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Talk:Grammar/Archive 1

Comment
I've added a list of grammatical terms, which may be extended, mainly to prevent ambiguities such as [case], [tense], [mood] and [voice]. Karl Palmen --

More than positivistic Grammar
I think the very beginning of this article is merely half-true. As I have understood from a Tibetan Buddhist, and Scholar, who have studied in the tradition of Patanjali, The Sanskrit was developed or preserved from an ideal/sacred source. The paradigmatic view that Grammar is basically descriptive in nature, I believe cannot stand unchallenged, It is descriptive, too. But grammar is fundamentally diagrammatic. It arises out of a wish to communicate as much as out of the laws of communication instructed through the mother tongue. Diagrammatic is here signs signifying relations. Primarily, I think, people speak together, therefor I find it not farfetched to assume that the structure of speaking together has been developed together as a means for common good of understanding one another and shared milieus. The italics are here used to mark the fundamental nature of what I here term diagrammatic. I am not at all opposed to the established view on grammar, I'm simply saying that it is positively exclusive to render grammar as a subfield of linguistic, unless also poetry, Mantra-making and adherent chanting, meditation, praying, storytelling, singing-together, sharing wisdom and knowledge etc, making jokes through the ages and so on, unless all these things are understood as subdivisions of linguistics. The first to develop grammar as a science, were among those who created sanskrit for the enlightenment of the people, not as an antropolgical-linguistic attempt at merely describing the way people spoke in an area. They looked upon Grammar as a supreme knowledge that were not a subfield to any system of thought or practice other than wisdom itself. It was a direct link to the Dalai Lama (here meaning sea of wisdom), so literally speaking. Speaking words and making signs are looked upon one of the three basic things that creates Kamma, alongside thinking on one side and acting on the other. Grammar of Sanskrit, the first scientific language of grammarians are thought of still as a language so pure that it doesn't make bad Kamma, unless one on the other side misuses it by acting as if thought, but haven't really learned anything. Similar attitude can be tracked among pioneers in the art and science of grammar in many languages. The positivist approach is ok if self-ironic. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 193.217.243.51 (talk) 01:21, 26 November 2007 (UTC)

I think it's an error to group programming "languages" in with planned languages like Esperanto or even Klingon. Those have as their goal the creation of a human (okay, sentient-being-based) language; programming languages do not. Try saying "the sky is blue" in Javascript. - Montréalais

 * assert(sky.color == blue);

 * No, that doesn't work, unless you can assign javascript values to sky.color and blue which have the same meanings as those English words (which you can't). Your example only appears to work because of the English semantics of the variable names you've used, but this has no bearing on the semantics of the Javascript code, which is the issue here. Cadr 16:14, 14 Jun 2004 (UTC)

-
 * could someone look at the source for this most recent change? it looks buggy...the list of alpha of terms?

In my opinion, treating the linguists' sense of grammar as the "real" sense is not a neutral point of view. Ironically, it's a prescriptive attempt to tell people that the everyday meaning of "grammar" is wrong and only the specialists' meaning is right. My main goal in reorganizing and slightly rewording this article was the descriptivist one of treating both meanings on an equal footing, while retaining the objections that linguists make to descriptivism. I hope I didn't make any mistakes in doing so.

JerryFriedman 00:42, 8 Jan 2004 (UTC)

Conversely, the section on 'criticism' right now is idiotic. I mean, apart from having a section that is just one big quote with no context, what better way is there to make McCaffrey's statement seem ridiculous than to apparently imply that it is somehow a "criticism of grammar." Silly. This article in general could use a huge amount of work -- anonymous, nov.2007. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 70.50.38.196 (talk) 15:34, 19 November 2007 (UTC)

--- Is there a reason why phonetics, phonology, and semantics are listed as subfields of grammar? Everything I've seen treats those fields, and to a certain extent morphology (minus morphosyntax), as distinct from grammar. Syntax on the other hand is always considered part of grammar in my experience. - Gwalla 03:49, Apr 26, 2004 (UTC)

Adding traditional point of view
It is not fair to give only Chomskyan definition of grammar. So having checked this glossary I added the following sentence:

In traditional terms, grammar includes only morphology and syntax.

The only other change was the qualifying phrase 'According to the structuralist point of view' added to the main definition.

Is phonetics really a "subfield" of grammar?
Is phonetics really a sub-area of grammar? My limited exposure to the former suggests to me that it is not properly a branch of the study of grammars. I would like to hear the opinions of those knowledgeable in linguistics. — User:172.167.65.25

 * In my experience, phonology and grammar are considered separate branches of linguistic study.   — Gwalla | Talk 04:54, 4 Mar 2005 (UTC)

 * I just graduated with a degree in linguistics, and everything I was told indicates that phonology IS definitely a part of grammar from a linguistics perspective. Phonology is very rule-driven.  All languages have rules about how their sounds can be used and combined and under what circumstances.  I would have a very hard time thinking of it any other way, but if there's someone with a master's degree or Ph.D who disagrees with me, I won't stand in their way.  And as for the linguistic perspective on grammar being a POV, I think it has more to do with two different uses of the word.  A linguist who talks about grammar his or her way and an English teacher who uses the word grammar his or her way are not disagreeing as much as dealing with different concepts.  At least that's my feeling on the issue.

24.250.246.178rhesusman 13:34 UTC  24 April 2005

Don't merge with syntax
This article should not be merged with article syntax; the terms have quite distinct meanings. Let me quote from an undergraduate linguistics textbook (Contemporary Linguistics: An Introduction, William O'Grady, Michael Dobrovolsky, and Mark Aronoff, St. Martin's Press, New York, 1989):

 * "...a grammar... is an explicit system of elements and rules needed to form and interpret sentences. All languages have a grammar consisting of the components listed in Table 1.1. Linguists use the term grammar in a rather special and technical sense."

Table 1.1 then lists the five components of a grammar, namely phonetics, phonology, morphology, syntax, and semantics, just as in the second paragraph of the current version of the article. This makes it clear that syntax is simply one component of a grammar, and not equivalent to it. Merging the grammar and syntax articles would be like merging the radio and antenna articles. Physicist 13:30, 26 Apr 2005 (UTC)

 * I agree. I said the same thing on Talk:Syntax.  Shall we remove the tags?

Rhesusman 17:30, 26 Apr 2005 (UTC)

 * Done. Physicist 17:45, 26 Apr 2005 (UTC)

Healthy or healthful?
There is a disagreement at Talk:Healthy eating about whether the title should use "healthy" or "healthful". Anyone care to weigh in over there? Maurreen 2 July 2005 23:05 (UTC)

That sort of question should be asked over at Talk:Disputed English grammar if anywhere, as it is a prescriptive question, not a descriptive one. --Torgo 07:57, 24 March 2006 (UTC)

Numerals missing
A discussion of Numerals is missing. That is something else than 'Numbers'. - Ordinal Numerals, Cardinal Numerals and ... (not being a native English speaker) 'indefinite numerals' such as 'some, 'all', 'many'?

Paul Ogilvie ogilviep@xs4all.nl

grammar includes phonology, morphology, etc.. not pragmatics?
According to my intro linguistics textbook (Language files 8th Ed., Dept. of Linguistics at Ohio State University, 2001)

 * "The mental grammar consists of those aspects of a speaker's knowledge of language that allow him or her to produce grammatical utterances... this kind of grammar is made up of knowledge of phonetics, phonology, morphology, syntax, and semantics... Knowledge of pragmatics and language variation is not usually considered to be part of grammar proper, though it is an important part of your knowledge about language." (p. 8)

So, regarding a couple of the discussions above, in case there is still any question, yes, grammar includes phonetics, phonology, morphology, syntax, and semantics.

As a side note, according to this textbook, pragmatics is not considered part of grammar. Can someone second this? I noticed the article includes pragmatics as part of grammar. --Torgo 08:06, 24 March 2006 (UTC)

Calling on grammarians for help on the vandalism page
We need the input of grammarians/linguists at Wikipedia talk:Vandalism at the section entitled "What does nonsense mean?". Your input on the talk page will help immeasurably in the improvement of all wikipedia articles.pat8722 15:34, 8 April 2006 (UTC)

Word order in Sentences
Have unreverted this section of the article, as it should not have been reverted/removed in first place without explanation. Please edit a para and clean it up if necessary but do not just revert it. This section looked substantial to me, and if parts needed correcting then that should have been done, or at least it should have been submitted it to general perusal and if found lacking substantiation, then by all means go ahead and remove it. Dieter Simon 01:17, 24 June 2006 (UTC)

 * The Basis for Syntax/Word Order section could be removed from this article and added to the syntax article. It would fit better there. Here that section could be replaced with a brief discussion of the various parts of a grammar ie. syntax, phonology, semantics, etc.
 * Thoughts?--YellowLeftHand 21:14, 25 June 2006 (UTC)

 * I have removed the Basis for Syntax section and sub sections Noun Declension and Word Order. The reason: Noun Declension and Word Order are grammatical devices but they are not Grammar. Those sections should be moved to Morphology and Syntax respectively. If you feel that some part of either section would enhance this article, I would be ok with your restoring it under a different heading. Also, We could have a subsection on Universal Grammar.--YellowLeftHand 09:01, 26 June 2006 (UTC)

