text:
Talk:Behistun Inscription

Western scholars

 * "In 1598 the inscription came to the attention of Western Europe when it was seen by Robert Sherley, an Englishman on a diplomatic mission to Persia in the service of Austria."

I'd like to change the above (showing my disregard for passive voice), but I don't know what to change it to. "In 1598 the inscription came to the attention of Western Europe when Robert Sherley, an Englishman on a diplomatic mission to Persia in the service of Austria, saw it" sounds odd--incomplete somehow--did he write back about it? return with news of it? Sorry to quibble; it's just that the rest of it is so well-written & interesting that this sentence sticks out like a sore thumb (to me, anyway). --Koyaanis Qatsi

How about: "Western European scholars did not become aware of the inscription until 1598, when it was observed byRobert Sherley, an Englishman on an Austria}Austrian diplomatic mission to Persia." Just a go - it's a tough sentence. - MMGB

 * Well, I had to go with the passive voice because I'm really not sure myself. I could only find one source about Sherley ("It's an cuneiform inscription...and don't call me Sherley"), and it was distressingly vague. It wasn't Sherley himself who brought it to European attention, just someone with him, and I don't know how he (or she) got the word back to Europe. That makes the form you have (ending in "saw it") -- what I had at first too -- put the verb so far away from the action that it needs to watch it on TV. Devil and the deep blue sea....-- Paul Drye

Lol. Ok then. --Koyaanis Qatsi

How about: "It was not until 1958, when the Englishman Robert Sherley saw it during a diplomatic mission to Persia, that the inscription came to the attention of western scholars."

M. Northstar

Excellent - I have changed accordingly. -- ALoan (Talk) 02:22, 19 Dec 2004 (UTC)
 * Did you change also 1598 into 1958 ??? It makes a lot of difference Trassiorf (talk) 14:46, 27 October 2009 (UTC)

Image
Very nice, Paul, et al. This calls in the best kinda way for a picture - surely there's one in public domain! --MichaelTinkler

 * At least a couple of which I'm aware. Do we have a way to upload them? --Paul Drye

I've never tried to put up an image, but I think JHK emailed a family tree to Larry? I looked and didn't see any nice ones online, so I hope you've found a better one! --MichaelTinkler

 * Images for Wikipedia should be e-mailed to JasonR. --Zundark, 2001 Dec 11

Misspelling or sound drift?
The way the name of the legendary hero and Shirin's lover is spelled and pronounced in modern Persian is Farhad, with the "r" *before* the "h". Does your source spell the name differently, or is this a misspelling? (I know it must be hard to keep track of the spelling of a word in a foreign language.)

Great article otherwise, although your link to the CWR university doesn't seem to be going anywhere useful.

Mentioned by Tacitus?
The article claims that the inscription is mentioned by Tacitus, but no non-wiki source I can find mentions this. Can anyone cite me a reference? Thanks, --68.78.70.215 04:05, 6 Sep 2004 (UTC) (Iustinus)
 * Muke Tever pointed me to this entry on perseus, which mentions a theory equating Tacitus' Sambulus with Behistun. I'm not sure I buy that, but that is certainly what the article is refering to. -Iustinus

Spelling variations
I did some online checking (yes, I know, inherently culturally biased) and the most common spellings are Behistun (1880 hits), Bisitun (119), Bisutun (70), Bisotun (16), and Bistun (13). There were zero hits for "Bisistun inscription." I've adjusted the article to include the two most common spelling variations other than Behistun. SWAdair | Talk 08:01, 27 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * If it's any help, "Bisotun" is what they use locally, including on all the signs around and leading to the town. As far as I can tell it's also the most accurate transliteration of the name from Farsi.  Personally, if I wasn't so rusty on Wikipedia and could remember how to do it, I'd try renaming the entire article "Bisotun Inscription."  Against this, locally they seem to describe the actual inscription as the "Darius Inscription" or "Darius Relief."  But this may be because, as the article correctly says, there are also reliefs of Mithradates II and Gotarzes II on a different, lower part of the cliff at Bisotun, with an inscription in Greek on the latter.  It's the whole area that is World Heritage listed, not just the most famous inscription.  The famous one is simply higher, older and arguably much more important.Russell Brown (talk) 09:40, 27 July 2009 (UTC)

Akkadian/Babylonian
Babylonian is the name given to the descendant of Akkadian which was used in this inscription; whether you consider it a separate language or a dialect of Akkadian is POV, but "Babylonian" is in any event correct. - Mustafaa 15:52, 3 Nov 2004 (UTC)

Request for references
Hi, I am working to encourage implementation of the goals of the Verifiability policy. Part of that is to make sure articles cite their sources. This is particularly important for featured articles, since they are a prominent part of Wikipedia. The Fact and Reference Check Project has more information. Thank you, and please leave me a message when you have added a few references to the article. - Taxman 20:00, Apr 21, 2005 (UTC)

The Lost Tribes
This material seems to have less to do with the inscription per se than with lost tribes theories, which have no historical consensus. It belongs in the Lost Tribes of Israel article. TheLateDentarthurdent 00:14, 14 July 2006 (UTC)

 * I've moved the material to the Lost Tribes article. TheLateDentarthurdent 00:21, 14 July 2006 (UTC)

Finds and translations of finds like this inscription can frequently change the consensus among historians, unless the general theme amongst institutions is to hide something that jolts their own theories to harshly. Consensus doesn't necessarily equate fact. For example, the consensus portrayed to modern students of history is that the Roman Empire had no real foe in her prime. But the "fact" is that Rome got her ass kicked by Parthia on several occasions... while in her prime. galut5 05:16, 16 July 2006 (UTC)

GA review
I have nominated this article for GA review. Please see Good article review. My two biggest concerns are the written style of the article and the lack of inline citations. Nishkid64 (talk) 00:00, 17 June 2007 (UTC)

 * I have closed the good article review. The result of the discussion was to delist the article. The issues raised about point of view and sources may be easy to address with a little bit of citation. Once this is done the article can be renominated. Geometry guy 16:16, 6 July 2007 (UTC)

Farhad and Shirin
The legend of Farhad and Shirin obviously deserves a mention in Wikipedia, but this does not seem to be the ideal place for it. I followed the link to Farhad, which led to a disambiguation page with no onward link to the Farhad in question. The page on Shirin mentions the existence of this legend, without telling the story.

I looks to me as though there ought to be a Farhad page containing the legend, or, if this story is the only mention Farhad gets in historical texts, the legend might be incorporated into Shirin's page. In any event, the blind link to Farhad needs tidying up. --King Hildebrand 10:43, 27 August 2007 (UTC)

Darius' Beard
It says in the article, that Darius' beard was added later; but I had never heard of something like that & I can't find any article about "bisotun inscription" to back that claim. Can someone verify that it was indeed added later? I have put a "citatioin needed" sign there, fot the time being.Sbn1984 (talk) 19:06, 21 November 2007 (UTC)

Hi, fascinating article. I am reading Life in Ancient Mesopotamia by Stephen Bertman, and it describes that the inscription was highly polished, lead was used to fill and reinforce cracks, then finally a thick layer of varnish applied tot eh entire inscription. So reading here It sounds to me as if at least two portions were added much later, rather than to insure its preservation it at its time of construction. jsasson (talk) 17:00, 24 April 2018 (UTC)it1224

"target practice"
It would be interesting to know which countries armed forces would willingly use something this important for target practice, anyone know? Please put it in the article. Thanks. ΤΕΡΡΑΣΙΔΙΩΣ (Ταλκ) 11:39, 4 December 2008 (UTC)
 * As I know, the British forces where in that region (look at this picture as an example ) .--Alborz Fallah (talk) 20:23, 4 December 2008 (UTC)
 * Military destruction of ancient monuments has been quite common actually. The Great Sphinx's nose was blown off. The entire Bamiyan Buddhas site was dynamited. The Parthenon, I think, was bombed (one of those large ancient Greek buildings, anyway). –  SMcCandlish   Talk⇒ ʕ(Õلō)ˀ  Contribs.  23:29, 26 December 2009 (UTC)

Translation?
I may be going blind but I cannot seem to find the translation anywhere in this article. Could someone point it out, please? Jaqian (talk) 10:37, 28 April 2009 (UTC)

Dispute
I have removed a dispute from the article itself, since disputes belong on the talk page.

The article had an unsourced assertion in it, that the inscription is "extremely inaccessible". This was followed by the following refutation, which was put inside a tag for some reason:

"This assertion has been frequently made and the reason usually given was that Darius wanted to prevent anyone climbing up and defacing his monument. As shown in the photograph of the route up to the inscription, the cliff face beneath it is not flat and smooth, as one would expect with an artificially carved surface. In addition, as shown in the photograph of the ledge beneath the inscription, this is some three feet wide, yet it would surely have been the first thing to go if access was being made difficult. As for the 'extreme inaccessibility', the inscription can be reached without climbing equipment and the route is safe and easy provided care is taken."

I have to side with the critic, though I am too lazy to dig through the history and find out who said what and attribute it here. –  SMcCandlish   Talk⇒ ʕ(Õلō)ˀ  Contribs. 23:27, 26 December 2009 (UTC)

 * I missed its restoration. I tried to explain why I deleted it at User talk:KendallKDown but he doesn't understand/agree with our policy here. Dougweller (talk) 06:51, 27 December 2009 (UTC)

Add Quote of inscription
From source: http://mcadams.posc.mu.edu/txt/ah/Persia/Behistun.html

"Says Darius the king . . . if thou shalt not conceal this edict, but shalt reveal it to the people, then shall Ahuramazda be thy friend, there shall be to thee a large family, and thou shalt live long."

Thompson, R. Campbell. "The Rock of Behistun". Wonders of the Past. Edited by Sir J. A. Hammerton. Vol. II. New York: Wise and Co., 1937. (p. 760-767) Dr. Thompson (D.Litt., M.A., F.S.A.) investigated the Rock of Behistun on behalf of the British Museum

Cameron, George G. "Darius Carved History on Ageless Rock". The National Geographic Magazine. Vol. XCVIII, Num. 6, Dec. 1950. (Pages 825-844) George Cameron was the chairman of the department of Near Eastern Studies at the University of Michigan.

There is also mention (outside of this article and I will list the academic source based on geological archaeological research) of the Behistun inscription having something to do with the Rosetta stone which proves that the Garden of Eden (from biblical references) was located between the four rivers [the Tigris, Eurphrates (Iraq;Mesopotamia), Pison (Saudi Arabia), Gihon (Persian Gulf).

