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Egyptian Armed Forces

The Egyptian Armed Forces (القوات المسلحة المصرية, Egyptian (Coptic): ⲠⲐⲱⲟⲩϯ ⲙ̀ⲙⲁⲧⲟⲓ ⲛ̀ⲣⲉⲙⲛⲕⲏⲙⲓ) are the military forces of the Arab Republic of Egypt. They consist of the Egyptian Navy, Egyptian Air Force and Egyptian Air Defense Forces. Previously, there was a separate command for the Egyptian Land Forces on March 25, 1964, but it was officially abolished after the Six-Day War of 1967, so that the command of the land formations returned directly to the Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces, and the ground formations were divided to the forces east of the canal, under whose command the two armies (the Second and the Third) and the military regions (central, northern, western, and southern), in contrast to the rest of the forces, bodies, departments, and auxiliary agencies.

All branches, forces, armies, regions, bodies, agencies and departments of the Armed Forces are subject to the leadership of the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, who simultaneously holds the Ministry of Defence. This position is currently held by Lieutenant General Mohamed Zaki (since June 2018), Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces and Minister of Defense and Military Production. The only person above him in the leadership ladder is the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, who is the President of the Republic, and this position is currently held by Abdel Fattah el-Sisi. The Chief of Staff is Lieutenant General Osama Askar (since October 2021). The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces consists of 23 members, headed by the Commander-in-Chief and Minister of Defense, and represented by the Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces, with membership of: Commanders of the main branches of air, navy, and air defense, commanders of the border guard forces, commanders of the armies (Second and Third), and commanders of the military regions (Central, Northern, Western and Southern) and the heads of the Operations, Armament, Logistics and Supply, Engineering, Training, Financial Affairs, Military Justice, Management and Administration, the directors of the Officers Affairs and Military Intelligence departments, the Assistant Minister of Defense for Constitutional and Legal Affairs, and the Secretary of the Council is the Secretary-General of the Ministry of Defense.

Senior members of the military can convene the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, such as during the course of the 2011 Egyptian revolution, when President Mubarak resigned and transferred power to this body on February 11, 2011.

The armament of the Egyptian armed forces varies between eastern and western sources through weapons deliveries by several countries, led by the United States, Russia, France, China, Italy, Ukraine and Britain. Much of the equipment is manufactured locally at Egyptian factories. The Egyptian armed forces celebrate their anniversary on October 6 each year to commemorate the Crossing of the Suez during the October War of 1973.

The modern Egyptian armed forces have been involved in numerous military crises and wars since independence, from the 1948 Arab–Israeli War, Egyptian Revolution of 1952, Suez Crisis, North Yemen Civil War, Six-Day War, Nigerian Civil War, War of Attrition, Yom Kippur War, Egyptian bread riots, 1986 Egyptian conscripts riot, Egyptian-Libyan War, Gulf War, War on Terror, Egyptian Crisis, Second Libyan Civil War, War on ISIL and the Sinai insurgency.

History
In the early 1950s, politics rather than military competence was the main criterion for promotion. The Egyptian commander, Field Marshal Abdel Hakim Amer, was a purely political appointee who owed his position to his close friendship with President Gamal Abdel Nasser. He would prove himself grossly incompetent as a general during the Suez Crisis. Rigid lines between officers and men in the Egyptian Army led to a mutual "mistrust and contempt" between officers and the men who served under them. Tsouras writes that the Israelis "seized and held the ..initiative throughout the campaign and quickly destroyed the Egyptian defences." In a few instances, such as at the Mitla Pass and Abu Agelia, Egyptian defences were well-organised and stubbornly held, but this did not make enough difference overall. Nasser ordered a retreat from the Sinai which allowed the Israelis to wreak havoc and drive on the Canal; on 5 November, British and French parachute landings began in the Canal Zone but by 7 November, U.S. pressure had forced an end to the fighting.

