Dr Julien Blanco
email: julien.blanco@inra.fr

Anne Sourdril

Marc Deconchat

Sylvie Ladet

Emilie Andrieu

Social drivers of rural forest dynamics: A multi

Keywords: Non-industrial private forest, trees outside forests, ecosystem services, local ecological knowledge, agroforestry landscape, social representations

published or not. The documents may come   L'archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire

Introduction

Trees are part of agricultural landscapes: almost half of the agricultural areas in the world have a tree cover of more than 10% [START_REF] Zomer | Trees on farms: an update and reanalysis of agroforestry's global extent and socio-ecological characteristics[END_REF]. This widespread presence of trees results in a diversity of agroforestry landscapes including, in temperate regions, dehesa parklands in the Mediterranean area, where trees are scattered within cropped or pastured fields [START_REF] Plieninger | Effects of land-use and landscape structure on holm oak recruitment and regeneration at farm level in Quercus ilex L. dehesas[END_REF], and bocage landscapes in the Atlantic region, where trees form hedgerows around fields [START_REF] Baudry | Hedgerows: An international perspective on their origin, function and management[END_REF]. This spatial proximity between forested and agricultural areas generates a range of ecological interactions between these two components at landscape scale, and contributes to the production of multiple ecosystem services [START_REF] Andrieu | Misconceptions of Fragmentation's Effects on Ecosystem Services: A Response to Mitchell et al[END_REF]. In agroforestry landscapes, forests and 'trees outside forests ' (i.e., scattered, linear, and groups of trees, FAO, 2010) simultaneously provide production (e.g., wood, fruits, mushrooms), environmental (e.g., biodiversity conservation, air purification) and agricultural services (e.g., pest control, erosion control, windbreaks) [START_REF] Baudry | Hedgerows: An international perspective on their origin, function and management[END_REF], as well as cultural services (e.g., landscape identity, scenic value) [START_REF] Oreszczyn | A systems approach to the research of people's relationships with English hedgerows[END_REF].

In order to focus on the forests and trees outside forests that are parts of farm systems, the concept of 'rural forests' (or 'domestic forests') was proposed [START_REF] Michon | Domestic forests: a new paradigm for integrating local communities' forestry into tropical forest science[END_REF]. Rural forests encompass all trees and forests that are (i) managed, shaped and transformed by rural societies, (ii) fully integrated within farming and pastoral systems, and (iii) significant components of rural landscapes and production systems [START_REF] Genin | The Multiple Dimensions of Rural Forests: Lessons from a Comparative Analysis[END_REF]. They are found in tropical and temperate regions, where they are shaped by a diversity of ecological and social factors [START_REF] Genin | The Multiple Dimensions of Rural Forests: Lessons from a Comparative Analysis[END_REF]. In France, rural forests encompass farm woodlands (i.e., woodlands and groves managed and used by farmers), hedgerows (and other rows of trees) and scattered trees. Each of these forest components is known to provide specific ecosystem functions and services and, together, they contribute to the quality of agricultural landscapes [START_REF] Altieri | The ecological role of biodiversity in agroecosystems[END_REF][START_REF] Decocq | Ecosystem Services from Small Forest Patches in Agricultural Landscapes[END_REF][START_REF] Manning | Scattered trees are keystone structures -Implications for conservation[END_REF]. However, in France, farm woodlands (owned by farmers) have drastically declined over the last decades because of sales and inheritance processes that have progressively disconnected woodlands from farm systems [START_REF] Cinotti | Exploitants agricoles et propriété forestières : où est passé la "forêt paysanne[END_REF]. In addition, the intensification of agriculture have caused the decline of hedgerows and scattered trees [START_REF] Baudry | Landscape dynamics and farming systems: problems of relating patterns and predicting ecological changes[END_REF]. But beyond overall trends, the patterns of change in rural forests remain poorly understood at finer spatial and temporal scales (but see Andrieu, Sourdril, du Bus de Warnaffe, [START_REF] Andrieu | When forest are managed by farmers[END_REF]. In particular, little is known of the temporal continuity of present day rural forests (i.e., their age and history), although it is a strong determinant of their role with regard to biodiversity and ecosystem functioning [START_REF] Hermy | Legacies of the past in the present-day forest biodiversity: a review of past land-use effects on forest plant species composition and diversity[END_REF][START_REF] Herrera | The role of remnant trees in seed dispersal through the matrix: Being alone is not always so sad[END_REF]. Another gap in knowledge results from the lack of data on rural forest management.

Similarly to most small private forests in western countries, most French rural forests have no formal management plan [START_REF] Elyakime | How to improve the marketing of timber in France?[END_REF], and are not necessarily managed on the basis of profitability [START_REF] Sourdril | How to Maintain Domesticity of Usages in Small Rural Forests? Lessons from Forest Management Continuity through a French Case Study[END_REF][START_REF] Sourdril | Territoire et hiérarchie dans une société à maison Bas-Commingeoise: Permanence et changement. Des bois, des champs, des près[END_REF] Du Bus de Warnaffe, [START_REF] Sourdril | From farm forestry to farm and forestry in South-western France as a result of changes in a "house-centred" social structure[END_REF]. On the contrary, farmers' management decisions depends on individual factorssuch as personal objectives, emotional ties and aesthetic values [START_REF] Joshi | Determinants of private forest management decisions: A study on West Virginia NIPF landowners[END_REF][START_REF] Tikkanen | Applying cognitive mapping approach to explore the objective-structure of forest owners in a Northern Finnish case area[END_REF])and social normsfor example when norms define what a well-managed hedgerow is [START_REF] Notteghem | Haie sèche, haie vive et ronce artificielle[END_REF]. To better understand local landscape dynamics, that are known to be mainly driven by farmers [START_REF] Baudry | Landscape dynamics and farming systems: problems of relating patterns and predicting ecological changes[END_REF], it is therefore critical to be better informed with regard to this complex management system, the way it changes, and the way it influences rural forests. This objective raises methodological and theoretical issues for research, in particular because it requires simultaneously taking into account social and ecological drivers.

This study combines approaches from the natural and social sciences in order to comprehend (i) rural forest patterns and dynamics, and (ii) their social drivers in a landscape located in southwestern France. Firstly, a photo-interpretation method on the basis of four diachronic aerial photographs aimed to assess the dynamics of rural forests between 1962 and 2010. In addition, a historical map dating from around 1850 was used to assess the long-term continuity of woodlands. Secondly, long-term ethnographic investigations were used to explore the social drivers of the dynamics of rural forests. In addition, in order to explore farmers' perceptions and the rationale regarding rural forests, a mental model analysis was performed. This method originates in the cognitive sciences and aims at capturing the way people perceive their external environment and thereby at exploring the basis of their actions [START_REF] Elsawah | A methodology for eliciting, representing, and analysing stakeholder knowledge for decision making on complex socio-ecological systems: From cognitive maps to agent-based models[END_REF][START_REF] Jones | Mental Models: An Interdisciplinary Synthesis of Theory and Methods[END_REF]. Finally, results obtained from these three methods were combined to analyze, in a cross-scale perspective, the links between the dynamics of rural forests and the patterns of change in rural society. This hilly region (200-400m altitude) of the Pyrenean piedmont is temperate, with Atlantic and Mediterranean influences. The relief is characterized by an alternation of hills and valleys, crossed by a dense network of watercourses, with the Pyrenees mountain chain in the background (Figure 1). The landscape is a mosaic of cropped lands (maize, barley and wheat crops), meadows and small woodlands, interspersed with hedgerows and scattered trees [START_REF] Sourdril | Territoire et hiérarchie dans une société à maison Bas-Commingeoise: Permanence et changement. Des bois, des champs, des près[END_REF]. Mixed farming systems combining cereal cultivation and livestock dominate. According to the 2014 national census, the Canton of Aurignac is populated by 1,184 inhabitants (18 ind./km²) and experiences a high level of rural exodus.

