text:
Talk:Smith Act

(formerly Talk:Alien Registration (Smith) Act)

Old comments
Wouldn't Alien Registration Act be the superior page title here? Page titles should encourage easy linking with a reasonable minimum of ambiguity for newbies. This case isn't particularly important, but the above is something to keep in mind in the future. I see you graciously provide redirects David -- most people don't. --maveric149

probably should be fixed

-- dml

has this law been repealed? if not, then why is the article phrased in the past tense? Vroman 23:41, 13 Feb 2004 (UTC)

 * I will have to research it, but I seem to recall it was ruled unconstitutional around 1960 or so. The other question I have is whether any Nazis were ever prosecuted under the Act, as the article suggests.

--MMcCallister 05:31, Nov 17, 2004 (UTC)

The law remains on the book as 18 U.S.C. 115. While never overturned, it is generally viewed as having been significantly weakened by Yates v. United States (holding that the mere advocacy of a the abstract principle of revolution is may not be criminalized), Scales v. United States (holding that "active" rather than "nominal" membership in a revolutionary political organization is necessary to sustain a conviction under this act) and Noto v. United States (reversing a Smith Act conviction where the evidence failed to prove that the advocacy of action was "broadly based"). According to Kathleen M. Sullivan and Gerald Gunther of Stanford, Scales was the last defendant convicted under the Smith Act, which would mean that, while never overturned, the act has not been effectively used since 1961. (See Sullivan & Gunther, Constitutional Law: 15th Edition Foundation Press, New York, 2004 pp. 1030-1.) --Dph 16:16, 6 Jan 2005 (UTC)

"The other question I have is whether any Nazis were ever prosecuted under the Act, as the article suggests." I doubt it because German-Americans would simply have been interned under the Alien Enemies Act, as were Japanese-Americans. There was no need even for a suspicion or pretext of treason under the Alien Enemies Act, you just went into the camp. The Red Scare/Smith Act were relatively soft compared to the Internment Act. I mean, McCarthy had to go through the trouble of fabricating evidence. Under FDR, they didn't even have to lie or frame you, they just imprisoned you. Also, the Nazis were nationalists. National Socialists were not into any kind of international conspiracy like Marxists. Nazis weren't interested in subverting foreign governments from within, they were only into the Fatherland. You saw Nazi conspirators/subversives in Austria but they were trying to reunite one Germany.Ten-K (talk) 08:39, 29 July 2010 (UTC)

Conspiracy
The biggie here, and hence my edit, is that the Smith Act (by far the better-known name IMO) made it illegal to conspire to advocate the violent overthrow of the government. Therefore you didn't have to try to do it, you didn't have even to advocate it openly, you just had to get together (personally, telephonically, or, presumably, even by mail) with those who desired to advocate it and not express any objection to their plan, making you a "conspirator". This essentially meant that you could be prosecuted for an idea, or listening to someone share an idea. That was the constitutional problem. However, I don't know if it was still under the Smith Act or not, but I remember all sorts of TV time being dedicated to "public service announcements" this time of year reminding all aliens that they had to go to the nearest Post Office and reregister each January, filling out the card and then returning to the postal clerk, not mailing it themselves. These ads ran into the late 1960s or early 1970s. (Perhaps those provisions were not overturned, or not overturned until later.) The early and mid 60's version featured a cartoon of a big hand grabbing a very sterotyped and degrading caricature of an alien, as I recall (obviously, I'm lots older than most Wikipedians). This was somewhat corrected and softened in later years, as I recall, making me think that alien registration went on into the 1970s. Rlquall 16:01, 11 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Article name
Smith Act is the better name as a) that is what it is more commonly known as and the way it is referred to in academic literature and b) it makes more sense to have Smith Act listed on Category pages than Alien Registration Act as the title of the act actually obscures its principal impact, ie as a piece of anti-sedition legislation. Those looking on the category pages are more likely to be familiar with the Smith Act as a concept than the Alien Registration Act. AndyL 00:09, 19 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Who removed the names?
Who removed the names of some of the defendants at the Great Sedition Trial? What was the reasoning behind this? KNewman 03:51, Dec 22, 2004 (UTC)

Must have happened by accident when the article was moved. I'll put them back in. AndyL 08:26, 22 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Illegal to do what?
If I am reading that correctly, doesn't it say that it's illegal to advocate the overthrowing of the government of the US.. or ANY STATE? Wait a minute, don't US politicians do this regularly? A recent example is the government of saddam hussein in Iraq. Is there some kind of legal loophole in the act that provides a way of legally advocating the overthrow in the case of 'rogue states'? 26 May 2005

Wait a minute. It ONLY means to nail commie pink's and to stop them from from subverting the union!. Look at the sympathetic commie here!! And no, just to bust evil pink's who ty to overthrow the government! (68.227.211.175 22:18, 21 January 2006 (UTC))

 * The wording implies, by association, that the State is a member of the United States and ought to be read as follows: "...of overthrowing the Government of the United States or [Government] of any State..."  I think that the spirit of the act also did not account for the US Government's actions against other nations.  Zaulus 09:05, 14 July 2005 (UTC)

Howard Smith = Right Wing Legislator?
Seems POV to me. Since Smith was a Democrat, further substantiation is required to identify him as a "right wing legislator." However, since the terms "right wing" and "left wing" are so arbitrary, why not remove the phrase altogether?

I agree also, its POV.

