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Claude Auchinleck

Field Marshal Sir Claude John Eyre Auchinleck  (21 June 1884 – 23 March 1981), was a British Indian Army commander who saw active service during the world wars. A career soldier who spent much of his military career in India, he rose to become commander-in-chief of the Indian Army by early 1941 during the Second World War. In July 1941 he was appointed commander-in-chief of the Middle East Theatre, but after initial successes, the war in North Africa turned against the British-led forces under his command, and he was relieved of the post in August 1942 during the North African campaign.

In June 1943, he was once again appointed Commander-in-Chief, India, where his support through the organisation of supply, maintenance and training for General William Slim's Fourteenth Army played an important role in its success. He served as Commander-in-Chief, India, until the Partition in 1947, when he assumed the role of Supreme Commander of all British forces in India and Pakistan until late 1948.

Early life and career
Born at 89 Victoria Road in Aldershot, Hampshire, the son of John Claud Alexander Auchinleck and Mary Eleanor (Eyre) Auchinleck. His father, a colonel in the Royal Horse Artillery of the British Army, was posted to Bangalore in British India, with his family accompanying him, while Claude was very young. It was from here that he developed a love for the country that would last for most of his life. Returning to England after the death of his father in 1892, Auchinleck attended Eagle House School at Crowthorne and then Wellington College on scholarships. From there he went on to the Royal Military College, Sandhurst and was commissioned as an unattached second lieutenant in the Indian Army on 21 January 1903, and joined the 62nd Punjabis in April 1904. He soon learned several Indian languages, and, able to speak fluently with his soldiers, he absorbed a knowledge of local dialects and customs: this familiarity engendered a lasting mutual respect, enhanced by his own personality.

He was promoted to lieutenant on 21 April 1905, and then spent the next two years in Tibet and Sikkim before moving to Benares in 1907 where he caught diphtheria. After briefly serving with the Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers at Aldershot he returned to Benares in 1909 and became adjutant of the 62nd Punjabis with promotion to captain on 21 January 1912. Auchinleck was an active freemason.

First World War
Auchinleck saw active service in the First World War and was deployed with his regiment to defend the Suez Canal: in February 1915 he was in action against the Turks at Ismailia. His regiment moved into Aden to counter the Turkish threat there in July 1915. The 6th Indian Division, of which the 62nd Punjabis were a part, was landed at Basra on 31 December 1915 for the Mesopotamian campaign. In July 1916 Auchinleck was promoted acting major and made second in command of his battalion. He took part in a series of fruitless attacks on the Turks at the Battle of Hanna in January 1916 and was one of the few British officers in his regiment to survive these actions.

He became acting commanding officer of his battalion in February 1917 and led his regiment at the Second Battle of Kut in February 1917 and the Fall of Baghdad in March 1917. Having been mentioned in despatches and having received the Distinguished Service Order in 1917 for his service in Mesopotamia, he was promoted to the substantive rank of major on 21 January 1918, to temporary lieutenant-colonel on 23 May 1919 and to brevet lieutenant-colonel on 15 November 1919 for his "distinguished service in Southern and Central Kurdistan" on the recommendation of the Commander-in-Chief of the Mesopotamia Expeditionary Force.

Between the world wars
Auchinleck attended the Staff College, Quetta, between 1920 and 1921. As a lieutenant colonel, he outranked most of his fellow students and even some members of the staff. Despite performing well there – passing the course and being among the top ten students – he was critical of many aspects of the college, which he believed to be too theoretical and with little emphasis being placed on matters such as supply and administration, both of which he thought had been mishandled in the campaign in Mesopotamia. He married Jessie Stewart in 1921. Jessie had been born in 1900 in Tacoma, Washington, to Alexander Stewart, head of the Blue Funnel Line that plied the west coast of the United States. When he died about 1919, their mother took her, her twin brother Alan and her younger brother Hepburne back to Bun Rannoch, the family estate at Innerhadden in Perthshire. Holidaying at Grasse on the French Riviera, Auchinleck, who was on leave from India at the time, met Jessie on the tennis courts. She was a high-spirited, blue-eyed beauty. Things moved quickly, and they were married within five months. Sixteen years younger than Auchinleck, Jessie became known as 'the little American girl' in India, but adapted readily to life there. They had no children.

Auchinleck became temporary Deputy Assistant Quartermaster-General at Army Headquarters in February 1923 and then second-in-command of his regiment, which in the 1923 reorganisation of the Indian Army had become the 1st Punjab Regiment, in September 1925. He attended the Imperial Defence College in 1927 and, having been promoted to the permanent rank of lieutenant-colonel on 21 January 1929 he was appointed to command his regiment. Promoted to full colonel on 1 February 1930 with seniority from 15 November 1923, he became an instructor at the Staff College, Quetta in February 1930 where he remained until April 1933.

He was promoted to temporary brigadier on 1 July 1933 and given command of the Peshawar Brigade, which was active in the pacification of the adjacent tribal areas during the Mohmand and Bajaur Operations between July and October 1933: during his period of command he was mentioned in despatches. He led a second punitive expedition during the Second Mohmand Campaign in August 1935 for which he was again mentioned in despatches, promoted to major-general on 30 November 1935 and appointed a Companion of the Order of the Star of India on 8 May 1936.

On leaving his brigade command in April 1936, Auchinleck was on the unemployed list (on half pay) until September 1936 when he was appointed Deputy Chief of the General Staff and Director of Staff Duties in Delhi. He was then appointed to command the Meerut District in India in July 1938. In 1938 Auchinleck was appointed to chair a committee to consider the modernisation, composition and re-equipment of the British Indian Army: the committee's recommendations formed the basis of the 1939 Chatfield Report which outlined the transformation of the Indian Army – it grew from 183,000 in 1939 to over 2,250,000 men by the end of the war.

Norway 1940
On the outbreak of war, Auchinleck was appointed to command the Indian 3rd Infantry Division, but in January 1940 was summoned to the United Kingdom to command IV Corps, the only time in the war that a wholly British corps was commanded by an Indian Army officer. He received promotion to acting lieutenant general on 1 February 1940 and to the substantive rank of lieutenant general on 16 March 1940. In May 1940 Auchinleck took over command of the Anglo-French ground forces during the Norwegian campaign, a military operation that was doomed to fail.

