text:
Talk:Cesar Chavez

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 * A movement with some lasting organization is a lot less dramatic than a movement with a lot of demonstrations and a lot of marching and so forth. The more dramatic organization does catch attention quicker. Over the long haul, however, it's a lot more difficult to keep together because you're not building solid. ... A lasting organization is one in which people will continue to build, develop and move when you are not there.

 * A symbol is an important thing. That is why we chose an Aztec eagle. It gives pride... When people see it they know it means dignity.

 * A word as to the education of the heart. We don't believe that this can be imparted through books; it can only be imparted through the loving touch of the teacher.

 * As one looks at the millions of acres in this country that have been taken out of agricultural production; and at the millions of additional acres that have never been cultivated; and at the millions of people who have moved off the farm to rot and decay in the ghettoes of our big cities; and at all the millions of hungry people at home and abroad; does it not seem that all these people and things were somehow made to come together and serve one another? If we could bring them together, we could stem the mass exodus of rural poor to the big city ghettoes and start it going back the other way; teach them how to operate new farm equipment; and put them to work on those now uncultivated acres to raise food for the hungry. If a way could be found to do this, there would be not only room but positive need for still more machinery and still more productivity increase. There would be enough employment, wages, profits, food and fiber.

 * Because we have suffered, and we are not afraid to suffer in order to survive, we are ready to give up everything — even our lives — in our struggle for justice.

 * Being of service is not enough. You must become a servant of the people. When you do, you can demand their commitment in return.

 * Do not romanticize the poor... We are all people, human beings subject to the same temptations and faults as all others. Our poverty damages our dignity.

 * [Farm workers] are involved in the planting and the cultivation and the harvesting of the greatest abundance of food known in this society. They bring in so much food to feed you and me and the whole country and enough food to export to other places. The ironic thing and the tragic thing is that after they make this tremendous contribution, they don't have any money or any food left for themselves.
 * Variants: It's ironic that those who till the soil, cultivate and harvest fruits and vegetables and other foods that fill your tables with abundance have nothing left for themselves. It's ironic that those who till the soil, cultivate and harvest the fruits, vegetables, and other foods that fill your tables with abundance have nothing left for themselves.

 * Farm workers everywhere are angry and worried that we cannot win without violence. We have proved it before through persistence, hard work, faith and willingness to sacrifice. We can win and keep our own self-respect and build a great union that will secure the spirit of all people if we do it through a re-dedication and re-commitment to the struggle for justice through non-violence.

 * From the depth of need and despair, people can work together, can organize themselves to solve their own problems and fill their own needs with dignity and strength.

 * Give me honesty and patience; So that I can work with other workers. Bring forth song and celebration; So that the spirit will be alive among us. Let the spirit flourish and grow; So we will never tire of the struggle. Let us remember those who have died for justice; For they have given us life.

 * God writes in exceedingly crooked lines.

 * History will judge societies and governments — and their institutions — not by how big they are or how well they serve the rich and the powerful, but by how effectively they respond to the needs of the poor and the helpless.

 * However important the struggle is and however much misery and poverty and degradation exist, we know that it cannot be more important than one human life.

 * I am an organizer, not a union leader. A good organizer has to work hard and long. There are no shortcuts. You just keep talking to people, working with them, sharing, exchanging and they come along.

 * I am convinced that the truest act of courage, the strongest act of manliness, is to sacrifice ourselves for others in a totally nonviolent struggle for justice. To be a man is to suffer for others. God help us to be men!

 * I have met many, many farm workers and friends who love justice and who are willing to sacrifice for what is right. They have a quality about them that reminds me of the beatitudes. They are living examples that Jesus' promise is true: they have been hungry and thirsty for righteousness and they have been satisfied. They are determined, patient people who believe in life and who give strength to others. They have given me more love and hope and strength than they will ever know.

 * I remember with strong feelings the families who joined our movement and paid dues long before there was any hope of winning contracts. Sometimes, fathers and mothers would take money out of their meager food budgets just because they believed that farm workers could and must build their own union. I remember thinking then that with spirit like that... we had to win. No force on earth could stop us.

 * I think one of the great, great problems... is confusing people to the point where they become immobile. In fact, the more things people can find out for themselves, the more vigor the organization is going to have.

 * I'm not going to ask for anything unless the workers want it. If they want it, they'll ask for it.

 * I've always maintained that it isn't the form that's going to make the difference. It isn't the rule or the procedure or the ideology, but it's human beings that will make it.

 * If you are going to organize and ask for commitment, you cannot go to the most desperately poor. They are not likely to take action. If you stand on a man's head and push it into the dirt, he may not even see the heel of your boot. But if his whole face is already above ground, he can see your heel and he can see freedom ahead.

 * If you really want to make a friend, go to someone's house and eat with him...The people who give you their food give you their heart.

 * If you're not frightened that you might fail, you'll never do the job. If you're frightened, you'll work like crazy.

 * Imagine the National Guard being called against a group of peaceful people. How far can we get; how disgraceful can it become? It's the most disgraceful, the most wicked thing I've seen in all my years of organizing farm labor.

 * In non-violence the cause has to be just and clear as well as the means.

 * In some cases non-violence requires more militancy than violence.

 * In the final analysis it doesn't really matter what the political system is... We don't need perfect political systems; we need perfect participation.

 * In the no-nonsense school of adversity, which we did not choose for ourselves, we are learning how to operate a labor union.

 * In this world it is possible to achieve great material wealth, to live an opulent life. But a life built upon those things alone leaves a shallow legacy. In the end, we will be judged by other standards.

 * It is clearly evident that our path travels through a valley of tears well known to all farm workers, because in all valleys the way of the farm worker has bene one of sacrifice for generations. Our sweat and our blood have fallen on this land to make other men rich. This Pilgrimage is a witness to the suffering we have seen for generations.

 * It is not enough to teach our young people to be successful... so they can realize their ambitions, so they can earn good livings, so they can accumulate the material things that this society bestows. Those are worthwhile goals. But it is not enough to progress as individuals while our friends and neighbors are left behind.

 * It is not good enough to know why we are oppressed and by whom. We must join the struggle for what is right and just. Jesus does not promise that it will be an easy way to live life and His own life certainly points in a hard direction; but it does promise that we will be satisfied (not stuffed; but satisfied). He promises that by giving life we will find life — full, meaningful life as God meant it.

 * It is possible to become discouraged about the injustice we see everywhere. But God did not promise us that the world would be humane and just. He gives us the gift of life and allows us to choose the way we will use our limited time on earth. It is an awesome opportunity.

 * It takes a lot of punishment to be able to do anything to change the social order.

 * Jesus' life and words are a challenge at the same time that they are Good News. They are a challenge to those of us who are poor and oppressed. By His life He is calling us to give ourselves to others, to sacrifice for those who suffer, to share our lives with our brothers and sisters who are also oppressed. He is calling us to hunger and thirst after justice in the same way that we hunger and thirst after food and water: that is, by putting our yearning into practice.

 * Many have the idea that organizing people is very difficult, but it isn't. It becomes difficult only at the point where you begin to see other things that are easier. But if you are willing to give the time and make the sacrifice, it's not that difficult to organize.

 * Money is not going to organize the disadvantaged, the powerless, or the poor. We need other weapons. That's why the War on Poverty is such a miserable failure. You put out a big pot of money and all you do is fight over it. Then you run out of money and you run out of troops.

 * My motivation to change these injustices came from my personal life … from watching what my mother and father went through when I was growing up; from what we experienced as migrant farm workers in California.

 * Non-violence exacts a very high price from one who practices it. But once you are able to meet that demand then you can do most things.

 * Non-violence has suffered its biggest defeat in the hands of people who most want to talk about it. Non-violence is not inaction. It is not discussion. It is not for the timid or weak... Non-violence is hard work. It is the willingness to sacrifice. It is the patience to win. ... We are convinced that non-violence is more powerful than violence. We are convinced that non-violence supports you if you have a just and moral cause... If you use violence, you have to sell part of yourself for that violence. Then you are no longer a master of your own struggle.

 * Non-violence is a very powerful weapon. Most people don't understand the power of non-violence and tend to be amazed by the whole idea. Those who have been involved in bringing about change and see the difference between violence and non-violence are firmly committed to a lifetime of non-violence, not because it is easy or because it is cowardly, but because it is an effective and very powerful way.

 * Non-violence is very weak in the theoretical sense; it cannot defend itself. But it is most powerful in the action situation where people are using non-violence because they want desperately to bring about some change. Non-violence in action is a very potent force and it can't be stopped. The people who are struggling have the complete say-so. No man-made law, no human ruler, no army can destroy this. There is no way it can be destroyed... And so, if we have the capacity to endure, if we have the patience, things will change.

 * Non-violence means people in action. People have to understand that with non-violence goes a hell of a lot of organization.

 * Non-violence really rests on the reservoir that you have to create in yourself of patience; not of being patient with the problems, but being patient with yourself to do the hard work.

 * Non-violence, which is the quality of the heart, cannot come by an appeal to the brain.

 * Once people understand the strength of nonviolence, the force it generates, the love it creates, the response it brings from the total community, they will not easily abandon it.

 * Organizing is an educational process. The best educational process in the union is the picket line and the boycott. You learn about life.

 * Our conviction is that human life and limb are a very special possession given by God to man and that no one has the right to take that away, in any cause, however just...

 * Our language is the reflection of ourselves. A language is an exact reflection of the character and growth of its speakers.

 * Our opponents in the agricultural industry are very powerful and farm workers are still weak in money and influence. But we have another kind of power that comes from the justice of our cause. So long as we are willing to sacrifice for that cause, so long as we persist in non-violence and work to spread the message of our struggle, then millions of people around the world will respond from their heart, will support our efforts... and in the end we will overcome.

 * Our struggle is not easy. Those that oppose our cause are rich and powerful, and they have many allies in high places. We are poor. Our allies are few. But we have something the rich do not own. We have our own bodies and spirits and the justice of our cause as our weapons.