Within three months of sending troops to Yemen in 1962, Nasser realized that the engagement would require a larger commitment than anticipated. By early 1963, he would begin a four-year campaign to extricate Egyptian forces from Yemen, using an unsuccessful face-saving mechanism, only to find himself committing more troops. A little less than 5,000 troops were sent in October 1962. Two months later, Egypt had 15,000 regular troops deployed. By late 1963, the number was increased to 36,000; and in late 1964, the number rose to 50,000 Egyptian troops in Yemen. Late 1965 represented the high-water mark of Egyptian troop commitment in Yemen at 55,000 troops, which were broken into 13 infantry regiments of one artillery division, one tank division from the Egyptian Armoured Corps and several Special Forces as well as airborne regiments. All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of topographical maps causing a real problem in the first months of the war.

Before the June 1967 War, the army divided its personnel into four regional commands (Suez, Sinai, Nile Delta, and Nile Valley up to the Sudan). The remainder of Egypt's territory, over 75%, was the sole responsibility of the Frontier Corps.

In May 1967, President Nasser closed the Straits of Tiran to passage of Israeli ships. Israel considered the closure of the straits grounds for war and prepared their armed forces to attack. On June 3, three battalions of Egyptian commandos were flown to Amman to take part in operations from Jordan. But U.S. historian Trevor N. Dupuy, writing in 1978, argues from King Hussein of Jordan's memoirs, My "War" with Israel, that Nasser did not intend to start an immediate war, but instead was happy with his rhetorical and political accomplishments of the past weeks. Nevertheless, Israel felt it needed to take action.

The Egyptian army, comprising two armored and five infantry divisions, were deployed in the Sinai. In the weeks before the Six-Day War began, Egypt made several significant changes to its military organisation; Field Marshal Amer created a new command interposed between the general staff and the Eastern Military District commander, Lieutenant General Salah ad-Din Muhsin. This new Sinai Front Command was placed under General Abdel Mohsin Murtagi, who had returned from Yemen in May 1967. Six of the seven divisions in the Sinai (with the exception of the 20th Infantry 'Palestinian' Division) had their commanders and chiefs of staff replaced. What fragmentary information is available suggests to authors such as Pollack that Amer was trying to improve the competence of the force, replacing political appointees with veterans of the Yemen war.

After the war began on 5 June 1967, Israel attacked Egypt, destroyed its air force on the ground, and occupied the Sinai Peninsula. The forward deployed Egyptian forces were shattered in three places by the attacking Israelis. Field Marshal Amer, overwhelmed by events, and ignoring previous plans, ordered a retreat by the Egyptian Army to the Suez Canal. This developed into a rout as the Israelis harried the retreating troops from the ground and from the air.

In July 1972, President Anwar Sadat expelled Soviet Armed Forces advisors from Egypt. The Soviet advisors had significant access and influence previously. When the Yom Kippur War began in October 1973, the Egyptians were initially successful in crossing the Suez Canal and establishing a bridgehead on the eastern bank. In the costly and brutal Battle of the Chinese Farm, the Israeli Defence Force shouldered aside portions of the Second Army on the eastern bank, then crossed the canal and rapidly advanced, destroying surface-to-air missile sites and then cutting off the Third Army. The Egyptians did stop the Israelis seizing Ismailia, however, and inflicted a "stunning defeat" on an Israeli force which had tried to hastily seize Suez City in the Battle of Suez. Peace was only imposed after the United States and Soviet Union stepped in.

When Sadat and the Israelis made peace in the Camp David Accords of September 1978, part of the quid pro quo for the Egyptians accepting peace was that the U.S. would provide substantial military assistance to Egypt. Today the U.S. provides annual military assistance often quoted at some nominal $1.3 billion to the Egyptian armed forces ($0 billion in ). This level is second only to Israel.

Scholars such as Kenneth Pollack, DeAtkine, and Robert Springborg have identified a number of reasons why Arab (and Egyptian) armies performed so poorly against Israel from 1948 to the 1970s and afterwards; In battle against Israel from 1948, junior officers consistently demonstrated an unwillingness to manoeuvre, innovate, improvise, take initiative, or act independently. Ground forces units suffered from constant manipulation of information and an inattention to intelligence gathering and objective analysis. Units from the two divisions dispatched to Saudi Arabia in 1990–91, accompanied by U.S. personnel during the 1991 Gulf War, consistently reported fierce battles even though they actually encountered little or no resistance. This occurred whether or not they were accompanied by U.S. military personnel or journalists. Later researchers such as Springborg have confirmed that the tendencies identified in the 1980s and 1990s persist in the Armed Forces in the twenty-first century.

