv ñâ-'ü =ã 'a do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot ngü ȏkay kṵ-a2 sg-? ña-tà-gǜ-'ü =ã 'a do.thus-3s.sbj\sbjv-do.thus-sub=quot gá=náé lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3n/ns-mother '"All right!" said the mother.' T43 Dāu'ü ̃ã' a ná-ĩ ̆ga... tà'ǘ 318 rǜ yànà-kâwēã 'ü ̃ã' a. dāu'ü =ã 'a upper.part=quot ná=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj=climb ga=tà'ǘ lk.n.pst=abiu rǜ and yà=nà=kâwē-ã -'ü =ã 'a am=pcrü .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=pluck.sg-3m/n/ns.obj\sbjv-sub=quot 'He climbed up the abiu tree and plucked it.' T44 Wôè tàã ̄nâchìgà nü ŵa̋níì-ĩ ̊yerǘ ã 'a tà'ǘ i ̋-tå'ú'ü wa̋níì-ĩ ̊rǜ gû'íka̋ã 'a níì-ĩ ̊gat à'ǘ rǜ yemáka̰ nü ná-gűchà'ü 'ü chi ̀rǜ ã 'a dāu'ü ̃ná-ĩ ̆rǜ ã 'a yà-kâwēã 'ü . wôè=tàã from.the.outset=itself nâ-chìgà 3n/ns-story nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be yerǘ=ã 'a because.pst=quot tà'ǘ abiu i ̋=tå'ú-'ü -wa3 aloc=be.absent\sbjv-rel.ns-aloc níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be rǜ and gû-'íka=ã 'a dist.n-only=quot níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be ga=tà'ǘ lk.n.pst=abiu rǜ and ye-má-ka̰ dist.ns-anaph-cause nü =ná=gűchà'ü -'ü chi 3m/n/ns.ben=3m/n/ns.sbj=arouse.desire-genuinely rǜ=ã 'a and=quot dāu'ü ũpper.part ná=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj=climb rǜ=ã 'a and=quot yà=kâwē-ã -'ü pci.3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=pluck.sg-3m/n/ns.obj\sbjv-sub 'mārǖ prf ná=rǖ=gû=ã 'a=gá 3m/n/ns.sbj=pcrü =fall.sg=quot=pst ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=nà=ta-ē-pṵ'ü-lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=pcrü .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=drop.sg-off.sg-spherical.shape--ã -'ü =gá -3m/n/ns.obj\sbjv-sub=pst ñà'tǖ-gul ower.part-ploc ná=gû 3m/n/ns.sbj=fall.sg rǜ and i ̋=nà=ĩ ̆-'ü 3aloc=pcrü .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=climb\sbjv-sub gá=nü -mal k.f/m/s/ns.pst=3m-anaph 'Once it had fallen down, because he had dropped it down-when it fell to the ground he climbed down.' T46 Mārǖ nà-gūēgùã 'a gá, gü ȓǘ gá, "Tü !" ã 'a gá náapṵ'ü ã 'a gá, má'è ã 'a nánā-chíaã pṵ'ü. mārǖ prf nà=gū-ē-gu=ã 'a=gá pcrü .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=reach-off.sg-circ=quot=pst gü ȓǘ=gá suddenly=pst tü =ã 'a impact.sound=quot gá=ná-apṵ'ü=ã 'a=gá lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3n/ns-knee=quot=pst má'è=ã 'a wasp=quot ná=nā=chí-a-ã pṵ'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=bite-plloc-knee 'When he arrived to the ground, all of a sudden, [his] knee went "Tü !": a wasp had stung him in the knees.' T47 <Gű'ü ...> Naiã pṵ'üwa̋rǜ tà ã 'a nà-chîã 'ü ̃[no'taá] {ga}: "Tü !" ña'ü ̃{a'a}. <gű-'ü ...> finish\sbjv-rel.ns nai-ã pṵ'ü-wa=rǜ=tà=ã 'a other.n-knee-aloc=top=add=quot nà=chî-ã -'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=bite-3m/n/ns.obj\sbjv-sub [no'taá]{=ga} outright=pst tü impact.sound ña-'ü {=a'a} do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot ah oh ah oh má'è=táreé wasp=damn.it? chā=ná=chí 1sg.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj=bite ñâ-'ü =ã 'a do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot '"Oh! Damn, a wasp has stung me!" he said.' T49 "Nâgàgú yàtà'ǘ i ̀má'è nŭ'àchā-chî'ü ," ñâ'ü ̃ã' a. nâ-gà-gú 3n/ns-fault-ploc ya=tà'ǘ lk.n=abiu i ̀=má'è lk.ns=wasp nŭ'-ap rox.ploc-exo chā=chî-'ü 1sg.acc=bite\sbjv-sub ñâ-'ü =ã 'a do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot '"It's because of the abiu fruit that the wasp has stung me here," he said.' T50 {Na-}dău rǜ ã 'a gễã̰ ã 'a gá <n...> G ễã̰ gùã ēgàkǖ gá má'è ã 'a yì-ĩ ̀'ü ̃gá nā-chîkǖ, [g]á de'é. {na=}dău 3m/n/ns.sbj=see rǜ=ã 'a and=quot gễ-ã̰ =ã 'a=gá be.a.female-rel.s.pl=quot=pst <n...> gễ-ã̰ -gub e.a.female-rel.s.pl-ploc ã -egà-kǖ have-name-rel.f gá=má'è=ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=wasp=quot yì=ĩ ̀-'ü pci.3f/m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv=be\sbjv-sub gá=nā=chî-kǖ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3m/n/ns.obj=bite\sbjv-rel.f [g]á=de'é lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=be.yellow\sbjv 'He looked and it was a "wo..." It was a wasp that is called "woman" that had stung him, a yellow one.' T51 Yemá nü ŵa̋ã 'a níì-ĩ ̊rǜ i ̋níi ̄-ṹ rǜ ã 'a nánā-yă'u gàtà'ǘ rǜ nü ŵa̋nà-ngőã 'ü . ye-má dist.ns-anaph nü ŵa=ã 'a well.m/n/ns=quot níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be rǜ and i ̋=níi ̄=ṹ 3aloc=3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =go.sg rǜ=ã 'a and=quot ná=nā=yă'u 3m/n/ns.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=take ga=tà'ǘ lk.n.pst=abiu rǜ and nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns nà=ngő-ã -'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=bite-3m/n/ns.obj\sbjv-sub 'So, after that, he went back home and grabbed the abiu fruit, and then he ate it.' T52 Nü ŵa̋ērǘ <gá...> gá... má'è rǜ tã ů má'è níì-ĩ ̊, yerǘ <y...> gá yemá rǜ ã 'a... nȍ'rǖ po'kú níì-ĩ ̊gá yemá. nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns ērǘ because <gá=...> lk.f/m/s/ns.pst?= gá=má'è=rǜ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst?=wasp=top tã ů neg má'è wasp níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be yerǘ because.pst <y...> gá=ye-má=rǜ=ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst?=dist.ns-anaph=top=quot nȍ-'rǖ 3m-gen po'kú punish níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be gá=ye-má lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dist.ns-anaph 'Actually, the wasp was not a wasp: it was... it was his punishment.' ye-má dist.ns-anaph nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns níì=ĩ ̊=gá 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =be=pst i ̋=níi ̄=ṹ 3aloc=3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =go.sg níì=ĩ ̊=gá 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =be=pst tã ů=ã 'a neg=quot nà=gū-nagü -'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=reach-on\sbjv-sub mārǖ prf gá=mô'ü -'akǜ=chìgǜ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=following.day-approx=distr.sg 'So, he went back home, and in the days that followed he was no longer [able to] stand up.' T54 G ṵ'űchi ̀'ü ̃ã' a nü 'ü ̃gá yemá má'è. 320 gṵ-'űchi ̀-'ü =ã 'a hurt-genuinely\sbjv-sub=quot nü -'ü 3m-ben gá=ye-má lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dist.ns-anaph má'è i ̋=nà=chî-'ü -wa=rǜ=ã 'a 3aloc=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=bite\sbjv-rel.ns-aloc=top=quot ná=rǖ=châ 3m/n/ns.sbj=pcrü =swell rǜ and ye'ìrà-wam ore.and.more?-aloc nà=ũ -chìgǖ-'ü =ã 'a 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=go.sg-distr.sg\sbjv-sub=quot ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=nà=châ-ã pṵ'ṵ-'ü lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=pcrü .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=swell-knee\sbjv-sub 'The spot where it had stung him was swollen and his knees went on swelling more and more.' T56 Tòmàgá gùnē'ü ̃chìgǜ ã 'a níì-ĩ ̊gá rǜ gè'taã pṵ'ü chìgǜ, gè'taã pṵ'ü chìgǜ. tò-maò ther.ns-anaph gá=gùnē-'ü =chìgǜ=ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=get.light\sbjv-rel.ns=distr.sg=quot níì=ĩ ̊=gá 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =be=pst rǜ and gè'ta-ã pṵ'ü=chìgǜ what.state?-knee=distr.sg gè'ta-ã pṵ'ü=chìgǜ what.state?-knee=distr.sg 'Days passed and his knees were [swelling] more and more and more.' T57 Mārǖ tå'úgùnü ŵa̋gè'ta̋mārǖ nà-gù'ü , yerǘ ã 'a ye'ìràwa̋ná-ũ ĉhìgǜ níì-ĩ ̊gá nà-chā'ü . mārǖ prf tå'ú-gub e.absent\sbjv?-ploc nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns gè'taw here?.aloc mārǖ prf nà=gù-'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=reach\sbjv-sub yerǘ=ã 'a because.pst=quot ye'ìrà-wam ore.and.more?-aloc ná=ũ -chìgǜ 3m/n/ns.sbj=go.sg-distr.sg ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=nà=chā-'ü lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=pcrü .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=swell\sbjv-sub 'So he no longer went anywhere, because he went on swelling more and more.' ah oh pà=māmà voc=mommy rǜ and pà=bû'i voc=mother rǜ and chā=tṵkǘ=ḛ na1 sg.sbj=what's.the.matter?=on.earth níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be ka̰ =chà=nà=ñṵmá-rǘ-'ü so.that=1sg.sbj\sbjv=pcna=this.state-sort\sbjv-sub nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns ērǘ because åkǘ what?.ns chā=ná=ǘ-pétǜ 1sg.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj=be.there.sg-across níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be ñâ-'ü =ã 'a do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot '"Oh, mommy... Mother, what on earth is going on with me that's caus-ing me to be like this? What could well be happening to me?" he asked.' T59 {Yemá ni ́i ̀-i ̃ga}, ñù'gù'arü ...? {ye-má dist.ns-anaph ni ́i ̀=i ̃=ga} 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =be=pst ñù'gu='arü ẁhen?=unlike.before 'So, how long was this going to last...?' T60 Ye'ìràwa̋ã 'a ná-ũ ĉhìgǜ ã 'a <gá...> gá nȍ'rǖ châã pṵ'ü. ye'ìrà-wa=ã 'a more.and.more?-aloc=quot ná=ũ -chìgǜ=ã 'a 3m/n/ns.sbj=go.sg=quot <gá=...> lk.f/m/s/ns.pst= gá=nȍ-'rǖ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3m-gen châ-ã pṵ'ü swell-knee 'His knees went on swelling more and more.' T61 Ñù'ré nü ŵa̋gá tàwēmàkǖ ã 'a yà-gè'ü ̃níì-ĩ ̊gá yĕ'má ã 'a tå'úgùgè'ta̋nà-ũ 'ü ...? ñù'ré how.much? nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns gá=tàwēmàkǖ=ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=moon=quot yà=gè-'ü pci.3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=carry.sg\sbjv-sub ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=yĕ'-má=ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dist.ploc-anaph=quot tå'ú-gub e.absent\sbjv?-ploc gè'taw here?.aloc nà=ũ -'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=go.sg\sbjv-sub 'How many months did he spend there without ever going anywhere...?' T62 Tå'úgùfènǖēwa̋nà-ũ 'ü . tå'ú-gub e.absent\sbjv?-ploc fènǖē-wah unt-aloc nà=ũ -'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=go.sg\sbjv-sub 'Not once did he go hunting.' T63 Dǘgùnè'ü ̃ã' a {ye} nà-ã ű'ü ̃ã' a. dǘ-gùnè-'ü =ã 'a scrape-dart-acc=quot {ye} dist.aloc nà=ã ű-'ü =ã 'a pcrü .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=stay.sg\sbjv-sub=quot 'He would spend his time there sharpening darts.' T64 "Dǘ, dǘ, dǘ, dǘ!" ã 'a gá, nȍ'rǖ åkü nè mé'e... oćhagù ã 'a gá neníì-dǘgǘ. dü ́(x4)=ã 'a=gá scrape (x4)=quot=pst nȍ-'rǖ 3m-gen åkü -nè=mé'e what?.ns\sbjv-rel.n=dub oćhagù=ã 'a=gá dart=quot=pst ne=níì=dǘ-gǘ ctrpet.3aloc=3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =scrape-pl '"Dü , dü , dü , dü !": he sharpened his, uh... his darts.' T65 Yemá ã 'a níì-ĩ ̊gá nágùnà-ã ű'ü , níì-i ̊gá óchagùã rǖ dǘgǘgùnà-ã ű'ü . ye-má=ã 'a dist.ns-anaph=quot níì=ĩ ̊=gá 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =be=pst ná-gu3 n/ns-ploc nà=ã ű-'ü pcrü .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=stay\sbjv-sub níìi conj gá=óchagù-ã rǖ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dart-gen dǘ-gǘ-gus crape-pl-ploc nà=ã ű-'ü pcrü .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=stay\sbjv-sub 'That's what he spent his time doing, sharpening darts. 321 ' T66 Yemá, ñṵmá tà... ye-má dist.ns-anaph ñṵmá=tà present.time=add 'So it was, until one day...' T67 Nǖnà-dăú'ü 'ü ̃gá, mārǖ nü ŵa̋ēkà <n...> ñù'gu'akǜ mārē níì-ĩ ̊. nǖ=nà=dă-ú'ü -'ü =gá 3m/n/ns.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=see-at.intervals\sbjv-sub=pst mārǖ prf nü ŵa=ēkà well.m/n/ns=who.knows? <n...> ñù'gu-'akǜ=mārē when?-approx=just níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be 'He would regularly check [his knees], until one day... 322 ' T68 [Níì-ĩ ̊] gá tå'úgùmārǖ nà-gūnagü 'ü ̃ã' a gá, nǖná-dău rǜ ã 'a nà-chi ̊'kā'ü ̃ã' a <gá...> gá <n...> năã pṵ'ü gá G ȕ'tàpa̰ , gá nȍ'rǖ máã pṵ'ünétà. [ni ́i ̀.i ̃] conj gá=tå'ú-gul k.f/m/s/ns.pst=be.absent\sbjv?-ploc mārǖ prf nà=gū-nagü -'ü =ã 'a=gá 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=reach-on\sbjv-sub=quot=pst nǖ=ná=dău 3m/n/ns.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj=see rǜ=ã 'a and=quot nà=chi ̊'kā-'ü =ã 'a 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.transparent\sbjv-sub=quot <gá=...> lk.f/m/s/ns.pst= gá=<n...> lk.f/m/s/ns.pst= nă-ã pṵ'ü 3m-knee gá=G ȕ'tàpa̰ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=Ngutapa gá=nȍ'rǖ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3m-gen má-ã pṵ'ü-nétà have.a.tumor-knee-superf 'As he [could] no longer stand up, he looked at it: Ngutapa's knees, what looked like tumors in his knees, were translucent.' T69 {Nü }ná-dău rǜ ã 'a, "Pà bî', ká'a châ'ü ̃nǖnà-dău!" ñâ'ü ̃ã' a gá năé'ü , nȍ'rǖ māma'ü ̃mé'e. {nü =}ná=dău 3m/n/ns.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj=see rǜ=ã 'a and=quot pà=bî' voc=mother∼voc ká'a=châ-'ü let's.see=1sg-ben nǖ=nà=dău 3m/n/ns.acc=pcø.imp=see ñâ-'ü =ã 'a=gá do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot=pst? nă-é-'ü 3m-mother-acc nȍ-'rǖ 3m-gen māma-'ü =mé'e mum-acc=dub 'a rǜ nü ŵa̋tå'úrà'ü 'ü ̃ã' a gá åkǘ! ye-má dist.ns-anaph níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be rǜ=ã 'a and=quot ká'a=bè let's.see=let's.see kû-'ü 2sg-ben nǖ=chā=dău 3m/n/ns.acc=1sg.sbj=see ña-tà-gǜ-'ü =ã 'a do.thus-3s.sbj\sbjv-do.thus-sub=quot rǜ and nǖ=tá=dău=ã 'a 3m/n/ns.acc=3s.sbj=see rǜ and nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns tå'ú-rà'ü -'ü =ã 'a be.absent\sbjv?-like\sbjv-sub=quot gá=åkǘ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst?=what?.ns 'So, she said: "Let's see, I'll have a look at it for you!", she looked at it and it looked like there was nothing in there!' T71 Nü 'i ̋ã' a nǖná-dău ã 'a gá nü màgá ã 'a... nü -'i ̋=ã 'a 3m-in.one's.turn=quot nǖ=ná=dău=ã 'a 3m/n/ns.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj=see=quot gá=nü ma=gá=ã 'a... nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns ērǘ because nü -'ècha̰ 3m-by.contrast ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=<nà=...> lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv= nà=yūǖ-'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.a.shaman\sbjv-sub nü ŵa=chírḛ well.m/n/ns=aprf gá=nü -mal k.f/m/s/ns.pst=3m-anaph gá=G ȕ'tàpa̰ =rǜ=ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=Ngutapa=top=quot nǖ=nà=dău-'ü =ã 'a 3m/n/ns.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=see\sbjv-sub=quot ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=<nà=...> lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv= nà=ã -ã kū-'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=have-content\sbjv-sub rǜ and yà=ĩ ̊-a-gü -'ü =ã 'a pci .