68.126.232.191 09:57, 13 February 2006 (UTC)

Isn't this against the indy declaration othe consitution?
Doesn't the declaration of independence or the us constitution explicitly state that people have the unalienable right and duty to overthrow the gov't when it has become oppressive?

No you moron!! But we do have the right to stop left-wing commie pinkos! A duty to overthrow the gov't?!! LMAO!! (68.227.211.175 22:18, 21 January 2006 (UTC))

Your satirical "left-wing commie pinkos" comment trivializes the nearly 100 million killed by Stalin and Mao in the name of equality. Moreover, the Declaration indeed states that the people have a right and duty to overthrow an oppressive government. 1 January 2007

 * "This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing Government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it."
 * Abraham Lincoln - First Inaugural Address (4 March 1861)
 * Too Old 11:44, 21 September 2007 (UTC)

FDR?
"Prosecutions continued until a string of decisions by the United States Supreme Court, which counted among its membership at the time FDR nominees Justices Felix Frankfurter, Hugo Black, and William O. Douglas, threw out numerous convictions under the Smith Act as unconstitutional."

The text "FDR nominees" is very misleading. It attributes the recasting of the Smith Act to FDR's judicial appointees. That's very false: Eisenhower appointees made the difference. First, Frankfurter joined with the majority in the godawful Dennis convictions, so he's a hardly a hero (though he did join the majority in Yates). FDR appointee Jackson also upheld Smith Act convictions in Dennis. Secondly, Black and Douglas were on the court in Dennis, so their presence was not decisive. It was Republican Eisenhower appointees, Earl Warren and Harlan, who swung the balance away from Dennis. Harlan wrote Yates. Eisenhower appointee Brennan did not participate in Yates, probably because of a conflict, but the liberal Brennan surely would have supported the Yates reversal. Warren, Harlan, Brennan -- all appointed by Eisenhower -- that's the milestone in ending the Red Scare at the Supreme Court level.

The Dennis convicts were targeted by Democrat President Truman. In fact, the biggest reason Frankfurter upheld the Dennis convictions was deference to Truman's authority. Truman appointed CJ Vinson, who authored Dennis. Truman was more militantly anti-Communist than Eisenhower. Both The Korean and Viet Nam wars (both started by Democrats) implement the belligerent anti-Communist Truman Doctrine. Ike ended Korea and predicted that U.S. intervention in Viet Nam would be 'the worst tragedy he could imagine.' It may be that Eisenhower's moderated belligerency shifted the Red Scare climate enough that Yates was possible. Truman was worse than McCarthy. McCarthy was looking for Soviet spies. Truman jailed Dennis just for teaching Marxism.

I'm going to remove that 'FDR nominees' text. It's virtually a lie. How can you credit FDR's Black and Douglas, yet not credit Eisenhower's Warren and Harlan? Sorry, but that's just ignorant partisanship. If you happen to be a radical, and you think Democrats will be any less brutally repressive than Republicans if a new war breaks out, I'm sorry but you're on dope. Japanese Internment:FDR. Dennis:Truman. COINTELPRO:LBJ. Why do you think the Smith Act is still on the books? Ten-K (talk) 08:24, 29 July 2010 (UTC) —Preceding unsigned comment added by Ten-K (talk • contribs) 08:18, 29 July 2010 (UTC)

Smith Act wholly wrong - in a democracy everyone has the right to conspire to overthrow Government...
The Smith Act was wholly wrong and blatantly unconstitutional. It is ridiculous now, and very tragic, in hindsight, to realise now, how very stupid all those prosecuted under the Smith Act were, and all those accused and punished for being communist, throughout the period of the hysterical Senator McCarthy communist witch hunts in America, who didn't know how to protect themselves. Brought before the Courts and the various tribunals that went on during this period many of those accused pleaded the fifth ammendment; asserting they did not wish to incriminate themselves. Far better, had they only know their true rights living in a democracy, they ought to have proudly asserted that they were communist; and, being, "Weary of Government" they sought to overthrow it.

They ought to have claimed their right to conspire to 'overthrow government' asserting the precedent created by Abraham Lincoln. President Abraham Lincoln in his First Inaugural Address said this:

"When the People shall grow weary of Government they may exercise their democratic right to ammend it or their revolutionary right to overthrow it."

Everyone subjected to the tyranny of the US Justice System during this communist witch-hunting period of the US ought to have quoted this as their defence; and, they should have challenged the rotten legal system; to justify where they refute the 'father of American democracy' for what he had said. If only Ethel and Julius Rosenberg instead of pleading the fifth, had asserted their right as expressed by President Abraham Lincoln; and the American People had properly understood that, they might not have been executed at all. They had the right to be communist and they had the right to conspire against government; if they were "Weary of Government, as President Abraham Lincoln said. GJS 91.104.124.15 (talk) 12:05, 9 November 2010 (UTC)

Post-9/11 use?
I came here from this page:

U.S._government_response_to_the_September_11_attacks

Because of this quote: ''Following the attacks, 80,000 Arab and Muslim immigrants were fingerprinted and registered under the Alien Registration Act of 1940. 8,000 Arab and Muslim men were interviewed, and 5,000 foreign nationals were detained under Joint Congressional Resolution 107-40 authorizing the use of military force "to deter and prevent acts of international terrorism against the United States."[9]''

But there is nothing here about this. Is the above not correct? 209.152.45.35 (talk) 00:12, 13 July 2012 (UTC)

 * That material was unsourced. I've expanded it with citations. Nothing to do with the Smith Act. See also: National Security Entry-Exit Registration System. Bmclaughlin9 (talk) 19:40, 13 July 2012 (UTC)

Crusader White Shirts?
It would be nice to have an explanation what that is, beyond apparently nazi. 130.149.205.108 (talk) 14:42, 19 January 2014 (UTC)

Current status?
The article is in the present tense, does this mean that the Act is still current? If it's been repelled then it should be mentioned here. Same thing if its provisions are still part of the US code though no longer applied.