From professional documentary by scholars : http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PxY3in91wSE & http://mcadams.posc.mu.edu/txt/ah/Persia/Behistun.html

"The story of decipherment began when travelers compared the curious wedge-shaped signs at Bisitun with those appearing on other, more accessible monuments in old Turkey and Persia. Sometimes they brought back copies or even samples of these "writings" to Europe, but no man there could read them. By inference, one of the languages with its system of writing was thought to be of Persian origin, for it was very common within Persia, particularly at Darius's former capital, Persepolis. Another was assumed to be Babylonian, for its script closely resembled the writing on monuments found in what is now the country of Iraq, in the "Garden of Eden"-the land of the Two Rivers, Tigris and Euphrates. The third was totally unknown. " —Preceding unsigned comment added by Ditc (talk • contribs) 07:09, 19 January 2010 (UTC)

Ditc (talk) 07:04, 19 January 2010 (UTC)ditc

— Elamite and Babylonian being Semitic languages.
There is an obvious error in the article - a claim that "— Elamite and Babylonian being Semitic languages". Elamite is considered a language isolate and is by no means Semitic. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 62.219.162.44 (talk) 09:42, 18 August 2010 (UTC)

Help needed: suggestions regarding the related article Behistun Palace
Hi! I can't do more than bring this situation to your attention in the hopes someone with more bandwidth will follow it through (see below). Thanks in advance! --Geekdiva (talk) 08:00, 18 February 2013 (UTC)

A stub or not a stub, to merge or not to merge [Copied from Talk:Behistun Palace.]
First of all, it seems that because of the length of [the Behistun Palace] article, people keep removing a stub tag from it. However, if you read the article, you'll see why it is a stub: length of text does not equal encyclopedic-quality research, much less writing.

Also, while trying to figure out why an earlier version of [the Behistun Palace] article had the Infobox World Heritage Site removed, I found the Behistun Inscription article. As I understand it (and frankly I'm limited by illness so I might be wrong; I usually cannot offer more than suggestions while I browse and then move on), [the Behistun Palace] article is based on theories that have yet to be proven.

I suggest one of the following:
 * 1) Merge Behistun Palace article into Behistun Inscription as a section.
 * 2) Keep the separate article but break it down into sub-topics where research is needed. Move those to the Behistun Palace talk page in separate sections to encourage research and prevent wholesale reversions. Keep a summary on the front page along with a stub tag or two.

Argh! I had a third suggestion, but it vanished from my head. Anyway, sorry this is all I can do. I'm cross-posting this to the more active Behistun Inscription's talk page.

Thanks, --Geekdiva (talk) 08:00, 18 February 2013 (UTC)

WP:ERA
The current version is a mess, so just a note here that the page usage was established by the initial edits as AD/BC. Kindly maintain it consistently, without the haphazard ~Es. — Llywelyn II   21:28, 10 May 2013 (UTC)

Poor coverage of the relief, as opposed to the inscription
- that's what we have at the moment. Useful scholarly sources available online include these: two stretches,, and. Johnbod (talk) 18:14, 12 November 2015 (UTC)

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Rosetta Stone
Maybe a "SEE ALSO" addition of the Rosetta Stone might be in order seeing as how they're basically similar in concept? Thoughts? — Preceding unsigned comment added by 95.76.139.241 (talk) 12:40, 19 June 2016 (UTC)

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Capitalization
Why is this "Behistun Inscription"? Shouldn't it be "Behistun inscription"?--Adûnâi (talk) 01:06, 1 September 2017 (UTC)
 * No, it's a proper name, like Rosetta Stone. Johnbod (talk) 02:02, 1 September 2017 (UTC)

Damage
The article says "The monument later suffered some damage from Allied soldiers using it for target practice in World War II, and during the Anglo-Soviet invasion of Iran" with 2 citations, one weak, the other almost nonexistant and neither mentions "allied" or the "anglo-soviet" invasion. Can someone turn up a real ref for this? If true then if nothing else it should be "WWII after the Anglo-Soviet ...". Thanks. Ploversegg (talk) 06:08, 6 September 2018 (UTC)
 * I've deleted the "sources" and tagged that content for new references. If no sources come (allow 3 or 4 months) I think the content should be deleted. 92.26.123.223 (talk) 00:22, 16 January 2019 (UTC)

Formatting of Text changed since January 2019
There are some serious formatting issues in the text of this article introduced during editing starting on January 12 2019. While the editor has added some pictures and elaborations, the text is misaligned and not as easy to follow. Restoring the text format to something that looks like the pre-January look of this article would be very helpful to readers.Xoltron (talk) 04:43, 23 January 2019 (UTC)
 * Thanks. I tried to make some improvements. पाटलिपुत्र (talk) 08:26, 23 January 2019 (UTC)

Semiramis
If possible, it would be interesting to add any information on why the inscription was attributed to Semiramis in the past. Just an idea. --Pythagimedes (talk) 22:28, 12 January 2021 (UTC)

Number of Elamite lines - a case of citogenesis?
Almost 20 years ago this edit added "two languages side by side, Old Persian (in 414 lines) and Elamite (in 593 lines), and Akkadian (in 112 lines)" without a source. This is repeated across the internet and recent popular books in a possible case of citogenesis.

See scholarly sources:

I will change the 593 to 260.

Onceinawhile (talk) 10:26, 25 March 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:Behistun Inscription


text:
Barry Goldwater

Barry Morris Goldwater (January 2, 1909 – May 29, 1998) was an American politician and major general in the Air Force Reserve who served as a United States senator from 1953 to 1965 and 1969 to 1987, and was the Republican Party's nominee for president in 1964.

Goldwater was born in Phoenix, Arizona, where he helped manage his family's department store. During World War II, he flew aircraft between the U.S. and India. After the war, Goldwater served in the Phoenix City Council. In 1952, he was elected to the U.S. Senate, where he rejected the legacy of the New Deal and, along with the conservative coalition, fought against the New Deal coalition. Goldwater also challenged his party's moderate to liberal wing on policy issues. He supported the Civil Rights Acts of 1957 and 1960 and the 24th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution but opposed the Civil Rights Act of 1964, disagreeing with Title II and Title VII. In the 1964 U.S. presidential election, Goldwater mobilized a large conservative constituency to win the Republican nomination, but then lost the general election to incumbent Democratic president Lyndon B. Johnson in a landslide.

Goldwater returned to the Senate in 1969 and specialized in defense and foreign policy. He successfully urged president Richard Nixon to resign in 1974 when evidence of a cover-up in the Watergate scandal became overwhelming and impeachment was imminent. In 1986, he oversaw passage of the Goldwater–Nichols Act, which strengthened civilian authority in the U.S. Department of Defense. Near the end of his career, Goldwater's views on social and cultural issues grew increasingly libertarian.

After leaving the Senate, Goldwater became supportive of homosexuals serving openly in the military, environmental protection, gay rights, abortion rights, adoption rights for same-sex couples, and the legalization of medicinal marijuana. Many political pundits and historians believe he laid the foundation for the conservative revolution to follow as the grassroots organization and conservative takeover of the Republican Party began a long-term realignment in American politics, which helped to bring about the presidency of Ronald Reagan in the 1980s. He also had a substantial impact on the American libertarian movement.

Early life and family background
Goldwater was born in Phoenix in what was then the Arizona Territory, the son of Baron M. Goldwater and his wife, Hattie Josephine "JoJo" Williams. His father's family founded Goldwater's Department Store, a leading upscale department store in Phoenix. Goldwater's paternal grandfather, Michel Goldwasser, a Polish Jew, was born in 1821 in Konin, then part of Congress Poland. He emigrated to London following the Revolutions of 1848. Soon after arriving in London, Michel anglicized his name to Michael Goldwater. Michel married Sarah Nathan, a member of an English-Jewish family, in the Great Synagogue of London.

The Goldwaters later emigrated to the United States, first arriving in San Francisco, California before finally settling in the Arizona Territory, where Michael Goldwater opened a small department store that was later taken over and expanded by his three sons, Henry, Baron and Morris. Morris Goldwater (1852–1939) was an Arizona territorial and state legislator, mayor of Prescott, Arizona, delegate to the Arizona Constitutional Convention and later President of the Arizona State Senate.

Goldwater's father was Jewish, but Goldwater was raised in his mother's Episcopalian faith. Hattie Williams came from an established New England family that included the theologian Roger Williams of Rhode Island. Goldwater's parents were married in an Episcopal church in Phoenix; for his entire life, Goldwater was an Episcopalian, though on rare occasions he referred to himself as Jewish. While he did not often attend church, he stated that "If a man acts in a religious way, an ethical way, then he's really a religious man—and it doesn't have a lot to do with how often he gets inside a church." His first cousin was Julius Goldwater, a convert to Buddhism and Jodo Shinshu priest who assisted interned Japanese Americans during World War II.

After he did poorly as a freshman in high school, Goldwater's parents sent him to Staunton Military Academy in Virginia where he played varsity football, basketball, track and swimming, was senior class treasurer and attained the rank of captain. He graduated from the academy in 1928 and enrolled at the University of Arizona. but dropped out after one year. Barry Goldwater is the most recent non-college graduate to be the nominee of a major political party in a presidential election. Goldwater entered the family's business around the time of his father's death in 1930. Six years later, he took over the department store, though he was not particularly enthused about running the business.

Military career

After America's entry into World War II, Goldwater received a reserve commission in the United States Army Air Force. Goldwater trained as a pilot and was assigned to the Ferry Command, a newly formed unit that flew aircraft and supplies to war zones worldwide. He spent most of the war flying between the U.S. and India, via the Azores and North Africa or South America, Nigeria, and Central Africa. Goldwater also flew "the hump", one of the most dangerous routes for supply planes during WWII. The route required aircraft to fly directly over the Himalayas in order to deliver desperately needed supplies to the Republic of China.

Following World War II, Goldwater was a leading proponent of creating the United States Air Force Academy, and later served on the academy's Board of Visitors. The visitor center at the academy is now named in his honor. Goldwater remained in the Army Air Reserve after the war and in 1946, at the rank of Colonel, Goldwater founded the Arizona Air National Guard. Goldwater ordered the Arizona Air National Guard desegregated, two years before the rest of the U.S. military. In the early 1960s, while a senator, he commanded the 9999th Air Reserve Squadron as a major general. Goldwater was instrumental in pushing the Pentagon to support the desegregation of the armed services.

Goldwater remained in the Arizona Air National Guard until 1967, retiring as a Command Pilot with the rank of major general.

As a U.S. Senator, Goldwater had a sign in his office that referenced his military career and mindset: "There are old pilots and there are bold pilots, but there are no old, bold pilots."

