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Motivation and emotion/Textbook/Motivation/Dieting

Am I Thin Enough Yet?
Dieting has become a normative behaviour for women in Western societies in reaction to the increasingly thin standard of beauty endorsed and portrayed by the media (Berel & Irving, 1998). Studies have consistently linked the thin ideal to an increased prevalence in dieting, weight preoccupation, eating disorders (Levine & Smolak, 1996; Berel & Irving, 1998) and body dissatisfaction (Shaw, 1995; Snyder, 1997). Dissatisfaction with one’s appearance has been found to be a central component in the initiation and maintenance of dieting behaviour (Fairburn & Garner, 1988; Heatherton, 1993). Researchers suggest that this sociocultural ideal has led to an unprecedented ‘cult of thinness’, with members spending excessive amounts of time, energy and money purchasing and preparing diet food, counting calories and restricting food intake (Rodin, 1992; Stinson, 2001, p. 3). These individuals contribute to an estimated 30 to 50 billion dollar a year weight loss industry (Gladwell, 1998; Ward & Mann, 2000), yet studies report 95% of these individuals fail at their initial dieting attempts (Garner & Wooley, 1991; Ward & Mann, 2000). This may be due to the abundance of cheap and alluring calorie-dense foods, which create ‘toxic environments’ for those attempting to lose weight (Hill & Peters, 1998; Papies & Hamstra, 2010). Research indicates that the excess availability and visibility of these foods play a critical role in dieters’ difficulties in regulating their own weight; as well as contributing towards the high prevalence of obesity (Hill & Peters, 1998; Papies & Hamstra, 2010); and the vast increases in body mass index seen in most Western nations (Wang & Beydoun, 2007; Nederkoorn, Houben & Hofmann, 2010). In such food-rich environments and under the continuous onslaught of artificially-developed aromas, flavours and colours (Freedman & Barnouin, 2005, p. 17); it is no wonder that the good intentions of dieters are often not sufficient enough to sustain consistent weight loss (Papies & Hamstra, 2010).

Dieting Is Like Holding Your Breath
Research suggests that dieting is not associated with a lasting reduction in body weight over time (Jeffery et al., 2000; Papies & Hamstra, 2010), but rather results in dieters regaining even more weight than they had initially lost (Mann et al., 2007; Papies & Hamstra, 2010). This may be explained by the pattern of disordered eating to which chronic dieters frequently fall victim. ‘Restrained eating’ is typically characterised by periods of severe food restriction, followed by lapses in restraint (Gorman & Allison, 1995; Papies & Hamstra, 2010). It involves self-regulation and the overriding of a normal biological response through the substitution of a competing response (Baumeister, Heatherton & Tice, 1994; Ward & Mann, 2000). However, many researchers argue that it is this fight against nature which results in weight disregulation and eating disorders among chronic dieters (Fairburn, Marcus & Wilson, 1993; Chernyak & Lowe, 2010). Studies suggest that the more an individual forces their weight down, the more their system will be prone to rebound upward (Dukan, 2010, p. 112). This ‘rebound effect’ posits that the body has evolved to adapt to periods of energy restriction during times of famine and scarcity by reducing its metabolic rate and conserving its fat stores. When a restrained eater eventually succumbs to temptation, the body perceives the food restriction to be over and responds by triggering hunger and inhibiting satiety. In turn, additional fat deposits are stored. This adaptive drive may lead to weight gain for dieters in situations where individuals are sedentary and food and drink are both easily accessible and energy dense; conditions which are typically met in most countries in the world (Cannon, 2005). This is supported by studies suggesting that restrained eaters have higher relative body weights than unrestrained eaters, even when both are within the normal weight range (Lowe, 1984; Chernyak & Lowe, 2010). A history of dieting may, therefore, be more predictive of future weight gain rather than loss (Lowe & Thomas, 2009; Chernyak & Lowe, 2010).

Energy + Direction = Motivation: The Key to Success?
The abundance of research suggesting that dieting is doomed to failure raises the question as to how a person would ever achieve successful weight loss. Motivation has been ascribed as an underlying mechanism in the difference between success and failure in reaching a goal and has been specifically applied by researchers to dieting behaviour (Klinger & Cox, 2003; Johannessen & Berntsen, 2009). Motivation and the attainment of success or failure are interlinked, as motivation is likely to be either strengthened or weakened by past dieting history. This, in turn, influences an individual’s confidence in their ability to diet successfully and reach their desired goal weight or shape (Bandura, 1997; Johannessen & Berntsen, 2009). Using motivational theory and research, this chapter aims to address the motivations behind dieting behaviour, as well as the types of motivation that influence its success and failure. It will then discuss the strength model in reference to why dieting behaviour frequently fails, as well as employ the Health Action Process Approach to explain the gap between dieter intentions and behaviour. This approach will also highlight how an intervention strategy may be tailored to meet the needs of individual dieters, providing potential strategies to improve diet maintenance and counteract lapses in self-restraint.

Self-Discrepancy Theory
Higgin’s (1987) self-discrepancy theory focuses on multiple representations of the self and the emotional consequences of those self beliefs. Researchers continue to employ this theory in order to explain the relationship between multidimensional aspects of self evaluation and disordered eating behaviour, such as restrained eating (Snyder, 1997). The three aspects of self encompass the ‘actual self’, defined by one’s self-perceived attributes; the ‘ideal self’, describing by one’s aspirations for personal attributes; and the ‘ought self’, defined by the set of attributes one feels an obligation to possess. Ideal and ought selves act as guides or standards against which the actual self is measured. These self guides may be viewed from one’s own standpoint, the standpoint of significant others, or from a general sociocultural perspective (Snyder, 1997). Discrepancies between the actual self and self guides on important dimensions such as physical appearance are associated with negative affective consequences, motivating individuals to reduce this discrepancy (Carver & Scheier, 1981; Heatherton, 1993).

Actual: Ideal Discrepancies
Actual: ideal discrepancies are associated with feelings such as unhappiness, disappointment and dissatisfaction. This discrepancy may occur from failure to achieve personal appearance goals (Higgins, 1987; Snyder, 1997). Restrained eaters have been found to be more dissatisfied with their bodies because they are highly focused on potential discrepancies between their current and ideal standards for appearance. Indirect evidence supports this notion, suggesting restrained eaters are more self-focused than unrestrained eaters and rate higher in public self-consciousness (Fenigstein, Scheier & Buss, 1975; Heatherton, 1993). Research suggests that one reason women may feel fat is because they are continuously comparing themselves to others, a habit which requires constant self-monitoring (Striegel-Moore, McAvay & Rodin, 1986; Heatherton, 1993). One study reveals that both restrained eaters and unrestrained eaters share similar perceptions of the ideal body shape, yet restrained eaters are more dissatisfied not only because of their greater self-preoccupation, but due to a larger body size. Discrepancy between current and ideal body shape was found to be highly correlated with body mass index, with consistent evidence suggesting that restrained eaters actually weigh more than unrestrained eaters (Heatherton, 1993). The motivation to diet for women experiencing an actual: ideal discrepancy, thus, appears to stem from a heavier body weight rather than more extreme standards of thinness. Additionally, high levels of aversive self-awareness enhance feelings of unattractiveness and are an important determinant in binge eating, a common by-product of restrained eating. Continuous negative preoccupation with the discrepancy between actual and ideal body shape may eventually produce feelings of self-dislike and increase the likelihood of dietary failure (Heatherton & Polivy, 1992; Heatherton, 1993).

Actual: Ought Discrepancies
Actual: ought discrepancies are associated with emotions such as anxiety and fear and may occur as a result of failing to meet the sociocultural standard for appearance (Higgins, 1987; Snyder, 1997). A study by Snyder (1997) on a nonclinical sample of college women looked into the personal and sociocultural features of body image concern on different behavioural and emotional symptoms associated with disordered eating. This found that actual: ought discrepancies were specifically associated with feelings of personal inadequacy and alienation from others, independent of other body image concerns. Sociocultural standards were also found to hold greater influence for disordered eating symptoms based on the outcome of failing to achieve the societal standard, rather than in attempts to achieve it.

A study by Heatherton (1993) indicates that motivation to diet among restrained eaters of a normal weight was related to avoiding weight gain or an unfavourable fat identity (Chernyak & Lowe, 2010). These findings provide contradictory evidence to a large body of research which has long argued that societal norms favouring extreme thinness are largely to blame for dieting in non obese women (Chernyak & Lowe, 2010). A drive for thinness in restrained eaters may, therefore, not necessarily reflect a desire to reach a socially prescribed ideal but, instead, reflect a fear of weight gain or becoming fat. Additionally, to the extent that dieting did reflect a motivation to lose weight for those women falling within a normal weight range, it appeared to be only a modest weight loss (Lowe & Levine, 2005; Chernyak & Lowe, 2010). A study by Zellner and colleagues (1989) supports this notion, indicating that only those women scoring high on The Eating Attitudes Test, a measure of eating psychopathology, expressed such extreme standards for thinness as they already endorsed symptoms of more problematic eating behaviour (Heatherton, 1993).