Materials & Methods

Study

In this region, the house-centered system (or système à maison) [START_REF] Augustins | Comment se perpétuer? Devenir des lignées et destins des patrimoines dans les paysanneries européennes[END_REF][START_REF] Lévi-Strauss | La voie des masques[END_REF][START_REF] Sourdril | Territoire et hiérarchie dans une société à maison Bas-Commingeoise: Permanence et changement. Des bois, des champs, des près[END_REF] is based on a social entity, 'the house', defined as a "moral person, keeper of a domain composed altogether of material and immaterial property, which perpetuates itself by the transmission of its name, of its fortune and of its titles in a real or fictive line held as legitimate on the sole condition that this continuity can express itself in the language of kinship or of alliance, and most often, of both together" (Lévi-Strauss 1979 translated by Gillespie, 2007, p. 33). In house societies, a single heir inherits the house and related farming activities and domain, which ensures the stability of real estate. As a consequence, three generations (the owner, the heir and his/her children) live together in the house/on the farm (for the sake of simplicity, we will use the terms 'houses' and 'farms' synonymously). The house-centered system is also characterized in southwestern France by a principle of self-reliance. Traditionally, each house owned different types of lands (cropped fields, meadows, gardens, and woodlands and groves) to make the farm self-supporting, which contributed to the diversity of lands owned by each house.

Together with geographical features, this social organization explains the patterns of distribution of farmers' woodlands and their management systems [START_REF] Sourdril | Territoire et hiérarchie dans une société à maison Bas-Commingeoise: Permanence et changement. Des bois, des champs, des près[END_REF]. Firstly, woodlands are typical of French small private forests [START_REF] Cinotti | Exploitants agricoles et propriété forestières : où est passé la "forêt paysanne[END_REF]: most of them are divided into several small properties owned by active or retired farmers. 'Coppice with standards' is the dominant and traditional tree management system, providing firewood on a year-round basis and timber more occasionally. Secondly, forest work is processed by the owner, helped by his son or son-in-law. But occasional and labor-intensive tasks (such as wood extraction) can also rely on mutual aid networks with close neighbors [START_REF] Sourdril | Territoire et hiérarchie dans une société à maison Bas-Commingeoise: Permanence et changement. Des bois, des champs, des près[END_REF].

The dominant tree species are the sessile (Quercus petraea (Matt.) Liebl.) and pedunculate oaks (Q. robur L.), mixed with other deciduous species such as the European hornbeam (Carpinus betulus L.), the wild cherry (Prunus avium (L.) L.), the chestnut (Castanea sativa Mill.) and the wild service tree (Sorbus torminalis L.).

Long-term continuity of woodlands

On a territory of approximately 14,000 ha (Figure 2), the historical Minutes d'Etat Major map of France (1/40,000) was used to assess the forest cover in 1850. The map was produced between 1825 and 1866 (for the sake of simplicity, we use 1850 in the text) in the projection of Bonne by the National Institute of Geographic and Forest Information (abbreviated: IGN).

It includes information on land uses, woodlands and large groves, but not on smaller or linear forest components (i.e., scattered trees, hedgerows and small groves). As a consequence, all forested areas identified from this map were considered as woodlands (including 25 large groves). A spatial comparative analysis between the Minutes d'Etat Major and the 2010 forest maps provided a basis for assessing the woodlands' continuityi.e., to identify woodlands that have continuously existed from 1850 to 2010 (including woodlands that were subjected to silvicultural operations, such as logging, as long as they were not converted to another land use). 2.3 Landscape-scale rural forest contemporary dynamics and management systems

In the same 14,000 ha territory, four rural forest maps were established from data from four successive surveys carried out by the IGN (1962IGN ( , 1979IGN ( , 1993IGN ( and 2010)). A regressive photointerpretation method was applied to digitize rural forests from these maps [START_REF] Muraz | Comment valoriser les photos aériennes dans les SIG ? Ingénieries-EAT[END_REF]. According to the IGN classification, 4 types of rural forest components were distinguished: woodlands (area>0.5ha and width>25m), groves (area comprised between 0.05 and 0.5ha, width>20m), hedgerows (width<20m) and scattered trees (area<0.05ha, crown diameter>3m). The dynamics of these components (between 1962 and 2010) In complement, ethnographic investigations have been conducted since 2003 in four townships [START_REF] Sourdril | Territoire et hiérarchie dans une société à maison Bas-Commingeoise: Permanence et changement. Des bois, des champs, des près[END_REF]. The aim of these investigations was to understand how (i) social organization (in particular the house-centered system), (ii) changing agriculture and (iii) changing land governance practices influenced the patterns and dynamics of rural forest and land uses. Ethnographers spent a total of 4 years in the investigated communities between 2003 and 2017, with a constant presence between 2003 and 2006. This long-term approach made it possible to gather in-depth information on the land and local community dynamics.

Various investigation methods were used: (i) free-listings and semi-directive interviews were conducted on topics such as land use changes, family history and kinship patterns, perceived biodiversity dynamics, and local ecological knowledge, (ii) cognitive mapping and participative observation were used to identify farmers' practices and their use of the territory, and (iii) an analysis of land registries for 50 properties was performed to determine the transmission process for 107 forests (covering a total of 231 ha). Altogether, these investigations were conducted with about 70 forest owners and 210 forest users [START_REF] Sourdril | Territoire et hiérarchie dans une société à maison Bas-Commingeoise: Permanence et changement. Des bois, des champs, des près[END_REF][START_REF] Sourdril | How to Maintain Domesticity of Usages in Small Rural Forests? Lessons from Forest Management Continuity through a French Case Study[END_REF].

Farm-scale rural forest patterns of change and management systems

A survey focused on four farms (referred to as F1, F2, F3 and F4, Figure 2) was carried out to investigate (i) farm-scale forest patterns and dynamics and (ii) farmers' perceptions of rural forests. These four farms were chosen as being representative of the dominant type of farm in the study area: (i) they featured a conventional system mixing crop cultivation and livestock raising, (ii) they had a surface area between 100 and 150 ha, and (iii) the farmer was a relatively old male. Furthermore, the four farms were not adjoining, although the farmers knew each other. On several occasions between 2003 and 2017, the four farmers were interviewed for the purpose of ethnographic investigations. In addition, a mental model analysis was used to explore how they perceived and managed their rural forests. To elicit farmers' individual mental models (IMMs), a direct elicitation procedure was used during face-to-face interviews conducted between January and March 2017, and at farmers' homes to limit bias [START_REF] Jones | Eliciting Mental Models: a Comparison of Interview Procedures in the Context of Natural Resource Management[END_REF]. In the first part of the interview, with the help of an aerial photograph of the farm, farmers were asked to explain how they managed their rural forests. This first phase enabled them to access their latent knowledge [START_REF] Vuillot | Ways of farming and ways of thinking: do farmers' mental models of the landscape relate to their land management practices[END_REF]. In a second part, farmers were asked to summarize their perceptions and management of rural forests. This generic goal was guided by four questions, inspired by the ARDI method spontaneously remember everything during an exercise of this kind [START_REF] Diniz | Mapping future changes in livelihood security and environmental sustainability based on perceptions of small farmers in the Brazilian Amazon[END_REF], the researcher suggested items on the basis of the information collected during the first part of the interview. Items were written on sticky notes that farmers could move and link to each other's notes by drawing arrows on a white board. To assist this process, only 4 types of links were asked for: (i) from stakeholder to stakeholder, (ii) from stakeholder to rural forest components, (iii) from forest components to advantages, and (iv) from forest components to drawbacks. Finally, to allow comparison between IMMs, a regrouping of synonyms was operated (e.g., the terms 'woods' and 'forests' were pooled together into 'woodlands') and the advantages and drawbacks were classified into ecosystem services (ES) and disservices (EDS). All interviews with farmers were conducted in French.