Auchinleck arrived in Greenock, after the fall of Norway, on 12 June, by which time the Battle of France was nearing its end, with the majority of the BEF in France having been evacuated from the port of Dunkirk, with the French surrender only a few days away. Due to these reasons, all attention was now given to the defence of the UK which many believed would soon be invaded by the Germans (see Operation Sea Lion). In mid-June he was given command of the recently established V Corps, then serving in Southern Command under Lieutenant General Sir Alan Brooke. His stay was not to be for very long, however, as, just a few weeks later, Brooke succeeded General Sir Edmund Ironside as Commander-in-Chief, Home Forces, with Auchinleck succeeding Brooke as GOC-in-C of Southern Command, responsible for the defence of Southern England, where the expected invasion would come from. The recently vacated V Corps was taken over by Lieutenant General Bernard Montgomery, who disliked Auchinleck intensely, possibly due to his disdain for the Indian Army and its officers. The relationship between the two future field marshals was not easy, with Montgomery later writing:

"In the 5th Corps I first served under Auchinleck, who had the Southern Command; I cannot recall that we ever agreed on anything."

Many of Montgomery's actions in the next few weeks and months could be considered as insubordination, with one incident in particular standing out, when Montgomery went over Auchinleck's head directly to the Adjutant-General on issues related to officers and men being transferred to and from Montgomery's V Corps. Auchinleck was not to deal with this behaviour for long as in December he was ordered to succeed his friend, General Sir Robert Cassels, as Commander-in-Chief, India. By now known throughout the army as "the Auk", he was destined to encounter Montgomery again, although the circumstances there would not be at all pleasant.

India and Iraq January–May 1941
Promoted to full general on 26 December, Auchinleck returned to India in January 1941 to assume his new appointment, in which position he was also appointed to the Executive Council of the Viceroy of India and appointed ADC General to the King, a ceremonial position he was to hold until after the end of the war.

In April 1941, RAF Habbaniya was threatened by the new pro-Axis regime of Rashid Ali. This large Royal Air Force station was west of Baghdad in Iraq and General Archibald Wavell, Commander-in-Chief Middle East Command, was reluctant to intervene, despite the urgings of Winston Churchill, because of his pressing commitments in the Western Desert and Greece. Auchinleck, however, acted decisively, sending the 1st Battalion of the King's Own Royal Regiment (Lancaster) by air to Habbaniya and shipping the 10th Indian Infantry Division by sea to Basra. Wavell was prevailed upon by London to send Habforce, a relief column, from the British Mandate of Palestine but by the time it arrived in Habbaniya on 18 May the Anglo-Iraqi War was virtually over.

North Africa July 1941 – August 1942
Following the see-saw of Allied and Axis successes and reverses in North Africa, Auchinleck was appointed to succeed General Sir Archibald Wavell as Commander-in-Chief Middle East Command in July 1941; Wavell took up Auchinleck's post as Commander-in-Chief of the Indian Army, swapping jobs with him.

As Commander-in-Chief Middle East, Auchinleck, based in Cairo, held responsibility not just for North Africa but also for Persia and the Middle East. He launched an offensive in the Western Desert, Operation Crusader, in November 1941: despite some tactical reverses during the fighting which resulted in Auchinleck replacing the Eighth Army commander Alan Cunningham with Neil Ritchie, by the end of December the besieged garrison of Tobruk had been relieved and Rommel obliged to withdraw to El Agheila. Auchinleck appears to have believed that the enemy had been defeated, writing on 12 January 1942 that the Axis forces were "beginning to feel the strain" and were "hard pressed".

In fact the Axis forces had managed to withdraw in good order and a few days after Auchinleck's optimistic appreciation, having reorganised and been reinforced, struck at the dispersed and weakened British forces, driving them back to the Gazala positions near Tobruk. The British Chief of the Imperial General Staff (CIGS), General Sir Alan Brooke, wrote in his diary that it was "nothing less than bad generalship on the part of Auchinleck. He has been overconfident and has believed everything his overoptimistic [DMI] Shearer has told him". Brooke commented that Auchinleck "could have been one of the finest of commanders" but lacked the ability to select the men to serve him. Brooke sent him one of his best armoured division commanders Richard McCreery, whose advice was ignored in favour of that of Auchinleck's controversial chief of operations, Major-General Dorman-Smith.

Rommel's attack at the Battle of Gazala of 26 May 1942 resulted in a significant defeat for the British. Auchinleck's appreciation of the situation written to Ritchie on 20 May had suggested that the armoured reserves be concentrated in a position suitable to meet both a flanking attack around the south of the front or a direct attack through the centre (which was the likelihood more favoured by Auchinleck). In the event, Ritchie chose a more dispersed and rearward positioning of his two armoured divisions and when the attack in the centre came, it proved to be a diversion and the main attack, by Rommel's armoured formations, came round the southern flank. Poor initial positioning and subsequent handling and coordination of Allied formations by Ritchie and his corps commanders resulted in their heavy defeat and the Eighth Army retreating into Egypt; Tobruk fell to the Axis on 21 June 1942.

On 24 June Auchinleck stepped in to take direct command of the Eighth Army, having lost confidence in Neil Ritchie's ability to control and direct his forces. Auchinleck discarded Ritchie's plan to stand at Mersa Matruh, deciding to fight only a delaying action there, while withdrawing to the more easily defendable position at El Alamein. Here Auchinleck tailored a defence that took advantage of the terrain and the fresh troops at his disposal, stopping the exhausted German/Italian advance in the First Battle of El Alamein. Enjoying a considerable superiority of material and men over the weak German/Italian forces, Auchinleck organised a series of counter-attacks. Poorly conceived and badly coordinated, these attacks achieved little.

"The Auk", as he was known, appointed a number of senior commanders who proved to be unsuitable for their positions, and command arrangements were often characterised by bitter personality clashes. Auchinleck was an Indian Army officer and was criticised for apparently having little direct experience or understanding of British and Dominion troops. Dorman-Smith was regarded with considerable distrust by many of the senior commanders in Eighth Army. By July 1942 Auchinleck had lost the confidence of Dominion commanders and relations with his British commanders had become strained.

