Dominique Legallois

Stefan Koch

The notion of motif at the crossroads of disciplinesfolkloristics, narrativity, bioinformatics, automatic text processing, linguistics

Keywords: motif, narratology, bioinformatics, theme, automatic text processing, linguistic unit

The aim of this chapter is to present the main elements necessary to understand the use of the term "motif" in different disciplines, ranging from 19th century folkloristics, narratology, bioinformatics, automatic text processing and linguistics. Although each discipline has its own specificities, it is possible to highlight common concerns, such as the definition of the motif, its nature (is a motif a thematic or a linguistic unit?), its identification. This article argues for collaboration between disciplines that are scientifically very distant, but which all face the problem of motif.

INTRODUCTION

The aim of this chapter is quite ambitious since it consists in proposing a presentation and discussion of the notion of motif in several disciplinary fields. These disciplines can be very distant from each other, which at the same time complicates and enriches the task.

Why be interested in this notion of motif in the first place? It has seemsappeared that this notion is one of the few that transcends (in part) the different disicplines, whether they be disciplines of the humanities or natural sciences, which often have little in common. Moreover, in linguistics, specifically in the subdisciplines concerned with semantic or stylistic characterisation of texts, the notion motif has undoubtedly enjoyed certain success in recent years. This success can be measured by the various proposals and innovations brought forward by different linguists, either to further develop this concept or to develop tools that allow the automated extraction of motifs from texts. In the present chapter, as in the different chapters of this book, applications of motifs are presented.

The term motif is extremely complex. Even when tackled within the same discipline and field of analysis, as in this publication, it is subject to somewhat different conceptions. In other words, motif remains a notion whose definition is not stable and that is constantly undergoing new developments. These developments are on the one hand technically driven by advances in computer technology, but also by conceptual innovations.

It therefore seems necessary to us to provide the linguist and the literary text specialist with historical, epistemological and methodological information on the use of the term motif in scientific research. The different approaches and draw inspiration from them for their own research, or put their research in a particular perspective. In return, non-linguists will be able to find, elements in the lingusitic approach that will allow them to think through and develop their own conception of motif. The term motif and its different concepts seem to us to be a solid basis for a dialogue between subjects and discplines that usually ignore each other.

The disicplines we will review first are narratology and folkloristics. In these disciplines, the notion is very well represented since the work carried out in the 19th century on popular traditions. It was then developed by structuralists and narratologists/semioticians. Secondly, we will present the role of the term motif in information retrieval in science, whether from [START_REF] Harris | The form of Information in Science: Analysis of an Immunology Sublanguage[END_REF] perspective or the perspective of bioinformatics. These techniques used to analyse patterns of different kinds are not as far awayas we shall seefrom some of the older approaches in narratology.

The third "family" of approaches is the one of natural language processing (NLP), which has recently developed the notion of motif as a particular linguistic unit that allows computational processing of texts and corpora: characterization, clustering, classification, etc.. This work was initiated by [START_REF] Köhler | The frequency distribution of the lengths of length sequences[END_REF].

Finally, over the past ten years, a series of studies from a lingusitic perspective have been carried out in France, including the domain of computational linguistics, but trying to cover several dimensions of the text by recurring to stylometry, semantic characterizations, genre characterizations etc. The Franco-German, ANR-DFG-financed research project PhraseoRom, from which many of the contributions in this book stem, is part of this body of research.

At the end of this overview, the reader will have at his disposal a set of designs from which he will be able to valuable conclusions to be able to evaluate the possible ramifications of the concept of motif.

Since motif is also often being associated with music and painting, i.e. in non-linguistic or textual domains, our article could have been even more ambitious and addressed other "arts" than the text. For this article we limit our presentation and reflection to textual motifs, though, try to elaborate a specific application to literary texts at the end of the article.

MOTIF IN FOLKLORISTICS AND NARRATOLOGY

With the term motif, cultural anthropology and folkloristics refer to a recurrent element in the popular traditions of a cultural community. The combination of several motifs forms patterns, and allows researchers to describe, analyze and interpret the differences between one culture and another. Thus, in a wide sense, motif can be applied to the field of literatureincluding oral literature, such as tales -, visual and textile arts and music. In the latter two, a motif is then either any repeated decorative element or the smallest distinctive recurring musical line from a melody or rhythm. This musical motif is different from the one proposed by [START_REF] Boroda | Die melodische Elementareinheit[END_REF], which we mention later.

TALES AND POPULAR NARRATIVES

For our purpose, the study of motifs in tales or popular narratives is of particular interest. There, motifs are recurrent micro-stories, recognizable thanks to a stable but malleable and flexible physiognomy, according to the texts in which they are instantiated. More precisely, they are stereotypical narrative sequences whose identity is definable and irreducible (Vincensini 2000, 2). See the following examples, some of which are developed in the work of Vincensini:

-"Punishment, sitting in the water" 1 , which appears in many novels of the Middle Ages, but also in the Lives of the Saints. -"The perilous cemetery": the hero is confronted, at night, with supernatural opponents (Cadot 1980).

1
This motif is also what in the 12th and 13th centuries are called EXEMPLA (sg. EXEMPLUM), i.e. short moral narratives given as true, used for educational purposes in sermons. They were also used to "christianise" traditional stories. There were EXEMPLA repertories, for example the collection SCALA COEDI by Jean Gobi around 1300 (Vincensini 2000, 13).

-"The constrained gift": a donor makes unlimited offers without even being asked by the recipient. This motif appears in the Gospels of Saint Matthew as well as in the Arthurian legend. -"The accusatory bleeding": a corpse starts bleeding in the presence of the murderer.

This motif is used in many medieval texts, but also in le Second livre des Amours by Ronsard, in Richard III by Shakespeare, in les Tragiques by Agripa d'Aubigné. -"The animal skin delimiting a territory": this motif is about a trick used by the hero to claim a large territory.

The conception of motif in ancient and traditional texts necessarily has to do with intertextuality and collective memory. In a way, motifs are always leitmotivs in a culture.

Based on the first collections made by the Grimm brothers, in the Verzeichnis der Märchentypen, published in 1910 by the Finnish folklorist Antti Aarne (1867Aarne ( -1925;;see Aarne 1961 for an English version), tale-types (Märchentypen) are classified into categories, each defined by a number and a title in German. The concept of tale-type allows variation of the same tale in different countries or repertoires. The American folklorist Stith Thompson (for example 1946) continued this work, which in the end lead to the international classification of tales known as the Aarne-Thompson classification. But he also proposed a categorization of motifs whose result is the famous Index of Motifs in the six-volume Motif-index of folkliterature: a classification of narrative elements in folktales, ballads, myths, fables, mediaeval romances, exempla, fabliaux, jest-books, and local legends, published between 1932-1936 2 .

Several main categorizations are distinguished: a) mythological motifs; b) animal; c) tabu; d) magic; e) the dead; f marvels; g) ogres; h) tests; j) the wise and the foolish; k) deceptions; l) reversal of fortune; m) ordaining the future; n) chance and fate; p) society; q) rewards and punishment; r) captives and fugitives; s) unusual cruelty; t) sex; u) the nature of life; v) religion; w) traits of character; x) humor; z) miscellaneous groups of motifs.

For each category, Thompson made sub-divisions. For example, the motives relative to The Wise and the Foolish are included in the following sub-divions:

 J0-J199
Acquisition and possession of wisdom/knowledge  J200-J1099 Wise and unwise conduct  J1100-J1699 Cleverness  J1700-J2799 Fools (and other unwise persons)

The many distinguished classes are the subject of the following grouping, made by Thompson in his book The Folktale (1946):

A motif is the smallest element in a tale having a power to persist in tradition. In order to have this power it must have something unusual and striking about it. Most motifs fall into three classes. First are the actors in a talegods, or unusual animals, or marvelous creatures like witches, ogres, or fairies, or even conventionalized human characters like the favorite youngest child or the cruel step-mother. Second come certain items in the background of the actionmagic objects, unusual customs, strange beliefs, and the like. In the third place there are single incidentsand these comprise the great majority of motifs (Thompson 1946, 415-416) One of the current conceptions of motif in narratology seems to correspond to Thompson's comments. The striking character of the motif, in a way, its expressive character, lies in its concrete value. In a recent reference book on narratology, Abbott (2008, 95), based on Prince 2003, 55) states, that "[m]otifs are, in Gerald Prince's words, the "minimal thematic unit" (Dictionary, 55)". He the goes on to define motif and theme (See Abbott 2008, 237, 242):

Motif: A discrete thing, image, or phrase that is repeated in a narrative. Theme, by contrast, is a more generalized or abstract concept that is suggested by, among other things, motifs. A coin can be a motif, greed is a theme. (Abott 2008, 237).

Whereas:

Theme: A subject (issue, question) that recurs in a narrative through implicit or explicit reference. With motif, theme is one of the two commonest forms of narrarive repetition.

Where motifs tend to be concrete, themes are abstract (Abott 2008, 242). Abbott (2008, 95) also exemplifies his definitions:

Windows, for example, are a motif in Wuthering Heights and, given the way Brontë deploys them, they support a highly complex interplay of three themes: escape, exclusion, and imprisonment. When, for another example, the character Barkis in David Coppeifield continues to repeat his cryptic phrase, "Barkis is willin'," it becomes a motif, a signature phrase for the theme of shy, honest-hearted devotion in love that Barkis exhibits in his pursuit of Peggotty.

The motif in contemporary narratology is therefore a minimal unit that "concretizes" the themes3 .

THE RUSSIAN FORMALISTS

Since the 1920s the motif has also been considered, among Russian formalists, a minimum unit, but the difficulty of defining this minimality has also been pointed out. Additionally, these researchers develope elements for an articulation between motifs and linguistic forms.

Thus, for Tomaševskij (1966), there is an equation between motif and clause (See also [START_REF] Ducrot | Dictionnaire encyclopédique des sciences du langage[END_REF]. To our knowledge, this is the first reflection on the linguistic dimension of motif. This point will be developed further below. Tomaevskij (1966) also proposes the idea that some motifs can be dynamic: they change the narrative situation, they make it evolve. Those who do not change the narrative situation are so-called stative motives. We recognize this as a first reflection on the gestalt complementarity between foreground and background or figure and ground. Tomashevskij is also the author of the famous distinction between fabula and story, sometimes referred to as the story/narrative distinction.