The comments quoted in this article were translated into English by an English native speaker editor.

Results

Woodlands and groves

Patterns and dynamics at landscape scale

In 2010, woodlands covered approximately 1/5 of the 14,000 ha, while groves occupied less than 1% (Table 1). Between 1850 and 2010, woodland areas increased from 2,692 to 3,012 ha (+11.2%). More precisely, 66.1% of woodland areas in 2010 already existed in 1850 (referred to as 'ancient woodlands') whereas 33.9% did not. Of the 2,692 ha of woodlands in 1850, 702 ha (26.1%) were destroyed and converted into agricultural lands, mostly before 1962 and from parts of still existing woodlands (645 ha) rather than entire ones (57 ha). After 1962, woodland areas were relatively stable, with the maintenance of 93% of them (7% destroyed) and a slight increase between 1993 and 2010 (+3%, Figure 3). Ethnographic investigations established a link between woodland stability and the self-reliance principle, as each house owned at least a small piece of woodland. In addition, farmers explained the recent increase in woodland areas by agricultural and rural changes. Firstly, they observed a decrease in the number of farms over the last decades (from 390 farms in 1988 to 255 in 2010 in the Canton of Aurignac, according to the 2010 general agricultural census). Secondly, they also considered that mechanization and the abandonment of sheep farming contributed to the abandonment of the least fertile lands (especially sloping lands with a northern orientation)

and to their natural encroachment. In contrast with woodland stability, only 43% of grove areas were conserved between 1962 and 2010, 34% of them were converted, 15% expanded and became woodlands and 9% were partially deforested and turned into hedgerows or scattered trees. Meanwhile, the overall dynamic of grove areas was positive (+7.6%), which was associated with a growth in grove mean area (+22%) rather than in number (-12%) (Figure 3).

Patterns and dynamics at farm scale

In the four case-study farms, woodlands and groves occupied 6.0%, 0.6%, 3.6% and 2.9% of, respectively, F1, F2, F3 and F4 farm areas (see Table 2 and Figure 4). The majority of woodlands (10 out of 13 in total) were conserved in these farms since 1962. In F2 and F3 farms, no deforestation was observed. In F1 and F4 farms, deforestation rates were 24.6% and 20.6%, respectively. One entire woodland was deforested in the F4 farm and partial clearings of 5 woodlands occurred in the F1 farm. Groves were less stable: in F1 and F3 farms, 4 of them were completely destroyed while 4 new groves appeared. 3.2 Dynamics of hedgerows and scattered trees

Hedgerows at landscape and farm scales

Between 1962 and 1993, the total hedgerow length declined at landscape scale (-27%), but stabilized afterwards (Figure 3). In terms of area, 49% of hedgerow areas were conserved between 1962 and 2010, 42 % were removed and 7% grew into groves or woodlands.

According to farmers, the main drivers of this decline were the intensification of agriculture and land consolidation:

"When plots were small and when they were worked with small tractors, or even, at the very beginning, with animals, the land plot system was adapted to… today, we've sort of adapted the land plots to the size of the tractors." (F1, 2017).

"It is not that I am opposed to big plots, because it's handier for us to work big fields, so we've got rid of the hedgerows, I've got rid of some hedges because they got in the way. " (F4, 2017).

In the case-study farms, total hedgerow lengths ranged from 7.0 to 8.8 km (Table 2).

Boundary hedgerows (i.e., located at the cadastral limit of the farms) represented from 61 to 77%, thus were longer than in-farm hedgerows (i.e., hedgerows located within the property).

This result echoes the willingness of farmers to keep hedgerows as property markers:

"Hedgerows, we cut some down during the land consolidation but mainly inside the fields, the hedgerows around the boundary of the property, we try to keep them always, it marks the property" (F4, 2004).

Scattered trees at landscape and farm scales

Only 30% of scattered trees were conserved at landscape scale between 1962 and 2010, while 56% were removed (or died) and 14% were turned into hedgerows, groves or woodlands. The total number of scattered trees decreased by -7.9% from 1962 to 1993 (Figure 3). According to farmers, the trees conserved were mainly those that (i) did not hamper modern agricultural practices, (ii) marked specific limits (e.g., quince trees were generally planted at the corner of farm territories), (iii) provided for special needs and uses (e.g., fruit production), or (iv) exhibited owners' specific attachment to the land. Between 1993 and 2010, the number of scattered trees strongly increased (+50.8%, Figure 3): 57.9% of scattered trees in 2010 were already present in 1993, 4.9% were relicts of hedgerows present in 1993, 0.9% were relicts of groves and 34.3% appeared during the period. According to our observations, this recent appearance of scattered trees was due to bush encroachment in abandoned fields as it first leads to the growth of scattered trees that afterwards turn into groves and woodlands (through canopy closure). Farmers confirmed these observations:

"You can see more trees growing here and there in this field, but it's due to encroachment because, this field, we can't go in there anymore with the blue tractor" (F3, 2003).

In contrast to scattered trees as a whole, more than half of remnant trees (i.e., trees present in 1962 and still alive in 2010) disappeared.

In the case-study farms, densities of scattered trees ranged from 0.57 to 0.86/ha and increased from 1962 to 2010 (Table 2), while the number of remnant trees remained low.

3.3 Farmers' perceptions and management

Farmers' perceptions of rural forests in general

Rural forests were positively valued by farmers who cited a total of 17 ecosystem services (ES) and 6 disservices (EDS) (Table 3, Figure 5). According to the common classification of ES (CICES 4.3), farmers listed 6 provisioning services (fuel wood, mushrooms, timber, fruits and nuts, habitat for game and additional CAP subsidies), 7 regulating services (erosion control, habitat for insects, windbreaks for crops, habitat for birds, oxygen production, shelter and shade for reared animals) and 4 cultural services (scenic value, biodiversity conservation, noble aspect and closure of visual gaps). Five EDS impacted agricultural activities (hindering work with machines, additional work load, damage to tractors caused by branches, damage to fences and obstruction of drains) and one affected social life (societal pressure). The balance between ES and EDS was variable between rural forest components: woodlands had the most positive balance while scattered trees had the most negative one (Table 3).

Farmers reported a total of 7 types of forested areas and, in particular, differentiated four types of linear trees (Figure 5). For instance, hedgerows were considered as physically impassable linear structures composed of shrubs and distinct from penetrable rows of trees (such as tree alignments or edge trees). For each type of forested area, farmers associated different types of management, ES and EDS (Figure 5), as for instance in the case of riverbank and ditch trees:

"Sometimes on the edge of a ditch, they [trees] can block the drains. As the roots go up… As most of the time we don't go and clean out the drains every year, sometimes the roots go to the end [of the drain], go inside it and it makes a stopper." (F3, 2017).