Like his foe Rommel (and his predecessor Wavell and successor Montgomery), Auchinleck was subjected to constant political interference, having to weather a barrage of hectoring telegrams and instructions from Prime Minister Churchill throughout late 1941 and the spring and summer of 1942. Churchill constantly sought an offensive from Auchinleck, and was downcast at the military reverses in Egypt and Cyrenaica. Churchill was desperate for some sort of British victory before the planned Allied landings in North Africa, Operation Torch, scheduled for November 1942. He badgered Auchinleck immediately after the Eighth Army had all but exhausted itself after the first battle of El Alamein. Churchill and the Chief of the Imperial General Staff, Sir Alan Brooke, flew to Cairo in early August 1942 to meet Auchinleck, where it emerged he had lost the confidence of both men. He was replaced as Commander-in-Chief Middle East Command by General Sir Harold Alexander (later Field Marshal The Earl Alexander of Tunis).

Joseph M. Horodyski and Maurice Remy both praise Auchinleck as an underrated military leader who contributed the most to the successful defence of El Alamein and consequently the final defeat of Rommel in Africa. The two historians also criticize Churchill for the unreasonable decision to put the blame on Auchinleck and to relieve him.

India 1942–1945

Churchill offered Auchinleck command of the newly created Persia and Iraq Command (this having been separated from Alexander's command), but Auchinleck declined this post, as he believed that separating the area from the Middle East Command was not good policy and the new arrangements would not be workable. He set his reasons out in his letter to the Chief of the Imperial General Staff dated 14 August 1942. Instead he returned to India, where he spent almost a year "unemployed" before in June 1943 being again appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Indian Army,

General Wavell meanwhile having been appointed Viceroy, on this appointment it was announced that responsibility for the prosecution of the war with Japan would move from the Commander-in-Chief India to a newly created South East Asia Command. However, the appointment of the new command's Supreme Commander, Acting Vice Admiral Lord Louis Mountbatten, was not announced until August 1943 and until Mountbatten could set up his headquarters and assume control (in November), Auchinleck retained responsibility for operations in India and Burma while conducting a review and revision of Allied plans based on the decisions taken by the Allied Combined Chiefs of Staff at the Quadrant Conference, which ended in August.

Following Mountbatten's arrival, Auchinleck, as Commander-in-Chief India once more, was responsible for the internal security of India, the defence of the North West Frontier and the buildup of India as a base, including most importantly the reorganisation of the Indian Army, the training of forces destined for SEAC and the lines of communication carrying men and material to the forward areas and to China. Auchinleck made the supply of Fourteenth Army, with probably the worst lines of communication of the war, his immediate priority; as Sir William Slim, commander of the Fourteenth Army, was later to write:"It was a good day for us when he [Auchinleck] took command of India, our main base, recruiting area and training ground. The Fourteenth Army, from its birth to its final victory, owed much to his unselfish support and never-failing understanding. Without him and what he and the Army of India did for us we could not have existed, let alone conquered."

Divorce
Auchinleck suffered a personal disappointment when his wife Jessie left him for his friend, Air Chief Marshal Sir Richard Peirse. Peirse and Auchinleck had been students together at the Imperial Defence College, but that was long before. Peirse was now Allied Air Commander-in-Chief, South-East Asia, and also based in India. The affair became known to Mountbatten in early 1944, and he passed the information to the Chief of the RAF, Sir Charles Portal, hoping that Peirse would be recalled. The affair was common knowledge by September 1944, and Peirse was neglecting his duties. Mountbatten sent Peirse and Lady Auchinleck back to England on 28 November 1944, where they lived together at a Brighton hotel. Peirse had his marriage dissolved, and Auchinleck obtained a divorce in 1946. Auchinleck was reportedly very badly affected. According to his sister, he was never the same after the break-up. He always carried a photograph of Jessie in his wallet even after the divorce.

There is scholarly dispute whether Auchinleck was homosexual. His biographer, Philip Warner, addressed the rumours but dismissed them; however historian Ronald Hyam has alleged that "sexually based moral-revulsion" was the reason for Montgomery's inability to get on with Auchinleck, and further, that Auchinleck was "let off with a high-level warning" over his relationships with Indian boys.

Partition of India and later years
Auchinleck continued as Commander-in-Chief of the Indian Army after the end of the war helping, though much against his own convictions, to prepare the future Indian and Pakistani armies for the Partition of India: in November 1945 he was forced to commute the more serious judicial sentences awarded against officers of the Indian National Army in face of growing unease and unrest both within the Indian population, and the British Indian Army. On 1 June 1946 he was promoted to field marshal, but he refused to accept a peerage, lest he be thought associated with a policy (i.e. Partition) that he thought fundamentally dishonourable.

Sending a report to the British Government on 28 September 1947, Field Marshal Auchinleck wrote: "I have no hesitation, whatever, in affirming that the present Indian Cabinet are implacably determined to do all in their power to prevent the establishment of the Dominion of Pakistan on firm basis." He stated in the second, political part of his assessment, "Since 15th August, the situation has steadily deteriorated and the Indian leaders, cabinet ministers, civil officials and others have persistently tried to obstruct the work of partition of the armed forces."

When partition was effected in August 1947, Auchinleck was appointed Supreme Commander of all British forces remaining in India and Pakistan and remained in this role until the winding up and closure of the Supreme H.Q. at the end of November 1947. This marked his effective retirement from the army (although technically field marshals in the British Army never retire, remaining on the active list on half pay). He left India on 1 December.

After a brief period in Italy in connection with an unsuccessful business project, Auchinleck retired to London, where he occupied himself with a number of charitable and business interests and became a respectably skilled watercolour painter. In 1960 he settled in Beccles in the county of Suffolk, remaining there for seven years until, at the age of eighty-four, he decided to emigrate and set up home in Marrakesh, where he died on 23 March 1981.

