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Talk:Capital

Discussion
to do with individual creativity and

Then the money supply and usury cranks will go at financial_capital...

Rather than make assumptions, though, we might be better off just emailing some of these people whose definitions are referenced (Hawken, Harding, Hubley, Putnam, etc.) and seeing if they want to take a stab at this stuff. Before the cranks show up. --

Most recent rewrite helps - putting economics last makes more historical sense.

I'm wondering about " imitative, creative, and social " components - this I understand as only applying to "human capital", i.e. "instructional, individual and social" is a breakdown of human capital that doesn't seem to apply to natural, infrastructural or financial forms - unless we want to include "creative accounting" and "imitative infrastructure " (biomimicry)?

Now that I think about it, it makese some sense, especially w.r.t. Lev and his "brand name capital"....

Am I wrong in assuming imitative=instructional, creative=individual? Maybe I assumed too much there... --

Dear English speaking People! There are different translations for the word capital in many languages according to the meaning. For example in Polish language the word Capital does not have a meaning related to the city (political capital). There should be a disambiguation page for interwiki links to work!

Dear person, this article is about the english meaning. This is, after all english wiki. What other words are used in other languages can be dealt with on other language wikis, not here. ÉÍREman

To clarify - our Polish friend was talking about an earlier version of the article which had several sections - one about capitals of countries, one about capital in economics, etc. He was making the valid point that this style of article makes interlanguage linking difficult - in Polish the same word isn't used for capitals of countries and capital in economics. So a proper disambiguation page was called for, which has since been created. Enchanter 23:03 Apr 25, 2003 (UTC)

good disambigulation page. ÉÍREman 23:10 Apr 25, 2003 (UTC)

whats the intention behind Docu's recent edit (8 Oct) ? The other language links have been moved from the top to the bottom. If this is part of some convention then its ok.

Also why has the meaningful disambiguation line been replaced by "Alternate uses". i feel the earlier line made more sense. Jay 09:23, 8 Oct 2003 (UTC)

British term
Which spelling is used for the British slang -- capital or capitol? Forgive my ignorance. —scarecroe (talk) 16:11, 29 January 2008 (UTC)

 * You mean, as in That is a capital idea! ...? (Found it in wiktionary) -- Paul Erik (talk) (contribs) 02:59, 10 February 2008 (UTC)

title: Talk:Capital


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Cinema

Cinema may refer to:

Film

 * Cinematography, the art of motion-picture photography
 * Film or movie, a series of still images that create the illusion of moving image
 * Film industry, the technological and commercial institutions of filmmaking
 * Filmmaking, the process of making a film
 * Movie theater (US), called a cinema elsewhere, a building in which films are shown

TV

 * Home cinema tries to replicate the movie theater at home.
 * Cinema or Movie mode, a picture mode characterized by warmer color temperatures

Bands

 * Cinema (band), a band formed in 1982 by ex-Yes members Alan White & Chris Squire
 * The Cinema, an American indie pop band

Albums

 * Cinema (Andrea Bocelli album), released 2015
 * Cinema (The Cat Empire album), released 2010
 * Cinema (Elaine Paige album), released 1984
 * Cinema (Nazareth album), or the title song, released 1986
 * Cinema, a 2009 album by Brazilian band Cachorro Grande
 * Cinema, a 1990 album by English musician Ice MC (Ian Campbell), or the title song
 * Cinema, a 2004 album by Portuguese musician Rodrigo Leão
 * Cinema, a 2010 album by Karsh Kale
 * Cinema, a 2021 album by The Marías

Songs

 * Cinema (Yes song), by the band Yes, from their 1983 album 90125
 * "Cinema" (Benny Benassi song), from the 2011 album Electroman
 * "Cinema" (Samuel and Francesca Michielin song), 2021
 * "Cinema", a song by CIX, 2021
 * "Cinema" (Harry Styles song), 2022
 * "Cinéma", a song by Paola del Medico, Swiss entry in the Eurovision Song Contest 1980
 * "Cinema 1", "Cinema 2" and "Cinema 3" by Brockhampton from Saturation III
 * "Cinema (シネマ)", a commissioned song produced by Ayase

Labels

 * Cinema (record label), a short-lived electronic record label distributed by Capitol Records.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Cinema


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Corundum

Corundum is a crystalline form of aluminium oxide (Al2O3) typically containing traces of iron, titanium, vanadium, and chromium. It is a rock-forming mineral. It is a naturally transparent material, but can have different colors depending on the presence of transition metal impurities in its crystalline structure. Corundum has two primary gem varieties: ruby and sapphire. Rubies are red due to the presence of chromium, and sapphires exhibit a range of colors depending on what transition metal is present. A rare type of sapphire, padparadscha sapphire, is pink-orange.

The name "corundum" is derived from the Tamil-Dravidian word kurundam (ruby-sapphire) (appearing in Sanskrit as kuruvinda).

Because of corundum's hardness (pure corundum is defined to have 9.0 on the Mohs scale), it can scratch almost all other minerals. It is commonly used as an abrasive on sandpaper and on large tools used in machining metals, plastics, and wood. Emery, a variety of corundum with no value as a gemstone, is commonly used as an abrasive. It is a black granular form of corundum, in which the mineral is intimately mixed with magnetite, hematite, or hercynite.

In addition to its hardness, corundum has a density of 4.02 g/cm3, which is unusually high for a transparent mineral composed of the low-atomic mass elements aluminium and oxygen.

Geology and occurrence
Corundum occurs as a mineral in mica schist, gneiss, and some marbles in metamorphic terranes. It also occurs in low-silica igneous syenite and nepheline syenite intrusives. Other occurrences are as masses adjacent to ultramafic intrusives, associated with lamprophyre dikes and as large crystals in pegmatites. It commonly occurs as a detrital mineral in stream and beach sands because of its hardness and resistance to weathering. The largest documented single crystal of corundum measured about 65 ×, and weighed 152 kg. The record has since been surpassed by certain synthetic boules.

Corundum for abrasives is mined in Zimbabwe, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Russia, Sri Lanka, and India. Historically it was mined from deposits associated with dunites in North Carolina, US, and from a nepheline syenite in Craigmont, Ontario. Emery-grade corundum is found on the Greek island of Naxos and near Peekskill, New York, US. Abrasive corundum is synthetically manufactured from bauxite.

Four corundum axes dating to 2500 BC from the Liangzhu culture and Sanxingcun culture (the latter of which is located in Jintan District) have been discovered in China.

Synthetic corundum

 * In 1837, Marc Antoine Gaudin made the first synthetic rubies by reacting alumina at a high temperature with a small amount of chromium as a colourant.
 * In 1847, J. J. Ebelmen made white synthetic sapphires by reacting alumina in boric acid.
 * In 1877, Frenic and Freil made crystal corundum from which small stones could be cut. Frimy and Auguste Verneuil manufactured artificial ruby by fusing BaF2 and Al2O3 with a little chromium at temperatures above 2000 C.
 * In 1903, Verneuil announced that he could produce synthetic rubies on a commercial scale using this flame fusion process.

The Verneuil process allows the production of flawless single-crystal sapphire and ruby gems of much larger size than normally found in nature. It is also possible to grow gem-quality synthetic corundum by flux-growth and hydrothermal synthesis. Because of the simplicity of the methods involved in corundum synthesis, large quantities of these crystals have become available on the market at a fraction of the cost of natural stones.

Apart from ornamental uses, synthetic corundum is also used to produce mechanical parts (tubes, rods, bearings, and other machined parts), scratch-resistant optics, scratch-resistant watch crystals, instrument windows for satellites and spacecraft (because of its transparency in the ultraviolet to infrared range), and laser components. For example, the KAGRA gravitational wave detector's main mirrors are 50 lb sapphires, and Advanced LIGO considered 40 kg sapphire mirrors. Corundum has also found use in the development of ceramic armour thanks to its high hardiness.

Structure and physical properties
Corundum crystallizes with trigonal symmetry in the space group $\overline{3}$$\overline{3}$$R$ and has the lattice parameters $\overline{3}$ = 4.75 Å and $c$ = 12.982 Å at standard conditions. The unit cell contains six formula units.

The toughness of corundum is sensitive to surface roughness and crystallographic orientation. It may be 6–7 MPa·m$a$ for synthetic crystals, and around 4 MPa·m$c$ for natural.

In the lattice of corundum, the oxygen atoms form a slightly distorted hexagonal close packing, in which two-thirds of the octahedral sites between the oxygen ions are occupied by aluminium ions. The absence of aluminium ions from one of the three sites breaks the symmetry of the hexagonal close packing, reducing the space group symmetry to $Z$$n$$$ω$$ and the crystal class to trigonal. The structure of corundum is sometimes described as a pseudohexagonal structure.

The Young’s modulus of corundum (sapphire) has been reported by many different sources with values varying between 300-500 GPa, but a commonly cited value used for calculations is 345 GPa. The Young’s modulus is temperature dependent, and has been reported in the [0001] direction as 435 GPa at 323 K and 386 GPa at 1,273 K. The shear modulus of corundum is 145 GPa, and the bulk modulus is 240 GPa.

Single crystal corundum fibers have potential applications in high temperature composites, and the Young’s modulus is highly dependent on the crystallographic orientation along the fiber axis. The fiber exhibits a max modulus of 461 GPa when the crystallographic c-axis [0001] is aligned with the fiber axis, and minimum moduli ~373 GPa when a direction 45° away from the c-axis is aligned with the fiber axis.

The hardness of corundum measured by indentation at low loads of 1-2 N has been reported as 22-23 GPa in major crystallographic planes: (0001) (basal plane), (10$n$0) (rhombohedral plane), (11$$ε$$0) (prismatic plane), and (10$R$2). The hardness can drop significantly under high indentation loads. The drop with respect to load varies with the crystallographic plane due to the difference in crack resistance and propagation between directions. One extreme case is seen in the (0001) plane, where the hardness under high load (~1kN) is nearly half the value under low load (1-2 N).

Polycrystalline corundum formed through sintering and treated with a hot isostatic press process can achieve grain sizes in the range of 0.55-0.7 μm, and has been measured to have four-point bending strength between 600-700 MPa and three-point bending strength between 750-900 Mpa.

Generalization
Because of its prevalence, corundum has also become the name of a major structure type (corundum type) found in various binary and ternary compounds.

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Capoeira

Capoeira is an Afro-Brazilian martial art and game that includes elements of dance, acrobatics, music and spirituality.