Self-Determination Theory
Self-determination theory focuses on the quality of an individual’s motivation in a given context as well as the environmental influences affecting motivation within these contexts (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Hagger, Chatzisarantis & Harris, 2006). The theory distinguishes between two types of motivation: ‘autonomous motivation’ and ‘controlled motivation’ (Deci & Ryan, 2000; Hagger et al., 2006). Restrained eating is autonomously motivated when individuals experience a sense of personal volition and choice when engaging in this behaviour. Conversely, restrained eaters feel controlled when they believe they are engaging in this behaviour due to external pressure or coercion. The relative degree of autonomy perceived by the individual when engaging in restrained eating is viewed along a continuum of motivation known as the perceived locus of causality. The continuum is characterised by intrinsic motivation and identified regulation, two autonomous types of motivation; as well as external regulation and introjected regulation, two types of controlled motivation (Ryan & Connell, 1989; Hagger et al., 2006).

Autonomous Motivation

Intrinsic motivation reflects motivation that is driven by an enjoyment in the dieting behaviour itself. For example, a restrained eater might feel pleasure in choosing a healthy snack over junk food. Identified regulation represents an extrinsic form of autonomous motivation and is driven by the pursuit of personally-valued goals. A restrained eater may, therefore, be motivated to diet in order to reach a goal weight or dress size (Hagger et al., 2006). Studies in the health domain argue that individuals with high levels of autonomous motivation are likely to perceive their dieting behaviour as valuable and personally relevant, as it is in line with their psychological needs (Sheldon, 2002; Hagger et al., 2006). Previous research also links autonomous motivation and perceived competence. As such, individuals are likely to feel more confident in reaching their goals and engaging in subsequent dieting behaviour in order to satisfy their need for competence. Evidence suggests that autonomous motivation leads to a greater tendency for individuals to critically examine the importance of the outcomes of engaging in dieting behaviour. They will be more likely to find dieting-relevant information within their environment which points to the significance of continuing this behaviour. This, in turn, leads to more positive attitudes towards engaging in this behaviour in the future (Hagger et al., 2006).

A study by Hagger and colleagues (2006) found that people were likely to form personal and control-related beliefs regarding their future dieting behaviour based on the perception that such behaviour was autonomously motivated. Both attitudes and perceived behavioural control were necessary for the translation of autonomous motives into dieting intentions, acting as a step towards performing the actual behaviour. Researchers note that a deliberative process such as this may not provide the only explanation as to why individuals engage in dieting behaviour, as it is also susceptible to constructs such as personality (Conner & Abraham, 2001; Hagger et al., 2006).

Controlled Motivation
Individuals with high levels of controlled motivation will focus on external conditions for their engagement in dieting behaviour. External regulation reflects behaviour that is motivated by contingencies administered by others, such as gaining a reward or avoiding punishment. For example, an individual may engage in dieting behaviour to avoid rejection or be accepted into a popular group of peers. Introjected regulation refers to behaviour that is motivated by contingencies administered by the self. This may be in the pursuit of positive affective states, such as self-worth; or the avoidance of negative affective states, such as guilt or shame (Hagger et al., 2006).

One study assessing a large sample of adolescent females over a five month period found that, in addition to social pressure, controlled motivation was highly predictive of persistence in weight loss dieting. Specifically, highly controlled motivation was associated with more intense dieting behaviours such as the rigid use of extreme weight loss techniques (Hagger et al., 2006). These findings are supported by previous research which link controlled motivation to poorer wellbeing, frequent negative affect, less frequent positive affect and lower overall life satisfaction. These studies emphasise the detrimental outcomes for those employing controlled motivation when engaging in dieting behaviour (Strong & Huon, 1999).

Strength Model
The ability to attain purposeful control over one’s impulses and abstain from immediate gratification is an adaptive response that enables individuals to engage in goal-directed behaviour and achieve their desired long term outcomes. However, according to the strength model, a capacity-based approach developed by Baumeister and colleagues (1998), self-control is a finite resource that determines an individual’s capacity for control over their dominant responses. Self-control requires strength and energy. When this capacity has been expended through demands on self-control resources over time, an individual will exhibit impaired self-regulatory performance. This process has been termed ‘ego-depletion’ (Hagger, Wood, Stiff & Chatzisarantis, 2010). Depletion has been shown to coincide with increased subjective and physiological exertion, fatigue and task difficulty. Researchers argue that problem behaviours such as chronic dieting stem from self-regulation failure, attributing persistent lapses of self-control to depletion in these finite resources (Baumeister, Heatherton & Tice, 1994; Hagger et al., 2010).

Ego-Depletion and Motivation
Researchers suggest the effects of self-control resource availability and motivation on task performance may be interactive (Mauraven & Baumeister, 2000; Hagger et al., 2010). As a result of engaging in an initial act of self-control, an individual may view their subsequent attempts of self-control as less important. This is due to the relative demands it would impose on their remaining resources. As such, motivation decreases in an effort to conserve resources. An initial act of self-control may promote successful regulation on an individual’s current behaviour, such as abstaining from dessert when out to lunch with friends. However, this would be at the expense of future acts of self-control, such as avoiding a tempting snack when arriving home. Individuals may be able to overcome this ego-depletion effect and exhibit renewed vigor in their dieting behaviour if given sufficient motivational incentive. This may be through the promise of reward, an increase in task importance (Muraven & Slessareva, 2003; Hagger et al., 2010), or inducing positive affect (Tice et al., 2007; Hagger et al., 2010). Muraven and colleagues found that even when depleted, individuals were still able to perform as well as non-depleted individuals on successive tasks when they were sufficiently motivated. Despite their depleted state, an increase in motivation enabled individuals to access their remaining cognitive resources. This supports the notion that motivation acts as a moderator of the ego-depletion effect and enhances future self-regulatory behaviour (Clarkson, Hirt, Jia & Alexander, 2010).

Ego-Depletion and Perception
Clarkson and colleagues (2010) assessed perceived versus actual ego-depletion on self-regulatory behaviour. In this study strength was defined as both actual and perceived ability to regulate behaviour. The study used a paradigm in which depleted and non-depleted individuals were provided with feedback that either did or did not provide a situational attribution for their actual availability of resources. Research suggests that people frequently look to situational cues to inform their internal states. Thus, those who were provided with a situational attribution for their consequent state of depletion may perceive themselves as less depleted and perform better on subsequent tasks. Over the course of four experiments, the researchers found that perceived depletion impacted qualitative and quantitative responding at both high and low levels of actual depletion. This implies that perception can override actual resource depletion and subsequently influence behaviour. Depleted individuals, whose perception of their own resource availability was increased, were still able to successfully self-regulate in following tasks. Analogous to motivation, this evidence suggests that situational feedback may act as a second mediator of the ego-depletion effect (Clarkson et al., 2010).

Ego-Depletion and Response Inhibition
Dual system models comprise two systems: the ‘automatic system’, which influences the direction and strength of one’s motivational drive toward stimuli; and the ‘control system’, which regulates the automatic system. Response inhibition acts as a measure of the capacity of the control system and is typically used in ego-depletion experiments (Hagger et al., 2010). Response inhibition describes an executive function thought to be at the core of impulsive behaviour. This function is needed to overrule impulsive or habitual reactions to stimuli, such as the consumption of calorie-laden foods, so that behaviour may be regulated in accordance with the individual’s long term goals (Logan & Cowan, 1984; Nederkoorn et al., 2010). Studies have found a causal link between ineffective response inhibition and overeating, providing one explanation as to why dieters low in self-regulatory resources may succumb to temptation (Nederkoorn et al., 2010).

Research suggests that when self-control resources are depleted, an individual’s motivational drive will be more central in guiding their behaviour. Consumption of food may, therefore, be predicted by implicit measures of food preferences, such as through the Implicit Association Test. Implicit preferences for specific foods represent a measure of the automatic system and predict consumption more strongly in participants with depleted self-control resources than those with effective self-control mechanisms (Hofmann, 2009; Nederkoorn et al., 2010). This is supported by one study, which suggests that the stronger an individual's implicit preferences for snack food, the greater inhibitory capacity needed to override the impulsive drive to consume such food. For dieters with high implicit preferences, differences in individual inhibitory control were found to be critical in determining self-regulatory success or failure. As such, the study concluded that dieters would overeat when self-control resources were low and automatic preferences for snack food were high (Nederkoorn et al., 2010).