Egypt is a participant in NATO's Mediterranean Dialogue forum.

Twenty-first century
In the second decade of the 21st century, the Armed Forces enjoy considerable power and independence within the Egyptian state. They are also influential in business, engaging in road and housing construction, consumer goods, resort management, and own vast tracts of real estate. A significant amount of military information is not made publicly available, including budget information, the names of the general officers and the military's size (which is considered a state secret). According to journalist Joshua Hammer, "as much as 40% of the Egyptian economy" is controlled by the Egyptian armed forces, and other authoritative works such as Springborg reinforce this trend.

On 31 January 2011, during the 2011 Egyptian revolution, Israeli media reported that the 9th, 2nd, and 7th Divisions of the Army had been ordered into Cairo to help restore order.

On 3 July 2013, the Egyptian Armed Forces launched a coup d'état against the elected government of Mohamed Morsi following mass protests demanding his resignation. On 8 July 2013, clashes between the Republican Guard and pro-Morsi supporters left 61 protestors killed. On 14 August 2013, the Egyptian Army along with the police carried out the Rabaa massacre, killing 2,600 people. The total casualty count made 14 August the deadliest day in Egypt since the Egyptian revolution of 2011 which had toppled former President Hosni Mubarak. Several world leaders denounced the violence during the sit-in dispersals.

In 2018 there were no evident internal cracks within the Armed Forces. The Egyptian Armed Forces' unrivalled dominance, both in politics and within the security apparatus, appear to be the result of three combined factors: substantial economic interests, a long-time legitimacy buttressed by the army's active involvement in welfare and development initiatives, and the reliance on universal conscription as the main avenue for the successful accommodation of class and social cleavages.

On March 25, 2020, it was reported that two army generals, Shafea Dawoud and Khaled Shaltout, had died from the COVID-19 pandemic in Egypt, and at least 550 officers and soldiers had been infected with the virus.

In March 2021, Human Rights Watch accused the EAF of violating international human rights law and committing war crimes by demolishing more than 12,300 residential and commercial buildings and 6,000 hectares of farmland since 2013 in North Sinai.

Structure
The Supreme Commander-in-Chief is the President of Egypt, currently Abdel Fattah el-Sisi. All branches, forces, armies, regions, bodies, organs and departments of the Armed Forces are under the command of the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, who is at the same time the Ministry of Defence and Military Production.

The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) is composed of 23 members, chaired by the Commander-in-Chief and Minister of Defence, and is represented by the Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces. Commanders of military areas (central, northern, western, southern), heads of bodies (operations, armament, logistics, engineering, training, finance, military justice, Armed Forces Management and Administration), directors of many departments (officers and Military Intelligence and Reconnaissance), and assistant secretary of defence for constitutional and legal affairs. The Secretary of the Board is the Secretary General of the Ministry of Defence.

Army
Conscripts for the Egyptian Army and other service branches without a university degree serve three years as enlisted soldiers. Conscripts with a General Secondary School Degree serve two years as enlisted personnel. Conscripts with a university degree serve one year as enlisted personnel or three years as a reserve officer. Officers for the army are trained at the Egyptian Military Academy. The IISS estimated in 2020 that the Army numbered 90–120,000, with 190–220,000 conscripts, a total of 310,000.

Air Force
The Egyptian Air Force (EAF) is the aviation branch of the Egyptian Armed Forces. Currently, the backbone of the EAF is the General Dynamics F-16 Fighting Falcon. The Mirage 2000 is the other modern interceptor used by the EAF. The Egyptian Air Force has 216 F-16s (plus 20 on order). It has about 579 combat aircraft and 149 armed helicopters as it continues to fly extensively upgraded MiG-21s, F-7 Skybolts, F-4 Phantoms, Dassault Mirage Vs, and the C-130 Hercules among other planes. Egypt currently operates 24 Dassault Rafale, a French twin-engine fighter aircraft as of 2019.

