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Politics of Costa Rica

The politics of Costa Rica take place in a framework of a presidential, representative democratic republic, with a multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the president and their cabinet, and the President of Costa Rica is both the head of state and head of government. Legislative power is vested in the Legislative Assembly. The president and 57 Legislative Assembly deputies are elected for four-year terms. The judiciary operates independently from the executive and the legislature, but is involved in the political process. Costa Rica has a strong system of constitutional checks and balances. Voting is compulsory de jure, but this is not enforced.

The position of governor in the seven provinces was abolished in 1998. There are no provincial legislatures. In 2009, the state monopolies on insurance and telecommunications were opened to private-sector competition. Certain other state agencies enjoy considerable operational independence and autonomy; they include the electrical power company (Instituto Costarricense de Electricidad), the nationalized commercial banks (which are open to competition from private banks), and the social security agency (Caja Costarricense del Seguro Social). Costa Rica has no military but maintains a domestic police force and a Special Forces Unit as part of the Ministry of the President.

According to the V-Dem Democracy indices Costa Rica was in 2023 the most electoral democratic country in Latin America.

Recent history
The 1986 presidential election was won by Óscar Arias of the PLN. During his tenure he experienced some criticism from within his own party for abandoning its traditional social democratic teachings and promoting a neoliberal economic model. He received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1987 for his efforts to end civil wars then raging in several Central American countries.

In the February 1998 national election, PUSC candidate Miguel Ángel Rodríguez won the presidency over PLN nominee José Miguel Corrales Bolaños. President Rodriguez assumed office May 8, 1998. The PUSC also obtained 27 seats in the 57-member Legislative Assembly, for a plurality, while the PLN got 23 and five minor parties won seven. Social Christian in philosophy, the PUSC generally favors neoliberalism, conservative fiscal policies, and government reform. President Rodriguez pledged to reduce the country's large internal debt, privatize state-owned utilities, attract additional foreign investment, eliminate social welfare programs, and promote the creation of jobs with decent salaries.

The reforms he tried to promote found opposition from several parties, including his own, and he asserted several times the country was "ungovernable". In particular, an attempt by the Legislative Assembly to approve a law that opened up the electricity and telecommunication markets (controlled by a monopoly of the Costa Rican Institute of Electricity - ICE) to market competition, known as the "Combo" law, was met with strong social opposition. The Combo law was supported by both major parties at the time (PLN and PUSC) as well as by President Rodriguez, but the first of three required legislative votes to approve it provoked the largest protest demonstrations the country had seen since 1970. The government quickly resolved to shelve the initiative. President Rodríguez's approval would reach an all-time low, and he was indicted by the Attorney General after leaving office on corruption charges.

In September 2000 the Constitutional Court rejected an argument by former president Arias that a 1969 constitutional amendment banning presidential reelection be rescinded. Arias thus remained barred from a second term as president; however, in April 2003–by which time two of the four judges who had voted against the change in 2000 had been replaced–the Court reconsidered the issue and, with the only dissenters being the two anti-reelection judges remaining from 2000, declared the 1969 amendment null and thus opened the way to reelection for former presidents–which in practice meant Arias.

In the 2002 national election, a new party founded by former PLN Congressman and government Minister Ottón Solís captured 26% of the vote, forcing a runoff election for the first time in the country's history. Abel Pacheco was elected president, under a national unity platform, but continuing most of the neoliberal and conservative policies of Miguel Ángel Rodríguez. This election was also important because new parties won several seats in Congress, more than ever. The PUSC obtained 19 seats, PLN 17 seats, PAC 14 seats, PML 6 seats and PRC one seat.

During 2004, several high-profile corruption scandals shattered the foundations of PUSC. Two former presidents from the party, Miguel Ángel Rodríguez and Rafael Ángel Calderón, were arrested on corruption charges and are currently waiting for the investigation to end and trial to begin. Also involved in scandals has been José María Figueres, former president from PLN and former head of the World Economic Forum.

The 2006 national election was expected to be a landslide for former president (1986–1990) and PLN's candidate Óscar Arias, but it turned out to be the closest in modern history. Although polls just a week before the election gave Arias a comfortable lead of at least 12% (and up to 20%), preliminary election results gave him only a .4% lead over rival Ottón Solís and prompted a manual recount of all ballots. After a month-long recount and several appeals from different parties, Arias was declared the official winner with 40.9% of the votes against 39.8% for Solís.

When Óscar Arias returned to office, the political debate shifted to the ratification of the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA). Main supporters of the approval included the President's PLN, which established a coalition with PUSC and ML in Congress to approve the implementation laws in Congress, as well as different business chambers. The main opposition to CAFTA came from PAC, labor unions, environmental organizations and public universities. In April 2007, former PLN Presidential candidate and CAFTA opponent José Miguel Corrales Bolaños won a legal battle at the Supreme Electoral Tribunal, which authorized him to gather over 100,000 signatures to send CAFTA to a referendum and let the people decide the fate of the controversial agreement. As the February 28, 2008 deadline to approve or reject CAFTA loomed, Arias decided to call for the referendum himself, and it took take place on October 7, 2007. CAFTA was approved with 51.5% of voters supporting it, although the election faced criticism due to international, including US, involvement.

The Costa Rican general election, 2010 was won by Laura Chinchilla of centrist National Liberation Party, who had been vice-president in the previous Arias administration. In May 2010, she was sworn in as the first female President of Costa Rica.

In 2014, Luis Guillermo Solís, PAC's presidential candidate campaigning on a platform of economic reform and anti-corruption, surprised political observers by winning 30.95% of votes in the first round, while PLN candidate Johnny Araya gained the second most votes with 29.95%. Broad Front's José María Villalta Florez-Estrada won 17% of the votes. On March 6, 2014, Araya announced that he would abandon his presidential campaign after polls showed him far behind Luis Guillermo Solís. Elections were held on April 6, 2014, as required by election law, and Solís won with 77.81% of the votes. According to the BBC, the success of Solís and Villalta is another example of anti-neoliberal politics in Latin America.

In April 2018, Carlos Alvarado won the presidential election. He became the new President of Costa Rica, succeeding President Guillermo Solís. Both Solis and Alvarado represented centre-left Citizens' Action Party.

In May 2022, Costa Rica's new president Rodrigo Chaves, right-wing former finance minister, was sworn in for a four-year presidential term. He had won the election runoff against former president Jose María Figueres.

Executive branch
Executive responsibilities are vested in a president, who is elected to a term of four years directly by the voters, not by the National Assembly as it would be in a parliamentary system. There also are two vice presidents and the president's cabinet composed of his ministers. A constitutional amendment approved in 1969 limits presidents and deputies to one term, although a deputy may run again for an Assembly seat after sitting out a term. The prohibition was officially recognized as unconstitutional in April 2004, allowing Óscar Arias to run for president a second time in the 2006 Costa Rican presidential elections, which he won with approximately a 1% margin.

The President of Costa Rica has limited powers, particularly in comparison to other Latin American Presidents. For example, he cannot veto the legislative budget, and thus Congress is sovereign over the year's single most important piece of legislation. On the other hand, he can appoint anyone to his cabinet without approval from Congress. This provides the single most important power versus Congress that any Costa Rican President has.

 * President
 * Rodrigo Chaves Robles
 * Social Democratic Progress Party
 * 8 May 2022
 * Vice President
 * Stephan Brunner
 * Social Democratic Progress Party
 * 8 May 2022
 * Vice Presidents
 * Mary Munive
 * Social Democratic Progress Party
 * 8 May 2022
 * }
 * 8 May 2022
 * }

Ministries

 * Ministry of the Presidency
 * Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Worship
 * Ministry of Finance
 * Ministry of Public Security
 * Ministry of Justice and Peace
 * Ministry of Public Education
 * Ministry of Public Works and Transports
 * Ministry of Economy, Industry and Commerce
 * Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock
 * Ministry of Health
 * Ministry of Labour and Social Security
 * Ministry of Culture and Youth
 * Ministry of National Planning and Economical Policy
 * Ministry of Environment and Energy
 * Ministry of Housing and Human Settlements
 * Ministry of Foreign Trade
 * Ministry of Science, Technology and Telecommunications
 * Ministry of Communication

Legislative branch

Legislative powers are held by the Legislative Assembly. Legislators, called deputies, are elected to non-consecutive four-year terms by popular, direct vote, using proportional representation in each of the country's seven provinces. As a result, there are nine separate political parties serving in the Legislative Assembly, with National Liberation Party holding 18 seats, the Citizens' Action Party holding 13, and Broad Front and the Social Christian Unity Party each holding 8. Other parties hold the remaining seats.

 * Legislative Assembly President
 * Rodrigo Arias Sánchez
 * National Liberation Party
 * 8 May 2022
 * }

Judicial branch
The main arm of the judiciary is the Supreme Court of Justice. Twenty-two magistrates are selected for the CSJ for 8-year terms by the Legislative Assembly, and lower courts. Sala IV, also known as the Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court, reviews legislation, executive actions, and certain writs for constitutionality. Courts below the Sala IV deal with issues involving legal and criminal disputes. Additionally, the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE for its Spanish initials) is an independent branch of the CSJ, responsible for democratic elections. While the judiciary is independent of the politically elected executive and legislative branches, it is often responsible for resolving political and legal conflicts.