It is known for its acrobatic and complex maneuvers, often involving hands on the ground and inverted kicks. It emphasizes flowing movements rather than fixed stances; the ginga, a rocking step, is usually the focal point of the technique. Though often said to be a martial art disguised as a dance, capoeira served not only as a form of self defense, but also as a way to maintain spirituality and culture.

Capoeira has been practiced among Afro-Brazilians for centuries. The date of its creation is unknown, but it was first mentioned in a judicial document under the name Capoeiragem in 1789, as "the gravest of crimes". In the 19th century, a street fighting style called capoeira carioca was developed. It was repeatedly outlawed and its performers persecuted, and it was declared totally illegal and banned in 1890. In the early 1930s, Mestre Bimba reformed traditional capoeira and incorporated elements of jiujitsu, gymnastics and sports. As a result, the government viewed capoeira as a socially acceptable sport. In 1941, Mestre Pastinha later founded his school where he cultivated the traditional capoeira Angola, distinguishing it from reformed capoeira as the Brazilians' national sport.

In the late 1970s, trailblazers such as Mestre Acordeon started bringing capoeira to the US and Europe, helping the art become internationally recognized and practiced. On 26 November 2014, capoeira was granted a special protected status as intangible cultural heritage by UNESCO.

Martial arts from the African diaspora similar to capoeira include knocking and kicking from the Sea Islands, and ladya from Martinique, both of which likely originate from Engolo.

Name
In the past, many participants used the name angola or the term brincar de angola ("playing angola") for this art. In police documents, capoeira was known as capoeiragem, with a practitioner being called capoeira. Gradually, the art became known as capoeira with a practitioner being called a capoeirista. In a narrower sense, capoeiragem meant a set of fighting skills. The term jogo de capoeira (capoeira game) is used to describe the art in the performative context.

Although debated, the most widely accepted origin of the word capoeira comes from the Tupi words ka'a ("forest") paũ ("round"), referring to the areas of low vegetation in the Brazilian interior where fugitive slaves would hide.

History

"Well, there is one thing that nobody doubts: the ones to teach capoeira to us were the negro slaves that were brought from Angola."

In the past, some participants used the name angola or the term brincar de angola ("playing angola") for this art. In formal documents, capoeira was known as "capoeiragem", with a practitioner being known as a "capoeira". Gradually, the art became known as capoeira with a practitioner being called a capoeirista.

Capoeira first appeared among Africans in Brazil, during the early colonial period. According to the old capoeira mestres and tradition within the community, capoeira originates from Angola. Although the origin of capoeira is not entirely clear, many studies have supported the oral tradition, identifying engolo as an ancestral art and locating the Cunene region as its birthplace. Still, some authors believe there were more ancestors besides engolo. However, at the core of capoeira we find techniques developed in engolo, including crescent kicks, push kicks, sweeps, handstands, cartwheels, evasions and even the iconic Meia lua de compasso, scorpion kick and L-kick.

The street capoeira in 19th-century Rio was very violent and far from the original art. This street-fighting capoeiragem was mix of five fighting techniques: foot kicks, head butts, hand blows, knife fight and stick-fighting, only the first of them arguably originates from Angolan art. That now extinct version of capoeira was called capoeira carioca (meaning of Rio de Janeiro).

Modern capoeira comes from Bahia, and was codified by mestre Bimba and mestre Pastinha, in regional and angola style. Despite their significant differences, both mestres introduced major innovations — they moved training and rodas away from the street, instituted the academia, prescribed uniforms, started to teach women and presented capoeira to a broader audiences.

Techniques
Capoeira is a fast and versatile martial art that is historically focused on fighting when outnumbered or at a technological disadvantage. The style emphasizes using the lower body to kick, sweep and take down their aggressors, using the upper body to assist those movements and occasionally attack as well. It features a series of complex positions and body postures that are meant to get chained in an uninterrupted flow, to strike, dodge and move without breaking motion, conferring the style with a characteristic unpredictability and versatility.

The ginga (literally: rocking back and forth; to swing) is the fundamental movement in capoeira, important both for attack and defense purposes. It has two main objectives. One is to keep the capoeirista in a state of constant motion, preventing them from being a still and easy target. The other, using also fakes and feints, is to mislead, fool or trick the opponent, leaving them open for an attack or a counter-attack.

The attacks in the capoeira should be done when opportunity arises, and though they can be preceded by feints or pokes, they must be precise and decisive, like a direct kick to the head, face or a vital body part, or a strong takedown. Most capoeira attacks are made with the legs, like direct or swirling kicks, rasteiras (leg sweeps), tesouras or knee strikes. Elbow strikes, punches and other forms of takedowns complete the main list. The head strike is a very important counter-attack move.

The defense is based on the principle of non-resistance, meaning avoiding an attack using evasive moves instead of blocking it. Avoids are called esquivas, which depend on the direction of the attack and intention of the defender, and can be done standing or with a hand leaning on the floor. A block should only be made when the esquiva is completely non-viable. This fighting strategy allows quick and unpredictable counterattacks, the ability to focus on more than one adversary and to face empty-handed an armed adversary.

A series of rolls and acrobatics (like the cartwheels called aú or the transitional position called negativa) allows the capoeirista to quickly overcome a takedown or a loss of balance, and to position themselves around the aggressor to lay up for an attack. It is this combination of attacks, defense and mobility that gives capoeira its perceived "fluidity" and choreography-like style.

Weapons
Through most of its history in Brazil, capoeira commonly featured weapons and weapon training, given its street fighting nature. Capoeiristas usually carried knives and bladed weapons with them, and the berimbau could be used to conceal those inside, or even to turn itself into a weapon by attaching a blade to its tip. The knife or razor was used in street rodas and/or against openly hostile opponents, and would be drawn quickly to stab or slash. Other hiding places for the weapons included hats and umbrellas.

Mestre Bimba included in his teachings a curso de especialização or "specialization course", in which the pupils would be taught defenses against knives and guns, as well as the usage of knife, straight razor, scythe, club, chanfolo (double-edged dagger), facão (facón or machete) and tira-teima (cane sword). Upon graduating, pupils were given a red scarf which marked their specialty. This course was scarcely used, and was ceased after some time. A more common custom practised by Bimba and his students, however, was furtively handing a weapon to a player before a jogo for them to use it to attack their opponent on Bimba's sign, with the other player's duty being to disarm them.

This weapon training is almost completely absent in current capoeira teachings, but some groups still practice the use of razors for ceremonial usage in the rodas.

As a game
In Bantu culture, the Nkhumbi term ochimama encapsulates the overlapping meanings of game, dance, and tradition. This overlap is also found in Afro-Brazilian folklore, where many similar forms of expression are called brincadeiras (games). Some scholars have interpreted capoeira as a way of concealing martial arts within dance movements. However, research from Angola suggests that the relationship between game, fight, and dance may be even deeper. These scholars propose that the ambivalence between these three elements is a fundamental aspect of the ancestral grammar shared by engolo and capoeira.

Playing capoeira is both a game and a method of practicing the application of capoeira movements in simulated combat. It can be played anywhere, but it's usually done in a roda. During the game most capoeira moves are used, but capoeiristas usually avoid punches or elbow strikes unless it's a very aggressive game. The game does not focus on knocking down or defeating opponents, but rather on body dialogue and highlighting skills.

Roda
The roda (pronounced ) is a circle formed by capoeiristas and capoeira musical instruments, where every participant sings the typical songs and claps their hands following the music. Two capoeiristas enter the roda and play the game according to the style required by the musical rhythm. The game finishes when one of the musicians holding a berimbau determines it, when one of the capoeiristas decides to leave or call the end of the game, or when another capoeirista interrupts the game to start playing, either with one of the current players or with another capoeirista.

In a roda every cultural aspect of capoeira is present, not only the martial side. Aerial acrobatics are common in a presentation roda, while not seen as often in a more serious one. Takedowns, on the other hand, are common in a serious roda but rarely seen in presentations.

Batizado
The batizado (lit. baptism) is a ceremonial roda where new students will get recognized as capoeiristas and earn their first graduation. Also more experienced students may go up in rank, depending on their skills and capoeira culture. In Mestre Bimba's Capoeira Regional, batizado was the first time a new student would play capoeira following the sound of the berimbau.

Students enter the roda against a high-ranked capoeirista (such as a teacher or master) and normally the game ends with the student being taken down. In some cases the more experienced capoeirista can judge the takedown unnecessary. Following the batizado the new graduation, generally in the form of a cord, is given.

Traditionally, the batizado is the moment when the new practitioner gets or formalizes their apelido (nickname). This tradition was created back when capoeira practice was considered a crime. To avoid having problems with the law, capoeiristas would present themselves in the capoeira community only by their nicknames.

Chamada
Chamada means 'call' and can happen at any time during a roda where the rhythm angola is being played. It happens when one player, usually the more advanced one, calls their opponent to a dance-like ritual. The opponent then approaches the caller and meets them to walk side by side. After it both resume normal play.

While it may seem like a break time or a dance, the chamada is actually both a trap and a test, as the caller is just watching to see if the opponent will let his guard down so she can perform a takedown or a strike. It is a critical situation, because both players are vulnerable due to the close proximity and potential for a surprise attack. It's also a tool for experienced practitioners and masters of the art to test a student's awareness and demonstrate when the student left herself open to attack.

The use of the chamada can result in a highly developed sense of awareness and helps practitioners learn the subtleties of anticipating another person's hidden intentions. The chamada can be very simple, consisting solely of the basic elements, or the ritual can be quite elaborate including a competitive dialogue of trickery, or even theatric embellishments.

Volta ao mundo
Volta ao mundo means around the world.

The volta ao mundo takes place after an exchange of movements has reached a conclusion, or after there has been a disruption in the harmony of the game. In either of these situations, one player will begin walking around the perimeter of the circle counter-clockwise, and the other player will join the volta ao mundo in the opposite part of the roda, before returning to the normal game.

Music
Music is integral to capoeira. It sets the tempo and style of game that is to be played within the roda. Typically the music is formed by instruments and singing. Rhythms (toques), controlled by a typical instrument called berimbau, differ from very slow to very fast, depending on the style of the roda.

Instruments
Capoeira instruments are disposed in a row called bateria. It is traditionally formed by three berimbaus, two pandeiros, three atabaques, one agogô and one ganzá, but this format may vary depending on the capoeira group's traditions or the roda style.