Air Defense Forces
The Egyptian Air Defense Forces or ADF (Quwwat El Diffaa El Gawwi in Arabic) is Egypt's military service responsible for air defense. Egypt patterned its force after the Soviet Air Defence Force, which integrated all its air defence capabilities – antiaircraft guns, rocket and missile units, interceptor planes, and radar and warning installations. It appears to comprise five subordinate divisions, 110 surface-to-air missile battalions, and 12 anti-aircraft artillery brigades. Personnel quality may be 'several notches below' that of the Air Force personnel. The IISS estimated in 2020 that personnel numbered 80,000 active and 70,000 reserve.

Its commander is Lieutenant General Aly Fahmy Mohammed Aly Fahmi.

Navy
The Egyptian Navy existed thousands of years ago, specifically during the Early Dynastic period in 2800 BC.

During the early modern era, in 1805, Muhammad Ali of Egypt became the Wali of the country forming his own autonomous rule over Egypt. To build the empire he always wished, he needed a strong military and so he managed to prepare that military starting with the army then the Navy. During his reign, the Navy already existed but it was only used for troop transportation. Its first engagement was during the Wahhabi War where it was used to transport troops from Egypt to Yanbu in Hejaz. Later in 1815, Muhammad Ali built Alexandria Shipyard to build warships not just transport ships. The Navy then participated in the Greek War of Independence where in 1827 it had over 100 warships and hundreds of transport ships. After the Second World War, some fleet units were stationed in the Red Sea, but the bulk of the force remained in the Mediterranean. Navy headquarters and the main operational and training base are located at Ras el Tin near Alexandria.

The Navy also controls the Egyptian Coast Guard. The Coast Guard is responsible for the onshore protection of public installations near the coast and the patrol of coastal waters to prevent smuggling. The IISS Military Balance 2017 listed the Coast Guard with 2,000 personnel, 14 fast patrol boats (PBF) and 65 patrol boats (including 15 Swiftships, 21 Timsah, three Type-89 and nine Peterson-class.

Other agencies
The Armed Forces Medical Service Department provides many military health services. The Armed Forces College of Medicine in Heliopolis, Cairo, provides medical training. As of February 2020, the AFCM commandant was Maj. Gen. Dr. Amr Hegab.

Egypt also maintains 397,000 paramilitary troops. The Central Security Forces comes under the control of the Ministry of Interior. As of 2017, the Egyptian Border Guard Corps falls under the control of the Ministry of Interior as well. Circa 2020, according to the IISS Military Balance 2020, they comprised an estimated 12,000, in 18 border regiments, with light weapons only (IISS 2020, p. 375). However, that listing of numbers has remained the same at least since the 2017 edition (p. 375).

Military equipment and industry
The inventory of the Egyptian armed forces includes equipment from the United States, France, Brazil, the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union, and the People's Republic of China. This wide range of sources can cause serviceability difficulties. Equipment from the Soviet Union is being progressively replaced by more modern U.S., French, and British equipment, a significant portion of which is built under license in Egypt, such as the M1A1 Abrams tank.

Egypt is one of the few countries in the Middle East, and the only Arab state, with a reconnaissance satellite and has launched another one, EgyptSat 1 in 2007.

The Arab Organization for Industrialization supervises nine military factories which produce civilian goods as well as military products. Initially, the owners of AOI were the governments of Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates, before the latter governments gave their shares back to Egypt in 1993, valued at $1.8 billion. AOI is now entirely owned by the government of Egypt and has about 19,000 employees out of which 1250 are engineers. AOI fully owns ten factories and shares in two joint ventures, plus the Arab Institute for Advanced Technology.

Military schools

There is an undergraduate military school for each branch of the Egyptian Armed Forces, and they include:
 * Commanders and Staff College
 * Reserve Officer College, supervised by General Gamal Elsabrouty.
 * Military Academy for Postgraduate and Strategic Studies
 * Egyptian Military Academy
 * Egyptian Air College
 * Egyptian Naval College
 * Egyptian Air Defense College
 * Egyptian Military Technical College
 * Armed Forces Technical Institute
 * Armed Forces Institute for NCOs
 * Egyptian GIS counter strike school, supervised by Lieutenant-Colonel Elhamy A. Elsebaey
 * Armed Forces Institute for Nursery
 * Thunderbolt School
 * Airborne School (Egypt)

title: Egyptian Armed Forces


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Foreign relations of Egypt

The Foreign relations of Egypt are the Egyptian government's external relations with the outside world. Egypt's foreign policy operates along a non-aligned level. Factors such as population size, historical events, military strength, diplomatic expertise and a strategic geographical position give Egypt extensive political influence in the Middle East, Africa, and within the Non-Aligned Movement as a whole. Cairo has been a crossroads of the Arab world's commerce and culture for centuries, and its intellectual and religious institutions are at the center of the region's social and cultural landmarks.