Early political career
In a heavily Democratic state, Goldwater became a conservative Republican and a friend of Herbert Hoover. He was outspoken against New Deal liberalism, especially its close ties to labor unions. A pilot, amateur radio operator, outdoorsman and photographer, he criss-crossed Arizona and developed a deep interest in both the natural and the human history of the state. He entered Phoenix politics in 1949, when he was elected to the City Council as part of a nonpartisan team of candidates pledged to clean up widespread prostitution and gambling. The team won every mayoral and council election for the next two decades. Goldwater rebuilt the weak Republican party and was instrumental in electing Howard Pyle as Governor in 1950.

Local support for civil rights
Goldwater was a supporter of racial equality. He integrated his family's business upon taking over control in the 1930s. A lifetime member of the NAACP, Goldwater helped found the group's Arizona chapter. He saw to it that the Arizona Air National Guard was racially integrated from its inception in 1946, two years before President Truman ordered the military as a whole be integrated (a process that was not completed until 1954). Goldwater worked with Phoenix civil rights leaders to successfully integrate public schools a year prior to Brown v. Board of Education. Despite this support of civil rights, he remained in objection to some major federal civil rights legislation. Civil rights leaders like Martin Luther King Jr. remarked of him "while not himself a racist, Mr. Goldwater articulates a philosophy which gives aid and comfort to the racists."

Goldwater was an early member and largely unrecognized supporter of the National Urban League Phoenix chapter, going so far as to cover the group's early operating deficits with his personal funds. Though the NAACP denounced Goldwater in the harshest of terms when he ran for president, the Urban League conferred on him the 1991 Humanitarian Award "for 50 years of loyal service to the Phoenix Urban League". In response to League members who objected, citing Goldwater's vote on the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the League president pointed out that he had saved the League more than once, saying he preferred to judge a person "on the basis of his daily actions rather than on his voting record".

Senator
Running as a Republican, Goldwater won a narrow upset victory seat in the 1952 Arizona Senate election against veteran Democrat and Senate Majority Leader Ernest McFarland. He won largely by defeating McFarland in his native Maricopa County by 12,600 votes, almost double the overall margin of 6,725 votes.

Goldwater defeated McFarland by a larger margin when he ran again in 1958. Following his strong re-election showing, he became the first Arizona Republican to win a second term in the U.S. Senate. Goldwater's victory was all the more remarkable since it came in a year Democrats gained 13 seats in the Senate.

During his Senate career, Goldwater was regarded as the "Grand Old Man of the Republican Party and one of the nation's most respected exponents of conservatism".

Criticism of the Eisenhower administration
Goldwater was outspoken about the Eisenhower administration, calling some of the policies of the Eisenhower administration too liberal for a Republican president. "Democrats delighted in pointing out that the junior senator was so headstrong that he had gone out his way to criticize the president of his own party." There was a Democratic majority in Congress for most of Eisenhower's career and Goldwater felt that President Dwight Eisenhower was compromising too much with Democrats in order to get legislation passed. Early on in his career as a senator for Arizona, he criticized the $71.8 billion budget that President Eisenhower sent to Congress, stating "Now, however, I am not so sure. A $71.8 billion budget not only shocks me, but it weakens my faith." Goldwater opposed Eisenhower's pick of Earl Warren for Chief Justice of the United States. "The day that Eisenhower appointed Governor Earl Warren of California as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, Goldwater did not hesitate to express his misgivings." However, Goldwater was present in the United States Senate on March 1, 1954, when Warren was unanimously confirmed, voted in favor of Eisenhower's nomination of John Marshall Harlan II on March 16, 1955, was present for the unanimous nominations of William J. Brennan Jr. and Charles Evans Whittaker on March 19, 1957, and voted in favor of the nomination of Potter Stewart on May 5, 1959.

Stance on civil rights
In his first year in the Senate, Goldwater was responsible for the desegregation of the Senate cafeteria after he insisted that his black legislative assistant, Katherine Maxwell, be served along with every other Senate employee.

Goldwater and the Eisenhower administration supported the integration of schools in the South, but Goldwater felt the states should choose how they wanted to integrate and should not be forced by the federal government. "Goldwater criticized the use of federal troops. He accused the Eisenhower administration of violating the Constitution by assuming powers reserved by the states. While he agreed that under the law, every state should have integrated its schools, each state should integrate in its own way." There were high-ranking government officials following Goldwater's critical stance on the Eisenhower administration, even an Army General. "Fulbright's startling revelation that military personnel were being indoctrinated with the idea that the policies of the Commander in Chief were treasonous dovetailed with the return to the news of the strange case of General Edwin Walker."

In his 1960 book The Conscience of a Conservative, Goldwater stated that he supported the stated objectives of the Supreme Court's decision in Brown v. Board of Education, but argued that the federal government had no role in ordering states to desegregate public schools. He wrote:"'I believe that it is both wise and just for negro children to attend the same schools as whites, and that to deny them this opportunity carries with it strong implications of inferiority. I am not prepared, however, to impose that judgement of mine on the people of Mississippi or South Carolina, or to tell them what methods should be adopted and what pace should be kept in striving toward that goal. That is their business, not mine. I believe that the problem of race relations, like all social and cultural problems, is best handled by the people directly concerned. Social and cultural change, however desirable, should not be effected by the engines of national power.'"Goldwater voted in favor of both the Civil Rights Act of 1957 and the 24th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, but did not vote on the Civil Rights Act of 1960 because he was absent from the chamber while Senate Minority Whip Thomas Kuchel (R–CA) announced that Goldwater would have voted in favor if present. While he did vote in favor of it while in committee, Goldwater reluctantly voted against the Civil Rights Act of 1964 when it came to the floor. Later, Goldwater would state that he was mostly in support of the bill, but he disagreed with Titles II and VII, which both dealt with employment, making him imply that the law would end in the government dictating hiring and firing policy for millions of Americans. Congressional Republicans overwhelmingly supported the bill, with Goldwater being joined by only 5 other Republican senators in voting against it. It is likely that Goldwater significantly underestimated the effect this would have, as his vote against the bill hurt him with voters across the country, including from his own party. In the 1990s, Goldwater would call his vote on the Civil Rights Act, "one of his greatest regrets." Goldwater was absent from the Senate during President John F. Kennedy's nomination of Byron White to Supreme Court on April 11, 1962, but was present when Arthur Goldberg was unanimously confirmed.

1964 presidential election
Goldwater's maverick and direct style had made him extremely popular with the Republican Party's suburban conservative voters, based in the South and the senator's native West. Following the success of Conscience of a Conservative, Goldwater became the frontrunner for the GOP Presidential nomination to run against his close friend John F. Kennedy. Despite their disagreements on politics, Goldwater and Kennedy had grown to become close friends during the eight years they served alongside each other in the Senate. With Goldwater the clear GOP frontrunner, he and Kennedy began planning to campaign together, holding Lincoln-Douglas style debates across the country and avoiding a race defined by the kind of negative attacks that were increasingly coming to define American politics.

Republican primary
[[File:1964RepublicanPresidentialPrimaries.svg|thumb|300px|Republican primaries results by state

{{legend|#c1c1c1|No primary held}} {{legend|#423121|John W. Byrnes}} {{legend|#a59400|Barry Goldwater}} {{legend|#73638c|Henry Cabot Lodge Jr.}}

{{legend|#668c63|James A. Rhodes}} {{legend|#5d73e5|Nelson Rockefeller}} {{legend|#c67742|William W. Scranton}}

In South Dakota and Florida, Goldwater finished second to "unpledged delegates", but he finished before all other candidates]]

Goldwater was grief-stricken by the assassination of Kennedy and was greatly disappointed that his opponent in 1964 would not be Kennedy but instead his vice president, former Senate Majority Leader Lyndon B. Johnson of Texas. Goldwater disliked Johnson, later telling columnist John Kolbe that Johnson had "used every dirty trick in the bag."

At the time of Goldwater's presidential candidacy, the Republican Party was split between its conservative wing (based in the West and South) and moderate/liberal wing, sometimes called Rockefeller Republicans (based in the Northeast and Midwest). Goldwater alarmed even some of his fellow partisans with his brand of staunch fiscal conservatism and militant anti-communism. He was viewed by many moderate and liberal Republicans as being too far on the right wing of the political spectrum to appeal to the mainstream majority necessary to win a national election. As a result, moderate and liberal Republicans recruited a series of opponents, including New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller, Henry Cabot Lodge Jr., of Massachusetts and Pennsylvania Governor William Scranton, to challenge him. Goldwater received solid backing from most of the few Southern Republicans then in politics. A young Birmingham lawyer, John Grenier, secured commitments from 271 of 279 Southern convention delegates to back Goldwater. Grenier would serve as executive director of the national GOP during the Goldwater campaign, the number two position to party chairman Dean Burch of Arizona. Goldwater fought and won a multi-candidate race for the Republican Party's presidential nomination.

1964 Republican National Convention
Eisenhower gave his support to Goldwater when he told reporters, "I personally believe that Goldwater is not an extremist as some people have made him, but in any event we're all Republicans." His nomination was staunchly opposed by the so-called Liberal Republicans, who thought Goldwater's demand for active measures to defeat the Soviet Union would foment a nuclear war. In addition to Rockefeller, prominent Republican office-holders refused to endorse Goldwater's candidacy, including both Republican Senators from New York Kenneth B. Keating and Jacob Javits, Pennsylvania governor William Scranton, Michigan governor George Romney and Congressman John V. Lindsay (NY-17). Rockefeller Republican Jackie Robinson walked out of the convention in disgust over Goldwater's nomination. Henry Cabot Lodge Jr., who was Richard Nixon's running mate in 1960, also opposed Goldwater, calling his proposal of realigning the Democrat and Republican parties into two Liberal and Conservative parties "totally abhorrent" and thought that no one in their right mind should oppose the federal government in having a role in the future of America.

In the face of such opposition, Goldwater delivered a well-received acceptance speech. According to the author Lee Edwards: "[Goldwater] devoted more care [to it] than to any other speech in his political career. And with good reason: he would deliver it to the largest and most attentive audience of his life." Journalist John Adams commented: "his acceptance speech was bold, reflecting his conservative views, but not irrational. Rather than shrinking from those critics who accuse him of extremism, Goldwater challenged them head-on" in his acceptance speech at the 1964 Republican Convention. In his own words: "I would remind you that extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice (40 s of applause by the crowd.) And let me remind you also that moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue (10 s of applause.)" His paraphrase of Cicero was included at the suggestion of Harry V. Jaffa, though the speech was primarily written by Karl Hess. Because of President Johnson's popularity, Goldwater refrained from attacking the president directly. He did not mention Johnson by name at all in his convention speech.