Farmers' perceptions of woodlands and groves

Woodlands were associated with 12 ES and 2 EDS (Table 3). Among the main reasons for maintaining woodlands, farmers highlighted that woodlands were located in the most sloping areas and provided, among other services, firewood (Figure 5). However, slope was not the only reason why farmers maintained woodlands:

"Here are my woods, they are plots on slopes. One of them has a gentler slope, but I keep it for cows because there are places they go to shelter. Then, this other one, there's a bit they just pass through. There are also mushrooms here but you shouldn't record that. Ceps and chanterelles, very good spot." (F1, 2017).

Mushrooms and timber were two ES specific to woodlands (i.e., not provided by other rural forest components, Figure 5). Woodland-related EDS were concentrated at the edges, where they interface with agriculture: edge trees damage fences, and their branches damage tractors.

No EDS was specifically associated with the core of the woodlands. Finally, farmers explained that the traditional family-based management of woodlands has been impacted by changes in rural society, in particular by work force shortages that prevent family-based wood harvesting:

"We used to work with my father in the woods, but now he is too old and I do it by myself, but I have less and less time to do it with all the work on the farm and the woods are dying because we don't manage them as we should" (F4, 2011).

"…collecting firewood, for a lot a farmers, it's dangerous if they are on their own. It is very dangerous work, so we don't go and get firewood on our own. If 2 or 3 of us go there together, that's all right." (F1, 2017).

Groves were associated with 6 ES and no EDS (Erreur ! Source du renvoi introuvable.).

However, only two farmers reported groves and the grove-related ES were not specific to groves (they were also woodland-related, Figure ).

Farmers' perceptions of linear trees

Linear trees were associated with 14 ES and 6 EDS (Table 3). In particular, they were associated with firewood, services to agriculture, and environmental benefits:

"Then there's the landscape. That's why we don't do much clear cutting neither, because it's a bit ugly. Then there's the windbreak effect. I mean there's some plots with a good thick hedgerow or sheltered by the woods, we can go there for spraying when it's a bit windy. There's less dispersal." (F3, 2017). But farmers also insisted on the work required to reconcile linear trees and cropping activities:

"When there is a hedgerow, or some trees, around the border of a plot, it has to be pruned to around 3 meters to suit the machines used for the plot and the hedgerow […].

All the same, that means a week and a half's work to manage all the borders. Each year. You've got to believe in it!" (F1, 2017).

In meadows, labor constraints were less of an issue, except in fenced areas:

"Rows of trees that are in the middle of the fields, we leave them alone. Here [shows on

the map], these are just a couple of aligned trees, they're right in the middle, there's no fence, and there isn't necessarily a way through around there because they're in the middle of the undergrowth, on an embankment […]. So we leave those ones alone, and anyway they aren't ours. But here, there's a row of trees on the edge, and there's a fence there, so we pruned them a bit because there were branches that got in the way of the fence." (F3, 2017).

Farmers' perceptions of scattered trees

Scattered trees were associated with 6 ES and 2 EDS (Table 3). Farmers appreciated scattered trees for their fruits (walnut and fig trees were particularly cited) and for their landscape scenic value (old oaks were generally preserved). Nevertheless, all these ES were not specific to scattered trees (Figure 5). For example, even if scattered trees were useful in pasture lands for sheltering animals, rows of trees were considered to be more effective:

"Because if during summer you put cows in a field where there are [scattered] trees, they will all crowd together under the trees. We should make tree corridors, with two rows of trees, you know, like the plane trees along the roads. Then they'll all have room to lie down in the middle. " (F4, 2017).

In contrast, scattered trees represented real EDS, and were considered as a major obstacle in

Discussion

4.1 The social-ecological evolution of rural forests in the study area

Dynamics of woodlands and groves: social factors and ecological consequences

The regressive photo-interpretation method used in this study revealed a maintenance of woodlands over the last decades, at both landscape and farm scales. At landscape scale, this maintenance was explained by the willingness of farmers to keep a piece of forest that (i) contributes to their self-sufficiency strategy, in particular for fuel wood provision, (ii) constitutes a family legacy, and (iii) is an additional source of income when harvested by a timber company. At farm scale, however, a period of deforestation was observed between 1962 and 1979. This period corresponds to the French 'Green Revolution' when farmers were encouraged to modernize and industrialize their farms.

Nevertheless, deforestation only affected parts of woodlands, not their entirety. This result could be explained by the ownership fragmentation of woodlands in the study area (Emilie [START_REF] Andrieu | History and spatial complexity of deforestation and logging in small private forests[END_REF], as the destruction of entire woodlands would require that every owner decide to deforest his/her plot. Overall, ownership fragmentation of private forests, which is often seen as a barrier for timber harvesting [START_REF] Elyakime | How to improve the marketing of timber in France?[END_REF], could have contributed to the maintenance of woodlands in our case. In addition, mental model analysis revealed that woodlands may have been maintained because they provide a diversity of specific ES and do not represent major constraints.

A recent expansion of groves and woodlands (in area but not in number, Figure 3) by natural encroachment was also observed, as a consequence of land abandonment and rural exodus.

Because these newly forested areas were a symbol of rural decline, they were initially disapproved of by farmers. Nevertheless, they progressively became part of the farmsteads' forest patrimony and of farmers' self-reliance strategy, contributing to the emergence of a new social and territorial identity. From a conservation ecology viewpoint, however, recent woodlands have a lower value than ancient ones because they provide habitat for more common species. In particular, plant species associated with ancient forests have a low dispersal capacity and cannot colonize new forest fragments for several decades [START_REF] Hermy | Legacies of the past in the present-day forest biodiversity: a review of past land-use effects on forest plant species composition and diversity[END_REF]. Conserving ancient forests in rural landscapes remains crucial for biodiversity conservation: they constitute refuges for less common species whence they can colonize more recent forests if they are maintained for a long enough period of time.

Changes in woodland management and functions

As interviews showed, woodlands and groves were, and still remain, a source of goods and services to farmers. They used to be considered as productive areas and as components of farms, just like the fields, pastures and meadows. But as elsewhere, this status altered with changes in farming systems and in patterns of social organization [START_REF] Cinotti | Exploitants agricoles et propriété forestières : où est passé la "forêt paysanne[END_REF]. Firstly, with the intensification of agriculture, groves (as well as hedgerows and scattered trees) increasingly caused technical problems for farmers, especially when located in the middle of cropped lands. If this trend was less apparent for woodlandsexcept at the edges -they became less crucial for farmers' self-sufficiency because of the development of alternatives to firewood and local timber [START_REF] Sourdril | How to Maintain Domesticity of Usages in Small Rural Forests? Lessons from Forest Management Continuity through a French Case Study[END_REF]. Secondly, the intensification of agriculture and rural exodus have altered household composition, which has impacted woodland management. These changes have also undermined the traditional mutual-aid networks between houses and closest neighbors (around what is known as 'the neighborhood', [START_REF] Sourdril | Territoire et hiérarchie dans une société à maison Bas-Commingeoise: Permanence et changement. Des bois, des champs, des près[END_REF]) that were the basis of an informal long-term management agreement between neighbors. This collective organization declined as children grew up and left the region. As a consequence, farmers were encouraged to outsource part of the forestry work to loggers and timber companies, as illustrated in the Figure 5. Every 20-30 years, they call upon timber or paper companies to harvest their woodlands, which has replaced the former management system and its associated diversity of practices [START_REF] Andrieu | When forest are managed by farmers[END_REF]Du Bus de Warnaffe, [START_REF] Bus De Warnaffe | Variability of cutting regimes in small private woodlots of south-western France[END_REF]. This standardization is particularly pronounced for timber harvesting, which is undertaken by two or three local timber companies across the region. For firewood harvesting, the standardization of practices may therefore be less apparent because the practitioners are more diverse: some farmers are still harvesting their own firewood, while others outsource it to retired people or to teams of loggers. But this trend reveals the continuation of a reduction of woodland uses that has been occurring since the beginning of agricultural modernization [START_REF] Sourdril | How to Maintain Domesticity of Usages in Small Rural Forests? Lessons from Forest Management Continuity through a French Case Study[END_REF]. The decline of rural forest domesticity and of family-based management therefore appears as an ongoing process that may, in the future, further influence rural forest management systems and biodiversity. Monitoring this process could be useful to better qualify and quantify this influence.