The Health Action Process Approach
Health self-regulation refers to a process in which motivation, volition and action are employed to substitute health-compromising behaviours for health-enhancing behaviours such as physical exercise, preventative nutrition and weight control (Leventhal et al., 2001; Schwarzer, 2008). Intention forming is seen as being determined by beliefs and attitudes (Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975; Schwarzer, 2008). As such, traditional models of health behaviour change typically focus on identifying a number of intention predictors such as perceived behavioural barriers, social norms, personal vulnerability or perceived self-efficacy. However, these models fail to address a post-intentional phase in which goals are translated into action, known as the ‘intention-behaviour gap’ (Sheeran, 2002; Schwarzer, 2008). The Health Action Process Approach (HAPA) was developed to rectify the inherent limitations of these models, addressing post-intentional factors such as maintenance and recovery self-efficacy, as well as action and coping planning (Schwarzer, 2008). The HAPA is an implicit stage model which distinguishes between two phases: a pre-intentional motivation phase leading to behavioural intentions; and a post-intentional volition phase leading to actual behaviour. Different patterns of social-cognitive predictors emerge within these two phases and are discussed in accordance with the model below.

Pre-Intention Motivation Phase
This phase is characterised by three social-cognitive predictors: ‘risk perception’, ‘outcome expectancies’ and ‘action self-efficacy’. Risk perception is seen as a distal antecedent, setting the stage for contemplation regarding personal competencies and the consequences of engaging in a particular behaviour. For example, an individual might believe themselves to be at risk of heart disease as a result of their size. This might lead to the development of ‘positive outcome expectancies’, such as the belief that dieting will reduce their weight and subsequent risk of heart disease. This thought process is seen as an important step in the motivation phase, as the individual balances the benefits and costs of performing the dieting behaviour. Action self-efficacy describes the development of motivation to act when facing a novel challenging demand (Luszczynska et al., 2006; Schwarzer, 2008). Those high in action self-efficacy will hold positive self-efficacy beliefs about their ability to succeed at the dieting behaviour, typically visualising success and imagining various strategies through which to pursue their goal. However, those low in action self-efficacy will imagine failure, harbour self-doubts about their ability to stick to a diet and delay initiating the behaviour (Schwarzer, 2008).

Post-Intention Volition Phase
This phase comprises two mediators: ‘maintenance self-efficacy’ and ‘recovery self-efficacy’. Maintenance self-efficacy represents an individual’s positive beliefs about their ability to overcome barriers while maintaining a particular behaviour. This mediator can be broken into ‘action planning’, which describes an individual’s level of subjective planning; and ‘coping planning’, reflecting the degree to which an individual has developed effective strategies based on their anticipation of potential barriers that may arise while adopting and maintaining a behaviour. Recovery self-efficacy enables an individual to resume their behaviour after experiencing a set back. For example, a dieter might succumb to a tempting dessert when out to dinner and fall victim to the ‘abstinence violation effect’; attributing their lapse in restraint to internal, stable and global causes. As such, the dieter dramatises the event and interprets it as a full-blown relapse (Marlatt et al., 1995; Schwarzer, 2008). Those high in self-efficacy, however, attribute this lapse to an external high-risk situation, enabling them to regain control and develop a recovery strategy (Marlatt, 2002; Schwarzer, 2008).

Tailoring an Intervention Strategy
Within the HAPA model, an intervention strategy may be tailored to an individual according to the particular stage of the model in which they reside. Within the post-intentional volition stage, the model distinguishes between ‘non-intenders’, ‘intenders’ and ‘actors’. In regards to dieting behaviour, non-intenders are seen to benefit from confrontation regarding risk perception and outcome expectancies, thus, learning that engaging in this novel behaviour may lead to positive outcomes, such as weight loss or a decreased risk of disease. Intenders reside within the planning phase of volition and have, thus, already set their goal and moved past this mindset. Intervention would, therefore, focus on converting this dieting intention into action. Actors, or current dieters, may benefit from relapse prevention strategies that enhance recovery self-efficacy skills, as well as help them to anticipate and prepare for high-risk situations in which maintenance of their diet is threatened (Marlatt, 2002; Schwarzer, 2008).

Emotion Regulation Strategies
Restrained eating requires the constant attention and persistence of a dieter in the face of interfering tasks and emotions. Controlling negative emotions such as boredom, distress, anger, anxiety or misery requires a number of cognitive skills (Schwarzer, 2008). Emotion regulation refers to the efforts undertaken by an individual to influence the experience and expression of their emotions (Gross, 1999; Evers, Stok, de Ridder, 2010). Individuals with poor emotion regulation may be vulnerable to binge eating as they can not properly regulate negative affect. Theorists propose that binge eating may be employed as a maladaptive strategy to distract the individual from a source of distress (Herman & Polivy, 1988; Evers et al., 2010), or to escape negative-self awareness (Evers et al., 2010). Negative emotion, thus, acts as a release condition for binge eating; creating an automatic tendency for dieters to overeat whenever a negative emotional event arises. This automatic reflex may be avoided by preparing a course of action toward these situations (Eder, Rothermund & Proctor, 2010). Research has found that adaptive emotion regulation strategies, identified within the HAPA model as ‘coping planning’, provide a means through which a dieter can learn to control their behavioural responses whenever negative affect is encountered. This, in turn, prevents relapse.

Antecedent strategies of emotion regulation are employed before the emotion reaction tendency has become fully activated, thus, changing behavioural responding (Gross & John, 2003; Evers et al., 2010). Studies on cognitive reappraisal have shown it to be an effective antecedent strategy that may be employed by restrained eaters during daily life (Gross & John, 2004; Evers et al., 2010), helping them to anticipate and prepare for potentially high-risk emotional situations in which overeating may occur (Schwarzer, 2008). Cognitive reappraisal works through changing the way an individual thinks about the emotional situation, in turn, providing psychological distance from its aversive affects and altering the situation’s emotional impact (Mischel & Ayduk, 2004; Evers et al., 2010). One study found reappraisal to be related to less negative emotional expression and experience, less physiological activation and more positive emotional experiences (Gross, 2002; Evers et al., 2010). Additionally, it was found to affect the intake of comfort food and protect against emotional eating. This research illustrates that it is not the experience of emotions themselves but, rather, the ability to regulate such emotional experiences that determines emotional eating behaviour. Emotion regulation strategies such as cognitive reappraisal, therefore, provide a means through which this behaviour may be potentially controlled or even eliminated (Ever et al., 2010).

''Are you an emotional eater? Take the test to find out.''

Summary
Dieting is a maladaptive behaviour that often results in an individual gaining more weight than they had initially lost (Mann et al., 2007; Papies & Hamstra, 2010). Motivation has been deemed a crucial component underlying this behaviour, often shaping a diet’s success or failure (Klinger & Cox, 2003; Johannessen & Berntsen, 2009). Self-discrepancy theory describes the conflict between an individual’s actual self and self guides on dimensions such as weight and appearance. When an individual fails to meet their personal standard or an external ideal, this will result in negative affect and an increased motivation to diet in order to reduce this discrepancy (Heatherton, 1993).

Self-determination theory distinguishes between two types of motivation that determine whether a diet may succeed or fail. Autonomous motivation represents an intrinsic form of motivation and enhances a dieter’s chance of success, while controlled motivation represents an external form of regulation and is detrimental to dieting behaviour (Hagger et al., 2006). The strength model presents one explanation as to why dieters frequently succumb to temptation, proposing that self-control is a finite resource that, once depleted, will result in impaired self-regulatory performance. This ego-depletion effect has been linked to a number of moderators including motivation (Mauraven & Baumeister, 2000), perception (Clarkson et al., 2010) and response inhibition (Nederkoorn et al., 2010). The Health Action Process Approach bridges the gap between intentions and behaviour by addressing post-intentional factors that enhance diet maintenance and recovery. This model also addresses potential intervention strategies for dieters based on which stage within the model they reside; distinguishing between non-intenders, intenders and actors (Schwarzer, 2008). Additionally, cognitive reappraisal is proposed as an emotion regulation strategy to counteract emotional eating. It asserts that changing the way an individual perceives an emotional event will change its emotional impact, thereby, eliminating the need to overeat whenever this aversive situation is encountered (Evers et al., 2010). {{Hide in print|


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User:S.emp/Week 4, lecture 4

=Week 4, Lecutre 4=

Psychological needs
According to the self-determination theory a person must have a combination of autonomy, competence and relatedness to be psychologically happy.