 * Fine, and I agree. That's all we ever ask for, an explanation why things are being done. Thank you, YellowLeftHand, I see your point. Dieter Simon 23:39, 26 June 2006 (UTC)

Re the removal of a large sections of the article
Have unreverted the revert of large sections of the article (Development of grammars). You really cannot just revert large sections of an article, however much you may disagree with what has been said. If you are going to remove sections you should always explain why you are doing so, and give sources of contrary evidence. Dieter Simon 23:29, 6 July 2006 (UTC) Please ignore my brainstorm remarks, apologies for my inadvertent removal of content. I somehow got carried away.Dieter Simon 23:50, 6 July 2006 (UTC)

Grammatical links list
Have reverted list for the time being, as I can't see the redundancy of that list in this "Grammar" article. I think such a redundancy should have been made obvious to the average reader, which I think it weasn't. Can we assume that the uninitiated reader can find his way around the history and discussions of the article to know there is such a list? Attention should have been drawn that the list is in "syntax", and what kind of list it is. As it stands, the syntax link is one of quite a number of other links in yet another list, not at all obvious. Dieter Simon 00:07, 4 October 2006 (UTC)Dieter Simon 23:56, 3 October 2006 (UTC)

The New "Bad Grammar" section.
This section doesn't belong in this article. It's prescriptive (rather than descriptive) and is, at any rate, wrong. In addition to misspelling the word "ain't," using a word considered by many to sound informal and uneducated has nothing to do with grammar. It should be deleted in my opinion, but I didn't want to upset anyone by unilaterally doing it myself. So I'll let everyone else decide what to do with it. Cereal Box Conspiracy 18:36, 28 January 2007 (UTC)

The section as it is should not stay in the article (delete it). However, the word grammar means more than just descriptive linguistic grammars. Bearing this in mind, some section of the article should be dedicated to describing the sociology of prescriptive grammars. The section could also clarify the difference between nonstandard usage and nonnative usage. --YellowLeftHand 10:35, 29 January 2007 (UTC)

I have deleted the section titled Bad Grammar. Add it back if 1 you can explain exactly what it means (remember there is a difference between prestigious usage of language, erroneous usage of language, and incorrect nonnative usage of language.) The example, ain't, provided is not prestigious but it is also not erroneous nor is it incorrect. 2 you link to the article Linguistic prescription 3 you provide information about register, prestige, errors, and native speaker knowledge.--YellowLeftHand 20:56, 31 January 2007 (UTC)

 * Agreed. I would add that it should probably not be titled "bad grammar". — Gwalla | Talk 07:21, 2 February 2007 (UTC)

On the goodness of description and evil of prescription
The article on grammar suggests in many ways that teaching people how to listen and read is good, but teaching them how to speak and write is wicked. Linguists are said to be concerned "normally" with the former, implying that there is something abnormal about the latter. The notion that we are all culpable when helping people decide how to communicate, when seeking such help, and when making such decisions ourselves, is not only perverse and deplorable, but also patently wrong. We begin our lives incapable of speech. Is it wrong to acquire the ability? Is it right to call instruction in the application of the rules of grammar an invalid activity? Banning prescriptive grammar from the general article on grammar and suggesting that it is illegitimate are serious mistakes, motivated, I suspect, by timidity, laziness, irresponsibility, and ignorance. Only a stubborn, intentional, dedicated ignorance can maintain that proficiency in English composition must not be taught, nor properly called "grammar". D021317c 12:48, 7 March 2007 (UTC)

 * Here's how I understand it. Since linguistics is a science (or aspires to be one, depending on how you feel about the "soft sciences"), modern linguists try not to make value judgments. It's not that they are not interested in how people speak or write, but that they are interested in describing how people speak and write (and how this changes over time) rather than telling people how they should speak and write. Some dialects allow certain things that others do not: for example, the sentence "The beer here is lousy anymore" is perfectly acceptable in some dialects of the northwestern United States. However, some dialects or features may be considered inappropriate in some contexts based on social factors. This is the province of the study of pragmatics, not grammar.

 * I don't think many linguists would say that people should not be taught how to speak. But that's not what they're talking about when they use the term "grammar". — Gwalla | Talk 08:03, 8 March 2007 (UTC)

 * Discussion of prescriptive grammar has not been banned from this page. If you feel that a section on prescription can be worked into the article, then by all means go ahead and add it yourself. However, we should try to avoid saying things like, "Ain't is bad grammar." Also, we should avoid confusing grammar with style and register. --YellowLeftHand 11:56, 8 March 2007 (UTC)
 * The article is very poor in my opinion. I don't write very well so I invite D021317c to rewrite the article. Our goal, as I see it, is to inform our readers that grammar has several distinct meanings including: the prescription of proper speech and writing, and the description of the rules which allow for all the possible meaningful utterances of a language. Interested readers should then be able to direct themselves to articles which discuss the subareas of these meanings.--YellowLeftHand 11:56, 8 March 2007 (UTC)

 * The trouble is, I think, "Political Correctness" is raising its ugly head somewhere along the line. How would a student feel if I as a teacher told him/her, oh don't worry, write it down as you feel right, as somewhere in the English-speaking world this is how they speak it, let me just describe it how they speak/write it, etc. Then he/she is trying to apply for a job with that attitude at the back of his/her mind? Writing his CV in the style he feels most comfortable with, without however taking due regard of the finer points of grammar (or linguistics) as he ought to have been taught - yes, and this should have been prescriptive to save him from some of the inevitable pitfalls of writing. He/she would not get very far in his job applications, I can assure you. We are really talking about practicalities here, not 'Never, Never Land' that may or may not one day become the solution of all our linguistic problems. Dieter Simon 23:44, 8 March 2007 (UTC)
 * I will not address straw men. --YellowLeftHand 06:15, 9 March 2007 (UTC)
 * I don't see political correctness here at all. Modern linguistics has abandoned prescriptivism not out of some desire to avoid giving offense, but because the subject's goal is to figure out how the human brain processes language in general. The existence (or nonexistence) of a rule in a given dialect shows that the brain can interpret the language that way (because it does for some people); throwing out evidence like that because it's not "proper English" (or whatever the language at issue is) just hinders understanding.
 * Your CV example is one of register and social context: it is appropriate to use a formal register and the rules of standard written English in that case, rather than, say, Cockney. But again, this is a matter of pragmatics, the social (rather than structural) aspect of language.
 * As for "never-never land" and "the solution to all our linguistic problems", I don't know what you're trying to say. — Gwalla | Talk 07:24, 11 March 2007 (UTC)

 * I fully concur with the worthy aim of finding out how the human brain processes language in general. However, I was not referring to the former practice of pillorying people for not using “proper English”, and I fully agree with you that continuing in this way would indeed hinder understanding.

 * What I meant was that in formal register the rules of standard written English do indeed apply, as you agree, but that it is precisely the formal styles that need the framework of rules of grammar. Can one however imagine grammatical rules without some kind of prescriptivism?

 * Certain conventions, such as those where to place parts of speech within a sentence or whether to use the controversial modifier “hopefully” as an indicator of the speaker’s attitude, may be one aspect of grammar which may be acceptable, but the dropping of the suffix –ly in adverbs; the incorrect use of the apostrophe in “it’s”; or ‘dangling modifiers’, are examples which indicate a much more serious failure of the writer’s understanding of grammar. These are not merely style insufficiencies which might be laughed off, but errors that should be prevented at all cost in the teaching of English and therefore require some kind of prescriptive teaching of the language.

 * As for the "never-never land" mention, yes it might have been "over the top" somewhat on my part, but it is a reflection on my part that the teaching of English in general appears not to get the serious approach it deserves, and, yes, if a more prescriptive procedure were adopted it might be prove beneficial in the long run. Dieter Simon 01:34, 13 March 2007 (UTC)

 * I can imagine grammatical rules without prescriptivism. They are used all of the time by native speakers. First language acquisition is through exposure and trial-and-error. Even in modern literate societies with school systems, formal teaching of the native language is secondary to experience. Native speakers may not know how to explain the rules behind why some utterances sound wrong and other sound right, but they use them all of the time, unconsciously, when they communicate.

 * You may be right that a prescriptive approach is desirable in education. In my experience, the problem is really that there is less and less emphasis on teaching grammar at all, either prescriptivist "how to/how not to" or descriptivist "how it works". Any approach is probably better than none at all. Although I believe any prescriptivist approach should be tempered by actual usage: insisting upon the use of "whom" is clearly an archaism, as it's no longer present in the spoken language; the artificial rule against "split infinitives" should finally be laid to rest; and as for absolutely prohibiting so-called "dangling prepositions", I believe Winston Churchill said it best: "That is the sort of language up with which I shall not put."

 * Also, "it's" vs. "its" is really more a matter of spelling. — Gwalla | Talk 02:33, 13 March 2007 (UTC)

Yes, Gwalla, indeed, but it is the secondary experience of learning the formal usage of their language which will allow native speakers to progress in their lives.

I agree with you entirely that first language acquisition is by trial-and-error and that youngsters may be unaware of why speech sounds wrong if it is wrongly used by others, but that doesn't really alter the fact, I feel, that later in life, if and when they come in contact with more advanced states of learning such as that at college or university, they may become painfully aware of the lacunae that show up when they express themselves which then may take some time to remedy.