Israeli–Palestinian conflict
Egypt has been seeking to play a role in the resolution of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict.

Egypt played an important role in the negotiations leading to the Madrid Conference of 1991, which, under United States and Soviet sponsorship, brought together all parties in the region, including for the first time a Palestinian delegation, to discuss Middle East peace.

This support has continued to the present, with former President Hosni Mubarak often intervening personally to promote peace negotiations. In 1996, he hosted the Sharm El-Sheikh "Summit of the Peacemakers" attended by President Bill Clinton and other world leaders.

In 2000, he hosted two summits at Sharm El-Sheikh and one at Taba in an effort to resume the Camp David negotiations suspended in July 2000, and in June 2003, Mubarak hosted President George W. Bush for another summit on Middle East peace process. Another summit was convened in Sharm El Sheik in early 2005, which was attended by Egypt, Israel, the Palestinian Authority and Jordan. The former Egyptian Chief of Intelligence, General Omar Suleiman, played a substantial role in negotiations between the Israeli and Palestinian sides and was highly respected on both sides.

List
List of countries which Egypt maintains diplomatic relations with:

Africa
In the 21st-century Egypt has encountered a major problem with immigration, as millions of Africans attempt to enter Egypt fleeing poverty and war. Border control methods can be "harsh, sometimes lethal." This has strained relations with Egypt's southern neighbors, and with Israel and the members of the EU as these immigrants attempt to move on to wealthier countries.

The dispute between Egypt and Ethiopia over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam has become a national preoccupation in both countries. Egypt sees the dam as an existential threat, fearing that the dam will reduce the amount of water it receives from the Nile. Egypt's Foreign Minister Sameh Shoukry said: "Survival is not a question of choice, but an imperative of nature."

Americas
{| class="wikitable sortable" style="width:100%; margin:auto;" ! style="width:15%;"| Country ! style="width:12%;"| Formal relations established ! style="width:50%;"| Notes Both countries established diplomatic relations on 9 June 1947
 * - valign="top"
 * 🇦🇷 Argentina||9 June 1947 ||See Argentina–Egypt relations

Both countries established diplomatic relations on 27 February 1924.
 * Argentina has an embassy in Cairo.
 * Egypt has an embassy in Buenos Aires.
 * List of Treaties ruling relations Argentina and Egypt (Argentine Foreign Ministry, in Spanish)
 * Egyptian–Argentinean relations – From the Egypt State Information Service
 * - valign="top"
 * 🇧🇷 Brazil||27 February 1924||See Brazil–Egypt relations

Both countries established diplomatic relations on 28 July 1954
 * Brazil has an embassy in Cairo.
 * Egypt has an embassy in Brasília and a consulate-general in Rio de Janeiro.
 * - valign="top"
 * 🇨🇦 Canada||28 July 1954 ||See Canada–Egypt relations

Both countries established embassies in their respective capitals in 1954. Both countries established diplomatic relations on 31 March 1958
 * Canada has an embassy in Cairo.
 * Egypt has an embassy in Ottawa and a consulate-general in Montreal.
 * - valign="top"
 * 🇨🇱 Chile||1929 ||Both countries established diplomatic relations in 1929
 * Chile has an embassy in Cairo.
 * Egypt has an embassy in Santiago.
 * - valign="top"
 * 🇨🇴 Colombia||23 January 1957 ||Both countries established diplomatic relations on 23 January 1957
 * Colombia has an embassy in Cairo.
 * Egypt has an embassy in Bogotá.
 * - valign="top"
 * 🇨🇺 Cuba||5 September 1949||Both countries established diplomatic relations on 5 September 1949
 * Cuba has an embassy in Cairo.
 * Egypt has an embassy in Havana.
 * - valign="top"
 * 🇲🇽 Mexico||31 March 1958 ||See Egypt–Mexico relations

 * Egypt has an embassy in Mexico City.
 * Mexico has an embassy in Cairo.
 * - valign="top"
 * 🇵🇪 Peru||7 October 1963 ||Both countries established diplomatic relations on 7 October 1963.