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=quiver?-plloc-pl\sbjv-sub=quot gá=nă-ã pṵ'ü lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3m-knee gá=mārǖ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=prf ñù'gu=mārē when?=just ì=ĩ ̀-'ü =ã 'a pci =be\sbjv-rel.ns=quot 'Actually, because Ngutapa, for his part, was a shaman, he could see that there was something inside his knees-which had now been in that state for so long 323 -and that they were slightly wiggling at times.' T73 Mô'ü 'akǜ chìgǜ, {yemaákü ̀ã' a} gá mā tå'úgùnà-gūnagǘgu... 324 mô'ü -'akǜ=chìgǜ following.day-approx=distr.sg {ye-ma-akü =ã 'a}=gá dist.ns-anaph-man=quot=pst mā=tå'ú-gup rf=be.absent\sbjv?-ploc nà=gū-nagǘ-gu3 m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=reach-on-circ 323 Exact meaning uncertain. 'Other days passed, and when being in that state he [could] no longer stand up... 325 ' T74 Tå'úgùná-gūnagǘ nü ŵa̋gá mārǖ, ye'ìràwa̋ná-ṹ. tå'ú-gub e.absent\sbjv?-ploc ná=gū-nagǘ 3m/n/ns.sbj=reach-on nü ŵa=gá well.m/n/ns=pst mārǖ prf ye'ìrà-wam ore.and.more ná=ṹ 3m/n/ns.sbj=go.sg 'He [could] no longer stand up, things were getting worse and worse.' T75 "Nü ŵa̋tṵ̈ aḱǘ chí ḛ na̋níì-ĩ ̊, pà mā, ēka̰ <mòì na-...> mòì nà-tăchamētǜrǘ-gǘrà'ü 'ü ?" nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns tṵ̈ aḱǘ=chí=ḛ naw hat?.ns=irr=on.earth níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be pà=mā voc=mommy∼voc ēka̰ so.that <mòì ? na=...> pcna.3f/m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv= mòì as us!"' T76 "Tă'rü 'ü ̃nà-dùü 'ü ̃ā<chàuã pṵ'üwa...> chàuã pṵ'üwa̋chā-chî'èwēè'ü ," ñâ'ü ã' a. tă-'rü 'ü 4-like nà=dùü -'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.a.human\sbjv-sub a=<chàu-ã pṵ'ü-wa...> lk.ns?=1sg-knee-aloc chàu-ã pṵ'ü-wa1 sg-knee-aloc chā=chî'è-wē-è-'ü 1sg.acc=be.bad-convenience-intr.pl\sbjv-rel.ns ñâ-'ü =ã 'a do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot '"They are humans like us, these things in my knees that are annoying me!" he said.' T77 "Pà bî', nü ŵa̋tṵ̈ aḱǘ chí níì-ĩ ̊?" ñâá'ü 'ü ̃ã' a. 325 Exact meaning uncertain. pà=bî' voc=mother∼voc nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns tṵ̈ aḱǘ=chí what?.ns=irr níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be ñâ-á'ü -'ü =ã 'a do.thus-at.intervals\sbjv-sub=quot '"Mother, what could they be?" he'd ask over and over again.' T78 [Yemá níì-ĩ ̊] rǜ yeàníī-ĩ ̊agǘ ã 'a gá mārǖ nü ŵa̋níì-ĩ ̊gá tà-yăè'ü , yerǘ ã 'a dùã̰ tü ŵa̋tíì-ĩ ̊gá gû'emá. [ye-má dist.ns-anaph níì=ĩ ̊] 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =be rǜ and ye-ad ist.aloc-exo níī=ĩ ̊-a-gǘ=ã 'a=gá 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =quiver?-plloc-pl=quot=pst mārǖ prf nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=tà=yă-è-'ü lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3s.sbj\sbjv=grow-intr.pl\sbjv-sub yerǘ=ã 'a because.pst=quot dùã̰ human tü ŵaw ell.s tíì=ĩ 4sbj.pci=be gá=gû'e-má lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dist.s-anaph tă'ré=chìgǜ two=distr.sg tíì=ĩ 3s.sbj.pci=be wí'á one gá=yâtǜ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=be.a.male rǜ and wí'á one gá=gē-'e{=gá} lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=be.a.female\sbjv-rel.s=pst 'They were two in each [knee], one boy and one girl.' T80 Tǘgǖnèã pṵ'üwa̋rǜ tà ye'gúmárü 'ü , naiã pṵ'ü, <t'ŏ'we...> t'ŏ'weã pṵ'üwa̋rǜ tà ye'gúmárü 'ü ̃ã' a tì-ĩ ̀'ü . tǘgǖnè-ã pṵ'ü-wa=rǜ=tà right-knee-aloc=top=add ye'gúmá-rü 'ü ãnaph.circ.pst-like nai-ã pṵ'ü other.n-knee <t'ŏ'we...> left t'ŏ'we-ã pṵ'ü-wa=rǜ=tà left-knee-aloc=top=add ye'gúmá-rü 'ü =ã 'a anaph.circ.pst-like=quot tì=ĩ ̀-'ü 3s.sbj.pci\sbjv=be\sbjv-sub 'So they were in the right knee, and so they were in the other knee, the left knee.' ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=mārǖ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=prf tà=yă-è-'ü 3s.sbj\sbjv=grow-intr.pl\sbjv-sub nü ŵa=ã 'a=gá well.m/n/ns=quot=pst tà=pūrākǘ-è-'ü =gá 3s.sbj\sbjv=work-intr.pl\sbjv-sub=pst? ye-ma=tàã =ã 'a dist.aloc-anaph=itself=quot 'Once they had grown up, they [started to] go about their daily business right there.' T82 Níì-ĩ ̊gá bè'mà ã 'a nü 'ü ̃nà-dăú'ü 'ü ̃ã' a rǜ, tà-ã 'pàè'ü ̃ã' a gá gễã̰ tá, <g...> gè'ri i ̋tī-mū'ü gü 'ü ̃ã' a. ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=bè'mà=ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=quietly=quot nü -'ü 3n/ns-acc nà=dă-ú'ü -'ü =ã 'a=rǜ 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=see-at.intervals\sbjv-sub=quot=top tà=ã '-pà-è-'ü =ã 'a {a} lk.ns? gá=yâtǜ-ã̰ -tá=ã 'a=gá lk.f/m/s/ns.pst?=be.a.male-rel.s.pl-coll=quot=pst tī=dü -gùnè-gü -'ü 3s.sbj.pci\sbjv=scrape-dart-pl\sbjv-sub rǜ and a̰ i-rǘ-'ü ãll?-sort\sbjv?-rel.ns? i ̋=tī=ü -'ü -gü -'ü =ã 'a 3aloc=3s.sbj.pci \sbjv=make-out.pl-pl\sbjv-sub=quot 'As for the boys, they would be sharpening darts and doing all sorts of things.' T84 Yemá ã 'a níì-ĩ ̊rǜ tò gá gùnē'ü ̃chìgǜ níì-ĩ ̊. ye-má=ã 'a dist.ns-anaph=quot níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be rǜ and tò other.ns gá=gùnē-'ü =chìgǜ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=get.light\sbjv-rel.ns=distr.sg níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be 'So it was, and other days passed.' T85 "A h, åkǘ chí nűàchà-ü 'ü ̃<níì-ĩ ̊...> níì-ĩ ̊ñomá'ü ̃nűàchì-ĩ ̀'ü , tâiyà nűàcha-gű?" ah oh åkǘ=chí what?.ns=irr nű-ap rox.aloc-exo chà=ü -'ü 1sg.sbj\sbjv=make\sbjv-sub <ni ́i ̀.i ̃...> conj ni ́i ̀.i conj ño-má-'ü prox.ns-anaph-state nű-ap rox.aloc-exo chì=ĩ ̀-'ü 1sg.sbj.pci\sbjv=be\sbjv-sub tâiyà be.hungry nű-ap rox.aloc-exo cha=gű 1sg.ben=hurt\sbjv '"Alas, why do I have to be here, 326 in the state in which I am, suffering from hunger?"' T86 "Nâ'cha̰ ḛkǖ tå'úgù<chàyà-f...> gè'ta̋chàyà-fènǖè'ü ," ñâ'ü ̃ã' a gá <n...> nü -ma... năé'ü . nâ-'cha̰ ḛkǖ 3n/ns-because.of tå'ú-gub e.absent\sbjv?-ploc <chà=yà=f...> 1sg.sbj\sbjv=am= gè'taw here?.aloc chà=yà=fènǖè-'ü 1sg.sbj\sbjv=am=hunt\sbjv-intr.pl-sub ñâ-'ü =ã 'a do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot gá=<n...> lk.f/m/s/ns.pst= nü -ma... 3m-anaph nă-é-'ü 3m-mother-acc '"It is because of them 327 that I [can]not go hunting anywhere," he said, uh... to his mother.' T87 Yemá ã 'a níì-ĩ ̊rǜ {ná-}yû'nagǘ tá'a [ã 'a gá], "[Nǖ]chā-ü ̆tá níì-ĩ ̊chàyà-āiyā'ü !" ñâ'ü ̃ã' a {níì-ĩ ̊}. 328 ye-má=ã 'a dist.ns-anaph=quot níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be rǜ and {ná=}yû'-nagǘ=tá'a=[ã 'a=gá] 3m/n/ns.sbj=jump-on=frustr=quot=pst [nǖ=]chā=ü =tá 3m/n/ns.acc=1sg.sbj=make=fut ni ́i ̀.i conj chà=yà=āiyā-'ü 1sg.sbj\sbjv=am=bathe\sbjv-sub ñâ-'ü =ã 'a do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot {níì=ĩ ̊} 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =be 'So, he tried to stand on his feet and said: "I'm going to try to go and take a bath!"' T88 Mārǖ ñù'ré nü ŵa̋gá gùnē'ü ̃ã' a níì-ĩ ̊gá tå'úgùgè'ta̋nà-ũ 'ü ̃rǜ āiyàwa̋ã 'a ná-ṹ rǜ ã 'a nü êmà'ü ̃yànà-... <m'ă'kǘchìg...> m'ă'kǘ... -kuchíã kǜ ã 'a tǖrèwa̋ná-ṹ rǜ yĕ'má ã 'a níī-gû ã 'a. mārǖ prf ñù'ré how.much? nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns gá=gùnē-'ü =ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=get.light\sbjv-rel.ns=quot níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be gá=tå'ú-gul k.f/m/s/ns.pst=be.absent\sbjv?-ploc gè'taw here?.aloc nà=ũ -'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=go.sg\sbjv-sub rǜ and āiyà-wa=ã 'a bathe-aloc=quot ná=ṹ 3m/n/ns.sbj=go.sg rǜ=ã 'a and=quot nü -emà'ü 3m-despite.one's.condition yà=nà= am=pcrü .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv= <m'ă'-kǘ=chìg...> bend.down-? m'ă'-kǘ... bend.down-? -kuchí-ã kǜ=ã 'a -in.sg-man=quot tǖrè-wad ock-aloc ná=ṹ 3m/n/ns.sbj=go.sg rǜ and yĕ'-má=ã 'a dist.ploc-anaph=quot níī=gû=ã 'a 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =fall=quot 'It had now been many days that he [could] not go anywhere, he went to take a bath, he walked doubled over in pain to the dock regardless of his condition, and there he tripped up.' T89 Yà-gū'ü ̃ã' a gá nô'táã . yà=gū-'ü =ã 'a=gá níī=yŭ-ã ćhí 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =die-tel nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=yà=gū-'ü =ã 'a=gá lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=pci .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=fall.sg\sbjv-sub=quot=pst <nà=...> 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv= yà=yŭ-ã ćhí-yàne=ã 'a=gá pci .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=die-tel-simult.circ=quot=pst ì=tà=yà=y'ĭ-'ü =ã 'a 3ploc=3s.sbj\sbjv=am=fall.pl\sbjv-sub=quot gá=gû'e-má lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dist.s-anaph nă-'ākǜã̰ 3m-children 'tà=ǖ-'ü -è-'ü 3s.sbj\sbjv=run-?-intr.pl\sbjv-sub tü ŵa=ã 'a well.s=quot rǜ and nà=yŭ-yáne3 ye-má dist.ns-anaph níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be rǜ and pà=bû'i voc=mother yî'e-má=mā med.s-anaph=precisely ya=chàu-'ākǜã̰ lk.n/s=1sg-children rǜ=ã 'a and=quot nă-pḛ'e=ã 'a 3m-front=quot tī=ǖ-ètānǖ-'ü =ã 'a 3s.sbj.pci \sbjv=run.pl-distr.pl\sbjv-sub=quot gá=bû-ã̰ -tá=ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=be.young-rel.s.pl-coll=quot {ye-a̰ =tàa} dist.aloc-anaph?=itself kû-èchà-tānǖ-'ü =ã 'a nà-ã 'ākǖ'ü . <ngē-mam ed.ns-anaph n...> <gû'e-má dist.s-anaph [tì=ĩ ̀-'ü =ã 'a]...> 3s.sbj.pci \sbjv=be\sbjv-sub=quot gû'e-má dist.s-anaph tì=ĩ ̀-'ü =ã 'a 3s.sbj.pci \sbjv=be\sbjv-sub=quot gá=tü -ma-má'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3s-anaph-com ye-'ü dist.ns-acc ye-ad ist.aloc-exo nà=wagǖ-'e3 m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=do\sbjv-rel.ns ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=nȍ-'rǖ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3m-gen po'kú punish yì=ĩ ̀-'ü =ã 'a gè'ta=mārē where?.aloc=just nà=ã 'ākǖ-'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=have.a.child\sbjv-sub nă-ã pṵ'ü-wa3 m-knee-aloc nà=ã 'ākǖ-'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=have.a.child\sbjv-sub gá=G ȕ'tàpa̰ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=Ngutapa 'tü ŵa=ã 'a well.s=quot i ̋=tá=chô-ṍchí 3aloc=3s.sbj=be.there.pl-upslope rǜ=ã 'a and=quot ĩ ́'-gu=ã 'a building-ploc=quot <tà=rǖ=ch...> 3s.sbj\sbjv=pcrü = [tǖ=]ná=mŭ-gǘ 3s.ben=3m/n/ns.sbj=send-pl rǜ and mô'ü -'akǜ following.day-approx nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be rǜ and yà=nà=ǘ-kū-'ü =ã 'a am=pcrü .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.there.sg-in.pl\sbjv-sub=quot tü -'nà 3s-dat gá=<gû'e-m...> lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dist.s-gûã -ma-tá dist.s.pl-anaph-coll nă-'ākǜã̰ 3m-children 'i ̃'-gub uilding-ploc tǖ=ná=rǖ=chó-'ẽ 'e 3s.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj=pcrü =be.there.pl-caus rǜ and tü -'nà=ã 'a 3s-dat=quot yà=nà=ǘ-kū-'ü ãm=pcrü nă-é-nà=ã 'a 3m-mother-dat=quot ná=kà 3m/n/ns.sbj=ask rǜ and fènǖē-wa=tá hunt-aloc=fut T103 Ñù'gù'arü ...? ñù'gu='arü ẁhen?=unlike.before chā=ṹ 1sg.sbj=go.sg 'How long was this going to last...?' 'He consulted with his mother: "I'm going to go hunting!"' T99 "Ü pā chà-mé'gùi ̋chà-ṹu'ü 'ü wa̋tá níì-ĩ ̊tá i ̀chàyà-fènǖè'ü ." ü pā formerly chà=mé-'gu1 sg.sbj\sbjv=be.good-circ i ̋=chà=ṹ-u'ü -'ü -wa=tá 3aloc=1sg.sbj\sbjv=go.sg-at.intervals\sbjv-rel.ns-aloc=fut níì=ĩ ̊=tá 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =be=fut i ̀=chà=yà=fènǖè-'ü lk.ns=1sg.sbj\sbjv=am=hunt\sbjv-sub '"I'll go and hunt where I used to often go when I was doing well."' T100 "O mé tá nèchānā-fè." omé=tá brown.woolly.monkey=fut T104 Nă'ākǜã̰ gá yŏ'ni ̋ã' a gá <tà-nă...> năpátāgú i ̋tàrǖ-chô'ü . nă-'ākǜã̰ =gá 3m-children=pst yŏ'ni ̋=ã 'a=gá meanwhile=quot=pst <tà=nă-...> 3s.sbj\sbjv=3m-nă-pátā-gú 3m-house-ploc i ̋=tà=rǖ=chô-'ü 3aloc=3s.sbj\sbjv=pcrü =be.there.pl\sbjv-sub chü tā-mārè-'ü get.dark-just\sbjv-sub nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns gü ȓǘ=ã 'a=gá tå'ú-gub e.absent\sbjv?-ploc nü ŵa=ã 'a well.m/n/ns=quot nǖ=tà=ngå'ü -'ü =ã 'a 3m/n/ns.acc=3s.sbj\sbjv=answer\sbjv-sub=quot gá=nâ-ḛkǖ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3n/ns-grandmother rǜ and taū'echìgù twisted.broom ã ű-ègus tay?-inv tāu-a̰ mǜ-kǖ be.ash.colored-down\sbjv-rel.m chi ̆gù-pǜtà {?} black.agouti-tooth ña-tà-gǜ-'ü =ã 'a=gá do.thus-3s.sbj\sbjv-do.thus-sub=quot=pst? ná-má'a tü -'ü 3s-acc 3n/ns-com tà=ngå'ü -'ü =ã 'a nè=chā=nā=fè 3m.part.obj=1sg.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=shoot .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.there.sg-in.pl\sbjv-sub nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns ni ́i ̀.i conj '"I'll shoot some brown woolly monkeys."' gá=fènǖē-wal k.f/m/s/ns.pst=hunt-aloc nà=ũ -'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=go.sg\sbjv-sub 'He told them to stay home, and he left them and went in [into the jungle] to go hunting.' T97 Nȍ'rǖ i ̰ ̃ē ná-yă'u rǜ ã 'a óchagù ná-dê rǜ yĕ'mákǖ {tàa}. nȍ-'rǖ 3m-gen i ̰ ̃ē blowgun ná=yă'u 3m/n/ns.sbj=take rǜ=ã 'a and=quot óchagù dart ná=dê 3m/n/ns.sbj=collect rǜ and yĕ'-má-kǖ{=tàa} dist.ploc-anaph\sbjv-rel.m=itself 'He grabbed his blowgun and collected the darts, and off he went. 329 ' T98 Năénà ã 'a ná-kà rǜ: "Fènǖēwa̋tá chā-ṹ!" T101 "O méã rǖ fègü ẁa̋tá chā-ṹ," ñâ'ü ̃ã' a. omé-ã rǖ brown.woolly.monkey-gen fè-gü -wa=tá shoot-plurac-aloc=fut chā=ṹ 1sg.sbj=go.sg ñâ-'ü =ã 'a ye-má=ã 'a dist.ns-anaph=quot níì=ĩ ̊=gá 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =be=pst ná=chü tā-mārē=ã 'a=gá 3m/n/ns.sbj=get.dark-just=quot=pst ñù'guẁ hen? i ̋=kù=gù 3aloc=2sg.sbj\sbjv=reach\sbjv gá=o̰ i lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=old.man lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=Ngutapa gá=nâ-ḛkǖ gá=G ȕ'tàpa̰ pà=bû'i voc=mother nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns gè'taw here?.aloc tá=ṹ 3s.sbj=go.sg <yá=tô-'rǖ...> lk.m/s=1pl-gen yá=tō-nátǖ lk.m/s=1pl-father ēka̰ so.that tà=tå'ú-'ü 3s.sbj\sbjv=be.absent\sbjv-sub rǜ and tå'ú-gub e.absent\sbjv?-ploc i ̋=tà=gù-'ü 3aloc=3s.sbj\sbjv=reach\sbjv-sub ñâ-'ü =ã 'a do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot gá=<bū-'ü ...> lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=be.young\sbjv-rel.ns <bū-'ü ...> be.young\sbjv-bū-'ü =ã 'a ni ́i ̀.i [{ye-'akǜ}=ã 'a dist.aloc-approx=quot rǜ] ñù'gu='arü ẁhen?=unlike.before and nǖ=tíī=ū=ã 'a 3m/n/ns.acc=3s.sbj.pci =say=quot mêaẁ ell tå'ú-gu=ã 'a be.absent\sbjv?-ploc=quot 3m/n/ns.acc=3s.sbj.pci\sbjv=say\sbjv-sub nǖ=tī=ù-'ü conj be.young\sbjv-rel.ns=quot gá=tǖ=nà=kà-a̰ 'ü -è-'ü lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3s.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=ask-at.intervals-intr.pl\sbjv-sub 330
	569

