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James Callaghan

Leonard James Callaghan, Baron Callaghan of Cardiff (27 March 1912 – 26 March 2005), commonly known as Jim Callaghan, was a British politician who served as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom from 1976 to 1979 and Leader of the Labour Party from 1976 to 1980. Callaghan is the only person to have held all four Great Offices of State, having served as Chancellor of the Exchequer from 1964 to 1967, Home Secretary from 1967 to 1970 and Foreign Secretary from 1974 to 1976. He was a Member of Parliament (MP) from 1945 to 1987.

Backbench MP

 * Never let me hear anyone say again that a Socialist State cannot provide outlets for those with initiative. The rewards given to ability in the U.S.S.R. at all levels are far greater than those given to the employed in capitalist Britain. I have seen it and it works.
 * Reynolds News (17 March 1946)

 * Peace-or-war, not cost-of-living, was the most important issue at the election. He did not believe that peace with Stalin would be easy to achieve. Some delegates seemed to think it was all a matter of “getting together with Joe.” Had they forgotten their Marxism, and its interpretation of history. That was what they were dealing with, not Uncle Joe.
 * Speech to the Labour Party Conference in Scarborough (2 October 1951), quoted in The Times (3 October 1951), p. 7

 * There could be no democratic and independent Socialist Party in this country unless they aligned themselves with others against the insidious attempts of Communism to break the Socialist movement.
 * Speech to the Labour Party Conference in Morecambe (1 October 1952), quoted in The Times (2 October 1952), p. 2

Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer

 * I have not the slightest doubt that the economic measures and the Socialist measures which one will find in countries of Eastern Europe, will become increasingly powerful against the uncoordinated, planless society in which the West is living at present.
 * Speech in the House of Commons (15 December 1960)

 * We should be aiming in the latter part of the 1960s for a 5 per cent. and then a 6 per cent. growth rate. Only then shall we attain the programme of social expenditure that is both necessary and desirable.
 * Speech in the House of Commons (20 July 1964)

Chancellor of the Exchequer

 * I hate putting up taxes.
 * Interview on BBC television (20 May 1965)

 * We have had a tremendous battle over the past 12 months. Sterling is safe. That battle is won.
 * Speech in the House of Commons (30 September 1965), quoted in The Times (1 October 1965), p. 16

 * If we achieve our target, 1967 will be a different year from the last two, a year in which we will begin to move forward again, and 1968 to 1970 will be the years of achievement in which the fruit of the work now being done will be shown.
 * Speech to a constituency Labour Party dinner in Swindon (28 January 1966), quoted in The Times (29 January 1966), p. 8

 * I sum up the prospects for 1967 in three short sentences. We are back on course. (Loud Ministerial cheers and Opposition laughter.) The ship is picking up speed. (More Ministerial cheers.) Every seaman knows the command at such a moment: "Steady as she goes". (Laughter and cheers.)
 * Budget speech in the House of Commons (11 April 1967), quoted in The Times (12 April 1967), p. 7

 * Those who advocate devaluation are calling for a reduction in the wage levels and the real wage standards of every member of the working class.
 * "Chancellor stands by three per cent growth and no devaluation", The Times (25 July 1967), p. 13
 * The government was forced to devalue in November 1967.

 * I come to the question of the Governor of the Bank of England, who made [a] speech...[which] was, I thought, a very good exposition of the nature of this country's problems. ... When he came to the question of the rate of wage and price inflation, in which he dealt with the question of unused resources, what he said I agree with. He said: “it is impossible to manage a large industrial economy with the very small margin of unused manpower and resources that characterised the British economy in the 1940s and 1950s.” That is true. ... We must have a somewhat larger margin of unused capacity than we used to try to keep. That is the truth of the matter.
 * Speech in the House of Commons (7 November 1967)

Home Secretary

 * I think that it came as a surprise, if not a shock, to most people, when that notorious advertisement appeared in The Times in 1967, to find that there is a lobby in favour of legalising cannabis. ... The existence of this lobby is something that the House and public opinion should take into account and be ready to combat, as I am. It is another aspect of the so-called permissive society, and I am glad if my decision has enabled the House to call a halt in the advancing tide of so-called permissiveness. I regard it as one of the most unlikeable words that has been invented in recent years.
 * Speech in the House of Commons (27 January 1969)

Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer

 * Millions of people in Britain must have been very surprised to hear that the language of Chaucer, of Shakespeare and of Milton must in future be regarded as an undesirable American import from which we have to protect ourselves if we are to build a new Europe. We can agree that the French own the supreme prose literature in Europe. But if we are to prove —if we have to prove—our Europeanism by accepting that French is the dominant language in the Community, then my answer is quite clear, and I will say it in French in order to prevent any misunderstanding: Non, merci beaucoup.
 * Speech in Southampton (25 May 1971)

 * [Callaghan] said that President Pompidou had made it clear that where differences existed between Britain and the French-dominated EEC, "Britain must subordinate them to the extent of a complete rupture with our identity". He asked if Mr. Heath's offer to participate in a European spirit, which signified a French spirit, meant that "we are honour bound not to try to upset the principles of the common agricultural policy?" Had Mr. Heath made it clear that no one believed it made sense to give up buying cheap food from New Zealand to buy dear food from France?
 * Speech in Southampton (25 May 1971), quoted in The Times (26 May 1971), p. 5

 * The Treaty of Rome was tailor-made to support French agriculture and German manufactures. It is by no means ideal for Britain's future trading arrangements. It was not designed for this purpose. The question is whether it is worth joining on the terms that are on offer or, as I believe, whether we would do better for ourselves by waiting.
 * Speech to the Cardiff South East Labour Party (23 July 1971), quoted in The Times (24 July 1971), p. 2

 * What would need to be reopened would be the test questions that were put to Mr Heath by M Pompidou and tamely accepted by him. To the question: “Do you agree to work for economic and monetary union?” Mr Heath had said “yes”, but the Labour movement said “no”. To the question: “Will you turn away from the open seas and mould yourself to Europe?” Mr Heath had said “yes” and the Labour movement was saying “no”. A Labour Government will seek to reopen the principles and renegotiate the details, specifically on high food prices which are part of their present policy and a reversal of Britain's food policies for over a century. We intend to have that renegotiated and to return to our traditional freedom to purchase food from other countries outside the EEC without incurring penalty.
 * Speech to the Labour Party Conference in Brighton (4 October 1971), quoted in The Times (5 October 1971), p. 6

 * Too much stress is being put on the soldiers and the RUC to solve problems which politicians have failed to solve for so many years. There must be a political solution if the gunmen are to be divided from the rest of the population.
 * Speech in Belfast (11 November 1971), quoted in The Times (12 November 1971), p. 1

 * [D]espite the indignation and horror with which most of us regard the actions of the Provisionals, we must not allow our policy to be dictated by revenge or by passion. If we do, we shall not only behave in an immoral way; we shall lose the battle.
 * Speech in the House of Commons (17 November 1971)

Foreign Secretary

 * Our place in the world is shrinking: our economic comparisons grow worse, long-term political influence depends on economic strength – and that is running out. The country expects both full employment and an end to inflation. We cannot have both unless people restrain their demands. If the TUC guidelines [on pay] are not observed, we shall end up with wage controls once more and even a breakdown of democracy. Sometimes when I go to bed at night, I think that if I were a young man I would emigrate. But when I wake up in the morning, I ask myself whether there is any place else I would prefer to go.
 * Remarks to a meeting of the Cabinet held at Chequers (17 November 1974), quoted in James Callaghan, Time and Chance (Collins, 1987), p. 326 and Tony Benn, Against the Tide: Diaries 1973-1976 (Hutchinson, 1989), p. 266

 * The power structure in Britain is changing. Authority is no longer obeyed for its own sake. There are severe limits on what government can do, so the way to win the battle against inflation and unemployment is not to try to dragoon the country. If we do we shall fail. We must secure its consent. We are playing for high stakes. In a real sense, adherence to the social contract puts on trial whether our society has the will and determination to solve its problems by democratic means.
 * Speech to the Labour Party Conference in London (27 November 1974), quoted in The Times (28 November 1974), p. 6

Robin Day: What are you doing on this programme? Callaghan: I'm here because you asked me. Day: You're here to advise people to vote 'Yes' aren't you? Callaghan: ...I am here, and the Prime Minister has taken the same line; it is our job to advise the British people on what we think is the right result. Now there are a lot of other people who've always been emotionally committed to the Market. A lot of other people have been always totally opposed to the Market. I don't think the Prime Minister or myself have ever been in either category and that is not our position today. I'm trying to present the facts as I see them and why we have come down in favour of – now Britain is in, we should stay in.
 * James Callaghan: ...I am not pro, nor am I anti...
 * On Robin Day's phone-in (27 May 1975), quoted in David Butler and Uwe Kitzinger, The 1975 Referendum (Macmillan, 1976), p. 176.

 * First of all, please make sure that you go and vote in the Common Market referendum on Thursday. And secondly, the Government asks you to vote 'Yes', clearly and unmistakeably.
 * Referendum broadcast (2 June 1975).
 * Callaghan had not wanted to appear in a broadcast for 'Britain in Europe', so he was instead introduced as the Foreign Secretary giving a separate broadcast within a 'Britain in Europe' timeslot.