I agree, too, that split infinitives are really of no importance these days, but I can't agree with you about "dangling modifiers/prepositions". Statements, such as "Being in a dilapidated condition, I was able to buy the house much cheaper" are instances which are not just part of the lack of style training, but have to be warned against and guarded against if these risible results are not to creep up on the unwary writer. Dieter Simon 01:53, 14 March 2007 (UTC) Dieter Simon

 * Note that I specifically said dangling prepositions, not the more general dangling modifiers. So-called dangling prepositions are the particle components of phrasal and prepositional verbs, and are a natural feature of the English language (Churchill's quote demonstrates the problems caused by dogmatically avoiding them). The problem with your example is not that the modifier is "dangling", but that an adjective is being used where it does not fit: an adverbial phrase is required there.

 * At any rate, IMO the point of this conversation is moot because I don't think it is our job as an encyclopedia to recommend educational approaches. Wikipedia is not a how-to guide. — Gwalla | Talk 19:55, 14 March 2007 (UTC)

 * Yes, of course, you are right, I did not do justice to "dangling prepositions", I did really not feel I needed to, as these days it is not problem, we should realise English is after all a living language, and I would really call this another one of the conventions which change over time. To call it a rule is taking it a little too far. The fact that Churchill was "lampooning the official view" (as the Devil's Dictionary so quaintly put it), is really neither here nor there, as is the fact that some eyebrows are still being raised if anyone places a preposition at the end of the sentence.

 * What we should be doing in Wikipedia is warning that there are still things which can lead a writer into embarrassing statements which, as in this case, include "dangling modifiers" (or "dangling participles"). It is not an approach to put the clock back but something that must be of benefit to those who consult Wikipedia. For this reason our conversation is worthwhile as Wikipedians and not moot. We are not rewriting the rules, nor setting them for ever in stone but are showing up things the way they are, and that must be important to those who write an encyclopaedia. If that is being prescriptive, so be it, surely. Dieter Simon 00:53, 15 March 2007 (UTC)

 * At this point it's really an issue for the English grammar article, not the general grammar article (which applies to all languages). — Gwalla | Talk 06:10, 15 March 2007 (UTC)
 * Here, Gwalla is exactly right.--YellowLeftHand 12:09, 15 March 2007 (UTC)

 * Good point, but the original comment was added to the talk page of the "Grammar" article rather than the"English grammar" one.

 * The only thing that worries me here, is how you can generalise to the extent you would like. What would a French person think of your comments, with the Académie Française breathing down his neck in their endevour to maintain purity of the French language? How indeed a German when the official bodies have merely been able to change a few instances of the sharp ess and some very minor other ones since for the last seventy-odd years? I still think English is one of the most protean languages, which can change almost to any demands made on it. Dieter Simon 02:43, 17 March 2007 (UTC)

 * Why is it I get harangued by my well meaning friends for drooping my tees and aitches in English and for adding consonants to French? What is it with people who jump through verbal hoops to avoid splitting infinitives whilst simultaneously keeping prepositions from the end of sentences? Still, the other day I heard a child ask his mother "Where the man's gone?" to which she replied "No Charlie, where's the man gone." Children should be taught grammar up to the age of five and that it's. 217.169.50.138 12:45, 19 September 2007 (UTC)

It's a matter of register, isn't it? I am sure if you were to apply for a job where it mattered whether you drop your tees and aitches, you wouldn't drop them, would you? Would you get the job if you did? As for children learning by trial-and-error, that was discussed above. Teaching them grammatic "rules" would be most unhelpful until they get into an age when they can make some sense of them. Dieter Simon 22:52, 19 September 2007 (UTC)

I don't believe grammars is even an accepted plural for grammar...
... and that is the most ironic thing that I have ever seen. Someone prove me wrong. —The preceding unsigned comment was added by 24.18.8.159 (talk) 04:19, 28 March 2007 (UTC).

 * When used as a term for the general subject (as with "physics" or "biology"), it acts as a mass noun and is not pluralized. However, when used to refer to the grammar of a specific language (or when used as the term for a book about the grammar of a language, as in "a reference grammar"), it is a count noun and can be pluralized in the usual way. — Gwalla | Talk 06:50, 28 March 2007 (UTC)

 * Yes, I would agree. (When used to refer to the grammar of a specific language) or of a set of languages, such as "the grammars of the Scandinavian languages..." Examples such as these surely must allow pluralization. Dieter Simon 22:56, 28 March 2007 (UTC)

 * Grammars is perfectly OK. garik 17:50, 23 April 2007 (UTC)

"... ; thus, ..."
This is in the openning paragraph of the article. I was pretty sure it should be "..., -->

Reference grammar
Should there not be a short article clarifying that "a grammar" often refers to a book summarising the grammar of a language, for learners and/or writers? Itsmejudith (talk) 12:30, 9 December 2007 (UTC

 * Yes, Itsmejudith, I do see your point as regards to the countable or uncountable noun "grammar", but the way it is written, will it be understood by people who by chance read the sentence? On the practical side, are you saying that a book called "English Grammar" is in fact dealing with a different subject than a book called "an English Grammar"? If so, how does it differ? Is "English Grammar" not only about the English language, but a general book also about the history, etymology, typography or bibliography of the English language, while "an English Grammar" as each individual book published to teach, analyse or summarise English? You see, you suggest "descriptive grammar" but that redirects to Linguistic prescription in Wikipedia. Looks like a bit of a minefield to me.Dieter Simon (talk) 00:09, 30 June 2008 (UTC)
 * All we need to do is to explain what is meant when someone says "I'll look that up in my grammar" or "I'm going to the bookshop to get a German grammar" or "she co-authored a Tagalog grammar". "A grammar" meaning "a book of grammar" can be prescriptive, descriptive or both. In my experience "a reference grammar" is used as often as "a grammar" in this context. "Students, look up this point in your reference grammar". Itsmejudith (talk) 09:41, 30 June 2008 (UTC)
 * Yes, please go on and do it then, because as far as I can see there is no definition or encyclopaedic article of "reference grammar" in Wiki, so we can all see what it is. What is the difference between a "a grammar" and "a reference grammar"? As I said, you are telling us about a "descriptive grammar" which then redirects to "linguistic prescription", but nothing about "reference grammar". Dieter Simon (talk) 22:28, 30 June 2008 (UTC)
 * "A reference grammar" is simply a book of grammar that is meant to be used as a reference book. Searching for it in Amazon I found for example: A Reference Grammar of Modern Italian by Martin Maiden and Cecilia Robustelli; A New Reference Grammar of Modern Spanish by John Butt and Carmen Benjamin; A Reference Grammar of Syrian Arabic (Georgetown Classics in Arabic Language and Linguistics) by Mark W. Cowell, Karin C. Ryding, and Margaret Nydell. These books are mainly for the use of second-language learners, but they are also used by teachers. They are overwhelmingly descriptive but there is no reason in principle why prescriptive rules should not also be covered. Itsmejudith (talk) 12:15, 1 July 2008 (UTC)

So it's really one and the same thing "grammar" and "reference grammar"? You see, forgive me but what worries me is the fact you can't find any definition of "reference grammar" in any of the dictionaries I have consulted. It seems to me just a modifier plus noun, yes, which might make some sense, but for the person consulting Wikipedia he/she won't be able to see the definition. Yes, there are plenty grammar books which relate to the would-be user who might want to "refer" as he might want to "refer" to any rule book, but surely "grammar" is "grammar" is "grammar"? The difference between "grammar" and "reference grammar" seems rather specious in what one can see in the public domain.

Another thing is, or was, the introductory section to "Grammar", I think it might need rewriting. I have removed the link in "descriptive grammar" as it redirected straight to linguistic prescription, the precise antithesis of "description", which of course couldn't have been more confusing if we'd tried. I am sorry if I sound like a critic harping on about a lot of work done to the page but which doesn't seem to achieve what it set out to do. Perhaps you might lend a hand and rewrite the intro? Would be appreciated. Dieter Simon (talk) 23:03, 1 July 2008 (UTC)

Re:"Questions...direct and indirect"
Re your edit: "Questions can come in many forms direct and indirect a direct question has the words who what where when and why. Indirect questions have inplied words such as tell explain or ellaborate". Don't forget, indirect questions can still have the "Wh-" forms, such as "please explain what the hero of the story intended to do". Of course you can also say "Explain the intentions the hero had". Have reverted your edit for the time being, perhaps you can let us know exactly what is meant. Dieter Simon (talk) 00:26, 14 July 2008 (UTC)

Singular
How does the word "singular" function in "Each language has its own distinct grammar (singular)."? Unfree (talk) 22:17, 28 June 2009 (UTC)
 * Yes, "each language" (singular) has "its own distinct grammar" (singular). You could, of course, put it slightly differently: "all languages" (plural) have "their own grammars", stylistically not so good. Dieter Simon (talk) 23:45, 28 June 2009 (UTC)
 * I think the intent of the question was, "What is the point of including the word '(singular)' at the end of this sentence?", and I say, it has no point. That the word grammar is singular is obvious from the lack of an -s at the end. I've removed it as superfluous. +Angr 05:39, 29 June 2009 (UTC)
 * Yes, I see now where this came from. I first thought it was a general question on the part of Unfree. It is part of the introductory section of the article, and as such I think it is quite alright to leave it there. After all you got to introduce it somehow, but if you want to improve this section yourself, feel free. Dieter Simon (talk) 22:50, 29 June 2009 (UTC)

The Couple have/has
Which is correct/more appropriate:

 * The couple have two daughters; or
 * The couple has two daughters.