3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=ripple?-plloc-space-just\sbjv-sub=quot 'He ran to the river dock and looked all over, but all there was was a ripple [on the water surface].' T31 Ye'gúmá'akǜ ã 'a <ná-...> tá'a nŭ' níì-ĩ ̊gá nà-dăwēnǜ'ü ̃gá, tå'ú'ü 'ü ̃nà-'"G ȕ'tàpa̰ tü tǜ!" it said, "U mārīyānà tü tǜ, G ȕ'tàpa̰ tü tǜ, U mārīyānà tü tǜ!" said the song of her feet.' T34 Yeàná-ñā tá'a ã 'a gá, nü ŵa̋nà-tå'ú'ü ̃rǜ ã 'a nà-dúàēmārè'ü ̃yerǘ ã 'a i ̋tá-goṍchí.

'"Oh, I want to eat the abiu fruit: let me go and pluck it!" he said.' T42 "Ngü , kṵa!" ñatàgǜ'ü ̃ã' a gá náé.

T45 Mārǖ nárǖ-gû ã 'a gá, níì-ĩ ̊gá nà-taēpṵ'üã 'ü ̃gá, ñà'tǖgùná-gû rǜ i ̋nà-ĩ ̆'ü ̃gá nü ma.

'In both... In the other knee too it stung him right away: it sounded "Tü !".' T48 "A h, ah! Má'è táreé chāná-chí!" ñâ'ü ̃ã' a.

T53 Yemá nü ŵa̋níì-ĩ ̊gá, i ̋níi ̄-ṹ níì-ĩ ̊gá, tã ů ã 'a nà-gūnagü 'ü ̃mārǖ gá mô'ü 'akǜ chìgǜ. wasp 'The wasp [sting] hurt him a lot.' T55 I ̋nà-chî'ü wa̋rǜ ã 'a nárǖ-châ rǜ ye'ìràwa̋nà-ũ ĉhìgǖ'ü ̃ã' a níì-ĩ ̊gá nà-châã pṵ'ṵ'ü .

T58 "A h, pà māmà rǜ... Pà bû'i ̋rǜ chā-tṵkǘ ḛ na̋níì-ĩ ̊ka̰ chànà-ñṵmárǘ'ü ? Nü ŵaē rǘ åkǘ chāná-ǘpétǜ níì-ĩ ̊?" ñâ'ü ̃ã' a.

'He looked at it, and I think he said to his mother, to his mum: "Mother, please have a look at it for me!"' T70 Yemá níì-ĩ ̊rǜ ã 'a, "Ká'a bè, kû'ü ̃nǖchā-dău!" ñatàgǜ'ü ̃ã' a rǜ nǖtá-dău ã lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3m-anaph=pst=quot '? nà=tă-chamētǜ-rǘ-gǘ-rà'ü -'ü pcna.3f/m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv=4-sort-pl-like\sbjv-sub '"What on earth could it be, mum? They have the same kind of face 'So, [his knees] were now slightly wiggling at times as these things [in his knees] were growing, given that they were human beings.' T79 Tă'ré chìgǜ tíì-ĩ ̊, wí'á gá yâtǜ rǜ wí'á gá gē'è{gá}. T81 Níì-ĩ ̊gá mārǖ tà-yăè'ü ̃nü ŵa̋ã 'a gá, tà-pūrākǘè'ü ̃gá yemàtàã ̄ã' a. 3s.sbj\sbjv=twist-hammock-intr.pl\sbjv-sub=quot gá=gễ-ã̰ -tá lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=be.a.female-rel.s.pl-coll <g...> gè'ri bag i ̋=tī=mū-'ü -gü -'ü =ã 'a 3aloc=3s.sbj.pci \sbjv=weave-out.pl-pl\sbjv-sub=quot 'Any time [Ngutapa] examined [his knees] carefully, the girls would be twisting chambira fiber, they would be weaving bags.' T83 {A } gá yâtǜã̰ tá ã 'a gá tī-dü ĝùnègü 'ü ̃rǜ a̰ irǘ'ü ̃i ̋tī-ü 'ü gü 'ü ̃ã' a. pci .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=fall.sg\sbjv-sub=quot=pst nô'táã óutright 'He fell down badly.' m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=die-simult.circ gá=nü -ma=ã 'a=gá lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3m-anaph=quot=pst tà=ǖ-'ü -è-'ü =ã 'a 3s.sbj\sbjv=run.pl-?-intr.pl\sbjv-sub=quot 'They [started to] run around all over the place, they ran around while he was unconscious.' T92 Yemá níì-ĩ ̊rǜ, "Pà bû'i ̋, yî'emá mā yàchàu'ākǜã̰ !" rǜ ã 'a năpḛ'e ã 'a tī-ǖètānǖ'ü ã' a gá bûã̰ tá ã 'a {yea̰ tàa}, kûèchàtānǖ'ü ̃ã' a. laugh-persist-distr.pl\sbjv-sub=quot 'pci .3f/m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv=be\sbjv-sub=quot {ye-ma-ka̰ } dist.ns-anaph-cause níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be gá=nü -'cháã ḿá=ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3m-inconveniently=quot nà=ã 'ākǖ-'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=have.a.child\sbjv-sub 'That's... do'So it was, until night fell, and Old Ngutapa was not coming [back].' 'suddenly=quot=pst nà=ã ù-ànē-'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.evil-space\sbjv-sub 'And so night fell, suddenly the weather got bad.' T106 "Pà... bû'i ̋, nü ŵa̋gè'ta̋tá-ṹ <yá tô'rǖ...> yá tōnátǖ ēka̰ tà-tå'ú'ü ̃rǜ tå'úguì ̋tà-gù'ü ?" ñâ'ü ̃ã' a gá <bū'ü ...> <bū'ü ...> bū'ü ̃ã' a níì-ĩ ̊gá tǖnà-kàa̰ 'ü è'ü ̃gá nâḛkǖ. lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3n/ns-grandmother '"3s.sbj\sbjv=answer\sbjv-sub?=quot <gá=gû'e-má-t...> lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dist.s-anaph-gá=bû-ã̰ -tá=ã 'a lk