For Veselóvskij (1913a;1913b), each proposal has its own motif, that is a smallest particle of the thematic material. The notion of motif is therefore undergoing a radical redefinition, which moves it away from the folklorist conception. However, according to [START_REF] Propp | Morphology of the Folktale[END_REF][START_REF] Propp | Morphology of the Folktale[END_REF]), by seeking indecompositionality in the linguistic clause, one misses the set of possible substitutions that make up the richness and variety of tales: If a motif is something logically whole, then each sentence of a tale gives a motif. (A father has three sons: a motif; a stepdaughter leaves home: a motif; Ivan fights with a dragon: a motif; and so on). This would not be so bad if motifs were really indivisible; an index of motifs would then be made possible. But let us take the motif 'a dragon kidnaps the tsar's daughter' (this example is not Veselóvskij's). This motif decomposes into four elements, each of which, in its own right, can vary. The dragon may be replaced by Koščéj, a whirlwind, a devil, a falcon, or a sorcerer. Abduction can be replaced by vampirism or various other acts by which disappearance is effected in tales. The daughter may be replaced by a sister, a bride, a wife, or a mother. The tsar can be replaced by a tsar's son, a peasant, or a priest. In this way, contrary to Veselóvskij, we must affirm that a motif is not monomial or indivisible (Propp 1968, 13).

Propp looked for another method to replace Veselóvskij's (1913b: 9-12) motifs with the notion of narrative function, that is, action defined in terms of its meaning in the development of the plot independently of the characters and the way in which these functions are fulfilled. [START_REF] Propp | Morphology of the Folktale[END_REF] distinguishesfollowing the French philologist Bédierthe constant patterns from the variable patterns, and calls the former function, the latter attribute. The names of the characters change, but their actions or functions do not. The 31 narrative functions in the traditional Russian tale are certainly motifsnarrative atoms -, but Propp seems to discard a cumbersome terminology. The functions (for example: acceptance of the mission by the hero; departure of the hero; testing of the hero by a donor, etc.), find their place in sequences; they are ordered and arranged. For example: lackcompensation for lack, prohibitionviolation of the prohibition, combatvictory, et cetera.

SOME DEVELOPMENTS OF THE FORMALIST APPROACH

The impact of Propp's model was very high from the 1960s onwards. An excellent example is the American folklorist Alan Dundes (1934Dundes ( -2005)), who, using the terminology of the linguist [START_REF] Pike | Language in Relation to a Unified Theory of the Structure of Human Behaviour[END_REF], sought to apply Propp's method to a corpus of Amerindian stories. [START_REF] Dundes | From Etic to Emic Units in the Structural Study of Folktales[END_REF] proposes to rename the Proppian function motifemes. He also developed the term allomotif to designate the various forms in which the motif is realized in the tale. Allomotifs are to motifemes as allophones are to phonemes.

The Czech researcher Dolezel (1972) has repatriated the notion of motif into the field of literary text analysis. His approach has three levels: motifeme, structural motif and texture motif. The first level is metalingistic. It consists in assigning a series of expressions designating an action to another series of expressions that define the actant. Dolezel thus defines the motifeme as a clause similar to Propp's function. The second level, also metalinguistic, focuses on the narrative segments, where an action is assigned to a character. Indeed, for Dolezel, the structural motif is limited to dynamic motifs only. Finally, at the third level, the texture pattern corresponds to a sentence in the text itself. In the author's words: A MOTIF TEXTURE is a narrative sentence (i.e. a sentence of the narrative text). Examples: And suddenly, one fine morning in spring, he rescued from an untimely death a grandchild of old Swaffer (Conrad). Le president m'a dit dans une forme bizarre que j'aurais la tête tranchée sur une place publique au nom du peuple francais (Camus) (The president told me in a strange way that my head would be cut off in a public square on behalf of the French people).

The motifeme/motif relationship will be called SPECIFICATION. We will say that a motifeme is specified by a motif (motif sequence) or that a motif (motif sequence) specifies a motifeme. The motif/texture relationship will be called VERBALIZATION. A motif will be said to be verbalized by a texture; a texture will be said to verbalize a motif (Doležel 1972, 59-61; translation Camus DL).

These perspectives show the need to conceive motif at several levels: an abstract level (for example the motifeme) of a stereotyped entity, identifiable in a literary culture or tradition, which is linguistically embodied in various forms (for example the texture motif).

To conclude this panoramanecessarily incompletein narratology, it is important to address a very formal aspect of motif, which appears in particular in Propp's criticism of Vólkov. Vólkov considers that a motif can be a quality of the heroes (e.g. |two wise sons-in-law and the third madman|), an act of the heroes (e.g. |the injunction of a father so that someone watches over his grave after his death, an injunction that is executed by the madman alone|), an object (e.g. |houndstoothes|, |talismans|). In Vólkov's annotation system, each of the motifs receives a conventional sign: a letter and one or two numbers. Similar motifs are marked by the same letter with a different number. This formalisation allows Vólkov to translate the motifs into alpha-numeric signs and thus to compare combinations. This method seems naive to Propp:

The only "conclusion" that can be drawn from this transcription is that similar tales resemble each othera conclusion which is completely noncommittal and leads nowhere. (Propp 1968, 15). What interests us is not the conception of motif in Vólkov's work, but rather his formalization process, which strikes us because of the analogy that can be seen with recent research, which does not concern narrative or tale, but a completely different field: bioinformatics. What is the relationship between bioinformatics and narratology? The motifs of Russian or Amerindian tales certainly take root in stories that are very different from those told by genome sequences. But perhaps both areas have something to share concerning methodology.

FROM NARRATOLOGY TO BIOINFORMATICS

With the notion of sub-language, [START_REF] Harris | The form of Information in Science: Analysis of an Immunology Sublanguage[END_REF] show, how it is possible, through a set of formal transformations, to "translate" scientific reports into a sequence of formulas which represent the information contained in this reports. The work is mainly concerned with forming classes of words which have the same grammatical relation to particular other words. For example the words of class A which appear as subject in offound in the lymph nodes after injection of an antigen. These words A include antibodies, agglutinin, etc. Starting with this, we may then form a class V of operators is found in, is contained in, is produced by, whose subjects are A (e.g. antibodies, agglutinin). In this way we find that certain word classes recur in a particular grammatical relation to certain others word classes, e.g. A as subject of V with object or "complement" T (lymph nodes, lymph. serum). This creates a sentence type (structure), AVT, which is obtained at the same time as we set up (extensionally) the word classes A, V, T, since these are defined as occurring in respect to each other in the operator-argument relation which constitutes a sentence structure. The grammatical transformations applied previously will have strengthened this result, since for example a sentence Lymph nodes produce antibodies will have been recognized as a transform of Antibodies are produced by lymph nodes, hence as a case of AVT (Harris et al. 1989, 8).

This procedure could be carried out by computer programs applied to scientific papers to identify recurrent informatively relevant patterns. With Darányi et. al. ( 2012) we consider a comparison with the morphology of tales of particular interest: despite their digitalization, tales have not, to our knowledge, been the object of precise computational analysis. Combinations of motifs could thus be analyzed from a very large number of occurrences. The method that would be used would be very similar to that used in Harris' et al. sublanguages or to those used in motif detection in infobiology, for example to detect relations between genes and rare diseases in biomedical texts.

Since Frederick Sanger invented DNA sequencing in the second half of the 1970s, technological advances in this field have been groundbreaking so that the volume of DNA sequences available has increased exponentially. Infobiologists align sequences (linguists would say concordances) to recognize recurring sequences, called motifs. This makes it possible to find similarities between two sequences and determine their possible homologies. For example, in the genome sequences in figure 2 The Dragon Slayer as a motif chain and its equally valid story variants (Ofek et. al. 2013, 3).

DNA motif sequences and narrative motif sequences are are identical in several respects, including some transformations: adding grammar and moving over to permutations, sequences start to play a role. Canonical nucleotide sequences generate secondary and tertiaryin fact spatialstructures such as the famed double helix; canonical motif sequences may contribute to the evolution of tale types, themselves representatives of tale variants. Whereas most mutations are neutral and have little or no impact on the functionality of the product, their adding up can dramatically affect the survival rate of the outcome, leading to new genotypes and phenotypes in the course of evolution. In the same vein, deletion and translocation could be standard tools in the narrative building toolkit; inversion is suggested to play a central role in the Bible [START_REF] Christensen | The Unity of the Bible: Exploring the Beauty and Structure of the Bible[END_REF], and duplication is evident e.g. in the case of the Proppian narrative scheme where complete tale moves may be repeated several times or combined with one another by different embeddings [START_REF] Propp | Morphology of the Folktale[END_REF]. This indicates the need for a theory of text evolution as a series of narrative element recombinations, forming from simple to more complex structures by "mutation mechanisms". (Darányi et. al. 2012, 4).

These similarities in motif analysis in two very different scientific fields show the great potential of collaborations between natural scientists, computer scientists, narratologists and linguists.

