text:
Talk:American Civil War

Transwikied from wikipedia:en. History:

11:24, 25 April 2006 Ligulem (qif → #if: (see m:ParserFunctions) using AWB) 01:31, 1 April 2006 Dmcdevit (mass-AFD tagging using AWB) 00:52, 19 March 2006 Melchoir 00:46, 19 March 2006 WillaimWestchester

Hitler quote
This page contains the following quote attributed to Hitler:

"Since the civil war, in which the southern states were conquered, against all historical logic and sound sense, the American people have been in a condition of political and popular decay... The beginnings of a great new social order based on the principle of slavery and inequality were destroyed by that war, and with them also the embryo of a future truly great America that would not have been ruled by a corrupt caste of tradesmen, but by a real Herren-class that would have swept away all the falsities of liberty and equality."

There is no source for this quote within the article, and it is paired next to what I believe to be an image of an Arkansas Confederate battle-flag called Hardee's Moon. While I will admit some ignorance on my part regarding this flag, I do not understand why it is paired with a quote by Hitler, which is not sourced. Harry Sibelius (talk) 05:21, 21 January 2023 (UTC)

McCarthy quote
Why is the first quote on this page one taken from Kevin McCarthy, the current US Republican house minority leader? It is right above "contemporaries." Why is he placed at the head of the article, before contemporaries and historians? Harry Sibelius (talk) 05:25, 21 January 2023 (UTC)

Surplus

 * For an entire century after 1815, by contrast, there was a remarkable absence of lengthy coalition wars. A strategic equilibrium existed, supported by all of the leading Powers in the Concert of Europe, so that no single nation was either able or willing to make a bid for dominance. The prime concerns of government in these post-1815 decades were with domestic instability and (in the case of Russia and the United States) with further expansion across their continental landmasses. This relatively stable international scene allowed the British Empire to rise to its zenith as a global power, in naval and colonial and commercial terms, and also interacted favorably with its virtual monopoly of steam-driven industrial production. By the second half of the nineteenth century, however, industrialization was spreading to certain other regions, and was beginning to tilt the international power balances away from the older leading nations and toward those countries with both the resources and organization to exploit the newer means of production and technology. Already, the few major conflicts of this era—the Crimean War to some degree but more especially the American Civil War and the Franco-Prussian War—were bringing defeat upon those societies which failed to modernize their military systems, and which lacked the broad-based industrial infrastructure to support the vast armies and much more expensive and complicated weaponry now transforming the nature of war.
 * Paul Kennedy, The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers (1989)

 * We feel a particular horror at civil wars both because they rip apart the bonds that hold societies together and because they are so often marked by unrestrained violence towards the other side. The American Civil War probably had more casualties than all other American wars combined. Some 3 million men fought out of a total population of 30 million and at least 600,000 died and another 500,000 were injured. (The equivalent number of dead today with a much larger American population would be closer to 5 million.) Civilians, perhaps 150,000, died too, as a result of direct violence or starvation and disease. If anything civil wars have been increasing since 1945 as wars between states become rarer. Greece, Nigeria, Sudan, Afghanistan, Yemen, Syria, Congo, Northern Ireland, Yugoslavia: the list is long and touches much of the world. Establishing the numbers of deaths in such conflicts is difficult if not impossible, partly because often there are no good records. And which deaths are the result of war? Do we count only the combatants or those who support them? Also the deaths as a result of starvation or disease as a result of war? So estimates run from 25 million dead in civil wars since 1945 to far lower but still horrifying figures, and we need also to take account of the millions of refugees fleeing the violence.
 * Margaret MacMillan, War: How Conflict Shapes Us (2020)