Please, no opinions, only answers from knowledgable persons. Regards. Redking7 (talk) 19:27, 4 September 2009 (UTC)
 * Unfortunately it is not as straightforward as you think. Couple is a collective noun or 'group noun', and should therefore take the singular. However, since the couple also consists of two individuals, nowadays it is becoming more and more common to use the plural. The couple has three children, or the couple have three children may equally often be heard. The same applies to pair, and quite a number of other collective nouns.

 * It becomes much more obvious if you have larger groups, such as the team: If you are talking about the team as a single functioning body, then it is much easier to use a phrase such as this team has improved a lot over the year, but the team have all contributed to the final result could most certainly be used. Another favourite for singular usage is the government, as in this government is reponsible for so many things, but the government have never denied that they were responsible for having to find the money.

 * The problem is whether you consider grammar prescriptive or descriptive. Are you describing what is the usage or are you prescribing, in other words, laying down the law how language ought to be used. Linguists nowadays tend to describe the usage in language rather than insist on it. Dieter Simon (talk) 01:26, 5 September 2009 (UTC) Dieter Simon (talk) 01:29, 5 September 2009 (UTC)

 * I am a native-English speaker but had never heard any one say "The couple has" before now. I would always say "The couple have" and so would all whom I know but my experience is not a rule so it does not help so muc. The points arose in this sentence:

"Ma is married to Christine Chow, and the couple has two daughters. Lesley (Ma Wei-chung, 馬唯中) was born in 1981 in New York when Ma was attending Harvard; she completed her undergraduate work at Harvard University and is currently a graduate student at New York University  " It is taken from an article on President Ma (leader of the RoC / Taiwan authorities). I had changed the "has" to "have" but this was reverted. Regards. Redking7 (talk) 11:17, 5 September 2009 (UTC)
 * This is the Wikipedia article on President Ma, President of Taiwan. Dieter Simon (talk) 00:22, 6 September 2009 (UTC)

 * In american english when you you refer to "the couple" it refers to a singular entity consisting of two people much like "the corporation" refers to a singular entity of many people. Therefor we would state "The couple has a contract." and "The corporation has a contract."

 * Gentlemen, this is a matter of location. American English favors the singular, while British English favors the plural. 03:11, 28 April 2010 (UTC) —Preceding unsigned comment added by 69.117.158.21 (talk • contribs)
 * Yup. And British English has preferred the plural for a long time.  That said, there may be some tendency for the singular to be used when the noun refers to something acting as one entity (compare "The government are debating the motion" and "The government has passed the bill"), though I don't know how consistently speakers make this distinction.
 * I should add, by the way, that this isn't a page for grammar queries! It's too late now, but in future, the correct response is just to delete such queries immediately unless they relate to improving the article. garik (talk) 07:45, 28 April 2010 (UTC)

Vandalism
This article appears to be the victim of vandalism. Seeing that I am very inexperienced with editing and do not feel qualified to revert/pinpoint the correct reversion to you I figured I would point the vandalism out to the wikipedia editors at large, and I hope this is the correct place to do that.

"The first systematic grammars originated in Iron Age India, with Jesus, Isaac Newton and his commentators Peter, Paul, and Patrick Ewing." —Preceding unsigned comment added by 216.143.221.194 (talk) 03:26, 11 May 2009 (UTC)

 * I see you later did decide to fix it yourself. Thanks for helping to rid Wikipedia of vandalism! However, the best way to revert vandalism is not simply to remove the offending sentence, but rather to click "history" at the top of the page, find the most recent non-vandalized version, click on "prev", then click on "undo". That way, you make sure nothing gets lost. The way you did it, some good content got removed with the bad. (Which I've undone now.) +Angr 05:24, 11 May 2009 (UTC)

 * Thanks for the help and the tip. I'm not on here enough to edit consistently, but I'll keep that in mind for the future.  —Preceding unsigned comment added by 216.143.221.194 (talk) 02:06, 12 May 2009 (UTC)

 * While I'm sure it's interesting when it comes to linguistics the "LOL" in the introduction is unnecessary and hurts the article. The issue is I cannot find it in the source, yet it is there. Could a more well versed Wikipedian get rid of this? 70.79.130.140 (talk) 02:45, 30 April 2010 (UTC)

 * Looks like somebody already reverted it before you posted. You may have been looking at a cached page. — Gwalla | Talk 17:48, 30 April 2010 (UTC)

Ideas for new outline
The article currently confuses three topics 1. Grammar as the structure of (a) language 2. (a) grammar as a book describing the structure of a language 3. grammar as the sanctioned standards of usage in a given community (i.e. the conventions of the standard language). The article should keep those apart. Secondly it should describe the discussion of what grammar is in the first sense within theoretical linguistics: e.g. the Chomskyan view of grammar as a set of formal rules embedded in the brain, functionalist ideas of grammar as a set of tools and patterns, Hopper's emergent grammar, etc. Then it should also give an overview of central topics of grammar such as grammatical categories, morphosyntax, typology and the different theoretical approaches to describing them. ·ʍaunus·snunɐw· 13:51, 29 August 2012 (UTC)

Inconsistence
In the History section, first sentence. Pāṇini is said to have lived in the 4th century BC, yet when you click to see his page, he is said to ahve lived in the 6th century. I'm not sure which is right, but it is inconsistent. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 94.109.55.222 (talk) 20:19, 14 May 2013 (UTC)

Grammer schools
"Prescriptive grammar is taught in primary school (elementary school). The term "grammar school" historically refers to schools teaching Latin grammar to future priests."

Specifically "The term "grammar school" historically refers to schools teaching Latin grammar to future priests." - does it? Good for it, but it's not really in the right article is it?

You discuss the different historic meanings for the term "grammar school" while stressing the importance of not confusing these terms with the "modern British grammar schools". Perhaps it would be helpful to take a sentence or two to describe what the " British grammar schools" are and how they differ from the historic ones. I am aware that you link the reader to a page on the modern grammar schools, however if you have taken the time to give a brief definition of the historic use for the term, I think it would be beneficial to quickly define the modern use. It will help to clarify the differences between the two for the reader, as well. Jlenz93 (talk) 05:16, 18 September 2014 (UTC)

Also, maybe this should fall under the history section of the article. You could just refer to the definitions of "grammar schools" as previously noted. Jlenz93 (talk) 05:16, 18 September 2014 (UTC)

Circular referencing
History of linguistics states that further information is contained at History of grammar. History of grammar states that further information is contained at History of linguistics. The references should be hierarchical. As History of grammar is a sub-section of Grammar it would seem logical that the more detailed information (the "further informmation") should be at History of linguistics. The two need to be co-ordinated. LookingGlass (talk) 16:17, 8 April 2013 (UTC)
 * I agree that that referencing is referencing itself or another similar subject or article, but it doesn't have a legitamate source to cite so that's why it's like that I assume. There needs to be an external peer reviewed journal or source for the history to reference to so this circular stuff does not keep happening. This will certainly help it become a bigger topic including many other links.--Psxiong (talk) 03:48, 23 March 2017 (UTC)

Comprised of
Clearly i comprise composition, but compose comprisures. They are composed of comprisures therefore comprised of composure. In fact i am comprisimg right now. Please stay composed. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 72.94.236.35 (talk) 14:15, 3 May 2015 (UTC)

Grammar in the Encyclopédie
I'm not sure that the following really contributes much of use to the article, so I've removed it: According to the Encyclopédie, "general grammar" has been used to denote the "rational science" of general principles governing all languages, while a "particular grammar" referred to the "art" of applying the conventions of one language to those general principles. However, I can sort of imagine that something useful could be said that incorporates this information, so I'm posting it here in case anyone would like to use it, say for a section on the history of the term. Garik (talk) 14:30, 2 October 2015 (UTC)

External links added
Hi Fellows, I ran a useful website which deals with many aspects of Grammar so I added a link to it and I'll appreciate you approving it. — Preceding unsigned comment added by AmirBr (talk • contribs) 5:49, 11 January 2016 (UTC)

Punctuation?
Punctuation has a big impact on grammar, it is also within the grammar categories, but the word punctuation doesn't even appear in this article once, I'm sure a description, long or short, should appear here, of how punctuation effects grammar, it's pretty important. I may try to work it in myself but language articles aren't normally my thing, someone else more experienced if you agree feel free to incorporate it somehow.  Carl wev   20:02, 17 March 2014 (UTC)
 * No, punctuation in fact has nothing to do with grammar as the concept of grammar is used among non-lay people. Punctuation and spelling are arbitrary conventions about how to represent language in writing. Grammar as undestood by linguists is the rules that govern how we build meaningful words and phrases. The common use of grammar to describe conventions of orthography and prescriptive statements about how people "ought to" speak is the most common miscnception about grammar. This of course means that the article should mention it, in order to debunk it. I have a draft of this article that I am working on that will include mention of the "grammar as spelling and style" misconception.User:Maunus ·ʍaunus·snunɐw· 20:07, 17 March 2014 (UTC)
 * OK fair enough, I need to read up on it more, I seem to have misunderstood, my dictionary also does not mention either term at the entry for the other. Should punctuation be in grammar categories then? Are they completely unlinked?  Carl  wev   17:18, 18 March 2014 (UTC)
 * Punctuation depends on grammar (for example: a period, which is punctuation, is used to mark the end of a sentence, which is determined by grammar) but it is not part of grammar. — Gwalla | Talk 20:46, 18 March 2014 (UTC)
 * I would qualify that by saying that it depends partly on grammar, but that it also depends on conventions specific to orthography. I think a good analogy is to think about whether information about vests and shirts should be included in the Torso article.  Garik (talk) 21:37, 18 March 2014 (UTC)
 * I agree with what you are saying and it's also a good thing that it's linked to another article because it is a different subject entirely, whether or not it should be discussed in this article is a minor thing but it helps add to the topic. The article should state which linguists define the term punctuation and how it should be used. --Psxiong (talk) 03:36, 23 March 2017 (UTC)