MOTIFS IN AUTOMATIC TEXT PROCESSING

Very recently, the term motif has been used with a particular definition in the context of automatic text processing, at the initiative of Köhler (initially 2006; see 2015): a motif is defined as the longest continuous sequence of equal or increasing values representing a quantitative property of a linguistic unit. It is a matter of considering the motif as a unit that can reflect the sequential organization of a text, without resorting to grammatical or linguistic analysis. Without going into the details of the diversity of reasons, we give here some examples. The following example is taken from Köhler (2015:92): the sentence "Word length studies are almost exclusively devoted to the problem of distributions." is analysed according to the above mentioned definition of motif (longest continuous sequence of equal or increasing values…). If we couent syllables in each word (Word=1, lenght=1, studies=2, etc.), one obtains a sequence of 5 motifs, so called word length motifs:

(1-1-2) (1-2-4) (3) (1-1-2) (1-4)
A word with a lower number of syllables than the previous word is the first element of a new motif. Applied to an entire text, the method makes it possible to observe, according to Köhler, that motifs display a rank-frequency distribution of the Zipf-Mandelbrot type: they behave in this respect in a way similar to traditional units of linguistic analysis. From this point, the method can be used to make comparisons between texts, between authors or to perform textual classification. But the example of "syllabic" patterns is not the only one. Motifs can be defined for any linguistic unit (phoneme, type of sentence, type of clause, etc.). A more semantic example is given by the Köhler (2015:98) as well: the segmentation of newspaper commentaries in argumentative relations: ["elaboration"], ["elaboration", "concession"], ["elaboration", "evidence", "list", "preparation", "evaluation", "concession"], ["evidence", "elaboration", "evaluation]. Again, on the basis of these motifs, textual typologies can be established. Finally Čech et al. (2017) take verbal valence as elements of the motif. To each verb of a text, they assign a number corresponding to the number of its arguments; we obtaining something like in figure 2.3: The motifs and their frequency are then identified; for the first five: Again, the study shows that this type of motifs can be considered as a unit sharing the same distributional patterns as well-established traditional units, including the rank frequency and spectrum abide by the Zipf-Mandelbrot distribution. The authors state that valency motifs can be considered regular language entities. Interestingly Köhler bases his approach and the design of "his" motif on the so called F-motif, forged by the musicologist Boroda in the 1970s and 80s [START_REF] Boroda | K voprosu o metroritmitsheski elementarnoj edinice v muzyke[END_REF]1982). Boroda was looking for a unit in music that could be seen as correspondent to word in language and finally came up with the F-motif, which is, just as Köhlers linguistic motifs, a sequence of equal or increasing values, only that in the case of Boroda it is tones and not syllables. Boroda also already tested the ditributional patterns of these motifs against the Zipf-Mandelbrodt-Law, concluding that they match nearly perfectly into the projected distribution by the Zipf-Mandelbrodt-Law. Köhler reimported this concept to linguistics. Boroda's motif does not coincide with the classic notion of motif in musicology, that of a recurring melody etc. (see above). This conception of motif as a unit of analysis of texts is still limited to the formal level, but it is undoubtedly possible, as the study on argumentative relations shows, to extend it to more semantic considerations. Let us conclude with Köhler (2015, 107) that motifs provide a means to analyse text with respect to their sequential structure with respect to all kinds of linguistic units and properties; even categorical properties can be studied in this way. The granularity of an investigation can be adjusted by iterative application of motif-formation, and proven statistical methods can be used for the evaluation. The full potential of this approach has not yet been explored. This method of automatic text processing, proposed by Köhler and his colleagues, is profoundly different from the "bag-of-words" model, which is generally applied in linguistics and stylistics, and does not take into account the sequentiality of the units composing a text, nor their topology.

4 3-3-4 2-3 2-2-2 1-4 Etc.

THE CONTRIBUTION OF COMPUTER LINGUISTICS IN THE FRENCH DOMAIN

In recent years several approaches in France, halfway between computer processing and text linguistics, have developed, first independently and then partly in collaboration. The main objective was to create methods and tools to identify, what in these approaches is also called motifs. In the following we propose an overview over these perspectives, who all have in common, that they consider a motif a statistically significant unit or a unit composed of statistical significant linguistic representations of it.

5.1.GANASCIA (2001)

One of the first works on textual motifs in France is the approach of [START_REF] Ganascia | Extraction automatique de motifs syntaxiques[END_REF]. In this case it is opportunde to speak of textual motifs because it is indeed a question of characterizing speeches. But, these characterizations are of a syntactic nature, in other words, texts are characterized by the syntactic specificities of the sentences that compose them. Ganascia automatically extracts recurrent sequences from syntactic trees. Applied to texts, the implemented method makes it possible to identify the stylistic characteristics of these texts. More recently, Ganascia and his team at Sorbonne University have been working on a simpler model, which consists of identifying motifs of POS in texts by factor analysis. The text is first segmented into a set of sentences and then each sentence is mapped into a sequence of syntactic (PoS tag) items. For example the sentence 4 : "J'aime ma maison où j'ai grandi." (I love my house where I grew up) is first mapped onto a sequence of PoS tags, <PRO:PER VER:pres DET:POS NOM PRO:REL PRO:PER VER:pres VER:pper SENT> In [START_REF] Frontini | Approaching French Theatrical Characters by Syntactical Analysis: a Study with Motifs and Correspondence Analysis[END_REF], the authors characterize the style of the dialogues of the characters in Molière's plays. Thus, Scapin and Harpagon, the two comical characters, are both characterised by patterns of lower syntactic complexity. This is especially the case with Harpagon, whose patterns convey the image of a self-centered person, who wants to have things his way, and who is subject to violent disappointments (especially when money is involved): The technique is partly implemented in the Eremos online platform (<http://eremos.lip6.fr/index.php>). Eremos is a web application capable of extracting and manipulating syntactic patterns through a simple, fast and ergonomic user interface.

Fig.2.5: Eremos

Another platform dedicated to the identification of syntactic patterns is also worth mentioning: SDMC (https://tal.lipn.univ-paris13.fr/sdmc/; see Saharoui et al. 2017). From a text or a corpus, SDMC extracts regularities, that is, sequences of words, lemmas and POS tags that frequently appear together. A set of constraints can be applied to filter the extracted patterns: minimum frequency, or text-specific constraints like "contains an adjective, or a verb". SDMC facilitates the analysis of these sequential motifs with a visualization:

THE APPROACH OF LONGRÉE AND MELLET

In a different context, that of textometry of Latin texts, Longrée and Mellet (2018, 156) propose to consider motif as a textual unit:

What is a motif? In a formal way the motif is defined as an ordered subset of the textual ensemble, formed by the recurring combination of n elements provided with its linear structure. Thus, if the text is formed by a certain number of occurrences of elements A, B, C, D and E, a motif can be the recurring micro-structure ACD or AAA, etc., without here prejudging the nature (lexical, grammatical, metrical, …) of the elements A, B, C, D and E in question: the 'motif' is only the frameworkor the collocational patternaccommodating a range of parameters to be defined and capable of characterizing the diverse texts of a corpus, or even the different parts of a text. The motif is involved in the temporal dynamics of the narration, in the relations between sentences and between the different textual sequences such as descriptions, narrations, argumentations and so on. As general pattern, the motif is able to characterize a genre; but its different realizations or tokens may be specific to different authors in a given genre.

The objective is clearly the topological characterization of texts, A text is understood as an ordered and multidimensional space. The aim is to highlight the units that contribute to the organisation of this space. The authors' definition emphasizes the non-linear dimension of the pattern and its variability, as the following example5 shows:

(5) here I would like/wish to specify however here, however, I would like to clarify Ø I wish to specify, however, that here I would like to specify Ø here I would like to specify however The authors' perspective currently tends towards a cognitive validation of motifs; it involves linking the associations between the lexical elements of a motif as measured by textual statistics and the priming effects of psycholinguistic analysis.

THE LST APPROACH

The notion of motif is also used in the work undertaken in the PhraseoRom project, co-funded by DFG and ANR, which seeks to identify lexical pivot patterns specific to six novel subgenres (crime, love, historical, science fiction, fantasy, general literature). To do this, the involved authors use a method based on corpora of syntactic dependency trees: the automatic extraction of recurrent lexico-syntactic trees (LST) (see [START_REF] Kraif | Le lexicoscope: un outil d'extraction des séquences phraséologiques basé sur des corpus arborés[END_REF]. LST are lexical units linked by syntactic dependency relationships. They are constructed from statistically significant series of co-occurrences based on a statistical association measure, in this case the calculation of the log-likelihood ratio (LLR), using the Keywords Method (Bertels and Speelmann, 2013). Their extraction is done automatically thanks to the programme Lexicoscope [START_REF] Kraif | Le lexicoscope: un outil d'extraction des séquences phraséologiques basé sur des corpus arborés[END_REF]. LST extraction takes as its starting point a lexical pivot (verbal or nominal), selected by frequency and dispersion criteria (among the authors composing the corpus), and produces a set of recurrent subtrees.

The criteria used in the project for the extraction of LST that are specific for the novel subgenres in question, are the following:

-A frequency threshold for nominal and verbal pivots relative to the subcorpus size (greater than 5 or 10); -An LST size of at least 3 elements, with no upper limit; -An LLR greater than 10.83; -A variable dispersion according to the compared corpora, which can be an up to 50% of the authors of the corpora.

The figure below gives an example of an extracted LST corresponding to the expression il pousse la porte (he pushes the door), specific to French crime novels compared to contemporary French general literature (Gonon et al. 2018). Compared to purely sequential approaches, such as n-grams, LST extraction has the advantage of associating only elements that are united by a syntactic relationship, which considerably reduces noise. On the other hand, LST make it possible to free oneself from linearity by exploiting syntactic relationships and thus limit redundancy. Thus, examples ( 6) and ( 7) correspond to a single LST in which coeur (heart) is the subject of the verb battre (to beat).

(6)Le coeur de Kurt battait à coups immenses (Kurt's heart was beating with immense blows).

(Berthelot Françis, Khanaor 1 -Solstice de fer) (7) Le coeur encore battant, il se rendit compte que c'était lui qui avait crié (his heart still beating, he realized that it was he who had screamed).(Achard Marion, Tout seuls)

These two examples also illustrate another specificity of LST: they allow gaps between the elements forming a pattern, which is not possible with a sequential approach. Another step is still possible. Indeed, since this method is based on the lexicon, as many LST as paradigmatic and syntagmatic variations of the motif can be extracted. For example, just as the LST "open the door" presented above, the LSTs "close the door", "push the door", "close the door", "open the door" and "the door opens" are specific to crime fiction (compared to general literature fiction). A grouping of these LST is therefore necessary and is done manually for the moment. We see how this conception of motif could be linked to more narratological perspectives, such as the one proposed by [START_REF] Muryn | Scène de crime dans le roman policier: essai d'analyse lexico-syntaxique[END_REF]. These authors are working with the notion of semantic motif in the crime fiction:

The semantic motif is an abstract representation of all structures realizing the same predicate-argument model […] (it) can thus take the form of a complex sentence, a simple sentence, an SN, etc., or be inferred in whole or in part (Muryn et al. 2016, 4).