egàb.n. name. eḡá∼ gá∼ ngeḡáconj. if. -ḛ kü ̄b.n. [

  .' T109 Nŭ' [nàrǖ-]ĩ ̄nǖè'ü 335 nü ŵa̋ã 'a gá nü ma. So [the children] started to listen [to the surrounding sounds] everywhere.' T110 "Yî'emá tōnátǖ rǜ, mārǖ níì-ĩ ̊åkǘ tǖ-ǘpétǖ'ü ̃tü ŵa̋tå'úgùi ̋tá-gū rǜ chü tāmārè." The combination /na=rü =/ '3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=pcrü =' is a rare variant for the more regular morpheme /na=/ 'pcrü .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv', with about ten instances in my corpus (see note 271, p.441).336 The exact syntactic structure of this utterance is unclear.'Thunderbolts were crashing overhead, and when it became late, night fell.' T113 Tå'úgùi ̋tà-gù'ü ̃ã' a gá nánátǖ. .f/m/s/ns.pst=3n/ns-father 'Their father did not come[back].' T114 Tá'a rǖ-kàa̰ 'ü ̃gá náé, 337 nâḛkǖ'ü ̃ã' a ná-kàa̰ 'ü gǘ. /n/ns.sbj=ask-at.intervals-pl'[They] kept trying to ask the mother, 338 they kept asking the grandmother.' T115 Tå'úgùtü ŵa̋ã 'a mêànǖtī-ù'ü ̃níì-ĩ ̊gá mārǖ âi ã 'a tǖ-ngő'ü . Indeed, if you said "A jaguar ate him up!", the jaguar would instantly jump in and eat you up.' T117 Nü ŵa̋ngēmaka̰ níì-ĩ ̊gá tå'úã kǜ <{i ̀-}...> năegà'ü ̃ì-ūnétā'ü ̃gá nů'kǘmá gá âi. .thus-do.thus.sbjv-sub=quot 'You had to say "the black agouti tooth", "the one with ash colored down" like her.' T119 Yemáã kǜ ã 'a níì-ĩ ̊gá nů'kǘmá gá tànā-ù'ü ̃gá âi ã 'a, tã ů tǖnà-ngő'ü ka̰ , nü ŵaē rǘ gá "âi" ñagṵgú rǜ ã 'a, tă'chì ná-âi, nü ŵa̋ērǘ ngēmaka̰ níì-ĩ ̊"âi" yì-ĩ ̀'ü . That's how people would call the jaguar in ancient times so that it would not eat them up, because if you say "jaguar" (Tik. aî), it gets mad at you, and indeed that's why [his name] is "get mad" (Tik. aî).' T120 Yemá níì-ĩ ̊rǜ yĕ'akǜ ã 'a tà-chópétǖ'ü , ĩ ̆'pé[mágu] ã 'a, yeàã 'a tà-påè'ü ̃tü ŵa̋ã 'a yŏ'ni ̋gá, pā'à tá-yăē gá bûã̰ tá. .f/m/s/ns.pst=be.young-rel.s.pl-coll 'So, they would spend their time over there, at the edge of the jungle, during that time the girls reached marriageable age, the children were growing fast.' T121 Ü ̆ǖnē'ü ̃i ̀... bū'ü gǘ nü ŵa̋ã 'a níì-ĩ ̊rǜ pā'à ã 'a ná-yăē. The boys] reached maturity.' T123 I ̃ã̰ tǘgùã 'a <chó...> chópétü {'ü }'ü ̃ã' a, ḭã 'emá'a. They would spend their time playing children's games in the immediate surroundings of the maloca.' T124 {Gá} bûã̰ <níì-ĩ ̊...> ñṵmá tàã ̄woè nü ŵa̋níì-ĩ ̊tì-gẽã 'èè'ü , i ̰ã 'emá'a ã 'a nű netànà-... ǜ'ü ̃ã' a rǜ ye'gúmá'akǜ [tàã ] tü maǹátǖ'ü ̃tà-fa̰ ã ćhítānǖ'ü . {gá=}bû-ã̰ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst?=be.young-rel.s.pl <ni ́i ̀.i ̃...> Given that up to these days children are by nature careless, they would run around everywhere playing children's games but at the same time they would recall their father.' T125 Dü 'wa̋ã 'a gá, níì-ĩ ̊gá tü maḛkǖ'ü ̃ã' a tà-kàa̰ 'ü èchā'ü , "<Yeå̀i ̀... åkǘ kána...> Chàunētǖ wâ'í i ̀yeå̀rǜ nâànègùkå'ǘ'ü ̃rǜ kǘ ngēmàwâ'í pē-tū'ṵ!" ñatàgǜ'ü ̃ã' a nü 'ü .'In the end, because they just wouldn't stop asking their grandmother, she said to them: "Over there is, uh... Listen, that tree over there is mine: it is leaning towards the field, 339 wouldn't you rather cut it down?"' Mái', mái' mái', <ngē...> ngȉ'ā rǜ <ngēma...> ngēmàã 'a 340 tü maǹētǖ yaǹ ô'e̋tü 'ü ̃{yarǜ-}tū'ṵ!" .thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot '"That's what she said, and then-so she said-she'll tell us what has happened to our father," they reflected.' T129 Yemá níì-ĩ ̊rǜ ã 'a nü ŵa̋níì-ĩ ̊gá nü 'ècha̰ nà-ü ǖnèè'ü ̃ã' a, nü ŵa̋gá, tã ů chírḛ nü ŵa̋ã 'a ăi'kǘmá níì-ĩ ̊gá tànā-mŭ'ü ̃níì-ĩ ̊gá nánētǖ yà-tū'ù'ü . So it was, but given that they were, for their part, supernatural beings, given this, she had not actually meant to send them to cut down the tree.341 ' T130 Yeàná-ǖ rǜ ã 'a gá yà-tū'gǘã 'ü ̃nü ŵa̋ã 'a gá yemá... tü maǹētǖ rǜ ã 'a yĕ'má ã 'a nā-nâü gǘ'ü 'ü ̃ã' a gá nȍ'rǖ ã 'a yūēmà ã 'a <gá...> gá Yó'i ̋, nămá'a gá... năénē'e gá Ȉpí. They ran there and went to cut down her tree, and bits of metal were chipping down to the ground from Yoi's axe-together with his brother Ipi. 342 ' T131 Yemá ã 'a níì-ĩ ̊ga, <ye'ü ̃{ná-...}> He made loud noises-"ñoī ̄, ñoī ̄, ñoī ̄, ñoī !"-while whetting his axe, the one [they used] for felling the tree.' T133 [Yemá níì-ĩ ̊gá], ná-tă'i ̋chi ̀nü ŵa̋ã 'a gá yemá nâi rǜ ã 'a ñù'gùmārē ã 'a níì-ĩ ̊gá nà-tū'gǘã 'ü ̃ã' a...? .f/m/s/ns.pst=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=fell-pl-3m/n/ns.obj\sbjv-sub=quot 'So, but the tree was extremely hard: when would they manage to cut it down...?' T134 Ñṵmá tà ã 'a gá nü níi ̀-wa̰ rǜ ná'ka̰ tü ŵa̋ã 'a rǜ ã 'a tà-nù'ü ̃ã' a gá nâḛkǖgǘ gá ērǘ <tíī-dōrā níì-ĩ ̊gá...> tã ů <tǖnà-...> <tà-...> tǖnà-chî'èwēgü 'ü ka̰ ã 'a níì-ĩ gá... <nǖtà-mŭ'ü ̃níì-ĩ ̊gá yemá nâi tàyà-t...> tü maǹētǖ ã 'a nǖtà-tū'ẽ 'è'ü . So it lasted until they managed to have it fall down to the ground, and because of that their grandmother got mad, because she had not really meant to... -it was [just] to get rid of... of them 343 that she had sent them to cut down the... -that she had asked them to cut down her tree.' T135 Nü ŵa̋níì-ĩ ̊gá dùü 'ü ̃gá ü ǖnèè'ü ̃tà nü ŵa̋yì-ĩ ̀'ü ̃gá nü magǘ rǜ <ná'ka̰ rǜ...> ná'ka̰ rǜ ná-dó nü ŵa̋gá yemá nâi. Since they were supernatural beings, to them... to them the tree was soft.' T136 Yemá níì-ĩ ̊rǜ ã 'a níì-wa̰ rǜ ã 'a gè'tàã 'a nà-te'nágü 'ü , gá yemaã ḿá. What did you cut down my tree for, when I hadn't asked you to cut it down, when I didn't really mean to have you go and cut it down...?"' T140 "Mò'o rǜ ngēmàñakù'ü ̃ērǘ chí ngēmàã 'a i ̀-wa̰ 'gú níì-ĩ ̊tōmá'a tǖkūī-ù'ü ̃yá tōnátǖ níì-ĩ ̊tà-tṵkǘ'ü , åkǘ tǖ-ǘpétǖ'ü !" But you said it: if it fell down to the ground-you said-then you'd tell us what went on with our father, what happened to him!"' .thus-3s.sbj\sbjv-do.thus-sub=quot 'And so, in the end I guess the grandmother told [them]: "Your father is not here because a jaguar has eaten him up," she said.' T142 "Ngēmaka̰ níì-ĩ ̊yá pēnátǖ <i ̀...> i ̀... tå'úgùmārǖ pē'ka̰ i ̋nà-gù'ü ̃ērǘ mārǖ pē-tà'kúē." .m/s=2pl.acc=be.an.orphan-intr.pl-caus\sbjv-rel.m ña-tà-gǜ-'ü =ã 'a do.thus-3s.sbj\sbjv-do.thus-sub=quot '"It's a jaguar that has orphaned you," she said.' T144 "Mái', mái' mái', nü ŵa̋ñù' ñagṵgú chí <ìnà-...> ìnà-tȕã ćhí i ̀nâànè ēka̰ nǖì-dău'ü ̃āngēma... tü 'ü ̃tà'kű'ü ," ñâ'ü ̃ã' a, "tü 'ü ̃gẽnátǜ'ü ?" ñâgü 'ü ̃ã' a. Brother, hey brother, how could we pull on the [other side of the] world [to make it smaller] so as to find the one who orphaned us," they pondered, "the one who robbed us of our father?" they pondered.' So, they remained at the edge of the jungle [like before], they [kept] doing that; but their sisters had long hairs, so they would pluck their hairs.' T147 <Tǖná-...> Tǖná-kâuü ỹaēã 'a. /n/ns.sbj=pci .3m/n/ns.obj=bind-in.pl-distr.sg-pl=quot nô'táã óutright 'They would bind them to one another, day after day.' T149 Mārǖ ã 'a níì-ĩ ̊gá nǖnà-dău'ü ̃níì-ĩ ̊gá nà-ma'ü ̃ã' a gá yemá ã 'a... náyaēã 'a gá yà-w̃è'kùètānǖ'ü ̃ã' a gá, <akǘ kána...> tò'pèchìnǜ i ̀nâànègù3 44 ã 'a nà-ñàa'ü ã' /n/ns.sbj\sbjv=throw-3m/n/ns.obj\sbjv-sub=quot 'Once they saw that [the string made from] the hairs that they had been binding to one another was long [enough], uh... they cast it to the other side of the world.' T150 Wâ'í gá ngēmànáyaē rǜ ã 'a, <akǘ mé'e...> ū'kānè'ü ̃ã' a níì-ĩ ̊gá ìnà-ñàa'ü ã' .f/m/s/ns.pst=3ploc=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=throw-3m/n/ns.obj\sbjv-sub=quot 'But when they cast it, uh... they transformed that hair string into a magic contracting thread.' T151 Yemá nü ŵa̋níì-ĩ ̊rǜ ã 'a, níì-ĩ ̊gá <mārǖ...> mārǖ ã 'a tò'pèchìnǜ nà-ñàa'ü ̃ã' a gá, nü ĝǜnà nà-tȕã ćhíã 'ü ̃ã' a gá nâànè. And then, once they had cast it to the other side of the world, they pulled the [other side of the] world towards themselves.' For my part, I'll position myself there under the shape of a caiman."' T154 "Nü ŵa̋tá, ngē'gumá rǜ tá, chàutáwa̋tá ná-chópétǜ tá i ̀ngēmàgű'ü ̃tá i ̀nâē'ü , gű'ü ̃i ̀dùü 'ü ̃gá <tănátǖ...> tănátǖ t... níì-ĩ ̊nŭ'àtǖnà-gẽnátǖgü 'ü ,345 ngemat á níì-ĩ ̊i ̀nü 'ü ̃ì-dău'ü ̃tá níì-ĩ ̊åkǘrǖ dùü 'ü ̃tá yì-ĩ ̀'ü ̃ātü 'ü ̃tà'kű'ü ," ñâ'ü ̃ã' a. .thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot '"Indeed, this way, all the animals will pass over me, all the creatures 346 who have [harmed] our fath... our... -having robbed us of our father; that's when we'll see what sort of creature is the one who orphaned us," he said.' T155 Chópétǜètānǖ'ü ̃ã' a gá nâē'ü ̃ã' a, chópétǜètānǖ'ü . chó-pétǜ-ètānǖ-'ü =ã 'a be.there.pl-across-distr.pl\sbjv-sub=quot gá=nâē'ü =ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3n/ns-animal=quot chó-pétǜ-ètānǖ-'ü be.there.pl-across-distr.pl\sbjv-sub 'The animals passed by in groups, they passed by in groups.' T156 "Nü ŵa̋pēmài ̀..." 347 The two brothers] had them open their mouth one after the other as they arrived; those at the head of the procession were the winged animals.' Are you the ones who orphaned us?" they asked.' T159 "Taũ mā níì-ĩ ̊i ̀<tōmài ̀...> tōmài ̀pētā-tà'kű'ü ̃rǜ <kǘ...> kǘ nü ŵa̋ēkà tōpī-chópétǜ'ẽ 'eètānǖ, ērǘ taũ mā tōmàpētā-tà'kú!" ñatàgǜètānǖ'ü ̃ã' a. .thus-3s.sbj\sbjv-do.thus-distr.pl\sbjv-sub=quot '"No, we didn't orphan you: please let us move on, because we didn't orphan you!" they would answer.' T160 Yemá nü ŵa̋ã 'a níì-ĩ ̊gá, tī-chópétǜètānǖ'ü ̃ã' a gá gű'èmā gá ī-ã 'pāchḭ'i ̋'e. Tòmàchìgǜ gá nâē'ü ̃i ̋níī-gūgǘètānǜ ã 'a gá, ye'gúmá ã 'a gá... gá <tâ'ü wa̋nà-...> tâ'ü wa̋ã 'a nà-gù'ü , kŏwǘ. Other groups of animals arrived, and then it was the turn of the big one, the deer.' T164 U ūchī'ü ̃ã' a rǜ ã 'a, "Nü ŵa̋kùmài ̀tōkù-tà'kúta'ü ," ñâ'ü , "<tô'ü ̃tá k....thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot 'It came closer and [the two brothers] asked [it]: "So, did you orphan us, did you rob us of our father?" they asked.' T165 "E ḱá'a tǘrǘ ī-cho!" ñâ'ü ̃ã' a. It opens its mouth. 348 ' T167 "Tå'ú'ü ̃mā níì-ĩ ̊," ñâ'ü ̃a'a, "kǘ nà-ǘpétǜ!" ñâ'ü ̃ã' a. Rocky, first name. domài.n. catfish sp., unidentified, local Spanish bocón. do'oǹèv. be of recent formation (a land in a mythological account). dorāv. tell lies. do'ü v. be unripe. dúv.? ripple (?). duà̰ i.n. human. duǜ ̃v. be a human. dü ́v. scrape. dü ̀dem. like this. dü ráv. be unkind. dü 'wa̋part. eventually. éi.n. genipap tree, Genipa americana. -éb.n. [-tr.] mother. -+tr.] grandmother. =ḛ na̋part. on earth. -eńe'e ∼ -eńḛ 'e b.n. [-tr.] brother. enekatü ́conj. or even better (?). Eware, place name. -eȳa̰ b.n. [-tr.] sister. ẽv. be dark. eñe̋i.n. army ant, unidentified, local Spanish hormiga cazadora. fa̰ v. know. fa'i v. spit. fa'i v. whip. fèv. shoot. feǹü ē̄v. hunt. feyü ́i.n. fish sp., unidentified, local Spanish pez botella. flaů onom. flute sound. gåv. lead (sg.). -gàb.n. sound, voice; language; fault. -ga̽ b.n. rib. gaȕ v. tear. ga̰ u v. be cold (something). go̊v. fly, rush (sg.); grow (sg.). proximity (ploc). gã'wèi.n. calabash tree, Crescentia cujete. gẽ̊v. carry (sg.). gẽ-v. not have. gẽ̂v. be a female. gẽ'ü ̃int.-ind. m.i.n. which? gḛ̃ v. drop. gẽcha'ü ̃v. miss. gẽ'e i.n. red howler monkey, Alouatta seniculus. gẽè'ü ̃v. fail at hunting or fishing. gẽ'ri ̋i.n. bag. gẽ'ta̋int.-ind. c.i.n. where? (aloc). gẽ'tàint.-ind. c.i.n. where? (ploc); what state? gẽ'tṵ̈ 'ü v. be pubescent. gõ̰ v. be visible. gõbü ́i.n. turtle sp., Geochelone denticulata. table. -'mḛ 'e ∼ -mḛ b.n. [-tr.] hand. meégàv. be appealing to the mind. mi ̄ga'ú∼ mi ̄ka'úi.n. banana soup. mo'èv. say hello or goodbye.