 * I mentioned it in a grammar statement."Mr.Shaw shoul put the Finance Ministry in Bolt's foot" Doniea Brown (talk) 15:16, 19 September 2019 (UTC)

 * Punctuations are compulsory here because it’s also a part of grammar. In some languages punctuations can create completely new meaning. The speaking skill is affected by punctuations.Furthermore some people say that it’s one of the five parts of grammar. Symoum Syfullah Priyo (talk) 05:38, 22 June 2020 (UTC)

Corrections requested
[Moved here from the article space]

-- that's a dictionary (German: Wörterbuch) and not a grammar. -- and? Why mention some random grammars? There where European modern post-mediaeval times grammars for languages others than Latin before that, e.g. Griffith Roberts' Welsh grammar and a German grammar by Schottel. — Preceding unsigned comment added by Laraof (talk • contribs) 16:26, 24 November 2017 (UTC)
 * "The Grammatisch-Kritisches Wörterbuch der hochdeutschen Mundart, a High German grammar"
 * "In 1643 there appeared Ivan Uzhevych's Grammatica sclavonica and, in 1762, the Short Introduction to English Grammar of Robert Lowth was also published.", "The Serbian grammar by Vuk Stefanović Karadžić arrived in 1814"

Languages
The Finnish link links to the page "kielioppi", which is often accepted as the correct translation for "grammar". However, the words have slightly different meanings: "kielioppi", unlike "grammar", includes for example orthography, whereas its article specifically states that semantics and pragmatics are not part of "kielioppi". As far as I know, neither English nor Finnish language has words that would fully fit the meanings of the word in other language. The question is, should the link be removed? BlueBanana (talk) 10:55, 21 February 2018 (UTC)

Natural Language?
The very first sentence in this article...

In linguistics, grammar (from Ancient Greek γραμματική) is the set of structural rules governing the composition of clauses, phrases and words in a natural language.

From the very first sentence in the Wikipedia article for Natural language...

In neuropsychology, linguistics, and the philosophy of language, a natural language or ordinary language is any language that has evolved naturally in humans through use and repetition without conscious planning or premeditation.

From me...

Considering those two things, the first sentence in this article implies languages created with conscious planning or premeditation do not, or cannot, have grammar. Which is entirely misleading. There are, in fact, a number of languages created with conscious planning / premeditation which have their own grammar. The Klingon language made up for the Star trek franchise, is one example. It has a complete grammar (set of structural rules) which defines the composition of clauses, phrases, and words within it.

From the Wikipedia article for Klingon language...

Described in the 1985 book The Klingon Dictionary by Marc Okrand and deliberately designed to sound "alien", it has a number of typologically uncommon features. The language's basic sound, along with a few words, was first devised by actor James Doohan ("Scotty") and producer Jon Povill for Star Trek: The Motion Picture. That film marked the first time the language had been heard on screen. In all previous appearances, Klingons spoke in English, even to each other. Klingon was subsequently developed by Okrand into a full-fledged language.

From me...

I have studied the Klingon language years ago and it has, in fact, a complete grammar (set of structural rules) governing the composition of clauses, phrases and words within it. See here for proof that unnatural languages can also have grammars, even complete grammars, in the Wikipedia article for Klingon grammar... https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Klingon_grammar

I do not know all the Wikipedia codes and such, and I do not wish to engage in changing articles myself. Therefore, I suggest someone change the first sentence in this article to one of the following...

(minus the word "natural") In linguistics, grammar (from Ancient Greek γραμματική) is the set of structural rules governing the composition of clauses, phrases and words in a language.

-or-

(change "in a natural language" to "in natural and unnatural languages") In linguistics, grammar (from Ancient Greek γραμματική) is the set of structural rules governing the composition of clauses, phrases and words in natural and unnatural languages.

Thibeinn (talk) 17:28, 2 November 2020 (UTC)

 * I would simple remove the word "natural" and just state that languages have grammar, period.--Megaman en m (talk) 17:55, 2 November 2020 (UTC)

 * +1. All languages, even in the broadest sense of the term that is not intended here, have grammar, not only spoken and signed natural languages, but also constructed languages, programming languages, waggle dance, and many more. Love —LiliCharlie (talk) 18:31, 2 November 2020 (UTC)

The most common grammar element
I looked at languages from Chinese and korean till spanish. In all of them; the common element "AZ" that in persian means from; is present. In some languages it has the form of C,D,sta;and so on. Many thanks Amir Arab  194.86.153.167 (talk) 13:06, 20 January 2021 (UTC)

 * It is the genetive case; in english it is expressed as "of" or 's;in french it is "de" ;in russian it is ot or "c" and the list continues. when i looked at the grammar of korean and chinese I could find paralles with farsi grammar.Amir — Preceding unsigned comment added by 194.86.153.167 (talk) 11:33, 25 January 2021 (UTC)

Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment
This article was the subject of a Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment, between 26 August 2019 and 11 December 2019. Further details are available on the course page. Student editor(s): Aileenivett.

Above undated message substituted from Template:Dashboard.wikiedu.org assignment by PrimeBOT (talk) 22:36, 16 January 2022 (UTC)

title: Talk:Grammar/Archive 1


text:
Gulf of Oman

The Gulf of Oman or Sea of Oman (خليج عمان khalīj ʿumān; daryâ-ye omân), also known as Gulf of Makran or Sea of Makran (خلیج مکران khalīj makrān;  daryâ-ye makrān), is a gulf in the Indian Ocean that connects the Arabian Sea with the Strait of Hormuz, which then runs to the Persian Gulf. It borders Iran and Pakistan on the north, Oman on the south, and the United Arab Emirates on the west.

Extent
The International Hydrographic Organization defines the limits of the Gulf of Oman as follows:

"*On the Northwest: A line joining Ràs Limah (25°57'N) on the coast of Arabia and Ràs al Kuh (25°48'N) on the coast of Iran (Persia).
 * On the Southeast: The Northern limit of the Arabian Sea [A line joining Ràs al Hadd, East point of Arabia (22°32'N) and Ràs Jiyùni (61°43'E) on the coast of Pakistan ]."

Exclusive economic zone
Exclusive economic zones in Gulf of Oman:

Bordering countries
Coastline length of bordering countries:

 * 1)  - 850 km coastline
 * 2)  - 750 km coastline
 * 3)  - 50 km coastline
 * 4) 🇵🇰 - 50 km coastline

Alternative names

The Gulf of Oman historically and geographically has been referred to by different names by Arabian, Iranian, Indian, Pakistani, and European geographers and travelers, including Makran Sea and Akhzar Sea.

 * 1) Makran Sea
 * 2) Akhzar Sea
 * 3) Persian Sea (consists of the whole of the Persian Gulf and Gulf of Oman)

Until the 18th century, it was known as Makran Sea and is also visible on historical maps and museums.

Major ports

 * Port of Fujairah, Fujairah, United Arab Emirates
 * Khor Fakkan Container Terminal, Khor Fakkan, United Arab Emirates
 * Port of Chabahar, Chabahar, Iran
 * Port Sultan Qaboos, Muttrah, Oman

International trade
The Western side of the gulf connects to the Strait of Hormuz, a strategic route through which a third of the world's liquefied natural gas and 20% of global oil consumption passes from Middle East producers.

Ecology
In 2018, scientists confirmed the Gulf of Oman contains one of the world's largest marine dead zones, where the ocean contains little or no oxygen and marine wildlife cannot exist. The dead zone encompasses nearly the entire 63700 sqmi Gulf of Oman and equivalent to the size of Florida, United States of America. The cause is a combination of increased ocean warming and increased runoff of nitrogen and phosphorus from fertilizers.

International underwater rail tunnel
In 2018, a rail tunnel under the sea was suggested to link the UAE with the western coast of India. The bullet train tunnel would be supported by pontoons and be nearly 2000 km in length.

Pop culture
In the Battlefield video game series, the Gulf of Oman is a map used in Battlefield 2, Battlefield 3, Battlefield Play4Free and Battlefield 4 with the United States Marines Corps (USMC) invading the shore of Oman with the fictional Middle Eastern Coalition (MEC) defending it in Battlefield 2, and with Russian Ground Forces defending it in Play4Free, Battlefield 3 and Battlefield 4.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Gulf of Oman


text:
Grammatical case

A grammatical case is a category of nouns and noun modifiers (determiners, adjectives, participles, and numerals) that corresponds to one or more potential grammatical functions for a nominal group in a wording. In various languages, nominal groups consisting of a noun and its modifiers belong to one of a few such categories. For instance, in English, one says I see them and they see me: the nominative pronouns I/they represent the perceiver and the accusative pronouns me/them represent the phenomenon perceived. Here, nominative and accusative are cases, that is, categories of pronouns corresponding to the functions they have in representation.