Institutional oversight
A Comptroller General, Procurator General, and an Ombudsman oversee the government and operate autonomously. These institutions have the right to scrutinize, investigate and prosecute government contracts. In addition, they may impose procedural requirements on most political and governmental agencies. The actions of politicians and political parties are frequently researched by these institutions.

Elections
On the national level, the president, two vice-presidents and a legislature are elected for a four-year term. The Legislative Assembly has 57 members, elected by proportional representation in each of the country's seven provinces.

The electoral process is supervised by an independent Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE for its Spanish initials). The TSE is a commission of three principal magistrates and six alternates selected by the Supreme Court of Justice of Costa Rica. All elections are conducted by a secret ballot at local polling stations. Voting is mandatory for registered citizens under Article 93 of the Constitution of Costa Rica, but this is not enforced.

On election days, political parties often organize caravans and marches to get supporters to polling stations. In many areas, voting takes on a festive atmosphere with supporters of each party wearing traditional colors and decorating their cars, houses, and livestock with colored ribbons. Because the day of elections is a national holiday, most people have the day off.

Political parties
Currently, there are nine active political parties with representation in the Legislative Assembly of Costa Rica. An additional twelve parties ran, but did not receive enough votes to earn a seat in the assembly, making the total number of active parties in Costa Rica twenty-one. Starting in the 2000s, disagreement about many of the neo-liberal policies promoted by the dominant PLN caused the traditional party system of alliances among a few parties to fracture. Although still a stable country, the shift toward many political parties and away from PUSC and PLN is a recent development. Various elected positions within the country, such as mayors and city council members, are held by many different national and local political parties.

Strength of institutions
Institutional strength is a critical factor in politics since it defines the ability of political institutions to enforce rules, settle conflicts, and sustain stability in society. Weak institutions can lead to instability, violence, and authoritarianism, while solid institutions are associated with more durable and sufficient democracies. This is especially applicable in countries with fragile institutional frameworks, where strengthening institutions is essential for advancing democracy and stability. Elements such as economic development, a record of state-building, and external actors can contribute to institutional strength; understanding these factors is essential for enabling effective governance. Therefore, lawmakers and scholars must pay close watch to institutional strength when analyzing and formulating political strategies to advance stable and effective democracies that serve the interests of their citizens.

Rule of law
The rule of law refers to the idea that all individuals and institutions, including the state, are subject to the same rules and limitations. In Costa Rica, the rule of law is generally considered robust, with a separate judiciary branch, effective law enforcement, and low indices of corruption. However, there are also concerns about the efficiency of the justice system and the slow pace of legal proceedings, which can sometimes hinder the effective enforcement of the law.

Democratic institutions
Costa Rica is famous for its stable and well-functioning democracy, with periodic, accessible, and honest elections, a competitive party system, and a robust civil society. The country has a presidential system of government, with a unicameral legislature and a multi-party system. Nevertheless, there are also some obstacles to the country's democratic institutions, such as a lack of transparency and accountability in government and a high concentration of power among a small class of political elites.

Public services
Costa Rica's government provides many public services, including health care, education, and social welfare programs. The "Caja de Seguro Social" in Costa Rica maneuvered through the COVID-19 Pandemic with extreme precaution, providing one of the best responses by public healthcare systems. Their public health care system attests to strong political institutions and its 70% of its citizens entirely depend on the services. These services are generally well-funded and accessible to the general public. However, there are also concerns about the quality and productivity of these services and the sustainability of the country's public spending.

title: Politics of Costa Rica


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Economy of Costa Rica

The economy of Costa Rica has been very stable for some years now, with continuing growth in the GDP (Gross Domestic Product) and moderate inflation, though with a high unemployment rate: 11.49% in 2019. Costa Rica's economy emerged from recession in 1997 and has shown strong aggregate growth since then. The estimated GDP for 2023 is US$90 billion, up significantly from the US$52.6 billion in 2015 while the estimated 2024 per capita (purchasing power parity) is US$28,558.

Inflation remained around 4% to 5% per annum for several years up to 2015 but then dropped to 0.7% in 2016; it was expected to rise to a still moderate 2.8% by the end of 2017 In 2017, Costa Rica had the highest standards of living in Central America in spite of the high poverty level. The poverty level dropped by 1.2% in 2017 to 20.5%, thanks to reducing inflation and benefits offered by the government. The estimated unemployment level in 2017 was 8.1%, roughly the same as in 2016.

The country has evolved from an economy that once depended solely on agriculture, to one that is more diverse, based on tourism, electronics and medical components exports, medical manufacturing and IT services. Corporate services for foreign companies employ some 3% of the workforce. Of the GDP, 5.5% is generated by agriculture, 18.6% by industry and 75.9% by services (2016). Agriculture employs 12.9% of the labor force, industry 18.57%, services 69.02% (2016) Many foreign companies operate in the various Free-trade zones. In 2015, exports totalled US$12.6 billion while imports totalled US$15 billion for a trade deficit of US$2.39 billion.

The growing debt and budget deficit are the country's primary concerns. By August 2017, Costa Rica was having difficulty paying its obligations and the President promised dramatic changes to handle the "liquidity crisis". Other challenges face Costa Rica in its attempts to increase the economy by foreign investment. They include a poor infrastructure and a need to improve public sector efficiency.

Public debt and deficit
One of the country's major concerns is the level of the public debt, especially as a percentage of the GDP (Gross Domestic Product), increasing from 29.8% in 2011 to 40.8% in 2015 and to 45% in 2016. The total debt in 2015 was $22.648 billion, up by nearly $3 billion from 2014. On a per capita basis, the debt was $4,711 per person. Costa Rica had a formal line of credit with the World Bank valued at US$947 million in April 2014, of which US$645 million had been accessed and US$600 million remained outstanding.

In a June 2017 report, the International Monetary Fund stated that annual growth was just over 4% with moderate inflation. The report added that "financial system appears sound, and credit growth continues to be consistent with healthy financial deepening and macroeconomic trends. The agency noted that the fiscal deficit remains high and public debt continues to rise rapidly despite the authorities’ deepened consolidation efforts in 2016. Recent advances in fiscal consolidation have been partly reversed and political consensus on a comprehensive fiscal package remains elusive".

The IMF also expressed concern about increasing deficits, public debt and the heavy dollarization of bank assets and liabilities, warning that in tighter-than-expected global financial conditions these aspects would "seriously undermine investor confidence". The group also recommended taking steps to reduce pension benefits and increase the amount of contribution by the public and increasing the cost effectiveness of the education system.

The country's credit rating was reduced by Moody's Investors Service in early 2017 to Ba2 from Ba1, with a negative outlook on the rating. The agency particularly cited the "rising government debt burden and persistently high fiscal deficit, which was 5.2% of GDP in 2016". Moody's was also concerned about the "lack of political consensus to implement measures to reduce the fiscal deficit [which] will result in further pressure on the government's debt ratios". In late July 2017, the Central Bank estimated the budget deficit at 6.1 percent of the country's GDP. A 2017 study by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development warned that reducing the foreign debt must be a very high priority for the government. Other fiscal reforms were also recommended to moderate the budget deficit.

In 2014, President Solís presented a budget with an increase in spending of 19% for 2015, an increase of 0.5% for 2016 and an increase of 12% for 2017. When the 2017 budget was finally proposed, it totaled US$15.9 billion. Debt payments account for one-third of that amount. Of greater concern is the fact that a full 46% of the budget will require financing, a step that will increase the debt owed to foreign entities. In late July 2017, the Central Bank estimated the budget deficit at 6.1 percent of the country's GDP.

Liquidity crisis
In early August 2017, President Luis Guillermo Solís admitted that the country was facing a "liquidity crisis", an inability to pay all of its obligations and to guarantee the essential services. To address this issue, he promised that a higher VAT and higher income tax rates were being considered by his government. Such steps are essential, Solís told the nation. "Despite all the public calls and efforts we have made since the start of my administration to contain spending and increase revenues, there is still a gap that we must close with fresh resources," he said. The crisis was occurring in spite of the growth, low inflation and continued moderate interest rates, Solís concluded. Solís explained that the Treasury will prioritize payments on the public debt first, then salaries, and then pensions. The subsequent priorities include transfers to institutions "according to their social urgency." All other payments will be made only if funds are available.

Other challenges
A 2016 report by the U.S. government report identifies other challenges facing Costa Rica as it works to expand its economy by working with potential foreign investors:

 * The ports, roads, water systems would benefit from major upgrading. Attempts by China to invest in upgrading such aspects were "stalled by bureaucratic and legal concerns".
 * The bureaucracy is "often slow and cumbersome".
 * The country needs even more workers who are fluent in English and languages such as Portuguese, Mandarin and French. It would also benefit from more graduates in Science, Technology, Engineering and Math (STEM) programs.
 * Some sectors are controlled by a state monopoly which excludes competition but in other respects, "Costa Rican laws, regulations and practices are generally transparent and foster competition".
 * The country has been slow in completing environmental impact assessments which have caused delays in projects being completed.
 * Product registration is a slow process, although this may improve with digitization.
 * In spite of government attempts at improving the enforcement of intellectual property laws, this aspect remains a concern.

