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Harold Wilson

James Harold Wilson, Baron Wilson of Rievaulx, KG, OBE, FRS, PC (11 March 1916 – 24 May 1995) was Prime Minister of the United Kingdom from 1964 to 1970, and again from 1974 to 1976. He had an impressive educational background, becoming an Oxford don at 21 and working as a war time civil servant; he was made a government minister immediately after he was elected to Parliament. As Leader of the Labour Party he moved the party towards a technocratic approach and appeared more in tune with the 'swinging sixties'; however his government was beset by economic difficulties and he was unexpectedly defeated in 1970. His return to office with a tiny majority in the mid-1970s saw a referendum which endorsed British membership of the European Communities. He resigned suddenly in 1976, and in his retirement suffered from Alzheimers' disease.

Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer

 * The nation yesterday was awaiting a clear, statesmanlike call from the Chancellor of the efforts and, if necessary, the sacrifices that are needed to lift the country out of the perpetual series of crises and near crises that have dogged us ever since the war. That was what we were led to believe would happen. What did we get? We had a shambling, fumbling, largely irrelevant and, at one point, degrading speech. The Chancellor told us that the Budget was prepared under the piercing eye of Mr. Gladstone. There was one passage that was quite obviously written under a portrait of Horatio Bottomley.
 * Speech in the House of Commons (18 April 1956)

 * Traders and financiers all over the world had been listening to the Chancellor. For months he had said that if he could not stop the wage claims, the country was "facing disaster". Those were his own words. Rightly or wrongly these people believed him. For them, 5th September—the day that the Trades Union Congress unanimously rejected the policy of wage restraint—marked the end of an era. And all these financiers, all the little gnomes in Zurich and the other financial centres about whom we keep on hearing, started to make their dispositions in regard to sterling.
 * Speech in the House of Commons (12 November 1956); often quoted as "gnomes of Zürich".

 * We cannot accept that this is a little local matter within the control of South Africa's internal affairs. Oppression, apartheid, and racialism—those are crimes against humanity as a whole.
 * Speech to a May Day rally in Hyde Park (1 May 1960), quoted in The Times (2 May 1960), p. 6

 * A second devaluation would be regarded all over the world as an acknowledgement of defeat, a recognition that we were not on a springboard, but a slide. I myself have always deprecated—perhaps rightly, perhaps wrongly—in crisis after crisis, appeals to the Dunkirk spirit as an answer to our problem, because what is required in our economic situation is not a brief period of inspired improvisation, work and sacrifice, such as we had under the leadership of the right hon. Member for Woodford (Sir W. Churchill), but a very long, hard, prolonged period of reorganisation and rededication. It is the long haul, not the inspired spurt, that we need.
 * Speech in the House of Commons (26 July 1961)

 * I have stated these Commonwealth problems in terms of hard economic facts, but I should be the last to disagree with those hon. Members on both sides of the House who put the problem in yesterday's debate in terms more of sentiment, kinship and bonds of a less materialistic character than those that I have been describing. … I submit to the House that we cannot consistently with the honour of this country take any action now that would betray friends such as those. … if there has to be a choice [between the Commonwealth and Europe] we are not entitled to sell our friends and kinsmen down the river for a problematical and marginal advantage in selling washing machines in Dusseldorf.
 * Speech in the House of Commons (3 August 1961) on Britain's application to join the European Economic Community

Shadow Foreign Secretary

 * We all know perfectly well why the Government are standing by their policy of the independent deterrent. The reason is simply prestige, keeping up with our nuclear neighbours. Frankly, we cannot do it. The Americans spend on research alone £2,500 million a year, which is half as much again as our total defence budget, and it is rising rapidly. We can only be a nuclear Power if we can afford the means to produce twenty or more alternative weapons as an assurance against the many which are certain to fail. Out of our resources, we were able to afford only one intercontinental ballistic missile, and that was Blue Streak. The failure of Blue Streak was the moment of truth for this country so far as the independent deterrent was concerned. To cling to the policy after that was...like the action of a rather pathetic sort of man who cannot afford a television and who cannot bring himself to admit the fact, so he puts up the aerial instead.
 * Speech in the House of Commons (6 March 1962)

 * This party is a moral crusade or it is nothing.
 * Speech to the Labour Party Conference in Brighton (1 October 1962), quoted in The Times (2 October 1962), p. 16

Leader of the Opposition (1963–64)

 * The period of 15 years from the last time we were in Scarborough, in 1960, to the middle of the 1970s, will embrace a period of technical change, particularly in industrial methods, greater than the whole of the industrial revolution of the last 250 years.
 * In all our plans for the future, we are re-defining and we are re-stating our Socialism in terms of the scientific revolution. But that revolution cannot become a reality unless we are prepared to make far-reaching changes in economic and social attitudes which permeate our whole system of society. The Britain that is going to be forged in the white heat of this revolution will be no place for restrictive practices or for outdated methods on either side of industry.
 * Speech at Labour Party conference (1 October 1963), quoted in Labour Party Annual Conference Report, 1963, pp. 139-140. Usually quoted as "the white heat of the technological revolution".

 * This odious doctrine of apartheid at 11-plus. ... We reject it because as a nation we cannot afford artificially to segregate three-quarters of our children, and virtually cut them off from the normal chance of higher education.
 * Speech to the Association of Principals of Technical Institutions in London (19 February 1964), quoted in The Times (20 February 1964), p. 5

 * They [the Conservatives] cannot think beyond outmoded techniques of monetary regulation, followed by panic stop-go-stop measures, when bold planning for industrial expansion is called for. They cannot raise their eyes beyond a system of society where making money by whatever means is lauded as the highest service, while earning money by contributing to production and exports, or teaching or nursing is a mug's game. An Opportunity State for all our people? The Conservatives glory in one where the rewards go to land racketeers and property spivs, while the man who ventures his skill in scientific or technological advance, or in the chancy risks of export markets, is left out in the cold.
 * Speech to the Trades Union Congress in Blackpool (7 September 1964), quoted in The Times (8 September 1964), p. 14

 * You need men with fire in their bellies and humanity in their hearts. The choice we offer, starting today, is between standing still, of clinging to the tired philosophy of a day that is gone, or moving forward in partnership and unity to a just society, to a dynamic, expanding, confident and above all purposive new Britain. ... The spirit of 1945 is in the air again.
 * Speech to a Labour rally in Wembley Pool (12 September 1964), quoted in The Times (14 September 1964), p. 6

 * Let us not be afraid to express the passionate concern everyone of us feels about present housing conditions. ... This is a problem which brooks no escape, no evasion. It is no use talking about a free market: the provision of decent housing for all is a clear and inescapable obligation of government.
 * Speech to a Labour rally in Wembley Pool (12 September 1964), quoted in The Times (14 September 1964), p. 6

Prime Minister (1964–66)

 * The government have only a small majority in the House of Commons. I want to make it quite clear that this will not affect our ability to govern. Having been charged with the duties of Government we intend to carry out those duties.
 * Television broadcast (October 1964), after winning the general election, quoted in David Butler, Coalitions in British Politics (Macmillan, London, 1978), p. 99.

 * The Smethwick Conservatives can have the satisfaction of having topped the poll, and of having sent here as their Member one who, until a further General Election restores him to oblivion, will serve his term here as a Parliamentary leper
 * Speech in the House of Commons (3 November 1964). The 1964 general election had seen the defeat of Wilson's Shadow Foreign Secretary Patrick Gordon Walker by Conservative Peter Griffiths after a racist campaign. Griffiths was defeated at the next election but returned to Parliament in 1979 and served until 1997.

 * The answer is to increase industrial efficiency, to build up our exports, and to substitute home production for imports wherever this can be achieved competitively and economically, to broaden the base of our economy with capital investment, through the training of skilled manpower and the encouragement to accept change, to enable us to expand without running into strains and stresses such as have revealed themselves in past periods of expansion.
 * Speech to the Labour Party Conference in Brighton (12 December 1964), quoted in The Times (14 December 1964), p. 14

 * The measures we have taken, the further measures we shall be taking in the coming weeks, will create the conditions in which these problems are going to be solved. I believe that our people will respond to this challenge because our history shows that they misjudge us who underrate our ability as a nation to move, and to move decisively when the need arises. They misjudged our temper after Dunkirk, but we so mobilized our latent and untapped strength that apparent defeat was turned into a great victory. I believe that the spirit of Dunkirk will once again carry us through to success.
 * Speech to the Labour Party Conference in Brighton (12 December 1964), quoted in The Times (14 December 1964), p. 14

 * This country cannot afford now—if it ever could afford—unofficial strikes, wasteful stoppages, long, weary arguments about industrial demarcation, any more than we can afford out-of-date industrial methods, industrial promotion based on influence and connexion rather than technical ability, or management attitudes which give a higher priority to tax avoidance or the earning of quick, uncovenanted capital profits than to modernization and innovation in industrial production methods, or aggressiveness in exports.
 * Speech to the Labour Party Conference in Brighton (12 December 1964), quoted in The Times (14 December 1964), p. 14

 * Britain's frontiers are on the Himalayas
 * Speech at the opening of the Nehru Memorial Exhibition, Royal Festival Hall, London (10 June 1965), quoted in "The Guardian" (11 June 1965), p. 1

 * [The 1964 General Election] was a decision that not only our industrial system but every aspect of our national life that has been corrupted by the doctrine of a self-perpetuating establishment should give way to an open society where knowing your job would mean more than knowing the right people. It was a decision that national purpose should override sectional interest, that earning money took precedence over making money. It was a decision for change: not change for its own sake, but change, radical and dynamic, for economic and social purpose. It was a decision, in short, that Britain should have a government and that the government should govern.
 * Speech to the Labour Party Conference in Blackpool (28 September 1965), quoted in The Times (29 September 1965), p. 5.

 * We have not been pushed around either abroad or at home and we are not going to be. This is government of the people; it is government for all the people, and the accent is on government.
 * Speech to the Labour Party Conference in Blackpool (28 September 1965), quoted in The Times (29 September 1965), p. 5.