It seems to us that we are close here to the complex conception of Dolezel's (1972) motif presented above. Thus, one of the motifs inherent in the crime scene, in a crime fiction novel, is the discovery of a body. This narrative moment (motifeme) is expressed by various possibilities (texture motifs), but can be abstracted into a set of headings:

Harlequin (see [START_REF] Legallois | Repérer les clichés dans les romans sentimentaux grâce à la méthode des "motifs[END_REF] or the stylistic motifs in 19th century French novelists (see [START_REF] Dominique | The balance between quantitative and qualitative literary stylistics: how the method of "motifs" can help[END_REF]).

The method is based on a hybrid annotation of corpora: the set of labels corresponds to general morpho-syntactic categories for nouns, adjectives and for most verbs and adverbs. The most common verbs (auxiliaries, modals et cetera) are reduced to their lemma. The form of invariable words (prepositions, conjunctions, certain adverbs et cetera) is preserved. For example:

(9) La lecture a ceci de magique qu'elle permet de remonter le temps (Thilliez, L'anneau de moebius) (Reading is magical in that it allows us to go back in time) is annoted this way :

(10) le N avoir ceci de ADJ que_SUB il permettre de INF le N.

Then, by extracting repeated segments whose length can be varied, we obtain a set of patterns. These patterns are therefore sequential. Finally, the specificity of each pattern for a given text is statistically calculated in relation to the other texts in the corpusthe idea being to characterize these texts by units of a dimension other than lexical ones. In order to give an idea of the type of unity that can be captured in this way, we recur to a comparison between two different genres: the crime-and the love-genre. The relatively small corpus includes:

-12 "detective" novels, written by Thilliez, Benacquista, Vargas et cetera (2 texts per author), 479129 words -12 novels from the Harlequin collection, 336902 words.

We are only interested here in a few motifs related to the thriller. These motifs have for us a construction value, in the sense of Construction Grammar (for example [START_REF] Croft | Cognitive Linguistics[END_REF][START_REF] Goldberg | Constructions at Work[END_REF]. A construction is a linguistic unit (a sign), which can be a morpheme, a word, the argumental schema of a verb, or a phraseological unit. Constructions can be generic (such as the transitive construction "subj V Obj"), semi specific ("subj break obj") or specific (give the Devil his due). A construction is associated with a meaning that can be semantic, pragmatic or functional. Hence this representation of a construction: Fig 2.9: The symbolic structure of a construction (Croft 2001:18) The theoretical framework of Construction Grammar is an important contribution to understanding the role of motif in texts. Here, the motif is a constructiona linguistic signconsidered not only from the grammatical point of view, but from the point of view of its discursive dimension in a particular text or a particular genre. Nevertheless, these motifs, like the constructions studied in Construction Grammar, contribute to the linguistic competence of "speakers" (here writers and readers), a competence understood as knowledge not of forms as such, but of their use.

Given the small size of the corpus, the number of occurrences of these motifs is itself naturally modest. Nevertheless, their distinctive dimension is obvious. This is how we remember:

(11) Motif [Inf, inf, inf…] (8 occurrences) (a)-Mettre le feu dans le passé, tout perturber, créer des failles, des incohérences, et, peut-être, permettre l'arrestation de l'assassin, avant qu'il s'en prenne à Sylvie (Set fire to the past, disrupt everything, create loopholes, inconsistencies, and perhaps allow the murderer to be arrested, before he attacks Sylvie). (Pol_thilliez_anneau; translation DL) (b)-Foncer à Méry-sur-Oise, faire le tour des établissements scolaires, comprendre quel rôle elle jouait dans cet incroyable micmac (Go to Méry-sur-Oise, visit all the schools, understand what role she played in this incredible Mi'kmaq). (Pol_thilliez_anneau; translation DL) (c)-Run, turn around, find the network and alert the reinforcements. (Pol_thilliez,_chambre).

The motif present, essentially in Thilliez's work, is an accumulation of infinitives referring to important trials in the narrative. The content of these averbial sentences is anchored in the character's inner monologue, which urgently produces a reflection to determine a course of action.

(12) Motif [N, N, N, …] (7 occ.) (a)-Catacombes, laboratoires de biologie, nécropoles, hôtels bizarroïdes, et j'en fais ensuite une espèce de grosse soupe, dans mon cerveau (Catacombs, biology laboratories, necropolises, weird hotels, and then I make a kind of big soup out of it, in my brain) (Pol_thilliez_chambre ; translation DL).

(b)-Depuis l'automne, mélancolie, mutisme, brusquerie, insomnies et sautes d'humeur (Since autumn, melancholy, silence, abruptness, insomnia and mood swings) (Pol_vargas_seine ; translation DL). This time it is an accumulation of nouns (concrete in the first example, abstract in the second), that summarizes past dysphoric experiences. The motif also gives us access to the consciousness of the character who is in full mental confusion.

(13)-Motif [pas de N] (9 occ.) (a)-En pleine nuit, pas de lumières, il n'avait aucune chance d'être vu (In the middle of the night, no lights, he had no chance of being seen) (Pol_thilliez_chambre ; translation DL) (b)-A priori, pas de traquenard (A priori, no stumbling blocks). (Pol_benacquista_malavita ; translation DL) .

(c)-Il n'y a personne, ses volets sont baissés, pas de voiture (There's no one there, his shutters are down, no car). (Pol_thilliez_chambre; translation DL)

The syntactic reduction constructs an obvious effect: the expression is anchored in the inner discourse of the character observing a situation and evaluating it to determine if there is danger. ( 14) Motif [Q alors que P ?] (6 occurrences) (a) Que faisait-il au domaine accompagné de Victor, à boire des canettes, alors que toutes les polices de France le recherchaient? (What was he doing at the property with Victor, drinking cans, when all the police in France were looking for him?) (Pol_benacquista_ego; translation DL) (b)-Pouvait-on imaginer qu'il épargnerait des témoins, alors qu'il avait étranglé une fillette innocente? (Could we have imagined that he would spare witnesses when he had strangled an innocent girl?) (Pol_thilliez_chambre; translation DL))

This pattern expresses several values: the illogicality of a situation (drinking cans -Qwhen one is wanted -P -, where P, normally, prohibits Q), or, on the contrary, its predictability (how could Q not happen in the future when P has happened in the past and yet P is less likely than Q?; P "allows" therefore Q). In a different form, because it is more absurd (killing animals is less likely here than killing people), Vargas exploits this motif whose form is no longer written Q whereas P, but P then why Q?.

(15) Je tue pas les bêtes, alors pourquoi je tuerais les gens? (I don't kill animals, so why would I kill people?). (Pol_vargas_Neptune; translation DL).

These few examples show that the method makes it possible to identify patterns specific to a textual genre whose discursive function or functions can be described. We believe that these patterns are constructions insofar as they correspond to a pairing between (variable but identifiable) forms and meanings. Like the grammatical constructions, the motifs can be schematic, semi specific or even specific in the case of phraseologisms.

CONCLUSION

This article proposes a kind of map, very incomplete because many territories are still missing or "uncharted", to the notion of motif. Because of the polysemy of the word, because of the different conceptions it embodies, it is obviously impossibleand indeed undesirableto consider that there exists an object designated by the word motif, which is common to all the discplines reviewed here. Motif is a "crossroads" word, based on which disciplines can and should interact to share concepts, methods and tools. Beyond its function of presenting a heterogeneous notion of a term (motif), this article pleads for a collaboration between perspectives, which would make it possible to refine certain definitions, to point out phenomena ignored in certain approaches, in short, to give an account, each in its own specificities, of elements in common that motivate the recurrent use of the word motif. Thus, we started from narratology and folklore, which conceive the motif as a minimal unit, first independent of a particular form (the motif is a kind of concrete theme), the motif has acquired a "morphology" in the Russian structuralist tradition: it is linked to generic proposals, which are embodied in various statements, but which are associated with defining functions of the story. The "import" of the motif into modern literary criticism is certainly fructuous, but not without problems: narrative functions are in principle less stereotypical. However, at the level of the analysis of a literary genre, as marked as the crime or sentimental novel, we can detect characteristic patterns, whether these patterns are recurrent lexico-grammatic patterns (similar, in a way, to formal scientific patterns) associated with a particular semantics, or abstractions giving rise to concrete achievements. Subsequently, it will be appropriate for the linguistic analysis of literary texts, and for literary criticism itself, to produce a higher level analysis, namely the study of the articulation of these minimum units into more global units, to assess the thematic developments of the texts. A substantial work in perspective!

  Examples of motifeme strings; (a) one-acant strings: The hero returned; The hero passed the test. (b) Two-actant string: The hero defeated the villain.A MOTIF (m) is a proposition predicating an action to a character. Examples of motif strings: Ivan killed the dragon; Yanko rescued from death a grandchild of Swaffer; The judge sentenced Meursault to death.

  .1 a certain pattern emerge (see D'haeseleer 2006: 423) (2.1; from D'haeseleer 2006: 423) This domain-specific practice from life sciences can be recognized in formal descriptions of narrative content, too. Darányi et. al. (2012) therefore propose to deal with narrative motifs and motifs from biomedical texts in the same way. From a set of tales indexed and indexed[SK1] in Aarne-Thompson-Uther Tale Type Catalog, the patterns receive an alpha-numeric annotation. Each tale is thus reduced to a set of annotations. For example, the tale The Dragon-Slayer is represented in the following way, along with other tales which show a closed motif structrure:

Figure

  Figure2.2: The Dragon Slayer as a motif chain and its equally valid story variants(Ofek et. al. 2013, 3).

Figure 2

 2 Figure2.3 (Cech et al. 2017, 16)

Figure 2 . 4 (

 24 Figure2.4 (Cech et al. 2017, 16)

  Example 4 -[PRO:PER] [PRO:PER] [VER:pres] [VER:pper] -on m' a privé … [they have deprived me …] -on m' a dérobé … [they have robbed me …] -on m' a volée … [they have stolen me …] -on m' a pris … [they have taken me …]

Fig. 2

 2 Fig. 2.6 : SDMC

Fig. 2

 2 Fig. 2.7: An example of an LST

A revised and enlarged edition was published between 1955 and 1958.

See for example the helmet motif in L.F. Céline's Casse-Pipe, studied by[START_REF] Richard | Microlectures[END_REF]

From Frontini and al. (2018 :122).

Our example.