Although raised as an Episcopalian, Goldwater was the first candidate of Jewish descent, through his father, to be nominated for president by a major American party.

General election campaign

After securing the Republican presidential nomination, Goldwater chose his political ally, RNC Chairman William E. Miller to be his running mate. Goldwater joked he chose Miller because "he drives Johnson nuts". In choosing Miller, Goldwater opted for a running mate who was ideologically aligned with his own conservative wing of the Republican party. Miller balanced the ticket in other ways, being a practicing Catholic from the East Coast. Miller had low name recognition but was popular in the Republican party and viewed as a skilled political strategist.

Former U.S. Senator Prescott Bush, a moderate Republican from Connecticut, was a friend of Goldwater and supported him in the general election campaign.

Future Chief Justice of the United States and fellow Arizonan William H. Rehnquist also first came to the attention of national Republicans through his work as a legal adviser to Goldwater's presidential campaign. Rehnquist had begun his law practice in 1953 in the firm of Denison Kitchel of Phoenix, Goldwater's national campaign manager and friend of nearly three decades.

Goldwater's advocacy of active interventionism to prevent the spread of communism and defend American values and allies led to effective counterattacks from Lyndon B. Johnson and his supporters, who said that Goldwater's militancy would have dire consequences, possibly even nuclear war. In a May 1964 speech, Goldwater suggested that nuclear weapons should be treated more like conventional weapons and used in Vietnam, specifically that they should have been used at Dien Bien Phu in 1954 to defoliate trees. Regarding Vietnam, Goldwater charged that Johnson's policy was devoid of "goal, course, or purpose," leaving "only sudden death in the jungles and the slow strangulation of freedom". Goldwater's rhetoric on nuclear war was viewed by many as quite uncompromising, a view buttressed by off-hand comments such as, "Let's lob one into the men's room at the Kremlin." He also advocated that field commanders in Vietnam and Europe should be given the authority to use tactical nuclear weapons (which he called "small conventional nuclear weapons") without presidential confirmation.

Goldwater countered the Johnson attacks by criticizing the administration for its perceived ethical lapses, and stating in a commercial that "we, as a nation, are not far from the kind of moral decay that has brought on the fall of other nations and people.... I say it is time to put conscience back in government. And by good example, put it back in all walks of American life." Goldwater campaign commercials included statements of support by actor Raymond Massey and moderate Republican senator Margaret Chase Smith.

Before the 1964 election, Fact magazine, published by Ralph Ginzburg, ran a special issue titled, "The Unconscious of a Conservative: A Special Issue on the Mind of Barry Goldwater". The two main articles contended that Goldwater was mentally unfit to be president. The magazine supported this claim with the results of a poll of board-certified psychiatrists. Fact had mailed questionnaires to 12,356 psychiatrists, receiving responses from 2,417, of whom 1,189 said Goldwater was mentally incapable of holding the office of president. Most of the other respondents declined to diagnose Goldwater because they had not clinically interviewed him but said that, although not psychologically unfit to preside, Goldwater would be negligent in the role.

After the election, Goldwater sued the publisher, the editor and the magazine for libel in Goldwater v. Ginzburg. "Although the jury awarded Goldwater only $1.00 in compensatory damages against all three defendants, it went on to award him punitive damages of $25,000 against Ginzburg and $50,000 against Fact magazine, Inc." According to Warren Boroson, then-managing editor of Fact and later a financial columnist, the main biography of Goldwater in the magazine was written by David Bar-Illan, the Israeli pianist.

Political advertising

A Democratic campaign advertisement known as Daisy showed a young girl counting daisy petals, from one to ten. Immediately following this scene, a voiceover counted down from ten to one. The child's face was shown as a still photograph followed by images of nuclear explosions and mushroom clouds. The campaign advertisement ended with a plea to vote for Johnson, implying that Goldwater (though not mentioned by name) would provoke a nuclear war if elected. The advertisement, which featured only a few spoken words and relied on imagery for its emotional impact, was one of the most provocative in American political campaign history, and many analysts credit it as being the birth of the modern style of "negative political ads" on television. The ad aired only once and was immediately pulled, but it was then shown many times by local television stations covering the controversy.

Goldwater did not have ties to the Ku Klux Klan (KKK), but he was publicly endorsed by members of the organization. Lyndon B. Johnson exploited this association during the elections,  but Goldwater barred the KKK from supporting him and denounced them.

Throughout the presidential campaign, Goldwater refused to appeal to racial tensions or backlash against civil rights. After the outbreak of the Harlem riot of 1964, Goldwater privately gathered news reporters on his campaign plane and said that if anyone attempted to sow racial violence on his political behalf, he would withdraw from the presidential race—even if it was the day before the election.

Past comments came back to haunt Goldwater throughout the campaign. He had once called the Eisenhower administration "a dime-store New Deal", and the former president never fully forgave him. However, Eisenhower did film a television commercial with Goldwater. Eisenhower qualified his voting for Goldwater in November by remarking that he had voted not specifically for Goldwater, but for the Republican Party. In December 1961, Goldwater had told a news conference that "sometimes I think this country would be better off if we could just saw off the Eastern Seaboard and let it float out to sea." That comment boomeranged on him during the campaign in the form of a Johnson television commercial, as did remarks about making Social Security voluntary, and statements in Tennessee about selling the Tennessee Valley Authority, a large local New Deal employer.

The Goldwater campaign spotlighted Ronald Reagan, who appeared in a campaign ad. In turn, Reagan gave a stirring, nationally televised speech, "A Time for Choosing", in support of Goldwater.

Results

Goldwater only won his home state of Arizona and five states in the Deep South. The Southern states, traditionally Democratic up to that time, voted Republican primarily as a statement of opposition to the Civil Rights Act, which had been signed into law by Johnson earlier that year. Despite Johnson's support for the Civil Rights Act, the bill received split support from Congressional Democrats due to southerner opposition. In contrast, Congressional Republicans overwhelmingly supported the bill, with Goldwater being joined by only 5 other Republican senators in voting against it.

In the end, Goldwater received 38% of the popular vote and carried just six states: Arizona (with 51% of the popular vote) and the core states of the Deep South: Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina. In carrying Georgia by a margin of 54–45%, Goldwater became the first Republican nominee to win the state.

Goldwater's poor showing pulled down many supporters. Of the 57 Republican Congressmen who endorsed Goldwater before the convention, 20 were defeated for reelection, along with many promising young Republicans. In contrast, Republican Congressman John Lindsay (NY-17), who refused to endorse Goldwater, was handily re-elected in a district where Democrats held a 10% overall advantage. On the other hand, the defeat of so many older politicians created openings for young conservatives to move up the ladder. While the loss of moderate Republicans was temporary—they were back by 1966—Goldwater also permanently pulled many conservative Southerners and whites out of the New Deal Coalition.

According to Steve Kornacki of Salon, "Goldwater broke through and won five [Southern] states—the best showing in the region for a GOP candidate since Reconstruction. In Mississippi—where Franklin D. Roosevelt had won nearly 100 percent of the vote 28 years earlier—Goldwater claimed a staggering 87 percent." It has frequently been argued that Goldwater's strong performance in Southern states previously regarded as Democratic strongholds foreshadowed a larger shift in electoral trends in the coming decades that would make the South a Republican bastion (an end to the "Solid South")—first in presidential politics and eventually at the congressional and state levels, as well. Also, Goldwater's uncompromising promotion of freedom was the start of a continuing shift in American politics from liberalism to a conservative economic philosophy.

Return to the Senate

Goldwater remained popular in Arizona, and in the 1968 Senate election he was elected to the seat of retiring Senator Carl Hayden. He was reelected in 1974 and 1980.

Throughout the late 1970s, as the conservative wing under Ronald Reagan gained control of the Republican Party, Goldwater concentrated on his Senate duties, especially in military affairs. Goldwater purportedly did not like Richard Nixon on either a political or personal level, later calling the California Republican "the most dishonest individual I have ever met in my life". Accordingly, he played little part in Nixon's election or administration, but he helped force Nixon's resignation in 1974. At the height of the Watergate scandal, Goldwater met with Nixon at the White House and urged him to resign. At the time, Nixon's impeachment by the House of Representatives was imminent and Goldwater warned him that fewer than 10 Republican senators would vote against conviction.

Despite being a difficult year for Republicans candidates, the 1974 election saw Goldwater easily reelected over his Democratic opponent, Jonathan Marshall, the publisher of The Scottsdale Progress.

At the 1976 Republican National Convention, Goldwater helped block Nelson Rockefeller's renomination as vice president. When Reagan challenged Gerald Ford for the presidential nomination in 1976, Goldwater endorsed the incumbent Ford, looking for consensus rather than conservative idealism. As one historian notes, "The Arizonan had lost much of his zest for battle."

In 1979, when President Carter normalized relations with Communist China, Goldwater and some other Senators sued him in the Supreme Court, arguing that the President could not terminate the Sino-American Mutual Defense Treaty with the Republic of China (Taiwan) without the approval of Congress. The case, Goldwater v. Carter (444 U.S. 996), was dismissed by the court as a political question.

On June 9, 1969, Goldwater was absent during President Nixon's nomination of Warren E. Burger as Chief Justice of the United States while Senate Minority Whip Hugh Scott announced that Goldwater would have voted in favor if present. Goldwater voted in favor of Nixon's failed Supreme Court nomination of Clement Haynsworth on November 21, 1969, and a few months later, Goldwater voted in favor of Nixon's failed Supreme Court nomination of Harrold Carswell on April 8, 1970. The following month, Goldwater was absent when Nixon nominee Harry Blackmun was confirmed on May 12, 1970, while Senate Minority Whip Robert P. Griffin announced that Goldwater would have voted in favor if present. On December 6, 1971, Goldwater voted in favor of Nixon's nomination of Lewis F. Powell Jr., and on December 10, Goldwater voted in favor of Nixon's nomination of William Rehnquist as Associate Justice. On December 17, 1975, Goldwater voted in favor of President Gerald Ford's nomination of John Paul Stevens to the Supreme Court.