Also it's hard to believe that a law that limits political speech in such a broad way was never challenged in court, yet there's no mention of a court case in this article. 207.45.249.149 (talk) 11:40, 21 July 2014 (UTC)

Info box problem
Since "The Senate did not take a recorded vote," the template mangles the legislative history "and by the on ." There's probably an easy fix, but in a half-hour of searching through help, templates. . . and an attempt at manual removal, I didn't find it. KVWS (talk) 15:23, 31 October 2014 (UTC)

title: Talk:Smith Act


text:
Taft–Hartley Act

The Labor Management Relations Act of 1947, better known as the Taft–Hartley Act, is a United States federal law that restricts the activities and power of labor unions. It was enacted by the 80th United States Congress over the veto of President Harry S. Truman, becoming law on June 23, 1947.

Taft–Hartley was introduced in the aftermath of a major strike wave in 1945 and 1946. Though it was enacted by the Republican-controlled 80th Congress, the law received significant support from congressional Democrats, many of whom joined with their Republican colleagues in voting to override Truman's veto. The act continued to generate opposition after Truman left office, but it remains in effect.

The Taft–Hartley Act amended the 1935 National Labor Relations Act (NLRA), adding new restrictions on union actions and designating new union-specific unfair labor practices. Among the practices prohibited by the Taft–Hartley act are jurisdictional strikes, wildcat strikes, solidarity or political strikes, secondary boycotts, secondary and mass picketing, closed shops, and monetary donations by unions to federal political campaigns. The amendments also allowed states to enact right-to-work laws banning union shops. Enacted during the early stages of the Cold War, the law required union officers to sign non-communist affidavits with the government.

Background
In 1945 and 1946, an unprecedented wave of major strikes affected the United States; by February 1946, nearly 2 million workers were engaged in strikes or other labor disputes. Organized labor had largely refrained from striking during World War II, but with the end of the war, labor leaders were eager to share in the gains from a postwar economic resurgence.

The 1946 mid-term elections left Republicans in control of Congress for the first time since the early 1930s. Many of the newly elected congressmen were strongly conservative and sought to overturn or roll back New Deal legislation such as the National Labor Relations Act of 1935, which had established the right of workers to join unions, bargain collectively, and engage in strikes. Republican Senator Robert A. Taft and Republican Congressman Fred A. Hartley Jr. each introduced measures to curtail the power of unions and prevent strikes. Taft's bill passed the Senate by a 68-to-24 majority, but some of its original provisions were removed by moderates, like Republican Senator Wayne Morse. Meanwhile, the stronger Hartley bill garnered a 308-to-107 majority in the House of Representatives. The Taft–Hartley bill that emerged from a conference committee incorporated aspects from both the House and Senate bills. The bill was promoted by large business lobbies, including the National Association of Manufacturers. After spending several days considering how to respond to the bill, President Truman vetoed Taft–Hartley with a strong message to Congress, calling the act a "dangerous intrusion on free speech." Labor leaders, meanwhile, derided the act as a "slave-labor bill." Despite Truman's all-out effort to prevent a veto override, Congress overrode his veto with considerable Democratic support, including 106 out of 177 Democrats in the House, and 20 out of 42 Democrats in the Senate.

Effects of the act
As stated in Section 1, the purpose of the NLRA is: "[T]o promote the full flow of commerce, to prescribe the legitimate rights of both employees and employers in their relations affecting commerce, to provide orderly and peaceful procedures for preventing the interference by either with the legitimate rights of the other, to protect the rights of individual employees in their relations with labor organizations whose activities affect commerce, to define and proscribe practices on the part of labor and management which affect commerce and are inimical to the general welfare, and to protect the rights of the public in connection with labor disputes affecting commerce."

The amendments enacted in Taft–Hartley added a list of prohibited actions, or unfair labor practices, on the part of unions to the NLRA, which had previously only prohibited unfair labor practices committed by employers. The Taft–Hartley Act prohibited jurisdictional strikes, wildcat strikes, solidarity or political strikes, secondary boycotts, secondary and mass picketing, closed shops, and monetary donations by unions to federal political campaigns. It also required union officers to sign non-communist affidavits with the government. Union shops were heavily restricted, and states were allowed to pass right-to-work laws that ban agency fees. Furthermore, the executive branch of the federal government could obtain legal strikebreaking injunctions if an impending or current strike imperiled the national health or safety.

Jurisdictional strikes
In jurisdictional strikes, outlawed by Taft–Hartley, a union strikes in order to assign particular work to the employees it represents. Secondary boycotts and common situs picketing, also outlawed by the act, are actions in which unions picket, strike, or refuse to handle the goods of a business with which they have no primary dispute but which is associated with a targeted business. A later statute, the Labor Management Reporting and Disclosure Act, passed in 1959, tightened these restrictions on secondary boycotts still further.