And, parting from them abruptly, he ran down the stairs and out into the air. He bolted into a hansom, and drove to the Goat's Club. His thoughts were on Holly and what he must do before her brother showed her this thing in tomorrow's paper (J. Galsworthy, In Chancery).

The aim of [START_REF] Muryn | Scène de crime dans le roman policier: essai d'analyse lexico-syntaxique[END_REF] is thus to create a semantic grammar of a particular literary genre.

MOTIFS AND CONSTRUCTIONS

Without using the term motif, some approaches, based on n-grams or lexical bundles (for example Mahlberg 2013) aim to characterize, for example, the way in which characters in novels are constructed. This is no longer a matter of narratological motifs in the sense of minimal concrete themes, but this type of research is fundamental to understanding writing processes and to analyzing the specificity of textual genres. The following example is from Siepmann (2015, 381), who is interested in units that he considers as lexically specific narrative patterns and that he calls key word patterns or syngram:

(8) PossDet + thoughts were on / of NP / V+ing It is a pattern used to introduce a passage which depicts a character's train of thought:

Like the categories of discourse markers known as 'announcers' or 'topic initiators' (Siepmann 2005:93), which prepare the reader for the next step in the author's exposition or reasoning (I will now briefly describe) or initiate a new topic in the current text, this kind of unit frequently, though not systematically, serves to indicate a change in focalization, most typically a shift from external to internal focalization. It is notably common for this marker to be followed by a proper noun 6 (Siepmann, 2015, 381).

The work carried out by Legallois (see [START_REF] Dominique | The balance between quantitative and qualitative literary stylistics: how the method of "motifs" can help[END_REF])) attempts to identify these types of patterns, but also formally more abstract patterns. We can thus speak of grammaticalally motifs, particulary within the method first presented by [START_REF] Quiniou | What about Sequential Data Mining Techniques to Identify Linguistic Patterns for Stylistics?[END_REF], by which the authors sought to identify recurring lexico-grammatical patterns in a corpus of 19th century poesy. Since then, the method has been developed and has been applied to different corpora, in particular to distinguish textual genres: the distinction between travel stories and fiction by the same authors (see Diwersy and Legallois (forthcoming), the characteristics of the novels


Dominique Legallois

Clesthia

The French ditransitive transfer construction and the complementarity between the meta-predicates GIVE, TAKE, KEEP, LEAVE: The hypothesis of a grammatical enantiosemy

Keywords: enantiosemy, Ditransitive Transfer Construction, meta-predicat, contrary relation, contradictory relation

We revisit in this chapter the status and meaning of the French Ditransitive Transfer Construction. We show that the construction allows four interpretations that can be accounted for by the antonymous Meta-Predicates GIVE, TAKE, LEAVE and KEEP. But how can the same construction be at the origin of contrary and even contradictory interpretations? The answer, in our opinion, lies in a particularity of the lexicon that is seldom taken into account in semantics and lexicology, namely enantiosemy, a property by which a lexical unit has two opposite meanings. Thus, we formulate the hypothesis that the Ditransitive Transfer scheme itself is an enantiosemic construction.

The problem

In this paper, we study a particular function of ditransitive transfer constructions 1 in French. The ditransitive transfer construction (henceforth DTC) has the following structure: Xsubject + VERB + Zobject + à +Yindirect object For example:

(1) donc mon copain a passé l'argent à son petit frère + son petit frère l'a amené à part + il lui a rendu l'argent + (CFPP 2 ) Lit 3 . my boyfriend passed the money to his little brother + his little brother took him aside + He gave the money back to him This example illustrates both the lexical (à son petit frère -'to his little brother') and the clitic (lui -'him') realization of the DTC.

The interest of this construction is that it functions in a very particular way, the explanation of which remains a challenge. It appears that with certain verbs such as prendre ('to take'), laisser ('to let'), acheter ('to buy'), a sentence, considered out of context, can have two different interpretations. For example:

(2) J'ai acheté une voiture à Paul Lit. I have bought a car to Paul in a first interpretation, (an "allative" interpretation) Paul is the person for whom I bought the car, and who, therefore, becomes the owner of the car. There is a transfer of the car to Paul, so Paul is the beneficiary. In a second interpretation (an "ablative" interpretation) Paul is a garage owner (for example), and I bought a car from him; the result is that Paul hasn't got the car any more. There is a transfer of the car from Paul to the subject. Paul no longer has the role of beneficiary, but is the source of the transfer. However, in both cases, à Paul ('to Paul') is an indirect object (the dative). Whatever the interpretation, the indirect object is pronominalized by lui:

(3) Je lui ai acheté une voiture Lit. I to him have bought a car Of course, acheter ('to buy') has exactly the same meaning in both interpretations; there is neither polysemy nor homonymy. It can therefore be said that (4) X acheter Z à Y is an ambiguous, or more exactly, ambivalent structure: sometimes it triggers an ablative reading, sometimes an allative one 4 . The following two examples are somewhat different in that the verb souffler "to blow" is polysemic: souffler can mean "to whisper, to suggest" or "to pinch something from somebody":

(5) Quant à mon projet de pizza, c'est une amie qui nous invite demain midi qui m'a soufflé mon idée (Internet) Lit. As for my pizza project, it is a friend who invites us tomorrow at noon who blew my idea As for my pizza project, a friend who's invited us for lunch tomorrow pinched my idea' (6) bon je n'ai que l'embarras du choix mais tu m'as soufflé mon idée, des ravioles dont je parlais sur mon blog il y a peu mais j'ai encore pas mal d'idées (Internet) Lit. well I have only the embarrassment of choice but you blew my idea of the ravioles I mentioned on my blog a few days ago but I still have quite a few ideas. Well, I'm spoiled for choice but you suggested the idea of the ravioles I mentioned on my blog a few days ago but I still have quite a few ideas' In (5) there is a transfer of the idea from the subject agent (the friend) to the receiver, whereas in (6) the orientation is reversed: the subject agent "takes" the idea of ravioles from the referent of the indirect object.

The functioning illustrated by [START_REF]Corpus de Français Parlé Parisien (oral corpus of French Parisian speech)[END_REF] or by ( 5) and ( 6) is sometimes mentioned in the literature but has not really been given a precise explanation, apart from the hypothesis of the existence of a "non-lexical dative", a hypothesis that we present and criticize in the second part of this paper. The third part presents the theoretical framework in which we deal with the question. The framework is that of Construction Grammar, which considers that the DTC itself (that is to say the schematic structure Xsubject + VERB + Zobject + à + Yindirect object) has a meaning, independently from the lexicon. We first show that the construction involves two scenarios -that is to say two types of relationship between the participants -that can be accounted for by the antonymous Meta-Predicates GIVE and TAKE, which we will use to gloss many of the realizations of the DTC. We will see that the data are in fact more complex, since some sentences cannot be glossed by GIVE or TAKE and two other scenarios are possible; it is necessary to add the Meta-Predicates LEAVE and KEEP, which therefore correspond to two additional scenarios. It is shown that the four Meta-Predicates GIVE, TAKE, LEAVE, KEEP are the terms of a system of relations of contrariety and contradiction that a logical square can account for.

The fourth and last part revisits the status and meaning of the DTC. Since the construction allows four interpretations (or four scenarios), it can be legitimately argued that it has a generic, "undifferentiated" or "underspecified" meaning: the scenarios are determined thanks to the specificity of the lexicon and the context. But how can the same construction be at the origin of contrary and even contradictory interpretations? The answer, in our opinion, lies in a particularity of the lexicon that is seldom taken into account in semantics and lexicology, namely enantiosemy, a property by which a lexical unit has two opposite meanings. According to the literature on the subject, it is very often the lexical units involving a transfer that are, in languages, the most often enantiosemic units (for example, verbs more or less equivalent to to give, to take, to lend, to borrow, to learn, to rent, etc.). Insofar as we consider that the DTC behaves like a lexical sign (an association between a form and a meaning), it is legitimate to consider that enantiosemy plays a role in the ambivalence of sentences such as (2).

Lexical Dative and Non Lexical Dative

The dative in French participates in different constructions; we briefly present these constructions by taking the classification of [START_REF] Melis | The dative in Modern French[END_REF] and his examples, and limiting ourselves to the three-term constructions of which the DTC is part.

Datives of equivalence

In the case of the dative of equivalence, there is a confrontation between the object and the dative which leads to a difference or a partial equivalence between them: [START_REF] Kemmer | It is not unusual to find examples of causative structures that are obligatorily used for notions which in other languages are expressed in a simple ditransitive predicate. In Ainu, even the concept 'give', in most languages expressed as a verb in a ditransitive structure, is expressed as a causative of a verb of possession: kor 'have' vs. kor-e (have + CAUS) 'give', literally 'make have[END_REF] Il lui préfère Hélène He prefers Helen to him/her Examples of verbs involved in this structure are: assimiler ('assimilate'), associate ('associate'), comparer ('compare'), confronter ('confront'), opposer ('contrast'), préférer ('prefer'), subordonner ('subordinate'), unir ('unify'), etc.

Lexical attributive datives

In the case of lexical attributive datives, the object and the dative are lexically encoded in the meaning of the verb. A first group comprises verbs that express the transfer of an object from the owner to another person: affirmer ('assert'), allouer ('allocate'), communiquer ('communicate'), confier ('entrust'), destiner ('intend'), distribuer ('give out'), donner ('give'), léguer ('bequeath'), rendre ('give back'), répondre ('answer'), etc.

(8) Ses parents lui ont donné trois livres His parents gave him three books A second group comprises verbs that express a process which is oriented from the dative to the subject: acheter ('buy'), arracher ('snatch'), emprunter ('borrow'), ôter ('take away'), prendre ('take'), voler ('steal').