Natural resources
Costa Rica's rainfall, and its location in the Central American isthmus, which provides easy access to North and South American markets and direct ocean access to the European and Asian Continents. Costa Rica has two seasons, both of which have their own agricultural resources: the tropical wet and dry seasons. One-fourth of Costa Rica's land is dedicated to national forests, often adjoining beaches, which has made the country a popular destination for affluent retirees and ecotourists.

A full 10.27% of the country is protected as national parks while an additional 17% is set aside for reserves, wildlife refuges and protected zones. Costa Rica has over 50 wildlife refuges, 32 major national parks, more than 12 forest reserves and a few biological reserves.

Because of ocean access, 23.7% of Costa Rica's people fish and trade their catches to fish companies; this is viewed as "small scale artisanal coastal" fishing and is most common in the Gulf of Nicoya. Costa Rica also charges licensing fees for commercial fishing fleets that are taking tuna, sardines, banga mary, mahi-mahi, red tilapia, shrimp, red snapper, other snappers, shark, marlin and sailfish. In mid 2017, the country was planning to ban large-scale commercial fishing off the southern Pacific Coast in an area nearly a million acres in size. The bill in congress was intended to "protect the extraordinary marine and coastal resources" from "indiscriminate and unsustainable commercial fishing."

Sport fishing in Costa Rica is an important part of the tourism industry; species include marlin, sailfish, dorado, tarpon, snook, rooster fish, wahoo, tuna, mackerel, snapper and rainbow bass.

In terms of the 2012 Environmental Performance Index ranking, Costa Rica is 5th in the world, and first among the Americas. The World Economic Forum's 2017 Travel & Tourism Competitiveness Report ranked Costa Rica as third of 136 countries based on natural resources, the number of World Heritage natural sites, protected areas and species as well as eco tourism.

Tourism

With a $1.92-billion-a-year tourism industry, Costa Rica was the most visited nation in the Central American region, with 2.42 million foreign visitors in 2013. By 2016, 2.6 million tourists visited Costa Rica. The Tourism Board estimates that this sector's spending in the country represented over US$3.4 billion, or about 5.8% of the GDP. The World Travel & Tourism Council's estimates indicate a direct contribution to the 2016 GDP of 5.1% and 110,000 direct jobs in Costa Rica; the total number of jobs indirectly supported by tourism was 271,000.

Ecotourism is extremely popular with the many tourists visiting the extensive national parks and protected areas around the country. Costa Rica was a pioneer in this type of tourism and the country is recognized as one of the few with real ecotourism. Other important market segments are adventure, sun and beaches. Most of the tourists come from the U.S. and Canada (46%), and the EU (16%), the prime market travelers in the world, which translates into a relatively high expenditure per tourist of $1000 per trip.

In the 2008 Travel and Tourism Competitiveness Index (TTCI), Costa Rica reached the 44th place in the world ranking, being the first among Latin American countries, and second if the Caribbean is included. Just considering the subindex measuring human, cultural, and natural resources, Costa Rica ranks in the 24th place at a worldwide level, and 7th when considering just the natural resources criteria. The TTCI report also notes Costa Rica's main weaknesses, ground transport infrastructure (ranked 113th), and safety and security (ranked 128th).

The online travel magazine Travelzoo rated Costa Rica as one of five “Wow Deal Destinations for 2012”. The magazine Travel Weekly named Costa Rica the best destination in Central and South America in 2011. In 2017, the country was nominated in the following categories in the World Travel Awards: Mexico & Central America's Leading Beach Destination, Mexico & Central America's Leading Destination and Mexico & Central America's Leading Tourist Board.

Agriculture
Costa Rica's economy was historically based on agriculture, and this has had a large cultural impact through the years. Costa Rica's main cash crop, historically and up to modern times, was Bananas. The coffee crop had been a major export, but decreased in value to the point where it added only 2.5% to the 2013 exports of the country.

Agriculture also plays an important part in the country's gross domestic product (GDP). It makes up about 6.5% of Costa Rica’s GDP, and employs 12.9% of the labor force (2016). By comparison, industry employs 18.57% of the labor force, and the service sector 69.02%. Depending on location and altitude, many regions differ in agricultural crops and techniques. The main agricultural exports from the country include: bananas, pineapples (the second highest export, with over 50% share of the world market), other tropical fruits, coffee (much of it grown in the Valle Central or Meseta Central), sugar, rice, palm oil, vegetables, tropical fruits, ornamental plants, maize, and potatoes.

Livestock activity consists of cattle, pigs and horses, as well as poultry. Meat and dairy produce are leading exports according to one source, but both were not in the top 10 categories of 2013.

The combined export value of forest products and textiles in 2013 did not exceed that of either chemical products or plastics.

Exports, jobs, and energy
Mere decades ago, Costa Rica was known principally as a producer of bananas and coffee. Even though bananas, pineapple, sugar, coffee, lumber, wood products and beef are still important exports, in recent times medical instruments, electronics, pharmaceuticals, financial outsourcing, software development, and ecotourism are now the prime exports. High levels of education and fluency in English among its residents make the country an attractive investing location.

In 2015 the following were the major export products (US$): medical instruments ($2 billion), bananas ($1.24B), tropical fruits ($1.22B), integrated circuits ($841 million) and orthopedic appliances ($555M). The total exports in 2015 were US$12.6 billion, down from $18.9B in 2010; bananas and medical instruments were the two largest sectors. Total imports in 2015 were $15B, up from $13.8B in 2010; this resulted in a trade deficit.

Over the years, Costa Rica successfully attracted important investments by such companies as Intel Corporation, Procter & Gamble, Abbott Laboratories and Baxter Healthcare. Manufacturing and industry's contribution to GDP overtook agriculture over the course of the 1990s, led by foreign investment in Costa Rica's Free Trade Zones (FTZ) where companies benefit from investment and tax incentives. Companies in such zones must export at least 50% of their services. Well over half of that type of investment has come from the U.S. According to the government, the zones supported over 82 thousand direct jobs and 43 thousand indirect jobs in 2015; direct employment grew 5% over 2014. The average wages in the FTZ increased by 7% and were 1.8 times greater than the average for private enterprise work in the rest of the country. Companies with facilities in the America Free Zone in Heredia, for example, include Dell, HP, Bayer, Bosch, DHL, IBM and Okay Industries.

In 2006 Intel's microprocessor facility alone was responsible for 20% of Costa Rican exports and 4.9% of the country's GDP. In 2014, Intel announced it would end manufacturing in Costa Rica and lay off 1,500 staff but agreed to maintain at least 1,200 employees. The facility continued as a test and design center with approximately 1,600 remaining staff. In 2017, Intel had 2000 employees in the country, and was operating a facility which assembles, tests and distributes processors and a Global Innovation Center, both in Heredia.

The fastest growing aspect of the economy is the provision of corporate services for foreign companies which in 2016 employed approximately 54,000 people in a country with a workforce under 342,000; that was up from 52,400 the previous year. For example, Amazon.com employs some 5,000 people. Many work in the free-trade areas such as Zona Franca America and earn roughly double the national average for service work. This sector generated US$4.6 billion in 2016, nearly as much as tourism.

In 2013, the total FDI stock in Costa Rica amounted to about 40 percent of GDP, of which investments from the United States accounted for 64 percent, followed by the United Kingdom and Spain with 6 percent each. Costa Rica's outward foreign direct investment stock is small, at about 3 percent of GDP as of 2011, and mainly concentrated in Central America (about 57 percent of the total outward direct investment stock).

Tourism is an important part of the economy, with the number of visitors increasing from 780,000 in 1996, to 1 million in 1999, and to 2.089 million foreign visitors in 2008, allowing the country to earn $2.144-billion in that year. By 2016, 2.6 million tourists visited Costa Rica, spending roughly US$3.4 billion. Tourism directly supported 110,000 jobs and indirectly supported 271,000 in 2016.

Costa Rica has not discovered sources of fossil fuels—apart from minor coal deposits—but its mountainous terrain and abundant rainfall have permitted the construction of a dozen hydroelectric power plants, making it self-sufficient in all energy needs, except for refined petroleum. In 2017, Costa Rica was considering the export of electricity to neighbouring countries. Mild climate and trade winds make neither heating nor cooling necessary, particularly in the highland cities and towns where some 90% of the population lives. Renewable energy in Costa Rica is the norm. In 2016, 98.1 per cent of the country's electricity came from green sources: hydro generating stations, geothermal plants, wind turbines, solar panels and biomass plants.

Infrastructure
Costa Rica's infrastructure has suffered from a lack of maintenance and new investment. The country has an extensive road system of more than 30,000 kilometers, although much of it is in disrepair; this also applies to ports, railways and water delivery systems. According to a 2016 U.S. government report, investment from China which attempted to improve the infrastructure found the "projects stalled by bureaucratic and legal concerns".

Most parts of the country are accessible by road. The main highland cities in the country's Central Valley are connected by paved all-weather roads with the Atlantic and Pacific coasts and by the Pan American Highway with Nicaragua and Panama, the neighboring countries to the North and the South. Costa Rica's ports are struggling to keep pace with growing trade. They have insufficient capacity, and their equipment is in poor condition. The railroad didn't function for several years, until recent government effort to reactivate it for city transportation. An August 2016 OECD report provided this summary: "The road network is extensive but of poor quality, railways are in disrepair and only slowly being reactivated after having been shut down in the 1990s, seaports quality and capacity are deficient. Internal transportation overly relies on private road vehicles as the public transport system, especially railways, is inadequate."