	de'e gãìkamàkaḡ me̊ñṵ gãù
	nŭ' prox.ploc nü ŵa=ã 'a well.m/n/ns=quot [nà=rǖ=]ĩ ̄nǖ-è-'ü gá=nü -mal 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=pcrü =hear-intr.pl\sbjv-sub k.f/m/s/ns.pst=3m-anaph 'yî'e-má med.s-anaph tō-nátǖ=rǜ 1pl-father=top mārǖ prf níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be tǖ=ǘ-pétǖ-'ü 3s.acc=be.there.sg-across\sbjv-sub tü ŵaw ell.s tå'ú-gub e.absent\sbjv?-ploc åkǘ what?.ns i ̋=tá=gū 3aloc=3s.sbj=reach rǜ and chü tā-mārè get.dark-just\sbjv clap-?-space\sub=quot gá=ã ēmàkǖ=ã 'a=gá lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=lightning=quot=pst mā=nà=yaű-ànè-gup rf=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.blue/green-space-circ chü tà-'ü get.dark\sbjv-sub 334 Exact meaning unclear. tå'ú-gub e.absent\sbjv?-ploc i ̋=tà=gù-'ü =ã 'a 3aloc=3s.sbj\sbjv=reach\sbjv-sub=quot gá=ná-nátǖ Tá'a=rǖ=kà-a̰ 'ü frustr=pcrü =ask-at.intervals gá=náé, lk.f/m/s/ns.pst?=3n/ns-mother nâ-ḛkǖ-'ü =ã 'a 3n/ns-grandmother-acc=quot ná=kà-a̰ 'ü -gǘ tå'ú-gub e.absent\sbjv?-ploc tü ŵa=ã 'a well.s=quot mêaẁ ell nǖ=tī=ù-'ü 3m/n/ns.acc=3s.sbj.pci\sbjv=say\sbjv-sub ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=mārǖ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=prf âi=ã 'a wild.felid=quot tǖ=ngő-'ü 3s.acc=bite\sbjv-sub nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns ēgá if aî wild.felid tǖ=ná=ngo̰ 3s.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj=bite ña-gṵ-gú=rǜ=ã 'a do.thus-do.thus.sbjv-circ=top=quot ye'gúmá=tàã ānaph.circ.pst=itself <{ne=ná=ñ}...> ctrpet.3aloc=3m/n/ns.sbj= i ̋=ná=yû'-ã ćhí 3aloc=3m/n/ns.sbj=jump-tel gá=âi lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=wild.felid rǜ and <n...> nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns tǖ=ná=ngo̰ 4acc=3m/n/ns.sbj=bite nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns ngē-ma-ka̰ med.ns-anaph-cause níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be gá=tå'ú-ã kǜ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=be.absent\sbjv?-man <{i ̀=}...> pcø.sbjv= nă-egà-'ü 3m-name-acc ì=ū-nétā-'ü pcø.sbjv=say-superf\sbjv-sub gá=nů'kǘmá nâ-'wa̰ ē 3n/ns-apprec ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=tü -ma-rü 'ü lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3s-anaph-like chi ̆gù-pǜtà black.agouti-tooth {?} tāu-a̰ mǜ-kǖ ye-má-ã kǜ=ã 'a dist.ns-anaph-man=quot níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be gá=nů'kǘmá lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=past.time gá=tà=nā=ù-'ü lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3s.sbj\sbjv=3m/n/ns.obj=say\sbjv-sub gá=âi=ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=wild.felid=quot tã ů neg tǖ=nà=ngő-'ü -ka̰ 3s.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=bite\sbjv-sub-cause nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns ērǘ=gá because=if âi wild.felid ña-gṵ-gú=rǜ=ã 'a do.thus-do.thus.sbjv-circ=top=quot tă-'chì 4-with.hate.toward ná=âi 3m/n/ns.sbj=hate nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns ērǘ because ngē-ma-ka̰ med.ns-anaph-cause níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be âi wild.felid yì=ĩ ̀-'ü pci.3f/m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv=be\sbjv-sub 'ye-má dist.ns-anaph níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be rǜ and yĕ'-akǜ=ã 'a dist.ploc-approx=quot tà=chó-pétǖ-'ü 3s.sbj\sbjv=be.there.pl-across\sub ĩ ̆'pé[má-gu]=ã 'a edge.of.the.jungle-ploc=quot ye-a=ã 'a dist.aloc-exo=quot tà=på-è-'ü 3s.sbj\sbjv=be.nubile-intr.pl\sbjv-sub tü ŵa=ã 'a well.s=quot yŏ'ni ̋=gá meanwhile=pst pā'à be.quick tá=yă-ē 3s.sbj=grow-intr.pl gá=bû-ã̰ -tá ü ǖnē-'ü be.supernatural\sbjv-rel.ns i ̀=bū-'ü -gǘ lk.ns=be.young\sbjv-rel.ns-pl nü ŵa=ã 'a well.m/n/ns=quot níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be rǜ and pā'à=ã 'a be.quick=quot ná=yă-ē 3m/n/ns.sbj=grow-intr.pl 'They are supernatural children so they grow up fast.' T122 Ná-gĕ'tṵ'üē. ná=gĕ'tṵ'ü-ē i ̃-ã̰ tǘ-gu=ã 'a building-yard-ploc=quot <chó...> be.there.pl chó-pétü {-'ü }-'ü =ã 'a be.there.pl-across-out.pl?\sbjv-sub=quot ḭ-ã 'e-má'a be.small-mind-com 'conj? ñṵmá=tàã =woè present.time=itself=from.the.outset nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns ni ́i ̀.i conj tì=gẽ-ã 'è-è-'ü 3s.sbj.pci\sbjv=not.have-mind-intr.pl\sbjv-sub i ̰-ã 'e-má'a=ã 'a be.small-mind-com=quot nű prox.aloc ne=tà=nà=ǜ-'ü =ã 'a ctrpet.3aloc=3s.sbj\sbjv=pcna=run.pl\sbjv-sub=quot rǜ and ye'gúmá-'akǜ[=tàã ] anaph.circ.pst-approx=itself tü -ma-nátǖ-'ü 3s-anaph-father-acc tà=fa̰ -ã ćhí-tānǖ-'ü 3s.sbj\sbjv=know-tel-distr.pl\sbjv-sub 'dü 'wa=ã 'a=gá eventually=quot=pst ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=tü -ma-ḛkǖ-'ü =ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3s-anaph-grandmother-acc=quot tà=kà-a̰ 'ü -èchā-'ü 3s.sbj\sbjv=ask-at.intervals-persist\sbjv-sub <ye-ad ist.ns-exo i ̀=... lk.ns= åkǘ=kána...> what?.ns=was.it.again chàu-nētǖ 1sg-plant wâ'í contr i ̀=ye-al k.ns=dist.ns-exo rǜ and nâ-ànè-gu3 n/ns-space-ploc kå'ǘ-'ü lean\sbjv-sub rǜ and kǘ=ngē-mac ome.on=med.ns-anaph wâ'í contr pē=tū'ṵ 2pl.sbj=\sbjv ña-tà-gǜ-'ü =ã 'a do.thus-3s.sbj\sbjv-do.thus-sub=quot nü -'ü 3m-acc T126 Nü ŵa̋ã 'a, "Ngü !" nü ŵa=ã 'a well.m/n/ns=quot ngü ȏkay 'And [they answered:] "All right!"' T127 "mái' (x3) sibling∼voc (x3) <ngē-...> med.ns-ngȉ'ā let's.go rǜ and <ngē-ma...> ngē-ma=ã 'a med.ns-anaph=quot tü -ma-nētǖ 3s-anaph-plant ya=nô'el k.n/s=old.woman tü -'ü 3s-ben {ya=rǜ=}tū'ṵ am=pcrü \sbjv=fell\sbjv '"Brother, hey brother, let us... let's go and cut down grandmother's tree for her, like she said!"' T128 "Ñatàgǜ'ü ̃nü ŵa̋ngē'gumá ã 'a tá tămá'a nǖtíī-ū níì-ĩ ̊tà-tṵkǘ'ü ̃yá tănátǖ," ñâ'ü {a'a}. ña-tà-gǜ-'ü do.thus-3s.sbj\sbjv-do.thus-sub nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns ngē'gumá=ã 'a=tá anaph.circ=quot=fut tă-má'a 4-com nǖ=tíī=ū 3m/n/ns.acc=3s.sbj.pci =say ni ́i ̀.i conj tà=tṵkǘ-'ü 3s.sbj\sbjv=what's.the.matter\sbjv-sub yá=tă-nátǖ lk.m/s=4-father ñâ-'ü {=a'a} ye-má dist.ns-anaph níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be rǜ=ã 'a and=quot nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=nü -'ècha̰ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3m-by.contrast nà=ü ǖnè-è-'ü =ã 'a 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.supernatural-intr.pl\sbjv-sub=quot nü ŵa=gá well.m/n/ns=pst tã ů=chírḛ neg=aprf nü ŵa=ã 'a well.m/n/ns=quot ăi'kǘmá truth níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be gá=tà=nā=mŭ-'ü lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3s.sbj\sbjv=3m/n/ns.obj=send\sbjv-sub ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=ná-nētǖ ye-ad ist.aloc-exo ná=ǖ 3m/n/ns.sbj=run.pl rǜ=ã 'a=gá and=quot=pst yà=tū'-gǘ-ã -'ü ãm.3f/m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv=fell-pl-3m/n/ns.obj\sbjv-sub nü ŵa=ã 'a well.m/n/ns=quot gá=ye-má lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dist.ns-anaph tü -ma-nētǖ 3s-anaph-plant rǜ=ã 'a and=quot yĕ'-má=ã 'a dist.ploc-anaph=quot nā=nâ-ü -gǘ-'ü -'ü =ã 'a 3f.sbj.sbjv=shatter-off.pl-pl-out.pl?\sbjv-sub=quot gá=nȍ-'rǖ=ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3m-gen=quot yūēmà=ã 'a axe=quot <gá=...> lk.f/m/s/ns.pst= gá=Yó'i lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=Yoi nă-má'a 3m-com gá=nă-énē'e lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3m-brother gá=Ȉpí lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=Ipi 'ye-má=ã 'a dist.ns-anaph=quot níì=ĩ ̊=ga3 m/n/ns.sbj.pci =be=pst <ye-'ü dist.ns-acc {ná=...}> 3m/n/ns.sbj= nô'táã =ã 'a=gá outright=quot=pst ñōī (x4) vibrating.metal.sound (x4) ñâ-'ü =ã 'a=gá do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot=pst nȍ-'rǖ=ã 'a 3m-gen=quot yūēmà axe ī=níī=wăi'-māgu3 f.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =grind-cutting.edge nâi-ã rǖ tree-gen tū'-rű'ü fell-purp '[ye-má dist.ns-anaph níì=ĩ ̊=gá] 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =be=pst ná=tă-'i ̋chi 3m/n/ns.sbj=be.hard-genuinely nü ŵa=ã 'a well.m/n/ns=quot gá=ye-má lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dist.ns-anaph nâi tree rǜ=ã 'a and=quot 342 As they were cutting down the tree together and regularly resharpening the axe. ñù'gu=mārē=ã 'a when?=just=quot níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be gá=nà=tū'-gǘ-ã -'ü =ã 'a ñṵmá=tà=ã 'a=gá present.time=add=quot=pst nü =níi ̀=wa̰ 3m/n/ns.ben=3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =tip.over rǜ and ná-'ka̰ 3n/ns-cause tü ŵa=ã 'a well.s=quot rǜ=ã 'a and=quot tà=nù-'ü =ã 'a 3s.sbj\sbjv=get.mad\sbjv-sub=quot gá=nâ-ḛkǖ-gǘ=gá 3s.sbj\sbjv= tǖ=nà=chî'è-wē-gü -'ü -ka̰ =ã 'a 3s.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.bad-convenience-pl\sbjv-sub-cause=quot níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be gá=<nǖ=tà=mŭ-'ü lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3m/n/ns.acc=3s.sbj\sbjv=send\sbjv-sub ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=ye-má lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dist.ns-anaph nâi tree tà=yà=t...> 3s.sbj\sbjv=am= tü -ma-nētǖ=ã 'a 3s-anaph-plant=quot nǖ=tà=tū'-ẽ 'è-'ü 3m/n/ns.acc=3s.sbj\sbjv=fell-caus\sbjv-sub 'nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=dùü -'ü lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=be.a.human\sbjv-rel.ns gá=ü ǖnè-è-'ü =tà lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=be.supernatural-intr.pl\sbjv-rel.ns=add? nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns yì=ĩ ̀-'ü pci.3f/m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv=be\sbjv-sub gá=nü -ma-gǘ=rǜ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3n/ns-anaph-pl=top <ná-'ka̰ =rǜ...> 3n/ns-cause=top ná-'ka̰ =rǜ 3n/ns-cause=top ná=dó 3m/n/ns.sbj=be.soft nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns gá=ye-má lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dist.ns-anaph nâi tree 'ye-má dist.ns-anaph níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be rǜ=ã 'a mārǖ prf níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be pà=nô'ev oc=old.woman tő=yà=wa-'ü 1pl.ben=pci.3f/m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv=tip.over\sbjv-sub i ̀=ngē-mal k.ns=med.ns-anaph kú-nētǖ 2sg-plant ñâ-'ü =ã 'a do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot '"That's it, grandmother, we've had your tree fall down to the ground!" they said.' T138 "Kǘ ñṵmá wâ'í tōmá'a nǖī-ū ērǘ mārǖ kúnētǖ tā-tū'u!" kǘ=ñṵmá come.on=present.time wâ'í contr tō-má'a 1pl-com nǖ=ī=ū 3m/n/ns.acc=pci =say ērǘ because mārǖ prf kú-nētǖ 2sg-plant tā=tū'u 1pl.sbj=fell '"Now tell us, since we've cut down your tree!"' T139 "A kǘrű'ü ̃i ̀chapēnā-tū'ù'ü ̃i ̀chàunētǖ rǜ <pê'...> taũ pēchànā-tū'ẽ 'ḛ rǜ chī-dōràníì-ĩ ̊pē{chaỳa-}tū'ẽ 'è'ü ...?" akǘ-rű'ü what?.ns-purp i ̀=cha=pē=nā=tū'ù-'ü lk.ns=1sg.ben=2pl.sbj.sbjv=3m/n/ns.obj=fell\sbjv-sub i ̀=chàu-nētǖ lk.ns=1sg-plant rǜ and <pê-'...> 2pl-taũ neg pē=chà=nā=tū'-ẽ 'ḛ 2pl.acc=1sg.sbj\sbjv=3m/n/ns.obj=fell-caus\sbjv rǜ and chī=dōra1 sg.sbj.pci .sbjv=tell.lies\sbjv ni ́i ̀.i conj pē={cha=ya=}tū'-ẽ 'è-'ü 2pl.acc=1sg.sbj\sbjv=am.3m/n/ns.obj=fell-caus\sbjv-sub '"mò'o ? rǜ and ngē-mam ed.ns-anaph ña-kù-'ü do.thus-2sg.sbj\sbjv-sub ērǘ=chí because=irr ngē-ma=ã 'a med.ns-anaph=quot i ̀=wa̰ -'gú pci =tip.over-circ níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be tō-má'a 1pl-com tǖ=kū=ī=ù-'ü 3s.acc=2sg.sbj=pci=say\sbjv-sub yá=tō-nátǖ lk.m/s=1pl-father ni ́i ̀.i conj tà=tṵkǘ-'ü 3s.sbj\sbjv=what's.the.matter\sbjv-sub åkǘ what?.ns tǖ=ǘ-pétǖ-'ü 3s.acc=be.there.sg-across\sbjv-sub '"ye-má dist.ns-anaph nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns níì=ĩ ̊=gá 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =be=pst dü 'wa=mé'e=gá eventually=dub=pst nǖ=tī=ù-'ü =ã 'a 3m/n/ns.acc=3s.sbj.pci \sbjv=say\sbjv-sub=quot gá=nă-ḛkǖ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3n/ns-grandmother pē-nátǖ=rǜ 2pl-father=top ná=tå'u 3m/n/ns.sbj=be.absent ērǘ because mārǖ prf âi wild.felid ná=nā=ngo̰ 3m/n/ns.sbj=3m/n/ns.obj=bite ña-tà-gǜ-'ü =ã 'a ngē-ma-ka̰ med.ns-anaph-cause níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be yá=pē-nátǖ lk.m/s=2pl-father <i ̀=...> lk.ns= i ̀=tå'ú-gul k.ns=be.absent\sbjv?-ploc mārǖ prf pē-'ka̰ 2pl-cause i ̋=nà=gù-'ü 3aloc=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=reach\sbjv-sub ērǘ because mārǖ prf pē=tà'kú-ē 2pl.sbj=be.an.orphan-intr.pl '"That is why your father is no longer coming [back] to you: you are orphans now."' T143 "A î níì-ĩ ̊yá pē-tà'kúē'ẽ 'èkǖ," ñatàgǜ'ü ̃ã' a. aî wild.felid níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be yá=pē=tà'kú-ē-'ẽ 'è-kǖ mái' (x3) sibling∼voc (x3) nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns ñù' what.activity? ña-gṵ-gú=chí do.thus-do.thus\circ-circ=irr <ì=nà=...> 3ploc=3m/n/ns.obj\sbjv= ì=nà=tȕ-ã ćhí 3ploc=3m/n/ns.obj\sbjv=pull-upslope\sbjv i ̀=nâ-ànè lk.ns=3n/ns-space ēka̰ so.that nǖ=ì=dău-'ü 3m/n/ns.acc=pcø.sbjv=see\sbjv-sub a=ngē-mal k.ns?=med.ns-anaph tü -'ü 4-acc tà'kű-'ü be.an.orphan\sbjv-rel.ns ñâ-'ü =ã 'a do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot tü -'ü 4-acc gẽ-nátǜ-'ü ñot.have-father\sbjv-sub ñâ-gü -'ü =ã 'a do.thus-pl\sbjv-sub=quot '"ye-má dist.ns-anaph níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be rǜ=ã 'a and=quot ĩ ̆'pémá-gu=ã 'a edge.of.the.jungle-ploc=quot ná=rǖ=chó 3m/n/ns.sbj=pcrü =be.there.pl nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns ye-má-'ü dist.ns-anaph-state ye-ad ist.aloc-exo níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be rǜ=ã 'a and=quot tíī=ma̰ -yae=ã 'a 3s.sbj.pci =be.long-hair=quot gá=gû'e-má lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dist.s-anaph ná-ēya̰ -tá 3n/ns-sister-coll rǜ=ã 'a and=quot tü -ma-yae=ã 'a=tà 3s-anaph-hair=quot=add? níī=kâuü 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=pluck.pl '<tǖ=ná=...> 3s.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj= tǖ=ná=kâuü -yae=ã 'a 3s.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj=pluck.pl-hair=quot 'They would pluck their hairs.' T148 Náyā-w̃è'kùchìgǜgǘ ã 'a nô'táã . ná=yā=w̃è'-kù-chìgǜ-gǘ=ã 'a a. mārǖ=ã 'a prf=quot ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=nǖ=nà=dău-'ü lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3m/n/ns.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=see\sbjv-sub ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=nà=ma-'ü =ã 'a what?.ns=was.it.again tò-'pèchìnǜ other.ns-bank i ̀=nâ-ànè-gu=ã 'a lk.ns=3n/ns-space-ploc=quot nà=ñà-a-'ü =ã 'a a. wâ'í contr gá=ngē-mal k.f/m/s/ns.pst?=med.ns-anaph ná-yaē=rǜ=ã 'a 3n/ns-hair=top=quot <akǘ=mé'e...> what?.ns=dub ū'kānè-'ü =ã 'a magic.contracting.thread-state=quot níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be gá=ì=nà=ñà-a-'ü =ã 'a ye-má dist.ns-anaph nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be rǜ=ã 'a and=quot ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=<mārǖ...> lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=prf mārǖ=ã 'a prf=quot tò-'pèchìnǜ other.ns-bank nà=ñà-a-'ü =ã 'a=gá 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=throw-3m/n/ns.obj\sbjv-sub=quot=pst nü -gǜ-nà 3m-refl-dat nà=tȕ-ã ćhí-ã -'ü =ã 'a 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=pull-upslope-3m/n/ns.obj\sbjv-sub=quot gá=nâ-ànè lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3n/ns-space 'T152 Nü màã 'a gá: "Mái', mái' mái', mārǖ!" nü -ma=ã 'a=gá 3m-anaph=quot=pst mái' (x3) sibling∼voc (x3) mārǖ prf '[Ipi said]: "Brother, hey brother, we're done!"' T153 "Chòmàrǜ tá, kóyà'ü ̃tá níì-ĩ ̊i ̀chàgǜ {?} tá ìchà-ü 'ü ." chò-ma=rǜ=tá 1sg-anaph=top=fut kóyà-'ü =tá caiman-state=fut níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be i ̀=chà-gǜ lk.ns=1sg-refl {?}=tá =fut ì=chà=ü -'ü 3ploc=1sg.sbj\sbjv=put.sg\sbjv-sub '"nü ŵa=tá well.m/n/ns=fut ngē'gumá=rǜ=tá anaph.circ=top=fut chàu-tá-wa=tá 1sg-thicker.segment?-aloc=fut ná=chó-pétǜ=tá 3m/n/ns.sbj=be.there.pl-across=fut i ̀=ngē-mal k.ns=med.ns-anaph gű-'ü =tá finish\sbjv-rel.ns=fut i ̀=nâ-ē'ü lk.ns=3n/ns-animal gű-'ü finish\sbjv-rel.ns i ̀=dùü -'ü lk.ns=be.a.human\sbjv-rel.ns gá=<tă-nátǖ...> lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=4-father tă-nátǖ 4-father t... ni ́i ̀.i conj nŭ'-ap rox.ploc-exo tǖ=nà=gẽ-nátǖ-gü -'ü 4acc=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=not.have-father-pl\sbjv-sub nge-ma=tá med.aloc-anaph=fut níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be i ̀=nü -'ü lk.ns=3n/ns-acc ì=dău-'ü =tá pcø.sbjv=see\sbjv-sub=fut ni ́i ̀.i conj åkǘ-rǖ what?.ns-kind.of dùü -'ü =tá be.a.human\sbjv-rel.ns=fut yì=ĩ ̀-'ü pci.3f/m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv=be\sbjv-sub a=tü -'ü lk.ns?=4-acc tà'kű-'ü be.an.orphan\sbjv-rel.ns ñâ-'ü =ã 'a nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns pē-ma2 pl-anaph i ̀= lk.ns= '"Are you the ones who..."' T157 Tü 'ü ̃ã' a yà-cho'ẽ 'e... -[è]tānǖ'ü ̃ã' a gá gû'emá... i ̋i ̄-gūgǘètānǖ'e, gá tü 'i ̋rà na-ĩ ̂pḛ'e'èrǜ ã 'a gá, nâē'ü ̃gáī-ã 'pāchḭ'i ̋'egǘ tíì-ĩ ̊. tü -'ü =ã 'a 3s-acc=quot yà=cho-'ẽ 'e-[è]tānǖ-'ü =ã 'a T158 "Pēmài ̀tōpē-tà'kű'ü ?" ñâ'ü . pē-ma2 pl-anaph i ̀=tō=pē=tà'kű-'ü lk.ns=1pl.acc=2pl.sbj.sbjv=be.an.orphan\sbjv-sub ñâ-'ü do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub '"Taũ=mā neg=precisely níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be i ̀=<tō-mal k.ns=1pl-anaph i ̀=...> lk.ns= tō-ma1 pl-anaph i ̀=pē=tā=tà'kű-'ü lk.ns=2pl.acc=1pl.sbj.sbjv=be.an.orphan\sbjv-sub rǜ and <kǘ=...> come.on= kǘ=nü ŵa=ēkà come.on=well.m/n/ns=who.knows? tō=pī=chó-pétǜ-'ẽ 'e-ètānǖ 1pl.acc=2pl.sbj.pci .sbjv=be.there.pl-across-caus-distr.pl\sbjv ērǘ because taũ=mā neg=precisely tō-ma1 pl-anaph pē=tā=tà'kú 2pl.acc=1pl.sbj=be.an.orphan ña-tà-gǜ-ètānǖ-'ü =ã 'a ye-má dist.ns-anaph nü ŵa=ã 'a well.m/n/ns=quot níì=ĩ ̊=gá ye-má=ã 'a dist.ns-anaph=quot níì=ĩ ̊=gá 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =be=pst ñṵmá=tà=ã 'a present.time=add=quot tà=gű 3s.sbj\sbjv=finish\sbjv 'On it went, until there was none left.' T162 Yemáã kǜ ã 'a. Ye-má-ã kǜ=ã 'a. dist.ns-anaph-man=quot 'So it was.' T163 tò-ma=chìgǜ other.ns-anaph=distr.sg gá=nâ-ē'ü lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3n/ns-animal i ̋=níī=gū-gǘ-ètānǜ=ã 'a=gá 3aloc=3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =reach-pl-distr.pl=quot=pst ye'gúmá=ã 'a=gá anaph.circ.pst=quot=pst gá=<tâ-'ü -wal k.f/m/s/ns.pst=be.big\sbjv-rel.ns-aloc nà=...> 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv= tâ-'ü -wa=ã 'a be.big\sbjv-rel.ns-aloc=quot nà=gù-'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=reach\sbjv-sub kŏwǘ > tô'ü kù-gẽnátǜ'ü ?" ñâ'ü ̃ã' a. u-ūchī-'ü =ã 'a go.sg-at\sbjv-sub=quot rǜ=ã 'a and=quot nü ŵaw ell.m/n/ns kù-ma2 sg-anaph i ̀=tō=kù=tà'kú-ta-'ü lk.ns=1pl.acc=2sg.sbj\sbjv=be.an.orphan-?\sbjv-sub ñâ-'ü do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub <tô-'ü =tá 1pl-acc=fut k...> tô-'ü 1pl-acc kù=gẽ-nátǜ-'ü 2sg.sbj\sbjv=not.have-father\sbjv-sub ñâ-'ü =ã 'a eḱá'a=tǘrǘ let's.see=who.knows? ī=chop ci =open.one's.mouth ñâ-'ü =ã 'a do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot '"Open your mouth and let's see!" they ordered.' T166 Cho̊ã 'a gá tíī-cho. cho=ã 'a=gá tå'ú-'ü =mā be.absent\sbjv-sub=precisely níì=ĩ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci=be ñâ-'ü =a'a do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot kǘ=nà=ǘ-pétǜ come.on=pcø.imp=be.there.sg-across ñâ-'ü =ã 'a do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot '"There's nothing," they said, "move on!" they ordered.' de'e v. whip. de'tü 'ü ̃i.n. whisk. deȳùv. cause to feel cold. di ̄erùi.n. money. Di ̄ti ́chi ̄àpr.n. Leticia, city name. dóv. be soft. dochài.n. spear. dokàv. boil. Doḱi ̀pr.n. -e̽ rúb.n. head. erü ́∼ ngerü ́conj. because. -etü ̄b.n. above. -'etü ̀b.n. [-tr.] eye. u'ēi.n. smaller jar. -e'ü ̃b.n. mixture. go'ü v. toast. gûv. roast. gṵ v. finish. gu'chàv. be difficult. -guǹèb.n. dart. gu'u v. be detrimental. gü ̀v. drop. gã̊v. lay. gã̀v. tie. gã̀v. get down. gã̀v. scold. gã̰ v. put on. gã̰ v. be raw. gã'i v. penetrate. gãītèi.n. bogeyman. G ãḿèpr.n. James, first name. gãnèi.n. Spix's night monkey, Aotus vociferans. gãú v. cover with feathers. gãù v. join. ãìkamàc.i.n. gõĵojōi.n. nocturnal rat sp., unidentified. g'o'o i.n. spirit. gũ̏i.n. owl sp., unidentified. gũ̂v. fall (sg.). gũ̄v. reach. gũ̀v. ferment. gũ̆i.n. macambo tree, Theobroma bicolor. g'ŭv. bristle its hair (an animal), growl. gṵ̃ v. learn. gṵ̃ v. hurt. gũcha'ü ̃v. arouse desire. gũê̄i.n. canoe. gũgāi.n. bird sp., Tinamus sp. G ũmari ̄yanà∼ umari ̄yanàpr.n.? ? gũǹèv. get light. gũrukùi.n. vulture sp., Cathartidae sp. G ũ'tapa̰ pr.n. Ngutapa, name of a mythological figure. gũtumachài.n. spinning top. gũ'u v. bark. gü ́interj. hey. gü ̊(?) v. slant (?). gü māv. forget. gü manachài.n.? impure and invisible being (?). gü ŕāv. be covered with insects. gü ȓü ́part. suddenly. gü ȓü áchi ́part. maybe. gü rü karèi.n. mosquito net. i ̰ v. be small. I ̏pi ́pr.n. Ipi, name of a mythological figure. i ̏'ràv. be small. i ̏'rarü ẃa̋adv. a bit. i ̀rűi.n. baby banana. i ̄ya-i ̄yài.n. plantain variety. I ̄ya-I ̄yà∼ I ̊ya-I ̄yàpr.n. Iya-Iya, name of a mythological figure. kāv. lie. kâv. wake. i ̃'peḿái.n. edge of the jungle. i ̃nü kàv. play. i ̃nü ̄v. hear; think. i ̃nèc.i.n. day before. i ̰ēi.n. blowgun. i ̃v. climb. hominis. i ̃i.n. botfly larva, larva of Dermatobia i ̃v. go (pl.). i ̃v. quiver (?). i ̃v. be. i ̃i.n. building. me̊v. splash. meầadv. well. mechài.n. moì ̀? ? mo'o ? ? motarakari ̀i.n. ginger, unidentified, local Spanish ajengibre. mo'ü ̃c.i.n. following day. mův. be several. mûv. harpoon. mūv. weave. mŭv. send. mṵ v. eat (a raw fruit). mukawài.n. rifle. m'u'kü ̄i.n. horsefly. muȓenü ̄i.n. fly. mutuŕùi.n. motor, motor boat. muǘ ̃v. be afraid. -mü ̀b.n. paste. -
	582 587