 * But the policies of the 1960s would not be successful today. No more would general import controls.They benefit some home industries at the expense of the livelihood of everyone working in exports. We would be robbing Peter to pay Paul.
 * Speech at Woolwich (30 January 1976)

Prime Minister

 * You know, as I do, that we face two deep-seated problems, inflation and unemployment. Both of them are still too high. ... I have to emphasize to you that if we fail to bring down inflation, we shall never succeed in overcoming unemployment. We cannot have a prosperous industry in this country if we are unable to sell our goods overseas. No one owes Britain a living, and may I say to you quite bluntly that despite the measures of the last 12 months, we are still not earning the standard of living we are enjoying. We are only keeping up our standards by borrowing, and this cannot go on indefinitely. There is no soft option. I do not promise you any real easement for some time to come. There can be no lasting improvement in your own living standards until we can achieve it without going deeper and deeper into debt as a nation.
 * First television broadcast as Prime Minister (5 April 1976), quoted in The Times (6 April 1976), pp. 1–2

 * For too long, perhaps ever since the war, we postponed facing up to fundamental choices and fundamental changes in our society and in our economy. This is what I mean when I say we have been living on borrowed time. For too long this country – all of us, yes this Conference too – has been ready to settle for borrowing money abroad to maintain our standards of life, instead of grappling with the fundamental problems of British industry. Governments of both parties have failed to ignite the fires of industrial growth in the ways that countries with very different political and economic philosophies have done.
 * Speech to the Labour Party Conference in Blackpool (28 September 1976), quoted in James Callaghan, Time and Chance (Collins, 1987), p. 425

 * The cosy world we were told would go on for ever, where full employment would be guaranteed by a stroke of the Chancellor's pen, cutting taxes, deficit spending – that cosy world is gone. Yesterday, delegates pointed to the first sorry fruits: a high rate of unemployment. ... When we reject unemployment as an economic instrument — as we do — and when we reject also superficial remedies, as socialists must, then we must ask ourselves unflinchingly what is the cause of high unemployment. Quite simply and unequivocally, it is caused by paying ourselves more than the value of what we produce. There are no scapegoats. This is true in a mixed economy under a Labour Government as it is under capitalism or under communism. It is an absolute fact of life which no Government, be it left or right, can alter.
 * Speech to the Labour Party Conference in Blackpool (28 September 1976), quoted in Labour Party Annual Conference Report 1976, p. 188 and James Callaghan, Time and Chance (Collins, 1987), p. 426

 * We used to think that you could spend your way out of a recession and increase employment by cutting taxes and boosting government spending. I tell you in all candour that that option no longer exists, and in so far as it ever did exist, it only worked on each occasion since the war by injecting a bigger dose of inflation into the economy, followed by a higher level of unemployment as the next step. Higher inflation followed by higher unemployment. We have just escaped from the highest rate of inflation this country has known; we have not yet escaped from the consequences: high unemployment. That is the history of the last twenty years.
 * Speech to the Labour Party Conference in Blackpool (28 September 1976), quoted in Labour Party Annual Conference Report 1976, p. 188 and James Callaghan, Time and Chance (Collins, 1987), p. 426. This part of his speech was written by his son-in-law, future BBC Economics correspondent Peter Jay

 * Now we must get back to fundamentals. First, overcoming unemployment now unambiguously depends on our labour costs being at least comparable with those of our major competitors. Second, we can only become competitive by having the right kind of investment at the right kind of level, and by significantly improving the productivity of both labour and capital. Third, we will fail – and I say this to those who have been pressing about public expenditure, to which I will come back – if we think we can buy our way out by printing what Denis Healey calls ‘confetti money’ to pay ourselves more than we produce.
 * Speech to the Labour Party Conference in Blackpool (28 September 1976), quoted in James Callaghan, Time and Chance (Collins, 1987), p. 427

 * If we were to fail, I do not think any Government could succeed. I feel it would lead to a totalitarian government of the left or the right.
 * On BBC TV (30 September 1976), quoted in The Times (1 October 1976), p. 1

 * I think there is a case for opening a national debate on these matters.
 * Speech in the House of Commons (14 October 1976), referring to education policy. The phrase "national debate on education" is associated with Callaghan's speech at Ruskin College on 18 October 1976 but appears nowhere in the text; it was however used extensively in pre-briefing for the contents of the speech.

 * I have been concerned to find out that many of our best trained students who have completed the higher levels of education at university or polytechnic have no desire to join industry. Their preferences are to stay in academic life or to find their way into the civil service. There seems to be a need for more technological bias in science teaching that will lead towards practical applications in industry rather than towards academic studies. Or, to take other examples, why is it that such a high proportion of girls abandon science before leaving school? ... Why is it that 30,000 vacancies for students in science and engineering in our universities and polytechnics were not taken up last year while the humanities courses were full?
 * Speech to Ruskin College, Oxford University (18 October 1976)

 * [T]here is the unease felt by parent and others about the new informal methods of teaching which seem to produce excellent results when they are in well-qualified hands but are much more dubious when they are not. They seem to be best accepted where strong parent-teacher links exist. There is little wrong with the range and diversity of our courses. But is there sufficient thoroughness and depth in those required in after life to make a living? These are proper subjects for discussion and debate. And it should be a rational debate based on the facts. My remarks are not a clarion call to Black Paper prejudices. We all know those who claim to defend standards but who in reality are simply seeking to defend old privileges and inequalities.
 * Speech to Ruskin College, Oxford University (18 October 1976)

 * The goals of our education, from nursery school through to adult education, are clear enough. They are to equip children to the best of their ability for a lively, constructive, place in society, and also to fit them to do a job of work. Not one or the other but both. ... There is no virtue in producing socially well-adjusted members of society who are unemployed because they do not have the skills. Nor at the other extreme must they be technically efficient robots. Both of the basic purposes of education require the same essential tools. These are basic literacy, basic numeracy, the understanding of how to live and work together, respect for others, respect for the individual. This means requiring certain basic knowledge, and skills and reasoning ability. It means developing lively inquiring minds and an appetite for further knowledge that will last a lifetime. It means mitigating as far as possible the disadvantages that may be suffered through poor home conditions or physical or mental handicap. Are we aiming in the right direction in these matters?
 * Speech to Ruskin College, Oxford University (18 October 1976)

 * It is quite clear from what has been said and written that, time after time after time, there has been a conspiracy between the Conservative Front Bench in this House and the inbuilt Conservative majority in the House of Lords to defeat legislation that has passed through the House of Commons...I warn the House of Lords of the consequences...it is our strong view that the House of Lords should recall that its role is not that of a wrecking chamber, but of a revising chamber. In recent weeks, it has been wrecking legislation passed by this House.
 * Speech in the House of Commons (9 November 1976)

 * [Callaghan] said the most hateful slogan that he had heard recently, made at a protest march, was "What do we want? Everything! When do we want it? Now!" That was not socialism but fascism. There are too many of these people who have infiltrated this party already. Get them out!
 * Replying to a question at the annual constituency dinner of the Leeds East Labour Party (3 December 1976), quoted in The Times (6 December 1976), p. 1

 * A canting hypocrite.
 * On Tony Benn (16 December 1976), quoted in Bernard Donoughue, Downing Street Diary, Volume Two: With James Callaghan in No. 10 (2008), p. 122

 * The PM [Callaghan] said he is 'a supporter of Brazil'. Wants immigrants to marry UK natives, 'decent white Britons', and let us have a coffee-coloured community, but one single community, not this inflow of different cultures into a so-called 'multicultural society'.
 * Remarks to the committee on immigration (22 February 1977), quoted in Bernard Donoughue, Downing Street Diary, Volume Two: With James Callaghan in No. 10 (2008), p. 152

 * [The first task is to beat inflation.] Until we do, every wage rise which is not met from higher production is a ticket to the dole queue. That is why it is important to reach a renewed understanding with the trade union movement for the next 12 months, an arrangement which will break decisively from the inflationary spiral that has plagued us.
 * Speech to the all-Wales rally of the Labour Party (2 July 1977), quoted in The Times (4 July 1977), p. 2

 * [There are those in the Labour Party] whose language has become increasingly ideological and intolerant, base their politics solely on texts and creeds, and believe that the drafting of long resolutions will usher in the millennium.
 * Speech to the all-Wales rally of the Labour Party (2 July 1977), quoted in The Times (4 July 1977), p. 2

 * [Callaghan] said the Labour Party was not built on dogma and advised his comrades to look at some of the old trade union banners. They would not read ideological texts there, but words like "fraternity, humanity, unity and comradeship".
 * Speech to the all-Wales rally of the Labour Party (2 July 1977), quoted in The Times (4 July 1977), p. 2

 * The dangers which some have seen of an over-centralised, over-bureaucratized and over-harmonised [European] Community will be far less with 12 member states than with nine.
 * Letter to Ronald Hayward, General Secretary of the Labour Party (30 September 1977), quoted in The Times (1 October 1977), p. 3

 * We are opposed to racialism, we are opposed to discrimination. The Labour Party will do all in its power to ensure that all our citizens, irrespective of race or creed, enjoy equality of opportunity and equality of protection under the law. On this we cannot compromise. Inflation and unemployment have always been exploited by extremists. Groups who can be easily identified have always been vulnerable at such times. The Jews in the 1930s have been replaced by the black people in the 1970s. But history tells us that the persecution of the minority is only the first step. That is followed by attacks on trade unions, on the press, on free speech and so on to democracy itself. Let no one be in any doubt about the true nature of those who wrap their poisonous doctrines in our national flag.
 * Speech to the Labour Party Conference in Brighton (4 October 1977), quoted in The Times (5 October 1977), p. 6