 * [Labour will deal with racketeering in the price of land.] I call that a socialist theme. Yes, and I should have thought a Liberal theme. That great modernizing party on this theme at least at Scarborough last week carried through an exercise in recidivism which places its present leadership some years behind the Liberals some 60 years ago. In 1909 and 1910 they filled the land with song—'God gave the land to the people'. Now in 1965 we have the first fruits of Liberal revisionism. While they would not intend to throw doubt on the Almighty's intention in this respect, their researches suggest he did not intend this declaration to be taken too literally.
 * Speech to the Labour Party Conference in Blackpool (28 September 1965), quoted in The Times (29 September 1965), p. 5.

 * We are more interested in the monthly trade returns than in Debrett, more preoccupied with what is said by the industrial correspondents and economic editors than what is said by William Hickey; more concerned with modernizing the machinery of government and the action that will need to follow the report of the Estimates Committee on the Civil Service than in altering the layout of Burke's Landed Gentry.
 * Speech to the Labour Party Conference in Blackpool (28 September 1965), quoted in The Times (29 September 1965), p. 5.

 * I know I speak for everyone in these islands, all parties, all our people, when I say to Mr. Smith tonight: "Prime Minister, think again".
 * Broadcast (12 October 1965), quoted in The Times (13 October 1965), p. 8, calling on the Government of Rhodesia not to declare independence.

 * In my talks with the African Nationalist leaders...I regarded it as my duty to remove from their minds any idea or any hope they might have had that Rhodesia's constitutional problems were going to be solved by an assertion of military power on our part, whether for the purposes of suspending or amending the 1961 Constitution, of imposing majority rule tomorrow or any other time—or for that matter of dealing with the situation that would follow an illegal assertion of independence. To quote the words I used to them: If there are those who are thinking in terms of a thunderbolt hurtling from the sky and destroying their enemies, a thunderbolt in the shape of the Royal Air Force, let me say that thunderbolt will not be coming, and to continue in this delusion wastes valuable time, and misdirects valuable energies.
 * Speech in the House of Commons (1 November 1965). Rhodesia declared independence 10 days later.

 * It is difficult for us to appreciate the pressures which are being put on men I know to be realistic and reasonable, not only in their executive capacity but in the highly organised strike committees in the individual ports, by this tightly knit group of politically motivated men who, as the last General Election showed, utterly failed to secure acceptance of their views by the British electorate, but who are now determined to exercise backstage pressures, forcing great hardship on the members of the union and their families, and endangering the security of the industry and the economic welfare of the nation.
 * Speech in the House of Commons (20 June 1966), referring to the organisers of a Seamen's strike. Wilson meant to imply they were Communists. Among the union officials offended by this quote was John Prescott.

 * We have taken steps which have not been taken by any other democratic government in the world. We are taking steps with regard to prices and wages which no other government, even in wartime, has taken.
 * Speech in the White House (29 July 1966), quoted in The Times (30 July 1966), p. 1

 * For we are the party of change. We seek not to conserve but to transform society: industrial change to realize the vast potential abundance which has so long been denied; social change to redress the distorted balance between private self-seeking and social compassion; structural change which recognizes the challenge to our society brought about by uneven regional development and by the great challenge which is presented by the urban explosion in terms of the problems of transportation and social environment; change in the relationships within our society in an age which rejects the feudal and class relationships which others seek, in conserving, to perpetuate.
 * Speech to the Labour Party Conference in Brighton (4 October 1966), quoted in The Times (5 October 1966), p. 16

 * The greatest enemy that lies in our path in creating the kind of Britain we want to create is conservatism in all its forms. We cannot afford Tory conservatism, with its smug preoccupation, complacently looking on while the rest of the world passes us by.
 * Speech to the Labour Party Conference in Brighton (4 October 1966), quoted in The Times (5 October 1966), p. 16

 * [Ramsay MacDonald was] a man of great stature, capable of inspiring massive affection and massive attack—a man who created and led a great party and who has become a legend in that party equally for the manner of his leaving it as for the years he gave its creation. ... They drew their inspiration from Merrie England and dry statistics, they sang their widely differing battle songs, and Ramsay MacDonald had to fashion from the strains of Edward Carpenter's 'England Arise', from the 'Internationale', from 'Jerusalem', from the 'Red Flag', from 'These Things Shall Be', a new harmony. In 1906 in MacDonald's fortieth year, he saw the victory—the dawn of the new era.
 * Speech at a luncheon in the House of Commons to commemorate the centenary of Ramsay MacDonald's birth (12 October 1966), quoted in The Times (13 October 1966), p. 12.

 * We commemorate a man, a leader, who in the years of creation and achievement towered above his contemporaries in figure and manner, in voice and power, who worked and fought, and who suffered—as they all suffered who dared to preach socialism in an unreceptive and hostile age. He was a man who had vision, and dared all in those years to make that vision a reality; a man who inspired affection in his associates as in his own domestic circle, and who, daring all, created a lasting and durable political instrument which today 60 years after its first political success, provides the Government of this country and in so providing owes more than many are prepared to admit to the young Ramsay MacDonald.
 * Speech at a luncheon in the House of Commons to commemorate the centenary of Ramsay MacDonald's birth (12 October 1966), quoted in The Times (13 October 1966), p. 12.

 * He who rejects change is the architect of decay. The only human institution which rejects progress is the cemetery.
 * Speech to the Consultative Assembly of the Council of Europe, Strasbourg, France (23 January 1967), quoted in The New York Times (24 January 1967), p. 12.

 * From now on, the pound abroad is worth 14 per cent or so less in terms of other currencies. That doesn't mean, of course, that the Pound here in Britain, in your pocket or purse or in your bank, has been devalued.
 * Broadcast (19 November 1967), following the devaluation of the Pound Sterling. Usually remembered as "the Pound in your pocket".

 * I am not prepared to stand aside and see this country engulfed by the racial conflict which calculating orators or ignorant prejudice can create. Nor in the great world confrontation on race and colour, where this country must declare where it stands, am I prepared to be a neutral, whether that confrontation is in Birmingham or Bulawayo. In these issues there can be no neutrals and no escape from decision. For in the world of today, while political isolationism invites danger and economic isolationism invites bankruptcy, moral isolationism invites contempt.
 * Speech to a Labour rally in Birmingham Town Hall (5 May 1968), quoted in The Times (6 May 1968), p. 1

 * We are the party of human rights—the only party of human rights that will be speaking from this platform this month. (Loud applause.) The struggle against racialism is a worldwide fight. It is the dignity of man for which we are fighting. If what we assert is true for Birmingham, it is true for Bulawayo. If ever there were a condemnation of the values of the party which forms the Opposition it is the fact that the virus of Powellism has taken so firm a hold at every level.
 * Speech to the Labour Party Conference in Blackpool (1 October 1968), quoted in The Times (2 October 1968), p. 4

 * Hughie, get your tanks off my lawn.
 * Statement to trade union leader Hugh Scanlon (c. 1969), as quoted in "Lord Scanlon" in The Telegraph (28 January 2004)

 * May I say, for the benefit of those who have been carried away by the gossip of the last few days, that I know what's going on. [pause] I'm going on, and the Labour government's going on.
 * Speech at a May Day rally in London (4 May 1969), quoted in The Times (5 May 1969), p. 1. There had been a series of reports that Wilson's leadership might be challenged.

 * The last two years show that what Enoch [Powell] says today Edward [Heath] will be proclaiming as Tory policy anything from three to six months later...Selsdon Man is not just a lurch to the right, it is an atavistic desire to reverse the course of twenty-five years of social revolution. What they are planning is a wanton, calculated and deliberate return to greater inequality...The message to the British people would be simple and brutal. It would say, "You're out on your own".
 * Speech in Nottingham (6 February 1970), quoted in The Times (7 February 1970), p. 1 and Phillip Whitehead, The Writing on the Wall: Britain in the Seventies (1985), p. 40

 * [Tory domestic policies were directed to four aims:] To force up food prices; to force up prices of other essentials; to cut down the welfare services to means-tested levels; to force up rents in a free-for-all in housing. ... In borough after borough, city after city, we have learnt what Tory housing policy means. In many areas—not in all—cuts in the housing programme for basic needs; in all areas, higher rents.
 * Speech to a Labour rally in Birmingham (6 March 1970), quoted in The Times (7 March 1970), p. 3

 * Chris Mullin: What do you regard as your biggest error? Harold Wilson: That I underestimated the power of speculation to knock government policy aside.
 * Torchlight (7 May 1970), quoted in Ben Pimlott, Harold Wilson (1992), p. 555

Leader of the Opposition (1970–74)

 * David Dimbleby: You couldn't - you couldn't set our minds at rest on the vexed question of what the Sunday Times did actually pay you for the book? Harold Wilson: No, I don't think it's a matter of interest to the BBC or to anybody else. Dimbleby: But why .. Wilson: If you're interested in these things, you'd better find out how people buy yachts. Do you ask that question? Did you ask him how he was able to pay for a yacht? Dimbleby: I haven't interviewed ... Wilson: Have you asked him that question? Dimbleby: I haven't interviewed him. Wilson: Well, has the BBC ever asked that question? Dimbleby: I don't know ... Wilson: Well, what's it got to do with you, then? Dimbleby: I imagine they have .. Wilson: Why you ask these question, I mean why, if people can afford to buy £25,000 yachts, do the BBC not regard that as a matter for public interest? Why do you insult me with these questions here? Dimbleby: It's only that it's been a matter of .. Wilson: All I'm saying, all I'm saying .. Dimbleby: … public speculation, and I was giving you an opportunity if you wanted to, to say something about it. Wilson: It was not a matter of speculation, it was just repeating press gossip. You will not put this question to Mr. Heath. When you have got an answer to him, come and put the question to me. And this last question and answer are not to be recorded. Is this question being recorded? Dimbleby: Well it is, because we're running film. Wilson: Well, will you cut it out or not? All right, we stop now. No, I'm sorry, I'm really not having this. I'm really not having this. The press may take this view, that they wouldn't put this question to Heath but they put it to me; if the BBC put this question to me, without putting it to Heath, the interview is off, and the whole programme is off. I think it's a ridiculous question to put. Yes, and I mean it cut off, I don't want to read in the Times Diary or miscellany that I asked for it to be cut out. [pause] Dimbleby: All right, are we still running? Can I ask you this, then, which I mean, I .. let me put this question, I mean if you find this question offensive then .. Wilson: Coming to ask if your curiosity can be satisfied, I think it's disgraceful. Never had such a question in an interview in my life before. Dimbleby: I .. [gasps] Joe Haines (Wilson's Press Secretary): Well, let's stop now, and we can talk about it, shall we? Dimbleby: No, let's .. well, I mean, we'll keep going, I think, don't you? Wilson: No, I think we'll have a new piece of film in and start all over again. But if this film is used, or this is leaked, then there's going to be a hell of a row. And this must be .. Dimbleby: Well, I certainly wouldn't leak it .. Wilson: You may not leak it but these things do leak. I've never been to Lime Grove without it leaking.
 * Exchange with BBC interviewer David Dimbleby recorded for the Yesterday's Men documentary broadcast on 16 June 1971. The BBC did agree not to show this portion of the interview, but Wilson's fears of a leak were justified as a transcript was published on page 1 of The Times on June 18, 1971. A fuller transcript appeared in Private Eye during 1972.