 * Our union represents a breaking away... represents sharing a power, represent questioning, represents a new force... however long it takes, we are geared for a struggle. '''When we are really honest with ourselves we must admit that our lives are all that really belong to us, so it is how we use our lives that determines what kind of men we are. It is my deepest belief that only by giving life do we find life, that the truest act courage, the strongest act of manliness is to sacrifice ourselves for others in a totally non-violent struggle for justice. To be a man is to suffer for others. God help us to be men.

 * Our very lives are dependent, for sustenance, on the sweat and sacrifice of the campesinos. Children of farm workers should be as proud of their parents' professions as other children are of theirs.

 * People think non-violence is really weak and non-militant. These are misconceptions that people have because they don't understand what non-violence means. Non-violence takes more guts, if I can put it bluntly, than violence. Most violent acts are accomplished by getting the opponent off guard, and it doesn't take that much character, I think, if one wants to do it.

 * People who have lost their hunger for justice are not ultimately powerful. They are like sick people who have lost their appetite for what is truly nourishing. Such sick people should not frighten or discourage us. They should be prayed for along with the sick people who are in the hospital. The love for justice that is in us is not only the best part of our being but it is also the most true to our nature.

 * Perhaps we can bring the day when children will learn from their earliest days that being fully man and fully woman means to give one's life to the liberation of the brother who suffers. It is up to each one of us. It won't happen unless we decide to use our lives to show the way.

 * Preservation of one's own culture does not require contempt or disrespect for other cultures.

 * Real education should consist of drawing the goodness and the best out of our own students. What better books can there be than the book of humanity?

 * Respect for the faith of others stands on the same footing as culture.

 * Self dedication is a spiritual experience.

 * Society is made up of groups, and as long as the smaller groups do not have the same rights and the same protection as others — I don't care whether you call it capitalism or communism -it is not going to work. Somehow, the guys in power have to be reached by counterpower, or through a change in their hearts and minds, or change will not come.

 * Students must have initiative; they should not be mere imitators. They must learn to think and act for themselves — and be free.

 * Talk is cheap... It is the way we organize and use our lives everyday that tells what we believe in.

 * The consumer boycott is the only open door in the dark corridor of nothingness down which farm workers have had to walk for many years. It is a gate of hope through which they expect to find the sunlight of a better life for themselves and their families.

 * The end of all education should surely be service to others.
 * Variant: The end of all knowledge should surely be service to others.

 * The end of all knowledge must be the building up of character.

 * The fast is a very personal and spiritual thing, and it is not done out of recklessness. It's not done out of a desire to destroy yourself, but it is done out of a deep conviction that we can communicate with people, either those that are for us or against us, faster and more effectively spiritually than any other way.

 * The fight is never about grapes or lettuce. It is always about people.

 * The first principle of non-violent action is that of non-cooperation with everything humiliating.

 * The life of the union depends upon more people getting to share the limelight, because with the limelight also comes responsibility and with the responsibility comes a little sharing of the load. There isn't enough money to organize poor people. There never is enough money to organize anyone. If you put it on the basis of money, you're not going to succeed.

 * The name of the game is to talk to people. If you don't talk to people, you can't get started... You knock on twenty doors or so, and twenty guys tell you to go to hell, or that they haven't got time. But maybe at the fortieth or sixtieth house you find the one guy who is all you need. You're not going to organize everything; you're just going to get it started.

 * The non-violent technique does not depend for its success on the goodwill of the oppressor, but rather on the unfailing assistance of God.

 * The picket line is the best place to train organizers. One day on the picket line is where a man makes his commitment. The longer on the picket line, the stronger the commitment. A lot of workers think they make their commitment by walking off the job when nobody sees them. But you get a guy to walk off the field when his boss is watching and, in front of the other guys, throw down his tools and march right to the picket line, that is the guy who makes our strike. The picket line is a beautiful thing because it makes a man more human.

 * The poor, you know, have a way of solving problems... they have a tremendous capacity for suffering. And so when you build a vehicle to get something done, as we've done here in the strike and the boycott, then they continue to suffer — and maybe a little bit more — but the suffering becomes less important because they see a chance of progress; sometimes progress itself. They've been suffering all their lives. It's a question of suffering with some kind of hope now. That's better than suffering with no hope at all.

 * The road to social justice for the farm worker is the road of unionization. Our cause, our strike against table grapes and our international boycott are all founded upon our deep conviction that the form of collective self-help, which is unionization, holds far more hope for the farm worker than any other single approach, whether public or private. This conviction is what brings spirit, high hope and optimism to everything we do.

 * The strike and the boycott, they have cost us much. What they have not paid us in wages, better working conditions, and new contracts, they have paid us in self-respect and human dignity.

 * The thing that we have going for us is that people are willing to sacrifice themselves.

 * The workers aren't going to stop struggling. They're going to struggle to have a union and they have the right to have it. The police repression and the grower indifference to the workers' demands for recognition cannot go unheard so we're going to keep on struggling until we get that recognition.

 * There are many reasons for why a man does what de does. To be himself he must be able to give it all. If a leader cannot give it all he cannot expect his people to give anything.

 * There are vivid memories from my childhood — what we had to go through because of low wages and the conditions, basically because there was no union. I suppose if I wanted to be fair I could say that I'm trying to settle a personal score. I could dramatize it by saying that I want to bring social justice to farm workers. But the truth is that I went through a lot of hell, and a lot of people did. If we can even the score a little for the workers then we are doing something. Besides, I don't know any other work I like to do better than this. I really don't.

 * There has to be someone who is willing to do it, who is willing to take whatever risks are required. I don't think it can be done with money alone. The person has to be dedicated to the task. There has to be some other motivation.

 * There is a great fear of our Union — a fear that I do not fully understand, but that I know is present... What is it that causes some men to act so hastily and so cruelly? It cannot be that we are so powerful. Is it so much to ask that the poorest people of the land have a measure of justice?

 * There is enough love and good will in our movement to give energy to our struggle and still have plenty left over to break down and change the climate of hate and fear around us.

 * There is no such thing as defeat in non-violence.

 * There is no turning back. We are winning because ours is a revolution of the mind and the heart.

 * There is so much human potential wasted by poverty, so many children are forced to quit school and go to work.

 * There's no turning back...We will win. We are winning because ours is a revolution of mind and heart...

 * These observations tie in directly with the whole question of organizing. Why do we have leaders? We put some people out in the fields and all of a sudden they hit, they click. Everyone's happy with them and they begin to move mountains. With other people there are problems and heartaches. They just don't go. When we look and see what's happening, almost invariably the differences are along the lines of willingness to sacrifice and work long hours.

 * Those who are willing to sacrifice and be of service have very little difficulty with people. They know what they are all about. People can't help but want to be near them. They help them; they work with them. That's what love is all about. It starts with your heart and radiates out.

 * Until the chance for political participation is there, we who are poor will continue to attack the soft part of the American system — its economic structure. We will build power through boycotts, strikes, new union — whatever techniques we can develop. These attacks on the status quo will come, not because we hate, but because we know America can construct a humane society for all its citizens — and that if it does not, there will chaos.

 * Violence just hurts those who are already hurt... Instead of exposing the brutality of the oppressor, it justifies it.

 * We always believed that the growers weren't that powerful, and I could never subscribe to the theory that the growers were invincible. I realized that the growers appeared to be so powerful simply because the workers had no power. If they could gain some power, the growers wouldn't seen so invincible.

 * We are certain God's will is that all men share in the good things this earth produces.

 * We are confident. We have ourselves. We know how to sacrifice. We know how to work. We know how to combat the forces that oppose us. But even more than that, we are true believers in the whole idea of justice. Justice is so much on our side, that that is going to see us through.

 * We are involved in a just cause. We know that most likely we are not going to do anything else in the rest of our life except this. We know that if we weren't doing this we wouldn't be doing anything else we would like to do more than this. We know really there is nowhere else to go and although we would like to see victory come soon we are willing to wait.

 * We are organizers at heart. Most of us in the movement take great pride in being able to put things together.

 * We are tired of words, of betrayals, of indifference... the years are gone when the farm worker said nothing and did nothing to help himself... Now we have new faith. Through our strong will, our movement is changing these conditions... We shall be heard.

 * We are tired of words, of betrayals, of indifference...the years are gone when the farm worker said nothing and did nothing to help himself...Now we have new faith. Through our strong will, our movement is changing these conditions...We shall be heard.

 * We can choose to use our lives for others to bring about a better and more just world for our children. People who make that choice will know hardship and sacrifice. But if you give yourself totally to the non-violent struggle for peace and justice you also find that people give you their hearts and you will never go hungry and never be alone. And in giving of yourself you will discover a whole new life full of meaning and love.

 * We cannot seek achievement for ourselves and forget about progress and prosperity for our community...Our ambitions must be broad enough to include the aspirations and needs of others, for their sakes and for our own.

 * We do not need to kill or destroy to win. We are a movement that builds and not destroys.

 * We have suffered unnumbered ills and crimes in the name of the Law of the Land. Our men, women and children have suffered not only the basic brutality of stoop labor, and the most obvious injustices of the system; they have also suffered the desperation of knowing that the system caters to the greed of callous men and not to our needs. Now we will suffer for the purpose of ending the poverty, the misery, and the injustice, with the hope that our children will not be exploited as we have been. They have imposed hungers on us, and now we hunger for justice.

 * We know what unions have done for other people. We have seen it and we have studied and we have cherished the idea of unionism. We have seen the history and development of unions in this country and we tell the growers that we want nothing more, but that we want our own union and we are going to fight for it as long as it takes.

 * We maintain that you cannot really be effective in anything you are doing if you are so loaded with violence that you cannot think rationally about what you have to do. We know that violence works. I'm not going to say it doesn't work. Total violence still works and is working many places. I disagree that it has long-lasting good results. I disagree with that. But violence works only when it's total violence, and non-violence works only when it's total non-violence. And you can't have anything in between.

 * We must understand that the highest form of freedom carries with it the greatest measure of discipline.

 * We need to help students and parents cherish and preserve the ethnic and cultural diversity that nourishes and strengthens this community — and this nation.

 * We shall strike. We shall organize boycotts. We shall demonstrate and have political campaigns. We shall pursue the revolution we have proposed. We are sons and daughters of the farm workers' revolution, a revolution of the poor seeking bread and justice.