Memorials
Auchinleck is buried in Ben M'Sik European Cemetery, Casablanca, in the Commonwealth War Graves Commission plot in the cemetery, next to the grave of Raymond Steed who was the second youngest non-civilian Commonwealth casualty of the Second World War.

A memorial plaque was erected in the crypt of St Paul's Cathedral. A bronze statue of Auchinleck can be seen on Broad Street adjacent to Auchinleck House, Five Ways, Birmingham.

Awards and decorations

 * Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath (1 January 1945)
 * Companion of the Order of the Bath (3 July 1934) Mohmand operations 7 October 1933
 * Knight Grand Commander of the Order of the Indian Empire (20 December 1940)
 * Companion of the Order of the Star of India (8 May 1936) Mohmand operations 8 October 1935
 * Distinguished Service Order (3 June 1917)
 * Officer of the Order of the British Empire (Military Division) (3 June 1919)
 * Mention in Despatches, twice (World War I and 3 July 1934 – Mohmand operations)
 * Croix de Guerre with Palm (France, 1918 and 1949)
 * Chief Commander of the Legion of Merit (United States, 23 July 1948)
 * Virtuti Militari, 5th class (Poland, 15 May 1942)
 * Member First Class Order of the Star of Nepal (Nepal)
 * War Cross (Czechoslovakia, 1944)
 * Order of the Star of Nepal (Nepal, 1945)
 * Knight Grand Cross of Order of St Olav (Norway, 19 March 1948)

Publications

 * (Auchinleck's Official Middle East Despatch published after the war in )
 * (Auchinleck's Official Middle East Despatch published after the war in )
 * (Auchinleck's Official Indo-Burma Despatch published after the war in )
 * (Auchinleck's Official Middle East Despatch published after the war in )
 * (Auchinleck's Official Indo-Burma Despatch published after the war in )
 * (Auchinleck's Official Indo-Burma Despatch published after the war in )

title: Claude Auchinleck


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Camilla Hall

Camilla Christine Hall (March 24, 1945 – May 17, 1974) was a member of the Symbionese Liberation Army (SLA), a small, far-left militant group that committed violent acts between 1973 and 1975. They assassinated Marcus Foster, Superintendent of the Oakland Public Schools and the first black superintendent of any major school system, kidnapped heiress Patty Hearst, and committed armed robbery of banks.

Hall, one of the majority of white members in the group, died on May 17, 1974, with five other SLA members in a shootout with the Los Angeles Police Department in that city. During this, the house where the SLA members were making their stand caught fire. Police fatally shot both Hall and Nancy Ling Perry as they left the house, firing their own pistols.

Early life
On March 24, 1945, Camilla Christine Hall was born in Saint Peter, Minnesota. Both her parents, George Fridolph Hall (1908–2000) and Lorena (Daeschner) Hall (1911–1995), were academics with positions at Gustavus Adolphus College in Saint Peter from 1938 to 1952. In addition, her father was a minister in the Augustana Evangelical Lutheran Church and later the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America. Her mother, Lorena (Daeschner) Hall, helped found Gustavus Adolphus College's Art Department and served as the department head.

Camilla Hall was the only surviving child of four. Firstborn son Terry died of congenital heart disease in 1948; Peter died in 1951, and Nan died in 1962, both of a congenital kidney disease. The family seemed burdened by grief.

In 1952, the Hall family moved to what is now Tanzania in East Africa. George and Lorena Hall taught in schools and did mission work, while Camilla and Nan played with the native children. In 1954, when Camilla was nine, the family returned to Saint Peter because of seven-year-old Nan's poor health. While Camilla attended elementary school in Minnesota and lived with relatives, her birth family moved to Montclair, New Jersey.

In Minnesota, Hall attended Washburn High School in Minneapolis, where she was involved in many activities. The 1963 Washburn Yearbook states, "Candy was a member of Blue Tri, Class Play, Poplars Staff, Quill Club, Forensics, Pep Club, and Hall of Fame". Blue Tri club was an organization that encouraged Christian ideals and put together service projects. In addition, Camilla Hall was voted class clown in high school. In 1963, she graduated from Washburn High School.

Education
Hall attended Gustavus Adolphus College in St. Peter, Minnesota. She transferred to the University of Minnesota after her freshman year. On June 10, 1967, Hall graduated with a humanities degree.

Post-college
After graduation, Hall moved to Duluth, Minnesota, where she started as a caseworker for social services in St. Louis County. She also began to participate in Democratic Party activities. In early 1968, she was elected to carry the Eugene McCarthy banner for the St. Louis County precinct, in support of McCarthy's presidential campaign that year.

Although Hall enjoyed helping people in her work, she found it difficult to keep distance from some of their problems while being a caseworker. For her job in Duluth, Hall used her musical and poetic talents in an advertising campaign.

In June 1968, Hall returned to Minneapolis, where she was a caseworker for the Hennepin County, Minnesota welfare office. Co-workers and friends of Hall described her as witty, sympathetic, helpful, and compassionate. She had an outgoing personality and had a passion for literature. At the same time, Hall frequently talked with family and friends about philosophy and how she was disappointed with the state of welfare. In 1968, Hall was 23 years old. She carefully monitored the political situation in America, including the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago where there was so much violence. She was active in the peace movement and food boycotts, including the Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam. Despite Hall's participating in political activities, urging social change, and working to aid individuals and families, her mother could see that Camilla became dissatisfied with her work.

Move to California
In November 1969, Hall moved to Topanga, a northern suburb of Los Angeles, California. In March, she moved into Los Angeles proper in west Los Angeles. According to Rachael Hanel, "She lived off her savings, interest income from a trust, money from her parents, and selling her simple, Rubenesque line drawings." Although Hall didn't express dissatisfaction at being an artist, she decided to move again.

Hall moved to Berkeley in northern California in February 1971, which had become a center of political activism and social movements. In May 1971, Hall moved into an apartment complex on Channing Way where she met Patricia Soltysik. The two women began a lesbian relationship, which was the first time Hall had done so publicly. Hall wrote about Soltysik in a love poem named "Mizmoon", and nicknamed her that.