 * Meantime I say to both sides of industry, 'Please don't support us with general expressions of good will and kind words, and then undermine us through unjustified wage increases or price increases. Either back us or sack us.'
 * Speech to the Labour Party Conference in Brighton (5 October 1977), quoted in Labour Party Annual Conference Report 1977, p. 217

 * What I know is that this country will be a divided society that will not be worth living in unless there is true racial equality for every citizen who lives in it.
 * Speech to the local government conference in Bristol (28 January 1978), quoted in The Times (30 January 1978), p. 3

 * 5 per cent it is, and I have told the unions that they have all the weapons. We are naked in their presence and we need their co-operation.
 * Remarks to the Cabinet on official pay policy (20 July 1978), quoted in Tony Benn, Conflicts of Interest: Diaries 1977–80 (1990), p. 326

 * The commentators have fixed the month for me, they have chosen the date and the day. But I advise them: "Don't count your chickens before they are hatched." Remember what happened to Marie Lloyd. She fixed the day and the date, and she told us what happened. As far as I remember it went like this: 'There was I, waiting at the church–' (laughter). Perhaps you recall how it went on. 'All at once he sent me round a note. Here's the very note. This is what he wrote: "Can't get away to marry you today, my wife won't let me."' Now let me just make clear that I have promised nobody that I shall be at the altar in October? Nobody at all.
 * Speech to the Trades Unions Congress (5 September 1978), quoted in "Mr Callaghan renews plea for 5% pay guideline", The Times (6 September 1978), p. 4
 * Callaghan was teasing the audience about the date for the impending general election. Although his message was intended to convey that he may not call an election in October, many people interpreted him as saying that the opposition would be caught unprepared by an October election.
 * Callaghan deliberately misattributed the music hall song "Waiting at the Church" to Marie Lloyd rather than to its real singer, Vesta Victoria, knowing that Vesta Victoria was too obscure for the audience to recognise.

 * Well, that's a judgment that you are making. I promise you that if you look at it from outside, and perhaps you're taking rather a parochial view at the moment, I don't think that other people in the world would share the view that there is mounting chaos.
 * Response to Evening Standard reporter's question "What is your general approach, in view of the mounting chaos in the country at the moment?" (10 January 1979); used to justify The Sun headline "Crisis? What Crisis?" on 11 January.

 * Jim said he was more depressed as a trade-unionist now about the future of this country than he had been for fifty years. He never believed it would come to this.
 * Remarks to the Cabinet recorded in Tony Benn's diary (1 February 1979), quoted in Tony Benn, Conflicts of Interest: Diaries 1977–80 (1990), p. 450

 * We can truly say that once the Leader of the Opposition had discovered what the Liberals and the SNP were going to do, she found the courage of their convictions. So, this evening, the Conservative Party, who want the Act repealed and oppose even devolution, will march through the Lobby with the SNP, who want independence for Scotland, and with the Liberals, who want to keep the Act. What a massive display of unsullied principle! The minority parties have walked into a trap. If they win, there will be a general election. I am told that the current joke going round the House is that it is the first time in recorded history that turkeys have been known to vote for an early Christmas.
 * Speech in the House of Commons (28 March 1979). In the No confidence debate which brought his government down on 28 March 1979, Callaghan poked fun at the opposition parties and drew attention to their low showing in opinion polls. In the event the Scottish National Party lost 9 of its 11 seats

 * Now that the House of Commons has declared itself, we shall take our case to the country.
 * Speech in the House of Commons (28 March 1979). Following the announcement that the government had lost by 1 vote, Callaghan declared his intention to call a general election

 * David Rose (ITN reporter): Industrial relations and picketing. What about the TUC putting its house in order? James Callaghan: The media's always trying to find what's wrong with something .. Let's try and make it work. Rose: What if the unions can't control their own militants? So there are no circumstances where you would legislate? Callaghan: I didn't say anything of that sort at all. I'm not going to take the interview any further. Look here. We've been having five minutes on industrial relations. You said you would do prices. I'm just not going to do this .. that programme is not to go. This interview with you is only doing industrial relations. I'm not doing the interview with you on that basis. I'm not going to do it. Don't argue with me. I'm not going to do it.
 * Interview (2 May 1979), quoted in Michael Pilsworth, "Balanced Broadcasting", in David Butler and Dennis Kavanagh, The British General Election of 1979 (Macmillan, 1980), pp. 207-208.
 * Callaghan objects to the line of questioning of ITN's David Rose in an interview recorded on 2 May 1979. He was eventually persuaded to return and recorded a new interview, but owing to an agreement with NBC TV that they should have access to all material recorded by ITN, it was shown in the USA and then reported in the Daily Telegraph.

 * There are times, perhaps once every thirty years, when there is a sea-change in politics. It then does not matter what you say or what you do. There is a shift in what the public wants and what it approves of. I suspect there is now such a sea-change and it is for Mrs. Thatcher.
 * On the general election of 1979, quoted in Kenneth Morgan, Callaghan: A Life (1997), p. 697

Post-Prime Ministerial

 * I'll tell you what happened. We lost the Election because people didn't get their dustbins emptied, because commuters were angry about train disruption and because of too much union power. That's all there is to it.
 * Remarks to Tony Benn (9 May 1979), quoted in Tony Benn, Conflicts of Interest: Diaries 1977–80 (1990), p. 499

 * [E]verything that we say and do shall be directed towards achieving a basis of unity and a basis of unity that will develop the thrust that is required to rid our country of a reactionary, hard-faced and incompetent Government, headed by the most self-opinionated Prime Minister since Neville Chamberlain.
 * Speech to the Labour Party Conference in Blackpool (30 September 1980), quoted in Report of the ... Annual Conference of the Labour Party (1980), p. 62

 * Many of you younger delegates are experiencing for the first time and seeing for the first time what we grew up with in the Thirties, what brought us into the Labour Movement and what, incidentally, will mean that we shall die in the Labour Movement and will never leave the Labour Movement. (Applause) However bad a socialist I may be in the eyes of a great many of our colleagues, I know why I and many others of my generation were bound to be in the Labour Party. We were determined that the Thirties should not be seen in our lifetime. And...as I see the conditions being repeated once again, the policies being followed once more that we thought we had destroyed forever as the result of the 1930s, I cannot but feel a deep indignation and anger that this generation should be required to go through the things that our generation went through. And I am determined to fight it as hard as I can. (Applause)
 * Speech to the Labour Party Conference in Blackpool (30 September 1980), quoted in Report of the ... Annual Conference of the Labour Party (1980), p. 63

 * I do not want it to be thought that I believe the constitution is unchangeable or is perfect. It is not. We are an evolving Party. We can change it. But changes have got to be made against a different atmosphere from the present one. We have got to get away from this. For pity's sake, stop arguing. The public is crying out for unity in order to get rid of the Thatcher Government. (Applause)
 * Speech to the Labour Party Conference in Blackpool (30 September 1980), quoted in Report of the ... Annual Conference of the Labour Party (1980), p. 67

 * Unilateral disarmament by Britain is opposed to our country's best interests, could begin the unravelling of NATO and therefore jeopardise the stability of Europe.
 * The Guardian (19 November 1982)

 * For 338 paragraphs the Franks report painted a splendid picture, delineated the light and the shade, and the glowing colours in it, and when Franks got to paragraph 339 he got fed up with the canvas he was painting and chucked a bucket of whitewash over it.
 * Speech in the House of Commons (26 January 1983) responding to the Franks Inquiry into intelligence before the Falklands War.

 * The Soviet Union's propaganda clearly wishes to use public opinion in this country to get the West to reduce its own arms while doing nothing themselves. In this way they would gain nuclear superiority. This is simply not on.
 * Speech at Cardiff (25 May 1983), quoted in Tim Jones, "Callaghan defends deterrent", The Times (26 May 1983), p. 1. This was during the 1983 general election in which the Labour Party had a policy of unilateral nuclear disarmament.

 * A leader must have the courage to act against an expert's advice.
 * The Harvard Business Review (1 November 1986)

 * A leader has to appear consistent. That doesn't mean he has to be consistent.
 * The Harvard Business Review (1 November 1986)

 * When I was young, we didn't discuss abortion or homosexuality. What I think most people feel is that we don't want all these particular areas to be aggressive when there is a feeling of tolerance of them which is generally understood and accepted. But if they become aggressive in minority interests...that is something I feel many people – and certainly I myself – recoil from. ... [The] nuclear family is the most loving you can have.
 * Interview with Brian Walden (17 April 1987), quoted in The Times (18 April 1987), p. 1 and The Times (20 April 1987), p. 13

Misattributed

 * A lie can be halfway round the world before the truth has got its boots on.
 * Though widely quoted from his speech in the House of Commons, (1 November 1976) published in Hansard, House of Commons, 5th series, vol. 918, col. 976.; this is actually a very old paraphrase of a statement of the 19th century minister Charles Spurgeon: "A lie travels round the world while truth is putting on her boots." Even in the paraphrased form Callaghan used, it was in widely familiar, many years prior to his use of it, and is evidenced to have been published in that form at least as early as 1939.