'"Something has happened to our father: he hasn't come

[back]

while night has fallen."' T111 Mô'ü 'akǜ ã 'a, ñù'gù'arü ...? mô'ü -'akǜ=ã 'a following.day-approx=quot ñù'gu='arü ẁhen?=unlike.before 'The next day [came], how long was this going to last...?' T112 Penǖànē'ü ̃ã' a gá ã ēmàkǖ ã 'a gá, mā nà-yaűànègu, chü tà'ü .336 pe-nǖ-ànē-'ü =ã 'a 335 lk3m'But she would never say clearly that a jaguar had eaten him up.' T116 Nü ŵa̋ēgá "A î tǖná-ngo̰ !" ñagṵgú rǜ ã 'a, ye'gúmá tàã ̄<{nená-ñ}...> i ̋ná-yû'ã ćhí gá âi rǜ <n...> nü ŵa̋tǖná-ngo̰ . 'lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=past.time gá=âi lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=wild.felid 'That's why you couldn't say the jaguar's name in ancient times.' T118 Nâ'wa̰ ē níì-ĩ ̊gá tü marü 'ü ̃"chi ̆gùpǜtà", {?} "tāua̰ mǜkǖ" ñagǜ'ü ̃ã' a. be.ash.colored-down\sbjv-rel.m ña-gǜ-'ü =ã 'a dolk3m/n/ns.sbj=be.pubescent-intr.pl '[dolk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3n/ns-plant yà=tū'ù-'ü ãm.3f/m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv=fell\sbjv-sub ''And then, he...' T132 Nô'táã ́ã' a gá,"Ñōī, ñōī, ñōī, ñōī!" ñâ'ü ̃ã' a gá nȍ'rǖ ã 'a yūēmà īníī-wăi'māgu, nâiã rǖ tū'rű'ü . lklk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3n/ns-grandmother-pl=pst ērǘ because <tíī=dōrā 3s.sbj.pci =tell.lies ni ́i ̀.i conj gá=...> lk.f/m/s/ns.pst= tã ů neg <tǖ=nà=...> 3s.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv= <tà=...> and=quot níì=wa̰ 3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =tip.over rǜ=ã 'a and=quot gè'ta=ã 'a where?.ploc=quot nà=te'-nágü -'ü 3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=get.stuck-on\sbjv-sub gá=ye-ma-ã ḿá lk.f/m/s/ns.pst?=dist.aloc-anaph-dir 'So, it tipped over but it got stuck hanging from [the branches of] some [neighboring tree] right after that.' T137 "Mārǖ níì-ĩ ̊, pà nô'e, tőyà-wa'ü ̃i ̀ngēmàkúnētǖ!" ñâ'ü ̃ã' a. T141 Yemá nü ŵa̋níì-ĩ ̊gá, dü 'wa̋mé'e gá nǖtī-ù'ü ̃ã' a gá naḛkǖ: "Pēnátǖ rǜ, ná-tå'u ērǘ mārǖ âi nánā-ngo̰ ," ñatàgǜ'ü ̃ã' a. dolkT145 "Ngȉ'ā <rǜ...> rǜ tăēya̰ yaē<i ̀-...> i ̀-w̃è'kùgü !" ñâ'ü ̃ã' a. ngȉ'ā let's.go <rǜ...> and rǜ and tă-ēya̰ -yae4 -sister-hair <i ̀=...> pcø.sbjv i ̀=w̃è'-kù-gü pcø.sbjv=bind-in.pl-pl\sbjv ñâ-'ü =ã 'a do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub=quot '"Let's bind our sisters' hairs together [one after the other]!" they decided.' T146 Yemá níì-ĩ ̊rǜ ã 'a ĩ ̆'pémágùã 'a nárǖ-chó, nü ŵa̋yemá'ü ̃yeàníì-ĩ ̊rǜ ã 'a tíī-ma̰ yaeã 'a gá gû'emá náēya̰ tá rǜ ã 'a tü maỳaēã 'a tà níī-kâuü . 3mlk.f/m/s/ns.pst=3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=be.long\sbjv-sub=quot gá=ye-má=ã 'a... lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dist.ns-anaph=quot ná-yae=ã 'a 3n/ns-hair=quot gá=yà=w̃è'-kù-ètānǖ-'ü =ã 'a lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=pci .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=bind-in.pl-distr.pl\sbjv-rel.ns=quot =gá =pst <akǘ=kána...> 3mlkdopci .3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=open.one's.mouth-caus-distr.pl\sbjv-sub=quot gá=gû'e-má lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=dist.s-anaph i ̋=i ̄=gū-gǘ-ètānǖ-'e3 aloc=pci =reach-pl-distr.pl\sbjv-rel.s gá=tü -'i ̋rà lk.f/m/s/ns.pst?=3s-first na=ĩ ̂-pḛ'e-'e=rǜ=ã 'a=gá pcna=go.pl-front\sbjv-rel.s=top=quot=pst nâ-ē'ü 3n/ns-animal ga=ī=ã -'pāchḭ'i ̋-'e-gǘ lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=pci =have-wing\sbjv-rel.s-pl tíì=ĩ 3s.sbj.pci=be '[do3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =be=pst tī=chó-pétǜ-ètānǖ-'ü =ã 'a 1pl.sbj.pci .sbjv=be.there.pl-across-distr.pl\sbjv-sub=quot gá=gű-'e=mā lk.f/m/s/ns.pst=finish\sbjv-rel.s=precisely gá=ī=ã -'pāchḭ'i ̋-'el k.f/m/s/ns.pst=pci =have-wing\sbjv-rel.s 'So, all the groups of the winged ones passed by.' T161 Yemá ã 'a níì-ĩ ̊gá, ñṵmá tà ã 'a tà-gű. deer 'doopen.one's.mouth=quot=pst tíī=cho3 s.sbj.pci =open.one's.mouth '-e'ü ̃b.n. [+tr.] animal. E ẘarèpr.n.

mü kü ̄b.n. companion. mü rapewài.n. plank

  . nâv. carry (pl.). nâv. shatter. nàv. nasal mucus. na(achi ́) v. calm down. -na'a b.n. [-tr.] neck. nai m.i.n. other (n). naí v. be spicy. nai v. be hot. naî i.n. tree. naî v. fart. naì m.i.n. other (f/m). na̰ i v. tie. naī'atü ̄i.n. tree leaf. naī'chakü 'ü i.n. tree branch. naî'chi ́i.n. giant armadillo, Priodontes maximus. naī'nekü ̄i.n. jungle. naī'tái.n. tree trunk. na'i ̃i.n. younger chambira palm, Astrocaryum chambira. nakü ̄i.n. tapir, Tapirus terrestris. -natü ̄b.n. [-tr.] father. -nēb.n. [-tr.] son. -nèb.n. trunk. -'nèb.n. weapon. -nekàb.n. [-tr.] stomach. -nepü ̀b.n. uncle. -netü ̄b.n. [-tr.] plant. no'e̋i.n. grandmoter, old woman. no'rév. be few. no'ri ̋c.i.n. beginning. no'taá̃part. outright. notü ḱa̰ mác.i.n. vain attempt. núi.n. bat sp., unidentified. nův. put (pl.) (at an unstable, temporary, adventitious location). nūv. get mad.

nu'kü ḿác.i.n. past

  time. nu'u v. be short. nü ŵa̋conj. well (m/n/ns). ñāv. run (sg.). ñàv. throw. ñaâkü ̀dem. adv. in this manner. low water season; year. ta'ü ́i.n. abiu fruit, Pouteria caimito. -ta'ü ̃b.n. [-tr.] bounded flat surface. t'awàv. be thirsty. taẁemakü ̄i.n. moon. -téb.n. [-tr.] husband. te'e v. get stuck. te'e̋int.-ind. i.n. what/who? (s). te'èint.-ind. i.n. what/who? (f/m). -tḛ 'e b.n. [+tr.] granular substance. teḿāi.n. moriche palm, Mauritia flexuosa. teŕe̋i.n. parrot sp., unidentified. ti ̄kunài.n. Tikuna. tóv. plant. tôv. fetch. tòm.i.n. other (ns). tŏv. sit. to̰ i.n. kinkajou, Potos flavus. to̰ poù onom. splish splash!. to'màc.i.n. elsewhere (ploc). tomaepṵ̈ m.i.n. three. to'oñèi.n. stairs. to'ü i.n. white-fronted capuchin, Cebus albifrons. to'ü v. be twisted. t'o'we̋i.n. left. tȕv. pull. tûv. perch. tŭv. choke. tṵ i.n. tree sp., Cedrelinga cateniformis. tukuchi ́i.n. tucuxi, Sotalia fluviatilis. Tupanài.n. God. turàv. be weak. tu'u v. fell. -tü ́b.n. [-tr.] river. tü ̊i.n. cotton, Gossypium sp. tü ̊onom. impact sound. tü ̄v. hang. -tü ̀b.n. weed. -tṵ̈ b.n. [+tr.] rope. tṵ̈ aḱü ́int.-ind. i.n. what? (ns). tü ềi.n. stomach. tü 'èi.n. manioc. tü ǵü nèi.n. right. tṵ̈ kü ́int.-ind. v. what's the matter? -tü ̽ kü ̄b.n. paternal aunt. tü rèi.n. dock. tü tü ̀? ? -tü 'ü ̃b.n. [-tr.] space below. tü ŵa̋conj. well (s). ūv. say. uḡü ́v. narrate. uḡü áǹèi.n. story. uh interj. oh yes!. uī ̀i.n. manioc flour.

	taūkè-ü taūkèi.n.
	ñairu i.n. ? ña'tü ̄i.n. lower part. -ñi ̋'ü ̃b.n. breast. ñoī ̄onom. vibrating metal sound. ño'kü ̀c.i.n. if only; soon. ñu' ∼ ñu'u int.-ind. i.n.? what ñṵ v. crush. activity? taùnekü ̄i.n. u'kanèi.n. magic contracting thread. cemetery. uwaǹü ̄i.n. enemy. ũv. go (sg.). ü ́v. be there (sg.); cook (by boiling); put (sg.) (at an unstable, temporary, adventitious location). ü ̄v. run (pl.). ü ̆v. make. ü 'àv. be dirty. ü ȃǵü ́v. try. ü gü ́v. start. ṵ̈ kü ̋∼ kü ̋part. I mean. -ü kü 'ü b.n.? time. ṵ̈ tāi.n. annatto tree, Bixa orellana. ü ün èv. be supernatural. ü 'ü ̃v. cure.