One aspect of autonomy that I find interesting is that it is not the acutal autonomy that is necessarily important but the person’s perception of autonomy. According to Reeve (2009) providing a person with a choice could be the most widely used way to support a person’s need for autonomy. As when a person is offered unrestricted choices with no strings attached and when a person is allowed to make a choice that truly reflects their personal values, goals and interests, is when they feel a sense of need-satisfying autonomy.
 * Autonomy: The psychological need to experience self-direction and personal endorsement in the initiation and regulation of behaviour.

 * Competence: A psychological need to be effective in interactions with the environment and it also reflects a person’s desire to exercise their capacities and skills and in doing so a person is able to seek out and master optimal challenges.

 * Relatedness: A psychological need to establish close emotional bnods and attachments with other people and it reflects the desire to be emotionally connected to and interpersonally involved in warm relationships.

Social needs
I found the difference between social and psychological needs interesting. Psychological need are seen as esential to well-being and growth, on the otherhand, while social needs are still important, they are not innate but a socialised, learned need.

I had never heard of quasi needs before so I found it really interesting to learn about them.

Quasi needs: Ephemeral, situallionally induced wants to create tense energy to engage in behaviour capable of reducing the built-up tension. Quasi needs resemble a person’s true needs in some way. For instance, they affect how we think feel and act. They also originate from situational demands and pressures and whenever a person satisfies a situational demand the quasi need will disappear.

I am a visual person and during the lecture James used a really good example of quasi needs. James said that if it rains you will need an umbrella, however, if the rain was not there, the umbrella would not be essential. Therefore, the need is situaltionally induced.

This week we also looked at achievement. According to Reeve (2009) the need for achievement is the desire to do well relative to a standard of excellence. A standard of excellence is any challenge to a person’s sense of competence that ends with an objective outcome for example, success verus failure. Reeve (2009) made a good point when he said that when facing standards of excellence people vary in their emotional response. Individuals high in the need for achievement generally respond with approach-oriented emotions, such as, pride. Whereas individuals low in the need for achievement, generally respond with avoidace-orientated emotions, for example, anxiety. Depending on the person and the particular task will determine whether a person will respond with avoidance or approach-oriented emotions. It is also worth noting that when people are confronted with a standard of excellence, people show differences in choice, latency, effect, persistence and their willingness to take personal responsibility for ensuring whether the task is a success or a failure. According to research high-need achievers, compared to low-need achievers, choose moderately difficult to difficult versions of tasks instead of easy versions, they do not procrastinate, they take responsibility for the success or failuire of the task and they show more effort. However, I feel that it important to note that a person may be a high-achiever on one particular task, but a low achiever on a different task.

The need for achievement does not steam from one area of a person’s life, research indicates that it is a mltifaceted phenomenon. Need for achievement comes from social factors, cognitive and developmental influences. I agree with this statement, I think that a number of factors determine a person's need for achievement. Take my sister and me. When it comes to achievement we are similar in many ways, however we are also different. My sister for example, loves to run, she even goes in maratons on a regular basis. In this area she is a high achiever and extremely motivated. Me on the otherhand you would not catch me in a maratons, let alone running. My need for achievement in this area is extremely low. Therefore, while my sister and I had the same parents, similar upbrings and similar oportunities. we are interested in different things and therefore, have different levels of need for achievement depending on the task. It would be difficult to tell what made my sister and I different in our need for achievement, as research indicates, a number of social, cognitive and developmental factors would have contributed.

title: User:S.emp/Week 4, lecture 4


text:
Motivation and emotion/Textbook/Motivation/Gender differences in sexual motivation

Overview
Human sexual drive is a phenomenon that has puzzled researchers for decades. Categorising the myriad of components involved and pinpointing direct causes and influences has been the subject of difficulty for many years, and with good reason. The subjective nature of human motivation and sexual desire makes it difficult to clearly define sexual drive in humans as either environmental or physiological. While the Schacter-Singer theory states that human sexual motivation is based on the connection between cognitive interpretations of stimuli and physiological arousal, much research states trying to simplify the complexity of sexual motivation in humans can be limiting when trying to develop a true understanding of the nature of sexual desire and its implications on both males and females.

Motivation, according to Johnson (1997) is the "inferred need, desire or impulse which initiates, directs and sustains behaviour". In lower animals, sexual motivation is seen as a 'drive' or internal force that causes the animal to engage in reproductive behaviours. In humans however, the process has shown to be much more complex and intricate. Therefore, building on Johnson's definition, motivation in human's can be said to be a multifacetede relationship built on several factors as an "inferred, internal state influenced by several factors which determines engagement in sexual activity (Johnson, 1997; Coon, 1997). This article touches on some of the different influences of human sexual motivation, differing between males and females in an attempt to pinpoint both the key similarities and differences in sexual desire and the effect of these on sexual behaviours through the critical analysis of relevant theories, approaches and empirical evidence.

Evolutionary
Sexual motivation has a clear evolutionary background, according to Klusmann (2006), due to its involvement in reproduction and group survival with patterns reflecting natural selection. Evolutionary analysis states that both men and women are said to have dissimilar physiological mechanisms underlying both sexual motivation and sexual, reproductive behaviours. Evolutionary psychologists hold the belief that the main influential component of sexual motivation is genetics and biological makeup, in which genes causing mating strategies to override all rational thought when seeking a mate and undertaking sexual behaviours (Chrisler & McCreary, 2010). This innate mechanism is what makes males search for a female that is young and attractive, while women seek out a powerful mate. This view is supported by current research involving thousands of unmarried African-American (36%) and white-Caucasian (64%) men and women, aged 19-35 asking them "How willing would you be to marry someone who..." with several hypothetical scenarios listed below. The difference between men and women and their sexual motivation is proposed by the Sexual Selection Theory. It states that different sexual motivations arise from different parental and purposeful motivations (Klusmann, 2006). For example, due to the eventual expiry of eggs, women treat each as an investment in which the child that would be born from the egg would be the focus of the mother's care and attention. Contrary to this, men appear to seek out multiple partners because of their seemingly limitless supply of sperm that provides a way for the male to reproduce and pass on their genes as much as possible, seeking out a physically attractive, young mate who is suitable for genetic and evolutionary success. Evolutionary Theory is criticised heavily for its lack of focus on other factors such as cultural, social, and learning. It is useful however, in creating a clear difference between the sexual motivations of both genders and identifying what the behaviours of both males and females are. Understanding why and interpreting these behaviours is what remains puzzling, that many suggest requires more information than that supplied by Evolutionary Theory alone.

Cognitive Social Learning Theory
Learning through reinforcement, punishment and observation provides a fundamental background to cognitive social learning theory. The process of choosing which behaviours to reinact is a cognitive decision making process, with reward for certain behaviours increasing the likelihood that those behaviours will be imitated. This theory is important because it attempts to explain not only the behaviours of heterosexuals, in which individuals are exposed to the behaviours of male-female relationships and behaviours, and in turn mimic them, but also homosexuals who are suggested to have been exposed to same-sex relationships. Unfortunately, empirical evidence rules out this theory in that a child who has same-sex parents is shown to be just as likely to be homosexual as a child with heterosexual parents. This theory does however, provide and further the ideas of evolutionary theory that gender differences between males and females are reflected in their behaviours, as women tend to show more compassion and romance in a partnerhsip, whilst a male is more likely to value a sexual commitment. The motivation expressed in the cognitive social learning theory, stems from the idea that the individual has learnt what their motivations should be by observing others in social settings, those they are familiar with such as family members, and in modern times, through the media (Chrisler & McCreary, 2010).

Methods of Data Collection & Landmark Studies
Most research is done via surveys, self-reports and volunteers due to the private, personal nature of the topic. However, this leaves room for many errors either via socially-desired responses, unintentional errors or miscommunication or misunderstanding about what an individual may think motivates their behaviour. Also, often participants in these studies are seen as 'ungeneralisable' to the population as they are often much more outgoing about sex and related topics. Most studies are correlational, not causal as they cannot explain the relationship or why two factors correlate.

Kinsey Studies
The Kinsey studies (1953) were influential because of the nature of the questions that were asked as well as the extremely large (several thousand) number of participants who were involved in the research. The aim of the Kinsey studies was to uncover information about sexual behaviours such as what age they began, how often individuals engaged in sexual behaviours, and what types of behaviours did they engage in. It was found that the physiology of both sexes was quite similar, differing mainly in women's lesser sexual capacity. However, this study caused major uproar in the conservative times in which it was done, and disregarded effects of culture and learning on the results of their subject's behaviours.