Quotes about Callaghan

 * He was very emotional, and he said to us "a lot of you are very clever people; you've had university education which I never had, and you would have made a success of whatever walk of life you had gone into. But always remember that it was the Labour Party which put you where you are." Even some of us who had no time for him before the election found it very moving.
 * Alistair Michie and Simon Hoggart, The Pact: The inside story of the Lib-Lab government, 1977-8 (1978), p. 93
 * Un-named left-wing Labour MP, who was not a supporter, describing a meeting with Callaghan shortly after he became Prime Minister in 1976.

 * [I]t would be foolish to underestimate the Baldwin-like appeal possessed by James Callaghan. The very Conservatism of the Prime Minister—in the content and style of his government—will make him a formidable opponent for the Tory party.
 * John Biffen, 'The Conservatism of Labour', in Maurice Cowling (ed.), Conservative Essays (1978), p. 164

 * To a far greater extent than is ever reflected in commentary on him, he both analysed correctly the changes that were coming in the country and had worked out the answers. His lecture on education, launching the great debate, was remarkably prescient in predicting that the mere abolition of selection would not of itself change educational opportunities for the poorest in society. His speech recognising the limits of Keynesianism in an era of stagflation, in fact predated later Conservative analysis. He was fiercely patriotic not in a gung-ho, militaristic sense, but in the quiet but clear and determined way of someone who had actually seen military service and knew what it was about.
 * Tony Blair, 2007 Callaghan Memorial Speech, quoted in 'Tony Blair – 2007 Callaghan Memorial Speech', UKPOL (12 September 2015)

 * He realised that though social conditions could play a major part in shaping an individual's life chances – which was why he was in the Labour Party – it could not determine their life: that was their responsibility. He was the living proof. He never took the view: I did it, so why can't everyone else. But he was not soft on law and order; on the contrary. He also rightly sensed that though the years of Roy Jenkins at the Home Office had been stellar in their action on discrimination – and he was fully supportive of that – liberalism was not necessarily the correct response to the growing disrespect and lawlessness that in the 1960s and 1970s saw crime rise. In other words, what appeared quite old-fashioned – respect for others – he saw as the answer to a growing modern phenomenon. I believe he was right in this. He saw – and I agree with him – no contradiction between a liberal view of personal lifestyle or action against prejudice and a tough view of violence or wrong-doing that harmed others.
 * Tony Blair, 2007 Callaghan Memorial Speech, quoted in 'Tony Blair – 2007 Callaghan Memorial Speech', UKPOL (12 September 2015)

 * I think Jim Callaghan is a wonderful political personality, easily the most accomplished politician in the Labour Party, and I think he is quite able as well.
 * Richard Crossman, diary entry (5 September 1969), quoted in Richard Crossman, The Diaries of a Cabinet Minister, Volume III: Secretary of State for Social Services, 1968–70 (1977), pp. 627–628

 * He likes the Ulster Unionists – much more than the Liberals – because they are his kind of straight, tough old-fashioned conservative people.
 * Bernard Donoughue, diary entry (21 March 1977), quoted in Bernard Donoughue, Downing Street Diary, Volume Two: With James Callaghan in No. 10 (2008), p. 167

 * [H]e of all people is the best man to oppose Thatcher – the calm bedside manner beside the raucous authoritarian figure. Also the best man to handle unemployment and make it an issue which really wins for Labour. JC really cares about unemployment, not in a soft bleeding way...but is affronted by it... Jim cares more about the party, or rather the movement, than Wilson. Wilson was an academic, Callaghan a trade unionist. Their origins are very important. Wilson ultimately got fed up with the party because it became too much of a problem to control it. Callaghan never really has. Wilson was not at heart a trade-union man, Callaghan is totally a trade-union man or he is nothing.
 * Bernard Donoughue, remarks to Hugo Young (3 September 1980), quoted in Hugo Young, The Hugo Young Papers: Thirty Years of British Politics – Off the Record, ed. Ion Trewin (2008), pp. 152-153

 * Watching James Callaghan over the coming months and years, I observed a very commendable man, quite different in style and character from Harold Wilson... Most different from the previous regime was his strong sense of values – really like those of a nonconformist Victorian, with deep feelings of responsibility towards the underprivileged and a strong sense of right and wrong (where Harold was often ambivalent).
 * Bernard Donoughue, The Heat of the Kitchen: An Autobiography (2003), p. 234

 * The most hopeful sign I have seen in Britain was the talk which your Labour prime minister gave to the Labour conference at the end of September [1976]. That was, I think, one of the most remarkable talks – speeches – which any government leader has ever given.
 * Milton Friedman on The Money Programme (10 December 1976), quoted in Andy Beckett, When the Lights Went Out: Britain in the Seventies (2010), p. 336

 * In my opinion, Jim Callaghan was, for most of his time, the best of Britain's post-war prime ministers after Attlee. ... Once Prime Minister, he had no ambition except to serve his country well. The political skills he had perfected in his unregenerate days were now just what his office needed. Without them the Government would never have survived the negotiations with the IMF, or preserved its fragile hold on Parliament.
 * Denis Healey, The Time of My Life (1989; 1990), pp. 447–448

 * What I have in common with the right hon. Member for Cardiff, South-East (Mr. Callaghan) is that, undeniably, our generation came into Parliament because we were determined to prevent what happened in the 1930s from occurring again and to prevent a breakdown in the social structure and the political institutions that led to the rise of authoritarianism in Europe and finally to the Second World War. That was our determination, and for 25 years, from 1950 to 1975, the people we represented had a better standard of living, bigger and better homes, better education, a better Health Service, better roads and better transport and were able to enjoy holidays such as they had not envisaged before.
 * Edward Heath, Speech in the House of Commons (27 November 1980)

 * Jim Callaghan was and always will be a rather gnarled tree with huge, sturdy roots, a magnificent piece of political foliage which, in its prime ministerial flowering (except for those last dreadful months), was rather glorious to behold. We can safely say that we shall not see his like again. For the Labour movement – and the Britain – that made him is no more.
 * Peter Hennessy, The Prime Minister: The Office and its Holders since 1945 (2000), p. 395

 * The Keeper of the Cloth Cap.
 * Peter Jenkins on Callaghan's support for the trade unions after his veto of In Place of Strife, quoted in Peter Jenkins, The Battle of Downing Street (1970), p. 75

 * There is nobody in politics I can remember and no case I can think of in history where a man combined such a powerful political personality with so little intelligence.
 * Roy Jenkins, remark to Richard Crossman (5 September 1969), quoted in Richard Crossman, The Diaries of a Cabinet Minister, Volume III: Secretary of State for Social Services, 1968–70 (1977), p. 627

 * One point seems to me of enormous importance, and it is this. Mr Callaghan is now giving a splendid imitation of the common man's Stanley Baldwin. He is appearing as stability and common sense in person.
 * Reginald Maudling, quoted in The Times (1 February 1978), p. 14

 * To see Callaghan on the move in Cardiff, subtly adapting his approach as he ambles on from proletarian Splott through the mixed residential population of Llanrumney and on to the genteel villadom of Penarth, taking in myriad ethnic minorities in the old dockside communities en route, is to see a master craftsman at work, his technique tempered by a genuine humanity and directness.
 * Kenneth O. Morgan, Labour People: Leaders and Lieutenants, Hardie to Kinnock (1987), p. 266

 * In Britain, Thatcher's predecessor, Labour's James Callaghan, explained to party members in 1976 that they used to believe recessions could be ended through higher spending and more inflation: ‘I tell you now, in all candour, that that option no longer exists,’ and in so far as it ever did exist, it was only by ‘injecting a bigger dose of inflation into the economy, followed by a higher level of unemployment as the next step.’ Thatcher’s fight against the unions to close 115 loss-making and environmentally damaging coal mines made her admired and hated, but did you know that the two previous Labour prime ministers, Callaghan and Harold Wilson, closed no less than 257 coal mines in total?
 * Johan Norberg, The Capitalist Manifesto: Why the Global Free Market Will Save the World (2023)

 * Jim is a populist. He is conscious of this, welcomes the description. This means that on many issues he is well to the right of me. But nevertheless he is a man for the moment. He has produced stability, a stable style and stable government. What he believes in is the regeneration of industry. He likes the company of businessmen, feels at home with them, shares most of the same attitudes. He likes them almost as much as he likes the Labour Party. What he cannot abide is the long-haired intellectual and all his works.
 * Bill Rodgers, remarks to Hugo Young (c. 1978), quoted in Hugo Young, The Hugo Young Papers: Thirty Years of British Politics – Off the Record, ed. Ion Trewin (2008), p. 128

 * Jim Callaghan was a formidable opponent, one who could best me across the dispatch box. In other circumstances he would have been a successful prime minister. He was a superb party manager. Despite our disagreements, I always respected him because I knew he was moved by deep patriotism.
 * Margaret Thatcher, tribute to Callaghan (26 March 2005)