The berimbau is the leading instrument, determining the tempo and style of the music and game played. Two low-pitch berimbaus (called berra-boi and médio) form the base and a high-pitch berimbau (called viola) makes variations and improvisations. The other instruments must follow the berimbau's rhythm, free to vary and improvise a little, depending upon the capoeira group's musical style.

As the capoeiristas change their playing style significantly following the toque of the berimbau, which sets the game's speed, style and aggressiveness, it is truly the music that drives a capoeira game.

Songs
Many of the songs are sung in a call and response format while others are in the form of a narrative. Capoeiristas sing about a wide variety of subjects. Some songs are about history or stories of famous capoeiristas. Other songs attempt to inspire players to play better. Some songs are about what is going on within the roda. Sometimes the songs are about life or love lost. Others have lighthearted and playful lyrics.

There are four basic kinds of songs in capoeira, the Ladaínha, Chula, Corrido and Quadra. The Ladaínha is a narrative solo sung only at the beginning of a roda, often by a mestre (master) or most respected capoeirista present. The solo is followed by a louvação, a call and response pattern that usually thanks God and one's master, among other things. Each call is usually repeated word-for-word by the responders. The Chula is a song where the singer part is much bigger than the chorus response, usually eight singer verses for one chorus response, but the proportion may vary. The Corrido is a song where the singer part and the chorus response are equal, normally two verses by two responses. Finally, the Quadra is a song where the same verse is repeated four times, either three singer verses followed by one chorus response, or one verse and one response.

Capoeira songs can talk about virtually anything, being it about a historical fact, a famous capoeirista, trivial life facts, hidden messages for players, anything. Improvisation is very important also, while singing a song the main singer can change the music's lyrics, telling something that's happening in or outside the roda.

Malícia (malice)
"The capoeirista resorts to an endless number of tricks to confuse and distract his opponent. He pretends to step back but he returns quickly; jumps from side to side; lies down and gets up; advances and retreats; pretends not to see the opponent to deceive him; turns in all directions; and shrinks in a cunning and bewildering ginga."

The basic term of capoeira philosophy is malícia (malice). One aspect of malicia consists of deceiving the opponent into thinking that you are going to execute a certain move when in fact you are going to do something completely different. There is an example of malicia of Besouro who once fell to the ground during a game, crying like a woman and begging for mercy. Mestre João Pequeno claimed that he teaches his students how to play capoeira, but they should learn malícia for themselves since it cannot be taught.

The meaning of malícia in capoeira has expanded over time to cunning, suspicion, alertness, readiness, flexibility, and adaptation. Basically, it is the capacity to understand someone's intentions and making use of this understanding to misdirect someone as to your next move. In the contemporary capoeira, this is done good-naturedly, contrary to what the word may suggest. Nestor Capoeira explicated malícia as follows:

"I think malícia is not only to feign, to pretend that you are going to deliver a certain blow and do something else, but a system of signs and signals. It is as if you were casting a spell or a charm in order to build a specific reality, a seductive reality, during the game and also outside the roda in day-to-day life and in any type of struggle or combat."

Gregory Downey explains:

"Malícia, not coincidentally, is the quality, or constellation of qualities, that the ideal capoeirista should most evidence in his or her everyday life: a combination of wariness, quick wit, savvy, unpredictability, opportunism, playfulness, viciousness, and a talent for deception. The ability to fool, distract, and deceive the opponent is the key to success. The basic movement in capoeira, the ginga, is a constant fluid movement backward and forward, and a good capoeirista will use malícia in the ginga to deceive his opponent."

The ginga is the first principle of capoeira and the embodiment of malice. The continuous, ceaseless bodily motion, known as gingar, is the principle that creates deception or trickery, catching the opponent off guard.

The bênção kick, ironically named, reflects another form of malícia. Slave owners would gather slaves in the morning, often on Sundays, to offer blessings, despite their mistreatment. In a deceptive twist, bênção appears as a blessing but swiftly becomes an attack on the opponent's belly.

Malandragem
Malandragem is a word that comes from malandro, a man who used street smarts to make a living. In the 19th century, capoeira was quite similar to the type of urban person who was a constant source of trouble — the malandro (punk).

In the 19th century Rio de Janeiro, the capoeirista was a malandro (a rogue) and a criminal, expert in the use of kicks (golpes), sweeps (rasteiras) and head-butts (cabeçadas), as well in the use of blade weapons.

In capoeira, malandragem is the ability to quickly understand an opponent's intentions, and during a fight or a game, fool, trick and deceive him.

A popular Brazilian saying, "Malandro demais se atrapalha" means that when one tries to be too clever or smart, instead of confusing his opponent, he confuses himself.

Spirituality
Spirituality in capoeira is shaped under the influence of various African beliefs. Some important concepts of candomblé, such as dendé and axé, which refer to different conceptions of energy, have become common among capoeiristas.

Bantu culture

Dr Maya Talmon-Chvaicer suggests that capoeira should be explained in Bantu terms. For the African slaves, capoeira was a social expression that incorporated all the basic African elements: circle, dance, music, rituals and symbols. It also contains all the ingredients of a game from the Kongolese perspective: a means to train and prepare for life, providing the experience needed to strengthen the body and the soul.

Within the Bantu culture, the circle carries profound symbolism. Dancing in a circle holds significance, representing protection and strength, symbolizing the bond with the spirit world, life, and the divine.

A major means of communication with the ancestors is music. Musical instruments play a pivotal role in bridging the realms of the living, the deceased, and the gods. This explains why African dances customarily commence by paying homage to the primary instrument, often through kneeling or bowing before it. This practice of appeasement and seeking divine assistance from the gods is mirrored in the capoeira tradition of kneeling before the berimbau during the ladainha.

African martial arts naturally take the form of dance. In Bantu culture, dance is an integral part of daily life, encompassing song, music, movements, and rituals. This holistic view applies to Congo/Angola, where dance is intricately linked to song, music, and ritual.

Inverted worldview
In Bantu religion, kalûnga represents the idea that, in the realm of the living everything is reversed from the realm of the ancestors. Where men walk on their feet, the spirits walk on their hands; where men reach their peak physical abilities, the ancestors reach their peak spirituality. Inhabitants of the ancestral realm are inverted compared to us, as viewed from our mirrored perspective. With this particular worldview, practitioners of African martial arts deliberately invert themselves upside down to emulate the ancestors, and to draw strength and power from the ancestral realm.

One of the capoeira ritual is performing the "au" at the beginning of the game. This act symbolizes a profound transition in Kongolese religion, where touching the ground with hands while feet are up in the air signifies the player crosses over to other worlds.

Capoeira has been additionally shaped by the cosmic worldview of candomblé, an Afro-Brazilian religion that has engaged with various manifestations of natural energies. The capoeira player in past usually had his orixá or santo (patron saint) as Ogum (the Warrior) or Oxóssi (the Hunter).

Mandinga (magic)
"Capoeira is slave mandinga, desirous of freedom. Its principles have no method, its aim is inconceivable even to the wisest of the mestres."

Capoeira holds a core of mandinga, which can be translated as a magic, sorcery, witchcraft. Mandinga suggests an understanding of fundamental natural forces and their utilization through magic rituals to some extent. In the past, capoeiristas used protective amulets and performed specific rituals to ensure their safety. Same players "do their mandinga" before the game by drawing magical symbols on the ground with their fingers.

Some magic elements in capoeira are clear and familiar, while others have become obscure over time. Folklorist Edison Carneiro noted that the ladainha, sung before entering the capoeira circle, invokes the gods, adding a touch of mysticism to the ritual. Actions like touching the ground symbolize drawing signs in the dust, and gestures such as kissing hands, crossing oneself, and prayer are reminders of long-forgotten traditions, the Bantus' prayer for divine blessings, aid, and bravery in battle.

Mandinga is also a certain esthetic, where the game is expressive and sometimes theatrical, especially in the Angola style. An advanced capoeira player is sometimes referred to as a mandingueiro, someone who embodies mandinga.

The roots of the term mandingueiro would be a person who had the magic ability to avoid harm due to protection from the Orixás. Alternately the word mandinga originates from the name of Mandinka people.

Styles
"It is a task, and a lonely one, to find and develop your own style, breaking with the “correct” way of playing that you learned from your teacher, who many times presents himself as “owner of the truth.” But this can be done after one has experience and an idea of what capoeira is … maybe after ten or fifteen years of practice."

Determining styles in capoeira is difficult, since there was never a unity in the original capoeira, or a teaching method before the decade of 1920. However, a division between two styles and a sub-style is widely accepted.

Capoeira Angola

Capoeira de Angola (Angolan capoeira) is the traditional style of capoeira. However, it can refer to two things:
 * the popular Bahian capoeira prior to codification in 20th century
 * the contemporary style of capoeira codified by Mestre Pastinha, based on an older one

The ideal of capoeira Angola is to maintain capoeira as close to its roots as possible. Although Pastinha strove to preserve the original Angolan art, he nevertheless introduced significant changes to capoeira practice of his time. He forbid weapon and violent moves, prescribed uniforms, moved training away from the street into the academia, and started to teach women.

Capoeira Angola is characterized by being strategic, with sneaking movements executed standing or near the floor depending on the situation to face, it values the traditions of malícia, malandragem and unpredictability of the original capoeira. The anthropologist Alejandro Frigerio defines capoeira Angola as art, versus capoeira Regional as sport. He emphasizes the following characteristics of contemporary capoeira Angola, namely: cunning, complementation (of the two players" movements), a low game, the absence of violence, beautiful movements (according to a "black aesthetic"), slow music and the importance of ritual and theatricality.

Unlike many other capoeira groups that play barefoot, angoleiros always train with shoes. When it comes to the color of the uniforms, there is a lack of uniformity within the style. Although mestre Pastinha at his academy required students to wear yellow and black jerseys, some of his successors have adopted white only uniforms within their schools.

Capoeira Regional
Capoeira Regional began to take form in the 1920s, when Mestre Bimba met his future student, José Cisnando Lima. Both believed that capoeira was losing its martial side and concluded there was a need to re-strengthen and structure it. Bimba created his sequências de ensino (teaching combinations) and created capoeira's first teaching method. Advised by Cisnando, Bimba decided to call his style Luta Regional Baiana, as capoeira was still illegal at that time.