In Berkeley, Hall continued being politically active. She participated in the People's Park reoccupation during the summer of 1972, following the shootings there the year before. She and Soltysik became involved with the Venceremos prison outreach project, through which they became associates of two white men, Russ Little and Willie Wolfe, who were also assisting in prisoner outreach.

In October 1972, Hall traveled to Europe. She stayed with friends while she traveled for three months. Once she returned to California, she continued being politically active. Through her association with Soltysik, Little, and Wolfe, she became a founding member of the Symbionese Liberation Army, a small, radical leftist group. Joe Remiro and Thero Wheeler trained the other members in handling weapons and explosives. Remiro was a veteran of Vietnam.

The SLA gained notoriety in November 1973 by claiming credit for the assassination of Marcus Foster, Superintendent of the Oakland Public Schools and the first black to be superintendent of any major city's school district. Three "soldiers" also wounded his deputy. In January 1974 the SLA base was moved to Concord, California, where Nancy Ling Perry rented a house under an assumed name. Russ Little and Joe Remiro were arrested after a police stop and confrontation, convicted and sentenced to prison.

In February 1974 the SLA kidnapped heiress Patty Hearst. They indoctrinated her and she said she chose to join them. Hall and Hearst were identified from security camera images as participants in the April 15, 1974, armed robbery of the Hibernia Bank in San Francisco. Two civilians were shot during the robbery.

LA shootout
The police kept up pressure on the group, which moved to a house in Los Angeles. There Hall died in a shootout (May 17, 1974) with police in which five other SLA members also died. As their hideout burned, Hall and Nancy Ling Perry exited from the back door. Police claimed that Perry came out firing a revolver and Hall was firing an automatic pistol. Police shot them immediately, killing both. Perry was shot twice. One shot hit her right lung, the other shot severed her spine. Hall was shot once in the forehead. Angela Atwood, another SLA member, pulled Hall's body back into the burning house. Atwood died in the fire.

Investigators working for Hall's parents claimed that Perry had walked out of the house intending to surrender.

Funeral
Hall's parents held a funeral for their daughter on May 23, 1974, at St. John's Lutheran Church, in Lincolnwood, Illinois, a Chicago suburb, where he was pastor. Seven of his fellow Lutheran ministers conducted the service. Camilla Hall's name was not mentioned. Her ashes were buried on August 19, 1974, in a small country graveyard where her late siblings were buried, who each died before she was 16. Her parents also have plots there.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Camilla Hall


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Talk:Characteristic (algebra)/Archive 1

Oy--we can look forward to moving this to characteristic (abstract algebra)

 * Probably characteristic of a ring would be better. --Zundark, 2002 Jan 17

Larry is no doubt correct that the mathematical part of this article should be moved elsewhere. Does anyone have a preference for the new name? Both characteristic of a ring and characteristic (algebra) seem OK to me, but Larry's suggestion of characteristic (abstract algebra) looks unnecessarily long-winded. --Zundark, 2002 Feb 3

Time to rewrite this page, I think.

Charles Matthews 10:06, 18 Sep 2004 (UTC)

title: Talk:Characteristic (algebra)/Archive 1


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Clone

Clone or Clones or Cloning or Cloned or The Clone may refer to:

Places

 * Clones, County Fermanagh, Ireland
 * Clones, County Monaghan, a town in Ireland
 * Clones railway station, Ireland

Biology

 * Clone (B-cell), a lymphocyte clone, the massive presence of which may indicate a pathological condition
 * Clone (cell biology), a group of identical cells that share a common ancestry
 * Clonal plant, the result of asexual, vegetative reproduction when a new plant grows from a fragment of the parent plant
 * Cloning, the production of any organism whose genetic information is identical to that of a parent organism from which it was created

Computing and technology

 * Clone (computing), computer hardware or software designed to function in the same way as an original
 * Video game clone, a software game or game franchise heavily inspired by another
 * Clones (video game), a video game clone Lemmings
 * Clone (Java method), a method in the Java programming language for object duplication
 * Clone (Linux system call), in C, whereby a process creates a copy of itself
 * Clone, a popular term for a replica, particularly when referring to "recreations" of rare and desirable variants of collector cars
 * Clone, a popular term for an unlicensed, reverse engineered copy of a firearm produced in another nation (although the term can also apply to a simple direct copy, created under license)
 * Clone tool, a tool used in image manipulation programs
 * Phone cloning, the copying of identity from one cellular device to another
 * Quantum cloning, the replication of a quantum state

Mathematics

 * Clone (algebra), a collection of functions with certain properties
 * Clone (voting), in voting systems analysis, a candidate identical to one already present in an election

Comics

 * Clone (comic), a 2012–2014 comic book series
 * "Clone Saga", a storyline from Marvel Comics' Spider-Man comic books

Films

 * Cloned (film), a 1997 made-for-television film
 * Clone (2010 film), a 2010 film originally released as Womb
 * The Clones, 1973 American film directed by Lamar Card, featuring Michael Greene, Gregory Sierra and Otis Young

Television

 * O Clone, a 2001–2002 Brazilian telenovela
 * Clone (TV series), a 2008 BBC comedy series
 * El clon, a 2010 Spanish-language telenovela
 * Clone High, a 2002 American animated TV show
 * Clone Wars, a war set in the Star Wars universe that takes place during the prequel trilogy and some of its related media

Literature

 * Clones (anthology), a 1998 short-story anthology edited by Jack Dann and Gardner Dozois
 * "The Clone", a 1959 short story by Theodore L. Thomas
 * The Clone, a 1965 novel by Theodore L. Thomas and Kate Wilhelm

Albums

 * Clone (Leo Kottke and Mike Gordon album), 2002
 * Clone (Threshold album), 1998
 * Clones (album), a 2003 album by The Neptunes

Songs

 * "Clone", a song by Gojira from their album Terra Incognita
 * "Clone", a song by Metric from their album Synthetica
 * "Clone", a song by Vision of Disorder from their album Imprint
 * "Clones" (Ash song), a 2004 single from Irish alternative rock band Ash
 * "Clones", a song by Chevelle from their album Hats Off to the Bull
 * "Clones", a song by Cult of Luna from their album The Beyond
 * "Clones", a song by The Roots on the album Illadelph Halflife
 * "Clones (We're All)", a song recorded by Alice Cooper on his Flush the Fashion album

Other uses in arts, entertainment, and media

 * Clone Wars (disambiguation)
 * Clones (video game), a 2010 video game

title: Clone


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Critical psychology

Critical psychology is  a perspective on psychology that draws extensively on critical theory. Critical psychology challenges the assumptions, theories and methods of mainstream psychology and attempts to apply psychological understandings in different ways.