 * Jim has never been pro-Europe. He is an English nationalist and a party man. He saw renegotiation as a way of keeping the Labour Party together... He has become, despite himself, a strong advocate that the renegotiation must succeed... Jim played it absolutely straight, and I admire him for that.
 * Shirley Williams, remarks to Hugo Young (12 July 1974), quoted in Hugo Young, The Hugo Young Papers: Thirty Years of British Politics – Off the Record, ed. Ion Trewin (2008), pp. 41-42

title: James Callaghan


text:
Talk:John Maynard Keynes

"When the facts change, I change my mind. What do you do, sir?"
According to a recent Wall Street Journal article, there is no evidence that Keynes actually said this. The closest is a book from 1940 that quotes him as saying, "When my information changes, I alter my conclusions. What do you do, sir?" The book is called A Treatise of Melancholie by Timothie Bright. Hanxu9 (talk) 03:06, 12 August 2012 (UTC)

'''The 1940 citation is wrong!!! I cannot fix the WikiQuote page for Keynes because I write a blog about quotations called quoteinvestigator.com and changing WikiQuote is a potential conflict of interest. The error was caused by the fact that the metadata in Google Books is wrong for the book Melancholie (1940)! Immediately below is a description of the problem. If a volunteer editor examined this issue and updated the WikiQuote page I think improvement would be possible. Thanks.''' Garson (talk) 05:32, 28 November 2012 (UTC)

The citation for "When my information changes, I alter my conclusions. What do you do, sir?" to "Melancholie (1940) by Timothie Bright" is incorrect. It is based on faulty data in the Google Books database. To see the problem go to the book "Melancholie (1940)" in the GB database and search for "1980" and a snippet will appear that indicates the text was written after 1980. Here is a link. The snippet says the following: "The growth of real gross domestic product (GDP) of Latin America and the Caribbean was 211 percent from 1960 to 1980…" Garson (talk) 11:44, 30 August 2012 (UTC) Updated Garson (talk) 05:32, 28 November 2012 (UTC)

I moved the "average opinion" quote out of "Attributed" and into the Quote section given that the quote comes directly from page 159 of the General Theory.--196.2.50.9 00:02, 28 Mar 2005 (UTC)

I did the same to the "specialists in mental disease" quote, which actually already appeared in context in the Quote section from "Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren"; I bolded it there.

 * User garson has already pointed out that the attribution of the quote to Bright's "Melancholie" (1940) is wrong and that the misattribution appears to be caused by an error in the Google Books database, which has somehow conflated the text of two different books. I can provide the following additional information:

 * This search: https://www.google.com/search?tbm=bks&hl=en&q=%22Neither+developmental+nor+dependency+theorists+have+been+able+to+anticipate%22&btnG=

 * brings up two books. One is "A Treatise of Melancholie" by Timothie Bright which was published in London in 1586 and reprinted for the Facsimile Text Society by Columbia University Press in 1940. Catalog description here: http://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/004423354 . The other is "Understanding Political Development: an Analytic Study" by Myron Weiner, Samuel P. Huntington, Gabriel Abraham Almond, published by Little, Brown in 1987. The Keynes quote actually appears on page xxiv of this book.
 * The quote had been removed based on some of the above discussion, but I have just restored it with the proper citation stated above. ~ ♞☤☮♌Kalki·†·⚓⊙☳☶⚡ 19:11, 7 February 2014 (UTC)

Should go with 'attributed to' as "there is some evidence that Keynes made a remark similar to the one under investigation, but this evidence is weak and problematic." http://quoteinvestigator.com/2011/07/22/keynes-change-mind/

According to Quoteinvestigator, one of his pupils who knew him well testified that he said this: In 1986 an article in “The Economic Journal” about the notable economist Joan Robinson claimed that she had a favorite anecdote about Keynes that included a version of the saying. Robinson was at Cambridge with Keynes and knew him well [MKJR]:

Her favourite story about Keynes is that when someone remonstrated with him for being inconsistent, he responded: ‘When someone persuades me that I am wrong, I change my mind. What do you do?’

Given that she 'knew him well' and this was her *favourite* anecdote about him, why cannot we take this quote seriously? LastDodo (talk) 10:05, 19 December 2019 (UTC)

"Publication date General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money"
I think the publication date is not 1935, but 1936: Sources: |1 |2

"The government should pay people to dig holes in the ground and then fill them up."
Did he really say this? Fxm12 06:25, 14 February 2009 (UTC)

Yes he did say this.. Read The Text!! Book 3, Chapter 10, Section 6 pg.129 "The General Theory.."--Oracleofottawa 02:23, 20 September 2009 (UTC)

Here is what you are referring to, straight from the General Theory. Keynes was talking about the marginal utility of labor. This quote means nothing different than someone saying that war can have an economically stimulating effect.

"If the Treasury were to fill old bottles with banknotes, bury them at suitable depths in disused coalmines which are then filled up to the surface with town rubbish, and leave it to private enterprise on well-tried principles of laissez-faire to dig the notes up again (the right to do so being obtained, of course, by tendering for leases of the note-bearing territory), there need be no more unemployment and, with the help of the repercussions, the real income of the community, and its capital wealth also, would probably become a good deal greater than it actually is. It would, indeed, be more sensible to build houses and the like; but if there are political and practical difficulties in the way of this, the above would be better than nothing."

Book 3, Chapter 10, Section 6 pg.129 "The General Theory.."

"Capitalism is the astonishing belief ..."
Recently attributed to Keynes is this quote:

 * Capitalism is the astounding belief that the most wickedest of men will do the most wickedest of things for the greatest good of everyone.

This seems to have originated with Michael Albert's book Moving Forward: program for a participatory economy, p. 128. It is a corruption of an earlier and more grammatical quote attributed to Keynes:

 * Capitalism is the astonishing belief that the nastiest motives of the nastiest men somehow or other work for the best results in the best of all possible worlds.

This quote does not appear in any of Keynes' writing, as far as can be found online. Also, blogger Steve Cotler has surveyed several economists and none was able to verify the quote.

The earliest appearance yet found is in the 1951 book Christianity and human relations in industry by Sir George Schuster in a discussion of nineteenth century free enterprise doctrine:

 * This theory and practice were supported (to quote Canon Demant) 'by the doctrine of the invisible hand which behind the scenes of human will and intelligence made all things work together for good whether men loved God or not' or, as J M Keynes used to put it, 'the astonishing belief that the nastiest motives of the nastiest men somehow or other work for the best results in the best of all possible worlds.'

Note that the word capitalism does not appear in this incomplete quote. The complete quote is found, without citation, in J. A. C. Brown's 1954 book, The social psychology of industry; human relations in the factory., p. 305 Brown does refer to Schuster on other topics, so it is quite possible that he copied the quote from Schuster. This text was reprinted in various editions and translations for over thirty years, which may account for the proliferation of this quote.

—KHirsch 02:14, 4 April 2010 (UTC)

 * "Capitalism is the astounding belief that the most wickedest of men will do the most wickedest of things for the greatest good of everyone". This is how it is supposed to go. Im not sure what work it was from.

"We destroyed Christianity" quote
I found a number of sources (e.g. this one) which record Keynes as saying, "We destroyed Christianity and yet had its benefits." I am highly suspicious of this quote, as it seems to be used by groups to say, "See! Keynes was an atheist, but even he saw that Christianity was beneficial!"

Anybody know anything about this? --13.12.254.95 16:26, 2 April 2010 (UTC)

—KHirsch 02:14, 4 April 2010 (UTC)
 * And J M [Keynes] said that he would be inclined not to demolish Christianity if it were proved that without it morality is impossible. “I begin to see that our generation—yours and mine, Virginia, owed a great deal to our fathers' religion. And the young, like Julian [Bell], who are brought up without it will never get so much out of life. They're trivial: like dogs in their lusts. We had the best of both worlds. We destroyed Christianity and yet had its benefits.” Well the argument went something like that.
 * The Diary of Virginia Woolf, iv, 1931-5 ed. A.O.Bell (1982), 208 (19 Apr. 1934)

An accurate quote? "not one man in a million will detect the theft".
is this an accurate quote?

“By this means government may secretly and unobserved, confiscate the wealth of the people, and not one man in a million will detect the theft.”

Claimed as Source: - John Maynard Keynes, The Economic Consequences of the Peace (1919)

The correct quote seems to be: "There is no subtler, no surer means of overturning the existing basis of society than to debauch the currency. The process engages all the hidden forces of economic law on the side of destruction, and does it in a manner which not one man in a million is able to diagnose."

The Economic Consequences of the Peace by John Maynard Keynes, on Project Gutenberg

Lenin is said to have declared that the best way to destroy the Capitalist System was to debauch the currency. By a continuing process of inflation, governments can confiscate, secretly and unobserved, an important part of the wealth of their citizens. By this method they not only confiscate, but they confiscate arbitrarily; and, while the process impoverishes many, it actually enriches some. The sight of this arbitrary rearrangement of riches strikes not only at security, but at confidence in the equity of the existing distribution of wealth. Those to whom the system brings windfalls, beyond their deserts and even beyond their expectations or desires, become “profiteers,” who are the object of the hatred of the bourgeoisie, whom the inflationism has impoverished, not less than of the proletariat. As the inflation proceeds and the real value of the currency fluctuates wildly from month to month, all permanent relations between debtors and creditors, which form the ultimate foundation of capitalism, become so utterly disordered as to be almost meaningless; and the process of wealth-getting degenerates into a gamble and a lottery. - John Maynard Keynes, The Economic Consequences of the Peace, 1920 printing, p235-236

Error Re: Carl Melchior
The following appears after a comment on Nazis: On the Nazis; written in October 1933 three months before the death of his friend Carl Melchior, murdered in an anti-semitic attack in December 1933; Skidelsky (1992:487) quoting Collected Writings volume xxviii pages 21-22 The link for Melchior says he died of a stroke. I don't have time now to research which one is correct, but perhaps someone can look into this and correct the article that is wrong.