Campaign expenditures
According to First Amendment scholar Floyd Abrams, the Act "was the first law barring unions and corporations from making independent expenditures in support of or [in] opposition to federal candidates".

Closed shops
The law outlawed closed shops which were contractual agreements that required an employer to hire only labor union members. Union shops, still permitted, require new recruits to join the union within a certain amount of time. The National Labor Relations Board and the courts have added other restrictions on the power of unions to enforce union security clauses and have required them to make extensive financial disclosures to all members as part of their duty of fair representation. On the other hand, Congress repealed the provisions requiring a vote by workers to authorize a union shop a few years after the passage of the Act when it became apparent that workers were approving them in virtually every case.

Union security clauses
The amendments also authorized individual states to outlaw union security clauses (such as the union shop) entirely in their jurisdictions by passing right-to-work laws. A right-to-work law, under Section 14B of Taft–Hartley, prevents unions from negotiating contracts or legally binding documents requiring companies to fire workers who refuse to join the union. Currently all of the states in the Deep South and a number of states in the Midwest, Great Plains, and Rocky Mountains regions have right-to-work laws (with six states—Alabama, Arizona, Arkansas, Florida, Mississippi, and Oklahoma—going one step further and enshrining right-to-work laws in their states' constitutions).

Strikes
The amendments required unions and employers to give 80 days' notice to each other and to certain state and federal mediation bodies before they may undertake strikes or other forms of economic action in pursuit of a new collective bargaining agreement; it did not, on the other hand, impose any "cooling-off period" after a contract expired. The Act also authorized the President to intervene in strikes or potential strikes that create a national emergency, a reaction to the national coal miners' strikes called by the United Mine Workers of America in the 1940s. Presidents have used that power less and less frequently in each succeeding decade. President George W. Bush invoked the law in connection with the employer lockout of the International Longshore and Warehouse Union during negotiations with West Coast shipping and stevedoring companies in 2002.

The Act also prohibited federal employees from striking.

Anti-communism
The amendments required union leaders to file affidavits with the United States Department of Labor declaring that they were not supporters of the Communist Party and had no relationship with any organization seeking the "overthrow of the United States government by force or by any illegal or unconstitutional means" as a condition to participating in NLRB proceedings. Just over a year after Taft–Hartley passed, 81,000 union officers from nearly 120 unions had filed the required affidavits. This provision was at first upheld in the 1950 Supreme Court decision American Communications Ass'n v. Douds, but in 1965, the Supreme Court held that this provision was an unconstitutional bill of attainder.

Treatment of supervisors
The amendments expressly excluded supervisors from coverage under the act, and allowed employers to terminate supervisors engaging in union activities or those not supporting the employer's stance. The amendments maintained coverage under the act for professional employees, but provided for special procedures before they may be included in the same bargaining unit as non-professional employees.

Right of employer to oppose unions
The Act revised the Wagner Act's requirement of employer neutrality, to allow employers to deliver anti-union messages in the workplace. These changes confirmed an earlier Supreme Court ruling that employers have a constitutional right to express their opposition to unions, so long as they did not threaten employees with reprisals for their union activities nor offer any incentives to employees as an alternative to unionizing. The amendments also gave employers the right to file a petition asking the Board to determine if a union represents a majority of its employees, and allow employees to petition either to decertify their union, or to invalidate the union security provisions of any existing collective bargaining agreement.

National Labor Relations Board
The amendments gave the General Counsel of the National Labor Relations Board discretionary power to seek injunctions against either employers or unions that violated the Act. The law made pursuit of such injunctions mandatory, rather than discretionary, in the case of secondary boycotts by unions. The amendments also established the General Counsel’s autonomy within the administrative framework of the NLRB. Congress also gave employers the right to sue unions for damages caused by a secondary boycott, but gave the General Counsel exclusive power to seek injunctive relief against such activities.

Federal jurisdiction
The act provided for federal court jurisdiction to enforce collective bargaining agreements. Although Congress passed this section to empower federal courts to hold unions liable in damages for strikes violating a no-strike clause, this part of the act has instead served as the springboard for creation of a "federal common law" of collective bargaining agreements, which favored arbitration over litigation or strikes as the preferred means of resolving labor disputes.

Conciliation Service
The United States Conciliation Service, which had provided mediation for labor disputes as part of Department of Labor, was removed from that department and reconstituted as an independent agency, the Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service (United States). This was done in part because industry forces thought the existing service had been too "partial" to labor.

Other
The Congress that passed the Taft–Hartley Amendments considered repealing the Norris–La Guardia Act to the extent necessary to permit courts to issue injunctions against strikes violating a no-strike clause, but chose not to do so. The Supreme Court nonetheless held several decades later that the act implicitly gave the courts the power to enjoin such strikes over subjects that would be subject to final and binding arbitration under a collective bargaining agreement.

Finally, the act imposed a number of procedural and substantive standards that unions and employers must meet before they may use employer funds to provide pensions and other employee benefit to unionized employees. Congress has since passed more extensive protections for workers and employee benefit plans as part of the Employee Retirement Income Security Act ("ERISA").