 * At the time of the Civil War, general regulations specified that the surgeon would ascertain whether a draftee's "limbs are well formed and sufficiently muscular ... his chest is ample and well formed, in due proportion to his height and with power of full expansion ... whether the abdomen is well formed and not too protuberant ..." (Baxter, 1875). Height and chest circumference measurements were to be considered, but only as part of the screening physician's subjective "estimate of the man's physical capacity." These regulations were influenced by standards imposed by European armies, such as the British and French, which involved minimum heights and chest circumferences. However, in those countries, the standards were administered by the recruiting officer in advance of any medical screening. Weight was less consistently assessed during the Civil War but if used, it was by a screening physician to evaluate for underweight, not overweight (Ordronaux, 1863). Nevertheless, conscripts with notable obesity, such as one 51-inch man weighing 313 pounds, were exempted (Baxter, 1875). Colonel Jedidiah Baxter (1875) summarized the rationale for physical standards of his time: Weight is not a regulated quality in any code of laws governing the enlistment of recruits. The circumference of chest thought to be indispensable as an accompaniment to certain degrees of stature, is carefully laid down in the English regulations, but weight is not even mentioned. It is presumed that the matter is left to the discretion of the examining surgeon, with whom the decision as to the other qualities named might, it is thought, be also left with advantage. A due proportion in the weight is quite as essential in the soldier as a well-formed chest, and is of greater importance than lofty stature. In former times, when it was necessary to make use of a ramrod in loading a musket, men of a certain height were absolutely necessary for the service; but in these days of breech-loading arms, a man from 5 feet to 5 feet 4 inches in stature, and well proportioned in build and weight is, ceteris paribus, as serviceable a soldier as can be desired. Thus, it was a physician's subjective assessment of a recruit's suitability to the demands of military service that determined Civil War selections, and this evaluation emphasized adequate weight, height, and chest size. The first U.S. Army table of weight-for-height was published later, in 1887 (Reed and Love, 1932).
 * Karl E. Fried, “Body Composition and Physical Performance: Applications For the Military Services”, Institute of Medicine (US) Committee on Military Nutrition Research; Marriott BM, Grumstrup-Scott J, editors. Washington (DC): National Academies Press (US); 1990.

 * [T]he minimum height for U.S. soldiers was 66 inches early in the nineteenth century and has progressively lowered, with the least stringent requirements (no minimum height standard during part of the Civil War) coinciding with national emergencies when new recruits were in greater demand.
 * Karl E. Fried, “Body Composition and Physical Performance: Applications For the Military Services”, Institute of Medicine (US) Committee on Military Nutrition Research; Marriott BM, Grumstrup-Scott J, editors. Washington (DC): National Academies Press (US); 1990.

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title: Talk:American Civil War


text:
Wikiquote:Transwiki/American History Primary Sources The Era of Good Feelings

THE ERA OF GOOD FEELINGS

A New Nationalism

1815 “The republic, reposing on the laurels of a glorious war, gathers the rich harvest of an honorable peace. Everywhere the sound of the axe is heard, opening the forest to the sun and claiming for agriculture the range of the buffalo. Our cities grow and towns rise up as if by magic.... The busy hum of 10,000 wheels fills our seaports.... The republic lives, and in honor!” Hezekiah Niles, editorial in the Niles’ Weekly Register

c. 1815. “Every nation should anxiously endeavor to establish its absolute independence, and consequently be able to feed and clothe and defend itself. If it rely on a foreign supply that may be cut off... it cannot be independent. Rep. Henry Clay, explaining the rationale of his American System.

1817.

“What can add more to the wealth, the strength, and the political prosperity of our country? The manner in which the facility and cheapness of intercourse added to the wealth of a nation had been so often and ably discussed by writers on political economy, that he presumed the House to be perfectly acquainted with the subject. It was sufficient to observe that every branch of national industry — agricultural, manufacturing, and commercial — was greatly stimulated and rendered by it more productive....

“It gives to the interior the advantages possessed by the parts most eligibly situated for trade. It makes the country price, whether in the sale of the raw product or in the purchase of the articles of consumption, approximate to that of the commercial towns.