 * I believe that the situation has now gone so far that it is impossible to conceive of an effective long-term solution in which the agenda at least does not include consideration of, and which is not in some way directed to finding a means of achieving, the aspirations envisaged half a century ago, of progress towards a united Ireland...A substantial term of years will be required before any concept of unification could become a reality, but the dream must be there. If men of moderation have nothing to hope for, men of violence will have something to shoot for.
 * Speech in the House of Commons (25 November 1971)

 * I've been wading in shit for three months to allow others to indulge their conscience [on the EEC].
 * Remark to the Shadow Cabinet (1972), quoted in Denis Healey, The Time of My Life (1990), p. 360

 * I'm like Baldwin. I'm here to give people a quiet life.
 * Remarks to Bernard Donoughue during the February 1974 general election campaign, quoted in Charles Moore, Margaret Thatcher. The Authorized Biography, Volume One: Not For Turning (2013), p. 246

Prime Minister (1974–76)

 * Yet people who benefit from this now viciously defy Westminster, purporting to act as though they were an elected government, spending their lives sponging on Westminster and British democracy and then systematically assault democratic methods. Who do these people think they are?
 * Broadcast (25 May 1974), referring to the Ulster Workers Council strike, quoted in The Times (27 May 1974), p. 2

 * The people must have confidence in their publicly-owned industries. Private industry must have the necessary confidence to maintain and increase investment to do their duty by the people. And confidence demands that a clear frontier must be defined between what is public and what is private industry.
 * Speech to the Socialist International Conference (30 June 1974), quoted in The Times (1 July 1974), p. 1

 * I get a little nauseated, perhaps, when I hear the phrase "freedom of the Press" used as freely as it is, knowing that a large part of our proprietorial Press is not free at all
 * Speech in the House of Commons (5 December 1974)

 * I have never been emotionally a Europe man. I have been and remain fundamentally a Commonwealth man. I therefore cannot ignore the fact that the vast majority of Commonwealth countries now want Britain to stay in.
 * Speech to the Labour Party conference on Britain's membership of the EEC (26 April 1975), quoted in The Times (28 April 1975), p. 4

 * I intend to play it low-key throughout. The decision is purely a marginal one. I have always said so. I have never been a fanatic for Europe. I believe the judgment is a finely balanced one.
 * Remarks to Barbara Castle (26 April 1975), quoted in Barbara Castle, The Castle Diaries, 1974–76 (1980), p. 379

 * The lead Britain can give and is already giving rests on the fact that we are a world-minded people. Britain will give a lead in political attitudes and political developments in Europe. We cannot do that by taking our bat home and sinking into an off-shore island mentality.
 * Speech during the European Communities membership referendum, quoted in The Times (4 June 1975), p. 5

 * This Party needs to protect itself against the activities of small groups of inflexible political persuasion, extreme so-called left and in a few cases extreme so-called moderates, having in common only their arrogant dogmatism. These groups, equally the multichromatic coalitionist fringe or groups specifically formed to fight other marauding groups, these groups are not what this Party is about. Infestation of this kind thrives only, and can thrive only, in minuscule local parties.
 * Speech to Labour Party conference (30 September 1975), quoted in Labour Party Annual Conference Report 1975, pp. 186-187

 * I want to talk to you as an old friend who has always been loyal to me. You are the only person I know who never leaks. I am getting tired of this job. I've spent thirteen years trying to keep this party together and it's been a pretty thankless task. Do you know I've only been to the theatre about twenty times in all those years? Because I have had to keep on top of everything that is happening.
 * Remarks to Barbara Castle (4 March 1976), quoted in Barbara Castle, The Castle Diaries, 1974–76 (1980), p. 671

 * There are three groups on the Left. There is what is now called the "soft" Left, to which you and I and Michael always belonged. There is a middle group and then there are the really vicious group.
 * Remarks to Barbara Castle (4 March 1976), quoted in Barbara Castle, The Castle Diaries, 1974–76 (1980), p. 672

Post-Prime Ministerial

 * Overseas anti-democratic forces have conspired for years to undermine the political position of individuals and parties who have opposed apartheid.
 * Speech to the Parliamentary Press Gallery (12 May 1976), quoted in The Times (17 May 1976), p. 2

 * I have always said about Tony [Benn] that he immatures with age.
 * Interview with The Times (7 April 1981), p. 12

 * It stems from the loss of the election and the growth of the 'cowboys'. The Labour Party has got out of the way of losing elections. We are now the natural party of government...These cowboys are absolute Trots. The number of Communists in the party is very small but the Trots are much more sinister. They are negative and have no policy. There is a fairly high number of—not intellectuals but let's say intelligentsia element there, stemming not least from the growth of sociology as a discipline in the universities.
 * Interview with The Times (7 April 1981), p. 12

 * Roy Jenkins? ...tended to knock off at 7 o'clock...a socialite rather than a Socialist...The SDP. It's not a party, it's a clique or a click, as they say up 'ere. As for Dr Owen and Mr Rodgers, I never thought of them as Cabinet calibre...perfectly good junior ministers. Jim [Callaghan] took a different view. I had retired by then—voluntarily—which is a very unusual thing in politics.
 * Press conference during the Warrington by-election (15 July 1981), quoted in The Times (16 July 1981), p. 28

 * [H]e was extremely pleased with the things President Reagan had done. One feels in Europe there is somebody in charge.
 * Speech to correspondents in New York (21 September 1981), quoted in The Times (22 September 1981), p. 6

 * President Reagan is likely to be more successful in dealing with the Soviet Union than any recent American leader. ... he had been impressed with Mr Reagan's instincts and style.
 * Speech at Indiana University (4 October 1982), quoted in The Times (5 October 1982), p. 4

 * Begin, Shamir and Sharon were the evil three. Sharon is the most evil man I've run across in Israeli politics. [I regarded myself when Prime Minister as] the best friend Israel had in the Western world.
 * Speech at Indiana University (4 October 1982) after the Beirut massacre, quoted in The Times (5 October 1982), p. 4

Attributed

 * A week is a long time in politics.
 * Possibly misattributed; according to Nigel Rees in Brewster's Quotations (1994), asked shortly after his retirement in 1977 about the quote, he could not pinpoint the first occasion on which he uttered the words.

Quotes about Wilson

 * 'I thought', said Nye, 'that you were a Yorkshireman but your Dad has been telling me all about Manchester. Where were you born, boy?' With a Yorkshireman's natural pride, I said, thinking of Sheffield's steel, 'Yorkshiremen are not born; they are forged.' 'Forged were you?' said Nye in that musical Welsh lilt of his,  'I always thought there was something counterfeit about you!'
 * Harold Wilson, Memoirs 1916-1964: The Making of a Prime Minister (1986), p. 10

 * A. J. P. Taylor told me in 1970, in one of those impromptu addresses to individuals that made the Beaverbrook Library so entertaining a place, that Wilson was transparently Lloyd George redivivus and Roy Jenkins an aspirant Asquith.
 * Michael Bentley, Lord Salisbury's World: Conservative Environments in Late-Victorian Britain (2001), p. 317, n. 52

 * He's much more dangerous than Gaitskell because he isn't honest and he isn't a man of principle but a sheer, absolute careerist, out for himself alone.
 * Aneurin Bevan's remarks to Richard Crossman, as recorded in Crossman's diary (18 December 1958), quoted in The Backbench Diaries of Richard Crossman, ed. Janet Morgan (1981), pp. 726–727 and John Campbell, Nye Bevan and the Mirage of British Socialism (1987), p. 350

 * Harold Wilson, in a sense, was to politics what the Beatles were to popular culture. He simply dominated the nation's political landscape, and he personified the new era, not stuffy or hidebound but classless, forward-looking, modern. Even his enemies and detractors, and there were a few, could not deny his brilliance, his brain and the intelligence born of natural wit, not social background... He had, in the end, a very simple belief in the virtues of social justice and equality and, by and large, throughout his time in politics, he applied them. He once said: "The Labour party is a moral crusade, or it is nothing." That should be his real epitaph and long may it remain so.
 * Tony Blair, speech in the House of Commons (24 May 1995)

 * His purpose in politics was to remove the disfiguring evils of poverty and to create a caring society, with equal opportunity, open to advancement and in tune with the changing needs of his time. He was proud to have been responsible for the birth of the Open University. He was by nature a conciliator, and the least assertive of men, but he fought with the doggedness and determination of a true Northerner when he had to. Those qualities, and his high intelligence, kindliness and approachability, helped to spread his influence over a much wider area than his own party. It was a natural expression of that to be a passionate opponent of apartheid and of racial discrimination. He was the most successful leader that Labour has ever had, winning four elections out of five although on each occasion he came to office at a time of great economic difficulty. Above all, he was a devoted servant of his cause and his country.
 * James Callaghan, speech in the House of Lords (24 May 1995)