English has largely lost its inflected case system but personal pronouns still have three cases, which are simplified forms of the nominative, accusative (including functions formerly handled by the dative) and genitive cases. They are used with personal pronouns: subjective case (I, you, he, she, it, we, they, who, whoever), objective case (me, you, him, her, it, us, them, whom, whomever) and possessive case (my, mine; your, yours; his; her, hers; its; our, ours; their, theirs; whose; whosever). Forms such as I, he and we are used for the subject ("I kicked John"), and forms such as me, him and us are used for the object ("John kicked me").

As a language evolves, cases can merge (for instance, in Ancient Greek, the locative case merged with the dative), a phenomenon known as syncretism.

Languages such as Sanskrit, Kannada, Latin, Tamil, and Russian have extensive case systems, with nouns, pronouns, adjectives, and determiners all inflecting (usually by means of different suffixes) to indicate their case. The number of cases differs between languages: Persian has two; modern English has three but for pronouns only; Torlakian dialects, Classical and Modern Standard Arabic have three; German, Icelandic, Modern Greek, and Irish have four; Romanian and Ancient Greek have five; Bengali, Latin, Russian, Slovak, Kajkavian, Slovenian, and Turkish each have at least six; Armenian, Czech, Georgian, Latvian, Lithuanian, Polish, Serbo-Croatian and Ukrainian have seven; Mongolian, Marathi, Sanskrit, Kannada, Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam, Assamese and Greenlandic have eight; Old Nubian had nine; Basque has 13; Estonian has 14; Finnish has 15; Hungarian has 18; and Tsez has at least 36 cases.

Commonly encountered cases include nominative, accusative, dative and genitive. A role that one of those languages marks by case is often marked in English with a preposition. For example, the English prepositional phrase with (his) foot (as in "John kicked the ball with his foot") might be rendered in Russian using a single noun in the instrumental case, or in Ancient Greek as τῷ ποδί (, meaning "the foot") with both words (the definite article, and the noun πούς "foot") changing to dative form.

More formally, case has been defined as "a system of marking dependent nouns for the type of relationship they bear to their heads". Cases should be distinguished from thematic roles such as agent and patient. They are often closely related, and in languages such as Latin, several thematic roles are realised by a somewhat fixed case for deponent verbs, but cases are a syntagmatic/phrasal category, and thematic roles are the function of a syntagma/phrase in a larger structure. Languages having cases often exhibit free word order, as thematic roles are not required to be marked by position in the sentence.

History
It is widely accepted that the Ancient Greeks had a certain idea of the forms of a name in their own language. A fragment of Anacreon seems to prove this. Grammatical cases were first recognized by the Stoics and from some philosophers of the Peripatetic school. The advancements of those philosophers were later employed by the philologists of the Library of Alexandria.

Etymology
The English word case used in this sense comes from the Latin casus, which is derived from the verb, "to fall", from the Proto-Indo-European root wikt:Appendix:Proto-Indo-European/ḱad-. The Latin word is a calque of the Greek πτῶσις,, lit. "falling, fall". The sense is that all other cases are considered to have "fallen" away from the nominative. This imagery is also reflected in the word declension, from Latin, "to lean", from the PIE root wikt:Appendix:Proto-Indo-European/ḱley-.

The equivalent to "case" in several other European languages also derives from casus, including in French,  in Italian,  in Spanish,  in Portuguese and  in German. The Russian word паде́ж (padyézh) is a calque from Greek and similarly contains a root meaning "fall", and the German and Czech  simply mean "fall", and are used for both the concept of grammatical case and to refer to physical falls. The Dutch equivalent translates as 'noun case', in which 'noun' has the older meaning of both 'adjective (noun)' and '(substantive) noun'. The Finnish equivalent is, whose main meaning is "position" or "place".

Indo-European languages

Although not very prominent in modern English, cases featured much more saliently in Old English and other ancient Indo-European languages, such as Latin, Old Persian, Ancient Greek, and Sanskrit. Historically, the Indo-European languages had eight morphological cases, although modern languages typically have fewer, using prepositions and word order to convey information that had previously been conveyed using distinct noun forms. Among modern languages, cases still feature prominently in most of the Balto-Slavic languages (except Macedonian and Bulgarian ), with most having six to eight cases, as well as Icelandic, German and Modern Greek, which have four. In German, cases are mostly marked on articles and adjectives, and less so on nouns. In Icelandic, articles, adjectives, personal names and nouns are all marked for case, making it the most conservative Germanic language.

The eight historical Indo-European cases are as follows, with examples either of the English case or of the English syntactic alternative to case:

All of the above are just rough descriptions; the precise distinctions vary significantly from language to language, and as such they are often more complex. Case is based fundamentally on changes to the noun to indicate the noun's role in the sentence – one of the defining features of so-called fusional languages. Old English was a fusional language, but Modern English does not work this way.

Modern English
Modern English has largely abandoned the inflectional case system of Proto-Indo-European in favor of analytic constructions. The personal pronouns of Modern English retain morphological case more strongly than any other word class (a remnant of the more extensive case system of Old English). For other pronouns, and all nouns, adjectives, and articles, grammatical function is indicated only by word order, by prepositions, and by the "Saxon genitive" (-'s).

Taken as a whole, English personal pronouns are typically said to have three morphological cases:

 * The nominative case (subjective pronouns such as I, he, she, we), used for the subject of a finite verb and sometimes for the complement of a copula.
 * The oblique case (object pronouns such as me, him, her, us), used for the direct or indirect object of a verb, for the object of a preposition, for an absolute disjunct, and sometimes for the complement of a copula.
 * The genitive case (possessive pronouns such as my/mine, his, her/hers, our/ours), used for a grammatical possessor. This is not always considered to be a case; see.

Most English personal pronouns have five forms: the nominative case form, the oblique case form, a distinct reflexive or intensive form (such as myself, ourselves) which is based upon the possessive determiner form but is coreferential to a preceding instance of nominative or oblique, and the possessive case forms, which include both a determiner form (such as my, our) and a predicatively-used independent form (such as mine, ours) which is distinct (with two exceptions: the third person singular masculine he and the third person singular neuter it, which use the same form for both determiner and independent [his car, it is his]). The interrogative personal pronoun who exhibits the greatest diversity of forms within the modern English pronoun system, having definite nominative, oblique, and genitive forms (who, whom, whose) and equivalently-coordinating indefinite forms (whoever, whomever, and whosever).

Although English pronouns can have subject and object forms (he/him, she/her), nouns show only a singular/plural and a possessive/non-possessive distinction (e.g. chair, chairs, chair's, chairs'); there is no manifest difference in the form of chair between "The chair is here." (subject) and "I own the chair." (direct object), a distinction made instead by word order and context.

Hierarchy of cases
Cases can be ranked in the following hierarchy, where a language that does not have a given case will tend not to have any cases to the right of the missing case:

 * nominative → accusative or ergative → genitive → dative → locative or prepositional → ablative and/or instrumental → others.

This is, however, only a general tendency. Many forms of Central German, such as Colognian and Luxembourgish, have a dative case but lack a genitive. In Irish nouns, the nominative and accusative have fallen together, whereas the dative–locative has remained separate in some paradigms; Irish also has genitive and vocative cases. In many modern Indo-Aryan languages, the accusative, genitive, and dative have merged to an oblique case, but many of these languages still retain vocative, locative, and ablative cases. Old English had an instrumental case, but neither a locative nor a prepositional case.

Case order
The traditional case order (nom-gen-dat-acc) was expressed for the first time in The Art of Grammar in the 2nd century BC:

Latin grammars, such as Ars grammatica, followed the Greek tradition, but added the ablative case of Latin. Later other European languages also followed that Graeco-Roman tradition.

However, for some languages, such as Latin, due to case syncretism the order may be changed for convenience, where the accusative or the vocative cases are placed after the nominative and before the genitive. For example:

For similar reasons, the customary order of the four cases in Icelandic is nominative–accusative–dative–genitive, as illustrated below:

Case concord systems
In the most common case concord system, only the head-word (the noun) in a phrase is marked for case. This system appears in many Papuan languages as well as in Turkic, Mongolian, Quechua, Dravidian, Indo-Aryan, and other languages. In Basque and various Amazonian and Australian languages, only the phrase-final word (not necessarily the noun) is marked for case. In many Indo-European, Finnic, and Semitic languages, case is marked on the noun, the determiner, and usually the adjective. Other systems are less common. In some languages, there is double-marking of a word as both genitive (to indicate semantic role) and another case such as accusative (to establish concord with the head noun).

Declension paradigms
Declension is the process or result of altering nouns to the correct grammatical cases. Languages with rich nominal inflection (using grammatical cases for many purposes) typically have a number of identifiable declension classes, or groups of nouns with a similar pattern of case inflection or declension. Sanskrit has six declension classes, whereas Latin is traditionally considered to have five, and Ancient Greek three. For example, Slovak has fifteen noun declension classes, five for each gender (the number may vary depending on which paradigms are counted or omitted, this mainly concerns those that modify declension of foreign words; refer to article).