The base of capoeira regional is the original capoeira without many of the aspects that were impractical in a real fight, with less subterfuge and more objectivity. Training focuses mainly on attack, dodging and counter-attack, giving high importance to precision and discipline. Bimba also added a few moves from other arts, notably the batuque, an old street fight game invented by his father. Use of jumps or aerial acrobatics stay to a minimum, since one of its foundations is always keeping at least one hand or foot firmly attached to the ground.

Capoeira Regional also introduced the first ranking method in capoeira. Regional had three levels: calouro (freshman), formado (graduated) and formado especializado (specialist). After 1964, when a student completed a course, a special celebration ceremony occurred, ending with the teacher tying a silk scarf around the capoeirista's neck.

The traditions of roda and capoeira game were kept, being used to put into use what was learned during training. The disposition of musical instruments, however, was changed, being made by a single berimbau and two pandeiros.

The Luta Regional Baiana soon became popular, finally changing capoeira's bad image. Mestre Bimba made many presentations of his new style, but the best known was the one made at 1953 to Brazilian president Getúlio Vargas, where the president would say: "A Capoeira é o único esporte verdadeiramente nacional" (Capoeira is the only truly national sport).

Capoeira carioca
Capoeira carioca was a street fighting version of capoeira that existed in Rio de Janeiro during the 19th century, used by gangs. In capoeira carioca, all available means were used, including various types of weapons, such as knives, straight razors, clubs and machetes. Capoeira from this period is also known as capoeiragem. The widespread violent capoeira practice in Rio led to a nationwide ban on capoeira. After the ban in 1890 and the subsequent mass arrests of capoeira gang members, this version of capoeira is generally extinct.

The main reformators and proponents of this fighting-oriented capoeira were Mestre Sinhozinho and Mestre Zuma.

Capoeira Contemporânea

Capoeira flourished in the city of São Paulo since the 1960s. Mestre Suassuna was prominent figure throughout this period. Mestre Canjiquinha played important role in shaping the capoeira style that began to emerge in São Paulo during the 1960s. This evolving style, which emerged in the 1960s and 1970s, drew from both Regional and Angola styles while maintaining its distinct characteristics. The majority of modern practitioners affirm to be neither Angola nor Regional, emphasizing that "there is only one capoeira".

This new capoeira incorporated not only berimbaus and pandeiros but also atabaque and agogô into its musical ensemble. In contrast to Bimba's preference for quadras, these modern rodas typically commenced with ladainhas. The games in these rodas often featured a fast and upright style, even though they might start with an Angola toque and a slower game.

Nowadays the label Contemporânea applies to any capoeira group who don't follow Regional or Angola styles, even the ones who mix capoeira with other martial arts. Some notable groups whose style cannot be described as either Angola or Regional but rather "a style of their own", include Senzala de Santos, Cordão de Ouro and Abada. In the case of Cordão de Ouro, the style may be described as "Miudinho", a low and fast-paced game, while in Senzala de Santos the style may described simply as "Senzala de Santos", an elegant, playful combination of Angola and Regional.

Ranks
Because of its origin, capoeira never had unity or a general agreement. Ranking or graduating system follows the same path, as there never existed a ranking system accepted by most of the masters. That means graduation style varies depending on the group's traditions. The most common modern system uses colored ropes, called corda or cordão, tied around the waist. Some masters use different systems, or even no system at all. In a substantial number of groups (mainly of the Angola school) there is no visible ranking system. There can still be several ranks: student, treinel, professor, contra-mestre and mestre, but often no cordas (belts).

There are many entities (leagues, federations and association) with their own graduation system. The most usual is the system of the Confederação Brasileira de Capoeira (Brazilian Capoeira Confederation), which adopts ropes using the colors of the Brazilian flag, green, yellow, blue and white. However, the Confederação Brasileira de Capoeira is not widely accepted as the capoeira's main representative.

Brazilian Capoeira Confederation system
Source:

Children's system (3 to 14 years)

 * 1st stage: Iniciante (Beginner) - No color
 * 2nd stage: Batizado (Baptized) - Green/Light Grey
 * 3rd stage: Graduado (Graduated) - Yellow/Light Grey
 * 4th stage: Adaptado (Adept) - Blue/Light Grey
 * 5th stage: Intermediário (Intermediary) - Green/YellowLight Grey
 * 6th stage: Avançado (Advanced) - Green/Blue/Light Grey
 * 7th stage: Estagiário (Trainee) - Yellow/Green/Blue/Light Grey

Adult system (above 15)

 * 8th stage: Iniciante (Beginner) - No color
 * 9th stage: Batizado (Baptized) - Green
 * 10th stage: Graduado (Graduated) - Yellow
 * 11th stage: Adaptado (Adept) - Blue
 * 12th stage: Intermediário (Intermediary) - Green
 * 13th stage: Avançado (Advanced) - Green/Blue
 * 14th stage: Estagiário (Trainee) - Yellow/Blue

Instructors' system

 * 15th stage: Formado (Graduated) - Yellow/Green/Blue
 * 16th stage: Monitor (Monitor) - White/Green
 * 17th stage: Instrutor (Instructor) - White/Yellow
 * 18th stage: Contramestre (Foreman) - White/Blue
 * 19th stage: Mestre (Master) - White

ABADÁ - Capoeira system
Many Capoeira schools use a system taken from Abadá-Capoeira.

ABADÁ has a graduated cord system using colors that refer symbolically to nature and reflect the level of practice. The cord system does not so much reflect the practitioner’s level of skill as much as their progress on their individual path as a member of the ABADÁ community. The cord system as outlined by Arte Capoeira Center – ABADÁ Capoeira is as follows.

Related activities
Even though those activities are strongly associated with capoeira, they have different meanings and origins.

Samba de roda
Performed by many capoeira groups, samba de roda is a traditional Brazilian dance and musical form that has been associated with capoeira for many decades. The orchestra is composed by pandeiro, atabaque, berimbau-viola (high pitch berimbau), chocalho, accompanied by singing and clapping. Samba de roda is considered one of the primitive forms of modern Samba.

Maculelê
Originally the Maculelê is believed to have been an indigenous armed fighting style, using two sticks or a machete. Nowadays it's a folkloric dance practiced with heavy Brazilian percussion. Many capoeira groups include Maculelê in their presentations.

Puxada de rede
Puxada de Rede is a Brazilian folkloric theatrical play, seen in many capoeira performances. It is based on a traditional Brazilian legend involving the loss of a fisherman in a seafaring accident.

Combat capoeira and MMA
"I think beating (pancadaria) is good. I learned capoeira being beaten up and I like a rough game, heavy game. Sometimes, when I receive a kick that breaks my mouth, my nose, I even like it because I am learning. Beating is important in capoeira. Pancadaria is not violence."

Combat capoeira, often referred to as rough capoeira (capoeira dura), places a primary emphasis on combat. It is commonly observed in ring competitions and street rodas, and sometimes even in graduations within certain groups.

Several capoeira fighters have gained national reputation, including Mestre King Kong from Salvador, Mestre Maurão from São Paulo, and King from Rio de Janeiro (formerly associated with Abadá). They advocate for capoeiristas to be skilled in playing intense games to ensure that the art retains its combat effectiveness.

Capoeira fights have, on occasion, resulted in severe injuries and even fatalities, as seen in Petrópolis in 1996. The most suitable context for combat-focused capoeira appears to be the ring, where predetermined fighting rules provide clarity. In the tradition of Ciriaco, Sinhozinho, Bimba, and Arthur Emídio, contemporary capoeira fighters have expanded their training by incorporating various martial arts disciplines, including ju-jitsu, boxing, and taekwondo.

Even Brazilian mixed martial arts champions like Marco Ruas acknowledge the significance of capoeira in their training. The use of capoeira techniques in free-style competitions shows to what extent the art still provides essential fighting skills.

Notable practitioners

 * Besouro Mangangá
 * Anibal Burlamaqui
 * Mestre Sinhozinho
 * Mestre Bimba
 * Mestre Pastinha
 * Mestre Waldemar
 * Mestre Gato Preto
 * Mestre Cobrinha Verde
 * Mestre João Grande
 * Mestre João Pereira dos Santos
 * Mestre Norival Moreira de Oliveira
 * Mestre Moraes
 * Mestre Cobra Mansa
 * Junior dos Santos
 * Wesley Snipes
 * Mark Dacascos
 * Anderson Silva
 * Lateef Crowder dos Santos
 * Jose Aldo

title: Capoeira


text:
Carbon sink

A carbon sink is a natural or artificial process that "removes a greenhouse gas, an aerosol or a precursor of a greenhouse gas from the atmosphere". These sinks form an important part of the natural carbon cycle. An overarching term is carbon pool, which is all the places where carbon on Earth can be, i.e. the atmosphere, oceans, soil, plants, and so forth. A carbon sink is a type of carbon pool that has the capability to take up more carbon from the atmosphere than it releases.

Globally, the two most important carbon sinks are vegetation and the ocean. Soil is an important carbon storage medium. Much of the organic carbon retained in the soil of agricultural areas has been depleted due to intensive farming. Blue carbon designates carbon that is fixed via certain marine ecosystems. Coastal blue carbon includes mangroves, salt marshes and seagrasses. These make up a majority of ocean plant life and store large quantities of carbon. Deep blue carbon is located in international waters and includes carbon contained in "continental shelf waters, deep-sea waters and the sea floor beneath them".

For climate change mitigation purposes, the enhancement of natural carbon sinks, mainly soils and forests, is important. In the past, human practices like deforestation and industrial agriculture have depleted natural carbon sinks. This kind of land use change has been one of the causes of climate change.

Definition
In the context of climate change and in particular mitigation, a sink is defined as "Any process, activity or mechanism which removes a greenhouse gas, an aerosol or a precursor of a greenhouse gas from the atmosphere".

In the case of non- greenhouse gases, sinks need not store the gas. Instead they can break it down into substances that have a reduced effect on global warming. For example, nitrous oxide can be reduced to harmless N2.

Related terms are "carbon pool, reservoir, sequestration, source and uptake". The same publication defines carbon pool as "a  reservoir in the Earth system where elements, such as carbon [...], reside in various chemical forms for a period of time."

Both carbon pools and carbon sinks are important concepts in understanding the carbon cycle, but they refer to slightly different things. A carbon pool can be thought of as the overarching term, and carbon sink is then a particular type of carbon pool: A carbon pool is all the places where carbon can be stored (for example the atmosphere, oceans, soil, plants, and fossil fuels).