 * One of Harold's endearing traits was his desire to bring women to the fore. He was an instinctive feminist: the first Prime Minister to have two women in his Cabinet. Like Ted [Castle] he never regarded women as rivals, but rejoiced in their success and was always trying to promote them to new opportunities. Such men are rare.
 * Barbara Castle, Fighting All The Way (1993), p. 164

 * If the criterion of leadership is sparkling intelligence, resilience, victory in elections and flexibility, together with a willingness to fight one's own Party when one has little choice, then Wilson certainly has a claim to have been the best leader Labour ever had. But in Wilson the flexibility was too heavily prized and the willingness to fight too seldom in evidence. He totally failed in the role to which he himself made his principal claim, as a regenerator of the British economy. It was fortunate for the Labour party and the country that Wilson retired when he did. His time as Prime Minister had been a time of economic crisis. On the face of it he had been as well equipped as anyone could be to handle the frightening economic problems with which he had been confronted. Yet he had never given any evidence that he had thought deeply about the country's predicament. He had exhausted his credit with foreign governments and with central banks which might, in the near future, be requested to help suck the UK out of the bog into which it had fallen. He now lacked the strength, and the reputation, to handle yet one more economic crisis. Whatever he had achieved, he would not see a socialist Britain in his lifetime. But he would have been surprised if he had, not necessarily pleasantly. At least, in retirement, he had no reason to fear conspiracies by his Cabinet colleagues.
 * Edmund Dell, A Strange Eventful History: Democratic Socialism in Britain (1999), pp. 450-451

 * Wilson was always mildly anti-European, in the sense that he seemed not to like continental Europeans, their style of life or their politics. He was basically a north of England, non-conformist puritan, with all the virtues and the inhibitions of that background. The continental Europeans, especially from France and southern Europe, were alien to him... Despite this background, Harold Wilson decided from October 1974 that a 'yes' position was the most practical choice. As a statesman – which was part, but only part of his complex personality and always was – he knew that Britain must be centrally placed in Europe's future. As a party leader, he saw it as the best way to hold Labour together – because the antis would not leave the Party over Europe, but the pros would. As a shrewd politician, he saw the pro position as the most likely winning one... Mr Heath had taken the British Establishment into Europe. Harold Wilson took in the British people.
 * Bernard Donoughue, 'Harold Wilson and the Renegotiation of the EEC Terms of Membership, 1974–5: A Witness Account', in Brian Brivati and Harriet Jones (eds.), From Reconstruction to Integration: Britain and Europe since 1945 (1993), pp. 204-205

 * When, 50 years ago, on 14 February 1963, Harold Wilson was elected leader of the Labour party, even many of his supporters – wrongly I now believe – thought him a politician without principle... He was what used to be called "a good Labour man" – instinctively the enemy of privilege and certain that improvement in the lives of the disadvantaged and the dispossessed depended on the success of the Labour party. That is why he worked so hard, and sometimes deviously, to keep it united. I should have understood that 50 years ago.
 * Roy Hattersley, 'Why I was wrong about Harold Wilson', The Guardian (14 February 2013)

 * No prime minister ever interfered so much in the work of his colleagues as Wilson did in his first six years... Unfortunately, since he had neither political principle nor much government experience to guide him, he did not give Cabinet the degree of leadership which even a less ambitious prime minister should provide. He had no sense of direction, and rarely looked more than a few months ahead. His short-term opportunism, allied with a capacity for self-delusion which made Walter Mitty appear unimaginative, often plunged the government into chaos. Worse still, when things went wrong he imagined everyone was conspiring against him. He believed in demons, and saw most of his colleagues in this role at one time or another.
 * Denis Healey, The Time of My Life (1990), p. 331

 * [W]hat really endeared the people of this country to him was that they knew from his background, his upbringing and his own life, in which there was hardship, that he was a compassionate man who understood their needs and who was doing his best, often in difficult circumstances...to meet those needs and to ensure that people had a better life. That was his philosophy and his purpose in coming into the House, in being in opposition and in being a Minister... This country owes a great deal to him.
 * Edward Heath, speech in the House of Commons (24 May 1995)

 * Harold was, above all else, a great political survivor, a fine politician if, perhaps, never truly a statesman.
 * Edward Heath, The Course of My Life (1998), p. 557

 * We have Mr. Wright's allegation that a surveillance operation was mounted against Lord Wilson of Rievaulx when he was Prime Minister in the mid-1970s...Many criticisms can be made of Lord Wilson's stewardship—I have made some in the past and I have no doubt that I may make some more in future—but the view that he, with his too persistent record of maintaining Britain's imperial commitments across the world, with his over-loyal lieutenancy to Lyndon Johnson, with his fervent royalism, and with his light ideological luggage, was a likely candidate to be a Russian or Communist agent is one that can be entertained only by someone with a mind diseased by partisanship or unhinged by living for too long in an Alice-Through-the-Looking-glass world in which falsehood becomes truth, fact becomes fiction and fantasy becomes reality. The result of the allegation has been substantially to fortify the view that I expressed in a letter to The Times 18 months ago, which is that MI5 should now be pulled totally out of its political surveillance role.
 * Roy Jenkins, Speech in the House of Commons (3 December 1986)

 * I shall remember him above all for his courtesy and his kindness. He hated being disagreeable. He liked to be nice to people, which is not always the case with those who had his thrust to power. He also had very good nerve in a crisis. And as he experienced quite a number of crises, that was a big asset. In some ways he was easier to work with when things were going wrong. He was cool and unrecriminatory... He served his country well.
 * Roy Jenkins, speech in the House of Lords (24 May 1995)

 * He got a clear-cut first, and there is some evidence that he achieved the highest marks in PPE of any undergraduate of the decade... Academically his results put him among prime ministers in the category of Peel, Gladstone, Asquith, and no one else.
 * Roy Jenkins, ‘Wilson, (James) Harold, Baron Wilson of Rievaulx’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, May 2011, accessed 21 June 2020

 * My warmest congratulations on your election victory. As you enter the great office of Prime Minister, I want to extend my very best wishes for success for you and your government and the people of the United Kingdom. I look forward to the continuation of the close and friendly cooperation, based on mutual confidence and respect, which has bound our countries so closely for so long.
 * Lyndon B. Johnson; Message of Congratulation to the Right Honorable Harold Wilson Online, The American Presidency Project; 16 October 1964

 * The most politically skillful of them was Harold Wilson. It was my good fortune that we were friends before he became prime minister. I was able to persuade him to remain east of Suez for a few years longer... The problems he faced in Britain were deep-seated—lowered levels of education and skills, lower productivity because unions were not cooperating with management. The Labour Party in the 1960s and 1970s was dominated by the trade unions and could not tackle these basic issues, hence Wilson was seen as going for quick fixes. To keep the party behind him, he had to zigzag, making him appear wily and devious.
 * Lee Kuan Yew, From Third World to First: Singapore and the Asian Economic Boom (2000; 2011), pp. 377-378

 * I do not believe that it is too generous to describe Harold Wilson as one of the most brilliant men of his generation... For my generation at least, as observers through television and from a distance, his ever-present pipe became a symbol of tranquillity in times of some turmoil... He was a man of many achievements and, perhaps above all, a very human man who served his country well and honourably and who has earned, by that, a secure place in its history.
 * John Major, speech in the House of Commons (24 May 1995)

 * [F]ew modern British governments have disappointed their supporters more thoroughly than his. After thirteen years in opposition, Labour returned to office in 1964 on the ticket of technical competence, purposive planning, faster growth and higher social spending. Socialism, as Wilson put it, would be harnessed to science, and science to socialism. When he and his colleagues limped back into opposition six years later, it was hard to tell which half of the promise had been more comprehensively belied. His Government had wrecked its own National Plan less than a year after announcing it, achieved a lower annual growth rate than that of the Conservatives and consumed vast quantities of energy and time in a bitter struggle with the trade unions, in which it was humiliatingly defeated. What Wilson had christened the 'social wage' did indeed absorb a larger share of the gross domestic product, but that was only because the whole economy had grown more slowly than expected. His second incarnation as Prime Minister was even less happy than his first. In 1974 Labour promised 'an irreversible shift of power and wealth to working people and their families', to be achieved through a social contract with the unions, entailing higher social spending and an end to wage controls. Two years later, Wilson resigned, having presided over record levels of inflation and unemployment, having launched an incomes policy patently designed to reduce real wages and having started the long series of expenditure cuts which were to destroy all hope of putting Labour's election pledges into effect.
 * David Marquand, The Progressive Dilemma: From Lloyd George to Blair (1991; rev. ed. 1999), pp. 155-156

 * Wilson was in himself a new and deadly threat to the Government. He was a formidable parliamentary debater with a rapier wit... [H]e could get under Harold Macmillan's skin in a way Hugh Gaitskell never could. While Gaitskell was more of a statesman than Wilson, Wilson was an infinitely more accomplished politician... I can say little in favour of either of Harold Wilson's terms as Prime Minister. Doubtless he had principles, but they were so obscured by artful dodging that it was difficult for friends and opponents alike to decide what they might be. Yet I regretted his departure for several reasons. I had always liked him personally, I had appreciated his sense of humour, and I was aware of his many kindnesses. He was a master of Commons repartee, and I usually scored nothing better than a draw against him in the House.
 * Margaret Thatcher, The Path to Power (1995), pp. 128, 313

 * Harold's record as Prime Minister and leader of the Labour Party has been underestimated. As Prime Minister, during a period of unremitting economic difficulty, he maintained full employment but was unable to restrain inflation. Unwilling to break trades union power by allowing mass unemployment, as Mrs Thatcher was later to do, he tried the alternative policy of income and prices restraint ... It failed, but it was a failure rooted in a committent to social justice... In another way, Harold's achievement as Prime Minister has been underestimated. He was without prejudice. He did not judge people on their colour, race, gender or class. Members of his government were drawn from many backgrounds.
 * Shirley Williams, Climbing the Bookshelves (2009), pp. 202–203

title: Harold Wilson


text:
Talk:Jack Handey

Untitled
These link at the bottom "What I'd Say To The Martians" short piece in The New Yorker (2005), "This is No Game"short piece in The New Yorker (2006), "My First Day In Hell" short piece in The New Yorker (2006), "Ideas for Paintings" short piece in The New Yorker (2006) are dead. You guys can remove them. I don't know why this is way up here, wtf.