Masters & Johnson
This study involved studying the physiological response to intercourse and proved the similarity of the sexual response between males and females, contradictory to what had been originally thought. Masters & Johnson (1966) suggested that due to the subjective responses each gender had to sexual intercourse, culture and learning played a significant role.

Relevance of these studies
Both of these studies are outdated and ungeneralisable as the participants included white, middle-class volunteers. However, these studies are important because they paved the way for future research to be done in which researchers could build on their results and fix their mistakes to find more relevant, updated, and accurate information about the sexual motivation, desires, and behaviours of individuals (Johnson, 1997)

Main Influential Factors Identified in Sexual Motivation
In earlier history, sexual motivation was considered to be an internalised 'program', installed into our minds and reflected in our culture, in which biological systems acted as the 'on switch' that the program required to run. Sociological theory in comparison to biological views of sexual desire and drive, was thought to be the only ideology that was able to explain the intricacy of individual everyday sexual motivation (Klusmann, 2006).

Now, as science develops and expands, it is clear that whilst the nature of this topic requires a deeper understanding and much more research, the cause is not so simplistic and in fact, comes from a number of sources that influence and interact with, as well as isolated from, each other (Reeve, 2009). The main ones identified are:
 * Neurological
 * Physiological
 * Cognitive
 * Socio-Cultural
 * Evolutionary
 * Humanistic
 * Psychoanalytic

Physiological
Hormones have shown to have an effect on sexual drive and motivation in both males and females. In lower animals, the sex drive, or "strength of one's motivation to engage in sexual behaviour" is directly the result of hormones (Coon & Mitterer, 2010), and as in humans, both sexes produce major hormones estrogens, progestin, and androgens; estrogen and progestin are produced at higher levels in females, and androgens in males. However, as one moves up the phylogenetic scale, many other elements become involved. Testosterone is associated with high sexual motivation and drive in males, as they increase physiological arousal. In fact, its strong influence on a high sex drive is evident in all research as women are never shown to have a higher, stronger sex drive than men (Baumeister, Catanese & Vohs, 2001). Women's sexual desire, however, is said to vary according to their menstrual cycle, which would indicate a clear evolutionary basis (Johnson, 1997). Sherwin, Gelfand & Brender completed a study with menopausal women, and women who had undergone a hysterectomy, which showed a clear increase in the intensity of sexual arousal and desire in participants due to the influence of androgens and therefore suggested that ovarian hormones dramatically influence female sexual desire. However, it has also been suggested that cognition plays a significant role in human sexual behaviour as the percieved pregnancy risk also influences specific sexual behaviours that individuals participate in. Hokanson (1969) states that hormones are the influence of sexual motivation, physiologically preparing one for sexual behaviour, but do not determine whether the individual behaves sexually. Furthermore, as stated by Wallen (2002), sexual behaviour is influenced by 3 main factors: hormonal state, social context, and cultural conventions.

Kaplan's 3-phase model is based on neurological mechanisms underlying the body's sexual desires and (dys)functioning. The first phase, the 'desire' phase, suggests that it is the brain system that is responsible for sexual drives and desires. The interaction of the limbic system and receptor cells, and the physiological system of electrical and chemical activity is what accounts for the sexual drive and desire in both males and females. What differs between genders is the sexual response they recieve.

Socio-Cultural
Many psychoanalyst's over time have attempted to modify Freud's neo-analytic theory in order to adapt it to modern sexual culture's and behaviours. It has been suggested that the sexual motivation of individual's begins to develop as infants when their main relationship is with their mother. By providing for the child's needs, individual's develop a strong connection to their mother which is reflected in their later life and percieved gender roles as adults (Choodorow, 1978). While women attempt to mimic the care their mother provided them with and often define themselves in relational terms, men tend to develop a masculinity, opposite to that of their mother. Similarly, their sexual motivations tend to develop at opposite spectrums, with the neo-analytic theory suggesting that while women value strong, romantic relationships with the other person, and their sexual motivation forms from the need to reproduce rather than to seek out pleasure, men are drive by the desire for a pleasurable experience rather than to reproduce or generate relational commitment (Chrisler & McCreary, (2010).

De Gaston, Weed & Jensen (1996) focused on gender differences in adolescent sexuality and from their research, proposed that differences in sexual motivation stems not from physiological factors, but behavioural, social and cognitive dynamics. Similarly to Chrisler & McCreary (2010), they believe this motivation branches from infancy and the intimacy of the individual's relationship with their mother. It is this relationship that has direct implications for both males and females sexual attitudes, motivations, behaviours and values as adults. Furthermore, the Gender Intensification Hypothesis proposed by Hill & Lynch (1983) believes that the behaviours displayed between mother and child is reflected in the adult's later life and their display of sexually-appropriate behaviours. The way women relate themselves to their mother's caring attitude and affection results in their seeking sexual relationships based on deep connection, whilst males tend to show a masculinity and are motivated towards sexually pleasurable experiences.

Conclusion
This article focuses on some of the physiological and behavioural differences of males and females and their sexual motivations, but mostly tries to uncover the reason for these differences. And just as it is difficult to distinctly separate each factor that influences sexual motivation, it is difficult to find a clear cause for why humans, both male and female behave the way they do and what motivates them to do so. The best solution is to encompass each factor and distinguish how they interact and influence each other. It is important to remember however, that sexual motivation and response is an extremely individual process as each individual varies in their physical, mental, and emotion reactions and behaviours to sexual stimulation. {{Hide in print


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User talk:Siciliano Edivad

 Hello Siciliano Edivad, and welcome to Wikiversity! If you need help, feel free to visit my talk page, or contact us and ask questions. After you leave a comment on a talk page, remember to sign and date; it helps everyone follow the threads of the discussion. The signature icon in the edit window makes it simple. To get started, you may

 * Take a guided tour and learn to edit.
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And don't forget to explore Wikiversity with the links to your left. Be bold to contribute and to experiment with the sandbox or your userpage, and see you around Wikiversity! If you're a twitter user, please follow http://twitter.com/Wikiversity. --Ottava Rima (talk) 15:16, 4 November 2010 (UTC)

title: User talk:Siciliano Edivad


text:
User:S.emp/Week 12, tutoral 5

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 * style="background-color: #ffffaa; border: 1px solid #777777; -moz-border-radius-topleft: 8px; -moz-border-radius-bottomleft: 8px; -moz-border-radius-topright: 8px; -moz-border-radius-bottomright: 8px;" colspan="2" |

=Week 12, tutorial 5=

Today’s tutorial was short and sweet. The tutorial consisted of James answering any last questions about our text-book chapter, we did a quick quiz and the highlight of the class was the sensation seeking scale. I found this really fun and when everyone figured out how the marking system worked (it was a little confusing), it created a really good discussion point for the class.

Questions raised:
 * Is age a factor in sensation seeking?
 * Does a person become less sensation seeking with age?
 * Does a person’s gender make a difference?

In my opinion I think that age and personal experience does play a factor in sensation seeking. For example, when I was younger I was boogie boarding and I got the rope that was connecting my wrist to the board rapped around my neck, for a long time I was cautious in the water and would not have dreamed of doing sensation seeking things in the water such as scuba diving. However, now I really enjoy the water and one thing I cannot wait to do is scuba diving.

I also believe that a person is more likely to become less sensation seeking with age. A really good point that was made in class is that if you have children for example, you become more cautious and therefore, less sensation seeking.

I am not really sure if gender makes a difference. According to Reeve (2009) males are a little bit more sensation seeking than females. I would be interested to read more into the topic to gain more insight.

Does anyone have any opinions in regards to the questions that my tutorial class raised?

In regards to the sensation seeking scale when everyone had completed it, we were asked to put our scores on the board. There were four categories: boredom susceptibility, disinhibition, experience seeking and thrill and adventure seeking. Below is my classes scores in regards to the scale. Overall, I got 29 out of 40 in regards to sensation seeking. As we did not discuss everyone’s overall score in class, I would be interested to know what other people’s overall scores are.

Below are 4 diagrams that i created illistrating the classes scores in regards to boredom susceptibility, disinhibition, experience seeking and thrill and adventure seeking.

Graph illistrating my tutorial's results for boredom susceptibility.

Graph illistrating my tutorial's results for disinhibition.

Graph illistrating my tutorial results for experience seeking.