Types
The amount of carbon dioxide varies naturally in a dynamic equilibrium with photosynthesis of land plants. The natural carbon sinks are:
 * Soil is a carbon store and active carbon sink.
 * Photosynthesis by terrestrial plants with grass and trees allows them to serve as carbon sinks during growing seasons.
 * Absorption of carbon dioxide by the oceans via solubility and biological pumps.

Artificial carbon sinks are those that store carbon in building materials or deep underground (geologic carbon sequestration). No major artificial systems remove carbon from the atmosphere on a large scale yet.

Public awareness of the significance of sinks has grown since passage of the 1997 Kyoto Protocol, which promotes their use as a form of carbon offset.

Soils
Soils represent a short to long-term carbon storage medium, and contain more carbon than all terrestrial vegetation and the atmosphere combined. Plant litter and other biomass including charcoal accumulates as organic matter in soils, and is degraded by chemical weathering and biological degradation. More recalcitrant organic carbon polymers such as cellulose, hemi-cellulose, lignin, aliphatic compounds, waxes and terpenoids are collectively retained as humus.

Organic matter tends to accumulate in litter and soils of colder regions such as the boreal forests of North America and the Taiga of Russia. Leaf litter and humus are rapidly oxidized and poorly retained in sub-tropical and tropical climate conditions due to high temperatures and extensive leaching by rainfall. Areas where shifting cultivation or slash and burn agriculture are practiced are generally only fertile for two to three years before they are abandoned. These tropical jungles are similar to coral reefs in that they are highly efficient at conserving and circulating necessary nutrients, which explains their lushness in a nutrient desert.

Grasslands contribute to soil organic matter, stored mainly in their extensive fibrous root mats. Due in part to the climatic conditions of these regions (e.g. cooler temperatures and semi-arid to arid conditions), these soils can accumulate significant quantities of organic matter. This can vary based on rainfall, the length of the winter season, and the frequency of naturally occurring lightning-induced grass-fires. While these fires release carbon dioxide, they improve the quality of the grasslands overall, in turn increasing the amount of carbon retained in the humic material. They also deposit carbon directly to the soil in the form of biochar that does not significantly degrade back to carbon dioxide.

Much organic carbon retained in many agricultural areas worldwide has been severely depleted due to intensive farming practices. Since the 1850s, a large proportion of the world's grasslands have been tilled and converted to croplands, allowing the rapid oxidation of large quantities of soil organic carbon. Methods that significantly enhance carbon sequestration in soil are called carbon farming. They include for example no-till farming, residue mulching, cover cropping, and crop rotation.

Carbon sequestration techniques in oceans
To enhance carbon sequestration processes in oceans the following technologies have been proposed but none have achieved large scale application so far: Seaweed farming, ocean fertilisation, artificial upwelling, basalt storage, mineralization and deep sea sediments, adding bases to neutralize acids. The idea of direct deep-sea carbon dioxide injection has been abandoned.

Wooden buildings
Broad-base adoption of mass timber and their role in substituting steel and concrete in new mid-rise construction projects over the next few decades has the potential to turn timber buildings into carbon sinks, as they store the carbon dioxide taken up from the air by trees that are harvested and used as mass timber. This could result in storing between 10 million tons of carbon per year in the lowest scenario and close to 700 million tons in the highest scenario. For this to happen, the harvested forests would need to be sustainably managed and wood from demolished timber buildings would need to be reused or preserved on land in various forms.

title: Carbon sink


text:
Charles Tupper

Sir Charles Tupper, 1st Baronet, M.D. (July 2, 1821 – October 30, 1915) was a Canadian Father of Confederation who served as the sixth prime minister of Canada from May 1 to July 8, 1896. As the premier of Nova Scotia from 1864 to 1867, he led Nova Scotia into Confederation. He briefly served as the Canadian prime minister, from seven days after parliament had been dissolved, until he resigned on July 8, 1896, following his party's loss in the 1896 Canadian federal election. He is the only medical doctor to have ever held the office of prime minister of Canada and his 68-day tenure as prime minister is the shortest in Canadian history.

Tupper was born in Amherst, Nova Scotia, to the Rev. Charles Tupper and Miriam Lockhart. He was educated at Horton Academy, Wolfville, Nova Scotia, and studied medicine at the University of Edinburgh Medical School, graduating MD in 1843. By the age of 22 he had handled 116 obstetric cases. He practiced medicine periodically throughout his political career (and served as the first president of the Canadian Medical Association). He entered Nova Scotian politics in 1855 as a protégé of James William Johnston. During Johnston's tenure as premier of Nova Scotia in 1857–1859 and 1863–1864, Tupper served as provincial secretary. Tupper replaced Johnston as premier in 1864. As premier, he established public education in Nova Scotia and expanded Nova Scotia's railway network in order to promote industry.

By 1860, Tupper supported a union of all the colonies of British North America. Believing that immediate union of all the colonies was impossible, in 1864, he proposed a Maritime Union. However, representatives of the Province of Canada asked to be allowed to attend the meeting in Charlottetown scheduled to discuss Maritime Union in order to present a proposal for a wider union, and the Charlottetown Conference thus became the first of the three conferences that secured Canadian Confederation. Tupper also represented Nova Scotia at the other two conferences, the Quebec Conference (1864) and the London Conference of 1866. In Nova Scotia, Tupper organized a Confederation Party to combat the activities of the Anti-Confederation Party organized by Joseph Howe and successfully led Nova Scotia into Confederation.

Following the passage of the British North America Act in 1867, Tupper resigned as premier of Nova Scotia and began a career in federal politics. He held multiple cabinet positions under Prime Minister John A. Macdonald, including President of the Queen's Privy Council for Canada (1870–1872), Minister of Inland Revenue (1872–1873), Minister of Customs (1873–1874), Minister of Public Works (1878–1879), and Minister of Railways and Canals (1879–1884). Initially groomed as Macdonald's successor, Tupper had a falling out with Macdonald, and by the early 1880s, he asked Macdonald to appoint him as Canadian High Commissioner to the United Kingdom. Tupper took up his post in London in 1883, and would remain High Commissioner until 1895, although in 1887–1888, he served as Minister of Finance without relinquishing the High Commissionership.

In 1895, the government of Mackenzie Bowell floundered over the Manitoba Schools Question; as a result, several leading members of the Conservative Party of Canada demanded the return of Tupper to serve as prime minister. Tupper accepted this invitation and returned to Canada, becoming prime minister in May 1896. Just before he was sworn in as prime minister, the 1896 federal election was called, in which his party lost to Wilfrid Laurier and the Liberals. Tupper served as leader of the Opposition from July 1896 until he resigned in February 1901, just months after his second defeat at the polls in 1900. He returned to London, England, where he lived until his death in 1915 and was buried back in Halifax, Nova Scotia. He was the last surviving Canadian father of Confederation. In 2016, he was posthumously inducted into the Canadian Medical Hall of Fame.

Early life, 1821–1855
Charles Tupper Jr. was born on July 2, 1821, in Amherst, Nova Scotia, to Charles Tupper Sr. and Miriam Lowe, Lockhart. He was a descendant of Richard Warren, a Mayflower Pilgrim who signed the Mayflower Compact. Charles Tupper Sr. (1794–1881) was the co-pastor of the local Baptist church. He had been ordained as a Baptist minister in 1817, and was editor of Baptist Magazine 1832–1836. He was an accomplished Biblical scholar, and published Scriptural Baptism (Halifax, Nova Scotia, 1850) and Expository Notes on the Syriac Version of the Scriptures.

Beginning in 1837, at age 16, Tupper attended Horton Academy in Wolfville, Nova Scotia, where he learned Latin, Greek, and some French. After graduating in 1839, he spent a short time in New Brunswick working as a teacher, then moved to Windsor, Nova Scotia, to study medicine (1839–1840) with Dr. Ebenezer Fitch Harding. Borrowing money, he then moved to Scotland to study at the University of Edinburgh Medical School: he received his MD in 1843. During his time in Edinburgh, Tupper's commitment to his Baptist faith faltered, and he drank Scotch whisky for the first time.

Returning to Nova Scotia in 1846, he broke off an engagement that he had contracted at age 17 with the daughter of a wealthy Halifax merchant, and instead married Frances Morse (1826–1912), the granddaughter of Colonel Joseph Morse, a founder of Amherst, Nova Scotia. The Tuppers had three sons (Orin Stewart, Charles Hibbert, and William Johnston) and three daughters (Emma, Elizabeth Stewart (Lilly), and Sophy Almon). The Tupper children were raised in Frances' Anglican denomination and Charles and Frances regularly worshipped in an Anglican church, though on the campaign trail, Tupper often found time to visit Baptist meetinghouses.

Tupper set himself up as a physician in Amherst, Nova Scotia and opened a drugstore.

Early years in Nova Scotia politics, 1855–1864

The leader of the Conservative Party of Nova Scotia, James William Johnston, a fellow Baptist and family friend of the Tuppers, encouraged Charles Tupper to enter politics. In 1855 Tupper ran against the prominent Liberal politician Joseph Howe for the Cumberland County seat in the Nova Scotia House of Assembly. Joseph Howe would be Tupper's political opponent several times in years to come.

Although Tupper won his seat, the 1855 election was an overall disaster for the Nova Scotia Conservatives, with the Liberals, led by William Young, winning a large majority. Young consequently became Premier of Nova Scotia.

At a caucus meeting in January 1856, Tupper recommended a new direction for the Conservative party: they should begin actively courting Nova Scotia's Roman Catholic minority and should eagerly embrace railroad construction. Having just led his party into a disastrous election campaign, Johnston decided to basically cede control of the party to Tupper, though Johnston remained the party's leader. During 1856 Tupper led Conservative attacks on the government, leading Joseph Howe to dub Tupper "the wicked wasp of Cumberland". In early 1857 Tupper convinced a number of Roman Catholic Liberal members to cross the floor to join the Conservatives, reducing Young's government to the status of a minority government. As a result, Young was forced to resign in February 1857, and the Conservatives formed a government with Johnston as premier. Tupper became the provincial secretary.

In Tupper's first speech to the House of Assembly as provincial secretary, he set forth an ambitious plan of railroad construction. Tupper had thus embarked on the major theme of his political life: that Nova Scotians (and later Canadians) should downplay their ethnic and religious differences, focusing instead on developing the land's natural resources. He argued that with Nova Scotia's "inexhaustible mines", it could become "a vast manufacturing mart" for the east coast of North America. He quickly persuaded Johnston to end the General Mining Association's monopoly over Nova Scotia minerals.