Final campaign and Senate term
With his fourth Senate term due to end in January 1981, Goldwater seriously considered retiring from the Senate in 1980 before deciding to run for one final term. It was a surprisingly tough campaign for re-election. Goldwater was viewed by some as out of touch and vulnerable for several reasons, chiefly because he had planned to retire in 1981 and he had not visited many areas of Arizona outside of Phoenix and Tucson. Additionally, his Democrat challenger, Bill Schulz, proved to be a formidable opponent. A former Republican and a wealthy real estate developer, Schulz's campaign slogan was "Energy for the Eighties." Arizona's changing population also hurt Goldwater. The state's population had greatly increased, and a large portion of the electorate had not lived in the state at the time Goldwater was previously elected, meaning unlike most incumbents, many voters were less familiar with Goldwater's actual beliefs. Goldwater spent most of the campaign on the defensive. Although he was eventually declared as the winning candidate in the general election by a very narrow margin, receiving 49.5% of the vote to Schulz's 48.4%, early returns on election night indicated that Schulz would win. The counting of votes continued through the night and into the next morning. At around daybreak, Goldwater learned that he had been reelected thanks to absentee ballots, which were among the last to be counted.

Goldwater's close victory in 1980 came despite Reagan's 61% landslide over Jimmy Carter in Arizona. Despite Goldwater's struggles, in 1980, Republicans were able to pick up 12 senate seats, regaining control of the chamber for the first time since 1955, when Goldwater was in his first term. Goldwater was now in the most powerful position he had ever been in the Senate. In October 1983, Goldwater voted against the legislation establishing Martin Luther King Jr. Day as a federal holiday.

On September 21, 1981, Goldwater voted in favor of Reagan's Supreme Court nomination of Sandra Day O'Connor. Goldwater was absent during the nominations of William Rehnquist as Chief Justice of the United States and Antonin Scalia as Associate Justice on September 17, 1986.

After the new Senate convened in January 1981, Goldwater became chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee. In this role he clashed with the Reagan administration in April 1984 when he discovered that the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) had been mining the waters of Nicaragua since February, something that he had first denied when the matter was raised. In a note to the CIA director William Casey, Goldwater denounced what he called an "act of war", saying that "this is no way to run a railroad" as he stated crossly that only Congress had the power to declare war and accused the CIA of illegally mining Nicaraguan waters without the permission of Congress. Goldwater concluded, "The President has asked us to back his foreign policy. Bill, how can we back his foreign policy when we don't know what the hell he is doing? Lebanon, yes, we all knew that he sent troops over there. But mine the harbors in Nicaragua? This is an act violating international law. It is an act of war. For the life of me, I don't see how we are going to explain it." Goldwater felt compelled to issue an apology on the floor of the Senate because the Senate Intelligence Committee had failed in its duties to oversee the CIA as he stated, saying, "I am forced to apologize for the members of my committee because I did not know the facts on this case. And I apologize to all the members of the Senate for the same reason". Goldwater subsequently voted for a Congressional resolution condemning the mining.

In his 1980 Senate reelection campaign, Goldwater won support from religious conservatives but in his final term voted consistently to uphold legal abortion and in 1981 gave a speech on how he was angry about the bullying of American politicians by religious organizations and would "fight them every step of the way".

He introduced the 1984 Cable Franchise Policy and Communications Act, which allowed local governments to require the transmission of public, educational, and government access (PEG) channels, barred cable operators from exercising editorial control over the content of programs carried on PEG channels and absolved them from liability for their content. On May 12, 1986, Goldwater was presented with the Presidential Medal of Freedom by President Ronald Reagan.

In response to Moral Majority founder Jerry Falwell's opposition to the nomination of Sandra Day O'Connor to the Supreme Court, of which Falwell had said, "Every good Christian should be concerned", Goldwater retorted, "Every good Christian ought to kick Falwell right in the ass." According to John Dean, Goldwater actually suggested that good Christians ought to kick Falwell in the "nuts", but the news media "changed the anatomical reference". Goldwater also had harsh words for his one-time political protégé, President Reagan, particularly after the Iran–Contra Affair became public in 1986. Journalist Robert MacNeil, a friend of Goldwater's from the 1964 presidential campaign, recalled interviewing him in his office shortly afterward. "He was sitting in his office with his hands on his cane... and he said to me, 'Well, aren't you going to ask me about the Iran arms sales?' It had just been announced that the Reagan administration had sold arms to Iran. And I said, 'Well, if I asked you, what would you say?' He said, 'I'd say it's the god-damned stupidest foreign policy blunder this country's ever made! Aside from the Iran–Contra scandal, Goldwater thought nonetheless that Reagan was a good president.

Retirement
Goldwater said later that the close result in 1980 convinced him not to run again. He retired in 1987, serving as Chair of the Senate Intelligence and Armed Services Committees in his final term. Despite his reputation as a firebrand in the 1960s, by the end of his career, he was considered a stabilizing influence in the Senate, one of the most respected members of either major party. Although Goldwater remained staunchly anti-communist and "hawkish" on military issues, he was a key supporter of the fight for ratification of the Panama Canal Treaty in the 1970s, which would give control of the canal zone to the Republic of Panama. His most important legislative achievement may have been the Goldwater–Nichols Act, which reorganized the U.S. military's senior-command structure.

Policies
Goldwater became most associated with anti-union work and anti-communism; he was a supporter of the conservative coalition in Congress. His work on labor issues led to Congress passing major anti-labor reforms in 1957, and subsequently a campaign by the AFL–CIO to challenge his 1958 reelection bid. He voted against the censure of Senator Joseph McCarthy in 1954, who had been making unfounded claims about communists infiltrating the U.S. State Department during the Red Scare, but never actually accused any individual of being a communist or Soviet agent. Goldwater emphasized his strong opposition to the worldwide spread of communism in his 1960 book The Conscience of a Conservative. The book became an important reference text in conservative political circles.

In 1964, Goldwater ran a conservative campaign that emphasized states' rights. Goldwater's 1964 campaign was a magnet for conservatives since he opposed interference by the federal government in state affairs. Goldwater voted in favor of the Civil Rights Act of 1957 and the 24th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution,  but did not vote on the Civil Rights Act of 1960 because he was absent from the chamber, with Senate Minority Whip Thomas Kuchel (R–CA) announcing that Goldwater would have voted in favor if present. Though Goldwater had supported the original Senate version of the bill, Goldwater voted against the Civil Rights Act of 1964. His public stance was based on his view that Article II and Article VII of the Act interfered with the rights of private persons to do or not to do business with whomever they chose and believed that the private employment provisions of the Act would lead to racial quotas. In the segregated city of Phoenix in the 1950s, he had quietly supported civil rights for blacks, but would not let his name be used.

All this appealed to white Southern Democrats, and Goldwater was the first Republican to win the electoral votes of all of the Deep South states (South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana) since Reconstruction. However, Goldwater's vote on the Civil Rights Act proved devastating to his campaign everywhere outside the South (besides Dixie, Goldwater won only in Arizona, his home state), contributing to his landslide defeat in 1964.

While Goldwater had been depicted by his opponents in the Republican primaries as a representative of a conservative philosophy that was extreme and alien, his voting records show that his positions were in generally aligned with those of other Republicans in the Congress.

Goldwater fought in 1971 to stop U.S. funding of the United Nations after the People's Republic of China was admitted to the organization. He said: "I suggested on the floor of the Senate today that we stop all funds for the United Nations. Now, what that'll do to the United Nations, I don't know. I have a hunch it would cause them to fold up, which would make me very happy at this particular point. I think if this happens, they can well move their headquarters to Peking or Moscow and get 'em out of this country."

Goldwater and the revival of American conservatism
Although Goldwater was not as important in the American conservative movement as Ronald Reagan after 1965, he shaped and redefined the movement from the late 1950s to 1964. Arizona Senator John McCain, who succeeded Goldwater in the Senate in 1987, said of Goldwater's legacy, "He transformed the Republican Party from an Eastern elitist organization to the breeding ground for the election of Ronald Reagan." Columnist George Will remarked that Reagan's victory in the 1980 presidential election was the metaphoric culmination of 16 years of counting the votes for Goldwater from the 1964 presidential race.

The Republican Party recovered from the 1964 election debacle, acquiring 47 seats in the House of Representatives in the 1966 mid-term election. In January 1969, after Goldwater had been re-elected to the Senate, he wrote an article in the National Review "affirming that he [was] not against liberals, that liberals are needed as a counterweight to conservatism, and that he had in mind a fine liberal like Max Lerner."

Goldwater was a strong supporter of environmental protection. He explained his position in 1969: "I feel very definitely that the [Nixon] administration is absolutely correct in cracking down on companies and corporations and municipalities that continue to pollute the nation's air and water. While I am a great believer in the free competitive enterprise system and all that it entails, I am an even stronger believer in the right of our people to live in a clean and pollution-free environment. To this end, it is my belief that when pollution is found, it should be halted at the source, even if this requires stringent government action against important segments of our national economy."

Later life

By the 1980s, with Ronald Reagan as president and the growing involvement of the religious right in conservative politics, Goldwater's libertarian views on personal issues were revealed; he believed that they were an integral part of true conservatism. Goldwater viewed abortion as a matter of personal choice and as such supported abortion rights. As a passionate defender of personal liberty, he saw the religious right's views as an encroachment on personal privacy and individual liberties. Although he voted against making Martin Luther King's birthday a national holiday in his last term as senator, Goldwater later expressed support for it.

In 1987, he received the Langley Gold Medal from the Smithsonian Institution. In 1988, Princeton University's American Whig-Cliosophic Society awarded Goldwater the James Madison Award for Distinguished Public Service in recognition of his career.

After his retirement in 1987, Goldwater described Arizona Governor Evan Mecham as "hardheaded" and called on him to resign, and two years later stated that the Republican party had been taken over by a "bunch of kooks".

During the 1988 presidential campaign, he told vice-presidential nominee Dan Quayle at a campaign event in Arizona, "I want you to go back and tell George Bush to start talking about the issues."

Some of Goldwater's statements in the 1990s alienated many social conservatives. He endorsed Democrat Karan English in an Arizona congressional race, urged Republicans to lay off Bill Clinton over the Whitewater scandal, and criticized the military's ban on homosexuals, saying, "Everyone knows that gays have served honorably in the military since at least the time of Julius Caesar", and, "You don't need to be 'straight' to fight and die for your country. You just need to shoot straight." A few years before his death, he addressed establishment Republicans by saying, "Do not associate my name with anything you do. You are extremists, and you've hurt the Republican party much more than the Democrats have."

In a 1994 interview with The Washington Post, Goldwater said: "When you say 'radical right' today, I think of these moneymaking ventures by fellows like Pat Robertson and others who are trying to take the Republican party and make a religious organization out of it. If that ever happens, kiss politics goodbye."