In Indo-European languages, declension patterns may depend on a variety of factors, such as gender, number, phonological environment, and irregular historical factors. Pronouns sometimes have separate paradigms. In some languages, particularly Slavic languages, a case may contain different groups of endings depending on whether the word is a noun or an adjective. A single case may contain many different endings, some of which may even be derived from different roots. For example, in Polish, the genitive case has -a, -u, -ów, -i/-y, -e- for nouns, and -ego, -ej, -ich/-ych for adjectives. To a lesser extent, a noun's animacy or humanness may add another layer of complexity. For example, in Russian:

vs.

and

Australian Aboriginal languages
Australian languages represent a diversity of case paradigms in terms of their alignment (i.e. nominative-accusative vs. ergative-absolutive) and the morpho-syntactic properties of case inflection including where/how many times across a noun phrase the case morphology will appear. For typical r-expression noun phrases, most Australian languages follow a basic ERG-ABS template with additional cases for peripheral arguments; however, many Australian languages, the function of case marking extends beyond the prototypical function of specifying the syntactic and semantic relation of an NP to a predicate. Dench and Evans (1988) use a five-part system for categorizing the functional roles of case marking in Australian languages. They are enumerated below as they appear in Senge (2015):

 * 1) Relational: a suffix which represents syntactic or semantic roles of a noun phrase in clauses.
 * 2) Adnominal: a suffix which relates a noun phrase to another within the one noun phrase.
 * 3) Referential: a suffix which attaches to a noun phrase in agreement with another noun phrase which represents one of the core arguments in the clause.
 * 4) Subordinating: a suffix which attaches to elements of a subordinate clause. Its functions are: (i) specifying temporal or logical (typically, causal and purposive) relationships between two clauses (Temporal-subordinator); (ii) indicating coreferential relationships between arguments in the two clauses (Concord-subordinator).
 * 5) Derivational: a suffix which attaches to a bare stem before other case suffixes and create a new lexical item.

To illustrate this paradigm in action, take the case-system of Wanyjirra for whose description Senge invokes this system. Each of the case markers functions in the prototypical relational sense, but many extend into these additional functions: Wanyjirra is an example of a language in which case marking occurs on all sub-constituents of the NP; see the following example in which the demonstrative, head, and quantifier of the noun phrase all receive ergative marking:

Those two men are singing corroboree.

However, this is by no means always the case or even the norm for Australian languages. For many, case-affixes are considered special-clitics (i.e. phrasal-affixes, see Anderson 2005 ) because they have a singular fixed position within the phrase. For Bardi, the case marker usually appears on the first phrasal constituent while the opposite is the case for Wangkatja (i.e. the case marker is attracted to the rightmost edge of the phrase). See the following examples respectively:

Boordiji-nim niiwandi aamba i-na-m-boo-na aril

fat-ERG tall man 3-TR-PST-poke-REM.PST fish

The tall fat man speared a fish.

tjitji warta purlkana-ngka nyinarra-nyi

child tree big-LOC sitting-?

'The child is sitting in the big tree.'

Basque
Basque has the following cases, with examples given in the indefinite, definite singular, definite plural, and definite close plural of the word etxe, "house", "home":

 * absolutive (etxe, etxea, etxeak, etxeok: "house, the / a house, (the / some) houses, these houses"),
 * ergative (etxek, etxeak, etxeek, etxeok),
 * dative (etxeri, etxeari, etxeei, etxeoi),
 * genitive (etxeren, etxearen, etxeen, etxeon),
 * destinative (or benefactive: etxerentzat, etxearentzat, etxeentzat, etxeontzat),
 * motivative (or causal: etxerengatik, etxearengatik, etxeengatik, etxeongatik),
 * sociative (etxerekin, etxearekin, etxeekin, etxeokin),
 * instrumental (etxez, etxeaz, etxeez, etxeoz),
 * locative or inesive (etxetan, etxean, etxeetan, etxeotan),
 * ablative (etxetatik, etxetik, exteetatik, etxeotatik),
 * adlative (etxetara, etxera, etxeetara, etxeotara),
 * directional adlative (etxetarantz, etxerantz, etxeetarantz, etxeotarantz),
 * terminative adlative (etxetaraino, etxeraino, etxeetaraino, etxeotaraino),
 * locative genitive (etxetako, etxeko, etxeetako, etxeotako),
 * prolative (etxetzat), only in the indefinite grammatical number,
 * partitive (etxerik), only in the indefinite grammatical number, and
 * distributive (Bost liburu ikasleko banatu dituzte, "They have handed out five books to each student"), only in the indefinite grammatical number.

Some of them can be re-declined, even more than once, as if they were nouns (usually, from the genitive locative case), although they mainly work as noun modifiers before a noun clause:

 * etxearena (that which is of the house), etxearenarekin (with the one which pertains to the house),
 * neskarentzako (which is for the girl), neskarentzakoan (in the one which is for the girl),
 * neskekiko (which is with the girls), neskekikoa (the one which is for the girls),
 * arazoarengatiko (which is because of the problem), arazoarengatikoak (the ones which are due to the problems),
 * zurezkoaz (by means of the wooden one),
 * etxeetakoaz (about the one which is in the houses), etxeetakoari (to the one which is in the houses),
 * etxetiko (which comes from the house), etxetikoa (the one which comes from the house), etxetikoari (to the one which comes from the house),
 * etxeetarako (which goes to the houses), etxeetarakoa (the one which goes to the houses), etxeetarakoaz (about the one which goes to the houses),
 * etxeranzko (which goes towards the house), etxeranzkoa (the one which goes to the house), etxeranzkoarena (the one which belongs to the one which goes to the house),
 * etxerainoko (which goes up to the house), etxerainokoa (the one which goes up to the house), etxerainokoarekin (with the one which goes up to the houses)...

German
In German, grammatical case is largely preserved in the articles and adjectives, but nouns have lost many of their original endings. Below is an example of case inflection in German using the masculine definite article and one of the German words for "sailor".

 * der Seemann (nominative) "the sailor" [as a subject] (e.g. Der Seemann steht da – the sailor is standing there)
 * des Seemann(e)s (genitive) "the sailor's / [of] the sailor" (e.g. Der Name des Seemannes ist Otto – the name of the sailor is Otto)
 * dem Seemann(e) (dative) "[to/for] the sailor" [as an indirect object] (e.g. Ich gab dem Seemann ein Geschenk – I gave a present to the sailor)
 * den Seemann (accusative) "the sailor" [as a direct object] (e.g. Ich sah den Seemann – I saw the sailor)

An example with the feminine definite article with the German word for "woman".

 * die Frau (nominative) "the woman" [as a subject] (e.g. Die Frau isst - the woman eats)
 * der Frau (genitive) "the woman's / [of] the woman" (e.g. Die Katze der Frau ist weiß - the cat of the woman is white)
 * der Frau (dative) "[to/for] the woman" [as an indirect object] (e.g. Ich gab der Frau ein Geschenk - I gave a present to the woman)
 * die Frau (accusative) "the woman" [as a direct object] (e.g. Ich sah die Frau - I saw the woman)

An example with the neuter definite article with the German word for "book".

 * das Buch (nominative) "the book" [as a subject] (e.g. Das Buch ist gut - the book is good)
 * des Buch(e)s (genitive) "the book's/ [of] the book" (e.g. Die Seiten des Buchs sind grün - the pages of the book are green)
 * dem Buch(e) (dative) "[to/for] the book" [as an indirect object] (e.g. Ich gab dem Buch einen Titel - I gave the book a title)
 * das Buch (accusative) "the book" [as a direct object] (e.g. Ich sah das Buch - I saw the book)

Proper names for cities have two genitive nouns:

 * der Hauptbahnhof Berlins (primary genitive) "the main train station of Berlin"
 * der Berliner Hauptbahnhof (secondary genitive) "Berlin's main train station"

Hindi-Urdu
Hindi-Urdu (Hindustani) has three noun cases, the nominative, oblique, and vocative cases. The vocative case is now obsolete (but still used in certain regions) and the oblique case doubles as the vocative case. The pronoun cases in Hindi-Urdu are the nominative, ergative, accusative, dative, and two oblique cases. The case forms which do not exist for certain pronouns are constructed using primary postpositions (or other grammatical particles) and the oblique case (shown in parentheses in the table below).

The other cases are constructed adpositionally using the case-marking postpositions using the nouns and pronouns in their oblique cases. The oblique case is used exclusively with these 8 case-marking postpositions of Hindi-Urdu forming 10 grammatical cases, which are: ergative ने (ne), dative and accusative को (ko), instrumental and ablative से (se), genitive का (kā), inessive में (mẽ), adessive पे (pe), terminative तक (tak), semblative सा (sā).

Latin
An example of a Latin case inflection is given below, using the singular forms of the Latin term for "cook", which belongs to Latin's second declension class.