In a June 2017 interview, President Luis Guillermo Solís said that private sector investment would be required to solve the problems. "Of course Costa Rica’s infrastructure deficit is a challenge that outlasts any one government and I hope that we have created the foundations for future administrations to continue building. I have just enacted a law to facilitate Public Private Partnerships, which are the ideal way to develop projects that are too large for the government to undertake. For example the new airport that we are building to serve the capital city will cost $2 billion, so it will need private-sector involvement. There is also the potential for a ‘dry canal’ linking sea ports on our Atlantic and Caribbean Coasts that could need up to $16 billion of investment."

The government hopes to bring foreign investment, technology, and management into the telecommunications and electrical power sectors, which are monopolies of the state. ICE (Instituto Costarricense de Electricidad) has the monopoly on telecommunications, internet and electricity services. Some limited competition is allowed. In 2011, two new private companies began offering cellular phone service and others offer voice communication over internet connections (VOIP) for overseas calls.

According to transparency.org, Costa Rica had a reputation as one of the most stable, prosperous, and among the least corrupt in Latin America in 2007. However, in fall 2004, three former Costa Rican presidents, José María Figueres, Miguel Angel Rodríguez, and Rafael Angel Calderon, were investigated on corruption charges related to the issuance of government contracts. After extensive legal proceedings Calderon and Rodriguez were sentenced; however, the inquiry on Figueres was dismissed and he was not charged.

More recently, Costa Rica reached 40th place in 2015, with a score of 55 on the Perception of Corruption scale; this is better than the global average. Countries with the lowest perceived corruption rated 90 on the scale. In late May 2017, the country Costa Rica applied to become a member of the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention, to be effective in July 2017.

Foreign trade

Costa Rica has sought to widen its economic and trade ties, both within and outside the region. Costa Rica signed a bilateral trade agreement with Mexico in 1994, which was later amended to cover a wider range of products. Costa Rica joined other Central American countries, plus the Dominican Republic, in establishing a Trade and Investment Council with the United States in March 1998, which later became the Dominican Republic–Central America Free Trade Agreement. Costa Rica has bilateral free trade agreements with the following countries and blocs which took effect on (see date):
 * Canada (November 1, 2002)
 * Caribbean Community (CARICOM)¨ (November 15, 2002)
 * Chile (February 15, 2002)
 * China (August 1, 2011).
 * Colombia (September 2016)
 * Dominican Republic (March 7, 2002)
 * El Salvador Customs union, (1963, re-launched on October 29, 1993)
 * European Free Trade Association (2013)
 * European Union (October 1, 2013)
 * Guatemala Customs union, (1963, re-launched on October 29, 1993)
 * Honduras Customs union, (1963, re-launched on October 29, 1993)
 * Mexico (January 1, 1995)
 * Nicaragua Customs union, (1963, re-launched on October 29, 1993)
 * Panama (July 31, 1973, renegotiated and expanded for January 1, 2009)
 * Perú (June 1, 2013)
 * United States (January 1, 2009, CAFTA-DR)
 * Singapore (April 6, 2010)
 * South Korea (March 18, 2019)

There are no significant trade barriers that would affect imports and the country has been lowering its tariffs in accordance with other Central American countries. Costa Rica also is a member of the Cairns Group, an organization of agricultural exporting countries that are seeking access to more markets to increase the exports of agricultural products. Opponents of free agricultural trade have sometimes attempted to block imports of products already grown in Costa Rica, including rice, potatoes, and onions. By 2015, Costa Rica's agricultural exports totalled US$2.7 billion.

In 2015, the top export destinations for all types of products were the United States (US$4.29 billion), Guatemala ($587 million), the Netherlands ($537 million), Panama ($535 million) and Nicaragua ($496 million). The top import origins were the United States ($6.06 billion), China ($1.92 billion), Mexico ($1.14 billion), Japan ($410 million) and Guatemala ($409 million). The most significant products imported were Refined Petroleum (8.41% of the total imports) and Automobiles (4.68%). Total imports in 2015 were US$15 billion, somewhat higher than the total exports of a US$12.6 billion, for a negative trade balance of US$2.39 billion.

Statistics
The following table shows the main economic indicators in 1980–2019 (with IMF staff stimtates in 2020–2025). Inflation below 5% is in green.

GDP: US$61.5 billion (2017 estimate)

GDP real growth rate: 4.3% (2017 estimate)

GDP per capita: purchasing power parity: $12,382 (2017 estimate)

GDP composition by sector: agriculture: 5.5% (2016 estimate) Bananas, pineapples, coffee, beef, sugarcane, rice, corn, dairy products, vegetables, timber, fruits and ornamental plants. industry: 18.6% (2016 estimate) Electronic components, food processing, textiles and apparel, construction materials, cement, fertilizer. services: 75.9% (2016 estimate) Hotels, restaurants, tourist services, banks, call centers and insurance.

Government bond ratings: (January 2017) Standard & Poor's: BB−; Moody's: Ba2

Budget deficit: 6.1 percent of the GDP

Population below poverty line: 20.5% (2017)

Household income or consumption by percentage share: lowest 10%: 1.2% highest 10%: 39.5% (2009 est.)

Inflation rate (consumer prices): 2.6% (2017 estimate)

Labor force: 2.295 million (2016) Note: 15 and older, excluding Nicaraguans living in the country Labor force by occupation: agriculture 12.9%, industry 18.57%, services 69.02% (2016)

Unemployment rate: 8.1% (2017 estimate)

Budget: US15.9 billion (2017 proposed) Note: 46% will require financing

Industries: microprocessors, food processing, textiles and clothing, construction materials, fertilizer, plastic products

Industrial production growth rate: 4.3% (2013)

Electricity production: 9.473 billion kWh (2010)

Electricity production by source: 98.1% from "green sources" (2016)

Agriculture products: bananas, pineapples, other tropical fruits, coffee, palm oil, sugar, corn, rice, beans, potatoes, beef, timber

Exports: US$12.6 billion (2015)

Major export commodities: Medical Instruments ($2B), Bananas ($1.24B), Tropical Fruits ($1.22B), Integrated Circuits ($841M) and Orthopedic Appliances ($555M).

Export partners (2016): United States ($4.29B), Guatemala ($587M), the Netherlands ($537M), Panama ($535M), Nicaragua ($496M)

Imports: US $15.1 billion (2015)

Major import commodities: Refined Petroleum ($1.26B), Cars ($702M), Packaged Medicaments ($455M), Broadcasting Equipment ($374M) and Computers ($281M).

Origin of imports (2016): United States ($6.06B), China ($1.92B), Mexico ($1.14B), Japan ($410M) and Guatemala ($409M).

External debt: US$26.2 billion (January 2016)

Economic aid – recipient: $107.1 million (1995)

Currency: 1 Costa Rican colon (₡) = 100 centimos

Exchange rates: Costa Rican colones (₡) per US$1 – 526.46 (March 27, 2015), US$1 – 600 (late May 2017), US$1 – 563 (end of July 2017), US$1 – 677 (May 2022)

Fiscal year: January 1 – December 31

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Economy of Costa Rica


text:
Transport in Costa Rica

There are many modes of transport in Costa Rica but the country's infrastructure has suffered from a lack of maintenance and new investment. There is an extensive road system of more than 30,000 kilometers, although much of it is in disrepair; this also applies to ports, railways and water delivery systems. According to a 2016 U.S. government report, investment from China that attempted to improve the infrastructure found the "projects stalled by bureaucratic and legal concerns".

Most parts of the country are accessible by road. The main highland cities in the country's Central Valley are connected by paved all-weather roads with the Atlantic and Pacific coasts and by the Pan American Highway with Nicaragua and Panama, the neighboring countries to the north and to the south Costa Rica's ports are struggling to keep pace with growing trade. They have insufficient capacity, and their equipment is in poor condition. The railroad didn't function for several years, until recent government effort to reactivate it for city transportation. An August 2016 OECD report provided this summary: "The road network is extensive but of poor quality, railways are in disrepair and only slowly being reactivated after having been shut down in the 1990s. Seaports’ quality and capacity are deficient. Internal transportation overly relies on private road vehicles as the public transport system, especially railways, is inadequate."

Railways

 * total: 278 km
 * narrow gauge: 278 km of gauge (260 km electrified)

Road transportation

The road system in Costa Rica is not as developed as it might be expected for such a country. However, there are some two-lane trunk roads with restricted access under development.

 * Total: 35330 km
 * Paved: 8621 km
 * Unpaved: 26709 km

National road network
The Ministry of Public Works and Transport (MOPT), along with the National Road Council (Conavi), are the government organizations in charge of national road nomenclature and maintenance.

There are three levels in the national road network:

 * Primary roads: These are trunk roads devised to connect important cities, most of the national roads are connected to the capital city, San José. There are 19 national primary roads, numbered between 1 and 39.
 * Secondary roads: These are roads that connect different cities, or primary routes, directly. There are 129 national secondary roads, numbered between 100 and 257.
 * Tertiary roads: These roads connect main cities to villages or residential areas, there are 175 national tertiary roads, numbered between 301 and 935.