The relative decline of hedgerows

Our results regarding the decline of hedgerowsmainly due to land consolidation and mechanization since the Second World Wargive a similar picture to that of other regions in Europe, where between 40 and 80% of hedgerows have been removed [START_REF] Bazin | La mise en place de nos bocages en Europe et leur déclin[END_REF]. This decline, along with the decline in the number of small groves (Figure 3), indicates an increasing separation between agricultural and forested areas. This dynamic may therefore have induced a decline of interface areas (i.e., forest edges) and, because interface areas are generally rich habitats [START_REF] Terraube | Forest edges have high conservation value for bird communities in mosaic landscapes[END_REF], of biodiversity. We may therefore suspect a negative trend for ecological flux between forest and agricultural habitats [START_REF] Tscharntke | The landscape context of trophic interactions: insect spillover across the crop-noncrop interface[END_REF], and eventually for ecosystem services, such as erosion control and pest regulation.

In our study however, the decline in hedgerows was less pronounced than elsewhere. For instance, in Brittany, France, a 35.5% decline of hedgerows between 1952 and 1985 was reported (-1,08%/year, [START_REF] Burel | Structural dynamic of a hedgerow network landscape in Brittany France[END_REF], while in our study we observed a slower pace (-0.82%/year) between 1962 and 1993. One explanation for this difference may lies in the lower initial hedgerow density in our study area than in Brittany. However, methodological differences between the two studies rule out straight comparisons. A second reason, as suggested by interviews and confirmed by map analyses, may be the willingness of farmers to maintain a visual marker of their property using boundary hedgerows, which could have reduced the decline of total hedgerow length at landscape scale.

Since the 2000s, the French government (through a local authority, the Conseil Général) has recognized the problems caused by the removal of hedgerows and has been promoting hedgerow replacement. Not all farmers have benefited from these measures and, for those who did, hedgerows were mainly replanted near and around modern agricultural buildings (especially modern cow and poultry sheds). These plantations did not replace former hedgerows, nor did they contribute to a significant increase in hedgerow total length or area, but they may have played a role, amongst other factors, in the observed stabilization (Figure 3).

Interviews confirmed a widespread result in the literature, that hedgerow management is influenced by land use [START_REF] Baudry | La diversité des bordures de champ dans les exploitations agricoles de pays de bocage[END_REF][START_REF] Schmitz | Influence of management regimes of adjacent land uses on the woody plant richness of hedgerows in Spanish cultural landscapes[END_REF]. In addition, farmers highlighted that, due to the intensification of farm work and labor shortages, they spend less time than former generations managing hedgerows and controlling bush encroachment. This context may either contribute to the development of hedgerows if farmers stop controlling themas is sometimes the case in meadowsbut may also contribute to their decline if farmers decide to prune them more intensively or to destroy themas is the case in cropped fields. Farmers' management practices therefore seem to be driven by the interaction between site-specific factors (such as land use and slope) and socio-economic constraints (such as labor availability and management costs). They determine their actions on the basis of a trade-off between site-specific services and disservices, which may be in favor of hedgerow maintenance (or reinforcement) or in favor of hedgerow removal (or control).

Such fine spatial variations in hedgerow management remain poorly investigated [START_REF] Baudry | La diversité des bordures de champ dans les exploitations agricoles de pays de bocage[END_REF], although they could provide a clearer understanding of the links between farmers' practices and landscape patterns [START_REF] Ango | Balancing ecosystem services and disservices: Smallholder farmers' use and management of forest and trees in an agricultural landscape in southwestern Ethiopia[END_REF].

The ambiguous dynamics of scattered trees

If scattered trees declined until 1993, following the same trend as hedgerows, they have strongly increased since then (Figure 3), as a methodological artefact due to bush encroachment photo-interpretation. The decline of scattered trees was certainly associated with field mechanization, as they constitute a major obstacle for farmers. In addition, the absence of specific ES associated with scattered trees may have reinforced their decline. In addition, farmers showed little interest in renewing them or in planting new trees. As a result, remnant trees appeared to be rare on farms (Table 2), which could have a negative socialecological impact. These mature trees play key roles in biological legacies and in spatial connectivity [START_REF] Manning | Scattered trees are keystone structures -Implications for conservation[END_REF][START_REF] Sebek | Open-grown trees as key habitats for arthropods in temperate woodlands: The diversity, composition, and conservation value of associated communities[END_REF], perform specific social functions, and provide intangible services [START_REF] Hartel | Valuing scattered trees from wood-pastures by farmers in a traditional rural region of Eastern Europe[END_REF]. In the absence of any interest in their renewing, a further decline of scattered trees, and associated ecosystem services and biodiversity [START_REF] Herrera | The role of remnant trees in seed dispersal through the matrix: Being alone is not always so sad[END_REF], might be expected.

Challenges and opportunities revealed by this interdisciplinary approach

Lessons learned on rural forest dynamics

The combination of the natural and social sciences is increasingly recognized as an appropriate approach to improve the understanding of the functioning and the patterns of change in social-ecological systems. This study illustrates the outcomes of such a combination in the case of French rural forests. It demonstrates an impact of agricultural modernization on rural forests, at both landscape and farm scales, but less pronounced than expected due to the local social organization and farmers' relationships with rural forests.

This study also illustrates the importance of cross-scale analyses, as in some cases, overall decline may hide local increases (as in the case of boundary hedgerows). Finally, the combination of different social methods constitutes a first step towards improving the understanding of how farmers are simultaneously influenced by changes in the rural society and site-specific factors.

This study also draws attention to limitations of the tools currently used in research on rural forest. The IGN classification of forested areasbased on size, shape and density criteriaoffered an effective basis to distinguish woodlands, groves, hedgerows and scattered trees.

Nevertheless, a more complex farmers' classification system was revealed by IMMs (Figure 5), associated with diversified management options. We therefore may have grounds to suspect contrasted dynamics within the formal "hedgerow" category. For instance, as riverbank trees are associated with different types of ES and EDS from other rows of trees, their patterns of change since 1962 may not be similar. A classification that is more closely related to farmers' actions may significantly improve the understanding of rural forest patterns of change. For instance, additional criteria could be taken into account to classify forested areas, such as topographical elements (e.g., watercourses, roads, slopes), cadastral limits and adjacent land uses (e.g., crops or pastures). In another perspective, a common classification between farmers on the one hand, and developers and decision makers on the other, may be of great help for landscape planning. Environmental management issues are often caused by ambiguity or differences of perception between stakeholders [START_REF] Paletto | Perceptions of Sustainable Forest Management practices: an application from the forestry sector in southern Italy[END_REF]. In the interests of problem solving and the design of consensual solutions, being aware of differences of perception and endeavoring to provide a basis for the convergence of perception systems (or at least coexistence based on mutual awareness) are crucial steps [START_REF] Mathevet | Water management in the Camargue biosphere reserve: Insights from comparative mental models analysis[END_REF].