Non-lexical attributive datives

In this case, the dative is not encoded in the meaning of the verb (hence the term "nonlexical"). The process brings the object into existence or affects it. The dative is a beneficiary: (9) Elle lui tricote un pull Lit. she is knitting a sweater to him She is knitting a sweater for him [START_REF]This ambivalence is in fact present in Latin, since sacer means "sacred, holy" and "accursed, infamous[END_REF] Tu lui as déjà chauffé le potage Lit. You have already warmed up the soup to him You have already warmed up the soup for him 2.4. Lexical partitive datives or epistemic datives Some verbs of perception and epistemic verbs form part of a three-term construction with a dative and a direct object: the direct object refers to a typical attribute (such as a body-part or garment) or to a psychological property of the dative:

(11) Elle te trouve le nez bien fait Lit. she finds the nose well-made to you She thinks that you have a nice nose [START_REF] Fait | il y a non énantiosémie, mais recouvrement des deux sens par un sens global. Les langues ont la propriété de pouvoir subsumer le multiple et le double sous des classes souples et extensives, dont le caractère vague facilite la captation des objets du monde, en même temps qu'il contribue à créer la dynamique des vocabulaires[END_REF] On ne lui avait jamais vu cette robe Lit. We never saw this dress to her She had never been seen in that dress before Some of the verbs involved in this structure are: connaître ('know'), croire ('believe'), découvrir ('discover'), trouver ('find'), voir ('see'), etc.

Non-lexical partitive dative

"In the case of the non-lexical partitive dative, there is also a part/whole relationship between OBJ and DAT, a relationship of which the most typical realization is the alienable possession" (Melis, 1996 :48):

(13) Maman lui a lavé les cheveux Lit. Mum washed the hair to him Mum washed his hair It is mainly the lexical attributive datives and non-lexical attributive datives that interest us here, since the former systematically express a transfer, and the latter may in certain cases express a transfer 5 .

Distinction between Lexical Dative and Non Lexical Dative

The distinction between lexical dative and non-lexical dative (or extended dative) was first proposed by [START_REF] Leclère | Sur une classe de verbes datifs[END_REF]. A lexical dative verb is a verb which sub-categorizes a complement of the type "to-NP", a sub-categorization which corresponds to the (lexical) meaning of this verb. A non-lexical dative can sometimes be realized as a NP, but most often it is a dative clitic with a verb which, by virtue of its meaning, does not sub-categorize a "to-NP" complement. [START_REF] Rooryck | Critères formels pour le datif non lexical en français[END_REF] proposed formal criteria for distinguishing the lexical dative from the non-lexical dative, in particular the passive criterion, arguing that the nonlexical dative is incompatible with the passive, so that (15) is the passive alternative of ( 14):

(14) Pierre a acheté trois livres à Marc Lit. Pierre bought three books to Marc (15) Trois livres ont été achetés à Marc par Pierre Lit. Three books have been bought to Marc by Pierre According to Rooryck, à Marc unequivocally represents the source (the seller). In other words, when acheter is used with a lexical dative, the dative represents the source (ablative reading); when it is used with a non-lexical dative, the dative represents the beneficiary (allative reading). This analysis is unfortunately too simple, since even in its passive form, the example remains ambivalent. Take the following example, of which we give, in a first step, just a part:

(16) Ce sac m'a été acheté par une jeune femme (Internet) Lit. This bag has been bought to me by a young woman.

The speaker may be either the seller or the beneficiary. In other words, the passive does not transform the sentence into a univocal statement. The end of the utterance makes it possible to disambiguate the reading:

(17) Ce sac m'a été acheté par une jeune femme qui cherchait un sac pour transporter ses cours. Lit. This bag has been bought to me by a young woman who was looking for a bag to carry her notes. This bag was bought from me by a young women who was looking for a bag to carry her lecture notes. Moreover, it is quite possible to find attested examples which are not ambiguous, in which the subject is undoubtedly the beneficiary (allative reading). For example:

(18) Elle devra ensuite consentir à ce qu'on la pare du bijou qui lui a été acheté par son époux et se plier au rituel du henné (Internet). Lit. She will then have to consent to be adorned with the jewel that was bought to her by her husband and to submit to the ritual of henna.

The woman is obviously the beneficiary of the purchase. The same holds for ( 19):

(19) -Alors attention, on ne dit pas que pour être sexy, un homme doit porter le même pull orange depuis qu'il lui a été acheté par sa mère en 2004 (Internet). Lit. So be careful, no-one says that to be sexy, a man must wear the same orange sweater since it was bought to him by his mother in 2004. So be careful, no-one says that to be sexy, a man must wear the same orange sweater that his mother bought for him in 2004.

The transfer of the object passes from the mother to her son. The use of acheter in a passive form is therefore entirely compatible with an allative interpretation. Rooryck's formal approach 6 and more generally, the "lexicalist" approach according to which the argument structure of a verb is determined by the meaning of the verb, is based on a questionable conception: the verb (or the predicate) has a fixed argument structure. It is therefore claimed that the "non-lexical" dative is not a "true" dative. Even if the data show that acheter (or prendre -'to take') prefers an ablative reading to a large extent, the linguist must be able to account for statements such as ( 17) and ( 18) which, although less frequent, are not atypical. It is therefore necessary to adopt another approach. The one adopted here is the Construction Grammar framework.

Constructional approach and Meta-predicates

Contrary to the "lexicalist" conception, our approach is constructional in that it considers that the syntactic schema [Xsubject + VERB + Zobject + à +Yindirect object] is a construction, that is to say, a form with a meaning (cf. [START_REF] Goldberg | Constructions: A Construction Grammar Approach to Argument Structure[END_REF][START_REF] Goldberg | Constructions at work: The nature of generalization in language[END_REF][START_REF] Langacker | Foundations of Cognitive Grammar[END_REF]. It is then a question of examining the relation between the participants of the construction. This relation can be expressed by the predicate, which is more or less abstract, avoir ('to have'). Thus [START_REF] Barnes | A Functional Explanation of French Nonlexical Datives[END_REF] and [START_REF] Herslund | Le datif en français[END_REF] highlight a double predication, noted by Herslund: XS CAUSE (YOI HAVE ZO) (Herslund, 1988: 103). In fact, Herslund applies this double predication to the argument structure of attribution verbs.

Here, we apply it to the construction of transfer itself. The formulation of this double predication is quite close to that of [START_REF] Goldberg | Constructions: A Construction Grammar Approach to Argument Structure[END_REF] for the ditransitive construction in English. The meaning of the construction thus involves an agent (the subject), a transfer object (the indirect object), a third participant who can be a beneficiary (target of the transfer) or a source (of the transfer). The first predication (CAUSE) is the action initiated by X, the second (HAVE) is the result. One might think, given the examples discussed above and the problem of ambivalence, that there are two possible meanings of the transfer construction:

[X CAUSE (Y HAVE Z)] : je donne un livre à Marie (I give a book to Marie) [X CAUSE (Y NOT HAVE Z)] : je prends un livre à Marie (I take a book from Marie) These two contrary meanings make it possible to account for the ambivalence of ( 2) and ( 16). But things are more complicated, and we will see that there are actually four meanings or scenarios. These scenarios correspond to the meta-predicates GIVE, TAKE, KEEP, LEAVE.

Scenario 1: GIVE

Consider the example:

(20) et j' lui donne une petite pièce tous les matins (CFPP). Lit. And I give him a little coin every morning.

The relation between the participants is written: [X CAUSE (Y HAVE Z)], since it is a matter of ensuring that the person (a beggar) has a coin. Also, as is well known, the object may be an "object" of speech:

(21) je sais pas si des gens leur ont posé la question (CFPP). Lit. I do not know if people asked them the question.

The relation is still relevant for cases of non-lexical datives, for which there is a clear movement towards the target Y: (22) c'était des logements qu'on leur avait fabriqués (CFPP). Lit. It was housings that one had built to them.

It was accommodation that had been built for them (23) On leur mijotera un frichti Grand Siècle ! (San Antonio, La fête des paires). Lit. We will simmer them a frichti Grand Siècle! We'll cook them up some delicious grub! For convenience, this scenario is denoted synthetically by the meta-predicate GIVE. The GIVE thus corresponds to [X CAUSE (Y HAVE Z)] 7

Scenario 2: TAKE

Consider the example:

(24) …les personnes âgées ++ pour leur soutirer de l'argent + (CFPP) Lit. ... the elderly ++ to get them money + the elderly… to get money out of them.

The most natural interpretation is obviously this: [X CAUSE (Y NOT HAVE Z)]. Non-lexical datives can share the same interpretation:

(25) ma voiture était garée et euh: on m'a carrément arrachée le rétro du côté trottoir (CFPP) Lit. My car was parked and uh: one just pulled off the rearview mirror to me by the sidewalk my car was parked and someone just ripped off my rearview mirror on the curb side. This type can be denoted by the meta-predicate TAKE (with the sole meaning, "remove something from somebody").

Scenarios 1 and 2 are generally discussed in studies on the dative; they are prototypical transfer scenarios. The relationship between GIVE and TAKE is said to be one of contrariety. This implies, according to the logical tradition, that scenarios 1 and 2 cannot be true simultaneously. For example:

(26) Elle lui a acheté pas moins de deux voitures (Internet) lit. She bought him no less than two cars

If [X CAUSE (Y HAVE Z)] is true, therefore [X CAUSE (Y NOT HAVE Z)]-the other interpretation of (14) -is false. In other words, if GIVE is true, TAKE is not. But if [X CAUSE (Y HAVE Z)] is false, this does not imply that [X CAUSE (Y NOT HAVE Z)] is true. Therefore, if GIVE is false, TAKE can also be false.
Linguists have rarely addressed the question of the DTC in terms of logic. This may explain why two other relations between utterances have not been taken into consideration.

Scenario 3: KEEP

Indeed, transfers may not take place. Thus, one can have a configuration in which it is not really for X "TO CAUSE Y NOT HAVE Z", but rather "NOT TO CAUSE Y HAVE Z". For example:

(27) Toi aussi viens découvrir les amis qui t'ont caché leur relation! (Internet). Lit. You too, come and discover the friends who have hidden to you their relationship! You too, come and discover the friends who have hidden their relationship from you! To hide something from someone is obviously not to GIVE him that thing, but it is not to TAKE it either; it does not make the transfer happen. Hence the scenario: [x NOT CAUSE (Y HAVE Z)]. The word passer ('to pass') has a very interesting behavior. This verb is synonymous with donner ('to give'), for example:

(28) Un joueur passe le ballon à son coéquipier vers l'avant. C'est une faute car on ne peut passer le ballon que vers l'arrière (Internet). lit. A player passes the ball to his teammate forward. It is a foul because you can only pass the ball backwards.

The utterance expresses the transfer of an object, and corresponds to the GIVE scenario.