Also in 1994, he repeated his concerns about religious groups attempting to gain control of the Republican party, saying, "Mark my word, if and when these preachers get control of the party, and they're sure trying to do so, it's going to be a terrible damn problem. Frankly, these people frighten me. Politics and governing demand compromise. But these Christians believe they are acting in the name of God, so they can't and won't compromise. I know, I've tried to deal with them."

In 1996, he told Bob Dole, whose own presidential campaign received lukewarm support from conservative Republicans, "We're the new liberals of the Republican party. Can you imagine that?" In that same year, with Senator Dennis DeConcini, Goldwater endorsed an Arizona initiative to legalize medical marijuana against the countervailing opinion of social conservatives.

Personal life
In 1934, Goldwater married Margaret "Peggy" Johnson, daughter of a prominent industrialist from Muncie, Indiana. The couple had four children: Joanne (born January 18, 1936), Barry (born July 15, 1938), Michael (born March 15, 1940), and Peggy (born July 27, 1944). Goldwater became a widower in 1985 and, in 1992, he married Susan Wechsler, a nurse 32 years his junior. Goldwater's son Barry Goldwater Jr. served as a Republican Congressman, representing California from 1969 to 1983.

Goldwater's grandson, Ty Ross, is an interior designer and former Zoli model. Ross, who is openly gay and HIV positive, has been credited as inspiring the elder Goldwater "to become an octogenarian proponent of gay civil rights".

Goldwater ran track and cross country in high school, where he specialized in the 880 yard run. His parents strongly encouraged him to compete in these sports, to his dismay. In 1940, he became one of the first people to run the Colorado River recreationally through the Grand Canyon, participating as an oarsman on Norman Nevills' second commercial river trip. Goldwater joined them in Green River, Utah, and rowed his own boat down to Lake Mead. In 1970, the Arizona Historical Foundation published the daily journal Goldwater had maintained on the Grand Canyon journey, including his photographs, in a 209-page volume titled Delightful Journey.

In 1963, he joined the Arizona Society of the Sons of the American Revolution. He was also a lifetime member of the Veterans of Foreign Wars, the American Legion, and Sigma Chi fraternity. He belonged to both the York Rite and Scottish Rite of Freemasonry and was awarded the 33rd degree in the Scottish Rite.

Amateur radio
Goldwater was an avid amateur radio operator from the early 1920s onwards, with the call signs 6BPI, K3UIG and K7UGA. The last is now used by an Arizona club honoring him as a commemorative call. During the Vietnam War he was a Military Affiliate Radio System (MARS) operator.

Goldwater was a spokesman for amateur radio and its enthusiasts. Beginning in 1969, and for the rest of his life, he appeared in many educational and promotional films (and later videos) about the hobby that were produced for the American Radio Relay League (the United States national society representing the interests of radio amateurs) by such producers as Dave Bell (W6AQ), ARRL Southwest Director John R. Griggs (W6KW), Alan Kaul (W6RCL), Forrest Oden (N6ENV), and Roy Neal (K6DUE). His first appearance was in Dave Bell's The World of Amateur Radio where Goldwater discussed the history of the hobby and demonstrated a live contact with Antarctica. His last on-screen appearance dealing with "ham radio" was in 1994, explaining a then-upcoming, Earth-orbiting ham radio relay satellite.

Electronics was a hobby for Goldwater beyond amateur radio. He enjoyed assembling Heathkits, completing more than 100 and often visiting their maker in Benton Harbor, Michigan, to buy more, before the company exited the kit business in 1992.

Kachina dolls

In 1916, Goldwater visited the Hopi reservation with Phoenix architect John Rinker Kibby and obtained his first kachina doll. Eventually his doll collection included 437 items and was presented in 1969 to the Heard Museum in Phoenix.

Photography
Goldwater was an amateur photographer and, in his estate, left some 15,000 of his images to three Arizona institutions. He was keen on candid photography. He became interested in the hobby after receiving a camera as a gift from his wife on their first Christmas together. He was known to use a 4×5 Graflex, Rolleiflex, 16 mm Bell and Howell motion picture camera, and 35 mm Nikkormat FT. He was a member of the Royal Photographic Society from 1941, becoming a Life Member in 1948.

For decades, he contributed photographs of his home state to Arizona Highways and was known for his Western landscapes and pictures of native Americans in the United States. Three books with his photographs are People and Places, from 1967; Barry Goldwater and the Southwest, from 1976; and Delightful Journey, first published in 1940 and reprinted in 1970. Ansel Adams wrote a foreword to the 1976 book.

Goldwater's photography interests occasionally crossed over with his political career. John F. Kennedy, as president, was known to invite former congressional colleagues to the White House for a drink. On one occasion, Goldwater brought his camera and photographed President Kennedy. When Kennedy received the photo, he returned it to Goldwater, with the inscription: "For Barry Goldwater—Whom I urge to follow the career for which he has shown such talent—photography!—from his friend—John Kennedy." This quip became a classic of American political humor after it was relayed by humorist Bennett Cerf. The photo itself was prized by Goldwater for the rest of his life and sold for $17,925 in a 2010 Heritage auction.

Son Michael Prescott Goldwater formed the Goldwater Family Foundation with the goal of making his father's photography available via the internet. (Barry Goldwater Photographs) was launched in September 2006 to coincide with the HBO documentary Mr. Conservative, produced by granddaughter CC Goldwater.

UFOs
On March 28, 1975, Goldwater wrote to Shlomo Arnon: "The subject of UFOs has interested me for some long time. About ten or twelve years ago I made an effort to find out what was in the building at Wright-Patterson Air Force Base where the information has been stored that has been collected by the Air Force, and I was understandably denied this request. It is still classified above Top Secret." Goldwater further wrote that there were rumors the evidence would be released, and that he was "just as anxious to see this material as you are, and I hope we will not have to wait much longer". The April 25, 1988, issue of The New Yorker carried an interview with Goldwater in which he recounted efforts to gain access to the room. He did so again in a 1994 Larry King Live interview, saying:

"I think the government does know. I can't back that up, but I think that at Wright-Patterson field, if you could get into certain places, you'd find out what the Air Force and the government knows about UFOs ... I called Curtis LeMay and I said, 'General, I know we have a room at Wright-Patterson where you put all this secret stuff. Could I go in there?' I've never heard him get mad, but he got madder than hell at me, cussed me out, and said, 'Don't ever ask me that question again!'"

Death
Goldwater's public appearances ended in late 1996 after he had a massive stroke. Family members disclosed he was in the early stages of Alzheimer's disease. He died on May 29, 1998, at the age of 89, at his long-time home in Paradise Valley, Arizona, of complications from the stroke. His funeral was co-officiated by both a Christian minister and a rabbi. His ashes were buried at the Episcopal Christ Church of the Ascension in Paradise Valley, Arizona. A memorial statue set in a small park has been erected to honor the memory of Goldwater in that town, near his former home and current resting place.

Buildings and monuments

Among the buildings and monuments named after Barry Goldwater are the Barry M. Goldwater Terminal at Phoenix Sky Harbor International Airport, Goldwater Memorial Park in Paradise Valley, Arizona, the Barry Goldwater Air Force Academy Visitor Center at the United States Air Force Academy, and Barry Goldwater High School in northern Phoenix. In 2010, former Arizona Attorney General Grant Woods, himself a Goldwater scholar and supporter, founded the Goldwater Women's Tennis Classic Tournament to be held annually at the Phoenix Country Club in Phoenix. On February 11, 2015, a statue of Goldwater by Deborah Copenhaver Fellows was unveiled by U.S. House and Senate leaders at a dedication ceremony in National Statuary Hall of the U.S. Capitol building in Washington, D.C. Barry Goldwater Peak is the highest peak in the White Tank Mountains.

Goldwater Scholarship
The Barry M. Goldwater Scholarship and Excellence in Education Program was established by Congress in 1986. Its goal is to provide a continuing source of highly qualified scientists, mathematicians, and engineers by awarding scholarships to college students who intend to pursue careers in these fields.

The Scholarship is widely considered the most prestigious award in the U.S. conferred upon undergraduates studying the sciences. It is awarded to about 300 students (college sophomores and juniors) nationwide in the amount of $7,500 per academic year (for their senior year, or junior and senior years). It honors Goldwater's keen interest in science and technology.

Documentary
Goldwater's granddaughter, CC Goldwater, has co-produced with longtime friend and independent film producer Tani L. Cohen a documentary on Goldwater's life, Mr. Conservative: Goldwater on Goldwater, first shown on HBO on September 18, 2006.

In popular culture
In his song "I Shall Be Free No. 10", Bob Dylan refers to Goldwater: "I'm liberal to a degree, I want everybody to be free. But if you think I'll let Barry Goldwater move in next door and marry my daughter, you must think I'm crazy." In the 1965 film The Bedford Incident, the actor Richard Widmark playing the film's antagonist, Captain Eric Finlander of the fictional destroyer USS Bedford, modelled his character's mannerisms and rhetorical style after Goldwater.

Military awards

 * Command Pilot Badge
 * Service Pilot Badge (former U.S. Army Air Forces rating)
 * Legion of Merit
 * Air Medal
 * Army Commendation Medal
 * American Defense Service Medal
 * American Campaign Medal
 * European–African–Middle Eastern Campaign Medal
 * Asiatic–Pacific Campaign Medal with campaign star
 * World War II Victory Medal
 * Armed Forces Reserve Medal with three bronze hourglasses

Other awards

 * Presidential Medal of Freedom (1986)
 * American Legion Distinguished Service Medal
 * Marconi Gold Medal, Veteran Wireless Operators Association (1968)
 * Marconi Medal of Achievement (1968)
 * Bob Hope Five Star Civilian Award (1976)
 * Good Citizenship Award, Daughters of the American Revolution
 * 33rd Degree Mason
 * The Douglas MacArthur Memorial Award
 * Top Gun Award, Luke Air Force Base
 * Order of Fifinella Award – Champion of the Women Air Force Service Pilots (WASP) (1978)
 * Thomas D. White National Defense Award 1978
 * Conservative Digest Award (1980)
 * Senator John Warner Award for Public Service in the field of Nuclear Disarmament (1983)
 * Alexander M. Haig, Jr. Memorial Award (1983)
 * National Congress of American Indians Congressional Award (1985)
 * Space Pioneer Award, Sixth Space Development Conference (1987)
 * James Madison Award, American Whig-Cliosophic Society (1988)
 * National Aviation Hall of Fame (1982)

Books

 * The Conscience of a Conservative (1960)
 * Why Not Victory? A Fresh Look at American Policy (1963)
 * Where I Stand (1964)
 * Conscience of a Majority (1971)
 * The Coming Breakpoint (1976)
 * Arizona (1977)
 * With No Apologies: The Personal and Political Memoirs of Senator Barry M. Goldwater (1980)
 * Goldwater (1988)

Relatives
Goldwater's son Barry Goldwater Jr. served as a Congressman from California from 1969 to 1983. He was the first Congressman to serve while having a father in the Senate. Goldwater's uncle Morris Goldwater served in the Arizona territorial and state legislatures and as mayor of Prescott, Arizona. Goldwater's nephew Don Goldwater sought the Republican nomination for governor of Arizona in 2006, but he was defeated by Len Munsil.