-ü ̃b.n. feces.

This very exceptional situation only occurs in the conjunction ni ́i ̀-i ̃/ni ́i ̀.i ̃/ (etymologically < ni ́i ̀-i ̃/ni ́i ̀=i ̃/ [3m/n/ns.sbj.pci =be] '(it) is') and in a handful of proper nouns and independent nouns involving segmental reduplication (e.g. peta-petà/peta.peta/ 'axe').

Sp. masato.

At least until the beginning of 2020. This year's COVID-19 pandemic is likely to have drastically reduced tourism activity in sma, at least temporarily.

Sp. kiosco digital.

This aspect was important to me inasmuch as I was interested, on the long term, in working on the dialectology and diachrony of Tikuna. It seemed reasonable to tentatively hypothesize, given the comparatively conservative way of life in sma, that smat might be a comparatively conservative Tikuna variety, which would allow for a more accurate look into the past of Tikuna as a whole. Indeed, the relatively conservative character of smat is noted by Montes (2005a). First-hand data I have collected on the Tikuna varieties of the Colombian communities of Nazareth (with an anonymous speaker) and Arara (with Abel Santos), as well as conversations with anonymous speakers from the Colombian town of Puerto Nariño, likewise confirm that smat is much more conservative than, minimally, these three varieties.

By half-staged speech performances, I refer to ones that are not directed (e.g. a story) or only marginally directed (e.g. an interview-format conversation), but that are not entirely spontaneous either insofar as they result from a planned meeting between the linguist and the speaker(s) participating in the recording session.

 10 Out of a total of about 15 hours of recordings of such speech performances that I collected in sma and Leticia with smat speakers over the course of my doctoral research.

In the phonological representations, a tilde symbol placed in front of the segmental components of a given syllable (/∼.../) indicates that this syllable is phonologically nasal (see Section 2.3 below).

Trichechus inunguis.

On the tonal realization of the non-underlying syllables arising due to the insertion of an epenthetic vowel in these examples, see end of Section 2.4.3.

This /o 1 / vs /o 2 / distinction, a strictly lexical one with no corresponding phonetic reality in today's language, possibly reflects the fact that a number of instances of the phoneme /o/ in contemporary smat (among which all cases of /o 2 /) may have evolved diachronically from former *[a]'s (or a phone close to[a]). This would explain why some /o/'s, specifically /o 2 /'s, seem to behave as /a/'s as far as the epenthetic vowel they trigger is concerned. On this complex question, see Section 2.8.3.

The bound noun /-e 4 ∼deʔ 3 / [...e̞ 4 ne̞ ̃3ʔe̞ ̃1] 'brother' has a variant form /-e 4 ∼deʔ C / [...e̞ 4 ne̞ ̰ ʔe̞ ̃3].

Gossypium sp.

Mazama americana.

Unidentified. Local Spanish ajengibre.

For a full morphosyntactic gloss of part of this example, see example (370).

Note, incidentally, that the surface nasality that occurs in the first syllable of the more conservative variant [(ˈ)t ̪aʊ̃3 4 ʔɯ̃4] of the standard negative particle is unproblematic as it can be accounted for as a case of anticipatory nasality spreading (on this purely phonetic phenomenon, see Section 2.1.2, p.73).

In practice, modal-voiced portions of syllables featuring creaky voice are typically realized with a pitch approximately corresponding to the tonal height that I transcribe as[ 2 ], but this is not always the case.

During our working sessions, one of my main informants, jsg, was in fact perfectly able to repeat or make up such lexically unattested combinations, although he would eventually reject them as non-sensical. This observation is of course not definitive evidence as to the phonological status of the 10 tones in stressed syllables, but would be less expected if those combinations in fact violated phonological rules instead of merely happening to be absent from the lexicon.

Or, even more exceptionally, in post-tonic syllables that immediately follow a post-tonic syllable that contains an /o/ and itself immediately follows a stressed syllable containing an /o/, as in /o 31 ɦo 1 ɦo 3 / [ˈŋo̞ ː 31 ɦo̞ 1 ɦo̞ 3 ] 'nocturnal rat sp.' (on which see note 15 above).

My data do not allow me to determine whether the first syllable of /-ʔV 4/1 ʨi 4/1 / 'out.sg' and /-V 3 ʨi 1 / 'at' remains oral or becomes nasal following an unstressed syllable, if this situation occurs at all.

Perhaps from /∼ba 33 ∼ba 5 / 'mum' rather than from /∼ba 33 ∼ba 1 / 'mommy'.

On the phonological representation of words inserted by code-mixing, see note 119.

On the unspecified vowel /V/ and its realization, see Section 2.6.1.1 above.

The bound noun /-ʔ∼beʔ C / [...ʔme̞ ̰ ʔe̞ ̃3] 'hand, finger' has a variant form /-ʔ∼be C / [...ʔme̞ ̰ ].

Note that the sandhi-like pattern described in Table14regarding the preferred realizations of / 4/1 / after specific tonemes in stressed syllables would have led to expect [...ʔgu 4 ] to be the preferred realization of /-ʔgu 4/1 / 'circ' after a stressed syllable featuring / 34 /, but for an unknown reason this is not the case.

[ko̞ mo̞ ˈt ̪ɾe̞ j ̃n̪ t ̪a ˈkilo̞ (s)].

Curculionidae sp.

On the phonological representation of words inserted by code-mixing, see note 119.

Prt. [ˈɔːɾɐ], Sp. [ˈo̞ ɾa].

On the methodology employed in the making of Figure21, see note 164.

b This grapheme occurs in a single morpheme (see Section 2.1.1 above).

c Occurrences of this grapheme are extremely marginal (see Section 2.1.2 above).

This kind of pragmatic effect of nominal class assignment in smat related to notions such as familiarity or respect vs lack thereof is remotely comparable to the effect, in English, that arises from referring to a boat with a feminine pronoun vs with a neuter pronoun, or to an animal with an animate pronoun vs with a neuter pronoun.

Except, arguably, in the case of the nge-/ye-words. Although all of them can be hypothesized to have originated diachronically from nominal words, some of them, such as the discourse connector erü /yerü ́'because', are no longer nominal in today's smat.

In practice, the reflexive suffix /-gü / can only occur in combination with the pronominal roots.

The form cuñau here stands for Sp. cuñado 'brother-in-law' (on the phonological reduction of the Spanish syllable -ado when it is inserted into a smat utterance by code-mixing, see Section 2.7.2.2).

ear, with whom I transcribed and translated the recording from which this example was extracted, interpreted this utterance as meaning that the speaker was not able to attend school when she was young because she had no official identity documents, which were needed for that purpose. Back then, only men had enough practice of the non-indigenous society to know how to obtain such documents, but because the speaker's father was dead, she could not get ones in the first place.

A different linguistic perspective on the exact same process could of course have allowed using a fourth person in its first person plural inclusive meaning in example (600), as in e.g.Let's go (poison-fishing) together [you and us]!.

Language names are virtually only attested in co-occurrence with the suffix /-wa/ 'aloc'. smat speakers very occasionally refer to Tikuna as /to-ga(-wa)/ '(in) our (excl.) language' when talking to me, a second-language learner of it.

The syllables /-'e/ and /-a̰ / or /-a/ in the default salientive and specifically plural salientive forms of the non-locative demonstrative roots (columns s and s.pl in Table30) are most likely cognate with the homonymous default salientive and specifically plural salientive forms of the relativizer. Although best considered as unanalyzable from a synchronic perspective, the salientive forms of the demonstrative roots, by contrast to their other inflectional forms, thus seem to be relatively easily analyzable from a diachronic perspective as the agglutinative association of a demonstrative morpheme with a morpheme encoding (perhaps alongside other features) nominal class.

The nominal phrase

Cascabela or Thevetia sp.

Bixa orellana.

A fine-grained analysis of the exact syntactic or semantic contribution of the smat endophorics in cases where they function as definite determiners is beyond the scope of this study. For analyses of the specific function of the so-called 'pre-nominal definite determiner' or 'preadjectival article' of standard Swedish (non-neuter den, neuter det, plural de), whose distribution appears to be very similar to that of the smat determinative endophorics, see[START_REF] Santelmann | The distribution of double determiners in Swedish: den support in D •[END_REF][START_REF] Lohrmann | A unified structure for Scandinavian DPs[END_REF].

 212 In local Spanish. Ficus sp.?

The "focal" suffix /-rü / 'as.for.it' is likely cognate with the topic marker /=rü /, and possibly also with the conjunction rü ̀'and', although the exact diachronic relationships between these three morphemes are unclear.

The medial demonstrative root is also attested in my elicited data in direct association with the "focal" suffix /-'akü / 'approx'. The resulting forms (e.g. nge'akü , yi ̆'akü , yi ̂'akü , etc.) are apparently used in contexts similar to the ones described in this paragraph for /-'rü / 'in.peace' and with a similar meaning (e.g. Yi ̆'akü ! 'Leave him alone!'). Note that these forms are not attested in my corpus, however.

A pre-hodiernal past form *ye'guḿaŕécorresponding to nge'gumaŕéis unattested in my data, although it can reasonably be assumed to exist based on the existence of the pre-hodiernal past form ye'guḿácorresponding to nge'gumá'(at) that time; that way'.

This bound morpheme is found in lexicalized form in the synchronically unanalyzable or hardly analyzable words nũ'ré'how much? how many?', no'ré'be little, be few', dü 'ré'this much, this many (demonstratively)', and possibly ta'ré'two' (</ta-'re/ [4-amount?] 'the amount of you and I'?).

Today's suffix /-gu̽ / 'ploc' probably used to have a pre-syllabic coda glottal stop, displaying a form */-' gu̽ / homonymous with the likely cognate circumstantial subordinator /-'gu̽ / 'circ'. This pre-syllabic glottal stop is exceptionally retained in the locative 2 form of certain monosyllabic independent nouns, e.g. i ̃' gù'in the house' from i ̃'building' and /-gu̽ / (rather than i ̃gu, although the latter form is also acceptable). This highly plausible hypothesis allows to compare today's suffix /-gu̽ / 'ploc' with the second syllable of nge'guma/ye'guḿa, to which the word's glottal stop must have belonged originally, since the demonstrative roots /nge-/ and /ye-/ do not, for their part, include a glottal stop in their lexical forms.

Today's suffix /-wa/ 'aloc' probably used to have a pre-syllabic coda glottal stop, displaying a form */-' wa/. This pre-syllabic glottal stop is exceptionally retained in the locative 2 form of certain monosyllabic independent nouns, e.g. i ̃' wa̋'to the house' from i ̃'building' and /-wa/ (besides the-equally attested-expected form i ̃wa). This highly plausible hypothesis allows to compare today's suffix /-wa/ 'aloc' with the second syllable of nge'waka/ye'wakàand nge'wa̰ /ye'wa̰ , which is the syllable to which these two words' glottal stops must have belonged originally, since the demonstrative roots /nge-/ and /ye-/ do not, for their part, include a glottal stop in their lexical forms.

Possibly problematic for this hypothesis, however, is the fact that *ngē' ka̰ /ye̊' ka̰ , with a glottal stop, might then have been expected instead of ngeka̰ /yeka̰ , since /-' ka̰ / 'cause' features a glottal stop.

Note that the hypothesis put forward in note 220 (according to which /-wa/ 'aloc' may have formerly featured a pre-syllabic coda glottal stop, displaying the lexical form */-' wa/), makes the hypothesis that the second syllable of ngewa̋(and, simultaneously, that of ngi ̂wa/nü ŵa/tü ŵa̋'well') might be cognate with /-wa/ 'aloc' relatively problematic, since *ngē' wa( and *ngi ̂'wa/*nü 'wa/*tü 'wa) might then have been expected instead of ngewa.

Wi ́'á'indf' does in fact require the presence of the linker in front of the NP it modifies in the speech of older speakers, and allows it, optionally, in the speech of younger speakers such as jgs (who is the speaker who uttered example (224)).

Except in cases where a subordinate clause in /-'ü / 'sub' occurs in a cleft construction serving for focalization, as in example (242) above. In this specific case, the subordinate clause does indeed bear the form /i ̀=/ 'lk.ns' of the linker if the main clause refers to non-past (or not explicitly past) processes.

In fact, /ta=i ̃/ 'they went', with the same proclitic /ta=/ '3s.sbj' as in /ta=ta'e-gü / 'they bought', would have been expected in example (281) if, as is most likely the case, the subjects of both of these finite PPs share the same referent.

Ta'u 'be absent', although it surfaces as a disyllable ([ˈt ̪aː 34 ʔu 3 ]) under certain circumstances, is underlyingly monosyllabic (/tauʔ 34 /). On same-syllable coda /ʔ/'s, seeSection 2.1.3.1.

The analysis of incorporation in smat proposed in this section is mostly inspired byCreissels (2006a[START_REF] Creissels | Transitivity, valency, and voice[END_REF] and[START_REF] Aikhenvald | Typological distinctions in word-formation[END_REF].

But see (T112), where the PP /pe-nü -aǹe-'ü / (clap-?-space\sub) 'there was thunderbolts', an impersonal verb stem incorporating a subject-absorbing /-aǹe/, seems to take ã ēmàkǖ 'lightning' as its subject.

Although synchronically unanalyzable, the impersonal verb stem yâànè 'be twilight' in (332) clearly features a fully-lexicalized instance of subject-absorbing incorporation of /-aǹe/'space'.

I do not have data on the relativization of the possessee participant of a privative pseudoincorporation construction, if such relativization is possible at all.

Strictly speaking, non-verbal PPs in /-a̰ / 'poss' employed transitively probably only predicate, in themselves, a caused static relation of possession holding between the object referent and the referent of the NP suffixed with /-a̰ /. In actual contexts, however, they may suggest, implicationally, a telic transfer event, as in example (364).

For an utterance in which the exact same meaning, 'to have hairs in the teeth', is expressed using the verb ã'to have' (as /a-yae-pü ta/ [have-hair-tooth]), see example (345) above.

For similar uses of the term "persistive", seeLichtenberk (2002:274-280) andBril (2016:93).

My data only contain instances of /-maē/ suffixed to predicative phrases belonging lexically to pcØ. This does not discard the possibility that /-maē/ might also be able to be attached to certain predicative phrases belonging lexically to other predicative classes than pcØ.

The functional equivalent od /-mare/ 'just' in local Spanish (often offered as a translation for it by my transcription collaborators), and in other Spanish-speaking regions of South America, is nomás, as in e.g. Son pequeños nomás 'They're not very big'.

On the relevance of using the term "antipassive" in the description of a language with nominative-accusative alignment like smat, seeCreissels (2006a:89-93).

This suffix /-e/ should not be confused with any of the three homonymous suffixes /-e/ 'off.sg' (on which see Section 4.2.3.5), /-e/ 'event.pred' (Section 4.3.2), and /-e/ 'intr.pl'(Section 4.4.4).

CDI is the initialism of Spanish Centro de Desarrollo Infantil (lit. 'Child Development Center', in reference to an early childcare center).

It is all the more intriguing as the suffixes /-e/ 'antip2', /-e/ 'off.sg', and /-e/ 'intr.pl' all trigger the Pattern 2 morphotonological alternations (see Tables36 and 37), a process that bound

Smat's causative constructions in /-'e'e/ involving an initially transitive predicative phrase thus fall within the Type (v) ofDixon's (2000:54-56) syntactically-based typology of morphologicallyderived causative constructions ('original O stays as O, original A moves out of the core').

 254 Smat does not allow ditransitive predicates of any kind, more generally.

1sg.sbj=eat-caus

On the set of semantic properties of causative constructions in /-'e'e/ discussed in this paragraph, seeDixon (2000:61-74).

On the suffix /-ye/ 'in.the.middle', which typically reassigns to pci ̄the predicative phrases it is attached to, seeSection 4.2.3.11.

The speaker mistakenly uses /ña-'ü / (do.thus.3m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv-sub) 'he said' instead of /ngi ́-'ü / (do.thus.3f.sbj.sbjv-sub) 'she said' here.

A hapax morpheme /=na/, which seems to be phonologically and functionally related to /=na/ 'assert', occurs in my corpus in the following utterance:

On this term, see Section 5.1, p.392.

From a diachronic perspective, it is of course likely that the vowels of the subject indexes in slot 4 first underwent assimilation to the vowel quality of an immediately following /i ̄=/ 'pci ', yielding e.g. */chi ̄i ̄=/ (< /cha=i ̄=/) instead of today's regular form /chi ̄=/. The systematic reduction of the resulting vowel sequences */(C)i ̄i ̄/ to plain /(C)i ̄/'s, as in today's regular forms, probably occurred only at a later stage.