Aftermath
Union leaders in the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) vigorously campaigned for Truman in the 1948 election based upon a (never fulfilled) promise to repeal Taft–Hartley. Truman won, but a union-backed effort in Ohio to defeat Taft in 1950 failed in what one author described as "a shattering demonstration of labor's political weaknesses". Despite his opposition to the law, Truman relied upon it in twelve instances during his presidency.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Taft–Hartley Act


text:
National Security Act

National Security Act may refer to:
 * National Security Act (India), law to provide for preventive detention
 * National Security Act (South Korea), regarding seditious activities
 * National Security Act of 1947, a United States law that established the Central Intelligence Agency
 * National Security Act 2017 (Canada)
 * National Security Act 2023, a UK act strengthening laws against espionage, political interference, sabotage, and assassination

title: National Security Act


text:
Mutual Security Act

The Mutual Security Act of 1951 launched a major American foreign aid program, 1951–61, of grants to numerous countries. It largely replaced the Marshall Plan. The main goal was to help underdeveloped US-allied countries develop and to contain the spread of communism. It was signed on October 10, 1951, by President Harry S. Truman. Annual authorizations were about $7.5 billion ($ today), out of a GDP of $340bn in 1951, for military, economic, and technical foreign aid to American allies. The aid was aimed primarily at shoring up Western Europe, as the Cold War developed. In 1961 it was replaced by a new foreign aid program, the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, which created the Agency for International Development (AID), and focused more on Latin America.

The Mutual Security Act also abolished the Economic Cooperation Administration, which had managed the Marshall Plan and transferred its functions to the newly established Mutual Security Agency (MSA). The Agency was established and continued by acts of October 10, 1951 (65 Stat. 373) and June 20, 1952 (66 Stat. 141) to provide military, economic, and technical assistance to friendly nations in the interest of international peace and security, but was abolished by Reorganization Plan No. 7 of 1953, effective August 1, 1953, and its functions were transferred to the Foreign Operations Administration. The act however, was extended by appropriators each fiscal year until the early 1960s.

As the Marshall Plan was ending, Congress was in the process of piecing together a new foreign aid proposal designed to unite military and economic programs with technical assistance. In the words of Secretary of State Dean Acheson, who testified before Congress, Western Europe needed assistance against Soviet "encroachment." The measure was intended to signal Washington's resolve to allies and to the Kremlin that the United States was capable of and committed to containing communism globally, even while it fought a protracted land war in Korea. The measure took about two months to work its way through the House, meeting resistance from fiscal conservatives along the way. Republicans were divided about the cost of the expenditures; nevertheless nearly half (80) joined the overwhelming majority of Democrats to pass the measure 260 to 101 on August 17. John M. Vorys of Ohio summed up GOP support for the measure, noting that military aid to "nations who will fight on our side" is "sound economy." Representative James P. Richards of South Carolina, chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, noted that the Mutual Security Act was intended "not to fight a war" but "to prevent a war."

Background and follow-on
The Mutual Security Act of 1951 was the successor to the Mutual Defense Assistance Act and the Economic Cooperation Act of 1949, which administered the Marshall plan. It became law on 10 October 1951, and created a new, independent agency, the Mutual Security Administration, to supervise all foreign aid programs including military assistance and economic programs that bolstered the defense capability of U.S. allies globally.

Submitted on 24 May 1951, President Harry S. Truman's omnibus foreign aid bill got a hostile reception on Capitol Hill. Rapid expansion of national security expenditures during the Korean War had produced alarm over high taxes, large deficits, government controls, and a possible "garrison state" among such prominent conservatives as Senator Robert A. Taft (R‐Ohio). Truman's decision to send U.S. troops to Europe as part of a standing NATO force further antagonized congressional conservatives and exacerbated their fears that European nations were not doing enough for their own defense. Congress thus reduced the administration's request for Mutual Security funds by 15 percent and authorized $5.998 billion and $1.486 billion, respectively, for military and economic assistance. The deepest cuts were in economic aid, thus ensuring its subordination to military assistance as "defense support."

The Mutual Security Act was renewed each year until 1961, and it annually produced struggles over the size of the foreign aid budget, and the balance between military and economic aid. The US foreign aid program was then reorganized under new Kennedy Administration legislation, with signing of the Foreign Assistance Act and Executive Order 10973 on 3 November 1961, which established the United States Agency for International Development (USAID).

title: Mutual Security Act


text:
McCarran Internal Security Act

The Internal Security Act of 1950, (Public Law 81-831), also known as the Subversive Activities Control Act of 1950, the McCarran Act after its principal sponsor Sen. Pat McCarran (D-Nevada), or the Concentration Camp Law, is a United States federal law. Congress enacted it over President Harry Truman's veto. It required Communist organizations to register with the federal government. The 1965 U.S Supreme Court ruling in Albertson v. Subversive Activities Control Board saw much of the act's Communist registration requirement abolished. The emergency detention provision was repealed when the Non-Detention Act of 1971 was signed into law by President Richard Nixon. The act's Subversive Activities Control Board, which enforced the law's provision calling for investigations of persons engaging in "subversive activities," would also be abolished in 1972.

Provisions
Its titles were I: Subversive Activities Control (Subversive Activities Control Act) and II: Emergency Detention (Emergency Detention Act of 1950).

The Act required Communist organizations to register with the United States Attorney General and established the Subversive Activities Control Board to investigate persons suspected of engaging in subversive activities or otherwise promoting the establishment of a "totalitarian dictatorship", either fascist or communist. Members of these groups could not become citizens and in some cases were barred from entering or leaving the country. Immigrants found in violation of the act within five years of being naturalized could have their citizenship revoked.