Primary

 * Goldwater, Barry M. with Jack Casserly. Goldwater (Doubleday, 1988), autobiography.
 * by Goldwater's speechwriter
 * Shadegg, Stephen. What Happened to Goldwater? The Inside Story of the 1964 Republican Campaign (Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965).
 * White, F. Clifton. Suite 3505: The Story of the Draft Goldwater Movement (Arlington House, 1967).
 * Shadegg, Stephen. What Happened to Goldwater? The Inside Story of the 1964 Republican Campaign (Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965).
 * White, F. Clifton. Suite 3505: The Story of the Draft Goldwater Movement (Arlington House, 1967).

Secondary

 * Annunziata, Frank. "The Revolt Against the Welfare State: Goldwater Conservatism and the Election of 1964." Presidential Studies Quarterly 10.2 (1980): 254–265. online
 * Conley, Brian M. The Rise of the Republican Right: From Goldwater to Reagan (Routledge, 2019).
 * Conley, Brian M. "The Politics of Party Renewal: The 'Service Party' and the Origins of the Post-Goldwater Republican Right." Studies in American Political Development 27.1 (2013): 51+ online.
 * Crespi, Irving. "The Structural Basis for Right-Wing Conservatism: The Goldwater Case," Public Opinion Quarterly 29#4 (Winter, 1965–66): 523–543.
 * Cunningham, Sean P. "Man of the West: Goldwater's Reflection in the Oasis of Frontier Conservatism." Journal of Arizona History 61.1 (2020): 79–88.
 * , the standard scholarly biography
 * Jurdem, Laurence R. "'The Media Were Not Completely Fair to You': Foreign Policy, the Press and the 1964 Goldwater Campaign." Journal of Arizona History 61.1 (2020): 161–180.
 * Mann, Robert. Daisy Petals and Mushroom Clouds: LBJ, Barry Goldwater and the Ad That Changed American Politics (Louisiana State UP, 2011).
 * Middendorf, J. William. A Glorious Disaster: Barry Goldwater's Presidential Campaign and the Origins of the Conservative Movement (Basic Books, 2006).
 * Schuparra, Kurt. "Barry Goldwater and Southern California Conservatism: Ideology, Image and Myth in the 1964 California Republican Presidential Primary." Southern California Quarterly 74.3 (1992): 277–298. online
 * Shepard, Christopher. "A True Jeffersonian: The Western Conservative Principles of Barry Goldwater and His Vote Against the Civil Rights Act of 1964." Journal of the West. 49, no. 1, (2010): 34–40
 * Shermer, Elizabeth Tandy (ed.) (2013). Barry Goldwater and the Remaking of the American Political Landscape. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2013. ISBN 978-0816521098
 * Smith, Dean (1986). The Goldwaters of Arizona, includes brief coverage of the parents. ISBN 978-0873583954
 * Taylor, Andrew. "Barry Goldwater: insurgent conservatism as constitutive rhetoric." Journal of Political Ideologies 21, no. 3 (2016): 242–260. online
 * Taylor, Andrew (2018). "The Oratory of Barry Goldwater." in Republican Orators from Eisenhower to Trump. Palgrave Macmillan. 41–66.
 * Thorburn, Wayne. "Barry's Boys and Goldwater Girls: Barry Goldwater and the Mobilization of Young Conservatives in the Early 1960s." Journal of Arizona History 61.1 (2020): 89–107. excerpt
 * Tønnessen, Alf Tomas. "Goldwater, Bush, Ryan and the Failed Attempts by Conservative Republicans to Reform Federal Entitlement Programs." American Studies in Scandinavia 47.2 (2015): 47–62 online.
 * Young, Nancy Beck (2019). Two Suns of the Southwest: Lyndon Johnson, Barry Goldwater, and the 1964 Battle between Liberalism and Conservatism. UP of Kansas. online
 * Shepard, Christopher. "A True Jeffersonian: The Western Conservative Principles of Barry Goldwater and His Vote Against the Civil Rights Act of 1964." Journal of the West. 49, no. 1, (2010): 34–40
 * Shermer, Elizabeth Tandy (ed.) (2013). Barry Goldwater and the Remaking of the American Political Landscape. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2013. ISBN 978-0816521098
 * Smith, Dean (1986). The Goldwaters of Arizona, includes brief coverage of the parents. ISBN 978-0873583954
 * Taylor, Andrew. "Barry Goldwater: insurgent conservatism as constitutive rhetoric." Journal of Political Ideologies 21, no. 3 (2016): 242–260. online
 * Taylor, Andrew (2018). "The Oratory of Barry Goldwater." in Republican Orators from Eisenhower to Trump. Palgrave Macmillan. 41–66.
 * Thorburn, Wayne. "Barry's Boys and Goldwater Girls: Barry Goldwater and the Mobilization of Young Conservatives in the Early 1960s." Journal of Arizona History 61.1 (2020): 89–107. excerpt
 * Tønnessen, Alf Tomas. "Goldwater, Bush, Ryan and the Failed Attempts by Conservative Republicans to Reform Federal Entitlement Programs." American Studies in Scandinavia 47.2 (2015): 47–62 online.
 * Young, Nancy Beck (2019). Two Suns of the Southwest: Lyndon Johnson, Barry Goldwater, and the 1964 Battle between Liberalism and Conservatism. UP of Kansas. online
 * Young, Nancy Beck (2019). Two Suns of the Southwest: Lyndon Johnson, Barry Goldwater, and the 1964 Battle between Liberalism and Conservatism. UP of Kansas. online

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Barry Goldwater


text:
Baralong incidents

The Baralong incidents were two incidents during the First World War in August and September 1915, involving the Royal Navy Q-ship HMS Baralong and two German U-boats. Baralong sank SMU U-27 (Germany), which had been preparing to attack a nearby merchant ship, the Nicosian. About a dozen of the crewmen managed to escape from the sinking submarine and Lieutenant Godfrey Herbert, commanding officer of Baralong, ordered the survivors to be executed after they boarded the Nicosian. All the survivors of U-27s sinking, including several who had reached the Nicosian, were shot by Baralongs crew.

Later, Baralong under command of Andrew Wilmot-Smith sank SMU U-41 (Germany) in an incident which has also been described as a British war crime.

Action of 19 August 1915
After the sinking of RMS Lusitania by a German submarine in May 1915, Lieutenant-Commander Godfrey Herbert, commanding officer of Baralong, was visited by two officers of the Admiralty's Secret Service branch at the naval base at Queenstown, Ireland. He was told, "This Lusitania business is shocking. Unofficially, we are telling you... take no prisoners from U-boats."

Interviews with his subordinate officers have established Herbert's undisciplined manner of commanding his ship. Herbert allowed his men to engage in drunken binges during shore leave. During one such incident, at Dartmouth, several members of Baralong's crew were arrested after destroying a local pub. Herbert paid their bail, then left port with the bailed crewmen aboard. Beginning in April 1915, Herbert ordered his subordinates to cease calling him "Sir", and to address him only by the pseudonym "Captain William McBride".

Throughout the summer of 1915, Baralong continued routine patrol duties in the Irish Sea without encountering the enemy.

On 19 August 1915, SMU U-24 sank the White Star Liner SS Arabic (1902) with the loss of 44 lives – this included three Americans and resulted in a diplomatic incident between Germany and the United States. HMS Baralong had been about 20 mi from the scene, and had received a distress call from the ship. Baralong's crew was infuriated by the attack and by their inability to locate survivors.

Meanwhile, about 70 nmi south of Queenstown, SMU U-27 (Germany), commanded by Kapitänleutnant Bernd Wegener, stopped the British steamer Nicosian in accordance with the cruiser rules specified by the London Declaration. A boarding party of six men from U-27 discovered that Nicosian was carrying munitions and 250 American mules earmarked for the British Army in France. The Germans allowed the freighter's crew and passengers to board lifeboats, and prepared to sink the freighter with the U-boat's deck gun.

U-27 was lying off Nicosian's port quarter and firing into it when Baralong appeared on the scene, flying the ensign of the United States as a false flag. When she was half a mile away, Baralong ran up a signal flag indicating that she was going to rescue Nicosian's crew. Wegener acknowledged the signal, then ordered his men to cease firing, and took U-27 along the port side of Nicosian to intercept Baralong. As the submarine disappeared behind the steamship, Herbert steered Baralong on a parallel course along Nicosian's starboard side.

Before U-27 came round Nicosian's bow, Baralong hauled down the American flag, hoisted the Royal Navy's White Ensign, and unmasked her guns. As U-27 came into view from behind Nicosian, Baralong began shooting with its three 12-pounder guns at a range of 600 yd, firing 34 rounds for only a single shot from the submarine. U-27 rolled over and began to sink.

According to Tony Bridgland; Herbert screamed, "Cease fire!" But his men's blood was up. They were avenging the Arabic and the Lusitania. For them this was no time to cease firing, even as the survivors of the crew appeared on the outer casing, struggling out of their clothes to swim away from her. There was a mighty hiss of compressed air from her tanks and the U-27 vanished from sight in a vortex of giant rumbling bubbles, leaving a pall of smoke over the spot where she had been. It had taken only a few minutes to fire the thirty-four shells into her.

Meanwhile, Nicosian's crew were cheering from the lifeboats. Captain Manning was heard to yell, "If any of those bastard Huns come up, lads, hit 'em with an oar!"

Twelve men survived the sinking of the submarine: the crews of her two deck guns and those who had been on the conning tower. They swam to Nicosian and attempted to join the six-man boarding party by climbing up its hanging lifeboat falls and pilot ladder. Despite his recent orders to take no prisoners from U-boats, Herbert claimed in his report to the Admiralty to have been worried that the German survivors might try to scuttle the steamer as an explanation for why he ordered his men to open fire with small arms, killing all in the water. Wegener is described by some accounts as being shot while trying to swim to the Baralong.