Both countries established diplomatic relations on 26 April 1922
 * Egypt has an embassy in Lima.
 * Peru has an embassy in Cairo.
 * - valign="top"
 * 🇺🇸 United States||26 April 1922 ||See Egypt–United States relations

After the Yom Kippur War, Egyptian foreign policy began to shift as a result of the change in Egypt's leadership from President Gamal Abdel-Nasser to Anwar Sadat and the emerging peace process between Egypt and Israel. Sadat realized that reaching a settlement of the Arab–Israeli conflict is a precondition for Egyptian development. To achieve this goal, Sadat ventured to enhance US–Egyptian relations to foster a peace process with Israel. After a seven-year hiatus, both countries reestablished normal diplomatic relations on February 28, 1974.

Military cooperation
Following the peace treaty with Israel, between 1979 and 2003, the US has provided Egypt with about $19 billion in military aid, making Egypt the second largest non-NATO recipient of US military aid after Israel. Also, Egypt received about $30 billion in economic aid within the same time frame. In 2009, the US provided a military assistance of US$1.3 billion (inflation adjusted US$ 0 billion in ), and an economic assistance of US$250 million (inflation adjusted US$ 0 million in ). In 1989 both Egypt and Israel became a Major non-NATO ally of the United States.

Military cooperation between the US and Egypt is probably the strongest aspect of their strategic partnership. General Anthony Zinni, the former Commandant of the US Central Command (CENTCOM), once said, "Egypt is the most important country in my area of responsibility because of the access it gives me to the region." Egypt was also described during the Clinton Administration as the most prominent player in the Arab world and a key US ally in the Middle East. US military assistance to Egypt was considered part of the administration's strategy to maintaining continued availability of Persian Gulf energy resources and to secure the Suez Canal, which serves both as an important international oil route and as critical route for US warships transiting between the Mediterranean and either the Indian Ocean or the Persian Gulf.

The Egyptian military provides indirect support for the foreign policy of Egypt in the region. Egypt is the strongest military power on the African continent, and the whole Middle East

War on Terror
Despite differences and periods of friction in relations between the two countries, the US-Egyptian relations under Mubarak have evolved moving beyond the Middle East peace process towards an independent bilateral friendship. It was in the US interest that Egypt was able to present moderate voice in Arab councils and persuade other Arab states to join the peace process and to normalize their relations with the US.

However lately Egyptian-American relations have become a little tense. This is due to a great extent to the Egyptian unwillingness to send troops to Afghanistan and Iraq in peace stabilization missions. Egypt strongly backed the US in its war against international terrorism after the September 11 attacks, but refused to send troops to Afghanistan during the war and after it. Egypt also opposed US military intervention of March 2003 in Iraq, continued to oppose US occupation of the country after the war and further refused to comply with US requests to send troops to the country even under a UN umbrella.

The issue of participation in the post-war construction efforts in Iraq has been controversial in Egypt and in the Arab world as a whole. Opponents say that the war was illegal and it is necessary to wait until Iraq has legal representative government to deal with it. On the other hand, supporters of participation argued that the responsibility to protect Iraqis and to help them in time of crisis should prevail and guide the Egyptian action in Iraq, despite the fact that the Iraqis do not agree.

Post-Mubarak relations with U.S.
On January 21, 2012, the U.S. Secretary of Transportation Ray LaHood's son, Sam, was detained by the Egyptian government and not allowed to leave the country as part of a politically charged criminal investigation by the Egyptian government into the activities of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) monitoring local elections in Egypt. LaHood's son is the Egypt director of the International Republican Institute. The Egyptian government has detained twelve NGO representatives from leaving Egypt.