United States Attorney General J. Howard McGrath asked that the CPUSA provide a list of all its members in the United States, as well as 'reveal its financial details.' Furthermore, members of 'Communist-Action Organizations' including those of the Communist Party of the United States of America were required (prior to a 1965 Supreme Court case mentioned below) to register with the U.S. Attorney General their name and address and be subject to the statutes applicable to such registrants (e.g. being barred from federal employment, among others). In addition, once registered, members were liable for prosecution solely based on membership under the Smith Act due to the expressed and alleged intent of the organization.

The Act also contained an emergency detention statute, giving the President the authority to apprehend and detain "each person as to whom there is a reasonable ground to believe that such person probably will engage in, or probably will conspire with others to engage in, acts of espionage or sabotage."

It tightened alien exclusion and deportation laws and allowed for the detention of dangerous, disloyal, or subversive persons in times of war or "internal security emergency". The act had implications for thousands of people displaced because of the Second World War. In March 1951, chairman of the United States Displaced Persons Commission was quoted as saying that 100,000 people would be barred from entering the United States that otherwise would have been accepted. By March 1, 1951, the act had excluded 54,000 people of German ethnic origin and 12,000 displaced Russian persons from entering the United States. Notable persons barred from the United States include Ernst Chain, who was declined a visa on two occasions in 1951.

The Act made picketing a Federal courthouse a felony if intended to obstruct the court system or influence jurors or other trial participants.

Passage
Several key sections of the Act were taken from the earlier Mundt–Ferguson Communist Registration Bill, which Congress had failed to pass.

It included language that Sen. Mundt had introduced several times before without success aimed at punishing a federal employee from passing information "classified by the President (or by the head of any such department, agency, or corporation with the approval of the President) as affecting the security of the United States" to "any representative of a foreign government or to any officer or member of a Communist organization". He told a Senate hearing that it was a response to what the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) had learned when investigating "the so-called pumpkin papers case, the espionage activities in the Chambers-Hiss case, the Bentley case, and others."

President Harry Truman vetoed it on September 22, 1950, and sent Congress a lengthy veto message in which he criticized specific provisions as "the greatest danger to freedom of speech, press, and assembly since the Alien and Sedition Laws of 1798," a "mockery of the Bill of Rights" and a "long step toward totalitarianism".

The House overrode the veto without debate by a vote of 286–48 the same day. The Senate overrode his veto the next day after "a twenty-two hour continuous battle" by a vote of 57–10. Thirty-one Republicans and 26 Democrats voted in favor, while five members of each party opposed it. Democratic Senator Hubert Humphrey led the outnumbered opposition in the Senate despite having voted in favor of the law the first time.

Amended
Part of the Act was repealed by the Non-Detention Act of 1971 after facing public opposition, notably from Japanese Americans. President Richard Nixon, while signing the repeal bill, referred to the internment of Japanese-Americans during World War II for historical context as to why the bill needed to be repealed.

For example, violation of (Section 21 of "the Internal Security Act of 1950"), which concerns security of military bases and other sensitive installations, may be punishable by a prison term of up to one year.

The part of the act codified as has been repealed in its entirety for violating the First Amendment.

Abolition
The Subversive Activities Control Board was abolished by Congress in 1972.

Constitutionality

The Supreme Court of the United States was initially deferential towards the Internal Security Act. For example, in Galvan v. Press, the Court upheld the deportation of a Mexican alien on the basis that he had briefly been a member of the Communist Party from 1944 to 1946, even though such membership had been lawful at that time (and had been declared retroactively illegal by the Act).

As McCarthyism faded into history, the Court adopted a more skeptical approach towards the Act. The 1964 decision in Aptheker v. Secretary of State ruled unconstitutional Section 6, which prevented any member of a communist party from using or obtaining a passport. In 1965, the Court voted 8–0 in Albertson v. Subversive Activities Control Board to invalidate the Act's requirement that members of the Communist Party were to register with the government. It held that the information which party members were required to submit could form the basis of their prosecution for being party members, which was then a crime, and therefore deprived them of their Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination. In 1967, the act's provision prohibiting communists from working for the federal government or at defense facility was also struck down by the Supreme Court as a violation of the First Amendment's right to freedom of association in United States v. Robel.

Use by U.S. military
The U.S. military continues to use, citing it in U.S. Army regulation AR 190–11 in support of allowing installation commanders to regulate privately owned weapons on army installations. An Army message known as an ALARACT states "senior commanders have specific authority to regulate privately owned weapons, explosives, and ammunition on army installations." The ALARACT refers to AR 190-11 and public law (section 1062 of Public Law 111–383, also known as the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2011); AR 190–11 in turn cites the McCarran Internal Security Act (codified as 50 USC 797). The ALARACT reference is a truncated version of the public law.

Fictional reimagining
The 1971 pseudo-documentary film Punishment Park speculated what might have happened if Richard Nixon had enforced the McCarran Act against members of the anti-war movement, black power movement, the feminist movement, and others.

title: McCarran Internal Security Act


text:
Bob Dole

Robert Joseph Dole (July 22, 1923 – December 5, 2021) was an American politician and attorney from Kansas who served in both chambers of the United States Congress, the U.S. House of Representatives in the 1960s and the United States Senate from 1969 to his resignation in 1996 to campaign for President of the United States. He was the Republican Leader of the Senate during the final 11 years of his tenure, including three non-consecutive years as Senate Majority Leader. Prior to his 27 years in the U.S. Senate, he served in the United States House of Representatives from 1961 to 1969. Dole was also the Republican presidential nominee in the 1996 election and the vice presidential nominee in the 1976 election.