Real name
Jack Handey is indeed a real person, was once a staff writer for SNL, and won two Emmy Awards and a Writers Guild of America Award. Source Official Website

Heres part of his biography-

Jack Handey is an American comedian and comic writer. He is famous for his Deep Thoughts, a large body of surrealistic one-liner jokes, as well as his "Fuzzy Memories" and "My Big Thick Novel" shorts.

Handey was born in San Antonio, Texas on February 25, 1949. His family later moved to El Paso, Texas, where Handey attended high school and college (at the University of Texas at El Paso.)

eh, sure this isn't copyrighted. i mean, most of this comes out of his published works.

 * I can assure you that every last word of this stuff is copyrighted. It shouldn't be here. Manning Bartlett (not logged in)

Here's some verification about Jack's name being genuine:. Bartlett is also right about this stuff being copyrighted, but considering that it's being presented as a quote, it may fall under the "fair use" doctrine.

 * The above link to Jack Handey's IMDb page only means that the name "Jack Handey" has film and/or TV credits. It does not mean that this is a real name, or even a single person. There is currently no biographical information provided at IMDb. Furthermore, "fair use" does not allow wholesale copying for quotation. It is limited to illustrative excerpts that do not materially interfere with the copyright holder's commercial interests (among other things). Recording everything ever read by "Jack Handey" most definitely violates these limits. ~ Jeff Q (talk) 15:21, 26 May 2006 (UTC)

Excessive quoting removed
We can not quote what was nearly the entire body of his work, this is deeply inappropriate. A handful of representative quotes can be given, WITH FULL ATTRIBUTION AND PROPER REFERENCES (page numbers, editions, etc.)

--Jimbo Wales 16:52, 5 May 2006 (UTC)

Excessive quoting? I thought this was Wikiquote, not Wikipedia. Cdwillis 19:37, 15 May 2006 (UTC)

 * The type of content is not at issue here. Wikiquote is a Wikimedia Foundation project, which must observe copyright laws. Please read Copyrights to get a feel for the imprecise line we must walk here between providing selected quotes and including large-scale copying of an entire body of work. From my passing knowledge of Jack Handey, I can't see the current article as anything but a massive copyvio, as it contains far more than a reasonable subset of Handey quotes. (This is made even more problematic by the fact that Handey's body of work is short quotes.) I have deleted most of the quotes, leaving what I consider an interesting subset of the first several dozen. Other editors are welcome to add to or delete from these. But we must keep this article to an essence of Handey, not treat it as a complete collection. ~ Jeff Q (talk) 22:45, 15 May 2006 (UTC)

 * By the way, Jimbo is right in that we should have specific citation information. Wikiquote's policy on how to do this is somewhat in flux at the moment, but one way certain to meet Foundation requirements is to pick an edition of a printed work, citing its publication information (especially ISBN, which is the quickest and simplest way to identify a specific modern work), and quote page numbers from that edition. The full citation should go into a "References" section and the page numbers should be added as sub-bullets to each quote. (It helps to provide a page count for the full work, so folks referring to other editions might deduce the approximate location of any quote in their copy.) ~ Jeff Q (talk) 22:50, 15 May 2006 (UTC)

Okay, I like law, but come on. If no one could quote, especially at http://en.wikiquote.org/, we wouldn't be able to write any books. Perhaps, none of us should talk lest be sued. If you reproduce the whole book or even large sections, that is one thing. But you can quote and give credit to the author. Jank Handey is probably thanking us. And who cares if it is his real name--he is hilarious.

More on sourcing
Someone removed the heading "Deep Thoughts". I've replaced it with "Unsourced" because, by Wikiquote standards, we do not as yet have any real source for these quotes. If are they collected in a published work, what is its publication information? If we are getting them from Saturday Night Live episodes, which ones belong to which episode? (If they're copied from a website, it's likely not what Wikiquote would consider a reliable source.) ~ Jeff Q (talk) 15:26, 26 May 2006 (UTC)

 * An anonymous editor took the trouble to find a fan website, SNL Archives, to provide a "source" for some Handey quotes. But as I mention above, this is not what Wikimedia considers a reliable source, so it can't justify a "Sourced" heading (no matter how many asterisks one adds to the heading). I've reformatted the new additions and the website link to follow our style practices. I also added a note about the source under the SNL subheading to make clear why these aren't considered properly sourced. (All but one quote currently lack dates as well, making even the unreliable source insufficiently specific.) In doing this instead of just removing the whole section, I'm hoping this will get readers to think about other. more reliable sources where they might dig up these quotes. ~ Jeff Q (talk) 14:25, 5 July 2006 (UTC)

I am not joking
Back in May, I wrote this:

We can not quote what was nearly the entire body of his work, this is deeply inappropriate. A handful of representative quotes can be given, WITH FULL ATTRIBUTION AND PROPER REFERENCES (page numbers, editions, etc.)

--Jimbo Wales 16:52, 5 May 2006 (UTC)

I meant it then and I mean it now, but let me make an additional remark. If this stuff comes back again, unsourced, unattributed, and excessive, I will not only delete it, I will ban the user who did it. When I say "a handful of representative quotes" I mean that too. We must respect copyrights.

The board was forced to close the French Wikiquotes by the unresponsiveness of the community there (there was not much of one) to our concerns about copyright violations. I would hate to see the same thing happen to English Wikiquote, which is a much more active project, and with an existing community who can enforce scholarly standards.--Jimbo Wales 18:56, 25 October 2006 (UTC)

Proposed guidelines for quoting Handey
The Copyrights page lists the four criteria for fair use, and mentions that the Wikiquote response to the first two would always be the same. So let's consider criteria 3 and 4: I propose that a small number of fully referenced quotations cannot be construed as substantial, and has no negative effect on the market for the work (in fact, it may improve the market by serving as a "teaser"). What is "small" in this context? Handey's books themselves are short, with one "thought" on each page. I think that limiting ourselves to fewer than 10 quotations from each book would certainly be defensible. Ubiquity 12:28, 7 November 2006 (UTC)
 * the amount and substantiality of the portion used in relation to the copyrighted work as a whole; and
 * the effect of the use upon the potential market for or value of the copyrighted work.

 * Four lousy quotes? What a joke. Another page decimated. —The preceding unsigned comment was added by 24.49.83.40 (talk • contribs) 06:07, 15 November 2006 (UTC)

 * For the record, I believe Ubiquity's statement is a reasonable proposition to start with, and should be discussed further here. But the answer to both statements above is the same, and is equally true for every article in every Wikimedia project. It is up to us, the editors of Wikiquote, to decide these issues and maintain these pages. If we carefully watch articles that we are interested in, and ensure they don't violate hard rules like copyright violation (that allow and even require Wikimedia Foundation folks to "decimate" pages with impunity), we can make these articles useful and interesting. The reason articles get slaughtered (as they well should be in many cases) is because nobody is taking care to ensure they meet basic standards of appropriateness, let alone quality. To borrow from the famous saying (usually attributed to Thomas Jefferson), the price of quality is eternal vigilance. ~ Jeff Q (talk) 06:24, 15 November 2006 (UTC)

 * One important consideration when dealing with copyright and the fair use doctrine is the commercial purpose and use of the content. Quoting a famous person concerning their opinion, or a witticism made without thought of profit, is very different from copying and republishing the very material that was (and may still be) the commercial product of that person's enterprise. Four quotes is plenty; it's more than enough to demonstrate the nature of Handy's humor. Embram (talk) 12:21, 5 August 2014 (UTC)

I have tried to raise the quality of Handey's Wikipedia article (where formerly there was also a problem of too many quotations). If anyone wants to go look at that article, feel free. I think that 10 quotes per book is more than enough, and I agree that the nature of Handey's work means that we need to be even stricter with sources than usual. Fishal 21:23, 7 March 2007 (UTC)

A possible way to help resolve this would be to limit the Deep Thoughts quotes to the top ten from Mr. Handey's official site. Incidentally, I remember watching SNL when the unsourced quote about a "world without wars" aired. It's definitely an official Deep Thought, but I don't have a source to prove it. Sysmsifa 04:17, 24 May 2008 (UTC)

"walk a mile in their shoes" quote
I removed this quote:

 * Before you criticize someone, you should walk a mile in their shoes. That way when you criticize them, you are a mile away from them, and you have their shoes.
 * "Deep Thoughts" segment, Saturday Night Live, 1991.

It wasn't properly sourced and elsewhere it is attributed to Frieda Norris --TimLambert 14:40, 1 October 2007 (UTC)
 * According to wikipedia, The Sisterhood of the Traveling Pants was published in 2001, while Deep Thoughts ended in 1998. I'm not arguing that the quote should be put back in though.

Official Source
http://deepthoughtsbyjackhandey.com/

Jack Handey is indeed a real person, was once a staff writer for SNL, and won two Emmy Awards and a Writers Guild of America Award. Source Official Website http://deepthoughtsbyjackhandey.com/answer.html

Says on the Website, No Deep Thought may be quoted without permission.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Talk:Jack Handey


text:
User talk:Depakote~enwikiquote

Belated welcome
Hi. Welcome to English Wikiquote. Enjoy! ~ Jeff Q (talk) 08:23, 16 February 2006 (UTC)
 * To ask for help or to talk with another editor, visit our Village pump.
 * To browse Wikiquote, take a look at our browsing start page.
 * To sign with a date, write four tildes ( ~ ) and save.
 * Before creating new articles, consult our guide. You may practice how to edit a page at Sandbox.
 * Be bold.