There is another type of use of passer in the DTC. This use is highly constrained since the statement must be used in a deictic situation, the dative is a second person pronoun, and the object refers to a linguistic concept:

(29) je vous passe les détails lit. I pass the details to you

The literal translation is misleading; (29) must be glossed by: (29') je ne vous dis pas les détails I won't tell you the details Passer has therefore a synonym sauter le passage ('to skip the passage'):

(30) Bref, je vous saute le passage d'explications hein, on sait tous comment on fait (Internet). Lit. In short, I skip the passage of explanations to you, eh, we all know how we do and becomes, in the following example, an antonym of donner:

(31) mais moi je sais tout quand j' vais le soir au lit m' dit t'as vu ça je + j' lui donne le détail et ça j' lui donne le détail et ça + arrête + je peux plus + (CFPP). Lit. But I know everything when I go to bed in the evening I say you saw it I + I give him the detail and I give him the detail and that + stops + I can more + But I know everything when I go to bed in the evening I say you saw it I + I give him the details and I give him the details and that + stop + I can't go on.

Thus, when the sentence expresses the fact that the object is not transmitted, one is dealing with a third scenario represented by the KEEP meta-predicate. Let us give another example, with a non-lexical dative (the verb bloquer -'to block'):

(32) en c'moment oui ils ont beaucoup d'mal ils sont endettés et euh les banques en plus leur bloquent tout hein ils sont d'une dureté terrible (CFPP). Lit. In this moment yes they have a lot of trouble they are in debt and ah the banks in addition block them all eh they are of a terrible hardness. Right now, yes, they're in a lot of trouble they're in debt and what's more the banks have blocked all their accounts, they're terribly tough.

Scenario 4: LEAVE

Yet another relationship is possible; let us take this example, pronounced by a person (A) divorced from B:

(33) Je te laisse les enfants ce weekend. Lit. I'll leave the kids to you this weekend.

Again, there are two readings: in the first one, A says to B that s/he will "give" the children to him/her. We are in the case of a transfer and the GIVE scenario. But another interpretation is possible: A says to B that s/he will not take the children (and that, therefore, B will continue to keep them).

(34) quand j'ai commencé les communications donc avec IE Groupement on m'a proposé une série de pays ; j'en avais choisi à ce moment-là / trois ou quatre / et on m'a laissé euh / principalement la Suède parce-que les autres / poseraient des difficultés (Valibel) Lit. When I started the communications so with the IE Group I was offered a series of countries; I had chosen three or four of them at that time, and they left mainly Sweden to me because the others would have posed difficulties laisser la Suède ('to leave Sweden') implies not only that Sweden is not taken from him (TAKE), but also that nothing is done to take it from him. Some uses of the verb abandonner (to abandon), when the object is determined by a possessive in co-reference with the dative, enter this configuration:

(35) l'État s'étant pavoisé des couleurs françaises depuis si longtemps, depuis la Révolution française, je lui abandonne son drapeau (Internet). Lit. The French State being proud so long of the French colors, since the French Revolution, I have abandoned its flag to it. / I have left its flag to it.

(36) Vendredi 15 Avril 2005: Derniers jours en Australie... Je quitte Margaret River demain, et comme dans un divorce mal négocié, je lui abandonne ses vagues étincelantes, ses forêts envoutantes, et son si doux rythme de vie (Internet). Lit. Friday, April 15, 2005: Last days in Australia ... I leave Margaret River tomorrow, and as in a poorly negotiated divorce, I abandon its sparkling waves to it, its captivating forests, and its sweet rhythm of life. Scenario 4 is therefore noted: [X NOT CAUSE (Y NOT HAVE Z)], and corresponds schematically to the meta-predicate LEAVE.

We see then that other scenarios are possible than those generally mentioned in work on the dative. Scenarios 3 and 4 can be considered as associated with contexts in which an agent could act, either to GIVE or TAKE, but ultimately does not do so. Therefore, the agent KEEPS (for himself) or LEAVES (to someone else) the object, as the case may be.

Discussion

While scenarios 1 and 2 are in a relation of contrariety, types 1 and 3 on the one hand, and 2 and 4 on the other hand, are in a contradiction relation; the propositions [X CAUSE (Y HAVE Z)] / [X NOT CAUSE (Y NOT HAVE Z)] and [X CAUSE (Y NOT HAVE Z)] cannot be true or false at the same time. In another words, if GIVE is true, KEEP is false; if GIVE is not true, KEEP is true. If TAKE is true, LEAVE is false; if TAKE is false, LEAVE is true: two terms are said to be contradictory when the affirmation of one is equivalent to the negation of the other and vice versa.

Moreover, the relations between GIVE and LEAVE, on the one hand, and TAKE and KEEP, on the other hand, are said to be subaltern: [X NOT CAUSE (Y NOT HAVE Z)] cannot be false when [X CAUSE (Y HAVE Z)] is true (LEAVE cannot be false when GIVE is true)]; [X NOT CAUSE (Y HAVE Z) cannot be false when [X CAUSE (Y NOT HAVE Z)] is true (KEEP cannot be false when TAKE is true). These relationships between participants in the ditransitive construction can be represented by several figures. So if we look at the scenario globally, we get the schema:

The enantiosemic hypothesis

In the previous section, we proposed four possible scenarios. But what is the status of these scenarios? We assume that they are specifications of the meaning of the DTC. Does this mean that [N1 V N2 à N3] is polysemic? And if the construction is polysemic, what motivates the relationships between the four scenarios? In the following, we do not adopt the model often used by cognitivist linguists, which consists in considering that polysemy can be explained by the extension of a central, prototypical meaning to more marginal meanings (for example, Goldberg 1995; for a different approach, see [START_REF] Kay | Argument structure constructions and the argument/adjunct distinction[END_REF]. Rather, based on the logical relations between the various interpretations, we consider the possibility of applying to the syntax a property generally reserved only for the lexicon. This property is traditionally referred to as enantiosemy (gr. eneontios "opposite"). Enantiosemy is defined by the fact that the same word has two opposite meanings. The hypothesis formulated in this work is that a syntactic construction, independently of the lexicon, can manifest several ambivalent meanings; this ambivalence is a case of complex enantiosemy.

Lexical enantiosemy: Very brief historical overview

The German linguist Abel developed in his work (1882,1884) on ancient Egyptian a semantic perspective that was somewhat original in the West 8 : certain words that he studied showed two opposite meanings. For example, some prepositions in Egyptian or Coptic:

Among Egyptian prepositions there are many in which the difficulty of grasping abstract ideas is sought to be overcome by reference to opposite notions. No more vivid illustration of the primitive practice of thinking by thesis and antithesis could be afforded. Hieroglyphic 'm' means alike "into something", "toward something", and "away from something", according to the context; 'er' means not only "away from something" but also "toward something" and "together with something"; 'hr' and 'χeft' mean both "for" and "against"; 'χont', "in" and "under", etc. In Coptic, 'ute' and 'sa' denote both "away from something" and "into something" (Abel, 1882: 238-239).

Abel saw in this phenomenon the persistence or the trace of a characteristic of a primitive language, in which the distinction between opposites does not yet require a distinction between signifiers. This view was shared at the same period by the Russian linguist Šercl (1884/1977) 9 . We know that Freud found this an attractive thesis and transposed it in his 1910 article to the psychic domain. A year later, [START_REF] Bleuler | Dementia praecox oder Gruppe der Schizophrenien[END_REF] proposed the term Ambivalenz to denote the coexistence of two opposing psychic tendencies -ambivalence being firmly linked to schizophrenia, of which Bleuler himself was the "inventor". But ambivalence was soon to be recognized as the fundamental ambiguity of human nature.

Enantiosemy -sometimes called autoantonymy or self-antonyms or Janus word -is therefore one of the linguistic manifestations of ambivalence. Although studies on polysemy have rarely addressed the field of enantiosemy -which has remained at best an amusing curiosity -some linguists, not the least among them, have discussed the relevance of the notion. For example, Benveniste, in an article commissioned by Lacan (1956Lacan ( /1966)), was extremely critical of the phenomenon.

Lexcial enantiosemy: some examples

Based on the literature, we give here some cases of enantiosemy. In French, the verb chasser ('to hunt') refers to two opposing movements: to catch, to "bring to oneself" and "to chase away" (chasser la cannette -'to look for cans' / chasser les mouches -'to drive away flies'). The nouns hôte (host) and ospite in Italian designate either the person who receives or the one who is hosted, i.e. either the host or the guest. Jurer ('to swear') is an illocutionary act of taking an oath, but also an act of blasphemy -and in the same vein, it is known that sacré ('sacred') means both "holy" and "cursed" 10 . The noun personne ('person') refers to an individual, but the pronominal use means nobody (personne n'est venunobody came). Ecran ('screen') [START_REF] Cadiot | Sur le sens opposé des mots[END_REF] refers to an object that allows the "monstration" of something (television screen), as well as an object that makes it possible to hide something (smoke screen). Moreover, in English to screen can mean "to show" or "to hide". Bad obviously means "not good", but in English slang it can mean "possessing an abundance of favorable qualities" (OED, s.v. bad, a., A.1.4.b) 11 ; this is a case of ironic misappropriation. The Russian word pogoda 'weather' means 'fine weather' in some Russian dialects (namely, southern and western dialects) and 'bad weather, foul weather' in most other dialects (Shmelev 2016:70). The French verb apprendre (to learn), and the English verb to learn are enantiosemic lexemes: (37) Il apprend le violon. He is learning the violin.

One can say that A learns B from C. But in (38) Il lui apprend le violon. Lit. He learns the violin to her. C teaches B to A.

Until the eighteenth century, crépuscule ('twilight', 'dusk') referred to both sunset and sunrise (according to the Trésor de la Langue Française). In the context of crossing a river by boat, contemporary French distinguishes the ferryman (passeur) from the passenger (passager). In the sixteenth century, the word passager could denote both. [START_REF] Caffi | Weakening or strengthening? A case of enantiosemy in Plato's Gorgias[END_REF] proposed the term enantiopraxis to denote discourse particles manifesting an ambivalence. The author analyzed the expression ώέπος είπείν in Plato's Gorgias, which can have two opposite values: an attenuator value (so to speak), and a reinforcement value (to use the right word). Littéralement ('literally') is also an enantiopraxeme insofar as it is used either to indicate that a given word must be understood in its proper meaning, or to indicate that it is the object of a metaphorical use. One can sometimes explain the origin of a word by a type of enantiosemic motivation such as antiphrasis. This is the case of obesus "who eats into" in Latin, which is the past participle of obedere and which gave in French obèse ('obese'); yet the original meaning of obesus is "eaten into" hence "skinny, all skin and bone" (Henault 2008, 293).