The field of critical psychology, do not fall under a monolithic category. One  can observe different starting points of critiques, similarities,  as well as substantial differences. Thus Critical psychology should be perceived as an “umbrella term” that includes  various critiques against the status quo of mainstream psychology. A common theme of critical approaches in psychology is  the assessment of the social effects of psychological theories and practices. Critical Psychology is a movement that challenges psychology to work towards emancipation and social justice, and that opposes the uses of psychology to perpetuate oppression and injustice.

Critical psychologists believe that mainstream psychology fails to consider how power differences and discrimination between social classes and groups can impact an individual's or a group's mental and physical well-being. Mainstream psychology does this only in part by attempting to explain behavior at the individual level. However, it largely ignores institutional racism, postcolonialism and deficits in social justice for minority groups based on differences in observable characteristics such as gender, ethnicity, religion religious minority, sexual orientation, LGBTQ+ or disability.

Origins
Psychology, draws a history filled with theoretical and political conflict. Within its history various stream of critiques have emerged, some of them sharing similarities, as well as different starting points and substantial differences. Criticisms of mainstream psychology consistent with current critical psychology usage have existed since psychology's modern development in the late 19th century. Use of the term critical psychology started in the 1970s at the Freie Universität Berlin. The German branch of critical psychology predates and has developed largely separately from the rest of the field. As of May 2007, only a few works have been translated into English. The German Critical Psychology movement is rooted in the post-war student revolt of the late 1960s; see German student movement. Marx's Critique of Political Economy played an important role in the German branch of the student revolt, which was centered in West Berlin. At that time, the capitalist city of West Berlin was surrounded by communist-ruled East Germany, and represented a "hot spot" of political and ideological controversy for the revolutionary German students. The sociological foundations of critical psychology are decidedly Marxist.

Klaus Holzkamp
One of the most important and sophisticated books in the German development of the field is the Grundlegung der Psychologie (Foundations of Psychology) by Klaus Holzkamp, who might be considered the theoretical founder of German critical psychology. Holzkamp wrote two books on theory of science and one on sensory perception before publishing the Grundlegung der Psychologie in 1983. Holzkamp believed his work provided a solid paradigm for psychological research because viewed psychology as a pre-paradigmatic scientific discipline (T.S. Kuhn had used the term "pre-paradigmatic" for social science).

Holzkamp mostly based his sophisticated attempt to provide a comprehensive and integrated set of categories defining the field of psychological research on Aleksey Leontyev's approach to cultural–historical psychology and activity theory. Leontyev had seen human action as a result of biological as well as cultural evolution and, drawing on Marx's materialist conception of culture, stressed that individual cognition is always part of social action which in turn is mediated by man-made tools (cultural artifacts), language and other man-made systems of symbols, which he viewed as a major distinguishing feature of human culture and, thus, human cognition. Another important source was Lucien Séve's theory of personality, which provided the concept of "social activity matrices" as mediating structure between individual and social reproduction. At the same time, the Grundlegung systematically integrated previous specialized work done at Free University of Berlin in the 1970s by critical psychologists who also had been influenced by Marx, Leontyev, and Seve. This included books on animal behavior/ethology, sensory perception, motivation and cognition. He also incorporated ideas from Freud's psychoanalysis and Merleau-Ponty's phenomenology into his approach.

One core result of Holzkamp's historical and comparative analysis of human reproductive action, perception and cognition is a very specific concept of meaning that identifies symbolic meaning as historically and culturally constructed, purposeful conceptual structures that humans create in close relationship to material culture and within the context of historically specific formations of social reproduction.

Coming from this phenomenological perspective on culturally mediated and socially situated action, Holzkamp launched a methodological attack on behaviorism (which he termed S–R (stimulus–response) psychology) based on linguistic analysis, showing in minute detail the rhetorical patterns by which this approach to psychology creates the illusion of "scientific objectivity" while at the same time losing relevance for understanding culturally situated, intentional human actions. Against this approach, he developed his own approach to generalization and objectivity, drawing on ideas from Kurt Lewin in Chapter 9 of Grundlegung der Psychologie.

His last major publication before his death in 1995 was about learning. It appeared in 1993 and contained a phenomenological theory of learning from the standpoint of the subject. One important concept Holzkamp developed was "reinterpretation" of theories developed by conventional psychology. This meant to look at these concepts from the standpoint of the paradigm of critical psychology, thereby integrating their useful insights into critical psychology while at the same time identifying and criticizing their limiting implications, which in the case of S–R psychology were the rhetorical elimination of the subject and intentional action, and in the case of cognitive psychology which did take into account subjective motives and intentional actions, methodological individualism.

The first part of the book thus contains an extensive look at the history of psychological theories of learning and a minute re-interpretation of those concepts from the perspective of critical psychology, which focuses on intentional action situated in specific socio-historical/cultural contexts. The conceptions of learning he found most useful in his own detailed analysis of "classroom learning" came from cognitive anthropologists Jean Lave (situated learning) and Edwin Hutchins (distributed cognition).

The book's second part contained an extensive analysis on the modern state's institutionalized forms of "classroom learning" as the cultural–historical context that shapes much of modern learning and socialization. In this analysis, he heavily drew upon Michel Foucault's Discipline and Punish. Holzkamp felt that classroom learning as the historically specific form of learning does not make full use of student's potentials, but rather limits her or his learning potentials by a number of "teaching strategies." Part of his motivation for the book was to look for alternative forms of learning that made use of the enormous potential of the human psyche in more fruitful ways. Consequently, in the last section of the book, Holzkamp discusses forms of "expansive learning" that seem to avoid the limitations of classroom learning, such as apprenticeship and learning in contexts other than classrooms.