Graph illistrating my tutorial results for trill and adventure seeking.

title: User:S.emp/Week 12, tutoral 5


text: User:Ha98574/Railroad/Korea/Gaya Line

title: User:Ha98574/Railroad/Korea/Gaya Line


text: User:Ha98574/Railroad/Korea/Gaya Line/Template


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Numerical Analysis/Lagrange example

We'll find the interpolating polynomial passing through the points $$ (1,-6)$$, $$(2,2)$$, $$(4,12)$$, using the Lagrange method.

We first use the formula to write the following:

$$ p(x) = -6\frac{(x-2)}{(1-2)}\frac{(x-4)}{(1-4)} + 2\frac{(x-1)}{(2-1)}\frac{(x-4)}{(2-4)} + 12\frac{(x-1)}{(4-1)}\frac{(x-2)}{(4-2)}$$

After some simplification, we get:

$$ p(x) = -2(x-2)(x-4) - 1(x-1)(x-4) + 2(x-1)(x-2)$$

$$ p(x) = -2(x^{2} -6x +8) -1(x^{2} -5x +4) +2(x^{2}-3x +2)$$

And our answer:

$$ p(x) = -x^{2} +11x -16$$.

Adding a point
Now we'll add a point to our data set, and find a new interpolating polynomial. Let us add the point $$(3,-10)$$ to our set. Starting over with the Lagrange formula, we write:

$$ p(x) = -6\frac{(x-2)}{(1-2)}\frac{(x-4)}{(1-4)}\frac{(x-3)}{(1-3)} + 2\frac{(x-1)}{(2-1)}\frac{(x-4)}{(2-4)}\frac{(x-3)}{(2-3)} + 12\frac{(x-1)}{(4-1)}\frac{(x-2)}{(4-2)}\frac{(x-3)}{(4-3)} - 10\frac{(x-1)}{(3-1)}\frac{(x-2)}{(3-2)}\frac{(x-4)}{(3-4)}$$

Simplifying, we get:

$$ p(x) = (x-2)(x-4)(x-3) + (x-1)(x-4)(x-3) +2(x-1)(x-2)(x-3) + 5(x-1)(x-2)(x-4) $$

$$ p(x) = (x^{3} - 9x^{2} + 26x -24) + (x^{3} - 8x^{2} + 19x -12) + 2(x^{3} -6x^{2} + 11x -6) + 5(x^{3} -7x^{2} +14x -8)$$

And our polynomial is:

$$ p(x) = 9x^{3} -64x^{2} + 137x -88 $$.

title: Numerical Analysis/Lagrange example


text:
Numerical Analysis/Lagrange exercise

Find the interpolating polynomial passing through the points $$ (1,2)$$, $$(3,4)$$, $$(5,6)$$, $$(7,8)$$, using the Lagrange method. Solution: By using the Lagrange method, we need to find the lagrange basis polynominals first.Since we know

\begin{align} x_0 & = 1 & & & & & f(x_0) & =2 \\ x_1 & = 3 & & & & & f(x_1) & =4 \\ x_2 & = 5 & & & & & f(x_2) & =6 \\ x_3 & = 7 & & & & & f(x_3) & =8. \end{align} $$

So we can get the basis polynominals as following:

 * $$\ell_0(x)={x - x_1 \over x_0 - x_1}\cdot{x - x_2 \over x_0 - x_2}\cdot{x - x_3 \over x_0 - x_3}

=-{1\over 48}(x-3)(x-5)(x-7)$$

 * $$\ell_1(x)={x - x_0 \over x_1 - x_0}\cdot{x - x_2 \over x_1 - x_2}\cdot{x - x_3 \over x_1 - x_3}

={1\over 16}(x-1)(x-5)(x-7)$$

 * $$\ell_2(x)={x - x_0 \over x_2 - x_0}\cdot{x - x_1 \over x_2 - x_1}\cdot{x - x_3 \over x_2 - x_3}

=-{1\over 16}(x-1)(x-3)(x-7)$$

 * $$\ell_3(x)={x - x_0 \over x_3 - x_0}\cdot{x - x_1 \over x_3 - x_1}\cdot{x - x_2 \over x_3 - x_2}

={1\over 48}(x-1)(x-3)(x-5).$$

Thus the interpolating polynomial then is:

 * $$\begin{align}

L(x)&=f(x_0)\ell_0(x)+f(x_1)\ell_1(x)+f(x_2)\ell_2(x)+f(x_3)\ell_3(x)\\[10pt] &=2\cdot{1\over 16}(x-1)(x-5)(x-7)+4\cdot{-1\over 16}(x-1)(x-3)(x-7)+6\cdot{-1\over 16}(x-1)(x-3)(x-7)+8\cdot{1\over 48}(x-1)(x-3)(x-5)\\[10pt] &= \frac{5}{12}x^{3} - \frac{65}{12}x^{2} + \frac{247}{12}x - \frac{163}{12}. \end{align}$$

Therefore, we get the Lagrange form interpolating polynomial:

$$L(x) = \frac{5}{12}x^{3} - \frac{65}{12}x^{2} + \frac{247}{12}x - \frac{163}{12}. $$

title: Numerical Analysis/Lagrange exercise


text:
User talk:Stchrist~enwikiversity

 Hello Stchrist, and welcome to Wikiversity! If you need help, feel free to visit my talk page, or contact us and ask questions. After you leave a comment on a talk page, remember to sign and date; it helps everyone follow the threads of the discussion. The signature icon in the edit window makes it simple. To get started, you may

 * Take a guided tour and learn to edit.
 * Visit a (kind of) random project.
 * Browse Wikiversity, or visit a portal corresponding to your educational level: pre-school, primary, secondary, tertiary, non-formal education.
 * Find out about research activities on Wikiversity.

 * Read an introduction for teachers and find out how to write an educational resource for Wikiversity.
 * Give feedback about your initial observations
 * Discuss Wikiversity issues or ask questions at the colloquium.
 * Chat with other Wikiversitans on #wikiversity-en.

And don't forget to explore Wikiversity with the links to your left. Be bold to contribute and to experiment with the sandbox or your userpage, and see you around Wikiversity! If you're a twitter user, please follow http://twitter.com/Wikiversity. --Ottava Rima (talk) 19:21, 4 November 2010 (UTC)

Your account will be renamed
Hello,

The developer team at Wikimedia is making some changes to how accounts work, as part of our on-going efforts to provide new and better tools for our users like cross-wiki notifications. These changes will mean you have the same account name everywhere. This will let us give you new features that will help you edit and discuss better, and allow more flexible user permissions for tools. One of the side-effects of this is that user accounts will now have to be unique across all 900 Wikimedia wikis. See the announcement for more information.

Unfortunately, your account clashes with another account also called Stchrist. To make sure that both of you can use all Wikimedia projects in future, we have reserved the name Stchrist~enwikiversity that only you will have. If you like it, you don't have to do anything. If you do not like it, you can pick out a different name.

Your account will still work as before, and you will be credited for all your edits made so far, but you will have to use the new account name when you log in.

Sorry for the inconvenience.

Yours, Keegan Peterzell Community Liaison, Wikimedia Foundation 23:44, 17 March 2015 (UTC)

Renamed
 This account has been renamed as part of single-user login finalisation. If you own this account you can |log in using your previous username and password for more information. If you do not like this account's new name, you can choose your own using this form after logging in: . -- Keegan (WMF) (talk) 06:23, 19 April 2015 (UTC)

title: User talk:Stchrist~enwikiversity


text:
User talk:FrankyLeRoutier

Hello is me bye bye FrankyLeRoutier 19:31, 4 November 2010 (UTC)

Your blanking of another user's user space content
. You are very likely not User:White Fennec. So why did you appear on Wikiversity today, after almost two years of not editing here, to blank these user pages, calling it "maintenance," when it looks more like vandalism? Thanks. --Abd (discuss • contribs) 04:17, 6 July 2015 (UTC)
 * Bonjour ce compte est bloqué globalement Special:CentralAuth/White Fennec, l'usage est donc de supprimer les sous-pages du compte qui a été bloqué. Cordialement. FrankyLeRoutier (discuss • contribs) 06:07, 6 July 2015 (UTC)

 * [google translation:] Hello this account is globally blocked Special:CentralAuth/White Fennec, the use is to delete sub-pages of the account that was blocked. Regards.

Global accounts are not blocks, they are locks that prevent log-in. The user allegedly behind White Fennec is not globally locked or banned. White Fennec was first globally locked, then, within a couple of minutes, blocked on en.wiki with no edits there, and his only edits were here on Wikiversity. Had we been aware of the lock, we would have appealed it in 2011. That global lock blatantly violates global lock guidelines. However, it's beside the point, and not worth appealing at this time.

We do not delete content here because it was created by even a banned user. We will consider the content, whether or not it has possible educational use. In this case, those pages are proving very useful as part of a study of affair Boubaker.