Looking at the Skidelski quote, it says that Melchior was "subject to an anti-semitic attack" and that he subsequently died - see this. But I believe Skidelski simply meant a vicious verbal attack, not something physical. There's an apparently contemporary account here of what might been the attack in question.Thomas Peardew (talk) 07:53, 17 April 2017 (UTC)

Chronological vs. Subjective subject headings
It has long been standard organizational practice here to avoid and remove subjective section headings, because these can promote bias, contentions, confusion and duplications. Many years ago it was decided by most people involved in increasing disputes on some pages that articles should be chronologically arranged by dates of quotes or works, and NOT have subjectively divided sections. These sometimes arise because of people unfamiliar with these policies, but should be reverted or adjusted as soon as possible. A similar thing occurred recently on the Friedrich Hayek page, and I marked it "inUSE" for revisions, before leaving from my home, but the complications of that one seem much more troublesome, and as I will have to attend to other matters soon, I am attending to this one first, and hope to be done with it relatively quickly, restoring standard arrangement of quotes, and retaining the new additions. ~ ♞☤☮♌Kalki·†·⚓⊙☳☶⚡ 02:42, 19 September 2014 (UTC)
 * This page has now had its standard order restored, and I believe all the new additions were retained. Someone is now working on the Hayek page, in a cleanup effort, and as I have a few other things to do, I will probably not be active here for at least a couple hours, and will check on the Hayek page later. ~ ♞☤☮♌Kalki·†·⚓⊙☳☶⚡ 04:04, 19 September 2014 (UTC)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Talk:John Maynard Keynes


text:
Kary Mullis

Kary Banks Mullis (December 28, 1944 – August 7, 2019) was an American biochemist. In recognition of his role in the invention of the polymerase chain reaction (PCR) technique, he shared the 1993 Nobel Prize in Chemistry with Michael Smith and was awarded the Japan Prize in the same year. PCR became a central technique in biochemistry and molecular biology, described by The New York Times as "highly original and significant, virtually dividing biology into the two epochs of before PCR and after PCR." Mullis attracted controversy for downplaying humans' role in climate change and for expressing doubts that HIV is the sole cause of AIDS.

Quotes

 * It’s not even probable, let alone scientifically proven, that HIV causes AIDS. If there is evidence that HIV causes AIDS, there should be scientific documents which either singly or collectively demonstrate that fact, at least with a high probability. There are no such documents.
 * Spin Magazine, Vol. 10 No.4, 1994.

 * Years from now, people will find our acceptance of the HIV theory of AIDS as silly as we find those who excommunicated Galileo.
 * Dancing Naked in the Mind Field, 1998.

 * Where is the research that says HIV is the cause of AIDS? There are 10,000 people in the world now who specialize in HIV. None has any interest in the possibility HIV doesn’t cause AIDS because if it doesn’t, their expertise is useless.

 * People keep asking me, "You mean you don’t believe that HIV causes AIDS?" And I say, "Whether I believe it or not is irrelevant! I have no scientific evidence for it." I might believe in God, and He could have told me in a dream that HIV causes AIDS. But I wouldn’t stand up in front of scientists and say, "I believe HIV causes AIDS because God told me." I’d say, "I have papers here in hand and experiments that have been done that can be demonstrated to others." It’s not what somebody believes, it’s experimental proof that counts. And those guys don’t have that.
 * California Monthly, September 1994.

title: Kary Mullis


text:
Category:Environment

el:Κατηγορία:Περιβάλλον fr:Catégorie:Environnement ko:분류:환경 lt:kategorija:aplinka

title: Category:Environment


text:
Foucault's Pendulum

Foucault's Pendulum (original Italian title: Il pendolo di Foucault) is a 1988 novel by Italian novelist and philosopher Umberto Eco. Translations are by William Weaver unless noted otherwise.

Quotes

 * Only for you, children of doctrine and learning, have we written this work. Examine this book, ponder the meaning we have dispersed in various places and gathered again; what we have concealed in one place we have disclosed in another, that it may be understood by your wisdom.'' - Heinrich Cornelius Agrippa von Nettesheim
 * Dedication

 * When the Light of the Endless was drawn in the form of a straight line in the Void... it was not drawn and extended immediately downwards, indeed it extended slowly — that is to say, at first the Line of Light began to extend and at the very start of its extension in the secret of the Line it was drawn and shaped into a wheel, perfectly circular all around.
 * (original in Hebrew)
 * Keter

Chapter 1

 * There are four kinds of people in this world: cretins, fools, morons, and lunatics.
 * Jacopo Belbo in his first philosophizing with Casaubon, Binah

Chapter 4

 * He who attempts to penetrate into the Rose Garden of the Philosophers without the key resembles a man who would walk without feet.
 * Michael Maier
 * Hokhmah

Chapter 7

 * Do not expect too much of the end of the world. - Stanislaw Jerzy Lec
 * Binah, Chapter 7

 * Not that the incredulous person doesn't believe in anything. It's just that he doesn't believe in everything.
 * Casaubon, Binah

 * Incredulity doesn't kill curiosity; it encourages it. Though distrustful of logical chains of ideas, I loved the polyphony of ideas. As long as you don't believe in them, the collision of two ideas — both false — can create a pleasing interval, a kind of diabolus in musica. I had no respect for some ideas people were willing to stake their lives on, but two or three ideas that I did not respect might still make a nice melody. Or have a good beat, and if it was jazz, all the better.
 * Casaubon, Binah

Chapter 10

 * A lunatic is easily recognized. He is a moron who doesn’t know the ropes. The moron proves his thesis; he has a logic, however twisted it might be. The lunatic, on the other hand, doesn’t concern himself at all with logic; he works by short circuits. For him, everything proves everything else. The lunatic is all idée fixe, and whatever he comes across confirms his lunacy. You can tell him by the liberties he takes with common sense, by his flashes of inspiration, and by the fact that sooner or later he brings up the Templars.
 * Binah

Chapter 13

 * They remind me of Tom and Jerry.
 * Jacopo Belbo describing the Templars at the siege of Ascalon
 * Chapter 13

Chapter 18

 * If our eye could penetrate the earth and see its interior from pole to pole, from where we stand to the antipodes, we would glimpse with horror a mass terrifyingly riddled with fissures and caverns.
 * Thomas Burnet
 * Binah

Chapter 18

 * A map is not the territory.
 * Alfred Korzybski
 * Tiferet, Chapter 83

Chapter 58

 * Alchemy, however, is a chaste prostitute, who has many lovers but disappoints all and grants her favors to none. She transforms the haughty into fools, the rich into paupers, the philosophers into dolts, and the deceived into loquacious deceivers ....
 * - Johannes Trithemius
 * Gevurah.

Chapter 63

 * "I've seen your files, Pow," Lia said to me, "because I have to keep them in order. Whatever your Diabolicals have discovered is already here: take a look." And she patted her belly, her thighs, her forehead; with her spread legs drawing her skirt tight, she sat like a wet nurse, solid and healthy — she so slim and supple — with a serene wisdom that illuminated her and gave her a matriarchal authority. "Pow, archetypes don't exist; the body exists. The belly inside is beautiful, because the baby grows there, because your sweet cock, all bright and jolly, thrusts there, and good, tasty food descends there, and for this reason, the cavern, the grotto, the tunnel are beautiful and important, and the labyrinth, too, which is made in the image of our wonderful intestines. When somebody wants to invent something beautiful and important, it has to come from there, because you also came from there the day you were born, because fertility always comes from inside a cavity, where first something rots and then, lo and behold, there's a little man, a date, a baobab."
 * Lia's explanation to Casaubon, Gevurah

Chapter 68

 * "It’s all clear. Now follow me, because we must go back to the fourth century, to Byzantium, when various movements of Manichean inspiration have already spread throughout the Mediterranean. We begin with the Archontics, founded in Armenia by Peter of Capharbarucha — and you have to admit that’s a pretty grand name. Anti-Semitic, the Archontics identify the Devil with Sabaoth, the god of the Jews, who lives in the seventh heaven. To reach the Great Mother of Light in the eighth heaven, it is necessary to reject both Sabaoth and baptism. All right?” “Consider them rejected,” Belbo said.

 * "The Massalians are not dualists but monarchians, and they have dealings with the infernal powers, and in fact some texts call them Borborites, from borbors, filth, because of the unspeakable things they do." "What do they do?" "The usual unspeakable things. Men and women hold in the palm of their hand, and raise to heaven, their own ignominy, namely, sperm or menstruum, then eat it, calling it the Body of Christ. And if by chance a woman is made pregnant, at the opportune moment they stick a hand into her womb, pull out the embryo, throw it in a mortar, mix in some honey and pepper, and gobble it up." "How revolting, honey and pepper!" Diotallevi said.