Waterways
730 km, seasonally navigable by small craft

Pipelines

 * refined products 242 km

Ports and harbors

In 2016, the government pledged ₡93 million ($166,000) for a new cruise ship terminal for Puerto Limón.

Atlantic Ocean

 * Port of Moín, operated by JAPDEVA.
 * Port of Limón, operated by JAPDEVA.
 * Moín Container Terminal, operated by APM Terminals.

Pacific Ocean

 * Golfito
 * Puerto Quepos
 * Puntarenas (cruise ships only)
 * Caldera Port

Merchant marine

 * total: 2 ships ( or over) /
 * ships by type:
 * passenger/cargo ships 2

Airports
Total: 161

Airports - with paved runways

 * total: 47
 * 2,438 to 3047 m: 2
 * 1,524 to 2437 m: 2
 * 914 to 1,523 m: 27
 * under 914 m: 16

Airports - with unpaved runways

 * total: 114
 * 914 to 1,523 m: 18
 * under 914 m: 96

title: Transport in Costa Rica


text:
Public Force of Costa Rica

The Public Force of Costa Rica (Fuerza Pública de Costa Rica) is the national law enforcement agency of Costa Rica, whose duties include internal security and border control.

History

On 1 December 1948, the President of Costa Rica, José Figueres Ferrer, abolished the Costa Rican military after winning the Costa Rican Civil War. In a ceremony at the national capital of San José, Figueres symbolically broke a wall with a mallet, symbolizing an end to the military's existence. In 1949, the abolition of the Costa Rican military was introduced in Article 12 of the Constitution of Costa Rica. The budget previously dedicated to the military is now dedicated to security, education and culture. Costa Rica maintains Police Guard forces. The museum Museo Nacional de Costa Rica was placed in the Cuartel Bellavista as a symbol of commitment to culture. In 1986, President Oscar Arias Sánchez declared December 1 as the Día de la Abolición del Ejército (Military abolition day) with Law #8115. Unlike its neighbors, Costa Rica has not endured a civil war since 1948. Costa Rica maintains small forces capable of law enforcement, but has no permanent standing army.

Public Force of the Ministry of Public Security (1996)
In 1996, the Ministry of Public Security established the Fuerza Pública or Public Force, a gendarmerie which reorganised and eliminated the Civil Guard, Rural Assistance Guard, and Frontier Guards as separate entities. They are now under the Ministry and operate on a geographic command basis performing ground security, law enforcement, counter-narcotics, border patrol, and tourism security functions. The Costa Rica Coast Guard also operates directly under the Ministry but is not a part of the Public Force proper.

Outside the Fuerza Pública, there is a small Special Forces Unit, the Unidad Especial de Intervencion (UEI) or Special Intervention Unit, an elite commando force which trains with special forces from around the world, but is not part of the main police forces. Instead, it is part of the Intelligence and Security Directorate (DIS) which reports directly to the Minister of the Presidency. About 70-member strong, it is organized along military lines, although officially it is a civilian police unit.

The motto of the Public Force is "God, Fatherland, and Honour." Commissioner of Police Juan José Andrade Morales serves as its current Commissioner General.

Ranks

 * Comisario de Policía/ Director general de la Fuerza Pública
 * Comisionado de Policía
 * Comandante de Policía
 * Capitán de Policía
 * Intendente
 * Sub Intendente
 * Sargento de Policía
 * Inspector
 * Agente 2
 * Agente 1

title: Public Force of Costa Rica


text:
Foreign relations of Costa Rica

Costa Rica is an active member of the international community and, in 1983, claimed it was for neutrality. Due to certain powerful constituencies favoring its methods, it has a weight in world affairs far beyond its size. The country lobbied aggressively for the establishment of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and became the first nation to recognize the jurisdiction of the Inter-American Human Rights Court, based in San José.

The foreign affairs of the Republic of Costa Rica are a function of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Worship.

History
Costa Rica gained election as president of the Group of 77 in the United Nations in 1995. That term ended in 1997 with the South-South Conference held in San Jose.

Costa Rica occupied a nonpermanent seat in the Security Council from 1997 to 1999 and exercised a leadership role in confronting crises in the Middle East and Africa, as well as in the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. It is currently a member of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights. On Jan 1 2008 Costa Rica started its third year term on the Security Council.

Costa Rica strongly backed efforts by the United States to implement UN Security Council Resolution 940, which led to the restoration of the democratically elected Government of Haiti in October 1994. Costa Rica was among the first to call for a postponement of the May 22 elections in Peru when international observer missions found electoral machinery not prepared for the vote count.

Costa Rica is also a member of the International Criminal Court, without a Bilateral Immunity Agreement of protection for the US-military (as covered under Article 98).

Costa Rica's relation to Central America
In 1987, then President Óscar Arias authored a regional plan that served as the basis for the Esquipulas Peace Agreement and Arias was awarded the 1987 Nobel Peace Prize for his work. Arias also promoted change in the USSR-backed Nicaraguan government of the era. Costa Rica also hosted several rounds of negotiations between the Salvadoran Government and the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, aiding El Salvador's efforts to emerge from civil war and culminating in that country's 1994 free and fair elections. Costa Rica has been a strong proponent of regional arms-limitation agreements. Former President Miguel Ángel Rodríguez recently proposed the abolition of all Central American militaries and the creation of a regional counternarcotics police force in their stead.

With the establishment of democratically elected governments in all Central American nations by the 1990s, Costa Rica turned its focus from regional conflicts to the pursuit of neoliberal policies on the isthmus. The influence of these policies, along with the US invasion of Panama, was instrumental in drawing Panama into the Central American model of neoliberalism. Costa Rica also participated in the multinational Partnership for Democracy and Development in Central America.

Regional political integration has not proven attractive to Costa Rica. The country debated its role in the Central American integration process under former President Calderon. Costa Rica has sought concrete economic ties with its Central American neighbors rather than the establishment of regional political institutions, and it chose not to join the Central American Parliament.

Costa Rica in the UN
Costa Rica has been an active member of the United Nations since its inception at the San Francisco Conference in 1945. Its first ambassador to the United Nations was Fernando Soto Harrison, the secretary of governance under President Picado.

Costa Rican Christiana Figueres was nominated for the post of UN secretary-general in July 2016.

Diplomatic relations
List of countries with which Costa Rica maintains diplomatic relations:

title: Foreign relations of Costa Rica


text:
Computational linguistics

Computational linguistics is an interdisciplinary field concerned with the computational modelling of natural language, as well as the study of appropriate computational approaches to linguistic questions. In general, computational linguistics draws upon linguistics, computer science, artificial intelligence, mathematics, logic, philosophy, cognitive science, cognitive psychology, psycholinguistics, anthropology and neuroscience, among others.

Origins
The field overlapped with artificial intelligence since the efforts in the United States in the 1950s to use computers to automatically translate texts from foreign languages, particularly Russian scientific journals, into English. Since rule-based approaches were able to make arithmetic (systematic) calculations much faster and more accurately than humans, it was expected that lexicon, morphology, syntax and semantics can be learned using explicit rules, as well. After the failure of rule-based approaches, David Hays coined the term in order to distinguish the field from AI and co-founded both the Association for Computational Linguistics (ACL) and the International Committee on Computational Linguistics (ICCL) in the 1970s and 1980s. What started as an effort to translate between languages evolved into a much wider field of natural language processing.

Annotated corpora
In order to be able to meticulously study the English language, an annotated text corpus was much needed. The Penn Treebank was one of the most used corpora. It consisted of IBM computer manuals, transcribed telephone conversations, and other texts, together containing over 4.5 million words of American English, annotated using both part-of-speech tagging and syntactic bracketing.

Japanese sentence corpora were analyzed and a pattern of log-normality was found in relation to sentence length.

Modeling language acquisition
The fact that during language acquisition, children are largely only exposed to positive evidence, meaning that the only evidence for what is a correct form is provided, and no evidence for what is not correct, was a limitation for the models at the time because the now available deep learning models were not available in late 1980s.

It has been shown that languages can be learned with a combination of simple input presented incrementally as the child develops better memory and longer attention span, which explained the long period of language acquisition in human infants and children.

Robots have been used to test linguistic theories. Enabled to learn as children might, models were created based on an affordance model in which mappings between actions, perceptions, and effects were created and linked to spoken words. Crucially, these robots were able to acquire functioning word-to-meaning mappings without needing grammatical structure.

Using the Price equation and Pólya urn dynamics, researchers have created a system which not only predicts future linguistic evolution but also gives insight into the evolutionary history of modern-day languages.

Chomsky's theories
Attempts have been made to determine how an infant learns a "non-normal grammar" as theorized by Chomsky normal form.

title: Computational linguistics


text:
Geography of Ivory Coast

Ivory Coast (Côte d'Ivoire) is a sub-Saharan nation in southern West Africa located at 8° N, 5° W. The country is approximately square in shape.