You did not answer the question of why you acted now, four years later. What led you here?

Nor why you used a mild title, "maintenance," which might conceal what you were really doing. Further, you did the same thing on fr.wikiversity, with user pages of two users who are not blocked or banned. And you are revert warring there over this. Something about this is very important to you. What is it?

We pay special attention to edits of user pages not by the user. In this case, I moved the pages into mainspace as subpages of Boubaker Polynomials/Wikipedia/White Fennec and will be using them extensively. I believe that White Fennec would approve. I have "courtesy blanked" one of the pages, because of the "hot" content. Yet it's an important page. Courtesy blanking does not leave a blank page, which might then ultimately be deleted just on that basis. It is vandalism, unless by the author.

This affair has led to massive disruption, actions and reactions. It is time that this stop. Please follow policies and guidelines. If you believe a page should be deleted, there are speedy deletion templates, and if that is contested (these would be), there is WV:RFD. There is already an active deletion request on the Boubaker Polynomials resource. It is going nowhere, for obvious reasons. --Abd (discuss • contribs) 20:26, 6 July 2015 (UTC)

title: User talk:FrankyLeRoutier


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User:1LGsEducation

Wiki Web Design Lessons

title: User:1LGsEducation


text:
Ideas in Geometry/Instructive examples/Finding a Midset (21 from 1.3)

1.3 #21 Find the City Geometry midset of (-2,2) and (2,2).

To begin, first plot the two points on a grid.

A (-2,2) B(2,2)

Now that the points are plotted, you need to find the midset. A midset is a set of points that are equal distance away from two points. So, you need to find all the points that are the same distance from both A and B.

In the picture above all of the points labeled are equal distance away from A and B. 2 units to the right of A and 2 units to the left of B end up at the same point so this is part of the midset. To get to the points directly above and below this point, it is 3 units from both A and B. The picture also points that are 4, 5, and 6 units away from both A and B. All of these points are in the midset.

If you look closely at the points in the midset, all of the points are part of a line that bisects the line segment AB (divides it in two equal sections). They all have an x value of 0. Thus, any point that falls on this bisecting line is part of the midset. So, the midset of (-2,2) and (2,2) is a vertical line extending infinitely that bisects AB.

The blue line represents the midset.

Rachel89 21:23, 24 October 2010 (UTC)


title: File:Fractions119.jpg


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Northern Arizona University/Environmental Ethics/Journals/Reid's Journal

Week 1 Entry 1 Leopold’s theory about the evolution of ethics is surprisingly insightful, considering its simplicity. From what I have seen from skimming through upcoming readings, this quality applies to most, if not all of Leopold’s work. It is nice to see that despite his ecological education and career, his practicality is more of a philosophical sort than an economic or scientific one. I can see how this approach would be refreshing, insightful, and revolutionary during the time of its writing, considering the impact it still has on students like myself and others outside of the university setting that find inspiration in his work. The evolution of ethics, it appears to me, is a dependent and consequential series of events. It is dependent on, and consequence of, the evolution of intelligence. Without intelligence, we would not have social communities. Without social communities, all but the most primitive form of ethics would exist. Intelligence, and its resulting efficiency and influence, are the defining characteristics of our species. The implications, both positive and negative, are far reaching. Concepts like love, trust, and peace, contribute to our sense of meaning, purpose, and beauty in the world. Meanwhile, our collective pursuit of these ideals (and attempt to escape other concepts like hunger, pain, and poverty) has been manifested at a great price. Ultimately, the idea of evolution in ethics must not be considered independently of the evolution of human intelligence. Perhaps this is Leopold’s purpose, to connect the dots between intelligence and ethics, as if to say that irresponsible intelligence may not be the smartest ultimate cultural goal. Rather, it is the ultimate evolutionary experiment, and whether it proves to be beneficially or catastrophically successful, the experiment is occurring on a grand scale. If ethics are to be the answer to our parasitic relationship to the land, they must do so as a driving force of our collective intellect, not an independent pursuit for the sake of a soothed cultural conscience.

Week 2 Entry 2

This has been an interesting transition from the “Land Ethic” into the early months of Leopold’s journal entries. The skunk, mouse, and hawk from January introduce an interesting question about the inherent purpose in nature. The manner in which it is done is, however, seems to me to be nearer to the heart of the issue. The fact that Leopold does see worth in nature, independent of its human contributor, is clear. It is his tendency to anthropomorphize, however, presents a potential contradiction. How, if the value of nature is inherent, does Leopold justify describing it in such human terms? The mouse, grieving over his ruined tunnels in Leopold’s eyes, could not possibly demonstrate such a human quality as grief in a biological sense, much less a deep, ecological one. Perhaps the answer lies in Leopold’s concept of the community. Just like giving something a name makes it more familiar to us, giving something human qualities makes it more human. If this is true, the evolution of ethics becomes much more feasible. The same line of thought could be behind his use of poetic language. If Leopold is able to get his audience to associate nature with art, the logical transition to accepting art as nature is not far behind. These concepts would go a long way in undoing our established notions of property and value, which have had deleterious impacts on the land and our relationship with it. John Locke, whose writings inspired a young nation of idealists, put forth a notion of property that argues that ownership is transferred once labor has been put into effect. This practice promotes the subjugation and economic manipulation of the land. The same can be said of Adam Smith’s definition of the value of goods, which he describes as being derived from their appearance in a market setting. Anthropomorphism is certainly one approach to establishing the accountability that has been missing from our cultural notions of property, ownership, and value. It could also, however, put into place a foundation that proves, in the long run, to be just as harmful to ecological conservation. Leopold’s argument for the inherent value in nature, when viewed in conjunction with his anthropomorphic tendencies, seems to be built upon shaky foundations. Perhaps a resolution will present itself as I continue to read.

Week 3 Entry 3 I am interested to apply Leopold’s test from the opening pages of “July” on myself. His challenge (“that by knowing what plant-birthday a man notices, he could “tell you a good deal about his vocation, his hobbies, his hay fever, and the general level of his ecological education”), seems at risk of being overly ambitious. Each year, I notice the forsythia first simply because it is the first to bloom. It does so in spectacular fashion, with showy yellow flowers. Irises are next in the succession, and do so with all the grace that spindly forsythia couldn’t muster. Throughout the season, I appreciate all of the plants that bloom, but none with the same intensity as forsythia until the sumac begins to turn red. Sumac is often the first plant to admit defeat in fall, deciding not to battle on like the stubborn and defensive barberry. This focus on seasonal indicator species might suggest that I have a seasonally affected life. In my case, both the emotional and vocational implications of this statement are to some degree true. Having worked at Warner’s nursery for the extent of my time in Flagstaff, I see forsythia and iris as indicators for another season of work, and sumac as harbinger of unemployment and Ramen. As for revealing my hobbies, this knowledge also indicates at least enough interest to have cared about putting plant names with plant faces. Perhaps this evidence of interest can be followed to the conclusion that at least some of my hobbies occur outdoors, where it is possible to notice as hidden a thing as the newly risen Iris in a sea of pine needles. As far as hay fever goes, I suppose it can only be concluded that if I am indeed afflicted by allergies, it must be sufficiently mild as to not prod me towards another vocation. This is true, and actually the exposure seems to have done me good, since spring allergies torment me less and less each year. I hope that, taken as a whole, this test shows hope for my ecological education. Although it has arisen, in some part, from commercial motivations, I would argue that it was an interest in plants that drew me to this form of commerce, not an interest in commerce that blossomed into an appreciation for the local landscape. I believe that it has much potential for growth, and I would hope that Leopold could see and cultivate that.

Week 4 (No entry)

Week 5 Entry 4

“It was while feeling sad to think that I was only walking on the edge of the vast wood, that I caught sight of the first palmetto in a grassy place, standing almost alone. A few magnolias were near it, and bald cypresses, but it was not shaded by them. They tell us that plants are perishable, soulless creatures, that only man is immortal, etc.; but this, I think, is something that we know very nearly nothing about. Anyhow, this palm was indescribably impressive and told me grander things than I ever got from human priest.”

Other than his direct narration in “The Land Ethic”, A Sand County Almanac is a very subtle work. Leopold was able to insert dense and persuasive meaning into his sparse prose in a way invites the reader to pick up the book again and again, knowing that a unique significance will present itself each time. With Muir, however, this meaning is extrapolated into more solid and tangible thoughts, and told in the style of a master storyteller. His argument is clear; religion, as it is presented to us, is an incomplete (and in some part invented) social institution, and nothing more. This, it is worth noting, is distinctly different from an attack on the principles of religion. Instead, the “human priest[s]” are the targets of Muir’s reproach, specifically their presumptive knowledge about the nature of divinity.