Blanking talk pages
I noticed that you "emptied" Talk:Aqua Teen Hunger Force. Please do not do this. Talk pages are a permanent record of discussions about their corresponding articles. If they become too long, we typically archive them to make room for newer material, but the original content should still be available. (It's okay to remove or "revert" vandalism, but serious questions and comments should remain.) Thank you for your cooperation. ~ Jeff Q (talk) 08:25, 16 February 2006 (UTC)

Your account will be renamed
Hello,

The developer team at Wikimedia is making some changes to how accounts work, as part of our on-going efforts to provide new and better tools for our users like cross-wiki notifications. These changes will mean you have the same account name everywhere. This will let us give you new features that will help you edit and discuss better, and allow more flexible user permissions for tools. One of the side-effects of this is that user accounts will now have to be unique across all 900 Wikimedia wikis. See the announcement for more information.

Unfortunately, your account clashes with another account also called Depakote. To make sure that both of you can use all Wikimedia projects in future, we have reserved the name Depakote~enwikiquote that only you will have. If you like it, you don't have to do anything. If you do not like it, you can pick out a different name.

Your account will still work as before, and you will be credited for all your edits made so far, but you will have to use the new account name when you log in.

Sorry for the inconvenience.

Yours, Keegan Peterzell Community Liaison, Wikimedia Foundation 23:21, 17 March 2015 (UTC)

Renamed
 This account has been renamed as part of single-user login finalisation. If you own this account you can |log in using your previous username and password for more information. If you do not like this account's new name, you can choose your own using this form after logging in: . -- Keegan (WMF) (talk) 05:46, 19 April 2015 (UTC)

title: User talk:Depakote~enwikiquote


text:
User talk:209.106.216.1

Jimi Hendrix quote deletions
An editor using this IP address recently deleted all the quotes from Jimi Hendrix. This can be construed as vandalism, and may result in this address being blocked from editing. Please use Sandbox for experimenting with editing. You might also want to review How to edit a page, and our general help information starting at Help:Contents. Thank you for your cooperation. ~ Jeff Q (talk) 09:24, 16 February 2006 (UTC)

title: User talk:209.106.216.1


text:
Peter Tatchell

Peter Gary Tatchell (born 25 January 1952) is an Australian-born British human rights activist known for his work with LGBT social movements.

Quotes

 * Be sceptical, question authority, be a rebel. Do not conform and don’t be ordinary. Remember, all human progress is the result of far-sighted people challenging orthodoxy, tradition and rich, powerful, vested interests. Be daring, show imagination, take risks. Fight against the greatest human rights violation of all: free market capitalism, which has created a world divided into rich and poor, where hundreds of millions of people are malnourished, homeless, without clean drinking water and dying from hunger and preventable diseases. Don’t accept the world as it is. Dream about what the world could be – then help make it happen.
 * Honorary doctorate acceptance speech (26 July 2010).

 * Debates and parliamentary divisions are fruitless cosmetic exercises given the Tories' present Commons majority. And if we recognise this, we are either forced to accept Tory edicts as a fait accompli or we must look to new more militant forms of extra-Parliamentary opposition which involve mass popular participation and challenge the Government's right to rule.
 * Article in London Labour Briefing (November 1981). When quoted in the House of Commons, Labour Party leader Michael Foot denounced him as the Labour candidate for Bermondsey. Source: Tatchell The Battle for Bermondsey (Heretic Books, 1983) p. 53

 * The Bible is to gays what Mein Kampf is to Jews.
 * Lecture, St. Botolph's, Aldgate, London (21 March 2000).

 * It is quite evident that the Soviet system today represents the exact opposite of almost everything that the left in the West is striving for - obsessive state secrecy rather than freedom of information, centralised bureaucratic control instead of devolved decision making and public accountability, total state power over the individual as opposed to inalienable civil liberties, authoritarian economic management rather than trade union freedom and industrial democracy, and a government-manipulated media instead of greater diversity and choice in news and information sources.
 * Democratic Defence. London: GMP Publishers. p. 36. ISBN 0-946097-16-X.

 * As a condition of equal treatment, we homosexuals are expected to conform to the straight system, adopting its norms and aspirations. The end result is gay co-option and invisibilisation. We get equality, but the price we pay is the surrender of our unique, distinctive queer identity, lifestyle and values (the important insights and ethics that we have forged in response to exclusion and discrimination by a hostile straight world). [...] Meanwhile, all the sex-repressive social structures, institutions and moralities remain intact, and the "bad gays" remain sexual outlaws.
 * This nouveau gay reformism involves the abandonment of any critical perspective on straight culture. In place of a healthy scepticism towards the heterosexual consensus, it substitutes naïve acquiescence. Discernment is abandoned in favour of compliance. We trade our souls for the 'gift' of equal rights.
 * Equality is not Enough, Official Website

 * In contrast to earlier gay law reform and equality-oriented movements, the 1970s LGBT liberation movement did not seek to ape heterosexual values or secure the acceptance of sexual orientation and gender identity minorities within the existing sexual conventions. Indeed, it repudiated the prevailing sexual morality and institutions - rejecting not only heterosexism (heterosexual supremacism) but also male machismo, with its oppressive predisposition to rivalry, toughness and aggression; the extreme expressions of which are the rapist, queer-basher, racist murderer and war criminal.
 * The "radical drag" and "gender-bender" politics of the Gay Liberation Front (GLF) in the early 1970s glorified and promoted male gentleness. A conscious, if sometimes exaggerated, attempt to renounce the oppressiveness of masculinity and male privilege, it rejected straight macho values; identifying them with the subordination of women and LGBT people. The GLF was truly revolutionary because it attempted to subvert male-female gender roles and straight patriarchy. It denounced the ethos of masculine competitiveness, domination and violence; instead affirming the worthwhileness of male sensitivity and affection between men and, in the case of lesbians, the intrinsic value of an eroticism and love independent of maleness.
 * These ideas led me to propose that without the construction of a cult of machismo and a mass of aggressive male egos, neither sexual, gender, class, racial, speciesist nor imperialist oppression are possible.
 * Machismo Underpins War and Tyranny, Official Website

title: Peter Tatchell


text:
User talk:Alexbonaro~enwikiquote

Welcome
Hi. Welcome to English Wikiquote. Enjoy! ~ Jeff Q (talk) 09:40, 16 February 2006 (UTC)
 * To ask for help or to talk with another editor, visit our Village pump.
 * To browse Wikiquote, take a look at our browsing start page.
 * To sign with a date, write four tildes (~~) and save.
 * Before creating new articles, consult our guide. You may practice how to edit a page at Sandbox.
 * Be bold.

Organized crime
I hope you aren't too disappointed with the major reworking of Organized crime. I rearranged the sections and reformatted them based on Wikiquote guidelines. Specifically: Although empty sections are usually frowned upon, I put your three subgroups into both Sourced and Attributed to make it easier for editors to remember both the primary subgroups and the fact that they should make the distinction between sourced and unsourced quotes. Let me know if you have any questions about this. ~ Jeff Q (talk) 10:04, 16 February 2006 (UTC)
 * Articles should separate sourced and attributed quotes. "Sourced" means having a specific citation of the source, including publication date for print, film titles, TV-show episode names, and similar specificity. Wikiquote, Wikipedia, or external links are also highly recommended.
 * Avoid too much structure without much content. Structure can be expanded as needed if the content becomes substantial. (Note how the single quotes have been attributed to their sources, with links, rather than using lots of empty structures this early in the article's life.)
 * I've reverted the changes to the page, and warned the anon user about deleting quotes without first opening a dialogue with other users. ~ UDScott 12:34, 28 February 2006 (UTC)

For future reference, it's fairly easy to do a manual reversion to a previous versions. From the article page, click on the "history" tab just above the title. This will show you a list of edits in reverse-chronological (recent-first) order. Click on the date/timestamp that represents the version you wish to revert to. (If it's not obvious from the time and user ID, you can click on the radio buttons for any two versions (left for the older, right for the newer) and press the "Compare selected versions" to see what was actually done during the edits.) Once you've opened the desired version of the article, edit it. It will warn you that you're editing an old version, and that any more recent changes will be lost (which is what you want). All you need to do for a simple reversion is save this without changes, but PLEASE put something like "reverting to (description of this version)" in the edit summary. (Example: "rv to last version by Alexbonaro", where "rv" is the usual abbreviation of "reverted".) Bear in mind, however, that it's not good "Wikiquette" to revert without a good reason, not just because you don't like the changes. If you think there may be some controversy about your reversion, it's a good idea to post a note about this reversion on the article's talk page. Hope this helps. ~ Jeff Q (talk) 02:38, 1 March 2006 (UTC)

Talk page tips
While I'm at it, might I offer two more useful tips, these for talk page editing? First, it's much preferred to use topic headings and indentation rather than horizontal lines to separate postings. Lines were used in the early days of Wikipedia, but were quickly replaced by indentation for individual postings because lines offer no clear separation of topics vs. postings. Indentation was adopted as a simple means to set off individual postings. (Bullets are sometimes used, but they can cause other problems, so they're typically reserved for lists within postings.) When talk pages began to get absurdly long and include many different discussions, the practice of adding section headings became so popular that the MediaWiki developers added a "Post a comment" link (the "+" tab at the top of talk pages) to make it easy to start a new topic, with a "Subject/headine" box that serves as both an edit summary and the new topic's section heading. Furthermore, when a few topics have been added, a table of contents is automatically created, making it much easier for readers to find specific issues on a long talk page.

The second is a reminder to always, always sign your talk page posts. It may seem obvious to you when you post a comment that it came from you, but after a few more people comment, even you yourself may get confused about who posted what unless everyone signs. (Trust me, I've seen this happen.) It's important to remember that these discussions never go away. Someone may be reading an article's talk page 3 years from now, and become hopelessly confused without proper signatures and timestamps. (And don't get me started about how some editors insert their comments into the middle of others' postings.)