 * (nominative) "[the] cook" [as a subject] (e.g. coquus ibī stat – the cook is standing there)
 * coquī (genitive) "[the] cook's / [of the] cook" (e.g. nōmen coquī Claudius est – the cook's name is Claudius)
 * coquō (dative) "[to/for the] cook" [as an indirect object] (e.g. coquō dōnum dedī – I gave a present to the cook)
 * coquum (accusative) "[the] cook" [as a direct object] (e.g. coquum vīdī – I saw the cook)
 * coquō (ablative) "[by/with/from/in the] cook" [in various uses not covered by the above] (e.g. sum altior coquō – I am taller than the cook: ablative of comparison)
 * coque (vocative) "[you] the cook" [addressing the object] (e.g. grātiās tibi agō, coque – I thank you, cook)

For some toponyms, a seventh case, the locative, also exists, such as Mediolānī (in Mediolanum).

The Romance languages have largely abandoned or simplified the grammatical cases of Latin. Much like English, most Romance case markers survive only in pronouns.

Lithuanian
Typically in Lithuanian, only the inflection changes for the seven different grammatical cases:

 * Nominative (): šuo – Tai yra šuo – "This is a dog."
 * Genitive (): šuns – Tomas paėmė šuns kaulą – "Tom took the dog's bone."
 * Dative (): šuniui – Jis davė kaulą kitam šuniui – "He gave the bone to another dog."
 * Accusative (): šunį – Jis nuprausė šunį – "He washed the dog."
 * Instrumental (): šunimi – Jis šunimi išgąsdino kates – He scared the cats with (using) the dog.
 * Locative (): šunyje – Susitiksime „Baltame šunyje“ – "We'll meet at the White Dog (Cafe)."
 * Vocative (): šunie – Jis sušuko: Ei, šunie! – "He shouted: Hey, dog!"

Hungarian
Hungarian declension is relatively simple with regular suffixes attached to the vast majority of nouns. The following table lists all of the cases used in Hungarian.

Russian
An example of a Russian case inflection is given below (with explicit stress marks), using the singular forms of the Russian term for "sailor", which belongs to Russian's first declension class.
 * (nominative) "[the] sailor" [as a subject] (e.g. Там стоит моряк: The sailor is standing there)
 * морякá (genitive) "[the] sailor's / [of the] sailor" (e.g. Сын моряка — художник: The sailor's son is an artist)
 * моряку́ (dative) "[to/for the] sailor" [as an indirect object] (e.g. Моряку подарили подарок: (They/Someone) gave a present to the sailor)
 * морякá (accusative) "[the] sailor" [as a direct object] (e.g. Вижу моряка: (I) see the sailor)
 * моряко́м (instrumental) "[with/by the] sailor" (e.g. Дружу с моряком: (I) have a friendship with the sailor)
 * о/на/в моряке́ (prepositional) "[about/on/in the] sailor" (e.g. Думаю о моряке: (I) think about the sailor)

Up to ten additional cases are identified by linguists, although today all of them are either incomplete (do not apply to all nouns or do not form full word paradigm with all combinations of gender and number) or degenerate (appear identical to one of the main six cases). The most recognized additional cases are locative (в лесу́, на мосту́, в слеза́х), partitive (ча́ю, са́хару, песку́), and two forms of vocative — old (Го́споди, Бо́же, о́тче) and neo-vocative (Маш, пап, ребя́т). Sometimes, so called count-form (for some countable nouns after numerals) is considered to be a sub-case.

Sanskrit
Grammatical case was analyzed extensively in Sanskrit. The grammarian Pāṇini identified six semantic roles or kāraka, which are related to the following eight Sanskrit cases in order: For example, in the following sentence leaf is the agent (kartā, nominative case), tree is the source (apādāna, ablative case), and ground is the locus (adhikaraṇa, locative case). The declensions are reflected in the morphemes -āt, -am, and -au respectively.

vṛkṣ-āt parṇ-am bhūm-au patati

{from the tree} {a leaf} {on the ground} falls

However, the cases may be deployed for other than the default thematic roles. A notable example is the passive construction. In the following sentence, Devadatta is the kartā, but appears in the instrumental case, and rice, the karman, object, is in the nominative case (as subject of the verb). The declensions are reflected in the morphemes -ena and -am.

devadatt-ena odan-am pacyate

{by Devadatta} {the rice} {is cooked}

Tamil
The Tamil case system is analyzed in native and missionary grammars as consisting of a finite number of cases. The usual treatment of Tamil case (Arden 1942) is one in which there are seven cases: nominative (first case), accusative (second case), instrumental (third), dative (fourth), ablative (fifth), genitive (sixth), and locative (seventh). In traditional analyses, there is always a clear distinction made between post-positional morphemes and case endings. The vocative is sometimes given a place in the case system as an eighth case, but vocative forms do not participate in usual morphophonemic alternations and do not govern the use of any postpositions. Modern grammarians, however, argue that this eight-case classification is coarse and artificial and that Tamil usage is best understood if each suffix or combination of suffixes is seen as marking a separate case.

Turkish
Modern Turkish has six cases (In Turkish İsmin Hâlleri).

The accusative can exist only in the noun(whether it is derived from a verb or not). For example, "Arkadaşlar bize gelmeyi düşünüyorlar." (Friends are thinking of coming to us).

The dative can exist only in the noun (whether it is derived from a verb or not). For example, "Bol bol kitap okumaya çalışıyorum." (I try to read a lot of books).

Evolution
As languages evolve, case systems change. In early Ancient Greek, for example, the genitive and ablative cases of given names became combined, giving five cases, rather than the six retained in Latin. In modern Hindi, the cases have been reduced to three: a direct case (for subjects and direct objects) and oblique case, and a vocative case. In English, apart from the pronouns discussed above, case has vanished altogether except for the possessive/non-possessive dichotomy in nouns.

The evolution of the treatment of case relationships can be circular. Postpositions can become unstressed and sound like they are an unstressed syllable of a neighboring word. A postposition can thus merge into the stem of a head noun, developing various forms depending on the phonological shape of the stem. Affixes are subject to various phonological processes such as assimilation, vowel centering to the schwa, phoneme loss, and fusion, and these processes can reduce or even eliminate the distinctions between cases. Languages can then compensate for the resulting loss of function by creating postpositions, thus coming full circle.

Recent experiments in agent-based modeling have shown how case systems can emerge and evolve in a population of language users. The experiments demonstrate that language users may introduce new case markers to reduce the cognitive effort required for semantic interpretation, hence facilitating communication through language. Case markers then become generalized through analogical reasoning and reuse.

Morphosyntactic alignment
Languages are categorized into several case systems, based on their morphosyntactic alignment—how they group verb agents and patients into cases:

 * Nominative–accusative (or simply accusative): The argument (subject) of an intransitive verb is in the same case as the agent (subject) of a transitive verb; this case is then called the nominative case, with the patient (direct object) of a transitive verb being in the accusative case.
 * Ergative–absolutive (or simply ergative): The argument (subject) of an intransitive verb is in the same case as the patient (direct object) of a transitive verb; this case is then called the absolutive case, with the agent (subject) of a transitive verb being in the ergative case.
 * Ergative–accusative (or tripartite): The argument (subject) of an intransitive verb is in its own case (the intransitive case), separate from that of the agent (subject) or patient (direct object) of a transitive verb (which is in the ergative case or accusative case, respectively).
 * Active–stative (or simply active): The argument (subject) of an intransitive verb can be in one of two cases; if the argument is an agent, as in "He ate", then it is in the same case as the agent (subject) of a transitive verb (sometimes called the agentive case), and if it is a patient, as in "He tripped", then it is in the same case as the patient (direct object) of a transitive verb (sometimes called the patientive case).
 * Trigger: One noun in a sentence is the topic or focus. This noun is in the trigger case, and information elsewhere in the sentence (for example a verb affix in Tagalog) specifies the role of the trigger. The trigger may be identified as the agent, patient, etc. Other nouns may be inflected for case, but the inflections are overloaded; for example, in Tagalog, the subject and object of a verb are both expressed in the genitive case when they are not in the trigger case.

The following are systems that some languages use to mark case instead of, or in addition to, declension:
 * Positional: Nouns are not inflected for case; the position of a noun in the sentence expresses its case.
 * Adpositional: Nouns are accompanied by words that mark case.

Language families

 * With a few exceptions, most languages in the Finno-Ugric family make extensive use of cases. Finnish has 15 cases according to the traditional description (or up to 30 depending on the interpretation). However, only 12 are commonly used in speech (see Finnish noun cases and Finnish locative system). Estonian has 14 (see Estonian locative system) and Hungarian has 18, both with additional archaic cases used for some words.
 * Turkic, Mongolic, and Tungusic languages also exhibit complex case systems. Since the abovementioned languages, along with Korean and Japanese, shared certain similarities, linguists proposed an Altaic family and reconstructed its case system; although the hypothesis had been largely discredited.
 * The Tsez language, a Northeast Caucasian language, has 64 cases.
 * The original version of John Quijada's constructed language Ithkuil has 81 noun cases, and its descendant Ilaksh and Ithkuil after the 2011 revision both have 96 noun cases.

The lemma form of words, which is the form chosen by convention as the canonical form of a word, is usually the most unmarked or basic case, which is typically the nominative, trigger, or absolutive case, whichever a language may have.

General references

 * Ivan G. Iliev (2007) On the Nature of Grammatical Case ... (Case and Vocativeness)
 * Ivan G. Iliev (2007) On the Nature of Grammatical Case ... (Case and Vocativeness)

 * Iliev, Iv. The Russian Genitive of Negation and Its Japanese Counterpart. International Journal of Russian Studies. 1, 2018

title: Grammatical case