 * We want to be recognized, yes, but not with a glowing epitaph on our tombstone...

 * We'll organize workers in this movement as long as we're willing to sacrifice. The moment we stop sacrificing, we stop organizing.

 * We're going to pray a lot and picket a lot.

 * What is at stake is human dignity. If a man is not accorded respect he cannot respect himself and if he does not respect himself, he cannot demand it.

 * When a man or woman, young, or old, takes a place on the picket line for even a day or two, he will never be the same again. He has confirmed his own humanity. Through non-violence, he has confirmed the humanity of others.

 * When any person suffers for someone in greater need, that person is a human.

 * When the man who feeds the world by toiling in the fields is himself deprived of the basic rights of feeding, sheltering and caring for his own family, the whole community of man is sick.

 * When we are really honest with ourselves we must admit that our lives are all that really belong to us. So, it how we use our lives that determines what kind of men we are. It is my deepest belief that only by giving our lives do we find life.

 * When workers fall back on violence, they are lost. Oh, they might win some of their demands and might end a strike a little earlier, but they give up their imagination, their creativity, their will to work hard and to suffer for what they believe is right.

 * When you have people together that believe in something very strongly, whether it be politics, unions or religion — things happen.
 * Variant : When you have people together who believe in something very strongly — whether it's religion or politics or unions — things happen.

 * Years of misguided teaching have resulted in the destruction of the best in our society, in our cultures and in the environment.

 * You are never strong enough that you don't need help.

 * You know, if people are not pacifists, it's not their fault. It's because society puts them in that spot. You've got to change it. You don't just change a man — you've got to change his environment as you do it.

title: Talk:Cesar Chavez


text:
Popples (1986 TV series)

Popples is a Saturday morning cartoon from DiC that aired from 1986 to 1987.

Popples Panic at the Library

 * Bonnie: [To a librarian] I'm sorry. I can explain this. Uh...I'll clean it up.
 * Librarian: [To Bonnie] Well, I certainly hope so.

The Treasure of Popple Beach
Puffball: It will be so much nicer to keep it clean.

Popping at the Car Wash

 * Billy: Mom says I can ride through the carwash and yoooou caaaan't.
 * Bonnie: Can so.
 * Billy: Can not.
 * Bonnie: Mom, can I ride through the carwash, too?
 * Mom: Of course, dear.
 * Bonnie: See, told you so.
 * Billy: Cabbage-head!
 * Bonnie: Rutabaga-brain!
 * Mom: Just make sure to keep the windows rolled up. Promise?
 * Billy and Bonnie: We promise.
 * Mom: [steps outside the car] Okay, have fun, and I'll see you on the other side. Bye.
 * Billy and Bonnie: Bye!

 * P.C.: What about Puffball?
 * Putter: SHE'S SHE'S VACUUM PACKED!! THAT THING AND SHE....AND SHE.....SHE WENT......POP! POP! POP! POP! POP!
 * Party: He's popping out of control.
 * P.C.: I'll handle this.
 * Putter: Ba-ba-ba-ba-ba-ba-ba-ba.
 * P.C.: Putter, get ahold of yourself.
 * Putter: Ba-ba-ba.....ahhh......That suction thing got Puffball! She's trapped in the dustbin!
 * Party: Well, I guess this looks like a job for....
 * P.C. and Party: POPPLE TROOPERS!
 * Party: Hahahahahahahaha! (Pop!)
 * Bonnie: [face off-screen] Here we go!

[Party causes the car to shift into gear and enter the carwash, without the engine running]
 * Party: Get a move on, P.C.
 * P.C.: Could somebody open a window please?
 * Billy: OH NO! We promised Mom that we'd keep all the windows closed.
 * Party: P.C., Hurry!
 * P.C.: Hmmm.....This could be a definite problem.
 * Billy: But we didn't say anything about the roof.
 * P.C.: Notice I said COULD!! [snaps his left fingers allowing the roof to magically open and he jumps up grabs Party's ball of her tail as she floats away in search of Puffball in the dustbin]
 * [Animation Goof: The car originally had rear suicide doors until they were changed to conventional doors with handles on the outside in the scene where the roof opens up]

 * [Billy and Bonnie are grappling on the open roof trying to put it back up]
 * Bonnie: I can't get this thing up!
 * Billy: Not like that...like this...
 * [Putter lands on the head restraint on the passenger seat and sees that the car is getting close to the pre-wash cycle]
 * Bonnie: Now look what you've done...it's stuck.
 * Putter: Uh...you guys....
 * Billy: No it isn't.
 * Bonnie: Yes it is!
 * Putter: You guys....
 * Bonnie: DON'T FORCE IT!
 * Putter: Hey you guys! Oh, forget it. [unleashes a large umbrella and opens it up to canopy the whole interior of the car]
 * Billy: [To Bonnie] Cabbage-nose!
 * Bonnie: [To Billy] Broccoli-breath!

 * Mom: [walks to the car] Hi, kids. Oh, the car is sparkling clean! [gets inside the car] Even the interior, it looks like new! And you opened the roof?
 * Billy: That was my idea.
 * Bonnie: Show-off!
 * Billy: Shatter-head!
 * Bonnie: Cracker-brain!
 * [the car drives off from the carwash and back onto the streets, the trunk opens up and reveals the Popples laying on mats and wearing sunglasses]
 * Party: Who's got the Popple-lotion? [laughing]
 * [the Popples all laugh as the car disappears until the screen fades out]

Popples Flood the Fluff n' Fold
PC: Party, get your hand out of my pouch. Putter: HeHeHe, I'm not Party and its not my hand.

Poppin' Wheelies

 * P.C.: We got free passes!

Bonnie's Popple Party

 * Bonnie: Greetings, ChristChild.

Aisles of Trouble

 * Characters: Billy, Bonnie, Party, Pancake, Puffball, [later] P.C.

 * Bonnie: [looks through the kitchen drawers] DARN! There's nothing to eat!
 * Billy: [opens up the refrigerator and looks inside] You can say that again. [closes the refrigerator]
 * Billy and Bonnie: Wha-? Huh?
 * Pancake: Let's p-p-p-play!
 * Bonnie: We're too hungry to play, and there's nothing to eat.
 * Party: Nothing to eat?
 * Bonnie: Without food, we don't have any energy to play.
 * Billy: And without playing, we could turn into owls!
 * Pancake: We've got to do something.
 * Party: No food? No playing? This is an emergency!
 * Puffball: EMERGENCY!! SOMEBODY CALL THE P-P-P-POLICE!!
 * Pancake: They don't need the police. They need food.
 * Party: And we know where to get it.
 * Puffball: We do?

 * Mom: [sees that the refrigerator is full of food] What do you mean there's no food? The refrigerator is filled.
 * Billy: But there's no candy.
 * Mom: Too much candy isn't good for you. [closes the refrigerator]
 * Bonnie: But it tastes good!
 * Mom: So do sandwiches, and I'll make you some when I get back from the cleaners. [puts a red apple in Billy's hand and leaves the kitchen]
 * P.C.: You found food! THAT'S AMAZING!!
 * Billy: Not really, my Mom gave it to me.
 * P.C.: What are you waiting for? Eat it before you starve!
 * Bonnie: We're going to wait for my Mom to make us sandwiches.
 * P.C.: But I thought you were com-p-p-pletely out of food.
 * Bonnie: Yeah, we're out of candy and other good stuff. But Mom's going to make us some healthy food. Yuck!
 * P.C.: OH NO!! Puffball, Party, and Pancake went to the food store. We've got to stop them before they buy everything. Come on!

 * Puffball: I demand you to stop, you p-p-positivly need some candy!
 * Puffball: WOW! We ought to come here for Halloween! [Laughing]
 * Pancake: Gee, I don't know if candy is good for kids to eat, [Laughing] [ A piece of candy then hits Pancake in the head, and she angerly glares at Puffball, who's kicking candy into the air]
 * Puffball: Its so much fun! It can't be bad, [Laughing]
 * Puffball: We've got candy and carrots, [laughing] What else do they need?
 * Party: How 'bout some pa-pa-pa-pork![Giggle]
 * Pancake: Or maybe some pa-pa-pa-prime rib [Laughs]
 * Party: ...Or maybe some pa-pa-pa-srami!AhHa, or some more pa-pa-pa-pa-pastrami[Giggling]
 * Puffball: [Laughing] That sounds great, but where are we going to find meat? There must be a cattle ranch in here somewhere!

[Entering store]
 * P.C.: This whole food thing is making me loose my appetite!
 * Bonnie: UOOO!
 * Billy: Great! How are going to find them?
 * P.C.:  I bet they're at the Ice Cream section...Puffball's in love with Mr. Chip...Chocolate Chip that is!! [Laughs]

 * Party: Are you sure this is where they keep the meat?[Giggles]
 * Puffball:  [In John Wayne voice] I'm not sure, Compadre, but it's worth checkin'out!
 * Pancake: [Doning cowboy hat and lasso from pouch] YEEE HAAA!
 * Party: Is there meat in there? [Laughs]
 * Pancake: I"m not sure. [Laughs] Do they make cows this small? [Laughs]
 * Party I don't know...Listen to it [Giggles]
 * Party [Whispering to Puffball] Puffball, [Giggles] You know what to do.[Giggles again]
 * Party & Puffball MOOOOOOOOOOOO!
 * PancakeAWWWWW! HaHa, Papapapa Party!Thethethe prime rib "mooed" at me!
 * Party & Puffball [Hysterical Giggling] Well, then it's meat alright! [Hysterical Giggling Continues]

[the manager walks through the aisle where Bonnie, Billy, and the Popples are, and Bonnie and Pancake are shocked] [Billy, Bonnie, and the Popples, except Puffball laugh a distance away]
 * Bonnie: [laughing] Stop, Pancake! [laughs again]
 * Billy: P.C.'s right. My Mom says we were just exaggerating.
 * Bonnie: We weren't really out of food.
 * Pancake: You're p-p-p-pulling my leg?
 * P.C.: It's true, Pancake.
 * Pancake: [scared] Now we're really in trouble!
 * Puffball: [low tone] Hey, grumpy! Yeah, you! I've been hanging in this store for a long time! When do I get a break?
 * Manager: Huh?
 * P.C.: Before the manager realizes he's talking to a banana, we'd better split. Hey! Banana Split! Get it? [laughs]
 * Pancake: Last one home makes lunch! [laughs]

Pop-Paring For Bed

 * Potato Chip: Are you crazy?
 * Party: Me crazy? You're the one zinging around the bathtub! (giggles)

(after seeing Party pull deodorant from her pouch)
 * Potato Chip: Deodorant? Are you trying to tell me something?
 * Party: Just p-p-press the nozzle!