Limitations and methodological perspectives

Applying interdisciplinary frameworks to a real case study generally entails several shortcomings. In the present study, two main limitations were identified. Firstly, although we worked with superimposed spatial scalesas suggested in [START_REF] Deconchat | How to set up a research framework to analyze social-ecological interactive processes in a rural landscape[END_REF] and used relevant scales for each type of analysis, spatial and temporal mismatching persisted when coupling the three datasets. To limit such inconsistencies, collective and interdisciplinary protocols would need to be developed from the very beginning. However, this would require the emergence of well-founded and constructive dialogue between disciplines, and even so, it may not be possible to avoid differences of scale related to the requirements of each discipline.

The second main shortcoming of this study concerns the small number of farmers interviewed for the mental model analysis and of farms used to assess rural forest dynamics at farm scale.

However, the mental model analysis offered reliable insights into farmers' perceptions and would appear to be a promising tool for future research with a larger number of informants.

Firstly, IMMS provides a basis for semi-quantitative and network analyses [START_REF] Vanwindekens | Development of a broadened cognitive mapping approach for analysing systems of practices in social-ecological systems[END_REF], which could be helpful to further explore the coupling between social and ecological processes. Secondly, several IMMs can be aggregated into collective mental models. This aggregation may help to better distinguish between shared and individual perceptions [START_REF] Paletto | Perceptions of Sustainable Forest Management practices: an application from the forestry sector in southern Italy[END_REF], and thus to better address differences between individual and collectives scales. This work might contribute to the development of a better link between landscape patterns and dynamics and social drivers in a cross-scale perspective.

Conclusion

In our study, current rural forest patterns were shown to be a social-cultural heritage of past agro-pastoral systems, practices and traditions. But in parallel, several social drivers of change were identified, including (i) the intensification of agriculture, (ii) land abandonment and rural exodus, and (iii) the decline of mutual-aid networks. These drivers affected differently each rural forest component at landscape scale. In the meantime, contrasted patterns and dynamics were observed at farm scale, suggesting that individual farmers do not react homogeneously to social drivers. In terms of woodland management, social changes have contributed to the emergence of a market-oriented strategy that has replaced familybased management. However, the management of other rural forest componentsi.e., trees outside forestsappeared to remain essentially family-based. Farmers tended to manage trees outside forests so as to balance ecosystem services and disservices, which vary according to site-specific factors. But in this area of management, farmers also took into account the general and intangible contributions of trees to human well-beingincluding landscape beauty and identity, and relational value. Finally, our study revealed a detailed farmers' classification of rural forest components that demonstrates the rich local ecological knowledge possessed by farmers. Furthermore, on-going trends in rural forest management, especially with regard to the maintenance of ancient woodlands and remnant trees, raised critical ecological concerns. As a consequence, we suggest that a better integration of farmers' perceptions and strategies into landscape analyses could help to achieve a better understanding of landscape dynamics and, eventually, more sustainable landscape management and planning. Refining official classifications of rural forest components to be more in phase with managers' practices may be a first step towards this goal.

  site Research was conducted in the 440 km 2 -large Long-Term Social-Ecological Research (LTSER) platform Vallées et Coteaux de Gascogne (43°13'02.63''; 0°52'53.76''), located in southwestern France in the Canton of Aurignac, about 80 km south-west of the city of Toulouse (Figure 1).

Figure 1 :

 1 Figure 1: (A) Location of the LTSER platform Vallées et Coteaux de Gascogne and (B) photograph illustrating the landscape topography and rural forest components.

Figure 2 :

 2 Figure 2: Map of the four case-study farms and spatial coverage of the forest maps used for the GIS analysis inside the LTSER Vallées et Coteaux de Gascogne.

(

  [START_REF] Etienne | ARDI: A co-construction method for participatory modeling in natural resources management[END_REF]: (Q1) what kind of forested areas do you have on your farm? (Q2) who manages, works in or benefits from those forested areas? (Q3) what advantages, or benefits, are important to you regarding those forested areas? (Q4) what drawbacks, or constraints, are particularly important to you? Because farmers do not

Figure 3 :

 3 Figure 3: Patterns of change in rural forest components (in %) with 1962 as the baseline. Woodland dynamics are marked by black triangles, including woodland area (plain line) and number (dashed line). Grove dynamics are marked by grey circles, including grove area (plain line), number (dashed line) and mean area (pointed line). Hedgerow total lengths are marked by black squares. The number of scattered trees is marked by diamonds and double-dashed line.

Figure 4 :

 4 Figure 4: Digitalization output of rural forest components around F4 farm, with a differentiation between woodlands, groves, hedgerows and scattered trees.

  cropped fields: "Because a scattered tree, we have to go around it. So instead of going straight, sometimes it means… we have to pull it up [the spreading ramp], go back, go the other way, do it again…Go round four ways instead of going straight" (F3, 2017).

Figure 5 :

 5 Figure5: Individual mental models of F1, F2, F3 and F4 farmers regarding the management of rural forest components (grey circles) by stakeholders (blue circles) and associated ecosystem services (green circles) and disservices (pink circles). Arrows symbolize identified links between different stakeholders, between stakeholders and rural forest components, or between rural forest components and ecosystem services and disservices.

Table 1 :

 1 Patterns of change in rural forest components across the study site (around 14,000 ha) between 1962 and 2010.

		1962	1979	1993	2010
	Woodland total area in ha (count)	2,911 (366)	2,907 (362)	2,923 (355)	3,012 (380)
	Grove total area in ha (count)	119 (616)	125 (626)	124 (565)	128 (544)
	Grove mean area (ha ± SD)	0.19 ± 0.12	0.19 ± 0.12	0.22 ± 0.11	0.23 ± 0.13
	Hedgerow total length (km)	657	550	479	478
	Total number of scattered trees	6,719	6,540	6,186	9,324

Table 2 :

 2 Importance and trends between 1962 and 2010 of rural forest components in four case study farms.

	F1	F2	F3	F4

Table 3 :

 3 Total number of ecosystem services (ES) and disservices (EDS) perceived by farmers in their mental models according to the National Institute of Geographic and Forest Information (IGN) classification of forested areas.