Sorry if I'm dumping a lot of wikilore on you, but I find it's often more useful to write some quick comments than point newer users to the volumes of style and practice information on Wikipedia (which has far more detail about these practices than Wikiquote does). However, it's not a bad idea at some point to peruse Wikiquote's Help:Contents, which has some basic info and pointers to more. (And which I just noticed isn't mentioned in our standard Welcome message! I'll have to fix that.) ~ Jeff Q (talk) 03:06, 1 March 2006 (UTC)

Your account will be renamed
Hello,

The developer team at Wikimedia is making some changes to how accounts work, as part of our on-going efforts to provide new and better tools for our users like cross-wiki notifications. These changes will mean you have the same account name everywhere. This will let us give you new features that will help you edit and discuss better, and allow more flexible user permissions for tools. One of the side-effects of this is that user accounts will now have to be unique across all 900 Wikimedia wikis. See the announcement for more information.

Unfortunately, your account clashes with another account also called Alexbonaro. To make sure that both of you can use all Wikimedia projects in future, we have reserved the name Alexbonaro~enwikiquote that only you will have. If you like it, you don't have to do anything. If you do not like it, you can pick out a different name.

Your account will still work as before, and you will be credited for all your edits made so far, but you will have to use the new account name when you log in.

Sorry for the inconvenience.

Yours, Keegan Peterzell Community Liaison, Wikimedia Foundation 23:17, 17 March 2015 (UTC)

Renamed
 This account has been renamed as part of single-user login finalisation. If you own this account you can |log in using your previous username and password for more information. If you do not like this account's new name, you can choose your own using this form after logging in: . -- Keegan (WMF) (talk) 05:41, 19 April 2015 (UTC)

title: User talk:Alexbonaro~enwikiquote


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Category:Theme stubs

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text:
Jo Grimond

Joseph Grimond, Baron Grimond (29 July 1913 – 24 October 1993) was Leader of the Liberal Party from 1956 to 1967 and Acting Leader in 1976. He was the Member of Parliament for Orkney and Shetland constituency from 1950 to 1983.

Quotes

 * "The poorest he that is in England hath a life to live, as the greatest he..." [Colonel Thomas Rainsborough, Putney Debates 1647] This is one Liberal Text. And it is more distinctive than may at first appear. It asserts the individual and the value of any individual - even the poorest He. But it asserts it without envy. It does not demand that the rich be made poor - nor even claim that the poor are more deserving than the rich. It demands equality in one thing only, the right to live one's own life.
 * The Liberal Future (London: Faber and Faber, 1959), p. 12.

 * Our long-term objective is clear: to replace the Labour Party as the progressive wing of politics in this country.
 * November 1953, quoted in Alan Watkins The Liberal Dilemma (Macgibbon and Kee, 1966) p. 91.

 * Neither the Government nor the local authorities make any wealth or have any money of their own. If we want them to spend more and more we have to pay. The remedy is in our hands. Stop running to them asking them to do this, that and everything under the sun - and demand instead that they stop doing and spending so much.
 * February 1957, quoted in Michael McManus Jo Grimond: Towards the Sound of Gunfire (Birlinn, 2001) p. 120.

 * In bygone days, commanders were taught that when in doubt, they should march their troops towards the sound of gunfire. I intend to march my troops towards the sound of gunfire.
 * "Mr. Grimond names 'enemy we march against'", The Times, 16 September 1963, p. 6.
 * At the Liberal Party Assembly, 15 September 1963, indicating his intention that the party become involved in the central debates of British politics.

 * After listening to the debate on unemployment I can see a danger that Liberals lose to the Tories their claim to have new and sensible ideas and are left saying "Me too" to a Socialist conventional wisdom which is failing...The salient need of this country—to produce more and much more efficiently—hardly figured on the agenda.
 * The Sunday Times (19 September, 1976).

 * Why do I—the original advocate of realignment on the Left—object to the Lib-Lab pact? Precisely because I do not think it will lead to realignment. For one thing, the Gaitskellites have fled the field. The Labour Party looks and behaves more and more as the servants of the trade union leaders...When the election comes, either the Labour Party win—and if that happens they will say "Thank you very much" to us and go on with more collectivism—or they lose, and we shall be tarred with their failure...Don't let us become oysters to Carpenter Jim, however genuinely benevolent he may seem.
 * The Daily Mail (26 July, 1977).

 * The root objection to the pact is the nature of the Labour Party. It is not liberal. It is not becoming more liberal. The social democrats remain ineffective, or sneak off, after preaching equality to everyone else, to some of the highest-paid jobs open to the British. As a final spectacle of degradation, they are to be seen intimidating the Grunwick workers...The Labour Party remains without principle, clinging to office, paid by the trades unions, and with an anti-democratic Marxist wing. The pact, I fear, is having no effect on the nature of that party.
 * The Daily Mail (28 November, 1977).

 * 10 per cent inflation is not heaven and the factors are all still there to push it up much further next year. Nor has the Government any policy adequate to deal with unemployment. It is not capitalism that is in crisis. It is Socialism that is in collapse. The faith has vanished. The principles are shattered. It won't do for Liberals merely to say they will put on the brakes. Even if you slow down the Gadarene swine, they will go over the precipice eventually.
 * In The Spectator (21 January, 1978).

 * The state owned monopolies are among the greatest millstones round the neck of the economy...Liberals must stress at all times the virtues of the market, not only for efficiency but to enable the widest possible choice...Much of what Mrs Thatcher and Sir Keith Joseph say and do is in the mainstream of liberal philosophy.
 * Jo Grimond, The Future of Liberalism (October, 1980).

 * We should not delude ourselves into thinking that an incomes policy is other than a serious infringement of freedom...Nor have the Liberals explained how it is to be worked, and even if they had, it is certainly not a permanent answer to our economic troubles...At present, the Liberal-Social Democratic Alliance occasionally looks too much like a half-way house on the old road to state socialism. It will spend more than the Tories but rather less than Labour...Such compromises may win votes, but they will not improve the country.
 * In the Journal of Economic Affairs (October, 1981).

 * Now the employer is to be told that if the unions force him to pay exorbitant wages or go out of business if he tries to continue, he will be taxed. The unions will escape any punishment. The employer will not be allowed to increase employment by paying lower wages nor to attract good labour by paying higher wages. We shall have another huge department to supervise the whole operation...an incomes policy is minted in the thinking of 1945.
 * In The Spectator (25 September, 1982).

 * The Liberal Party doesn't seem to know in its mind what to do about it—its ostensible view is that the mix of the mixed economy must be left as it is. This seems to be a slightly doubtful proposition...We have to reduce the public sector, the state-run sector, and hand it over to other bodies. The economy is probably unmanageable so long as the state attempts to do so much. The Liberals have not given nearly enough thought to the question of the bureaucracy of the state, what is suitable for the state to run...I personally agree with the SDP line, not with that of the Liberal unilateralists. I want to remain in NATO and I believe that a deterrent is essential and it promotes peace...I would not support unilateral disarmament either on moral or practical grounds.
 * In the Alliance magazine (December/January 1982–3).

title: Jo Grimond


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Ian Smith

Ian Douglas Smith (April 8, 1919 – November 20, 2007) was a farmer and politician who served as Prime Minister of Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) from 1964 to 1979. Smith took the decision to issue a 'Unilateral Declaration of Independence' from the United Kingdom in 1965 and led the rebel unrecognised government for the next fourteen years. He strongly believed that Rhodesia should continue to be ruled by its European-descended minority while the African descended majority became more experienced in politics, but was forced to concede a power-sharing government when support from South Africa and Portugal ended.

Sourced

 * Today is not such a tremendous day for us Rhodesians. We made our decision to become a Republic quite a long while ago, and this is simply the process of formalising it. Our Independence Day is the great day. Rhodesia did not want to seize independence from Britain. It was forced upon us.
 * BBC News 'On this day', March 2. "Smith recalls era of savages in skins", The Times, March 3, 1970, p. 8.
 * At a press conference on March 2, 1970, when Rhodesia declared itself a Republic.

 * Let me say it again. I don't believe in black majority rule ever in Rhodesia—not in a thousand years. I repeat that I believe in blacks and whites working together. If one day it is white and the next day it is black, I believe we have failed and it will be a disaster for Rhodesia.
 * Nigel Rees, "Sayings of the Century", Unwin paperbacks, 1984, p. 247.
 * Radio broadcast, March 20, 1976.
 * Peter Godwin, Comment in the Guardian(UK) Newspaper [].

 * All the soul of man is resolution, which in valiant men falters never, until their last breath.
 * Ian Smith, "Bitter Harvest".

 * I would be dishonest if I did not state quite clearly that the proposals which were put to us in Pretoria do not represent what in our view would be the best solution to Rhodesia's problems.
 * Michael Knipe, "Mr Smith agrees to majority rule coming within two years", The Times, September 25, 1976, p. 1.
 * Statement (September 24, 1976) on negotiations in South Africa which proposed a phased transition to majority rule.

 * I am satisfied it has strengthened my hand tremendously. Nobody but a fool would disregard the kind of result we witnessed today.
 * BBC News 'On this day', August 31.
 * Reaction to the 1977 general election in which his government was re-elected overwhelmingly.

 * Pushing people forward simply because of their colour, irrespective of merit, would be most unfortunate and would of course lead to disaster. It would mean that Rhodesia would then develop into a kind of banana republic where the country would in no time be bankrupt.
 * BBC News 'On this day', June 1.
 * On the end of white minority rule in 1979.

 * To those who say derogatory things about colonialism, I would say colonialism is a wonderful thing. It spread civilisation to Africa.  Before it they had no written language, no wheel as we know it, no schools, no hospitals, not even normal clothing.
 * The Great Betrayal: The Memoirs of Ian Douglas Smith, Africa's Most Controversial Leader
 * First published in June 1997.

 * We had the highest standard of health and education and housing for our black people than any other country on the African continent. That was what Rhodesians did. I wonder if we shouldn't be given credit for doing that.
 * BBC News Obituary of Ian Smith, 20 November 2007.

 * [Robert Mugabe] was a very clever bloke and he worked with me for as long as he thought it was going to help him. Once again, it was just to keep himself in power. I give that answer to all questions about Mugabe because that is all there is to it. Everything he has ever done is about keeping himself in power: Dictators and fascists all over the world think like that.
 * Ian Smith, as quoted in Heidi Holland, Dinner with Mugabe, Penguin Books; Reprint edition (5 Feb 2009), ISBN 0143026186.