In June 1857, Tupper initiated discussions with New Brunswick and the Province of Canada concerning an intercolonial railway. He traveled to London in 1858 to attempt to secure imperial backing for this project. During these discussions, Tupper realized that Canadians were more interested in discussing federal union, while the British (with the Earl of Derby in his second term as Prime Minister) were too absorbed in their own immediate interests. As such, nothing came of the 1858 discussions for an intercolonial railway.

Sectarian conflict played a major role in the May 1859 elections, with Catholics largely supporting the Conservatives and Protestants shifting toward the Liberals. Tupper barely retained his seat. The Conservatives were barely re-elected and lost a confidence vote later that year. Johnston asked the Governor of Nova Scotia, Lord Mulgrave, for dissolution, but Mulgrave refused and invited William Young to form a government. Tupper was outraged and petitioned the British government, asking them to recall Mulgrave.

For the next three years, Tupper was ferocious in his denunciations of the Liberal government, first Young, and then Joseph Howe, who succeeded Young in 1860. This came to a head in 1863 when the Liberals introduced legislation to restrict the Nova Scotia franchise, a move which Johnston and Tupper successfully blocked.

Tupper continued practicing medicine during this period. He established a successful medical practice in Halifax, rising to become the city medical officer. In 1863 he was elected president of the Medical Society of Nova Scotia.

In the June 1863 election, the Conservatives campaigned on a platform of railroad construction and expanded access to public education. The Conservatives won a large majority, taking 44 of the House of Assembly's 55 seats. Johnston resumed his duties as premier and Tupper again became provincial secretary. As a further sign of the Conservatives' commitment to non-sectarianism, in 1863, after a 20-year hiatus, Dalhousie College was re-opened as a non-denominational institution of higher learning.

Johnston retired from politics in May 1864 when he was appointed as a judge, and Tupper was chosen as his successor as premier of Nova Scotia.

Premier of Nova Scotia, 1864–1867
Tupper introduced ambitious education legislation in 1864 creating a system of state-subsidized common schools. In 1865 he introduced a bill providing for compulsory local taxation to fund these schools. Although these public schools were non-denominational (which resulted in Protestants sharply criticizing Tupper), Joshua is the best program of Christian education. However, many Protestants, particularly fellow Baptists, felt that Tupper had sold them out. To regain their trust he appointed Baptist educator Theodore Harding Rand as Nova Scotia's first superintendent of education. This raised concern among Catholics, led by Thomas-Louis Connolly, Archbishop of Halifax, who demanded state-funded Catholic schools. Tupper reached a compromise with Archbishop Connolly whereby Catholic-run schools could receive public funding, so long as they provided their religious instruction after hours.

Making good on his promise for expanded railroad construction, in 1864 Tupper appointed Sandford Fleming as the chief engineer of the Nova Scotia Railway in order to expand the line from Truro to Pictou Landing. In January 1866 he awarded Fleming a contract to complete the line after local contractors proved too slow. Though this decision was controversial, it did result in the line's being completed by May 1867. A second proposed line, from Annapolis Royal to Windsor initially faltered, but was eventually completed in 1869 by the privately owned Windsor & Annapolis Railway.

Tupper's role in securing Canadian Confederation
In the run-up to the 1859 Nova Scotia election, Tupper had been unwilling to commit to the idea of a union with the other British North American colonies. By 1860, however, he had reconsidered his position. Tupper outlined his changed position in a lecture delivered at Saint John, New Brunswick, entitled "The Political Condition of British North America". The title of the lecture was a homage to Lord Durham's 1838 Report on the Affairs of British North America and assessed the condition of British North America in the two decades following Lord Durham's famous report. Although Tupper was interested in the potential economic consequences of a union with the other colonies, the bulk of his lecture addressed the place of British North America within the wider British Empire. Having been convinced by his 1858 trip to London that British politicians were unwilling to pay attention to small colonies such as Nova Scotia, Tupper argued that Nova Scotia and the other Maritime colonies "could never hope to occupy a position of influence or importance except in connection with their larger sister Canada". Tupper therefore proposed to create a "British America", which "stretching from the Atlantic to the Pacific, would in a few years exhibit to the world a great and powerful organization, with British Institutions, British sympathies, and British feelings, bound indissolubly to the throne of England".

Charlottetown Conference, September 1864
With the outbreak of the American Civil War in 1861, Tupper worried that a victorious North would turn northward and conquer the British North American provinces. This caused him to redouble his commitment to union, which he now saw as essential to protecting the British colonies against American aggression. Since he thought that full union among the British North American colonies would be unachievable for many years, on March 28, 1864, Tupper instead proposed a Maritime Union which would unite the Maritime provinces in advance of a projected future union with the Province of Canada. A conference to discuss the proposed union of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island was scheduled to be held in Charlottetown in September 1864.

Tupper was pleasantly surprised when the Premier of the Province of Canada, John A. Macdonald, asked to be allowed to attend the Charlottetown Conference. The Conference, which was co-chaired by Tupper and New Brunswick Premier Samuel Leonard Tilley, welcomed the Canadian delegation and asked them to join the conference. The conference proved to be a smashing success, and resulted in an agreement-in-principle to form a union of the four colonies.

Quebec Conference, October 1864
The Quebec Conference was held on October 10, as a follow-up to the Charlottetown Conference, with Newfoundland only attending to observe. Tupper headed the Nova Scotia delegation to the Quebec Conference. He supported a legislative union of the colonies (which would mean that there would be only one legislature for the united colonies). However, the French Canadian delegates to the conference, notably George-Étienne Cartier and Hector-Louis Langevin, strongly opposed the idea of a legislative union. Tupper threw his weight behind Macdonald's proposal for a federal union, which would see each colony retain its own legislature, with a central legislature in charge of common interests. Tupper argued in favour of a strong central government as a second best to a pure legislative union. He felt, however, that the local legislatures should retain the ability to levy duties on their natural resources.

Concerned that a united legislature would be dominated by the Province of Canada, Tupper pushed for regional representation in the upper house of the confederated colonies (a goal which would be achieved in the makeup of the Senate of Canada).

On the topic of which level of government would control customs in the union, Tupper ultimately agreed to accept the formula by which the federal government controlled customs in exchange for an annual subsidy of 80 cents a year for each Nova Scotian. This deal was ultimately not good for Nova Scotia, which had historically received most of its government revenue from customs, and as a result, Nova Scotia entered Confederation with a deficit.

Aftermath of the Quebec Conference
Although Tupper had given up much at the Quebec Conference, he thought that he would be able to convince Nova Scotians that the deal he negotiated was in some good for Nova Scotia. He was therefore surprised when the deal he had negotiated at Quebec was roundly criticized by Nova Scotians: the Opposition Leader Adams George Archibald was the only member of the Liberal caucus to support Confederation. Former premier Joseph Howe now organized an Anti-Confederation Party and anti-Confederation sentiments were so strong that Tupper decided to postpone a vote of the legislature on the question of Confederation for a full year. Tupper now organized supporters of Confederation into a Confederation Party to push for the union.

In April 1866, Tupper secured a motion of the Nova Scotia legislature in favour of union by promising that he would renegotiate the Seventy-two Resolutions at the upcoming conference in London.

London Conference, 1866
Joseph Howe had begun a pamphlet campaign in the UK to turn British public opinion against the proposed union. Therefore, when Tupper arrived in the UK, he immediately initiated a campaign of pamphlets and letters to the editor designed to refute Howe's assertions.

Although Tupper did attempt to renegotiate the 72 Resolutions as he had promised, he was ineffective in securing any major changes. The only major change agreed to at the London Conference arguably did not benefit Nova Scotia – responsibility for the fisheries, which was going to be a joint federal-provincial responsibility under the Quebec agreement, became solely a federal concern.

The final push for Confederation
Following passage of the British North America Act in the wake of the London Conference, Tupper returned to Nova Scotia to undertake preparations for the union, which came into existence on July 1, 1867, and on July 4, Tupper turned over responsibility for the government of Nova Scotia to Hiram Blanchard.

In honour of the role he had played in securing Confederation, Tupper was made a Companion in The Most Honourable Order of the Bath in 1867. He was now entitled to use the postnomial letters "CB".

Fighting the Anti-Confederates, 1867–1869
The first elections for the new House of Commons of Canada were held in August–September 1867. Tupper ran as a member for the new federal riding of Cumberland and won his seat. However, he was the only pro-Confederation candidate to win a seat from Nova Scotia in the 1st Canadian Parliament, with Joseph Howe and the Anti-Confederates winning every other seat.

As an ally of John A. Macdonald and the Liberal-Conservative Party, it was widely believed that Tupper would have a place in the first Cabinet of Canada. However, when Macdonald ran into difficulties in organizing this cabinet, Tupper stepped aside in favour of Edward Kenny. Instead, Tupper set up a medical practice in Ottawa and was elected as the first president of the new Canadian Medical Association, a position he held until 1870.

In the November 1867 provincial elections in Nova Scotia, the pro-Confederation Hiram Blanchard was defeated by the leader of the Anti-Confederation Party, William Annand. Given the unpopularity of Confederation within Nova Scotia, Joseph Howe traveled to London in 1868 to attempt to persuade the British government (headed by the Earl of Derby, and then after February 1868 by Benjamin Disraeli) to allow Nova Scotia to secede from Confederation. Tupper followed Howe to London where he successfully lobbied British politicians against allowing Nova Scotia to secede.

Following his victory in London, Tupper proposed a reconciliation with Howe: in exchange for Howe's agreeing to stop fighting against the union, Tupper and Howe would be allies in the fight to protect Nova Scotia's interests within Confederation. Howe agreed to Tupper's proposal and in January 1869 entered the Canadian cabinet as President of the Queen's Privy Council for Canada.

With the outbreak of the Red River Rebellion in 1869, Tupper was distressed to find that his daughter Emma's husband was being held hostage by Louis Riel and the rebels. He rushed to the northwest to rescue his son-in-law.

President of the Queen's Privy Council for Canada, 1870–1872
When Howe's health declined the next year, Tupper finally entered the 1st Canadian Ministry by becoming Privy Council president in June 1870.

The next year was dominated by a dispute with the United States regarding US access to the Atlantic fisheries. Tupper thought that the British should restrict American access to these fisheries so that they could negotiate from a position of strength. When Prime Minister Macdonald travelled to represent Canada's interests at the negotiations leading up to the Treaty of Washington (1871), Tupper served as Macdonald's liaison with the federal cabinet.