 * Puffball: (playing a guitar) I..Popples...make me happy!
 * Bonnie: This is great. We're in trouble and Puffball's singing Hawaiian Music!

Sports Shop Pop
Bonnie: (To Billy) Do you think he'll take your new running shoes back?

Billy: (To Bonnie) Sure. But it would be a lot better if shoes grew like feet do.

Bonnie: (Sees a shop with ping pong balls inside) Gosh! Look! There must be a special today on ping pong balls.

(Billy and Bonnie wave at Mr.Grenston)

Billy: We could use some ping pong balls. Let's get some.

Bonnie: Mom said we're only suppose to exchange your running shoes, not to buy anything else, greedy.

Billy: Greedy? You're the one who always wants stuff.

Bonnie: (To Billy) I'm not.

Billy: (To Bonnie) Are so.

Bonnie: (To Billy) I'm not. (Opens the door)

A Hair-Raising Experience

 * Party: No sweat, if you need help with anything, you know who to call on, hey!
 * ~Party switches on radio and gasps as she is electrocuted~
 * P.C.: Yeah, anyone put Party
 * ~everyone laughs~

Poppin' Pillow Talk

 * Bonnie: [Scared] Who-Who's there?
 * Billy: [To Bonnie] Hey. Hey. That wasn't funny.
 * P.C.: [Agrees with Billy] Yeah. I hear that.

[All laughing]

[Moaning sound]

[The attic light starts flickering]

 * Bonnie: Oh, no!
 * Bonnie and Billy: Let's get outta here!

 * Billy: Look! G-G-Ghost!

[All screaming]

 * Billy: Or maybe I should say "goofs".

[All laughing]

 * Bonnie: [To Billy] You can come out now, Macho man.

Backyard Adventure

 *  Billy: This is a perfect spot for the tent Bonnie

 *  Bonnie: Great, I got the stakes right in....

 *  Party: Its p p p party time! Heee heee

 *  Bonnie: BLARGH!!

 *  Party: Let the good times roll!(giggling)

 *  Bonnie: How about letting them roll somewhere else

 *  Billy: What gives, Party?

 *  Party: Me!...I give hats!...and I give streamers (giggles) and I give party lights (giggles) and I give confetti (giggles again)

 *  Bonnie: And she gives headaches!

 *  P.C.: (snaps fingers) Ha hea hea heah. Its not a party Party.

 *  Party: Huh?!...well it could be.

 *  P.C.: It could be an earthquake too, ha ha, but it isn't.

 *  Bonnie: Mom's sure going to be angry when she sees this back yard.

 *  Billy: P.C's here Bonnie, we've got nothing to worry about.

 *  P.C.: Heee heee heee heeeee. Right you you are, Billy old pop-pal

 *  P.C.: What's next....?

 *  Party:The balloons and clowns and cake....

 *  P.C.: Party!

 *  Billy: We can use some help putting the tent up, P.C.

 *  P.C.: Piece of cake

 *  Bonnie: I've got a feeling we're going to regret this.

(POP)

 *  P.C.: Haha, what are supposed to be doing?

 *  Party: Just providing a little entertainment!

 * P.C.: These stakes are for the tent!

 *  Party: I didn,t know the tent was that hungry. (giggles)

 *  P.C.: Wrong stakes Parteeee!

 *  Party: I knew this was going to be fun, P.C, aren't you glad your here (giggles).

 *  P.C.: Sure, pu-pulling at a rope in the middle of the night is loads of fun.

 *  Bonnie: Hmmmm, I thought I packed the hot dogs in here.

 *  Putter: Ha hee heeeha hee, oh great mysteries of the middle east! Behold their magic sp-p-p-pells haha!

 *  Party: Yeah!, What we need is some music to liven this up (giggles)

 *  Putter: Chow time!!! (pop)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Popples (1986 TV series)


text:
Palestine Peace Not Apartheid

Palestine Peace Not Apartheid (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2006), a book by Jimmy Carter.

Sourced quotations from the book and from the author's summaries of the book

 * Israel's continued control and colonization of Palestinian land have been the primary obstacles to a comprehensive peace agreement in the.
 * As quoted in Carter Book on Israel 'Apartheid' Sparks Bitter Debate (December 7, 2006),.

 * "The ultimate purpose of my book is to present facts about the Middle East that are largely unknown in America, to precipitate discussion and to help restart peace talks (now absent for six years) that can lead to permanent peace for Israel and its neighbors. Another hope is that Jews and other Americans who share this same goal might be motivated to express their views, even publicly, and perhaps in concert. I would be glad to help with that effort.--Jimmy Carter"

 * There are two interrelated obstacles to permanent peace in the Middle East:
 * [1.] Some Israelis believe they have the right to confiscate and colonize Palestinian land and try to justify the sustained subjugation and persecution of increasingly hopeless and aggravated Palestinians; and
 * [2.] Some Palestinians react by honoring suicide bombers as martyrs to be rewarded in heaven and consider the killing of Israelis as victories. (Bullets added.)--Jimmy Carter
 * These are the key requirements [to revitalize the peace process through negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians and thus to implement the International Quartet's Roadmap for Peace:]
 * a. The security of Israel must be guaranteed. The Arabs must acknowledge openly and specifically that Israel is a reality and has a right to exist in peace, behind secure and recognized borders, and with a firm Arab pledge to terminate any further acts of violence against the legally constituted nation of Israel.
 * b. The internal debate within Israel must be resolved in order to define Israel's permanent legal boundary. The unwavering official policy of the United States since Israel became a state has been that its borders must coincide with those prevailing from 1949 until 1967 (unless modified by mutually agreeable land swaps), specified in the unanimously adopted U.N. Resolution 242, which mandates Israel's withdrawal from occupied territories. This obligation was reconfirmed by Israel's leaders in agreements negotiated in 1978 at Camp David and in 1993 at Oslo, for which they received the Nobel Peace Prize, and both of these commitments were officially ratified by the Israeli government. Also, as a member of the International Quartet that includes Russia, the United Nations, and the European Union, America supports the Roadmap for Peace, which espouses exactly the same requirements. Palestinian leaders unequivocally accepted this proposal, but Israel has officially rejected its key provisions with unacceptable caveats and prerequisites. (Bullets added.)--Jimmy Carter

 * Some major points in the book are:
 * Multiple deaths of innocent civilians have occurred on both sides, and this violence and all terrorism must cease.
 * For 39 years, Israel has occupied Palestinian land, and has confiscated and colonized hundreds of choice sites.
 * Often excluded from their former homes, land, and places of worship, protesting Palestinians have been severely dominated and oppressed. There is forced segregation between Israeli settlers and Palestine's citizens, with a complex pass system required for Arabs to traverse Israel's multiple checkpoints.
 * An enormous wall snakes through populated areas of what is left of the West Bank, constructed on wide swaths of bulldozed trees and property of Arab families, obviously designed to acquire more territory and to protect the Israeli colonies already built. (Hamas declared a unilateral cease-fire in August 2004 as its candidates sought local and then national offices, which they claim is the reason for reductions in casualties to Israeli citizens.)
 * Combined with this wall, Israeli control of the Jordan River Valley will completely enclose Palestinians in their shrunken and divided territory. Gaza is surrounded by a similar barrier with only two openings, still controlled by Israel. The crowded citizens have no free access to the outside world by air, sea, or land.
 * The Palestinian people are now being deprived of the necessities of life by economic restrictions imposed on them by Israel and the United States because 42 percent voted for Hamas candidates in this year's election. Teachers, nurses, policemen, firemen, and other employees cannot be paid, and the UN has reported food supplies in Gaza equivalent to those among the poorest families in sub-Sahara Africa, with half the families surviving on one meal a day.
 * Mahmoud Abbas, first as prime minister and now as president of the Palestinian National Authority and leader of the PLO, has sought to negotiate with Israel for almost six years, without success. Hamas leaders support such negotiations, promising to accept the results if approved by a Palestinian referendum.
 * UN Resolutions, the Camp David Accords of 1978, the Oslo Agreement of 1993, official US Policy, and the International Roadmap for Peace are all based on the premise that Israel withdraw from occupied territories. Also, Palestinians must accept the same commitment made by the 23 Arab nations in 2002: to recognize Israel's right to live in peace within its legal borders. These are the two keys to peace. (Bullets added.)--Jimmy Carter

 * "Israel will never find peace until it is willing to withdraw from its neighbors’ land and to permit the Palestinians to exercise their basic human and political rights. As indicated in the Geneva Accords, announced in November 2003 in Geneva, Switzerland—I was there and made the keynote speech—this “green line,” or eastern border of Israel, can be modified with negotiated land swaps to let approximately half of the Israeli settlers remain in their highly subsidized homes east of the internationally recognized border. These homes remaining would be very close to the so-called “green line.” The premise of getting peace in exchange for Palestinian territory that is adequate for a viable and contiguous state has been acceptable for several decades to a substantial majority of Israelis— (I’ve observed and studied those public opinion polls very closely. They always have 60 percent or so.)—but not to a minority of the more conservative leaders, who are unfortunately supported by most of the vocal American Jewish community, through AIPAC’s influence. And I don’t criticize it.... The current policies are leading toward an immoral outcome that is undermining Israel’s standing in the world and is not bringing security to the people of Israel.... These same premises, of recognizing Israel, acceptance of all past agreements, and the rejection of violence, will have to be accepted by Hamas and any government that represents the Palestinians. The long-term prospects are not discouraging. In fact, a poll last month, in December, by the Harry S. Truman Institute at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, found that 81 percent of citizens in the occupied territories approved and 63 percent approval among Israelis. So you see, an overwhelming majority of Palestinians and Israelis support peace for Israel based on the acceptance of Israel of its international borders with some modifications, with justice and peace for the Palestinians. An early exchange of the three Israeli soldiers for some of the 10,000 Palestinian prisoners will expedite the peace process. --Jimmy Carter, Brandeis University, January 23, 2007."