Area and borders

 * Area
 * Total: 322463 km2
 * Country rank in the world: 68th
 * Land: 318003 km2
 * Water: 4460 km2
 * Area comparatives
 * Australia comparative: approximately $2⁄5$ larger than Victoria
 * Canada comparative: approximately half the size of Manitoba
 * United Kingdom comparative: approximately $1⁄3$ larger than the United Kingdom
 * United States comparative: slightly larger than New Mexico
 * EU comparative: slightly larger than Poland
 * Land borders
 * Bordering countries:
 * Liberia to the southwest for 778 km
 * Guinea to the northwest for 816 km
 * Mali to the north-northwest for 599 km
 * Burkina Faso to the north-northeast for 545 km
 * Ghana to the east for 720 km
 * Total: 3458 km
 * Coastline
 * 515 km on Gulf of Guinea

Maritime claims
Ivory Coast makes maritime claims of 200 nmi as an exclusive economic zone, 12 nmi of territorial sea, and a 200 nmi continental shelf.

Terrain and topography
Ivory Coast's terrain can generally be described as a large plateau rising gradually from sea level in the south to almost 500 m elevation in the north. The nation's natural resources have made it a comparatively prosperous nation in the African economy. The southeastern region of Ivory Coast is marked by coastal inland lagoons that start at the Ghanaian border and stretch 300 km along the eastern half of the coast. The southern region, especially the southwest, is covered with dense tropical moist forest. The Eastern Guinean forests extend from the Sassandra River across the south-central and southeast portion of Ivory Coast and east into Ghana, while the Western Guinean lowland forests extend west from the Sassandra River into Liberia and southeastern Guinea. The mountains of Dix-Huit Montagnes region, in the west of the country near the border with Guinea and Liberia, are home to the Guinean montane forests.

The Guinean forest-savanna mosaic belt extends across the middle of the country from east to west, and is the transition zone between the coastal forests and the interior savannas. The forest-savanna mosaic interlaces forest, savanna and grassland habitats. Northern Ivory Coast is part of the West Sudanian Savanna ecoregion of the tropical and subtropical grasslands, savannas, and shrublands biome. It is a zone of lateritic or sandy soils, with vegetation decreasing from south to north.

The terrain is mostly flat to undulating plain, with mountains in the northwest. The lowest elevation is at sea level on the coast. The highest elevation is Mount Nimba, at 1752 m in the far west of the country along the border with Guinea and Liberia.

Rivers
The Cavalla River drains the western border area of the Ivory Coast and eastern Liberia. It forms the southern two-thirds of the border between Liberia and Ivory Coast.

The Sassandra River forms in the Guinea highlands and drains much of the western part of the Ivory Coast east of the Cavalla River.

The Bandama River is the longest river in the Ivory Coast, with a length of some 800 km, draining the east central part of the country. In 1973 the Kossou Dam was constructed at Kossou on the Bandama, creating Lake Kossou. The capital, Yamoussoukro, is located near the river south of the lake.

The Komoé River originates on the Sikasso Plateau of Burkina Faso, and briefly forms the border between Burkina Faso and Ivory Coast before entering Ivory Coast. It drains the northeastern and easternmost portions of the country before emptying into the eastern end of the Ébrié Lagoon and ultimately the Gulf of Guinea in the Atlantic Ocean. Its waters contribute to the Comoé National Park.

Climate
The climate of Ivory Coast is generally hot and humid. Most of the country has a tropical savanna climate (Köppen Aw), although the Upper Guinean forest region bordering Liberia has a tropical monsoon climate (Am). In the north, there are three seasons: warm and dry (November to March), hot and dry (March to May), and hot and wet (June to October), whilst in the south there are two rainy seasons between April and July, and between October and November, a longer dry season from December to February, and a shorter dry season in August. Temperatures average between 25 and 32 °C and range from 10 to 40 °C.

Crops and natural resources
Ivory Coast has a large timber industry due to its large forest coverage. The nation's hardwood exports match those of Brazil. In recent years there has been much concern about the rapid rate of deforestation. Rainforests are being destroyed at a rate sometimes cited as the highest in the world. The only forest left completely untouched in Ivory Coast is Taï National Park (Parc National de Taï), a 3600 km2 area in the country's far southwest that is home to over 150 endemic species and many other endangered species such as the Pygmy hippopotamus and 11 species of monkeys.

Nine percent of the country is arable land. Ivory Coast is the world's largest producer of cocoa, a major national cash crop. Other chief crops include coffee, bananas, and oil palms, which produce palm oil and kernels. Mineral resources include petroleum, natural gas, diamonds, manganese, iron, cobalt, bauxite, copper, gold, nickel, tantalum, silica sand, clay, palm oil. Hydropower is also generated.

Natural hazards
Natural hazards include the heavy surf and the lack of natural harbors on the coast; during the rainy season torrential flooding is a danger.

Extreme points
Extreme points are the geographic points that are farther north, south, east or west than any other location in the country.

 * Northernmost point — the point at which the border with Mali enters the Bagoé River, Savanes District
 * Southernmost point — Boubré, Bas-Sassandra District
 * Easternmost point — unnamed location on the border with Ghana south-west of the town of Tambi, Zanzan District
 * Westernmost point — unnamed location on the border with Liberia in the Nuon River west of Klobli, Montagnes District

title: Geography of Ivory Coast


text:
Demographics of Ivory Coast

Demographic features of the population of Ivory Coast include population density, ethnicity, education level, health of the populace, economic status, religious affiliations and other aspects of the population.

Population
According to the total population was  in, compared to only 2 630 000 in 1950. The proportion of children below the age of 15 in 2010 was 40.9%, 55.3% was between 15 and 65 years of age, while 3.8% was 65 years or older .

Population Growth
1.88% (2016 est.)

Vital statistics
Registration of vital events in the Ivory Coast is not complete. The website Our World in Data prepared the following estimates based on statistics from the Population Department of the United Nations.

Fertility and Births
Total Fertility Rate (TFR) (Wanted Fertility Rate) and Crude Birth Rate (CBR):

Fertility data as of 2011-2012 (DHS Program):

Ethnic groups

Ivory Coast has more than 60 ethnic groups, usually classified into five principal divisions: Akan (east and center, including Lagoon peoples of the southeast), Krou (southwest), Southern Mandé (west), Northern Mandé (northwest), Sénoufo/Lobi (north center and northeast). The Baoulés, in the Akan division, probably comprise the largest single subgroup with 15%-20% of the population. They are based in the central region around Bouaké and Yamoussoukro. The Bétés in the Krou division, the Sénoufos in the north, and the Malinkés in the northwest and the cities are the next largest groups, with 10%-15% of the national population. Most of the principal divisions have a significant presence in neighboring countries.

Of the more than 5 million non-Ivorian Africans living in Ivory Coast, one-third to one-half are from Burkina Faso; the rest are from Ghana, Guinea, Mali, Nigeria, Benin, Senegal, Liberia, and Mauritania. The white expatriate community includes roughly 50,000 French (this number may be inaccurate due to the evacuation of roughly 8,000 Frenchmen in November 2004) and possibly 40,000 Lebanese.

Languages
French is the official language, while there are 60 living indigenous languages spoken in Ivory Coast. The Dioula dialect of Bambara is the most widely spoken one. Other language groups include the Gur languages, the Kru languages (including the Bété languages, Dida, Nyabwa, Wè, and Western Krahn), the Kwa languages (including Akan, Anyin, and Baoulé), and the Senufo languages.

Religion
The economic development and relative prosperity of Ivory Coast fostered huge demographic shifts during the 20th century. "In 1922, an estimated 100,000 out of 1.6 million (or 6 percent) of people in Côte d'Ivoire were Muslims. By contrast, at independence (in 1960), their share of the population had increased rapidly, and Muslims were moving southward to the cocoa-producing areas and the southern cities. By 1998, [...], Muslims constituted a majority in the north of the country, and approximately 38.6 percent of the total population. This was a significantly larger population than the next largest religious group, Christians, who constituted approximately 29.1 percent of the total." In earlier decades, this shift was mainly due to large-scale immigration from neighboring countries of the interior, that has been going on since colonial times and continued to be promoted during the Houphouet-Boigny era. Since the 1990s, the widening conversion gap between different religious groups has started to tilt the demographic balance in favor of Christians.According to the last census of 2021 Muslims make up 42,5% of population (42,9% in 2014) and Christians 39,8%(33,9% in 2014).

Ivorian diaspora
The table below shows the number of people born in Ivory Coast who have migrated to OECD countries only (the table only includes communities consisting of at least 1,000 members).

Other demographic statistics
Demographic statistics according to the World Population Review in 2022.

 * One birth every 33 seconds
 * One death every 2 minutes
 * One net migrant every 360 minutes
 * Net gain of one person every 46 seconds

The following demographic are from the CIA World Factbook unless otherwise indicated.

Population

 * 28,713,423 (2022 est.)
 * 26,260,582 (July 2018 est.)
 * 21,058,798 (2010 est.)

Age structure

 * 0-14 years: 38.53% (male 5,311,971/female 5,276,219)
 * 15-24 years: 20.21% (male 2,774,374/female 2,779,012)
 * 25-54 years: 34.88% (male 4,866,957/female 4,719,286)
 * 55-64 years: 3.53% (male 494,000/female 476,060)
 * 65 years and over: 2.85% (2020 est.) (male 349,822/female 433,385)

 * 0-14 years: 39.59% (male 5,213,630 /female 5,182,872)
 * 15-24 years: 19.91% (male 2,613,772 /female 2,615,680)
 * 25-54 years: 34.25% (male 4,577,394 /female 4,416,408)
 * 55-64 years: 3.47% (male 460,048 /female 451,604)
 * 65 years and over: 2.78% (male 325,510 /female 403,664) (2018 est.)