Chapter 83

 * "Not bad, not bad at all," Diotallevi said. "To arrive at the truth through the painstaking reconstruction of a false text."
 * Tiferet

Chapter 85

 * Whatever the rhythm was, luck rewarded us, because, wanting connections, we found connections — always, everywhere, and between everything. The world exploded in a whirling network of kinships, where everything pointed to everything else, everything explained everything else…
 * Casaubon

Chapter 106

 * People believe those who sell lotions that make lost hair grow back. They sense instinctively that the salesman is putting together truths that don't go together, that he's not being logical, that he's not speaking in good faith. But they've been told that God is mysterious, unfathomable, so to them incoherence is the closest thing to God. The farfetched is the closest thing to a miracle.
 * Lia in conversation with Casaubon.
 * Chapter 106

Chapter 113

 * And Belbo, now invincible, said, Ma gavte la nata.
 * A captive Belbo, responding to Aglie's command to speak about the Plan, Hod
 * Translation: vent your pent-up hot air. (lit. "remove the cork")

Chapter 118

 * The conspiracy theory of society . . . comes from abandoning God and then asking: Who is in his place?
 * Karl Popper
 * Yesod

 * We invented a nonexistent Plan, and They not only believed it was real but convinced themselves that They had been part of it for ages, or rather They identified the fragments of their muddled mythology as moments of our Plan, moments joined in a logical, irrefutable web of analogy, semblance, suspicion. But if you invent a plan and others carry it out, it's as if the Plan exists. At that point it does exist. Hereafter, hordes of Diabolicals will swarm through the world in search of the map. We offered a map to people who were trying to overcome a deep private frustration. What frustration? Belbo's first file suggested it to me: There can be no failure if there really is a Plan. Defeated you may be, but never through any fault of your own. To bow to a cosmic will is no shame. You are not a coward; you are a martyr.
 * Yesod

 * The true initiate is he who knows that the most powerful secret is a secret without content, because no enemy will be able to make him confess it, no rival devotee will be able to take it from him.
 * Yesod

 * There are no bigger secrets, because the moment a secret is revealed, it seems little.
 * Yesod

 * The universe is peeled like an onion, and an onion is all peel.
 * Yesod

Chapter 119

 * You spend a life seeking the Opportunity, without realizing that the decisive moment, the moment that justified birth and death, has already passed. It will not return, but it was — full, dazzling, generous as every revelation.

Chapter 120

 * Where have I read that at the end, when life, surface upon surface, has become completely encrusted with experience, you know everything, the secret, the power, and the glory, why you were born, why you are dying, and how it all could have been different? You are wise. But the greatest wisdom, at that moment, is knowing that your wisdom is too late. You understand everything when there is no longer anything to understand.
 * Malkhut

 * I have understood. And the certainty that there is nothing to understand should be my peace, my triumph. But I am here, and They are looking for me, thinking I possess the revelation They sordidly desire. It isn't enough to have understood, if others refuse and continue to interrogate.
 * Casaubon in hiding from Them, Malkhut

 * It hurts me to think I won't see Lia again, and the baby, the Thing, Giulio, my philosopher's stone. But stones survive on their own. Maybe even now he is experiencing his Opportunity. He's found a ball, an ant, a blade of grass, and in it he sees paradise and the abyss. He, too, will know it too late.
 * Malkhut

title: Foucault's Pendulum


title: User:Complex01


text:
Talk:Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart

Transwiki merge
I have just completed the merger of Transwiki:Tribute to Mozart into this article. It was list of about 70 quotes (!) from others about Mozart, which I have put into the "Quotes about Mozart" section (after sorting them by quotee and adding subheaders for anyone with 3 or more quotes). Here is the Transwiki page history:

This page was transwikied from en.wikipedia.org. List of contributors: 216.177.2.140 02:16, 24 Jan 2005 (UTC)
 * [2004-09-28T03:28:24Z] 200.187.219.11
 * [2004-09-28T03:32:08Z] Whosyourjudas ( move to wikiquote )

The Transwiki page will now be listed for deletion, per Transwiki policy on merging with existing articles. — Jeff Q (talk) 12:21, 28 Mar 2005 (UTC)

Dispute
On the English Wikipedia there is a dispute about whether the quote by Albert Einstein is actually from Alfred Einstein (a major Mozart biographer). Do we have any actual paper sources attributing this to Albert? A paper, book, speech, anything? Thanks, Makemi 20:43, 19 October 2006 (UTC)

Unsourced
Wikiquote no longer allows unsourced quotations, and they are in process of being removed from our pages (see Wikiquote:Limits on quotations); but if you can provide a reliable and precise source for any quote on this list please move it to Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart. --Antiquary 18:38, 17 April 2009 (UTC)

 * My Praguers understand me. - after the premiere of Don Giovanni in Prague (not sourced)

 * Music is my life and my life is music. Anyone who does not understand this is not worthy of God.

Karl Barth

 * Mozart's music always sounds unburdened, effortless, and light. This is why it unburdens, releases, and liberates us.
 * Mozart's music is an invitation to the listener to venture just a little out of the sense of his own subjectivity.

Leonard Bernstein

 * It is hard to think of another composer who so perfectly marries form and passion.
 * Mozart combines serenity, melancholy, and tragic intensity into one great lyric improvisation. Over it all hovers the greater spirit that is Mozart's — the spirit of compassion, of universal love, even of suffering — a spirit that knows no age, that belongs to all ages.
 * Mozart's music is constantly escaping from its frame, because it cannot be contained in it.

Charles Gounod

 * Before Mozart, all ambition turns to despair.
 * Mozart, prodigal heaven gave thee everything, grace and strength, abundance and moderation, perfect equilibrium.
 * Who has reached the extreme limits of scale with the same infallible precision, equally guarded against the false refinement of artificial elegance and the roughness of spurious force? Who has better known how to breathe anguish and dread into the purest and most exquisite forms?
 * Mozart exists, and will exist, eternally; divine Mozart - less a name, more a soul descending to us from the heavens, who appeared on this earth, stayed for a little over thirty years, and left it all the more rejuvenated, richer and happier for his appearance.
 * As with all great artists, Mozart expressed not only the soul, the taste and the aroma of his epoch, but also the spiritual world of man-man for all ages, in all the complexity of his desires, his struggles and ambivalence. Some of us, who only identify in Mozart a certain aristocratic refinement, may find these words strange. Often we meet with a condescending attitude towards him, to his music, reminiscent of chiming bells in a music box! ...'It's very nice, but not for me' say such people, 'give me passion - Beethoven, Brahms, tragic, monumental...' Such comments only reveal one thing, these people don't know Mozart.

Pyotr Ilyich Tchaikovsky

 * I find consolation and rest in Mozart's music, wherein he gives expression to that joy of life which was part of his sane and wholesome temperament.
 * Mozart is the highest, the culminating point that beauty has attained in the sphere of music.
 * Mozart is the musical Christ.