Journalists and other media commentators

 * The former president's ideas are expressed with perfect clarity; his book, of course, represents a personal point of view, but one that is certainly grounded in both knowledge and wisdom. His outlook on the problem not only contributes to the literature of debate surrounding it but also, just as importantly, delivers a worthy game plan for clearing up the dilemma.--Brad Hooper
 * Perhaps President Carter should send copies of his book to members of Congress....[so that] they might learn a thing or two about the long-festering conflict at the heart of so many of our current troubles in the region.--Michael F. Brown
 * "The book is causing an uproar among those in America who consider themselves as 'friends of Israel,' for one thing because of its title: 'Palestine - Peace Not Apartheid.' .... Predictably, some are accusing Carter of anti-Semitism. Carter is closely following the responses, including on the Internet, and responding to his critics. He is prepared to lecture for free about his views –– but Jews don't want to hear, he complains. An Israeli reader won't find anything more in the book than is written in the newspapers here every day.... One reason the book is outraging 'friends of Israel' in America is that it requires them to reformulate their friendship: If they truly want what's good for Israel, they must call on it to rid itself of the territories. People don't like to admit that they've erred; therefore, they're angry at Carter.--Tom Segev"
 * "[A] good, strong read by the only American president approaching sainthood.... Needless to say, the American press and television largely ignored the appearance of this eminently sensible book - until the usual Israeli lobbyists began to scream abuse at poor old Jimmy Carter, albeit that he was the architect of the longest lasting peace treaty between Israel and an Arab neighbour - Egypt - secured with the famous 1978 Camp David accords.--Robert Fisk"
 * Pelosi and Howard Dean, another liberal, have distinguished themselves by attacking former President Jimmy Carter, who oversaw the Camp David agreement between Israel and Egypt and has had the gall to write a truthful book accusing Israel of becoming an “apartheid state”. Pelosi said, “Carter does not speak for the Democratic Party.” She is right, alas. --John Pilger

Representatives of Organizations

 * [Carter] eloquently describes the situation in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.... [H]is book challenges Americans to see the conflict with eyes wide open.--Lena Khalaf Tuffaha
 * Nobody expects instant miracles to come from Carter’s book, but hopefully, it will spark the sort of robust discussions that even Israeli society and media already engage in.--Sherri Muzher
 * [Carter is] the only president to have actually delivered for the Jewish people an agreement (the peace treaty between Israel and Egypt) that has stood the test of time.... We know that critique is often an essential part of love and caring. That is precisely what Jimmy Carter is trying to do for Israel and the Jewish people in his new book.... Carter does not claim that Israel is an apartheid state. What he does claim is that the West Bank will be a de facto apartheid situation if the current dynamics...continue.--Rabbi Michael Lerner
 * Former U.S. president Carter is just the latest world figure to openly challenge the policies of Israel in Gaza and the West Bank. He joins Rev. Desmond Tutu, another Nobel Prize winner. Each time a trade union or church group or world leader steps forward to break the cone of silence around this issue, the more difficult it becomes for the lobby groups to spew their propaganda.--Sid Ryan
 * The most successful Arab-Israeli peace negotiator to date, [Carter] braved a storm of criticism, including the insinuation from the pro-Israel Anti-Defamation League that his arguments are anti-Semitic.--Ali Abunimah
 * "President Carter has done what few American politicians have dared to do: speak frankly about the Israel-Palestine conflict. He has done this nation, and the cause of peace, an enormous service by focusing attention on what he calls 'the abominable oppression and persecution in the occupied Palestinian territories, with a rigid system of required passes and strict segregation between Palestine's citizens and Jewish settlers in the West Bank.'--Ali Abunimah"
 * For anti-war and other progressive activists, Carter’s book is not important for its liberal imperialist politics, but because it has caused so many more people to think about the issue. It presents the movement with new opportunities to reach out to millions with a clear analysis of Palestinian people’s long resistance to occupation and imperialism.--Richard Becker
 * "I have read his book, and I could not help but agree — however agonizingly so — with most if its contents. Where I disagreed was mostly with the choice of language, including his choice of the word “apartheid.” But if we are to be fair, and as any reading of the book makes clear, Carter’s use of the word “apartheid” is first and foremost metaphorical.... What Carter says in his book about the Israeli occupation and our treatment of Palestinians in the occupied territories — and perhaps no less important, how he says it — is entirely harmonious with the kind of criticism that Israelis themselves voice about their own country. There is nothing in the criticism that Carter has for Israel that has not been said by Israelis themselves.--Yossi Beilin"

Academics

 * [I]gniting controversy for its allegation that Israel practices a form of apartheid, [Carter's book is supported by my own view that]...Israel's occupation of the Palestinian territories has many features of colonization...and at the same time...many of the worst characteristics of apartheid.--John Dugard

 * [There is] an apartheid regime [in the Palestinian territories] worse than the one that existed in South Africa."--John Dugard
 * "President Carter, in my judgement [sic], is correct in fearing that the absence of a fair and mutually acceptable resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is likely to produce a situation which de facto will resemble apartheid: i.e., two communities living side by side but repressively separated, with one enjoying prosperity and seizing the lands of the other, and the other living in poverty and deprivation. That is an outcome which must be avoided and I interpret his book as a strong plea for accommodation, which needs to be actively promoted by morally responsible engagement especially by America.--Zbigniew Brzezinski"
 * ...[A]busive reactions directed at [President Carter], including some newspaper ads[,]...[are] objectionable and designed to intimidate an open public discussion.--Zbigniew Brzezinski
 * "Carter's apartheid charge rings true.... Israel maintains two sets of rules and regulations in the West Bank: one for Jews, one for non-Jews. The only thing wrong with using the word 'apartheid' to describe such a repugnant system is that the South African version of institutionalized discrimination was never as elaborate as its Israeli counterpart--nor did it have such a vocal chorus of defenders among otherwise liberal Americans.--Saree Makdisi"
 * [The] book's title more than its content [caused an] uproar [even prior to publication, because it]...seemed to suggest that the avatar of democracy in the Middle East may be on its way to creating a political order that resembles South Africa's apartheid model of discrimination and repression, albeit on ethnic-religious rather than racial grounds [and provoked such controversy due to] the ignorance of the American political establishment, both Democrat and Republican, on the subject of the Israel-Palestine conflict.... Carter's harsh condemnation of Israeli policies in the occupied territories is not the consequence of ideology or of an anti-Israel bias.... Accusations by Alan Dershowitz and others that Carter is indifferent to Israel's security only prove that no good deed goes unpunished.--Henry Siegman
 * After four decades of Israeli occupation, the infrastructure and superstructure of apartheid have been put in place. Outside the never-never land of mainstream American Jewry and U.S. media[,] this reality is barely disputed.--Norman Finkelstein
 * Americans owe a debt to former President Jimmy Carter for speaking long hidden but vital truths. His book Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid breaks the taboo barring criticism in the United States of Israel's discriminatory treatment of Palestinians. Our government's tacit acceptance of Israel's unfair policies causes global hostility against us.--George Bisharat
 * "Israeli action in the Territories corrupts the Zionist dream, and is no better than apartheid.... I have not been a leftist for years, because I do not believe the Arabs would agree to share this country with us, and I believe in the Jews' right to a home and a state in our historic homeland. Yet what we have been doing in the territories borders on the criminal. When President Carter, who was never a friend of Israel, writes that what we are doing in the territories is similar to apartheid, everyone cries out in protest. Yet he wasn't far off from reality: our behavior is worse than that prevalent in South Africa at the time. It's unpleasant to say this, but this is the way it is.--Yoram Kanyuk"

Journalists and other media commentators

 * Jimmy Carter...a partisan of the Palestinians...[offers a] notably benign view of Hamas...[creates] sins to hang around the necks of Jews when no sins have actually been committed...and blames Israel almost entirely for perpetuating the hundred-year war between Arab and Jew.--Jeffrey Goldberg
 * Carter's picture feels like yesterday’s story, especially since Israel’s departures from southern Lebanon and Gaza have not stopped anti-Israel violence from those areas.... This book has something of a Rip van Winkle feel to it, as if little had changed since Carter diagnosed the problem in the 1970s.--Ethan Bronner
 * Their [Carter's critics'] biggest complaint against the book — a legitimate one — is the word “apartheid” in the title, with its false echo of the racist policies of the old South Africa. But overstatement hardly adds up to anti-Semitism.--Ethan Bronner
 * [A]nother subtler issue...has to do with Carter’s religious focus...[leading to his] tone deafness about Israel and Jews.... Carter never tells us how he squares his notions of God’s punishment of secular Jews with the policies of such devout politicians.--Ethan Bronner
 * Well, anti-Semite is a range of things. You go from, say, Nazi is a ten. Country club discreet anti-Semite's at one. I'd put Carter at three.--Monroe Freedman former exec. dir. of Holocaust Memorial Council