For a similar case of assimilation for vowel quality of an /a/ with the nucleus /i/ of i ̃'to be', see the case of the irregular realization /yi ̀=/ of the proclitic /ya=/ 'pci .3f/m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv' in note 272, p.442.

Specifically the form may be reconstructed as */a/, with a toneme / 1 /, if a cognatic relation with the morpheme /-a/ '3m/n/ns.obj' is accepted. On this possible relation, see end of this section.

Against this hypothesis, however, note that pcnàonly occupies a marginal position within the system of predicative classes of today's smat, and is at best rarely (if ever) to be found in forms

inflected in imp. This makes pcnàa poor candidate for contributing morphological material to pcØ via analogical extension, at least in the recent history of the language.

This process of "indexation" could in fact be better characterized as a case of agreement for subject argument, given that it indexes a participant already expressed syntactically in the clause.

Interestingly, certain speakers (e.g. jgs, lar, igv) occasionally produce analogical forms in sbjv with a third person f/m/n/ns subject index that aligns with the straightforward cases of encoding of subject indexes in slot 4 in sbjv discussed in the preceding paragraphs, e.g. /na4=rü ̄6=ngü gü -'ü / (3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=pcrü =rest-pl\sbjv-sub) 'they rested' (on the model of the straightforward /ta4=rü ̄6=ngü -gü -'ü / [3s.sbj\sbjv=pcrü =rest-pl\sbjv-sub] 'they rested') instead of the

This formal identity suffers a single exception. While the morpheme that simultaneously encodes pci ̀and a third person m/n/ns object index in ind has the phonological form /ya=/, the one that simultaneously encodes pci ̀and a third person f/m/n/ns subject index in sbjv virtually always takes the phonological form /yi ̀=/ (or even /yi ̰=/, instead of the expected /ya=/) in the specific case where it is combined with the high-frequency verb root i ̃'to be' (yielding the predicative phrase /yi ̀=i ̃/ [pci .3f/m/n/ns.sbj.sbjv=be\sbjv] '(that) he/she/it is'). For a similar case of assimilation for vowel quality of an /a/ with the nucleus /i/ of i ̃'to be', see the case of the irregular realization /i ̄yi ̀=/ of the proclitic /i ̄ya=/ '3f.sbj.pci ' in Section 5.3.2

.273 Note, additionally, that the reason why the morphemes that fill slot 7 in ind never stand for a third person f object but only for third person m/n/ns objects (while the same morphemes in ind may stand for both third person m/n/ns and f subjects) is because third person f participants in (core) object syntactic position are in practice always encoded, via a phenomenon of differential object marking, as participants in the accusative. Such participants, when indexed on the predicative phrase, systematically occupy slot 2 of the inflectional template of the predicative phrase, and never slot 7.

The tonological properties exhibited by the predicative phrases themselves (in light grey) in

The predicative class pcrü ̄contains no transitive (morphologically simplex) verb root, which is why a (morphologically complex) predicative phrase is resorted to here.

Compare the French lexicalized phrase y aller 'to leave' (lit. 'to go to it') as in Je vais devoir y aller 'I should probably get going', which likewise involves a non-referential spatial index y.

The subtle shade of meaning contributed by /ne=/nu=/ '3n.part.obj' in this construction is

Also labeled "reversive path" by some authors, as e.g.[START_REF] Rose | Associated motion in Mojeño Trinitario: Some typological considerations[END_REF].

O ñanèappears to be the name of an individual legendary tree, rather than a designation for a tree species.

Or perhaps in fact pci , taking into account the fact that these two predicative classes are often confused with each other in my corpus (see above in this section).

This is not to say that the deictic verb is a filler, i.e. a semantically-empty verb whose only function is to fill in the morphosyntactic position of a predicative phrase in cases where a speaker finds him or herself unable to-or does not want to-use a semantically-determined predicative phrase. This predicative-phrase-filler function is carried out by the interrogative-indefinite word akü 'what?.ns'

From Lyons' perspective, this kind of deictic reference would possibly be analyzed as "pure textual deixis" (like the kind of deictic reference involved by it in e.g. That's a rhinoceros. -A what?

See example (268), however, for an utterance in which the deictic verb (which precedes its target) is exceptionally separated from it by its subject argument.

Note that the linker regularly introduces such postposed subjects, as they have necessarily already been referred to within the clause through the encoding of the subject argument included in the inflected deictic verb. By contrast, complements in the accusative post-posed to the deictic verb are usually not introduced by the linker, as they are then being referred to for the first time within the clause (they cannot have been already referred to through indexation on the inflected deictic verb, in particular). On the syntactic distribution of the linker, see Section 3.5.

Note that the comitative relational noun /-ma'a/ is similarly used to mark e.g. the name argument of the verb ū(pcØ) 'to call someone or something (Core obj) something (com)'. This morphosyntactic observation regarding a semantically comparable kind of predicative phrase supports the analysis I propose for the complement naḿa'a 'with it' optionally occurring in the construction under discussion in the present section.

Although ñu'(u) is also present etymologically in the synchronically unanalyzable interrogativeindefinite words ñu'akü ̀'how?' (etymologically composed of ñu'(u) and /-akü / 'man'), ñu'gù'when?' (from ñu'(u) and /-gu̽ / 'ploc' or /-'gu̽ / 'circ'), and ñu'ré'how much? how many?' (from ñu'(u) and a bound morpheme */-'re/ 'amount?', on which see note 218).

These two highly unexpected forms are unfortunately hard to interpret from a diachronic perspective. They could be analyzed as either inflectional fossils or late innovations.

This comment also applies to ñaâkü ̀in its frequent occurrences in association with the interrogative word ñu'(u) 'what activity?' yielding the invariable phrase ñu'(u) ñaâkü ̀'in what manner? how?' (on the interrogative word ñu'(u), see end of Section 6.1).

This morpheme /ta'u-/ 'nothing' probably comes from a former zero-derived nominalization of the verb ta'u 'be absent'. Note, however, that by this etymological interpretation /ta'u-/'s current shape would appear to be tonologically slightly irregular, and one would have expected a form */ta'u-/ (i.e. a form *[ˈt ̞aː 34 ʔu 3 ...], featuring a tone [ 3 ], not[ 4 ], on its second surface syllable) instead.

Anderson & Anderson (2016:218-219) also register the related forms tax 2 u 2 ma 3 'nothing' (i.e. /ta'u=ma/ 'nothing=precisely' in my analysis), tax 2 u 2 cax 5 ma 3 'for nothing' (i.e. /ta'u-ka̰ =ma/ 'nothing-cause=precisely') and tax 2 u 2 cü 2 rü 2 wa 1 'cannot' (i.e. /ta'u-kü ŕü ẃa/ 'nothing-since?') in the Cushillococha Tikuna variety. These, and possibly more, might also exist in the smat variety.

Compare the parallel combinations with negative polarity of e.g. Japanese maꜜda 'still' and moꜜo 'prf', or Central Thai ยั ง jāŋ 'still' and แล ว lɛːw 'prf'.

I have no simple explanation for why in the following examples /-'V chi ̀/ 'genuinely', while it is suffixed to the negative words themselves, does not intensify negation as expected, but rather seems

According to ear, using the (optional) linker in the prohibitive construction imparts extra directive strength to the prohibition and may make it sound more threatening.

This pragmatic use of taũ 'neg' is likely related to the fact that taũ probably comes from ta'u'ü ('nothing', among other possible glosses) etymologically (see Section 7.2.1 above).

The part of this summary enclosed in square brackets corresponds to the part of the recording of the myth of Ngutapa by lar for which no transcription is provided below.

Possibly a mistake for na-ü 'ü ̃(3m/n/ns.sbj\sbjv=make\sbjv-sub), i.e. with the woman's feet-not the woman herself-as the subject.

The exact syntactic role of gàta'ü ́in this utterance is unclear.

'It was written' is the approximate English rendering of an original idiom that does not refer to writing in any way. This idiom (naĉhi ̀gàni ́i ̀-i ) can be glossed as 'it was part of a meaningful succession of events'. On its meaning, see alsoGoulard & Montes Rodríguez (2016:30).

Ma'è'wasp' is here to be understood as /ma'e-chi ̋ka/ (wasp-spot) 'wasp sting'.

Lit. 'That's what he spent his time doing, spending his time sharpening darts.' The redundancy of nà-ã ű'ü ̃'he spent his time' in this utterance is most likely due to mistake.

The syntactic construction and exact meaning of this utterance are unclear.

This utterance lacks a main clause and might be unfinished. The speaker's daughter briefly interrupts her right after she finishes saying nà-gūnagǘgu.

Pragmatic meaning uncertain.

The exact referent Ngutapa is blaming here is unclear. It could be either his knees, the children inside his knees, or even his general situation.

Assuming this ni ́i ̀-i ̃is correctly transcribed, its function is unclear.

The stylistically marked non-verbal clause yĕ'mákǖ {tàa} can be literally glossed as '[he did what he was about to do] in the exact state in which he was there'.

This segment, whose phonological transcription I have thoroughly verified, is unclear from a morphosyntactic perspective. Its morphosyntactic structure is in fact likely to be stylistically highly marked, and therefore to be very rare in spontaneous speech.

Here again, a word meaning 'mother' is used to refer to the children's grandmother (see (T106) above).

This interpretation of nâànègùkå'ǘ'ü ̃is uncertain.

The function of this instance of a'a 'quot' is not entirely clear. It is tentatively rendered as 'like she said' in the free translation.

The logical connection between the two halves of this utterance ('So ... this,' and 'she ... tree.') is unclear.

Lit. 'so that they would not bother her'.

The grammatically uninterpretable nominal phrase tò'pèchìnǜ i ̀nâànè is most likely a mistake for /no-'rü ̄tò-'pèchìnǜ i ̀=nâ-ànè/ (3n/ns-gen other.ns-bank lk.ns=3n/ns-space) or alternatively /nâ-ànè-arü ̄tò-'pèchìnǜ/ (3n/ns-space-gen other.ns-bank) 'the other bank of the world'. CompareGoulard & Montes Rodríguez (2016:82, l.246).

The way níì-ĩ ̊nŭ'àtǖnà-gẽnátǖgü 'ü ̃is syntactically integrated within the rest of this utterance is unclear, and probably very loose.

On the extent of the concept of duǜ 'ü ̃among the Tikunas, see note 315, p.552.

Unfinished utterance.

A present-tense translation is resorted to here to render the effect of the original repetitive structure (cho̊ã 'a gá tíī-cho). This stylistically-marked structure apparently makes the scene more vivid than if it were expressed with an unmarked one.

Ou manner demonstrative verb dans la terminologie proposée par[START_REF] Guérin | Demonstrative verbs: A typology of verbal manner deixis[END_REF] dans une étude typologique consacrée à ce type de mot déictique relativement rare dans les langues du monde.

Acknowledgments

There's a few people I owe very, very special thanks to.

This research was supported by funding from

The manner deictic verb 284 /ña-/ña-+-((rü )gü )/, which I broadly gloss as 'do thus', is one of the most frequent verbs of the language in discourse, particularly in narratives. It deserves special attention from both a functional and a formal perspective. The differences that set it apart from any other kind of predicative phrases in the language, and from regular verb roots in particular, are indeed equally remarkable from these two perspectives.

Note in particular its unique bipartite morphological nature (hence its bipartite labeling as /ña-/ña-+-((rü )gü )/). In most-although not all-of its inflectional forms, the deictic verb displays double exponence. In these forms, a first morpheme /ña-/ña-/ and a second morpheme /-gü /-rü ḡü /, which together fulfill a single unanalyzable function, are separated by a subject person index (e.g. /ña-cha-rü ḡü /

['do.thus-1sg.sbj-do.thus'] 'I do thus'; the morphological distribution of the allo- 284 Or 'manner demonstrative verb', following the terminology put forward in Guérin (2015)'s typological study of this cross-linguistically relatively rare type of deictic word.

Overview

This chapter deals with the morphemes and constructions that are resorted to for setting a clause's polarity to negative. The major functions related to negative polarity and the morphosyntactic strategies applied to execute them are briefly summarized in Table 49. These aspects, and a few more, are discussed in detail in the next sections (the corresponding sections are referred to by numbers in parentheses in Table 49). For a typological discussion of most of the functions identified in The cycle of Ngutapa, his two sons Yoi (often called /ta-natü / (4-father) "our father" by the Tikunas) and Ipi, and his two daughters is by all accounts (whether endogenous or exogenous) the most important one in today's Tikuna mythological repertoire, minimally among the Tikunas of Colombia. It contains, among many other mythological accounts of elements characteristic of today's world, an account of the creation of human beings. For versions of the cycle of Ngutapa in Western languages, see in particular Nimuendajú (1952:121-137; partly condensed English version) and Goulard & Montes (2016; extensive Tikuna-Spanish version). For a discussion of linguistic features typical of Tikuna mythological discourse, see Gómez-Pulgarín (2012).

For parallel-although often divergent-versions of the episodes transcribed below, see more specifically Nimuendajú (1952:121-123, 133-134) and Goulard

Appendix B

Glossary of lexemes

This glossary lists in alphabetical order all the more lexical-like smat morphemes mentioned in this work together with their variants. Each entry provides the morpheme class of the corresponding lexeme as well as the gloss (or glosses) that it receives in this work, and occasionally a short comment. Bound morphemes whose first syllable features a toneme / 4 /, / 3 /, or / C / are further characterized as being either triggers ([+tr.]) or non-triggers ([-tr.]) of the Pattern 2 tonological alternations (see Section 2.6.2.2). Lexemes that refer to particular living species are additionally provided-on an indicative basis-with the binomial name of that (or occasionally those) species (the mention "unidentified" appears in cases where I am unable to provide a binomial identification). 349 verb root 349 I have identified these species based on a large number of references from the fields of linguistics, anthropology, and biology that include Nimuendajú (1932:573-580), Kricher (1997), Montes (2002), Rengifo-Salgado et al. (2017), the Red List of Threatened Species (2020), and personal communications with Jean-Pierre Goulard, combined with basic ethnolinguistic research in sma. For a systematic identification of most of the mammals found in the surroundings of sma featuring the smat and local Spanish names of each species, see Bertet (2019).

Appendix C

Résumé en français

Cette annexe propose un résumé en français du contenu de la présente étude.

Celle-ci consiste en une description de certains aspects de la grammaire d'un parler tikuna abordés depuis une perspective fonctionnelle et typologique. Le tikuna est une langue isolée parlée dans l'ouest de l'Amazonie sur les bords du fleuve Amazone. Le parler tikuna décrit dans cette étude correspond à celui de la communauté de San Martín de Amacayacu, située dans l'extrême sud-est de la Colombie. Les locuteurs de ce parler désignent généralement leur langue du nom de taga, littéralement 'notre langue (nous inclusif)' ou bien 'langue des gens', y compris dans leurs interactions avec des personnes non tikuna. Les deux principaux domaines de la grammaire de la langue traités dans ce travail sont d'une part son système phonologique, et d'autre part la morphosyntaxe et la sémantique de son syntagme prédicatif. Sont également abordés, avec moins de détail, certains aspects de la morphosyntaxe du syntagme nominal, ainsi que l'expression de la négation dans la langue. Les analyses avancées dans cette étude reposent presque exclusivement sur des données linguistiques de première main que j'ai rassemblées entre 2015 et 2018 à San Martín de Amacayacu avec l'aide de locuteurs natifs de la langue.

La suite de cette annexe esquisse dans un premier temps le profil typologique du tikuna de San Martín de Amacayacu tel que mes recherches m'ont permis de le comprendre, puis présente l'organisation générale de cette thèse, et décrit enfin succinctement le contenu de chacun des sept chapitres de cette dernière.

Chapitre 4 -Syntagmes prédicatifs verbal et non-verbal et leur morphologie non-flexionnelle

La Figure 1 (2) cha=na=chi ́-a1 sg.acc=3m/n/ns.sbj=piquer-plloc 'elle m'a piqué à plusieurs endroits (de mon corps)'

Index of grammatical morphemes

This index lists in alphabetical order all the more grammatical-like smat morphemes mentioned in this work together with all their allomorphs and lectal variants, if any. The numbers under each entry are references to all the pages where the corresponding morpheme is mentioned, whether within a grammatical discussion in the main text, within an elicited or extrapolated numbered example, within a spontaneous numbered example, or within the spontaneous interlinearized text in Appendix A.

This index is intended to serve three main purposes:

-provide a general list of the morphemes of the language;

-allow readers to easily use this grammatical description as a corpus of textual data for the study of these morphemes (and, in particular, for the study of those morphemes that are not explicitly described in this work);

-and give a rough indication of the frequency of these morphemes in my elicited and spontaneous data (beware, however, that the number of page references under a given entry does not directly reflect the number of textual occurrences of the corresponding morpheme in this work, as these page references also include main-text discussions of the morphemes as well as a handful of occurrences of the morphemes in extrapolated examples).

Recall that in most PDF viewers, the unabbreviated form of any gloss may be consulted by hovering over it with the mouse pointer. Page references are clickable.