	IGN	Farmers'	F1	F2	F3	F4	Total
	classification	classification
	Woodlands	Woodlands	6 ES	4 ES	7 ES	5 ES	12 ES
			0 EDS	2 EDS	0 EDS	2 EDS	2 EDS
			Δ ¶ =+6	Δ=+2	Δ=+7	Δ=+3	Δ=+10
	Groves	Groves			6 ES	1 ES	6 ES
		Barrens & wastelands	-	-	0 EDS	0 EDS	0 EDS
					Δ=+6	Δ=+1	Δ=+6
	Hedgerows	Hedgerows	6 ES	7 ES	6 ES	6 ES	14 ES
		Tree alignment	2 EDS	2 EDS	4 EDS	4 EDS	6 EDS
		Riverbank trees	Δ=+4	Δ=+5	Δ=+2	Δ=+2	Δ=+8
		Edge trees
	Scattered	Scattered trees		2 ES	4 ES	0 ES	6 ES
	trees		-	2 EDS	1 EDS	0 EDS	2 EDS
				Δ=0	Δ=+3	Δ=0	Δ=+4
	All rural forest components	9 ES	7 ES	9 ES	8 ES	17 ES
			2 EDS	2 EDS	4 EDS	4 EDS	6 EDS
			Δ=+7	Δ=+5	Δ=+5	Δ=+4	Δ=+11
	¶

Δ is the gap between the number of ES and of EDS reported by farmers (Δ= ES -EDS)

Acknowledgements

This work was supported by grants from the 'Fondation de France'. We would also like to thank the farmers and inhabitants of the Canton of Aurignac for their willingness to participate to our research since 2003. We are also grateful to Dr. Emily S. Huff and Mr. Paul Catanzaro for their review of our earlier draft, and to Michael Paul for the language editing.


Emphasizing the role of labelling in sciences. Some thoughts about the uses of géographie politique", géopolitique", géographie du pouvoir", etc., in French geography (20th Century)

Olivier Orain

To cite this version:

Olivier Orain. Emphasizing the role of labelling in sciences. Some thoughts about the uses of géographie politique", géopolitique", géographie du pouvoir", etc., in French geography (20th Century). Colloque régional de l'Union géographique internationale, Aug 2015, Moscou, Russia. halshs-1

Emphasizing the role of labelling in sciences. Some thoughts about the uses of "géographie politique", "géopolitique", "géographie du pouvoir", etc., in French geography (20th Century) * Olivier Orain ** Very often, referring to the history of a field of knowledge is a way to legitimate the balance of power of a current scene or to push forward a specific agenda. This is what historians of sciences call an operational use of the past. In stimulating writings, the sociologist and historian of science Christian Topalov suggests that this common attitude should be read as a version of what is more and more called "présentisme" by French historiography -a tendency to configurate the past following patterns and objectives that are specific to the present time. Maybe getting rid of such an attitude is a pipe dream, knowing how strong and well established such a habit is. However, historians of sciences relentlessly try to develop an alternative way to write history, devoted to deciphering how people of the past constructed problems and patterns of their time. This is an essential tension in the practice of history, to borrow and slightly betray a Thomas Kuhn's motto.

For a historian of human sciences, as I define myself, having a call to look at the history of political geography is very challenging and constructive. The primary and secondary literatures are absolutely filled with nods to and narratives about the past, as this one is complex and either glorious or dark. Pretending to offer a historically minded insight would request months, if not years, of labor. As this is a new research topic for me, started on for the sake of this 14U session, I had to find out a pinhead entrance into this huge subfield of knowledge that wouldn't be too much of a pinhead, but useful for a debate and, in some ways, enlightening. I therefore set out to work on labels used in modern-founded -i.e. disciplinary -geography to embrace the political entry. Or, speaking more historically, the question I'd like to explore with you today would be: what did it mean to use the adjective or the noun "politique" to specify a type of inquiry in twentieth century French geography? Of course, this is still a work in progress and fifteen minutes is a short time to say much. I eventually decided to give my speech in English, although my main focus is on French words, used by French geographers. I expect this to be peculiar sometimes, weird even, but we'll try to get over said peculiarities.

First, I'd like to clarify the philosophical points of view which I draw on to work on words, scientific discourses, and especially, on labels. What I aim at here is justifying such an emphasis.

Then, I will sketch a global overview of French geography and "politique" -noun or adjective. If I have enough time, I'd like to focus on several milestones that show the great significance of labels in various moments of French geography. I will conclude with a wellestablished myth within the French field: the long-lasting marginality of political geographers.

1) A nominalistic approach of scientific vocabulary

"Nominalistic" might not be such an ordinary word for this audience. Besides, its meaning hasn't been very stable from medieval debates to contemporary philosophies of science and language. What I will state for the sake of this speech, and knowing the quirks of my English practice, is: words can't give access to the substance of a thing, they're a conventional way to refer to a single thing or to include a finite thing into a finite class of individuals. Moreover, an abstract word like a concept refers to single concrete things or to a single situation of communication, so its meaning can be deciphered only in this particular situation. I won't develop those aspects now, but it's related to more fashionable theories like constructivism or conventionalism.

A nominalistic approach of scientific vocabulary aims at studying words and concepts without imagining scientific concepts and labels always hold a stable meaning. Stability is an essential question that would deserve an enquiry. Meaning must be studied in many occurrences, without any a priori expectations. A nominalistic approach must also be intrinsically very skeptical about the idea of something substantial and deeply shared trough a number of phrasesespecially labels. Maybe it's time for me to be more specific about my use of the term of "label" It comes from the "labelling theory" developed by American sociologists of the 1960's. It's related to the allocation of an identity, primarily in the field of deviance studies. Interactionists like Howard Becker 1 consider individual identity as the result of a negotiation about a "label" between social actors, that could apply (or not) to a person. For numerous historians of sciences, studying the formulation, the promotion or the rejection of scientific labels, is of tremendous relevance.

Giving a name to a scientific specialty can have a powerful impact. Whether this statement has a performative aim and is related to a new science that needs be sustained, or to a new domain, the autonomy of which one tries to develop within a scientific discipline, such an initiative always offers an interesting perspective for the history of sciences. When it succeeds, new concepts and knowledge grow from that new name, new scientific communities call themselves with it, institutions work on its continued sustainability and narratives construct its history. (Topalov, 2008) 2 For example, Andrew Abbott 3 and Christian Topalov 4 showed, in different ways, how the label "Chicago School of Sociology" was made up during the 1950's and early 1960's by Chicagoan sociologists, providing them with an expected genealogy, founding fathers and 1 For example in Howard Becker, Outsiders, New York: Free Press, 1963. 2 « Donner un nom à une spécialité scientifique peut avoir de puissants effets. Que cet énoncé à visée performative concerne une science nouvelle qu'il s'agit de faire exister, ou un domaine que l'on souhaite autonomiser au sein d'une discipline constituée, une telle initiative est toujours un observatoire intéressant du point de vue de l'histoire des sciences. En cas de succès, se construisent autour du nouveau nom des concepts et des savoirs, des communautés savantes qui s'en réclament, des institutions qui en assurent la pérennité, des récits qui en retracent l'histoire. » Christian Topalov, 2008, "Sociologie d'un étiquetage scientifique : urban sociology", L'Année sociologique, 1, 203-204. 3 Abbott, A., 1999, Department and Discipline: Chicago Sociology at One Hundred, Chicago, University of Chicago Press. 4 Topalov, C., 2003, "Écrire l'histoire des sociologues de Chicago", Genèses, n° 51, p. 147-159. Topalov, C., 2004, "Les usages stratégiques de l'histoire des disciplines. Le cas de l''école de Chicago' en sociologie", in J. Heilbron, R. Lenoir et G. Sapiro (eds), Pour une histoire des sciences sociales. Hommage à Pierre Bourdieu, Paris, Fayard, 2004, p. 127-157. distinctive doctrine. In the history of French geography, Marie-Claire Robic5 showed how Paul Vidal de la Blache and his disciples constructed "human geography" as a trademark and a label, able to convey a strong identity for their group, who were called "French School of geography" from early on. This latter example brings us to another potential and competing label, "political geography", and to a whole range of potential labels -the numerous ones that French allows to produce, with the same noun or adjective, "politique".