Representatives of organizations

 * It is wrong to suggest that the Jewish people would support a government in Israel or anywhere else that institutionalizes ethnically based oppression, and Democrats reject that allegation vigorously. With all due respect to former President Carter, he does not speak for the Democratic Party on Israel.--Rep. Nancy Pelosi (D-California)
 * I cannot agree with the book's title and its implications about apartheid.... I recently called the former president to express my concerns about the title of the book, and to request that the title be changed.--Rep. John Conyers, Jr. (D-Michigan)
 * [The title of Palestine Peace Not Apartheid] does not serve the cause of peace[,] and the use of it...is offensive and wrong.--Rep. John Conyers, Jr. (D-Michigan)
 * There’s only one honest thing about President Carter’s new book. The criticism.--Anti-Defamation League (ADL)
 * One should never judge a book by its cover, but in the case of former President Jimmy Carter’s latest work, 'Palestine Peace Not Apartheid', we should make an exception. All one really needs to know about this biased account is found in the title.--Abraham H. Foxman
 * I believe he [Carter] is engaging in anti-Semitism.... For a man of his stature and supposed savvy to hold forth that the issues of Israel and the Middle East have not been discussed and debated because Jews and Zionists have closed off means of discussion is just anti-Semitism.--Abraham H. Foxman
 * If we’re so powerful, why is he traveling across the country, appearing on every television show in the world?--Abraham H. Foxman
 * Your efforts in [your] letter [to Jewish Citizens of America] to minimize the impact of your charge that American Jews control US Middle East policy are simply unconvincing. In both your book and in your many television and print interviews you have been feeding into conspiracy theories about excessive Jewish power and control. Considering the history of anti-Semitism, even in our great country, this is very dangerous stuff.--Glen S. Lewy and Abraham H. Foxman
 * Almost every page of Carter's book contains errors, distortions or glaring omissions....--Lee Green
 * Not only did Carter ignore the authoritative source on what transpired at the Camp David negotiations [The Missing Peace: The Inside Story of the Fight for Middle East Peace (Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 2004), by Dennis Ross], he apparently also didn't bother to consult news reports from the era. On Dec. 28, 2000, the New York Times, Washington Post, USA Today, Chicago Tribune and others all reported on the Israeli cabinet's acceptance [of] Clinton's parameters as a basis for discussion.--Gilead Ini
 * [It is] startling that a former president who prides himself on his ongoing contribution to world peace would write a crude polemic that compromises any pretense to objectivity and fairness.... Carter leaves out what any reasonable observer, even those that share his basic views of the conflict, would consider obvious facts, but does include stunning distortions.--David A. Harris
 * [Two examples of] such mendacity [are that]...Carter discounts well-established claims that Israel accepted and Arafat rejected a generous offer to create a Palestinian state....[and that] Carter states that Israel plans to build a security fence "along the Jordan River, which is now planned as the eastern leg of the encirclement of the Palestinians"...[but informed observers know that] Israel has modified the projected route of the security fence on numerous occasions (the current route roughly tracks the parameters that Clinton advanced to the parties in negotiations) and that there is no plan to hem the Palestinians in on the eastern border.... [In omitting] these well-known developments...[Carter is] leaving readers to think that a route that was once contemplated in proposed maps but never adopted or acted upon represents current reality.--David Haris
 * You have clearly abandoned your historic role of broker in favor of becoming an advocate for one side.--Fourteen members of the Board of Councilors of the Carter Center in their letter of resignation
 * The book contains numerous distortions of history and interpretation and apparently, outright fabrications as well. Its use of the term 'apartheid' to describe conditions in the West Bank serves only to demonize and de-legitimize Israel in the eyes of the world.--Central Conference of American Rabbis (CCAR)
 * Rabbi Marvin Hier, the founder and dean of the Simon Wiesenthal Center, says his organization has received over 20,000 letters of complaint, so far, against President Carter.--National Public Radio
 * President Carter has only himself to blame. He wrote a book that, from its title to its contents, is blatantly one-sided and unbecoming of a former President, especially one who brokered peace between Egypt and Israel.--Rabbi Marvin Hier

Academics

 * I looked at the maps and the maps he uses are maps that are drawn basically from my book. There's no other way they could -- even if he says they come from another place. They came originally from my book.--Dennis Ross
 * [Carter's interpretation of the maps in Palestine Peace Not Apartheid is] just simply wrong.--Dennis Ross
 * [T]his [Israel's response to the American proposals at Camp David during the 2000 Summit]: is a matter of record.  This is not a matter of interpretation.--Dennis Ross
 * President Carter made a major contribution to peace in the Middle East. That's the reality. . . . I would like him to meet the same standard that he applied then to what he's doing now.--Dennis Ross
 * [The book is] riddled with errors and bias.--Alan Dershowitz
 * Many of the reviews have been written by non-Jewish as well as Jewish critics, and not by 'representatives of Jewish organizations' as Carter has claimed.--Alan Dershowitz
 * [Carter's claim that "Israel launche[d] preemptive attacks on Egypt, Syria, Iraq and then Jordan" (5)]...[is inaccurate]; [in the 1967 Six-Day War] Jordan attacked Israel first, Israel tried desperately to persuade Jordan to remain out of the war, and Israel counterattacked after the Jordanian army surrounded Jerusalem, firing missiles into the center of the city.--Alan Dershowitz
 * [Carter's] use of the loaded word "apartheid," suggesting an analogy to the hated policies of South Africa, is especially outrageous, considering his acknowledgment buried near the end of his shallow and superficial book that what is going on in Israel today "is unlike that in South Africa — not racism, but the acquisition of land."--Alan Dershowitz
 * President Carter's book on the Middle East, a title too inflammatory to even print, is not based on unvarnished analysis; it is replete with factual errors, copied materials not cited, superficialities, glaring omissions, and simply invented segments.--Kenneth W. Stein
 * Aside from the one-sided nature of the book, meant to provoke, there are recollections cited from meetings where I was the third person in the room, and my notes of those meetings show little similarity to points claimed in the book.... Being a former President does not give one a unique privilege to invent information or to unpack it with cuts, deftly slanted to provide a particular outlook. Having little access to Arabic and Hebrew sources, I believe, clearly handicapped his understanding and analyses of how history has unfolded over the last decade.--Kenneth W. Stein
 * "[I]f Carter is so innocent as to be unaware of the resonance that term [apartheid] has, [then] he is not the expert on the Middle East or world affairs he purports to be.... Sadly, Israelis and Palestinians do not enjoy the kind of harmony the Israeli Declaration of Independence envisioned. Carter and his comrades use 'Apartheid' as shorthand to condemn some of the security measures improvised recently.... Israel built a security fence to protect its citizens and separate Palestinian enclaves from Israeli cities. Ironically, that barrier marks Israel’s most dramatic recognition of Palestinian aspirations to independence since Israel signed the Oslo Accords in 1993.... Applying the Apartheid label tries to ostracize Israel by misrepresenting some of the difficult decisions Israel has felt forced to make in fighting Palestinian terror.--Gil Troy"
 * [Carter] distorts the truth...is too rigid and inflexible...[,]no longer capable of dialogue...[and is] an apologist for terrorists....--Melvin Konner
 * "If you want The Carter Center to survive and thrive independently in the future, you must take prompt and decisive steps to separate the Center from President Carter's now irrevocably tarnished legacy. You must make it clear on your web site and in appropriately circulated press releases that President Carter does not speak for The Carter Center on the subject of the Middle East conflict or the political role of the American Jewish community. If you do not do this, then President Carter's damage to his own effectiveness as a mediator, not to mention to his reputation and legacy will extend, far more tragically in my view, to The Carter Center and all its activities.--Melvin Konner"
 * "Carter has repeatedly fallen back -- possibly unconsciously -- on traditional anti-Semitic canards.... Perhaps unused to being criticized, Carter reflexively fell back on this kind of innuendo about Jewish control of the media and government. Even if unconscious, such stereotyping from a man of his stature is noteworthy. When David Duke spouts it, I yawn. When Jimmy Carter does, I shudder.... Others can enumerate the many factual errors in this book. A man who has done much good and who wants to bring peace has not only failed to move the process forward but has given refuge to scoundrels.--Deborah Lipstadt"
 * "When a former president of the United States [Carter] writes a book on the Israeli-Palestian crisis and writes a chronology at the beginning of the book in order to help them understand the emergence of the situation and in that chronology lists nothing of importance between 1939 and 1947, that is soft-core denial [of the Holocaust].--Deborah Lipstadt"

Sourced responses from Jimmy Carter and his representatives

 * "Book reviews in the mainstream media have been written mostly by representatives of Jewish organizations who would be unlikely to visit the occupied territories, and their primary criticism is that the book is anti-Israel. Two members of Congress have been publicly critical. Incoming House Speaker Nancy Pelosi for instance, issued a statement (before the book was published) saying that 'he does not speak for the Democratic Party on Israel.' Some reviews posted on Amazon.com call me 'anti-Semitic,' and others accuse the book of 'lies' and 'distortions.' A former Carter Center fellow has taken issue with it, and Alan Dershowitz called the book's title 'indecent.' .... Out in the real world, however, the response has been overwhelmingly positive. I've signed books in five stores, with more than 1,000 buyers at each site. I've had one negative remark — that I should be tried for treason — and one caller on C-SPAN said that I was an anti-Semite. My most troubling experience has been the rejection of my offers to speak, for free, about the book on university campuses with high Jewish enrollment and to answer questions from students and professors. I have been most encouraged by prominent Jewish citizens and members of Congress who have thanked me privately for presenting the facts and some new ideas.--Jimmy Carter"
 * We have gotten thousands of letters from people either praising 'Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid' or denouncing some aspects of it....The Carter Center has no official position on the book itself, which President Carter said during his book tour was a personal project and not that of The Carter Center....--Deanna Congileo (Carter's spokeswoman, speaking on behalf of both President Carter and the Carter Center)

 * Amazon.com: Your use of the term "apartheid" has been a lightning rod in the response to your book. Could you explain your choice? Were you surprised by the reaction?
 * "Jimmy Carter: The book is about Palestine, the occupied territories, and not about Israel. Forced segregation in the West Bank and terrible oppression of the Palestinians create a situation accurately described by the word. I made it plain in the text that this abuse is not based on racism, but on the desire of a minority of Israelis to confiscate and colonize Palestinian land. This violates the basic humanitarian premises on which the nation of Israel was founded. My surprise is that most critics of the book have ignored the facts about Palestinian persecution and its proposals for future peace and resorted to personal attacks on the author. No one could visit the occupied territories and deny that the book is accurate.--'An Interview with President Jimmy Carter'"