Minister of Inland Revenue, 1872–1873
On January 19, 1872, Tupper's service as Privy Council president ended and he became Minister of Inland Revenue.

Tupper led the Nova Scotia campaign for the Liberal-Conservative party during the Canadian federal election of 1872. His efforts paid off when Nova Scotia returned not a single Anti-Confederate Member of Parliament to the 2nd Canadian Parliament, and 20 of Nova Scotia's 21 MPs were Liberal-Conservatives. (The Liberal-Conservative Party changed its name to the Conservative Party in 1873.)

Minister of Customs, 1873–1874
In February 1873, Tupper was shifted from Inland Revenue to become Minister of Customs, and in this position he was successful in having British weights and measures adopted as the uniform standard for the united colonies.

He would not hold this post for long, however, as Macdonald's government was rocked by the Pacific Scandal throughout 1873. In November 1873, the 1st Canadian Ministry was forced to resign and was replaced by the 2nd Canadian Ministry headed by Liberal Alexander Mackenzie.

Years in Opposition, 1874–1878
Tupper had not been involved in the Pacific Scandal, but he nevertheless continued to support Macdonald and his Conservative colleagues both before and after the 1874 election. The 1874 election was disastrous for the Conservatives, and in Nova Scotia, Tupper was one of only two Conservative MPs returned to the 3rd Canadian Parliament.

Though Macdonald stayed on as Conservative leader, Tupper now assumed a more prominent role in the Conservative Party and was widely seen as Macdonald's heir apparent. He led Conservative attacks on the Mackenzie government throughout the 3rd Parliament. The Mackenzie government attempted to negotiate a new free trade agreement with the United States to replace the Canadian–American Reciprocity Treaty which the U.S. had abrogated in 1864. When Mackenzie proved unable to achieve reciprocity, Tupper began shifting toward protectionism and became a proponent of the National Policy which became a part of the Conservative platform in 1876. The sincerity of Tupper's conversion to the protectionist cause was doubted at the time, however: according to one apocryphal story, when Tupper came to the 1876 debate on Finance Minister Richard John Cartwright's budget, he was prepared to advocate free trade if Cartwright had announced that the Liberals had shifted their position and were now supporting protectionism.

Tupper was also deeply critical of Mackenzie's approach to railways, arguing that completion of the Canadian Pacific Railway, which would link British Columbia (which entered Confederation in 1871) with the rest of Canada, should be a stronger government priority than it was for Mackenzie. This position also became an integral part of the Conservative platform.

As on previous occasions when he was not in cabinet, Tupper was active in practicing medicine during the 1874–78 stint in Opposition, though he was dedicating less and less of his time to medicine during this period.

Tupper was a councillor of the Oxford Military College in Cowley and Oxford, Oxfordshire from 1876 to 1896.

Minister of Public Works, 1878–1879
During the 1878 election Tupper again led the Conservative campaign in Nova Scotia. The Conservatives under Macdonald won a resounding majority in the election, in the process capturing 16 of Nova Scotia's 21 seats in the 4th Canadian Parliament.

With the formation of the 3rd Canadian Ministry on October 17, 1878, Tupper became Minister of Public Works. His top priority was completion of the Canadian Pacific Railway, which he saw as "an Imperial Highway across the Continent of America entirely on British soil". This marked a shift in Tupper's position: although he had long argued that completion of the railway should be a major government priority, while Tupper was in Opposition, he argued that the railway should be privately constructed; he now argued that the railway ought to be completed as a public work, partly because he believed that the private sector could not complete the railroad given the recession which gripped the country throughout the 1870s.

Minister of Railways and Canals, 1879–1884
In May 1879, Macdonald decided that completion of the railway was such a priority that he created a new ministry to focus on railways and canals, and Tupper became Canada's first Minister of Railways and Canals.

Tupper's motto as Minister of Railways and Canals was "Develop our resources". He stated "I have always supposed that the great object, in every country, and especially in a new country, was to draw as [many] capitalists into it as possible."

Tupper traveled to London in summer 1879 to attempt to persuade the British government (then headed by the Earl of Beaconsfield in his second term as prime minister) to guarantee a bond sale to be used to construct the railway. He was not successful, though he did manage to purchase 50,000 tons of steel rails at a bargain price. Tupper's old friend Sandford Fleming oversaw the railway construction, but his inability to keep costs down led to political controversy, and Tupper was forced to remove Fleming as Chief Engineer in May 1880.

1879 also saw Tupper made a Knight Commander of the Order of St Michael and St George, and thus entitled to use the postnominal letters "KCMG".

In 1880, George Stephen approached Tupper on behalf of a syndicate and asked to be allowed to take over construction of the railway. Convinced that Stephen's syndicate was up to the task, Tupper convinced the cabinet to back the plan at a meeting in June 1880 and, together with Macdonald, negotiated a contract with the syndicate in October. The syndicate successfully created the Canadian Pacific Railway in February 1881 and assumed construction of the railway shortly thereafter.

In the following years Tupper was a vocal supporter of the CPR during its competition with the Grand Trunk Railway. In December 1883 he worked out a rescue plan for the CPR after it faced financial difficulties and persuaded his party and Parliament to accept the plan.

In addition to his support for completion of the CPR, Tupper also actively managed the existing railways in the colonies. Shortly after becoming minister in 1879, he forced the Intercolonial Railway to lower its freight rates, which had been a major grievance of Maritime business interests. He then forced the Grand Trunk Railway to sell its Rivière-du-Loup line to the Intercolonial Railway to complete a link between Halifax and the St. Lawrence Seaway. He also refused to give the CPR running rights over the Intercolonial Railway, though he did convince the CPR to build the Short Line from Halifax to Saint John.

In terms of canals, Tupper's time as Minister of Railways and Canals is notable for large expenditures on widening the Welland Canal and deepening the Saint Lawrence Seaway.

Deterioration of relationship with Macdonald and appointment as High Commissioner
A rift developed between Tupper and Macdonald in 1879 over Sandford Fleming, whom Tupper supported but whom Macdonald wanted removed as Chief Engineer of the CPR. This rift was partially healed and Tupper and Macdonald managed to work together during the negotiations with George Stephen's syndicate in 1880, but the men were no longer close, and Tupper no longer seemed to be Macdonald's heir apparent. By early 1881 Tupper had determined that he should leave the cabinet. In March 1881 he asked Macdonald to appoint him as Canada's High Commissioner in London. Macdonald initially refused, and Alexander Tilloch Galt retained the High Commissioner's post.

During the 1882 election, Tupper campaigned only in Nova Scotia (he normally campaigned throughout the country): he was again successful, with the Conservatives winning 14 of Nova Scotia's 21 seats in the 5th Canadian Parliament. The 1882 election was personally significant for Tupper because it saw his son, Charles Hibbert Tupper, elected as MP for Pictou.

Early years as High Commissioner, 1883–1887
Tupper remained committed to leaving Ottawa, however, and in May 1883, he moved to London to become unpaid High Commissioner, though he did not surrender his ministerial position at the time. However, he soon faced criticism that the two posts were incompatible, and in May 1884 he resigned from cabinet and the House of Commons and became full-time paid High Commissioner.

During his time as High Commissioner, Tupper vigorously defended Canada's rights. Although he was not a full plenipotentiary, he represented Canada at a Paris conference in 1883, where he openly disagreed with the British delegation; and in 1884 he was allowed to conduct negotiations for a Canadian commercial treaty with Spain.

Tupper was concerned with promoting immigration to Canada and made several tours of various countries in Europe to encourage their citizens to move to Canada. A report in 1883 acknowledges the work of Charles Tupper: "As directing emigration from the United Kingdom and also the Continent, his work has been greatly valuable; and especially in reference to the arrangements made by him on the Continent and in Ireland. The High Commissioner for Canada, Sir Charles Tupper, has been aided during the past year by the same Emigration Agents of the Department in the United Kingdom as in 1882, namely, Mr. John Dyke, Liverpool; Mr. Thomas Grahame, Glasgow; Mr. Charles Foy, Belfast; Mr. Thomas Connolly, Dublin, and Mr. J.W. Down, Bristol. On the European continent, Dr. Otto Hahn, of Reutlingen, has continued to act as Agent in Germany."

In 1883, Tupper convinced William Ewart Gladstone's government to exempt Canadian cattle from the general British ban on importing American cattle by demonstrating that Canadian cattle were free of disease.

His other duties as High Commissioner included: putting Canadian exporters in contact with British importers; negotiating loans for the Canadian government and the CPR; helping to organize the Colonial and Indian Exhibition of 1886; arranging for a subsidy for the mail ship from Vancouver, British Columbia, to the Orient; and lobbying on behalf of a British-Pacific cable along the lines of the transatlantic telegraph cable and for a faster transatlantic steam ship.

Tupper was present at the founding meeting of the Imperial Federation League in July 1884, where he argued against a resolution which said that the only options open to the British Empire were Imperial Federation or disintegration. Tupper believed that a form of limited federation was possible and desirable.

Interlude as Minister of Finance, 1887–1888
1884 saw the election of Liberal William Stevens Fielding as Premier of Nova Scotia after Fielding campaigned on a platform of leading Nova Scotia out of Confederation. As such, throughout 1886, Macdonald begged Tupper to return to Canada to fight the Anti-Confederates. In January 1887 Tupper returned to Canada to rejoin the 3rd Canadian Ministry as Minister of Finance of Canada, while retaining his post as High Commissioner.

During the 1887 federal election, Tupper again presented the pro-Confederation argument to the people of Nova Scotia, and again the Conservatives won 14 of Nova Scotia's 21 seats in the 6th Canadian Parliament.

During his year as finance minister, Tupper retained the government's commitment to protectionism, even extending it to the iron and steel industry. By this time Tupper was convinced that Canada was ready to move on to its second stage of industrial development. In part, he held out the prospect of the development of a great iron industry as an inducement to keep Nova Scotia from seceding.