Ian Smith - A Bit Of A Rebel

 * 2005 interview, Fine Claret Media, UK (youtube(10 mins)).

Ian Smith

 * What we believed in was responsible majority rule as opposed to irresponsible majority rule, and I stand by that. I think it's important that before you give a person a [right to] vote you ensure that his roots go down [and] that he's part of the whole structure of the country. So I stand by what I've said, and I think we can substantiate the fact that the things we did were to the benefit of the black people of our country more so than anybody else. And I challenge anybody to disagree with that.

 * To begin with, things [after Independence in 1980] went well because [Robert] Mugabe was no fool. He realised [that] it was important to maintain the economy and keep the country expanding. And in any case he was committed to do that by the Lancaster House Agreement which said that there could be no change in [the existing status] for at least seven years unless [he] could get 100% support [from] all the people. In no ways would he have been able to get the support of the white members of Parliament, and also the Matabeles. So we were satisfied that what we were doing was in keeping with the traditions and culture and what was expected of us, and Mugabe used to thank me for coming to see him, [giving] him the benefit of my advice and [telling] him what the white people were thinking. But he only did this for a while because he inherited the best economy in Africa. It was viable. And after two years he quickly changed his mind because he had a lot of money available. He had his [own] commanders in control because he had removed the white commanders who would have taken action against him if he had defied the Lancaster House Agreement before the seven-year [period]. He removed our commanders and put his commanders in so that he knew that he could defy this. And so he breached the Lancaster House Agreement.

 * So [things have] gradually and gradually [gotten] worse and worse until the country is absolutely on the rocks now, and the people are suffering. And this is our hope, because so many people are suffering, have been persecuted and have been told "Get into line, or else", and they know what 'or else' means.
 * Africa is a continent which is subject to a great deal of friction and argument and change; that's [true] of the world generally but more so Africa than anywhere else. So because of that we live in hope, we think that the people in the end will say "We've had enough".
 * In the interests of our people, and of other people in this part of the world, let's work together. Why do we have to exclude people because of their colour, whether they are white, brown, yellow or black? Let's accept that we are all a part of Africa, all part of the world. Let's all work together. And the more we can get people to accept that philosophy, the greater the hope for the whole world.

Ernest Mtunzi, Former UK Representative of Joshua Nkomo

 * Smith was misunderstood in a lot of ways. He is an African [and] understands the African mentality. It wasn't his problem what happened in Rhodesia. He came in [to power] in 1965 after Winston Field, so he was along the system that had been created. If you look at the development of Rhodesia, Smith contributed enormously [to] that. It didn't only benefit the whites, it benefited the blacks.
 * Smith was being realistic-if you give people something before they are ready [for it] they are going to mess it up. And that has happened. If he had had the opportunity to work with the people [and] help bring them up, Zimbabwe would be a better place now. Smith did make it better during his government. There is no reason why he could not do that if he had been allowed to go on.

About

 * If I absolutely had to choose, I would take Mugabe in preference to Smith, though. I couldn't stand Smith. I thought he was a man who saw every tree in the wood but couldn't see the wood... He was a really stupid man, Smith; a bigoted, stupid man.
 * Lord Carrington, as quoted in Heidi Holland, Dinner with Mugabe, Penguin Books; Reprint edition (5 Feb 2009), ISBN 0143026186.

 * Ian Smith was a formidable opponent, but he lacked any vision. We offered him much better terms at the Fearless and Tiger talks than anything he is going to get now. He held out too long, for too much, and is going to end up with nothing.
 * Harold Wilson, former British Prime Minister, interviewed by the BBC in 1979. While passing through Heathrow airport, Wilson had a chance encounter with Smith en-route to Lancaster House. The two had coffee together, and Wilson's comments were made after their meeting.

 * Life's greatest lessons have come to me so late … that a country can have political independence while its people are not free.
 * Joshua Nkomo (On the UDI).

 * If Smith was a black man, I would say that he was the best Prime Minister that Zimbabwe ever had.
 * Morgan Tsvangirai, Leader of the Movement for Democratic Change, 1999

 * Smith had many fine qualities as a political leader. However, he was very much a creature of his background. His life revolved around the cricket team, the whites only school, the RAF, the country club and the company of other gentleman farmers. He never escaped from this or saw beyond it.
 * Peter Hain, Foreign Office Minister in Tony Blair's British government, The Observer, 1999

 * Ian Smith lived an exemplary family life and in private was a down-to-earth, modest man. Ian Smith was not corrupt nor was he a megalomaniac. However whilst Ian Smith acted in what he thought were the best interests of then Rhodesia he made some disastrous political decisions as Prime Minister which directly contributed to the trauma that Zimbabwe is suffering from today... The policies of his Rhodesia Front party radicalized black nationalists and directly spawned the violent and fascist rule of Zanu PF.
 * David Coltart, Opposition Politician and member of the Zimbabwe Parliament (House of Assembly and Senate) since 2000

 * The roads that we are using today were all built by Smith. All the infrastructure is Smith’s. We never suffered the way we are suffering now because Smith took care of the economy that supported all people and they had enough to eat. When he left power the [British] pound was on a par with the Zimbabwean dollar, but President Mugabe has killed all that.
 * Patrick Kombayi, Opposition Politician and former Gweru Mayor, Article in The Telegraph, 2007.

title: Ian Smith


text:
User:Tamuz

My name is Tamuz, and I am a writer in the Hebrew and English Wikipedias, as well as the Hebrew Wikibooks (click on the links to go to my user pages in those various Wiki projects). I also have a Wikimedia Commons user page.

Joined Wikipedia at 2005. Date of birth: March 9 1990.

You are welcome to visit my English Wikipedia user page to learn more about me.

Tamuz 22:12, 24 July 2006 (UTC)

Favourite Quotes
The ones marked with an asterisk (*) are ones I first found here, on Wikiquote.

 * "I have seen belief move cities, make man stave-off death, and turn an evil hag's heart half-circle. This entire fortress has been constructed from belief. Belief damned a woman, whose heart clung to the hope that another loved her when he did not. Once, it has made a man seek immortality and achieve it."
 * -The Nameless One in Planescape: Torment (Black Isle)

True or Smart

 * "Life's not fair, is it?"
 * - Scar in The Lion King (Disney)

 * "Endure. In enduring, grow strong."
 * - Dak'kon in Planescape: Torment (Black Isle)

 * "Being deeply loved by someone gives strength, while loving someone deeply gives courage." *
 * - Lao Tze (attributed)

 * "This moment is forever."
 * - Moon-Child in The Neverending Story (Michael Ende)

 * "Do what your heart desires."
 * - The Neverending Story (Michael Ende)

 * "Courage isn't the lack of fear. It is the acting in spite of it." *
 * - Mark Twain

 * "You can't run from your past. You'll end up running in circles, until you fall back down to the same hole you were trying to escape from, only the hole's grown deeper."
 * - Max Payne in Max Payne 2: The Fall of Max Payne (Remedy Entertainment).

 * "You can only be betrayed by those whom you trust."
 * - Dimitrij Arkadeyvich Popov in Rainbow Six (Tom Clancy)

Well Worded or Insightful

 * "To see what is right and not do it is cowardice." *
 * My corollary:"To know what you want to do and not do it is cowardice."
 * - K'ung-fu-tzu

 * "The weak can never forgive. Forgiveness is the attribute of the strong." *
 * - Mohandas Karamchand "Mahatma" Gandhi

 * "The genius of the hole - no matter how long you spend climbing out, you can still fall back down in an instant."
 * "You come to, amidst the wreckage of your own making. Do you stay there, eyes squeezed shut, afraid to move? Or do you crawl out, help your loved ones, make sure the fire doesn't spread, try to fix it?"
 * "Death is inevitable. Our fear of it makes us play safe, blocks-out emotion. It's a losing game - without passion, you're already dead."
 * - Max Payne in Max Payne 2: The Fall of Max Payne (Remedy Entertainment).

 * "If there's so much I must be, can I still just be me \ The way I am?"
 * - Kiara in We Are One from The Lion King II: Simba's Pride (Disney)

 * "The difference between reality and fiction? Fiction has to make sense." *
 * - Tom Clancy

 * "Knowing blocks understanding."
 * - Dune by Frank Herbert

Just Bloody Beautiful

 * "There is no place for "2" in the world of 1's and 0's, no room for "mayhap" in a house of trues and falses, and no "green with envy" in a black-and-white world."
 * - Ravel Puzzlewell in Planescape: Torment (Black Isle)

 * "She was beautiful. I hated her for making me feel this way." (Quite corny, but beautiful nonetheless.)
 * "This is love - when someone drags you from the wreckage after you've given in, ready to just lie there and die.
 * This is love - when someone, no matter what the cost, shows you that there is hope, a choice, that you can put down your gun.
 * This is love. Love hurts." (You had to hear it in the original context to understand...)
 * - Max Payne in Max Payne 2: The Fall of Max Payne (Remedy Entertainment).

 * "And there are lines upon my face \ From a lifetime of smiles."
 * - Beautiful in my Eyes by Joshua Kadison

 * "The world, for once, at perfect harmony \ with all its living things."
 * - Can You Feel the Love Tonight - The Lion King version by Elton John and Tim Rice

 * "There's a rhyme and reason to the wild outdoors \ When the heart of this star-crossed voyager beats in time with yours."
 * - Can You Feel the Love Tonight - original version by Elton John

 * "I'm already one thousand heartbeats overdue."
 * - Vincent in Gattaca (Columbia Pictures)

 * "Blessed are you whose worthiness gives scope \ Being had, to triumph; being lacked, to hope."
 * - Sonnet LII by William Shakespeare

title: User:Tamuz


text:
User:SoGonzo~enwikiquote

"In the fabric of space and in the nature of matter, as in a great work of art, there is, written small, the artist's signature."
- Carl Sagan

title: User:SoGonzo~enwikiquote


text:
User talk:199.176.176.99

~ UDScott 18:44, 16 February 2006 (UTC)

title: User talk:199.176.176.99