“In fact, if we look into the nature of wealth, we will find that nothing will be more favorable to its growth than good roads and canals. An article, to command a price, must not only be usable but must be the subject of demand; and the better the means of commercial intercourse the larger is the sphere of demand.

“The truth of these propositions... is obvious, and has been tested by all countries where the experiment has been made. It has particularly been strikingly been exemplified in England, and if the result there, in a country so limited and so similar in its products, has been to produce a most uncommon state of opulence, what may we not expect from the same cause in our country, abounding as it does in the greatest variety of products, and presenting the greatest facility for improvements?

“Let it not be said that internal improvements may be wholly left to the enterprise of the states and of individuals. He knew, he said, that much may justly be expected to be done by them; but in a country so new and so extensive as ours, there is room enough, said he, for the general and state governments and individuals in which to exert their resources.

“But many of the improvements contemplated., said Mr. C., are on too great a scale for the resources of the states or individuals; and many of such a nature that the rival jealousy of the states, if left alone, might prevent. They required the resources and the general superintendence of this government to effect and complete them...

“Whatever, said Mr. C., impedes the intercourse of the extremes with this, the center of the republic, weakens the Union. The more enlarged the sphere of commercial circulation, the more extended that of social intercourse; the more strongly are we bound together; the more inseparable are our destinies.

“Those who understand the human heart best know how powerfully distance tends to break the sympathies of our nature. Nothing, not even dissimilarity of language, tends more to estrange man from man.

“Let us then, said Mr. C., bind the Republic together with a perfect system of roads and canals. Let us conquer space. It is thus the most distant parts of the republic will be brought within a few days travel of the center; it is thus that a citizen of the West will read the news of Boston still moist from the press....

“The first great object was to perfect the communication from Maine to Louisiana. This might be fairly be considered as the principal artery of the whole system. The next was the connection of the [Great] Lakes with the Hudson River. In a political, commercial, and military point of view, few objects could be more important. The next object of chief importance was to connect all the great commercial points on the Atlantic — Philadelphia, Baltimore, Washington, Richmond, Charleston, and Savannah — with the Western states; and, finally, to perfect the intercourse between the West and New Orleans.” Rep. John C. Calhoun of South Carolina, speech in the House of Representatives on February 4, 1817, supporting internal improvements what would come to be called the American System.

1819.   “Our country! May she always be in the right; but my country, right or wrong.” Stephen Decatur, hero of the wars against the Barbary pirates

1819.   “The States have no power, by taxation or otherwise, to retard, impede, burden, or in any manner control the operation of the constitutional laws enacted by Congress....  “We admit, as all must admit, that the powers of the government are limited....  That the power to tax involves the power to destroy... [is] not to be denied....” Chief Justice John Marshall, Supreme Court decision in McCulloch v. Maryland.

1823.    “[T]he occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers.... [W]e should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety.”  President James Monroe, the Monroe Doctrine (contained in his annual State of the Union address).

1824.    “The measure of the poverty of a nation is marked by that of the degree it which it neglects and abandons the care of its own industry, leaving it exposed to the action of foreign powers....  But there is a remedy, and that remedy consists in... adopting a genuine American system. We must naturalize the [industrial] arts in our country; and we must naturalize them... by adequate protection against the overwhelming influence of foreigners.” Rep. Henry Clay, speech in the House.

The Missouri Compromise and the Problem of Slavery

1819.   “The territory of Missouri is beyond our ancient limits, and the inquiry whether slavery shall exist there is open to many of the arguments that might be employed had slavery never existed in the United States. It is a question of no ordinary importance. Freedom and slavery are the parties which stand this day before the Senate; and upon its decision the empire of the one or the other will be established in the new state we are about to admit into the Union.” Sen. Rufus King, in Senate debate on admitting Missouri to the Union as a state.

1820.   “If you persist, the Union will be dissolved. You have kindled a fire which all the waters of the ocean cannot put out, which seas of blood can only extinguish.” Rep. Thomas Cobb of Georgia.