 * total: 19.9 years. Country comparison to the world: 192nd
 * male: 20 years
 * female: 19.8 years (2018 est.)

Birth rate

 * 28.3 births/1,000 population (2022 est.) Country comparison to the world: 35th
 * 30.1 births/1,000 population (2018 est.) Country comparison to the world: 36th

Death rate

 * 7.6 deaths/1,000 population (2022 est.) Country comparison to the world: 105th
 * 8.4 deaths/1,000 population (2018 est.) Country comparison to the world: 80th

Total fertility rate

 * 3.47 children born/woman (2023 est.) Country comparison to the world: 38th
 * 3.53 children born/woman (2022 est.) Country comparison to the world: 37th
 * 3.83 children born/woman (2018 est.) Country comparison to the world: 38th

Population growth rate

 * 2.19% (2022 est.) Country comparison to the world: 36th
 * 2.3% (2018 est.) Country comparison to the world: 33rd

Median age

 * total: 20.3 years. Country comparison to the world: 190th
 * male: 20.3 years
 * female: 20.3 years (2020 est.)

Mother's mean age at first birth

 * 19.6 years (2011/12 est.)
 * note: median age at first birth among women 20-49

Contraceptive prevalence rate

 * 23.3% (2018)
 * 15.5% (2016)

Net migration rate

 * 1.18 migrant(s)/1,000 population (2022 est.) Country comparison to the world: 62nd
 * 0 migrant(s)/1,000 population (2017 est.) Country comparison to the world: 79th

Life expectancy at birth

 * total population: 62.26 years. Country comparison to the world: 212nd
 * male: 60.07 years
 * female: 64.52 years (2022 est.)

 * total population: 60.1 years (2018 est.)
 * male: 58 years (2018 est.)
 * female: 62.4 years (2018 est.)

Dependency ratios

 * total dependency ratio: 83.8 (2015 est.)
 * youth dependency ratio: 78.5 (2015 est.)
 * elderly dependency ratio: 5.3 (2015 est.)
 * potential support ratio: 18.9 (2015 est.)

Urbanization

 * urban population: 52.7% of total population (2022)
 * rate of urbanization: 3.38% annual rate of change (2020–25 est.)

 * urban population: 50.8% of total population (2018)
 * rate of urbanization: 3.38% annual rate of change (2015–20 est.)

Religions

 * Muslim 42.9%, Catholic 17.2%, Evangelical 11.8%, Methodist 1.7%, other Christian 3.2%, animist 3.6%, other religion 0.5%, none 19.1% (2014 est.)
 * Muslim 42.5%, Catholic 16.6%, Pentecostal 13.4%, Evangelical 6.8%, other Christian 3%, animist 2.2%, other religion 0.7%, none 12.6% (2021 census)
 * note: the majority of foreign migrant workers are Muslim (72.7%) and Christian (17.7%).

HIV/AIDS

 * adult prevalence rate: 2.8% (2017 est.)
 * people living with HIV/AIDS: 500,000 (2017 est.)
 * deaths: 24,000 (2017 est.)

Major infectious diseases
Note: highly pathogenic H5N1 avian influenza has been identified in this country; it poses a negligible risk with extremely rare cases possible among US citizens who have close contact with birds (2009)

Nationality
Noun and adjective: Ivorian (Ivoirian)

Education expenditures

 * 3.7% of GDP (2019) Country comparison to the world: 112nd

Literacy
definition: age 15 and over can read and write (2015 est.)

 * total population: 89.9%
 * male: 93.1%
 * female: 86.7% (2019)

 * total population: 47.2% (2018 est.)
 * male: 53.7% (2018 est.)
 * female: 40.5% (2018 est.)

School life expectancy (primary to tertiary education)

 * total: 10 years
 * male: 11 years
 * female: 10 years (2019)

Unemployment, youth ages 15-24

 * total: 3.9% (2016 est.)
 * male: 2.8% (2016 est.)
 * female: 5.1% (2016 est.)

Major infectious diseases

 * degree of risk: very high (2020)
 * food or waterborne diseases: bacterial diarrhea, hepatitis A, and typhoid fever
 * vectorborne diseases: malaria, dengue fever, and yellow fever
 * water contact diseases: schistosomiasis
 * animal contact diseases: rabies
 * respiratory diseases: meningococcal meningitis

title: Demographics of Ivory Coast


text:
Politics of Ivory Coast

The politics of Ivory Coast takes place in a framework of a presidential representative democratic republic, whereby the President of Ivory Coast is both head of state and head of government, and of a multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the President and the Government. Legislative power is vested in both the government and parliament.

The capital since 1983 is Yamoussoukro; however, Abidjan remains the commercial center. Most countries maintain their embassies in Abidjan. A civil war was fought in Ivory Coast between 2002–2004 and a second civil war broke out in March 2011 following contested elections that saw president-elect Alassane Ouattara come into power in 2011 and reelected in 2015. It is located in Africa.

Civil war
Troops, mostly hailing from the north of the country, mutinied in the early hours of 19 September 2002. They soon after launched attacks in many cities, including Abidjan. By lunchtime, they had control of the north of the country. Their principal claim relates to the definition of who is a citizen of Ivory Coast (and so who can stand for election as president), voting rights and their representation in government in Abidjan. The events in Abidjan shows that it is not a tribal issue, but a crisis of transition from a dictatorship to a democracy, with the clashes inherent in the definition of citizenship. Forces involved in the conflict include: <!--
 * Government forces, the National Army (FANCI), also called loyalists, formed and equipped essentially since 2003
 * The Young Patriots: nationalist groups aligned with President Laurent Gbagbo
 * Mercenaries recruited by President Gbagbo:
 * allegedly, Belarusians
 * some former combatants of Liberia, including under-17 youths, forming the so-called "Lima militia"
 * New Forces (Forces Nouvelles, FN), ex-northern rebels, who hold 60% of the country; their political expression is the Mouvement patriotique de Côte d'Ivoire, or MPCI
 * French forces: troops sent within the framework of Opération Licorne and under UN mandate (United Nations Operation in Côte d'Ivoire), 3000 men in February 2003 and 4600 in November 2004;
 * Soldiers of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), White helmets, also under the UN.

Political conditions
In a region whose political systems have otherwise been noted for lack of stability, Ivory Coast showed remarkable political stability since its independence from France in 1960, until 2002.

''The contents of this section are outdated. See Civil war in Côte d'Ivoire for recent data.''

When many other countries in the region were undergoing repeated military coups, experimenting with Marxism, and developing ties with the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China, Ivory Coast - under Félix Houphouët-Boigny, president from independence until his death in December 1993 - maintained a close political allegiance to the Western World and good relationships with France and the United States. President Bédié is very familiar with the United States, having served as Ivory Coast's first ambassador to this country.

Looking toward the country's future, the fundamental issue is whether its political system will maintain the stability which is the sine qua non for investor confidence and further economic development. Ivory Coast evolved, with relatively little violence or dislocation, from a single-party state, beginning in 1990. Opposition parties, independent newspapers, and independent trade unions were made legal at that time. Since those major changes occurred, the country's pace of political change has been slow. Whether further democratic reform will take place, adequate to meet future challenges, is unknown. As is generally true in the region, the business environment is one in which personal contact and connections remain important, where rule of law does not prevail with assurance, and where the legislative and judicial branches of the government remain weak. The political system remains highly centralized with the president dominating both the ruling party and the legislature and judiciary. Ivory Coast's efforts to break down central state control of the economy are undermined by the state's continued central control of the political system.

Ivory Coast has a high population growth rate, a high crime rate (particularly in Abidjan), a high incidence of AIDS, a multiplicity of tribes, sporadic student unrest, a different rate of in-country development according to region, and a dichotomy of religion associated with region and tribe. These factors put stress on the political system and will become more of a problem if the economy-not quite as dependent today on cocoa and coffee as it was some years ago but still dependent - takes a plunge similar to that of the 1980s.

The political system in Ivory Coast is president-dominated. The Prime Minister concentrates principally on coordinating and implementing economic policy. The key decisions - political, military, or economic - continue to be made by President Bédié, as they were made by President Houphouët-Boigny. However, political dialogue is much freer today than prior to 1990, especially due to the opposition press, which vocalizes its criticism of the regime. The Ivorian Constitution affords the legislature some independence, but it has not been widely exercised. Until 1990, all legislators were from the Democratic Party of Côte d'Ivoire (PDCI). After the most recent elections (1995–1996), the PDCI continues to hold 149 out of 175 seats. The PDCI's "core" region may be described as the terrain of the Baoule tribe in the country's center, home of both Houphouët-Boigny and Bédié; however, the PDCI is well-entrenched in all parts of Ivory Coast.