On February 5, 2012, Egyptian authorities charged LaHood's son and 42 other individuals with "spending money from organizations that were operating in Egypt without a license." Nineteen Americans are part of the 42 charged. The U.S. government has made it clear that $1.5 billion in U.S. aid to Egypt could be withheld if the investigation is not finished quickly. Faiza Abu Naga, Egypt's Minister of International Cooperation, is seen as the person pushing the investigation forward, straining U.S. and Egypt relations.

On 7 October 2020, in line with Egypt's Vision 2030, US Agency for International Development (USAID) and Egypt's Ministry of International Cooperation signed an agreement to add $22.8 million to the five-year Inclusive Economic Governance bilateral assistance agreement. The funding was intended to improve the investment environment and empower women to join the labor force.
 * Egypt has an embassy in Washington, DC and consulates-general in Chicago, Houston, Los Angeles and New York City.
 * United States has an embassy in Cairo.
 * }

Europe
European Union relations with Egypt are based on a partnership relation within the Euro – Mediterranean and Middle East area, which is of vital strategic importance and a key external relations priority for the EU.

The Euro-Mediterranean Partnership launched at the 1995 Barcelona Conference between the European Union and its originally 12 Mediterranean Partners: Algeria, Cyprus, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Malta, Morocco, Syria, Tunisia, Turkey, and the Palestinian Authority. Libya currently has observer status at certain meetings. Since the enlargement, in May 2004 and January 2007, the co-operation and needs covers 35 countries, the EU of 27, including Cyprus and Malta and the 10 Mediterranean Partners.

Egypt has also taken an active role regarding Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, such as its participation in the technical meeting of which it was the speaker for the Arab group. Additionally, the first meeting of the Euro-Mediterranean Parliamentary assembly was co-chaired by an Egyptian.

Egypt has been one of the leading recipients among the Mediterranean partners in terms of total funds received from the MEDA programme, the principal financial instrument of the European Union for the implementation of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. It is focused on policy-led, national structural reform and liberalisation programmes with a sector-wide approach.

The EU is Egypt's biggest trading partner currently accounting for 42% of Egyptian exports and 37% of imports, with the balance of trade still in the EU's favour. Trade between the EU and Egypt has risen by more than 5% in the last five years to reach around 11.6 billion euro in 2004. Egypt's main exports to the EU in 2004 were energy (39%), textiles and clothing (15%), agricultural products (9%), and chemicals (5%). Major imports from the EU were power generating machinery (21%), chemicals (16%), transport equipment (16%), and food and agricultural products (10%). Egypt has a serious but improving trade deficit that has put considerable pressure on the Egyptian pound.

Trade relations with the EU are good although there are several outstanding trade and phyto-sanitary issues. These range from specific market access issues and difficulties for businesses facing a highly regulated and complex system through to restrictions in the export of agricultural goods (potatoes) and fishery products because they do not conform with EU quality norms.

Egypt is included in the European Union's European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) which aims at bringing the EU and its neighbours closer.

Some time after the starting of the Arab Spring, in March 2011 the European Union adopted the joint declaration ' A partnership for democracy and shared prosperity with the Southern Mediterranean', aimed at making a number of initiatives in the field of civic society support, financial assistance and further access to the EU market dependent upon advancement in the democratization process.

As far as Egypt was concerned this declaration envisioned the further deepening of the previous Free Trade Agreement stipulated in 2004, geared towards the inclusion of areas such as trade in services, government procurement, competition, intellectual property rights, and investment protection. To the 2011 declaration, a preliminary phase of the negotiations followed in June 2013, when the EU and Egypt began an exploratory dialogue on how to deepen trade and investment relations, in particular through the possible negotiation of a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA).

In August 2014, the European Union discussed the possibility of revising provision of aid to Egypt. However, divisions over the appropriate stance to adopt among European diplomats persisted, coupled by the fear that the vacuum might be soon filled by other actors, following a Saudi Foreign Minister's declaration that the Kingdom was ready to step in and those of Prime Minister Hazem al Beblawi about the possibility to appeal to Russia for foreign aid. Therefore, the only measure upon which the Foreign Ministers agreed was to suspend the sale of arms and materials that could be used for repression, but fell short to halt aid program which could damage civil society.