 * ...when I proposed this title, by the way the title doesn’t have any punctuation in it. We intended it to be Palestinian Peace Not Apartheid [sic], but erroneously people have put a colon there. But anyhow, I can see then and now that it could precipitate some hard feelings or some obstacles that might prevent the negotiation of a peace agreement and equity or fairness of treatment for the Palestinians. And the Palestinians are horribly treated, and their treatment is not known at all or minimally in this country. So I chose that title knowing that it would be provocative. But I think in the long run, it has precipitated at least discussion. There has been a lot of positive discussion, and I believe that it has brought the issue of a lack of progress on peace for Israel and a lack of progress on the end of Palestinian suffering to the forefront of the American consciousness much more than it was had the book not been written. I am deeply concerned about the tensions that might have arisen. That was not my intention at all. And I’ve been hurt and so has my family by some of the reaction. I’ve been through political campaigns for state senate and for governor and for president, and I’ve been stigmatized and condemned by my political opponents and their stories. But this is the first time that I’ve ever been called a liar and a bigot and an anti-Semite and a coward and a plagiarist. This has hurt me. I can take it. But I think that that group of people who have made those statements—sometimes in full-page ads in the New York Times—I think they are an extreme minority. I’m not complaining. I’m willing to face the accusations. I think that, for instance, this weekend I was with Justice Steven Breyer [sic], who spent a weekend with me, my wife, and others. I was with Stu Eizenstadt, one of the directors of Brandeis. I was with Rick Hertzberg, who was my speechwriter in the White House, and others. I don’t think that any of them would agree with any of those personal epithets, and the fact that the debate has deteriorated into add hominem attacks on my character, I think has probably been a greater obstacle to progress than the fact that I chose a particular word in the title. --Jimmy Carter, Brandeis University, January 23, 2007

title: Palestine Peace Not Apartheid


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User talk:67.97.226.173

Please refrain from removing content from Wikiquote, as you did to Truth. It is considered vandalism. If you want to experiment, please use the sandbox. Thank you. —LrdChaos (talk) 03:05, 18 January 2007 (UTC)

title: User talk:67.97.226.173


text:
Socialist Party of Great Britain

The Socialist Party of Great Britain (SPGB) is a socialist political party in the United Kingdom. Founded in 1904 as a split from the Social Democratic Federation (SDF), it advocates using the ballot box for revolutionary purposes and opposes both Leninism and reformism. It holds that countries which claimed to have established socialism had only established "state capitalism" and was one of the first to describe the Soviet Union as state capitalist. The party's political position has been described as a form of impossibilism.

Positive

 * Of all the sights and sounds which attracted me on my first arrival to live in London in the mid-thirties, one combined operation left a lingering, individual spell. I naturally went to Hyde Park to hear the orators, the best of the many free entertainments on offer in the capital. I heard the purest milk of the world flowing, then as now, from the platform of the Socialist Party of Great Britain.
 * Michael Foot, Debts of Honour, 1980.

 * In both theory and practice the SPGB was an extreme manifestation of the pre-1917 Marxist tradition. Its function was to educate the workers in the intractability of capitalism and the hopelessness of all trade union action or reform: its medium was the streetcorner pitch where speakers would harangue passers-by and sell the Socialist Standard. Since prospective members were examined for their knowledge of Marxism and ability to speak in public, and since they prided themselves on their ‘scientific socialism’, propagandists of the SPGB enjoyed a reputation as formidable Marxist purists.
 * Stuart Macintyre, A Proletarian Science: Marxism in Britain 1917–1933, 1980.

 * Robert Lynn revelled in the forums, which he called the University of Life. They certainly had their moments. I remember one exemplary SPGB graduate speaking mounting the platform, drawing a ten-shilling note from his pocket and holding it dangling from his thumb and forefinger for a quarter of an hour or so while delivering a devastatingly witty attack on money. The audience of thirty or so were spellbound. There was not a single heckler, until he set fire to it.
 * Stuart Christie, My Granny Made Me An Anarchist: 1946–1964, 2003, p. 157.

 * The SPGB has neither a leader nor a hierarchy of committees, and it repudiates the principle of leadership. Organised as local branches, the members of each electing their own officers independently of Head Office (which serves as hardly more than a clearing-house) and sending delegates to the annual Conference, it works throughout on one person one vote and simple majorities. Subject to a minimum of procedural rules any branch can bring any issue before Conference and Conference decisions bind the Executive Committee (which, like the Party Officers, is elected annually by vote of the whole Party). Any six branches can call a Party poll, and any member expelled can appeal to the annual Conference. All meetings of the Executive Committee and the branches, Delegate Meetings and Conference, are open to all members (and in fact to the public). These are not just aspirations or entries in the Rule Book; unlike other parties the SPGB really does function in this way. A majority of the members controls the organisation and its officers.
 * George Walford, Angles on Anarchism, 1991, p. 53.

Neutral

 * It is difficult to integrate the Socialist Party of Great Britain into any account of wider working-class politics because its policy of hostility to all other political groups, and rejection as an organisation of participation in any partial economic or social struggles, effectively excluded it from association with other tendencies. But no account would be complete without some reference to them. Before the War, they were a substantial presence in the area. Their Tottenham Branch had over 100 members, and there were also effective branches in Islington and Hackney. The SPGB also had a very high proportion of the ablest open-air speakers, notably Alex Anderson of Tottenham, who by common consent was the best socialist orator of his day. The SPGB’s principled Marxism had perhaps a wider influence than it would like to admit.
 * Ken Weller, Don’t be a Soldier! The Radical Anti-War Movement in North London 1914–1918, 1985.

 * The Russian debacle is rather appalling but quite explicable. Lenin and Trotsky appear to me to be of the SPGB type or the wilder types of the SDP.
 * Clement Attlee in a letter to his brother Tom, 20 March 1918.
 * quoted in Clem Attlee: A Biography by Francis Beckett, 2001.

 * The Socialist Party of Great Britain… denounced the Russian Revolution as state-capitalist within hours of hearing of it.
 * David Widgery, The Left in Britain 1956–1968, 1976.

 * Actually, I was a member of something called the Socialist Party of Great Britain at school for a while. You had to pass an exam, you know. You could not just join.
 * John Bird interviewed in the Evening Standard, 3 December 1997.

Negative

 * The Socialist Party of Great Britain, a young organisation and an offshoot from the Social Democratic Party, is spreading about London and challenging the older organisations in such districts as Battersea and Tottenham. The members are Marxians and revolutionaries, preaching the Class War. The catechumens of the party are put through a rigid course of training in the principles of their creed, which they must be prepared to defend at the risk of their liberty. What is most remarkable and disquieting about this dangerous organisation is the fact that the members are unquestionably higher-grade working-men of great intelligence, respectability, and energy. They are, as a whole, the best informed Socialists in the country, and would make incomparable soldiers, or desperate barricadists. As revolutionaries they deserve no mercy: as men they command respect.
 * W. Lawler Wilson, The Menace of Socialism, 1909, p. 316.

 * The Communist Party has no dealings with murderers, liars, renegades, or assassins. The SPGB, which associates itself with followers of Trotsky, the friend of Hess, has always followed a policy which would mean disaster for the British working class. They have consistently poured vile slanders on Joseph Stalin and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, told filthy lies about the Red Army, the Soviet people and its leaders, gloated over the assassination of Kirov and other Soviet leaders, applauded the wrecking activities of Trotskyist saboteurs in the Soviet Union. They have worked to split the British working class, and are in short agents of Fascism in Great Britain. The CPGB refuses with disgust to deal with such renegades. We treat them as vipers, to be destroyed.
 * letter from Secretary of the West Ham branch of the Communist Party, 23 February 1943.
 * reproduced in Socialist Standard, May 1943.

 * In 1905 another split took place in the SDF, when part of the membership this time mainly centred in London formed the Socialist Party of Great Britain, a body so sectarian that it adjured both politics and trade union action, believing that socialism would come when everyone was converted. Fifty years later it was still a tiny sect, mainly concerned with echoing propaganda hostile to the Soviet Union.
 * A. L. Morton and G. Tate, The British Labour Movement, 1770–1920, 1956, p. 218.

 * In the coming revolutionary confrontations between the working class and the bourgeoisie the role of the SPGB will be indistinguishable from that of any of the other bourgeois parties.
 * World Revolution, organ of the International Communist Current, July 1976.

 * In this country, the ultra-orthodox Marxists, the Socialist Party of Great Britain advocate the abolition of the wages system, free access to the means of production, the abolition of the state as anarchists do. But and an important but, they want to abolish the state by capturing the state through putting an X on a ballot paper. So it would seem they are anarchists in bad health.
 * Robert Lynn, Vote: What for?, 1991.

 * The Clapham-based Socialist Party has a three-tiered structure. At the top are the godfathers who run the party, make the decisions and plot the strategy.  The second tier are the students who usually last until they graduate or find a safe academic job.  Then there is the lower tier—those who have buried their heads in the sand for the best part of 20 years, thinking that the political struggle in the old SPGB and the split into two separate organisations was just a bad dream.
 * "Desperate Spoiling Tactics". Socialist Studies № 60, Summer 2006, p. 35.

title: Socialist Party of Great Britain


text:
User:Psychonaut

 * There's always room for Ipecac.
 * —User:Psychonaut

title: User:Psychonaut


text:
User talk:68.192.173.110

- InvisibleSun 05:58, 18 January 2007 (UTC)

title: User talk:68.192.173.110


text:
SeaChange

SeaChange is a popular Australian television show that ran for 39 episodes from 1998 to 2001 on the ABC. It was created by Andrew Knight and Deborah Cox and starred Sigrid Thornton, David Wenham, William McInnes, John Howard, Tom Long and Kerry Armstrong.

Something Rich and Strange [1.1]

 * Gwenda: Oh look, Jack called, give him a ring will you? Here.
 * Laura Gibson: Ugh, every time he goes interstate he calls me a dozen times a day.
 * Gwenda: Ah, that's so sweet.
 * Laura Gibson: Yeah, well it is when you're not busy.

 * Laura Gibson: What is that scratching noise?
 * Daniel Della Bosca: Oh, mud crabs. I've got five beauties in the bucket!
 * Laura Gibson: Well can they escape?
 * Daniel Della Bosca: I wouldn't brake suddenly.