Dole was born and raised in Russell, Kansas, where he established a legal career after serving with distinction in the United States Army during World War II. Following a period as Russell County Attorney, he won election to the House of Representatives in 1960. In 1968, Dole was elected to the Senate, where he served as chairman of the Republican National Committee from 1971 to 1973 and chairman of the Senate Finance Committee from 1981 to 1985. He led the Senate Republicans from 1985 to his resignation in 1996, and served as Senate Majority Leader from 1985 to 1987 and from 1995 to 1996. In his role as Republican leader, he helped defeat the Clinton health care plan of 1993, proposed by Democratic President Bill Clinton.

President Gerald Ford chose Dole as his running mate in the 1976 election after Vice President Nelson Rockefeller withdrew from seeking a full term. The Ford-Dole ticket was defeated by the Democratic ticket of Jimmy Carter and Walter Mondale in the general election. Dole sought the Republican presidential nomination in 1980, but quickly dropped out of the race. He experienced more success in the 1988 Republican primaries but was defeated by Vice President George H. W. Bush. Dole won the Republican presidential nomination in 1996 and selected Jack Kemp as his running mate. The Republican ticket lost in the general election to Clinton, making Dole the first unsuccessful major party nominee for both president and vice president. He resigned from the Senate during the 1996 campaign and did not seek public office again after the election.

Dole remained active after retiring from public office. He appeared in numerous commercials and television programs and served on various councils. In 2012, Dole unsuccessfully advocated Senate ratification of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. He initially supported Jeb Bush in the 2016 Republican primaries, but later became the only former Republican presidential nominee to endorse Donald Trump in the general election. Dole was a member of the advisory council of the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation and special counsel at the Washington, D.C., office of law firm Alston & Bird. Dole was awarded the Congressional Gold Medal on January 17, 2018. He was married to former U.S. Senator Elizabeth Dole of North Carolina.

Early life and education
Dole was born on July 22, 1923, in Russell, Kansas, the son of Bina M. (née Talbott; 1904–1983) and Doran Ray Dole (1901–1975). His father, who had moved the family to Russell shortly before Robert was born, earned money by running a small creamery. One of Dole's father's customers was the father of his future Senate colleague Arlen Specter. The Doles lived in a house at 1035 North Maple in Russell and it remained his official residence throughout his political career.

Dole graduated from Russell High School in the spring of 1941 and enrolled at the University of Kansas the following fall. Dole had been a star high school athlete in Russell, and Kansas basketball coach Phog Allen traveled to Russell to recruit him to play for the Jayhawks basketball team. While at KU, Dole was on the basketball team, the track team, and the football team. In football, Dole played at the end position. In 1942 he was a teammate of the founder and longtime owner of the Tennessee Titans Bud Adams, Adams's only season playing football at Kansas. While in college, Dole joined the Kappa Sigma fraternity, and in 1970 he was bestowed with the Fraternity's "Man of the Year" honor. Dole's collegiate studies were interrupted by World War II, when he enlisted in the United States Army.

Dole attended the University of Arizona in Tucson from 1948 to 1949, before transferring to Washburn University in Topeka, where he graduated with both undergraduate and law degrees in 1952.

World War II and recovery
Dole joined the United States Army's Enlisted Reserve Corps in 1942 to fight in World War II, becoming a second lieutenant in the Army's 10th Mountain Division. In April 1945, while engaged in combat near Castel d'Aiano in the Apennine mountains southwest of Bologna, Italy, Dole was seriously wounded by a German shell that struck his upper back and right arm, shattering his collarbone and part of his spine. "I lay face down in the dirt," Dole said. "I could not see or move my arms. I thought they were missing." As Lee Sandlin describes, when fellow soldiers saw the extent of his injuries, they believed all they could do was "give him the largest dose of morphine they dared and write an 'M' for 'morphine' on his forehead in his own blood, so that nobody else who found him would give him a second, fatal dose."

Dole was paralyzed from the neck down and transported to a military hospital near Kansas. Having blood clots, a life-threatening infection, and a fever of almost 109 F, he was expected to die. After large doses of penicillin were not successful, he overcame the infection with the administration of streptomycin, the first ever use of that drug in a human. He remained despondent, "not ready to accept the fact that my life would be changed forever". He was encouraged to see Hampar Kelikian, an orthopedist in Chicago who had been working with veterans returning from war. Although during their first meeting Kelikian told Dole that he would never be able to recover fully, the encounter changed Dole's outlook on life, who years later wrote of Kelikian, a survivor of the Armenian genocide, "Kelikian inspired me to focus on what I had left and what I could do with it, rather than complaining what had been lost." Dr. K, as Dole later came to affectionately call him, operated on him seven times, free of charge, and had, in Dole's words, "an impact on my life second only to my family".

Dole recovered from his wounds at the Percy Jones Army Hospital in Battle Creek, Michigan. This complex of federal buildings, no longer a hospital, is now named Hart–Dole–Inouye Federal Center in honor of three patients who became United States Senators: Dole, Philip Hart, and Daniel Inouye. Dole was decorated three times, receiving two Purple Hearts for his injuries, and the Bronze Star with "V" Device for valor for his attempt to assist a downed radioman. The injuries left him with limited mobility in his right arm and numbness in his left arm. He minimized the effect in public by keeping a pen in his right hand, and learned to write with his left hand. In 1947, he was medically discharged from the Army as a captain.