Earlier in July 2013, EU High Representative Catherine Ashton had visited Egypt in an attempt to promote reconciliation among the parties involved. She is credited for being the only foreign diplomat to get access to deposed president Mohamed Morsi. In an official statement released at the end of a following visit held in April 2014, the Representative raised the issue of the death penalties and incarceration of journalists and activists. At the same time, her later declarations about el-Sisi's bid for presidential candidacy as "difficult" but "brave" sparked harsh criticism among supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood, who claimed the Representative, who advanced logistical reasons, did not make any efforts to get in touch with them and members of their Anti-Coup Alliance.

In April 2014, the European Union agreed to conduct electoral monitoring, for the first time, in occasion of the Presidential elections scheduled for 26/27 May 2014. Other organizations declined to join, as in their opinion this would legitimize what they called an unlawful take on power.

A contract for the sale of 30 Rafale fighter jets was signed between the defense ministries of Egypt and France in May 2021. The official value of the contract was not disclosed at first and was later exposed to be worth 3.75 billion euro or $4.5 billion, by an investigative website called Disclose. In December 2020, French President Emmanuel Macron received criticism for not controlling the sale of weapons to Egypt on its poor human rights record, stating counter-terrorism concerns. The Egyptian defense ministry cited that the deal would be supported via a 10-year loan without disclosing its value or any further details. Rights organizations have denounced the deal and accused the French president of overlooking the increasing violation of freedom in Egypt under the regime of President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi. France's armed forces, finance, and foreign ministries were unavailable for comment. However, French officials claim that Paris, under one of its policies, is avoiding criticism of countries on their human rights records to work with them effectively in private.

On 3 February 2022, around 175 Members of European Parliament wrote a joint letter to foreign ministers and ambassadors to the UN Human Rights Council and requested them to secure the establishment of a UN human rights monitoring and reporting mechanism on Egypt. The MEPs were concerned that despite devastating human rights crisis in Egypt, the international communities persistently failed to take any meaningful action to address the situation. The Egyptian authorities, under President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi, have "brutally and systematically" repressed all forms of dissent and severely curtailed civic space.

International involvement
Egypt played a key role during the 1990-91 Persian Gulf crisis. President Mubarak helped assemble the international coalition and deployed 35,000 Egyptian troops against Iraq to liberate Kuwait. The Egyptian contingent was one of the largest in the coalition forces, along with the U.S., U.K. and Saudi Arabia.

In the aftermath of the Gulf War, Egypt signed the Damascus Declaration with Syria and the Persian Gulf states to strengthen Persian Gulf security. Egypt continues to contribute regularly to United Nations peacekeeping missions, most recently in East Timor, Sierra Leone, and Liberia.

Following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States, Egypt, which has itself been the target of terrorist attacks, has been a key supporter of the U.S. war against terrorists and terrorist organizations such as Osama bin Laden and al-Qaeda, and has supported the Iraqi Governing Council.

On December 25, 2006, the Egyptian Foreign Minister Ahmed Abul Gheit called for end to "nuclear double standards" where sanctions are imposed on Iran for enriching uranium, but the Israeli nuclear program is not subject to any control by the International Atomic Energy Agency.

Egypt is member of ABEDA, ACC, ACCT (associate), AfDB, AFESD, AL, AMF, AU, BSEC (observer), CAEU, CTBT, EBRD, ECA, ESCWA, FAO, G-15, G-19, G-24, G-77, IAEA, IBRD, ICAO, ICC, ICRM, IDA, IDB, IFAD, IFC, IFRCS, IHO, ILO, IMF, IMO, Inmarsat, Intelsat, Interpol, IOC, IOM, ISO, ITU, MINURSO, MONUC, NAM, OAPEC, OAS(observer), OAU, OIC, OSCE (partner), PCA, UN, UNAMSIL, UNCTAD, UNESCO, UNIDO, UNITAR, UNMIBH, UNMIK, UNMOP, UNOMIG, UNRWA, UNTAET, UPU, WCO, EFTU, WHO, WIPO, WMO, WToO, and WTrO. Egypt is one of only seven U.N. members which is not a member of the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons.

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title: Foreign relations of Egypt