This search culminated in plans to write a major work on life leadership in the specific historical context of modern (capitalist) society. Due to his death in 1995, this work never got past the stage of early (and premature) conceptualizations, some of which were published in the journals Forum Kritische Psychologie and Argument.

1960s–1970s
In the 1960s and 1970s the term radical psychology was used by psychologists internationally to denote a branch of the field which rejected mainstream psychology's focus on the individual as the basic unit of analysis and sole source of psychopathology. Instead, radical psychologists examined the role of society in causing and treating problems and looked towards social change as an alternative to therapy to treat mental illness and as a means of preventing psychopathology. Within psychiatry the term anti-psychiatry was often used and now British activists prefer the term critical psychiatry. Critical psychology is currently the preferred term for the discipline of psychology keen to find alternatives to the way the discipline of psychology reduces human experience to the level of the individual and thereby strips away possibilities for radical social change.

1990s
Starting in the 1990s a new wave of books started to appear on critical psychology, the most influential being the edited book Critical Psychology by Dennis Fox and Isaac Prilleltensky. Various introductory texts to critical psychology written in the United Kingdom have tended to focus on discourse, but this has been seen by some proponents of critical psychology as a reduction of human experience to language which is as politically dangerous as the way mainstream psychology reduces experience to the individual mind. Attention to language and ideological processes, others would argue, is essential to effective critical psychology – it is not simply a matter of applying mainstream psychological concepts to issues of social change.

Ian Parker
In 1999 Ian Parker published an influential manifesto in both the online journal Radical Psychology and the Annual Review of Critical Psychology. This manifesto argues that critical psychology should include the following four components:
 * 1) Systematic examination of how some varieties of psychological action and experience are privileged over others, how dominant accounts of "psychology" operate ideologically and in the service of power;
 * 2) Study of the ways in which all varieties of psychology are culturally historically constructed, and how alternative varieties of psychology may confirm or resist ideological assumptions in mainstream models;
 * 3) Study of forms of surveillance and self-regulation in everyday life and the ways in which psychological culture operates beyond the boundaries of academic and professional practice; and
 * 4) Exploration of the way everyday "ordinary psychology" structures academic and professional work in psychology and how everyday activities might provide the basis for resistance to contemporary disciplinary practices.

Critical psychology today
There are a few international journals devoted to critical psychology and critical discussions in Psychology, including Psychology in Society, Theory & Psychology,  Culture & Psychology,  Feminism & Psychology,  Human Development, Annual Review of Critical Psychology and  the no longer published International Journal of Critical Psychology  (continued in the journal Subjectivity) and Radical Psychology Journal (published for ten years until its final issue in 2011). The journals still tend to be directed to an academic audience, though the Annual Review of Critical Psychology and Psychology in Society runs as an open-access online journal. There are close links between critical psychologists and critical psychiatrists in Britain through the Asylum Collective. David Smail was one of the founders of The Midlands Psychology Group, a critical psychology collective who produced a manifesto for a social materialist psychology of distress. Critical psychology courses and research concentrations are available at Manchester Metropolitan University, York St John University, the University of East London, the University of Edinburgh, the University of KwaZulu Natal, the City University of New York Graduate Center, the University of West Georgia, Point Park University, University of Guelph, York University, and Prescott College. Undergraduate concentrations can also be found at the California Institute of Integral Studies and Prescott College.

Extensions
Like many critical applications, critical psychology has expanded beyond Marxist and feminist roots to benefit from other critical approaches. Consider ecopsychology and transpersonal psychology. Critical psychology and related work has also sometimes been labelled radical psychology and liberation psychology. In the field of developmental psychology, the work of Erica Burman has been influential.

Various sub-disciplines within psychology have begun to establish their own critical orientations. Perhaps the most extensive are critical health psychology, community psychology, and social psychology.

Aims of Critical Psychology
Central themes of critical psychology is the concept of “oppression” and “emancipation”. Critical psychology reflects not only on the connection of mainstream psychology with power, but also work toward emancipation (or liberation). Oppression refers to  “a state of asymmetric power relations characterized by domination, subordination, and resistance, where the dominating persons or groups exercise their power by restricting access to material resources and by implanting in the subordinated persons or groups fear or self-deprecating views about themselves”. Emancipation (or liberation) refer to the possibilities of individuals within the social inequalities, doing justice to both, individual and societal domains. Consequently the aims of critical psychology is the understanding of “oppression” and “liberation” in relation with “Power”.

The spectrum through which the aims of critical psychology is expressed is divided into three different levels of intervention : The micro-level, meso-level, and macro level. Micro-level context refer to the relation of psychology with individuals and groups, the meso-level context refer to the critical reflections of critical psychology on psychology and the re-formation of a psychology not about but for the people, and the macro-level context refer to interventions of critical psychology  to create a more equitable society, inviting larger social-agents. A similar reflection is the one that devides possibilities of liberation in relation with power into: aesthetic, interaction, and labor dimension. Aesthetic dimension refer to very personal and individual possibility of liberation through self-expression, the dimension of interaction refer to the deconstruction of oppression in the symbolic and communicative dimension of power (e.g. books,  texts, media) and labor refer to liberation from larger socio-political expressions of power (schools, work, health-care). To sum-up, power is practiced in a spectrum from individual- to larger societal level, and thus oppression and possibilities of liberation is also identified within this spectrum. Thus, the aims of critical psychology toward emancipation exceeds from the individual, to the larger societal level of reflection and action.

Forms of Critical Psychology
Understanding and action, is an ongoing debate in the field of critical psychology. The understanding of oppression and the "praxis" of emancipation is two different domains, which is the domain of theory and the domain of action. For this reason it is proposed to divide Critical Psychology into four different forms : (a) critical theoretical psychology, (b) critical theoretical psychology with a practical emancipatory intention, (c) critical empirical psychology, and (d) critical applied psychology. Critical theoretical psychology (a), and critical empirical psychology (c) refers to the theoretical understanding and development of the field, while critical theoretical psychology with practical emancipatory intention, (b) and critical applied psychology (d), has to do with practice and move toward a social change.