Others

 * We cannot despair about mankind knowing that Mozart was a man.
 * Albert Einstein
 * When Mozart composed he didn't have aims of genius, he simply was one.
 * Sir Roger Norrington
 * Mozart has the classic purity of light and the red ocean; Beethoven the romantic grandeur which belongs to the storms of air and sea, and while the soul of Mozart seems to dwell on the ethereal peaks of Olympus, that of Beethoven climbs shuddering the storm-beaten sides of a Sinai. Blessed be they both! Each represents a moment of the ideal life, each does us good. Our love is due to both.
 * Henri-Frédéric Amiel
 * Mozart shows a creative power of such magnitude that one can virtually say that he tossed out of himself one great masterpiece after another.
 * Claudio Arrau
 * Most of all I admire Mozart's capacity to be both deep and rational, a combination often said to be impossible.
 * Allan Bloom
 * Mozart combined high formality and playfulness that delights as no other composition in any other medium does.
 * Roy Blount, Jr.
 * In my dreams of heaven, I always see the great Masters gathered in a huge hall in which they all reside. Only Mozart has his own suite.
 * Victor Borge
 * Together with the puzzle, Mozart gives you the solution.
 * Ferruccio Busoni
 * If we cannot write with the beauty of Mozart, let us at least try to write with his purity.
 * Johannes Brahms
 * It is a real pleasure to see music so bright and spontaneous expressed with corresponding ease and grace.
 * Johannes Brahms
 * Mozart encompasses the entire domain of musical creation, but I've got only the keyboard in my poor head.
 * Frédéric Chopin
 * Mozart tapped the source from which all music flows, expressing himself with a spontaneity and refinement and breathtaking rightness.
 * Aaron Copland
 * Mozart does not give the listener time to catch his breath, for no sooner is one inclined to reflect upon a beautiful inspiration than another appears, even more splendid, which drives away the first, and this continues on and on, so that in the end one is unable to retain any of these beauties in the memory.
 * Karl Ditters von Dittersdorf
 * Mozart began his works in childhood and a childlike quality lurked in his compositions until it dawned on him that the Requiem he was writing for a stranger was his own.
 * Will and Ariel Durant
 * Mozart is sweet sunshine.
 * Antonín Dvořák
 * Mozart is the greatest composer of all. Beethoven created his music, but the music of Mozart is of such purity and beauty that one feels he merely found it — that it has always existed as part of the inner beauty of the universe waiting to be revealed.
 * Albert Einstein
 * Mozart's music is particularly difficult to perform. His admirable clarity exacts absolute cleanness: the slightest mistake in it stands out like black on white.  It is music in which all the notes must be heard.
 * Gabriel Fauré
 * There are three things in the world I love most: the sea, Hamlet, and Don Giovanni.
 * Gustave Flaubert
 * Mozart's joy is made of serenity, and a phrase of his music is like a calm thought; his simplicity is merely purity. It is a crystalline thing in which all the emotions play a role, but as if already celestially transposed.  Moderation consists in feeling emotions as the angels do.
 * André Gide
 * A phenomenon like Mozart remains an inexplicable thing.
 * Johann Wolfgang von Goethe
 * Mozart did not die too early, but rather too late.
 * Glenn Gould
 * In Mozart's music, all intensity are crystallized in the clearest, the most beautifully balanced and proportioned, and altogether flawless musical forms.
 * Phil Goulding
 * In Bach, Beethoven and Wagner we admire principally the depth and energy of the human mind; in Mozart, the divine instinct.
 * Edvard Grieg
 * Mozart never did too little and never too much; he always attains but never exceeds his goal.
 * Franz Grillparzer
 * When you listen to Mozart, the silence that follows is still Mozart.
 * Sacha Guitry
 * How can such a disproportionately large number of people have a definite, and unusually positive relationship to Mozart?
 * Wolfgang Hildesheimer
 * The riddle of Mozart is precisely that "the man" refuses to be a key for solving it. In death, as in life, he conceals himself behind his work.
 * Wolfgang Hildesheimer
 * Mozart's music is the mysterious language of a distant spiritual kingdom, whose marvelous accents echo in our inner being and arouse a higher, intensive life.
 * E.T.A. Hoffmann
 * Mozart said profound things and at the same time remained flippant and lively.
 * Michael Kennedy
 * Mozart has reached the boundary gate of music and leaped over it, leaving behind the old masters and moderns, and posterity itself.
 * A. Hyatt King
 * Mozart's music is so beautiful as to entice angels down to earth.
 * Franz Alexander von Kleist
 * The works of Mozart may be easy to read, but they are very difficult to interpret. The least speck of dust spoils them.  They are clear, transparent, and joyful as a spring, and not only those muddy pools which seem deep only because the bottom cannot be seen.
 * Wanda Landowska
 * For one moment in the history of music all opposites were reconciled; all tensions resolved; that luminous moment was Mozart.
 * Joseph Machlis
 * Mozart resolved his emotions on a level that transformed them into moods uncontaminated by mortal anguish, enabling him to express the angelic anguish that is so peculiarly his own.
 * Yehudi Menuhin
 * Mozart is happiness before it has gotten defined.
 * Arthur Miller
 * Mozart wrote everything with such ease and speed as might at first be taken for carelessness or haste. His imagination held before him the whole work clear and lively once it was conceived.  One seldom finds in his scores improved or erased passages.
 * Franz Niemetschek
 * There was nothing exceptional about the physical presence of this extraordinary man; he was small and his appearance gave no sign of his genius, apart from his large intense eyes. [...] But in this ungainly body there dwelt an artistic genius such as Nature rarely bestows even upon her most treasured darlings.
 * Franz Niemetschek
 * Mozart was able to do what he wished in music and he never wished to do what was beyond him.
 * Romain Rolland
 * Beethoven I take twice a week, Haydn four times, and Mozart every day!
 * Gioacchino Rossini
 * Give Mozart a fairy tale and he creates without effort an immortal masterpiece.
 * Camille Saint-Saëns
 * What gives Bach and Mozart a place apart is that these two great composers never sacrificed form to expression. As high as their expression may soar, their musical form remains supreme and all-efficient.
 * Camille Saint-Saëns
 * A light, bright, fine day this will remain throughout my whole life. As from afar, the magic notes of Mozart's music still gently haunts me.
 * Franz Schubert
 * A world that has produced a Mozart is a world worth saving. What a picture of a better world you have given us, Mozart!
 * Franz Schubert
 * Does it not seem as if Mozart's works become fresher and fresher the oftener we hear them?
 * Robert Schumann
 * Designing an opera by Mozart is like doing something for God — it's a labor of love.
 * Maurice Sendak
 * The best of Mozart's works cannot be even slightly rewritten without diminishment.
 * Peter Shaffer
 * Mozart's music represents neither the prolonged sigh of faith that characterizes so much of the music written before his time, nor the stormy idealism which cloaks most music after him. Rather he is that mercurial balance of the skeptic and the humane.  Like him, and in him, we can always discover new worlds.
 * Joseph Solman
 * Mozart makes you believe in God because it cannot be by chance that such a phenomenon arrives into this world and leaves such an unbounded number of unparalleled masterpieces.
 * Georg Solti
 * Sometimes the impact of Mozart's music is so immediate that the vision in the mind remains blurred and incomplete, while the soul seems to be directly invaded, drenched in wave upon wave of melancholy.
 * Stendhal
 * I listened to the pure crystalline notes of one of Mozart's concertos dropping at my feet like leaves from the trees.
 * Virgil Thomson
 * Mozart touched no problem without solving it to perfection.
 * Donald Francis Tovey
 * Mozart's mental grip never loosens; he never abandons himself to any one sense; even at his most ecstatic moments his mind is vigorous, alert, and on the wing. He dives unerringly on to his finest ideas like a bird of prey, and once an idea is seized he soars off again with an undiminished power.
 * Walter J. Turner
 * Mozart's music is very mysterious.
 * Walter J. Turner
 * The most tremendous genius raised Mozart above all masters, in all centuries and in all the arts.
 * Richard Wagner
 * Certain things in Mozart will and can never be excelled
 * Richard Wagner
 * I never heard so much content in so short a period.
 * Pinchas Zukerman

wrong citation
I'm not too active here so do correct me if I've got the protocol wrong. Note 3 ("Music is my life" ... etc.) seems to be wrong. I cannot find those words in any of the two volumes of Michael Kelly's Reminiscences. I note that another (correct) ref. to Kelly's Reminiscences (Note 5 for "melody is the essence of music") is a far more robust/complete citation and Note 3 and Note 5 link to the very same page (225). So I'm wondering if there was some slip in cutting and pasting or something like that. I'd love to find this quote if possible. Any hope? Thanks for listening and for leads, if any.

 * Thanks for bringing this to our attention. The IP who added the "Music is my life..." quote had previously posted another unsourced quote to the article – which was removed with the edit summary "revert unsourced statement, not found elsewhere attributed to Mozart, even without citations". To avoid this, the second time around they copied (part of) a citation from the unrelated quote you mentioned, just to try and give the actually-unsourced quote some credibility (which worked, no one removed it then). You are correct that the citation is wrong, so I'll be moving that quote from the article to the Unsourced section of this Talk page in the coming days, if no one can find a reliable source for it in the meantime. Regards ~ DanielTom (talk) 10:18, 21 June 2016 (UTC)

title: Talk:Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart


text:
Stonehenge

Stonehenge is a Neolithic and Bronze Age monument located near Amesbury in the English county of Wiltshire,

Quotes

 * I know this goes without saying, but Stonehenge really was the most incredible accomplishment. It took five hundred men just to pull each sarsen, plus a hundred more to dash around positioning the rollers. Just think about it for a minute. Can you imagine trying to talk six hundred people into helping you drag a fifty-ton stone eighteen miles across the countryside and muscle it into an upright position, and then saying, "Right, lads! Another twenty like that, plus some lintels and maybe a couple of dozen nice bluestones from Wales, and we can party!" Whoever was the person behind Stonehenge was one dickens of a motivator, I'll tell you that.
 * Bill Bryson, in Notes from a Small Island (1995)

 * When any work seems to have required immense force and labor to effect it, the idea is grand. Stonehenge, neither for disposition nor ornament, has anything admirable; but those huge rude masses of stone, set on end, and piled each on other, turn the mind on the immense force necessary for such a work. Nay, the rudeness of the work increases this cause of grandeur, as it excludes the idea of art and contrivance; for dexterity produces another sort of effect, which is different enough from this.
 * Edmund Burke, in A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful (1757) §12 : Difficulty

 * Much of what has been written about Stonehenge is derivative, second-rate or plain wrong.
 * Christopher Chippindale, in Stonehenge Complete (1983)

 * Hello, Stonehenge! Who takes the Pandorica, takes the universe!
 * Eleventh incarnation of the Doctor, in "The Pandorica Opens" episode of the Doctor Who television series.

 * Every age has the Stonehenge it deserves-or desires.
 * Jacquetta Hawkes, in God in the Machine, Antiquity 41 (1967), p. 174

 * I don't like the place at all. It's all wrong. An imposition on the Landscape. I reckon that Stonehenge was build by the contemporary equivalent of Microsoft, whereas Avebury was definitely an Apple circle.
 * Terry Pratchett, at alt.fan.pratchett (8 June 1997)

 * Stonehenge, where the demons dwell Where the banshees live and they do live well Stonehenge, where a man's a man And the children dance to the pipes of Pan.
 * Spinal Tap, in This Is Spinal Tap (1984)

And here be chose again to rule the Land. These Ruines sheltered once His Sacred Head, Then when from Wor'ster's fatal Field He fled; Watch'd by the Genius of this Royal place, And mighty Visions of the Danish Race, HisRefuge then was for a Temple shown: But, He restor'd, 'tis now become a Throne.
 * Our Soveraign here above the rest might stand;

 * John Dryden, From Chorea gigantum, or, The most famous antiquity of Great-Britan [sic, vulgarly called Stone-Heng, standing on Salisbury Plain, restored to the Danes by Walter Charleton]

title: Stonehenge


text:
User:Adamsan~enwikiquote

Doing odd transfers from Wikipedia

title: User:Adamsan~enwikiquote


text:
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