The Official Story [1.4]

 * Laura Gibson: This oven should be heating up by now, I think it might be broken. What do you think?
 * Daniel Della Bosca: Oh I don't know, I'm an expert on cakes not ovens.
 * Laura Gibson: It's brand new, I bought it from Bob Jelly
 * Daniel Della Bosca: Oh well, in that case I do know......It's broken.

The Fellowship of the Suit [1.5]

 * Simmo: He said green. This is black.
 * Griff: Green. Black...
 * Simmo: It'll show dandruff.
 * Griff: So use a conditioner!

 * Laura Gibson: [chanting] Slow down...keep calm...slow down...keep calm...
 * Miranda Gibson: [chanting] I want to go home...I want to go home...

 * Phrani Gupta: Every day you draw an extra bit closer to forty and then, hey presto! You're history.
 * Trudi Gibson: Thanks. I'll remember that.

 * Trudi Gibson: I've seen a lot more of the world than you have!
 * Laura Gibson: So what?! So you can have better slide nights?!

 * Daniel Della Bosca: [offering wine] I thought this might go with what you're cooking.
 * Laura Gibson: Sausages.
 * Daniel Della Bosca: Mm. It was made for it.

One of the Gang [1.6]

 * Laura Gibson: In the old days your father and I used to go skinny dipping. We'd play in the waves, run naked along the beach and we made love in the sand. [Off her children's looks] We were married at the time. Deeply in love. There was no one around.
 * Rupert Gibson: Yuck!

 * Laura Gibson: I think I might go for a swim.
 * Miranda Gibson: Now?
 * Laura Gibson: Well I'm not going to go to sleep with Heather doing her salute to The Platters. Do you want to come?
 * Miranda Gibson: [reading] Nah. Princess Daisy's getting married.
 * Laura Gibson: Hm...I think perhaps the television's not such a bad idea after all...

 * Laura Gibson: (Notices Dan is fishing as she is skinny dipping) Have you been here long?!
 * Diver Dan: No I um... arrived a couple of minutes before you did ... yeah.

The Accidental Activist [1.10]

 * Rupert Gibson: Where're we going today?
 * Daniel Della Bosca: The other side of the river. Where did you think?
 * Rupert Gibson: Well yesterday you took us to the Sea of Tranquility.
 * Daniel Della Bosca: Well that was yesterday. I had more fuel.

 * Robert Jelly: You people are morons! All of you, pig ignorant!
 * Daniel Della Bosca: Oh, don't try to sweet talk us Bob. It won't work.

 * Angus Kabiri: Do you reckon you'll ever have another serious relationship?
 * Daniel Della Bosca: What, in percentage terms?
 * Angus Kabiri: Yeah, if you like.
 * Daniel Della Bosca: Zero...Oh, well, maybe 5%...8%! 8% tops.

 * Craig Jelly: Broken down?
 * Miranda Gibson: No, we're giving the engine a suntan.

 * Daniel Della Bosca: [after Laura has turned up at 3:30am to say she cannot go on a picnic with him] Hm. Maybe 23%...

Love Me or Leave Me [1.11]

 * Daniel Della Bosca: You know that goldfish only remember five seconds into their past?
 * Ray: Really? It's like politicians.
 * Daniel Della Bosca: Yeah. They basically swim round and round in a bowl and every five seconds one of them says "Crikey. Would you take a look at that?"...Did you know that goldfish only remember five seconds into their past?
 * Ray: Really? It's like politicians.

 * Daniel Della Bosca: Closing the eyes...relax...loose buttocks...Now, say after me; "I can be appalling...I can be appalling...".

 * Laura Gibson: And how is the word used, please?
 * Daniel Della Bosca: Usual way. John can claque. Betty can claque. See John claque.

 * Daniel Della Bosca: You let her lie. You just gave up.
 * Sergeant Graham Grey: No. I was only going to make matters worse.
 * Daniel Della Bosca: Oh, what, too much bloody paper work?
 * Sergeant Graham Grey: No, Dan. I'd be forcing her to give evidence she didn't want to give. I would be putting her away for perjury and the boy ends up with the father. She's the victim, mate. In the end I would have just been prosecuting a victim.

 * Laura Gibson: I'm sorry. I really am.
 * Daniel Della Bosca: Oh, look, I'd like to blame you but I can't. You, Graham, Maggie...everyone's trapped.
 * Laura Gibson: Including your mother.
 * Daniel Della Bosca: Oh, yeah. At least she tried to break free.

Sex, Death and Bridges [1.13]

 * Laura Gibson: What about you? Where's your stuff?
 * Daniel Della Bosca: I'm the teacher, I don't have to look stupid.

 * Daniel Della Bosca: [after Laura and Dan spend a passionate moment] Oh, well, I'm glad we got that out of the way.

 * Daniel Della Bosca: Monday school crossing began with the usual bad jokes and neurotic asides but that's all behind us now. Tuesday school crossing will be filled with anticipation for Wednesday's crossing where we expect blissful weather and an absolutely perfect journey...

 * Karen Miller: Angus?
 * Angus Kabiri: Mm.
 * Karen Miller: I know these last fifteen days have been a bit difficult for the both of us with, uh, finally breaking up and everything. But I feel that we've both learned a lot about how we both...feel.
 * Angus Kabiri: Hm. Yeah?
 * Karen Miller: I know that I am a very different person than I was two weeks ago. That's for sure. I was wondering how you would feel about getting back together again?
 * Angus Kabiri: So...you wanna have a relationship?
 * Karen Miller: No. I just thought we'd, ah, go back to the way it was - the "having a cooling off" period - before we go back officially.
 * Angus Kabiri: Yeah...I don't know. I mean, you kinda hurt me a bit.
 * Karen Miller: I know. It was just something I had to do.
 * Angus Kabiri: [long pause] Yeah. I guess.

 * Doctor: In all my time as a doctor I still can't get used to the idea of having to tell a mother that the child she carries has died.

 * Laura Gibson: [picking up the phone] It's me. Life is swings and round-a-bouts, isn't it? It's hard to make sense of some things. But, um, all I do know is that I am alive and you're alive and, ah, I do not want to look back when I am ninety and think that I let something important slip by. I've got two hours now. Can you meet me?
 * Daniel Della Bosca: Yeah. I'll see you there.

 * Laura Gibson: What was that? (Said while her and Dan are in bed together)
 * Diver Dan: I think it was a knock at the door?
 * Laura:Oh! (Laura starts to move)
 * Diver Dan: You're not seriously considering getting that.

 * Diver Dan: It helps if you walk backwards (in flippers).
 * Laura Gibson: Yeah sure! (Laura continues to walk forward)

If Fish Could Fly [2.1]

 * Laura Gibson: If you change your mind, you know where to find me, all alone ... naked.

Vaya Con Dios To All That [2.2]

 * Laura Gibson:Dan, if I could start my life again I would start it with you.

The House that Jack Built 2.4]

 * Laura Gibson: Life is a complete cock up.

Manna From Heaven [2.8]

 * Laura Gibson: What do you believe in, Karen?
 * Karen Miller: Oh, I'm Catholic, I'm lucky, I don't have to think about it.
 * Laura Gibson: So, what do you believe?
 * Karen Miller: Uh, I believe what Catholics believe.
 * Laura Gibson: All of it? The virgin birth, the resurrection, creationism?
 * Karen Miller: Yeah, all that.
 * Laura Gibson: Without question?
 * Karen Miller: Well, there’s not much point in believing in something if you question it all the time. It’s not like I’m obsessed, or anything.  I don’t go to church that much since it got washed away.
 * Laura Gibson: What about eternal damnation for not attending weekly mass?
 * Karen Miller: No, no. I don’t believe that one!

 * Laura Gibson: Oh, every family's got a few skeletons in the closet.
 * Miranda Gibson: So you don't mind me telling everyone that your sister's about to have my father's baby, and that my brother and I will have a cousin that will also be our half-brother or sister?

Kitty Litter

 * Rupert Gibson: Why does the cat have to die just because two silly old people fight all the time?

Love in the time of Coleridge [3.11]

 * Max Connors: I've been shooting albatrosses all my life. I was ... only hoping that this time the wound wasn't fatal.

Half Life [3.13]

 * Max Connors: We could name the baby Rex.
 * Laura Gibson: I am absolutely not naming our child after your kelpie!
 * Max Connors: He was a very good dog!
 * Laura Gibson:Mmmm... anyway it might be a girl.

Main Cast
Starring:
 * Sigrid Thornton - Laura Gibson
 * David Wenham - Daniel Della Bosca ('Diver Dan') [episodes 1 - 15]
 * William McInnes - Max Connors [episodes 16 - 39]
 * John Howard - Bob Jelly
 * Kerry Armstrong - Heather Jelly

Featuring

 * Bruce Alexander as Sergeant Graham Grey
 * Kate Atkinson - Karen Miller
 * Alan Cassell - Harold Fitzwalter
 * Paul English as Jack Gibson [episodes 1 - 13]
 * Patrick Dickson 0 Jack Gibson [episode 14+]
 * Jill Forster - Meredith Monahan
 * Alice Garner - Carmen 'Lois Lane' Blake [episodes 3 - 13, 18 - 30, 39]
 * Kevin Harrington - Kevin Findlay
 * Tom Long - Angus Kabiri
 * Christopher Lyons - Trevor Findlay
 * Cassandra Magrath - Miranda Gibson
 * Kane McNay - Rupert Gibson
 * Georgina Naidu - Phrani Gupta
 * Cameron Nugent - Craig Jelly
 * Bryony Price - Jules Jelly
 * Brett Swain - Griff

title: SeaChange


text:
Talk:Palestine Peace Not Apartheid

Editing help request
I have created this page, but I do not have time to convert all the notes format to the Wikiquote style format for sources of quotations. I would appreciate very much having other editors more familiar with this style do that conversion. I have done all that I have time to do. Thank you. --NYScholar 07:09, 18 January 2007 (UTC)

Deleted item
This is a "sourced" list of quotations; follow the format when adding new quotations. The material deleted may be found via the editing history. If re-added, the format needs to follow prevailing format of this Wikiquote page and it needs to have a full citation in a footnote. --NYScholar 04:01, 14 March 2007 (UTC)

title: Talk:Palestine Peace Not Apartheid