The remaining 26 seats in the National Assembly are divided equally by the only two other parties of national scope-the FPI Ivorian Popular Front (FPI) and Rally of Republicans (RDR). The oldest opposition party is the FPI, a moderate party which has a socialist coloration but which is more concerned with democratic reform than radical economic change; it is strongest in the terrain of its Bete tribe leader, Laurent Gbagbo. The non-ideological RDR was formed in September 1994 by former members of the PDCI's reformist wing who hoped that former Prime Minister Alassane Ouattara would run and prevail in the 1995 presidential election (but who was disqualified by subsequent legislation requiring 5-year residency); it is strongest in the Muslim north.

The presidential election of October 1995 was boycotted by the FPI and RDR because of Ouattara's disqualification and the absence of an independent electoral commission (among other grievances). Their "active boycott" produced a certain amount of violence and hundreds of arrests (with a number of the arrestees not tried for 2-1/2 years). These grievances remain unaddressed, with the next round of elections coming in the year 2000.-->

Executive branch

 * President
 * Alassane Ouattara
 * Rally of the Republicans
 * 4 December 2011
 * Vice-President
 * Tiémoko Meyliet Koné
 * Independent
 * 19 April 2022
 * Prime Minister
 * position vacant
 * }
 * position vacant
 * }

Ivory Coast's 1959 constitution provides for strong presidency within the framework of a separation of powers. The executive is personified in the president, elected for a five-year term. The president is commander in chief of the armed forces, may negotiate and ratify certain treaties, and may submit a bill to a national referendum or to the National Assembly. According to the constitution, the President of the National Assembly assumes the presidency in the event of a vacancy, and he completes the remainder of the deceased president's term. The cabinet is selected by and is responsible to the president. Changes are being proposed to some of these provisions, to extend term of office to 7 years, establish a senate, and make president of the senate interim successor to the president.

Laurent Gbagbo took power following a popular overthrow of the interim leader Gen. Robert Guéï who had claimed a dubious victory in presidential elections; Gen. Guéï himself had assumed power on 25 December 1999, following a military coup against the government of former President Henri Konan Bédié. Gbagbo was elected president in 2000 in an election boycotted by many oppositional forces. The president is elected by popular vote for a five-year term. The prime minister is appointed by the president. Alassane Ouattara is currently the president of Ivory Coast. He was reelected in the 2015 Ivorian presidential election.

After a new constitution was approved by referendum, it is expected President Alassane Ouattara would appoint a Vice-President before 2020. The President and Vice-President will run on a joint ticket from 2020. They will be both elected for a five-year term, with only one possible reelection. The Vice-President will replace the President in case of death, resignation and any other vacancy.

In November 2020, Alassane Ouattara won third term in office in elections boycotted by the opposition. His opponents argued it was illegal for president Ouattara to run for a third term.

Legislative branch
Parliament of Ivory Coast is a bicameral body composed by the National Assembly and the Senate of Ivory Coast. Prior to November 2016 and the future creation of the Senate, the Parliament of Ivory Coast was only composed of the National Assembly. The National Assembly (Assemblée Nationale) has 255 members, elected for a five-year term in single-seat constituencies. It passes on legislation typically introduced by the president although it also can introduce legislation. The Senate of Ivory Coast (Sénat) will have two-thirds of the senators indirectly elected and one-third appointed by the president-elect, elected for a five-year term in single-seat constituencies. Ivory Coast is a one party dominant state with the Rally of the Republicans in power.

Judicial branch
The judicial system culminates in the Supreme Court of Ivory Coast. The High Court of Justice is competent to try government officials for major offenses. The Supreme Court or Court Supreme consists of four chambers: Judicial Chamber for criminal cases, Audit Chamber for financial cases, Constitutional Chamber for judicial review cases, and Administrative Chamber for civil cases; there is no legal limit to the number of members.

Administrative divisions
For administrative purposes, Ivory Coast is divided into 58 departments, each headed by a prefect appointed by the central government. There are 196 communes, each headed by an elected mayor, plus the city of Abidjan with ten mayors.

The 58 departments (départements, singular - département) are listed in the article Departments of Ivory Coast.

International organization participation
ACP, AfDB, AU, ECA, ECOWAS, Entente, FAO, FZ, G-24, G-77, IAEA, IBRD, ICAO, ICCt (signatory), ICRM, IDA, IDB, IFAD, IFC, IFRCS, ILO, IMF, IMO, Interpol, IOC, IOM, ISO, ITU, ITUC, MONUC, NAM, OIC, OPCW, UN, UNCTAD, UNESCO, UNHCR, UNIDO, UPU, WADB (regional), WAEMU, WCO, WFTU, WHO, WIPO, WMO, WToO, WTrO

External links and references

 * CIA World Factbook 2003
 *

title: Politics of Ivory Coast


text:
Transport in Ivory Coast

Ivory Coast invested remarkably in its transport system. Transport Infrastructures are much more developed than they are other West African countries despite a crisis that restrained their maintenance and development. Since its independence in 1960, Ivory Coast put an emphasis on increasing and modernizing the transport network for human as well as for goods. Major infrastructures of diverse nature were built including railways, roads, waterways, and airports. In spite of the crisis, neighbor countries (Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger, and Guinea) still strongly depend on the Ivorian transport network for importing, exporting, and transiting their immigrants to Ivory Coast.

Rail transport
The nation's railway system is part of a 1 260 km long route that links the country to Burkina Faso and Niger. 1 156 km of railroad links Abidjan to Ouagadougou, capital of Burkina Faso. Built during colonial era by the firm Abidjan-Niger (RAN), this railroad freed several landlocked countries among which were ex-Upper-Volta (Burkina Faso), Niger, and Mali. This railroad, operated by Sitarail, plays a key role as regards to the carriage of the goods (livestock) and the transport of people between Ivory Coast and border countries: 1 million tons of goods have transited in 2006. In 2005, despite the negative impact the crisis had on the sector, benefits engendered by transporting the goods and people via RAN, are estimated respectively at 16 309 et3 837billionCFA.

As of 2004, the railway network consisted of a state-controlled 660 km section of a 1,146 km narrow gauge railroad that ran north from Abidjan through Bouaké and Ferkéssédougou to Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso.

Road transport
Ivory Coast road network spreads over 85 000 km consisting of 75 000 unpaved, 65 000 km, and 224 km highways. It provides national and international traffic with neighbor countries.

The Trans–West African Coastal Highway provides a paved link to Ghana, Togo, Benin and Nigeria, with paved highways to landlocked Mali and Burkina Faso feeding into the coastal highway. When construction of roads and bridges in Liberia and Sierra Leone is complete, the highway will link to another seven Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) nations to the west and north-west. At the national level, vehicles are estimated at 600 000, which includes 75% of used cars (second hand) due to the low purchasing power since the beginning of the economic crisis. 20 000 new cars are registered every year. Although maintenance and renovations works are being carried out since middle-2011, over 80% of the Ivorian network is older than 20 years and therefore damaged.

In addition, a significant traffic exists throughout Abidjan, the capital. This traffic is mainly composed of taxi, buses and mini-buses locally referred to as Gbaka.

The country counts with two 4-laned motorways, the first one running from Abidjan to Yamoussoukro for a length of 224 km., and the second joining Abidjan to Grand-Bassam, with a length of 30 km. Both are built with modern technologies and under international standards of security.

Maritime transport
Landscape view of the Autonomous Port of Abidjan

Ivory Coast greatly contributed to developing maritime transport by building two ports on its seaside namely, autonomous port of Abidjan, sometimes referred to as "lung of Ivorian economy", and the San-Pedro port. The total traffic in 2005, by adding importation to exportation, was 18 661 784 tons for autonomous port of Abidjan and 1 001 991 tons for San-Pedro. The autonomous port of Abidjan cover a 770 hectares area and shelters 60% of the country industries. It is the first tuna fishing port in Africa. It contains 36 conventional berths spread over six kilometers of quays providing a capacity of sixty commercial ships with multiple special docks, a container terminal as well as several specialized and industrial berths. The other major port, the San-Pedro port, operates since 1971 and has two quays covering 18,727 m2 area. Apart from those two major ports, there are also small ports at Sassandra, Aboisso, and Dabou.

Air transport
Ivory Coast has three international airports located in Abidjan, Yamoussoukro, and Bouaké. Fourteen smaller cities also possess regional airports, the most important of which are Daloa, Korhogo, Man, Odiénné and San-pédro. Twenty-seven aerodromes exists and are operated by a public establishment, the Anam (National agency for civil aviation and meteorology), except the activities carried out by the Asecna (Agency for security of air freight in Africa and Madagascar).

Since the outbreak of the crisis, only five of these airports are available. These are Abidjan, San-Pédro, Yamoussoukro, Daloa, and Touba. Regarding the International Airport of Abidjan, official statistics from 2005, showed 14 257 commercial movements (departures and arrivals); 745 180 commercial passengers (arrivals, departures, and transit) and 12 552 tons of commercial fret. The Airport of Abidjan covers 90% of the air traffic of Côte d'Ivoire and generate 95% of the overall profits of the sector.

The airport of Abidjan is operated by a private company, Aeria, created in association with the Commerce Chamber of Marseilles. Its traffic mainly encompasses European aeronautical companies (Air France, Brussels Airlines) and some African firms (South African Airways, Kenya Airways, Air Sénégal International).

title: Transport in Ivory Coast