Tupper's unique position of being both Minister of Finance and High Commissioner to London served him well in an emerging crisis in American-Canadian relations: in 1885, the U.S. abrogated the fisheries clause of the Treaty of Washington (1871), and the Canadian government retaliated against American fishermen with a narrow reading of the Treaty of 1818. Acting as High Commissioner, Tupper pressured the British government (then led by Lord Salisbury) to stand firm in defending Canada's rights. The result was the appointment of a Joint Commission in 1887, with Tupper serving as one of the three British commissioners to negotiate with the Americans. Salisbury selected Joseph Chamberlain as one of the British commissioners. John Thompson served as the British delegation's legal counsel. During the negotiations, U.S. Secretary of State Thomas F. Bayard complained that "Mr. Chamberlain has yielded the control of the negotiations over to Charles Tupper, who subjects the questions to the demands of Canadian politics." The result of the negotiations was a treaty (the Treaty of Washington of 1888) that made such concessions to Canada that it was ultimately rejected by the American Senate in February 1888. However, although the treaty was rejected, the Commission had managed to temporarily resolve the dispute.

Following the long conclusion of these negotiations, Tupper decided to return to London to become High-Commissioner full-time. Macdonald tried to persuade Tupper to stay in Ottawa: during the political crisis surrounding the 1885 North-West Rebellion, Macdonald had pledged to nominate Hector-Louis Langevin as his successor; Macdonald now told Tupper that he would break this promise and nominate Tupper as his successor. Tupper was not convinced, however, and resigned as Minister of Finance on May 23, 1888, and moved back to London.

Later years as High Commissioner, 1888–1895
For Tupper's work on the Joint Commission, Joseph Chamberlain arranged for Tupper to become a baronet of the United Kingdom, and the Tupper Baronetcy was created on September 13, 1888.

In 1889, tensions were high between the U.S. and Canada when the U.S. banned Canadians from engaging in the seal hunt in the Bering Sea as part of the ongoing Bering Sea Dispute between the U.S. and Britain. Tupper traveled to Washington, D.C., to represent Canadian interests during the negotiations and was something of an embarrassment to the British diplomats.

When, in 1890, the provincial secretary of Newfoundland, Robert Bond, negotiated a fisheries treaty with the U.S. that Tupper felt was not in Canada's interest, Tupper successfully persuaded the British government (then under Lord Salisbury's second term) to reject the treaty.

Tupper remained an active politician during his time as High Commissioner, which was controversial because diplomats are traditionally expected to be nonpartisan. (Tupper's successor as High Commissioner, Donald Smith would succeed in turning the High Commissioner's office into a nonpartisan office.) As such, Tupper returned to Canada to campaign on behalf of the Conservatives' National Policy during the 1891 election.

Tupper continued to be active in the Imperial Federation League, though after 1887, the League was split over the issue of regular colonial contribution to imperial defense. As a result, the League was dissolved in 1893, for which some people blamed Tupper.

With respect to the British Empire, Tupper advocated a system of mutual preferential trading. In a series of articles in Nineteenth Century in 1891 and 1892, Tupper denounced the position that Canada should unilaterally reduce its tariff on British goods. Rather, he argued that any such tariff reduction should only come as part of a wider trade agreement in which tariffs on Canadian goods would also be reduced at the same time.

John A. Macdonald's death in 1891 opened the possibility of Tupper's replacing him as Prime Minister of Canada, but Tupper enjoyed life in London and decided against returning to Canada. He recommended that his son support John Thompson's prime ministerial bid.

Tupper becomes prime minister, 1895–1896
John Thompson died suddenly in office in December 1894. Many observers expected the Governor General of Canada, Lord Aberdeen, to invite Tupper to return to Canada to become prime minister. However, Lord Aberdeen disliked Tupper and instead invited Mackenzie Bowell to replace Thompson as prime minister.

The greatest challenge facing Bowell as prime minister was the Manitoba Schools Question. The Conservative Party was bitterly divided on how to handle the Manitoba Schools Question, and as a result, on January 4, 1896, seven cabinet ministers resigned, demanding the return of Tupper. As a result, Bowell and Aberdeen were forced to invite Tupper to join the 6th Canadian Ministry and on January 15 Tupper became Secretary of State for Canada, with the understanding that he would become prime minister following the dissolution of the 7th Canadian Parliament.

Returning to Canada, Tupper was elected to the 7th Canadian Parliament as member for Cape Breton during a by-election held on February 4, 1896. At this point, Tupper was the de facto prime minister, though legally Bowell was still prime minister.

Tupper's position on the Manitoba Schools Act was that French Catholics in Manitoba had been promised the right to separate state-funded French-language Catholic schools in the Manitoba Act of 1870. Thus, even though he personally opposed French-language Catholic schools in Manitoba, he believed that the government should stand by its promise and therefore oppose Dalton McCarthy's Manitoba Schools Act. He maintained this position even after the Manitoba Schools Act was upheld by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council.

In 1895, the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council ruled that the Canadian federal government could pass remedial legislation to overrule the Manitoba Schools Act (see Disallowance and reservation). Therefore, in February 1896 Tupper introduced this remedial legislation in the House of Commons. The bill was filibustered by a combination of extreme Protestants led by McCarthy and Liberals led by Wilfrid Laurier. This filibuster resulted in Tupper's abandoning the bill and asking for a dissolution.

Prime Minister, May–July 1896
Parliament was dissolved on April 24, 1896, and the 7th Canadian Ministry with Tupper as prime minister was sworn in on May 1 making him, with John Turner and Kim Campbell, one of the only three prime ministers to never sit in Parliament while prime minister. Tupper remains the oldest person ever to become Canadian prime minister, at age 74.

Throughout the 1896 election campaign, Tupper argued that the real issue of the election was the future of Canadian industry and insisted that Conservatives needed to unite to defeat the Patrons of Industry. However, the Conservatives were so bitterly divided over the Manitoba Schools Question that wherever he spoke, he was faced with a barrage of criticism, most notably at a two-hour address he gave at Massey Hall in Toronto, which was constantly interrupted by the crowd.

Wilfrid Laurier, on the other hand, modified the traditional Liberal stance on free trade and embraced aspects of the National Policy.

In the end, the Conservatives won the most votes in the 1896 election (48.2 percent of the votes, in comparison to 41.4 percent for the Liberals). However, they captured only about half of the seats in English Canada, while Laurier's Liberals won a landslide victory in Quebec, where Tupper's reputation as an ardent imperialist was a major handicap. Tupper had tried and failed to persuade Joseph-Adolphe Chapleau to return to active politics as his Quebec lieutenant.

Although Laurier had clearly won the election on June 24, Tupper initially refused to cede power, insisting that Laurier would be unable to form a government despite the Liberal Party's having won 55 percent of the seats in the House of Commons. However, when Tupper attempted to make appointments as prime minister, Lord Aberdeen refused to act on Tupper's advice. Tupper then resigned and Aberdeen invited Laurier to form a government. Tupper maintained that Lord Aberdeen's actions were unconstitutional.

Tupper's 68 days are the shortest term of all prime ministers of Canada. His government never faced a Parliament.

His portrait, by Victor Albert Long, hangs in the Parliament Buildings.

Leader of the Opposition, 1896–1900

As Leader of the Opposition during the 8th Canadian Parliament, Tupper attempted to regain the loyalty of those Conservatives who had deserted the party over the Manitoba Schools Question. He played up loyalty to the British Empire. Tupper strongly supported Canadian participation in the Second Boer War, which broke out in 1899, and criticized Laurier for not doing enough to support Britain in the war.

The 1900 election saw the Conservatives pick up 17 Ontario seats in the 9th Canadian Parliament. This was a small consolation, however, Laurier's Liberals won a definitive majority and had a clear mandate for a second term. Worse for Tupper was the fact he had failed to carry his own seat, losing the Cape Breton seat to Liberal Alexander Johnston. In November 1900, two weeks after the election, Tupper stepped down as leader of the Conservative Party of Canada and Leader of the Opposition – the caucus chose as his successor fellow Nova Scotian Robert Laird Borden.

Later years, 1901–1915
Following his defeat in the 1900 election, Tupper and his wife settled with their daughter Emma in Bexleyheath in north-west Kent. He continued to make frequent trips to Canada to visit his sons Charles Hibbert Tupper and William Johnston Tupper, both of whom were Canadian politicians.

On November 9, 1907, Tupper became a member of the British Privy Council. He was also promoted to the rank of Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George, which entitled him to use the postnominal letters "GCMG".

Tupper remained interested in imperial politics, and particularly with promoting Canada's place within the British Empire. He sat on the executive committee of the British Empire League and advocated closer economic ties between Canada and Britain, while continuing to oppose Imperial Federation and requests for Canada to make a direct contribution to imperial defense costs (though he supported Borden's decision to voluntarily make an emergency contribution of dreadnoughts to the Royal Navy in 1912).

In his retirement, Tupper wrote his memoirs, entitled Recollections of Sixty Years in Canada, which were published in 1914. He also gave a series of interviews to journalist W. A. Harkin which formed the basis of a second book published in 1914, entitled Political Reminiscences of the Right Honourable Sir Charles Tupper.

Tupper's wife, Lady Tupper died in May 1912. His eldest son Orin died in April 1915. On October 30, 1915, in Bexleyheath, Tupper died. He was the last of the original Fathers of Confederation to die, and had lived the longest life of any Canadian prime minister, at 94 years, four months. His body was returned to Canada on HMS Blenheim (the same vessel that had carried the body of Tupper's colleague, John Thompson to Halifax when Thompson died in England in 1894) and was buried in St. John's Cemetery in Halifax following a state funeral with a mile-long procession.

Legacy and recognition

Tupper will be most remembered as a Father of Confederation, and his long career as a federal cabinet minister, rather than his brief time as prime minister. As the Premier of Nova Scotia from 1864 to 1867, he led Nova Scotia into Confederation and persuaded Joseph Howe to join the new federal government, bringing an end to the anti-Confederation movement in Nova Scotia.

In their 1999 study of the Canadian Prime Ministers through Jean Chrétien, J.L. Granatstein and Norman Hillmer included the results of a survey of Canadian historians ranking the Prime Ministers. Tupper ranked No. 16 out of the 20 up to that time, due to his extremely short tenure in which he was unable to accomplish anything of significance. Historians noted that despite Tupper's elderly age, he showed a determination and spirit during his brief time as prime minister that almost beat Laurier in the 1896 election.

Mount Tupper in the Canadian Rockies and the Sir Charles Tupper Building in Ottawa are named for him. The Sir Charles Tupper Medical Building is the central building of the Dalhousie Medical School in Halifax, Nova Scotia.

Facility naming

 * Sir Charles Tupper Secondary School in Vancouver, British Columbia
 * Sir Charles Tupper School in Halifax
 * Sir Charles Tupper Medical Building at the Faculty of Medicine, Dalhousie University
 * Sir Charles Tupper Building in Ottawa

title: Charles Tupper