1820.    “This momentous question, like a fire bell in the night, awakened and filled me with terror.... In the gloomiest moment of the Revolutionary War I never had any apprehension equal to what I feel from this source.” Thomas Jefferson on the problem of slavery.


text:
Talk:Transwiki:American History Primary Sources The Era of Good Feelings

Transwikied from wikipedia:en. History:

10:15, 27 May 2006 Rjwilmsi m (sp: aginst->against, scalem->scale) 11:25, 25 April 2006 Ligulem (qif → #if: (see m:ParserFunctions) using AWB) 01:31, 1 April 2006 Dmcdevit (mass-AFD tagging using AWB) 23:52, 18 March 2006 Melchoir (Move to Wikiquote) 23:47, 18 March 2006 WillaimWestchester

Should we need such a page or this page must be deleted?(StarWarsFanBoy 16:42, 26 January 2010 (UTC))


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Wikiquote:Transwiki/American History Primary Sources The Farmers Revolt and Populism

THE FARMERS’ REVOLT AND POPULISM

The Farmer’s Hard Life

c. 1886 Ours is a grand, a holy mission, to drive from our land and forever abolish the triune monopoly of land, money, and transportation. Mary E. Lease, also known for advising farmers to raise “less corn and more hell.”

1890

We worked through spring and summer through winter and through fall;

But the mortgage worked the hardest and the steadiest of them all;

It worked on night and Sunday, it		worked each holiday;

It settled down among us and it never went away.

Whatever we kept from it seemed almost as bad as theft;

It watched us every minute and ruled us right and left

The rust and blight was with us		sometimes, and sometimes not;

The dark brown scowling mortgage was forever on the spot.

The weevil and the cut worm, they went as well they came;

The mortgage stayed forever, eating hearty all the same

It nailed up every window, stood guard at every door

And happiness and sunshine made their place with us no more.

Poem by a Georgia farmer.

The Grange

1874

We heartily endorse the motto: ‘In essentials, Unity; in non-essentials, Liberty; in all things, Charity....

We shall endeavor to advance our cause by laboring to accomplish the following objects:

To develop better and higher manhood and womanhood among ourselves;

To enhance the efforts and attraction of our homes, and strengthen our attachment to our pursuits;

To foster mutual understanding and cooperation;

To maintain inviolate our laws, and to emulate each other to labor to hasten the good time coming;

To reduce our expenses, both individual and corporate;

To buy less and produce more in order to make our farms self-supporting;

To diversify our crops and plant no more than we can cultivate;...

To systematize our work...;

To discountenance the credit system... and every other system tending to prodigality and bankruptcy.

We propose meeting together, talking together, working together, buying together, selling together, and generally acting together for our mutual protection and advancement, as occasion may require....

We shall earnestly endeavor to suppress personal, local, sectional, and national prejudices, all unhealthy rivalry and all selfish ambition. Faithful adherence to these principles will ensure our mental and moral, social and material advancement....

In our noble Order there is no communism, no agrarianism. We are opposed to such spirit and management of any corporation or enterprise as tends to oppress people and rob them of their just profits.

We are not enemies to capital, but we oppose tyranny of monopolies. We long to see the antagonism between capital and labor removed by common consent and by enlightened statesmanship worthy of the nineteenth century....

We desire only self-protection and the protection of every true interest of our land by legitimate transactions, legitimate trade, and legitimate profits.

''Declaration of Purpose of the National Grange (February 1874). Oliver H. Kelley founded the “Patrons of Husbandry” (or “Grange”) in 1867.''

The National Farmers’ Alliance

1889	Agitation, education, and cooperation... [to overcome] the impoverishment and bondage of so many. Aims of the National Farmers’ Alliance and Industrial Union (the Farmers’ Alliance), established by Charles W. Macune and William Lamb.

The People’s (Populist) Party

1891	The rich, as a rule, hate the poor; and the poor are coming to hate the rich.... [S]ociety divides itself into two hostile camps.... They wait only for the drum beat and the trumpet to summon them to armed conflict. Populist writer Ignatius Donnelly, author of Caesar’s Column.