Internationally
An early international overview of critical psychology perspectives can be found in Critical Psychology: Voices for Change, edited by Tod Sloan (Macmillan, 2000). In 2015, Ian Parker edited the Handbook of Critical Psychology.

Germany
At FU-Berlin, critical psychology was not really seen as a division of psychology and followed its own methodology, trying to reformulate traditional psychology on an unorthodox Marxist base and drawing from Soviet ideas of cultural–historical psychology, particularly Aleksey Leontyev. Some years ago the department of critical psychology at FU-Berlin was merged into the traditional psychology department.

An April 2009 issue of the journal Theory & Psychology (edited by Desmond Painter, Athanasios Marvakis, and Leendert Mos) is devoted to an examination of German critical psychology.

South Africa
The complex sociopolitical history of South Africa, and its relationship with mainstream psychology, created a setting in which critical psychology could be impactful. South Africa is a good example of a context in which mainstream psychology positioned itself alongside neo-colonialism, racism, and capitalist exploitation - during the country's Apartheid era - which led to the need for critical alternatives within the field that could challenge ideological complicities. During apartheid, mainstream psychology supported the oppressive political system - some psychologists actively and others passively. In the early 1980s, at the height of apartheid, progressive white psychologists and a growing number of black psychologists began to research and practice alternative programmes to critique and resist mainstream psychology's role in perpetuating apartheid in South Africa. In this way, critical psychology started to develop in South Africa.

As is the case in other parts of the world, critical psychology in South Africa was born from interrogating psychology in relation to politics. Firstly, psychology was accused of being a product of, and supporter of, an oppressive political system in which its supposed neutrality and scientific objectivity were informed by the sectors of society that benefited from the ideological and economic dominance that it upheld. Secondly, once critical psychologists in South Africa revealed the ideological flaws in mainstream psychology within the country's context, work began to reconfigure the field as a progressive and socially relevant practice with theoretical and methodological approaches that could benefit all members of South African society.

The establishment of critical psychology in South Africa took various forms between 1980 and 1994. Although the field was not necessarily fully formalised during this time, spaces and organisations were created for its ideas to be expressed and developed: such as in the University of Cape Town's (UCT) psychology department, the formation of the Organisation for Appropriate Social Services in South Africa (OASSSA), Psychologists Against Apartheid, the South African Health and Social Services Organisation (SAHSSO), and the establishment of the academic journal Psychology in Society (PINS). Some of the main theoretical and practical achievements of these developments were: the forging of a way to critique the categories of class, race, gender, and other structural factors impacting the discipline of psychology, the encouragement of students to think critically about the politics of psychology, and rebuilding international links as well as relationships with other social and health sciences in South Africa.

However, not all these initiatives continued after the end of political struggle and the transition to democracy. After 1994, professional psychology in South Africa was reorganised through the establishment of the Professional Board for Psychology that exists within the Health Professions Council of South Africa (HPCSA). This statutory body regulates the profession with its systems of licensing and certification. Within these systems, critical psychology is more of an approach to the field than it is a professional category on its own. From the 2000s until recent times, critical psychology moved more toward studying certain domains, such as gender or race, and in the process, the overarching project of establishing a formalised field of critical psychology has either been discarded or broadened to refer to anything that is 'non-mainstream' in psychology. Critical psychology in South Africa is therefore mostly applied as a theoretical approach.

United States and Canada
The doctoral program in Critical Social/Personality Psychology and Environmental Psychology at the CUNY Graduate Center and the doctoral program in Critical Psychology at Point Park University, in Pittsburgh, PA are the only critical psychology specific doctoral programs in the United States. Prescott College in Prescott, Arizona offers an online Master's program in Critical Psychology and Human Services and has a critically oriented undergraduate program. The California Institute of Integral Studies in San Francisco also offers the Bachelor's Completion Program with a minor in Critical Psychology, and critical perspectives are sometimes encountered in traditional universities, perhaps especially within community psychology programs. The University of West Georgia offers a Ph.D. in Consciousness and Society with critical psychology being one of the main three theoretical orientations. North American efforts include the 1993 founding of RadPsyNet, the 1997 publication of Critical Psychology: An Introduction (edited by Dennis Fox and Isaac Prilleltensky; expanded 2009 edition edited by Dennis Fox, Isaac Prilleltensky, and Stephanie Austin), the 2001 Monterey Conference on Critical Psychology, and in underlying themes of many contributions to the Journal of Social Action in Counseling and Psychology.

Societies

 * International Society of Critical Health Psychology
 * Radical Psychology Network

Books

 * Fox, D. & Prilleltensky, I. (eds.) (1997). Critical Psychology: An Introduction. Sage. on-line
 * Gough, B. (ed.) (2017). The Palgrave Handbook of Critical Social Psychology. London: Palgrave Macmillan.
 * Harwood, V. (2006) Diagnosing 'Disorderly' Children. London & New York: Routledge.
 * Ibañez, T. & Íñiguez-Rueda, L. (eds.) (1997). Critical Social Psychology. Sage Books. on-line
 * Kincheloe, J. & Horn, R. (2006). The Praeger Handbook of Education and Psychology. 4 vols. Westport, Connecticut: Praeger Press.
 * Parker, I. (ed.) (2015). Handbook of Critical Psychology. London: Routledge.
 * Prilleltensky, I. & Nelson, G. (2002). Doing psychology critically: Making a difference in diverse settings. New York: Palgrave–Macmillan.
 * Sloan, T. (ed.) (2000). Critical Psychology: Voices for Change. London: Macmillan.

Papers

 * Kincheloe, J. & Steinberg, S. (1993). A Tentative Description of Post-Formal Thinking: The Critical Confrontation with Cognitive Thinking. Harvard Educational Review, 63 (2), 296–320.
 * Prilleltensky, I. (1997). Values, assumptions and practices: Assessing the moral implications of psychological discourse and action. American Psychologist, 52(5), 517–35.
 * Parker, I. (1999) Critical Psychology: Critical Links, Radical Psychology: A Journal of Psychology, Politics and Radicalism (on-line)
 * Parker, I. (2003) "Psychology is so critical, only Marxism can save us now," (on-line)

title: Critical psychology