Herbert then sent Baralong's 12 Royal Marines, commanded by a Corporal Collins, to find the surviving German sailors aboard Nicosian. As they departed, Herbert ordered Collins, "Take no prisoners." The Germans were discovered in the engine room and shot on sight. According to Sub-Lieutenant Gordon Charles Steele: "Wegener ran to a cabin on the upper deck – I later found out it was Manning's bathroom. The marines broke down the door with the butts of their rifles, but Wegener squeezed through a scuttle and dropped into the sea. He still had his life-jacket on and put up his arms in surrender. Corporal Collins, however, took aim and shot him through the head." Corporal Collins later recalled that, after Wegener's death, Herbert threw a revolver in the dead German captain's face and screamed, "What about the Lusitania, you bastard!" An alternative allegation by the Admiralty is that the Germans who boarded Nicosian were killed by the freighter's engine room staff; this report apparently came from the officer commanding the muleteers.

Aftermath
In Herbert's report to the Admiralty, he stated he feared the survivors from the U-boat's crew would board the freighter and scuttle it, so he ordered the Royal Marines on his ship to shoot the survivors. If they had scuttled the freighter, it could have been considered as negligence on the part of Herbert. Moments before Baralong began its attack, the submarine was firing on the freighter. It is not known if the escaping sailors actually intended to scuttle the freighter.

The Admiralty, upon receiving Herbert's report, immediately ordered its suppression, but the strict censorship imposed on the event failed when Americans who had witnessed the incident from Nicosian's lifeboats spoke to newspaper reporters after their return to the United States.

German memorandum
The German government delivered a memorandum on the incident via the American ambassador in Berlin, who received it on 6 December 1915. In it, they cited six US citizens as witnesses, stating they had made sworn depositions regarding the incident before notaries public in the USA.

The statements said that five survivors from U-27 managed to board Nicosian, while the rest were shot and killed on Herbert's orders while clinging to the merchant vessel's lifeboat falls. It was further stated that when Herbert ordered his Marines to board Nicosian, he gave the order "take no prisoners". Four German sailors were found in Nicosian's engine room and propeller shaft tunnel, and were killed. According to the witness statements, U-27's commander was shot while swimming towards Baralong.

The memorandum demanded that the captain and crew of Baralong be tried for the murder of unarmed German sailors, threatening to "take the serious decision of retribution for an unpunished crime". Sir Edward Grey replied through the American ambassador that the incident could be grouped together with the Germans' sinking of SS Arabic, their attack on a stranded British submarine on the neutral Danish coast, and their attack on the steamship Ruel, and suggested that they be placed before a tribunal composed of US Navy officers.

German reaction
A debate took place in the Reichstag on 15 January 1916, where the incident was described as a "cowardly murder" and Grey's note as being "full of insolence and arrogance". It was announced that reprisals had been decided, but not what they would be.

Meanwhile, the Military Bureau for the Investigation of Violations of the Laws of War (Militäruntersuchungstelle für Verletzungen des Kriegsrechts) added Baralong's commanding officer, whose name was known only as "Captain William McBride", to the Prussian Ministry of War's "Black List of Englishmen who are Guilty of Violations of the Laws of War vis-à-vis Members of the German Armed Forces".

A German medal was issued commemorating the event.

As a precaution to protect the ships against any reprisals against their crews, HMS Baralong was renamed HMS Wyandra and transferred to the Mediterranean. Baralong's name was deleted from Lloyd's Register. In 1916 Wyandra returned to the Ellerman & Bucknall Line under the name Manica. Nicosian was renamed Nevisian, and the crew was issued new Discharge Books, with the voyage omitted.

Baralong's crew were later awarded £185 prize bounty for sinking U-27.

Action of 24 September 1915
On 24 September 1915, Baralong sank the U-boat SMU U-41 (Germany), for which its commanding officer at the time, Lieutenant-Commander Andrew Wilmot-Smith was awarded the DSO, the engineer J. M. Dowie the DSC, and two of the crew received a DSM. A bounty of £1,000 was also awarded. Wilmot-Smith, was later awarded £170 prize bounty by the Prize Court.

U-41 was in the process of sinking SS Urbino with gunfire when Baralong, which had set out from Falmouth the day before, arrived on the scene, flying an American flag. Baralong followed U-41's instructions while at the same time manoevring to 700 yards and an angle where her guns could fire. Baralong opened fire with starboard and rear guns, marines aiding with rifle fire. The conning tower was struck killing the captain and six crew, and other shots struck the hull. U-41 began to list then dived. It abruptly resurfaced and only two crew escaped (a wounded Leutnant and the helmsman) from a hatch before it sank again. The two crew and the crew of the Urbino were picked up by Baralong before it returned to Falmouth the following morning.

When U-41 surfaced near Baralong, the latter allegedly opened fire while continuing to fly the American flag, and sank the U-boat.

Aftermath of the second incident
Unlike the neutral Americans in the first incident, the only witnesses to the second attack were the German and British sailors present. Oberleutnant zur See Iwan Crompton, after returning to Germany from a prisoner-of-war camp, reported that Baralong had run down the lifeboat he was in; he leapt clear and was soon afterward taken aboard Baralong. The British crew denied that they had run down the lifeboat. Crompton later published an account of U-41's exploits in 1917, U-41: der zweite Baralong-Fall, which termed the sinking of U-41 a "second Baralong case".

The event was also commemorated by a propaganda medal designed by the German engraver Karl Goetz. This was one of many medals that were popular in Germany from about 1910 to 1940.

title: Baralong incidents


text:
Banda

Banda may refer to:

People

 * Banda (surname)
 * Banda Prakash (born 1954), Indian politician
 * Banda Kanakalingeshwara Rao (1907–1968), Indian actor
 * Banda Karthika Reddy (born 1977), Indian politician
 * Banda Singh Bahadur (1670–1716), Sikh warrior

Argentina

 * Banda Department, a part of Santiago del Estero Province, Argentina

Canada

 * Banda, Ontario, a settlement in Ontario

Ghana

 * Banda Ahenkro, a town in Banda District
 * Banda District, Ghana, a district in the Bono Region
 * Banda (Ghana parliament constituency), a constituency in the Bono Region

India

 * Banda, East Godavari district, a village in Andhra Pradesh, India
 * Banda, Maharashtra, a small town in Maharashtra
 * Banda, Uttar Pradesh, a city and district headquarters of Banda District, Uttar Pradesh
 * Banda District, India, a district in Uttar Pradesh
 * Banda (Lok Sabha constituency), Uttar Pradesh
 * Banda (Assembly constituency), a constituency of the Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly
 * Banda (Vidhan Sabha constituency), Madhya Pradesh
 * Banda, Madhya Pradesh, Town and Tehsil in Madhya Pradesh

Indonesia

 * Banda Islands, a group of ten small volcanic islands in the Banda Sea
 * Banda Sea, the sea of the South Moluccas, a part of the Pacific Ocean

Uganda

 * Banda, Uganda, a hill and the neighbourhood on that hill, located in Nakawa Division, within the city of Kampala

Music

 * "A Banda (Ah Bahn-da)", a composition by Chico Buarque
 * Banda music, a form of Mexican music
 * Banda (opera), a musical ensemble which is used in addition to the main opera orchestra and plays the music which is actually heard by the characters in the opera

Other uses

 * Banda people, an ethnic group of the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Cameroon, and Sudan
 * Banda languages, a family of Ubangian languages of Central Africa
 * Banda language (Maluku), an Austronesian language of the Kei Islands, Indonesia
 * Banda machine, a brand of spirit duplicator - a type of low-volume document copying machine
 * Banda (state), a former princely state in India
 * Banda, a large smoked fish in Chad
 * Banda, a caste of adivasis in Odisha, Chhattisgarh, and Jharkhand
 * Banda Deul, an 11th-century temple in Purulia district, West Bengal, India

title: Banda


text:
Bladder (disambiguation)

The bladder (or urinary bladder) is an organ that collects urine for excretion in animals.

Bladder may also refer to:

Biology

 * Artificial urinary bladder, in humans
 * Gallbladder, which stores bile for digestion
 * Pig bladder, urinary bladder of a domestic pig, with many human uses
 * Swim bladder, in bony fishes, an internal organ that helps to control buoyancy (homologous to lungs)
 * Urinary bladder (Chinese medicine)

Technology

 * Air bladder effect, a special effect used in filmmaking
 * Fuel bladder, which stores fuels or other industrial liquids
 * Hydration system, sometimes known as a bladder
 * Pneumatic bladder, an old technology with many industrial applications
 * Waterskin, a traditional container for transporting water

Geography

 * Bladder Lake, a lake in Minnesota

title: Bladder (disambiguation)


text:
Bob Young (businessman)

Robert Young (born 1953/1954) is a businessman who is best known for founding Red Hat Inc., the open source software company. He owns the franchises for Forge FC of the Canadian Premier League as well as the Hamilton Tiger-Cats of the Canadian Football League for which he is self-styled caretaker of the team.

Early life
He was born in Hamilton, Ontario, Canada. He attended Trinity College School in Port Hope, Ontario. He received a Bachelor of Arts from Victoria College at the University of Toronto.

Career
Prior to Red Hat, Young built a couple of computer rental and leasing businesses, including founding Vernon Computer Rentals in 1984. Descendants of Vernon are still operating under that name. After leaving Vernon, Young founded the ACC Corp Inc. in 1993.

Marc Ewing and Young co-founded open-source software company Red Hat. Red Hat was a member of the S&P 500 Index before being purchased by IBM on July 9, 2019. Marc Ewing and Young's partnership started in 1994 when ACC acquired the Red Hat trademarks from Ewing. In early 1995, ACC changed its name to Red Hat Software, which has subsequently been shortened to simply Red Hat, Inc. Young was Red Hat's CEO until 1999.

In 2002, Young founded Lulu.com, a print-on-demand, self-publishing company, and was CEO. In 2006, Young established the Lulu Blooker Prize, a book prize for books that began as blogs. He launched the prize partly as a means to promote Lulu.

Young was CEO of PrecisionHawk, a commercial drone technology company, from 2015 to 2017. Prior to being named PrecisionHawk's CEO in 2015, he was an early investor in the company. He continues on its board as chairman.

Young also co-founded Linux Journal in 1994, and in 2003, he purchased the Hamilton Tiger-Cats of the Canadian Football League. In 2022, he sold minority stakes in the Tiger-Cats to Jim Lawson, team President Scott Mitchell, and American steel manufacturer Stelco.

Young focuses his philanthropic efforts on access to information and advancement of knowledge. In 1999, he co-founded The Center for the Public Domain. Young has supported the Creative Commons, Public Knowledge.org, the Dictionary of Old English, Loran Scholarship Foundation, ibiblio.org, and the NCSU eGames, among others.

title: Bob Young (businessman)