“Many good people believe that alligators were created by the Devil, thus accounting for their all-consuming appetite and ugliness. But doubtless these creatures are happy and fill the place assigned them by the great Creator of us all. Fierce and cruel they appear to us, but beautiful in the eyes of God. They, also, are his children, for He hears their cries, cares for them tenderly, and provides their daily bread.”

Here again, we see Muir’s argument for nature as proof of both divinity and the fallibility of man’s church. For Muir, God exists, but in a fundamentally different way then has been described to us by our fellow man. The god of religion has been moratlized, and by exposing this condition, Muir seeks to restore a simpler faith in true divinity. One effect of this change is a rearrangement of values as we excise the deification of ourselves from religion. Human values diminish in significance, and take their place in the mind’s of men with other, equally divine values. Like that of the alligator!

“Let a Christian hunter go to the Lord's woods and kill his well-kept beasts, or wild Indians, and it is well; but let an enterprising specimen of these proper, predestined victims go to houses and fields and kill the most worthless person of the vertical godlike killers, -- oh! that is horribly unorthodox, and on the part of the Indians atrocious murder! Well, I have precious little sympathy for the selfish propriety of civilized man, and if a war of races should occur between the wild beasts and Lord Man, I would be tempted to sympathize with the bears.” “...and if a war of races should occur between the wild beasts and Lord Man, I would be tempted to sympathize with the bears”! Muir really is ecocentric, or at least biocentric. And this is his battle cry. This shift represents an improvement on the anthropocentric tradition of organized religion, as well as the consequences this world view creates.

Week 8 Entry 5 I don’t think The Bean Fields is meant to convey the sense of disappointment that at first might seem apparent. Thoreau tells us that after several summers, he introduces a new variable into his experiment by attempting to grow productive crops “with less toil and manurance”. As he explains, these floral volunteers would only need sustain him, unlike “fair and salable crop[s]” such as beans and potatoes, for which profits would reflect a level of care. The results of the experiment are not encouraging at first glance. “Alas! I said this to myself; but now another summer is gone, and another, and another, and I am obliged to say to you, Reader, that the seeds which I planted, if indeed they were seeds of those virtues, were wormeaten or had lost their vitality, and so did not come up.” The first, and for me more immediate way to interpret this notice is to assume that we have just learned of Thoreau’s failure. His great test of human virtuosity, tainted by doubt, disillusion, and a soul as wild as the land. A more focused examination of this failure, however, reveals its success. By disproving that seeds, being representative of virtue, can grow independent of cultivation, he reinforces his purpose to be at Walden Pond in the first place. He has come specifically to live this purposefully, to tend the crops with such care and diligence. This failed experiment, then, implicates the necessity for the consistent development of character. It also suggests that the true importance of work is not to be found in its financial consequences. Like in Economy, we see that meeting the needs of the physical self does not necessarily satisfiy the spiritual self. Nor can the spiritual self be cultivated without a strong, existential connection to one’s reality. Maybe this was an experiment Thoreau had to fail, and did so knowlingly, if only to warn the rest of us. To quote Kings of Convenience, “Failure is always the best way to learn/retracing your steps til you know...”

Week 10 Entry 6 I finally understand. It wasn’t about being sad. I needed proof of my freedom, of the fact that there is nothing in life to which I am obligated. That I could scatter the paths of my future all around me. Now I realize that these paths all lead right back to me, and bridge the gap between a million mediocre futures and myself. As I let some of these paths return to the wilderness of chance they came from, it seems prudent to remember that the ones that remain will persist and multiply. There is no destination. I am where I am and each step should be chosen with care, lest I roll an ankle. Basically, I must not forget the lyrics of “All We Have Is Now” by The Flaming Lips.

Week 11 Entry 7

Like many Disney movies, Fantasia is extremely awesome. What a fantasitic concept, combining artists, their imagery, and music in such a unique and creative way! Watching it the other night, I realized that the clip we all remember from that movie, with Micky as the impetuous assistant of a powerful wizard, provides a nice metaphor for understanding ethical arguments about geoengineering. In this metaphor, Mickey represents us at the beginning of the Industrial Revolution. Still carrying buckets of water by hand, we glimpse potential in the power of magic and fantacize about using it to accomplish great things. What we have observed from the sorceror leads us to believe that we understand how to wield this magic. At the first available chance, we don the sorcerer’s hat and use our newfound power to establish convenience, relief from what we understand to be our obligations, limitations, and causes of suffering. Provided for by our magical creations, we have time to sleep and dream of the limitless and universal potential of our power. What rude awakening then, when we rise and discover that our single feeble attempt at magic has escaped our control, and is accomplishing its task with catastrophic efficiency.

This is us today. We have awakened from our industrial dream, but cannot stop what we have set into motion. As consequences accumulate and intensify, we look in our panic for something that can end the devastation. Geo-engineering, represented in this metaphor by Mickey’s axe, is the nearest option at hand. It is fast, relatively easy to use, and should provide instant results. And at first, it does. What we fail to understand, however, is the extent to which we don’t understand magic and its properties. The problem is transformed, and multiplied exponentially. Now, our manual efforts to bail water are entirely futile. Only the sorcerer can stem this flow and restore balance before Mickey drowns. Luckily for Mickey, he does. What does this mean for us, and for the argument about Geo-engineering that is beginning to dominate some scientific circles? Is the sorcerer God? Is faith really an ethical solution to the problems we have created?

I believe, in a Muirian sense, that the sorcerer is indeed God, or at least divinity. I also believe that, having just woken up, we must avoid using the axe. Instead, let us endeavor to awaken and alert the sorcerer, whose true and universal power of pursuing stability (i.e. negative feedback mechanisms) is our only hope of redemption. By renouncing magic, and redoubling the manual work of ensuring the survival of ourselves and our global habitat, we can survive. Certainly things have changed, and that one broom bringing buckets of water will remain an inconvenience, but it is one that can be tolerated. The danger now lies in our fear of the unknown, and the consequences of our frenzied attempts to restore a world that has been fundamentally changed.

Week 12 Entry 8

Most people pray for a quick and quiet death. I hope I am not one of those people. Instead, I only hope that I have time to savor a farewell to friends, family, acquaintances, strangers, and enemies; to sea and land, sky and fire, concrete and asphalt, and life; I want to wish mortality farewell in true mortal fashion, with the pains and joys of life in my mind and heart. If Emerson is right, all I will ever know afterwards is perfection. Infinity. All sadness, all glory, all at once. I will miss this mortal coil, which presents me with pieces of an infinite puzzle one at a time (and in a space). Constructing meaning in this manner is a beautiful process, and one that I will not be capable of missing when I return to pure being in the Oversoul. Until that time, I hope I can live in a manner that spurs me to remember that, in this life, “there is no screen or ceiling between our heads and the infinite heavens, so is there no bar or wall in the soul where man, the effect, ceases, and God, the cause, begins.”

Entry 9

From a journal kept while at the Whistling Duck Organic Farm (July-November 2007)

7/11/2007

Today was planting. One of those jobs that seems fun until you realize how much lies ahead of you. The blocks, which I so expertly prepared, are ready for planting. This means throwing each cube like a dart in 6, 8, or 12 inch increments, depending on the plant. Step two is burial, and finally, covering with a special fabric to keep out varmint. When we finished, I grabbed my book to sit outside the Airstream and unwind. Within two minutes, though, a storm of biblical proportions came out of absolutely nowhere. Crazy. Lightning every second, stinging rain, and wind strong enough to rock my poor little trailer. I couldn't even close the windows much because each one is inhabited by wasps. Pretty sketchy, I know, but we coexist peacefully so far. In fact, as sad as it sounds, the wasps inhabiting my trailer and the earwigs that I rescue from the tub we rinse salad in are my "pets". That may be changing soon, though. If I ever get a day off, I'm going to check out a local wolf sanctuary! Volenteers are welcome, from what I hear. Wolfs, wasps, and earwigs. Oh my. Anyway, journal time must end. The power is out and it's getting dark. That means bedtime when you live on a farm.

Entry 10

A poem I wrote upon leaving the Whistling Duck:

Where part 1 ends

part 2 begins

when the crop's been brought in

when the row has been gleaned

Oscarde weeps when I say goodbye

my eyes are dry

Mizuna bids me sayonara

New Red Fire, adeiu

Through translucent walls I see

all day rides

bucket seat nights

Don't worry I'm not alone

these yellowed pages make this home

These Escarole and beets

have been bitter and sweet

Whistling Duck, you were my home