1892	We do not ask for sympathy or pity. We ask for justice. Banner outside a joint meeting in St. Louis of the Farmers’ Alliance, Knights of Labor, and the National Colored Farmers’ Alliance, at which the People’s (Populist) Party was formed. 1892

We meet in the midst of a nation brought to the verge of moral, political, and material ruin. Corruption dominates the ballot-box, the Legislatures, the Congress....

We seek to restore the government of the Republic to the hands of the “plain people.”

Ignatius Donnelly, speech opening the Populist Party convention.

1892	We seek to restore the government of the Republic to the hands of ‘the plain people’ with which class it originated. 	From the platform of the Populist Party, written by Ignatius Donnelly.

1892	“Equal Rights to All, Special Privilege to None” Populist presidential election campaign slogan.

1896	It is better, infinitely better, that blood should flow to the horses’ riles rather than our national liberties should be destroyed. David Waite, Populist Governor of Colorado, predicting an advocating a violent revolution.

1900	[By 1900, Populism had] shaved its whiskers, washed its shirt, put on a derby, and moved up into the middle class. Kansas newspaper editor William Allen White

1914	The seeds we sowed out in Kansas did not fall on barren ground. Mary Elizabeth Lease

The Democrats

1894	I don’t know anything about fee silver, [but] the people of Nebraska are for free silver and I am for free silver. I will look up the arguments later. William Jennings Bryan.

1896

Burn down your cities and leave our farms and your cities will spring up again as if by magic; but destroy our farms and grass will grow in the streets of every city in the country....

[We]... answer their demand fora gold standard by saying...: You will not press down upon the brow of labor this crown of thorns, you shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold.

	William Jennings Bryan, “Cross of Gold” speech at the 1896 Democratic Presidential Nominating Convention.

1892	We have made a fight that we are proud of and propose to continue it to the end. Striker at the copper mine at Coeur d’Alene, Idaho.

1892	[Jay Gould was] an incarnation of cupidity and sordidness [whose life was] idolatrous homage [to] the golden calf. The New York World, obituary for financier Jay Gould (1836-1892).


text:
Talk:Transwiki:American History Primary Sources The Farmers Revolt and Populism

Transwikied from wikipedia:en. History:

11:25, 25 April 2006 Ligulem (qif → #if: (see m:ParserFunctions) using AWB) 01:31, 1 April 2006 Dmcdevit (mass-AFD tagging using AWB) 12:16, 23 March 2006 BirgitteSB (definately quote) 01:33, 19 March 2006 Melchoir 01:06, 19 March 2006 J.Steinbock (Template: Move to Wikisource) 01:05, 19 March 2006 WillaimWestchester


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Wikiquote:Transwiki/American History Primary Sources The Federalist Era

THE FEDERALIST ERA

George Washington Becomes the First President

1789

Washington had “feelings not unlike those of a culprit who is going to the place of his execution. My station is new.... I walk on untrodden ground, there is scarcely any part of my conduct which may not hereafter be drawn into precedent.”

George Washington’s apprehensions before becoming president, in a letter to a friend. 1789.

“No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency.”

President George Washington, First Inaugural Address.

c. 1790

“Prudence is the strongest feature of his character.”

Thomas Jefferson on President Washington

1790

“He is polite with dignity, affable without familiarity, distant without haughtiness,... modest, wise, and good.”

Abigail Adams (wife of Vice President John Adams) on President Washington. 	The Rise of Political Parties

1792

“In every political society, parties are unavoidable. A difference of interests, real or supposed, is the most natural and fruitful source of them.

	James Madison, in the National Gazette.

The Whiskey Rebellion

1794

Some chaps whom freedom’s spirit warms

Are threatening hard to take up arms,

And headstrong in rebellion rise

‘Fore they’ll submit to that excise:

Their liberty they will maintain,

They fought for’t, and they’ll fight again.