Other examples will be given below, but for the moment these few cases are sufficient to show that enantiosemy constitutes a lexical property which semantics cannot ignore. We do not claim to be dealing with a homogeneous phenomenon. Among the examples cited, some are cases of ironic use, others are dialectal variants, or diachronic evolutions. One set of cases is of particular interest to us here, namely those which are or have been used with a generic meaning.

We can then ask the following semiotic question: if these words possess (or have possessed) two different (opposite) meanings, can we not consider that there is a "hyperlexeme" which in a way covers the oppositions? for passager: Passager / participant in the crossing of a watercourse / Passager /who ferries [people, goods] across a river/ Passager / the person ferried across the river/ The notion of hyper-lexeme must be specified: it is not to be understood as a hyperlexeme that dominates two lexemes, but as dominating two different (and therefore opposed) meanings determined in use. When these meanings still remain ambiguous, the language then proceeds to specify matters. For example, passeur (ferryman) superseded passager (who ferries people across a river) in the history of French.

Undifferentiated meaning

The existence of a hyper-lexeme implies a level of schematic categorization, and therefore a semantic undifferentiation. The linguist C. Hagège has clearly explained the approach advocated here:

In fact, there is no enantiosemy, but the overlapping of the two senses by a global sense.

Languages have the property of being able to subsume the multiple and the double under flexible and extensive classes, whose vague character facilitates the capture of objects of the world, while at the same time it contributes to creating the dynamics of vocabularies (Hagège 1985: 197) 12 . This notion of a neutral or undifferentiated state has been pointed out at the semantic level of certain lexemes in Semitic languages [START_REF] Bohas | Matrices, étymons, racines: éléments d'une théorie lexicologique du vocabulaire arabe[END_REF][START_REF] Dat | Métathèse et homonymie en Hébreu biblique[END_REF] 13 . We will keep the term enantiosemy, but we therefore consider that for a number of examples above, there exists a hyper-lexeme with a general, undifferentiated meaning, a "notional invariant". Can this lexical property be transposed into the Ditransitive Construction? We have seen that we have to envisage several possible interpretations of the construction, depending on the verb, but also the other lexemes (especially the direct complement) and of course the context. We hypothesize an enantiosemic functioning of the Ditransitive Construction, a hypothesis that is reinforced by a strong argument: many enantioseemic lexemes involve a transfer relationship of an object by an agent to a receptor, the very relationship that contributes to the meaning of the construction. Again some examples: The verb louer (to rent) is the enantiosemic lexeme par excellence in French (the same applies to GIVE (X CAUSE (Y HAVE Z) and TAKE (X CAUSE (Y NOT HAVE Z). The verb affermer (rent a farm), which is now unusual, behaves in the same way. The Norwegian verb låne means both "to borrow" and "to lend", as does the Russian odolzhit or the German leihen. Teubert (2010: 4) argued that a process of standardization by dictionaries has led to borrow and to lend to become two differentiated lexemes in standard English, although in many English dialects they can still be used interchangeably. The Czech verb brát means 'dispossess' in brát nìkomu peníze (take money [away] from someone), while in brát od nìkoho peníze it means 'accept, receive' (money from someone) (Klégr, 2013: 10). Nowadays, the French noun marchand (merchant) no longer denotes anyone who professes to buy, but in the seventeenth century, everybody taking part in the market, the buyer as well as the seller, was called un marchant; it also applies to dette (debt), which means "money borrowed" or "money lent". The creditor could therefore claim his debt (Huguet, 1967: 63) 14 but the word créancier (creditor) could also denote the one who contracted the debt (the debtor).

These examples are strongly linked to the notion of transfer (especially commercial, financial, real estate). Thus, we think it quite plausible (and even natural) that the grammatical construction of transfer itself has an enantiosemic dimension -in fact, a double enantiosemic dimension since it is not only the relation of contrariety that is at stake, but also that of contradiction. We then consider NP V NP à NP as a hyper-construction, in the same way as a hyper-lexeme. This hyper-construction does not index one or more scenarios, but a frame in which these scenarios can make sense. This frame corresponds to Fillmore's frame notion to a certain extent -but it is a generic, relatively abstract frame. Proposing a gloss for this framework is obviously difficult because of its indeterminacy, but it is conceivable that it has to do with the fact that "someone / something acts or does not act for someone / something to have or not have someone / something".

Consequences

We would like to put forward a few arguments to answer the questions that these reflections cannot fail to raise, addressing two questions in particular: 1) What is the cognitive status for speakers of this undifferentiated construction? 2) Are there other grammatical constructions that could be called enantiosemic?

•

Cognitive status of the ambivalent construction It goes without saying that the undifferentiated construction that we postulate is not cognitively accessible to speakers. By its schematic nature, and its absence of lexical saturation, the ambivalent construction is rather elusive. Nevertheless, we contend that it is significant and structuring. How can this phenomenon be explained? We suggest that it can be explained through the theory of usage in linguistics. In this theory, linguistic forms can be apprehended from specimens or exemplars stored in memory because of their frequency. These exemplars may lose their specificity, becoming more and more general. But even in this case, they always remain, for speakers, lexically determined.

We can thus assume that the form NP1 donner NP2 à NP3 is a schematic exemplar of the DTC, like NP1 prendre NP2 à NP3, because of the high frequency of the verbs donner and prendre in the construction (hence our meta-predicates GIVE and TAKE). But the generic form NP1 V NP2 à NP3 and its meaning possess a high degree of schematicity. Although it underlies the various realizations in speech, and although it constitutes a linguistic unity, the construction manifests itself only through its effects 15 .

• Grammatical construction and ambivalence Grammatical ambivalence is not, strictly speaking, an ambiguity, but a very natural operating principle in linguistics. If we adopt a semantic perspective on syntactic schemes, we can consider that other cases of constructions are ambivalent, without, however, illustrating the same complexity as the DTC -which is, remember, "doubly enantiosemic". We will give three brief examples: 1) the construction NP1 V NP2 de INF, in which INF can realize a past infinitive; it is used both in positive (39) and negative (40) orientations:

(39) Je l'approuve d'avoir voulu défendre son bien. (Internet) Lit. I approve him of having wished to defend his property. I approve of his having wanted to defend his property.

(40) Il commence par la blâmer d'avoir épousé Jorgen Tesman (Internet). Lit. He begins by blaming her for marrying Jorgen Tesman.

The meaning of the construction could be expressed as follows: "N1 sanctions the behavior of N2 for the effective or non-effective performance of V by N2". Recall that the verb sanction is enantiosemic.

2) The construction with noms de qualité (ce N1 de N2) with a dysphoric value : (41) Ce salaud de linguiste. Lit. This bastard of a linguist. or a euphoric value:

(42) Cet amour de petit bonhomme. Lit. This love of a little man. This darling little boy.

We therefore claim that the construction, without lexical saturation, is not neutral, nor even neutralized, but ambivalent in its various realizations. Its function is to communicate an expressive euphoric or dysphoric evaluation [START_REF] Foolen | Expressive binominal NPs in Germanic and Romance languages[END_REF].

3) The transitive construction

The simple transitive construction also exhibits an enantiosemic functioning if understood in terms of the relation of contact between the subject and the object. Without going into detail (see [START_REF] Hamelin | Une approche sémantique non prototypique de la construction transitive[END_REF]Legallois 2016, Legallois 2017) , and so on. In these cases, the subject is not or is no longer in contact (whatever the nature of this contact) with the object. The transitive construction can be seen as a hyper-construction, on which two scenarios depend.

All these examples show that enantiosemy, or the ambivalent nature of constructions, is a general phenomenon and an important semiotic principle.

Conclusion

This article has attempted to show that by considering syntactic patterns as meaningful linguistic units, one can legitimately evoke the problem of enantiosemy, which strictly speaking concerns opposing interpretations and more generally grammatical ambivalence. Enantiosemy concerns all semiotic phenomena; it is natural for some linguistic forms to be intrinsically ambivalent, even if they are unambiguous in their actual realizations in discourse. The GIVE, TAKE, LEAVE, KEEP Meta-Predicates inherent in the French construction of transfer therefore correspond to interpretive scenarios. These Meta-Predicates maintain logical relations between one another, which can be conceived as implicative or not. These Metapredicates are dominated by a hyper-construction, which is itself endowed with a meaning, but with a "schematic" meaning in the sense that it is "undifferentiated": this hyperconstruction makes the actants and possible relations between actants available to each scenario, but only the lexical specification and the context can direct the interpretation towards a specific scenario or meta-predicate.

This function is not marginal since it has been identified in different languages at the lexical level; we have been able to show briefly that it also characterizes other types of constructions.

Fig. 1 :

 1 Fig.1: Relations between participants and Meta-Predicates

Fig. 2 :

 2 Fig. 2: Logical Square of the DTC

  , the transitive construction places the subject in contact with the subject: Paul touches Mary -'Paul touches Mary' (physical contact), Paul rencontre Marie -'Paul meets Mary' (social contact), Paul regarde Marie -'Paul looks at Mary' (perceptual contact), Paul émeut Marie -'Paul moves Mary' (emotional contact with an effect on the patient, etc.). Sometimes, the contact is maintained: Paul garde son secret -'Paul keeps his secret', Paul maintient son avis -'Paul maintains his opinions'. But the same pattern may mean the opposite relationshipa nonrelation or dis-contact: Paul évite Marie -'Paul avoids Mary', Paul a perdu ses clefs -'Paul has lost his keys', Paul oublie son texte -'Paul forgets his lines', Paul contourne la ville -'Paul bypasses the city'

One could also conceive of an operation as described by[START_REF] Langacker | A usage-based model[END_REF]: some extensions based on prototypes and a schematization that would correspond to the hyper-construction.