2) A global overview about French geography and "politique" "Political geography" is a very ancient expression in French geography. According to Claude Raffestin, it was already in use at the end of the eighteenth century. A social history of the uses of "politique" in what was called "geography" during the nineteenth century would be of particular interest. However, there wasn't any kind of leadership or unified dominance amongst the so-called "geographers" until geography became an academicdiscipline. The institutionalization of geography only started during the last decade of the 19th century and the competition became rough between a few leaders who were trying to gain the upper hand on the new discipline. 6 The end of the battle / story is well known: it saw the consecration of Paul Vidal de la Blache and his followers, who were from then on known as the "French School of geography".

In an early programmatic article published in 1899, Vidal de la Blache seemed to make "la géographie politique" (political geography) the main label of the new science, which he shared with Friedrich Ratzel. But he later gave up this label for the term "human geography", which was better adjusted to his views. Oddly, it's very difficult to find any "political" meaning -in its contemporary acceptation -in this early piece of his programmatic work. Even the most common meaning of the term, "something that is related to the state's action", is inscrutable in this text.

Nevertheless, the adjective and the noun remained in the forthcoming production of the so-called "French School of geography", if not as a label. Strangely, Camille Vallaux entitled a political treatise devoted to "political geography" (in a Ratzelian perspective) "Social Geography", although the syntagma "political geography" is often used in the book. Incidentally, the most "political" essay of those early times was published by André Siegfried in 1911 -who wasn't actually a geographer -and presented a "political picture", a first attempt to show the persistence of political voting habits according to particular areas in France.

If labels including "political" are significantly few in the production of the 1920's and 1930's, French geographers didn't show any contempt for such a topic: political perspectives do exist, if not expressed in explicit formulas or labels. Albert Demangeon, leader of the French I will quickly finish the overview with the blossoming of political labels since the 1970's. Antimarxist narratives read that efflorescence as a by-product of Marxist decline. This is quite surprising, because Marxist thinkers (or close to Marxist theories) like Claude Raffestin and Yves Lacoste were very active in this development [START_REF]An alternative explanation is provided by Marie-Claire Robic's suggestion of a scientific revolution that would have occurred in France during the 1970[END_REF] . From a labelling perspective, each protagonist appears to be the custodian of their own idiosyncratic label, such as:

-"géographie du pouvoir" (Raffestin);

-"géographie politique" (A.-L. Sanguin, P. Claval);

-"géopolitique" (Yves Lacoste);

-"géographie du politique" (Jacques Lévy).

But some leaders also showed some reluctance to implement new subfield labels, as "geography" was the only legitimate label for them. It's crystal clear in the case of Roger Brunet, and more ambiguous for Paul Claval and Jacques Lévy.

How difficult it is to conclude such a fast overview. Drawing on this story of the production of politics-related labels in French modern geography, it's tempting to infer quick conclusions about the marginality of political geographers from the long-lasting marginality of the subfield. Nonetheless, prominent classical geographers weren't reluctant to address political issues, even if they didn't advertise it as such, for the sake of the discipline, as to them the only sustainable label was simply "geography" (or "human geography"). But in modern geography, after a revolution that paved the way to an era of pluralism, "politique" became a strategic means to attain leadership for the then activists and soon-to-be prominent leaders.

Marie-Claire Robic, "Avec ou sans épithète ? De quelques labellisations de la géographie et de leur sens", (Con o sin adjetivos? Algunas clasificaciones de la geografia y su sentido), in Capron G., Icazuriaga Montes C., Levi S., Ribeira Carbó E., Thiébaud V. (ed.), La geografía contemporánea y Elisée Reclus, México : Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropología Social (Publicaciones de la Casa Chata), p.

69-91. 6 Berdoulay, V., 1981, La formation de l'école française de géographie, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, C.T.H.S. ; reed. « CTHS Format » (paperback), 1995. Rhein, C., 1982, "La géographie, discipline scolaire et/ou science sociale ? 1860-1920", Revue française de sociologie,XXIII,


D Vincent-Genod

J Coton

A Gomes Lisboade

A Daron

L Servais

P Rippert

G Thomann

C Vuillerot

AUTOMATIZED ASSESSMENT OF MOTOR FUNCTION IN PATIENTS WITH NMD: MFM-DIGITAL STUDY

CONTEXT: MFM ASSESSMENT [1,2] MATERIAL and METHOD RESULTS MFM-KINECT

DISCUSSION and CONCLUSION

Results are encouraging to support the development of an automatized MFM. Additional work is needed to improve Kinect capture for weaker patient and to resolve interference problems. In study 2, MFM-Kinect protocol was included in a long list of tests during NatHis-SMA, witch could explain result differences between studies. The MFM-tablet results place the tablet in the assessment tools of the upper limb. The children showed a greater interest for the tablet application.

The data supplied by the system MFM-digital bring additional data, in particular the timing of items' exercises and kinematic parameters which could refined the sensibility of MFM. We explore avenues of improvement of the system, in particular concerning the capture for weaker patients. The next step will be to use algorithms providing automatic scorings based on digital data and we are still looking for new digital technologies able to capture additional items.

-Patients with Spinal Muscular Atrophy (SMA) type 2 or 3 (study1: 10 from the Escale department and study2: 14 from the NatHis-SMA study -NCT02391831) were included in the MFM-Kinect study. 14 items were scored by a therapist through standard MFM completion and from a blind scoring based on digital data coming from Kinect.

-Patients with a NMD from 5 neuromuscular disorder departments were included in the MFM-Tablet study. Items 18, 19 and 22 were scored by a therapist through standard MFM completion on paper or using a digital tablet application.

The Motor Function Measure (MFM), a validated and sensitive tool applicable to ambulant and non ambulant patients with neuromuscular disorders (NMD), is currently used as outcome measure in clinical studies. By using digital technologies, we want to create an automatized assessment based on MFM. The objectives are to improve the MFM reliability and its acceptability by turning the assessment into a serious game.

Feasibility studies assessing the relevance of digital systems to capture postures and motions during a MFM test have shown that on 32 items of the MFM, 14 could be recognized by the Kinect and 3 by a digital tablet. Here we present preliminary studies to the conception of automated scoring systems.

119/140 records were interpretable. Some digital data were not analyzed because of capture problems with distortion skeleton, for example for patient with small amplitude movements or sitting on a wheelchair.

On interpretable records, a great agreement between items scoring by a therapist and items blind scoring on captured digital data were found (75.6%). Differences between both studies concern as well concordance than interpretable capture.

RESULTS MFM-DIGITAL TABLET

  37 patients were included in the MFM-tablet (with inclusion still on-going), with 11 DMD, 7 neuropathies, 6 SMA and 13 others. Median age of patients were 15.8 year [IQR: 9.4 -43.8] and median of % MFM total score were 81.2 % [IQR: 59.4 -87.5]. The agreement between scoring on paper vs tablet is excellent (κ> 0.81) for items 18 and 22, good (κ =0.61-0.8) for item 19. [1] Bérard C. et al. A Motor Function Measure for Neuromuscular Diseases. Construction and validation Study. Neuromuscul Disord NMD. juill 2005;15(7):463-70. [2] www.mfm-nmd.org. Interface mods KiMe2 a software developed by the G-SCOP laboratory to record Kinect data and analyze items.Kinect data recorded are converted into biomechanical observables on kinematic graphs and 3D reconstruction allowing the item scoring using different data (angles, distances…)