Anonymous poet, on the angry Western farmers, hit hard by the new Federal excise tax on whiskey.

	Foreign Affairs Under Washington

1793

“[The United States would] pursue a course friendly to both belligerent powers.”

President Washington, Neutrality Proclamation (April 22, 1793)

1793

“Terror is the order of the day.... The Queen was executed the day before yesterday. Insulted during her trial and reviled in her last moments, she behav’d with dignity throughout.”

Gouverneur Morris, businessmen turned American Minister to France, in a letter of October 18.

	Indian Affairs

1793.

“We have beaten the enemy twice under different commanders. We cannot expect the same good fortune to attend us always. The Americans are now led by a chief who never sleeps. Like the blacksnake, the day and the night are alike to him for during all the time he has been marching on our villages... we have not been able to surprise him. Think well of it.... It would be prudent to listen to his offers of peace.”

Chief Little Turtle, advice to meeting of the chiefs of allied Indian tribes fighting American forces led by Gen. “Mad Anthony” Wayne.

1795

“The overtures for peace which have been made by the Indians northwest of the Ohio bear the appearance of sincerity.....

“As they will be collected within your power at Greenville, it will highly concern the honor and justice of the United States that strong and decided proofs be given them that they are not under even the shadow of duress. Let them feel that they are at perfect liberty to speak their sentiments....

“One great principle ought to govern all public negotiations — a rigid adherence to truth — a principle that is essential in negotiations with Indians if we would gain their permanent confidence and a useful influence over them.”

Secretary of War Timothy Pickering, letter to General Anthony Wayne.

Washington’s Farewell

c.	1796

“[Washington’s retirement would be] a signal, like dropping a hat, for the party racers to start.”

A congressman

1796.

“Let me warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.... This spirit, unfortunately... exists in different shapes in all governments... but in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness and is truly their worst enemy....

“The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop....

“‘Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances, with any portion of the foreign world.... The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations is... to have with them as little political connection as possible.”

President George Washington, in his Farewell Address.

1799.

“To the memory of the man, first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen.”

Gen. Henry Lee, eulogy for President Washington.

Foreign Affairs Under Adams

1797

“No, no, not a sixpence.”

Response of Charles Pinckney, of the American commissioners sent to France (along with Federalist John Marshall of Virginia and Elbridge Gerry, Republican of Massachusetts) to the demand of three French agents that France would not negotiate with the United States unless the Americans paid $250,000.

1797.

“Millions for defense, not one cent for tribute!”

	Popular American slogan after it was learned that French officials had demanded bribes before opening discussions over problems between the two countries (the XYZ Affair).

1798

“[It is a crime] to impede the operation of any law... [or to make] any false, scandalous, and malicious [,criticism of the president or congress].”

From the Sedition Act of 1798

1799.           President Adams should be sent “to a mad house.”

	Statement of Rep. Matthew Lyon of Vermont that resulted in his being imprisoned under the Sedition Act.

1800.

“I desire no other inscription over my gravestone than: ‘Here lies John Adams, who took upon himself the responsibility for peace with France in the year 1800.’”

President John Adams, after ending the Quasi-War with France.


text:
Talk:Transwiki:American History Primary Sources The Federalist Era

Transwikied from wikipedia:en. History:

11:25, 25 April 2006 Ligulem (qif → #if: (see m:ParserFunctions) using AWB) 01:31, 1 April 2006 Dmcdevit (mass-AFD tagging using AWB) 23:52, 18 March 2006 Melchoir (Move to Wikiquote) 16:15, 18 March 2006 WillaimWestchester

Should we need such a page or this page must be deleted?(StarWarsFanBoy 16:42, 26 January 2010 (UTC))


text:
Yours, Mine and Ours

Yours, Mine and Ours may refer to:
 * Yours, Mine and Ours (1968 film)
 * Yours, Mine and Ours (2005 film)

title: Yours, Mine and Ours