Early political career
Dole ran for office for the first time in 1950 and was elected to the Kansas House of Representatives, serving a two-year term. During his term he served on the following committees: Assessment and Taxation, Gas and Oil, and Military Affairs and Soldiers Compensation. He became the County Attorney of Russell County in 1953. Dole was elected to the United States House of Representatives from Kansas's 6th congressional district in 1960. After his first term, Kansas lost a congressional district, and most of Dole's district was merged with the neighboring 2nd district to form a new 1st district, encompassing much of central and western Kansas. Dole was elected from this merged district in 1962 and was re-elected two more times.

During his tenure in the House, Dole voted in favor of the Civil Rights Acts of 1964 and 1968,   as well as the 24th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

U.S. Senate (1969–1996)
In 1968, Dole defeated former Kansas Governor William H. Avery for the Republican nomination for the United States Senate to succeed retiring Senator Frank Carlson. He subsequently won the seat in the general election. Dole was re-elected in 1974, 1980, 1986, and 1992, before resigning on June 11, 1996, to focus on his presidential campaign.

While in the Senate, Dole served as chairman of the Republican National Committee from 1971 to 1973, the ranking Republican on the Agriculture Committee from 1975 to 1978, and the chairman of the Finance Committee from 1981 to 1985. In November 1984, Dole was elected Senate Majority Leader, defeating Ted Stevens 28–25, in the fourth round of balloting.

The continuing war in Vietnam was the dominant source of political division on Capitol Hill in the early 1970s; in 1970 Democratic Senator George McGovern of South Dakota took the Senate floor and condemned the deliberative body's role in maintaining the US presence in Vietnam, saying the Senate chamber "reeks of blood", soon followed by freshman Republican senator Dole on the floor, who vociferously attacked McGovern. Dole was appointed chair of the Republican National Committee the next year. Over time in the Senate, Dole was seen by some as having a moderate voting record. During the following years of the 1970s, Dole and McGovern worked together on the Senate Hunger and Human Needs Committee. They partnered to help pass legislation making food stamps and school lunches more accessible, and fraud more difficult. They expanded the school lunch program and helped establish the Special Supplemental Food Program for Women, Infants and Children (WIC), a federal assistance program for low-income pregnant women, breast-feeding women and children under the age of five.

Dole served on congressional agriculture committees throughout the course of his political career, and became the Republican Party's chief spokesman on farm policy and nutrition issues in the Senate. When Ronald Reagan was elected president in 1980, Dole held the chairmanship of the Senate Agriculture Committee's Nutrition Subcommittee and the Senate Finance Committee. Together with McGovern, Dole spearheaded the elimination of the purchase requirement to receive food stamp benefits and the simplification of eligibility requirements.

Facing a reluctant President and Congress as chairman of the Senate Finance Committee in 1982, Dole was the driving force behind a large tax increase, promoting it as a reform measure to collect money owed by tax cheats and under-taxed businesses. In December of that year, The New York Times referred to Dole as changing from "hard-line conservative" to "mainstream Republicanism". He became Senate Majority leader in 1985 initially serving in that position for two years. Democrats took control of the Senate following the 1986 United States Senate elections, and Dole became Senate Minority Leader for the next eight years. Dole was a major supporter and advocate of the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990.

The Republicans took control of both the Senate and House of Representatives in the 1994 midterm elections, due to the fallout from President Bill Clinton's policies including his health care plan, and Dole became Senate Majority Leader for the second time. In October 1995, a year before the presidential election, Dole and Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich led the Republican-controlled Congress to pass a spending bill that President Clinton vetoed, leading to the federal government shutdown from 1995 to 1996. On November 13, Republican and Democratic leaders, including Vice President Al Gore, Dick Armey, and Dole, met to try to resolve the budget and were unable to reach an agreement. By January 1996, Dole was more open to compromise to end the shutdown (as he was campaigning for the Republican presidential nomination), but he was opposed by other Republicans who wanted to continue until their demands were met. In particular, Gingrich and Dole had a tense working relationship as they were potential rivals for the 1996 Republican nomination. Clinton aide George Stephanopoulos cited the shutdown as having a role in Clinton's successful re-election campaign. In a January 3, 1996, Briefing Room address, amid the ongoing United States federal government shutdowns of 1995–1996, President Clinton noted Dole as a lawmaker that was "working together in good faith" to reopen the government.

From 1992 to 1996, Dole played a major role in mobilizing support for Bosnia in the Senate, and pressuring the Clinton administration and NATO to resolve the war there.

In 1996, Dole was the first sitting Senate Party Leader to receive his party's nomination for president. He hoped to use his long experience in Senate procedures to maximize publicity from his rare positioning as Senate Majority Leader against an incumbent president but was stymied by Senate Democrats. Dole resigned his seat on June 11, 1996, to focus on the campaign, saying he had "nowhere to go but the White House or home".

Presidential politics
Dole ran unsuccessfully for vice president on a ticket headed by President Gerald Ford in 1976. Incumbent Vice President Nelson Rockefeller had announced the previous November his retirement from politics, opting against a run for a full term as vice president, and Dole was chosen as Ford's running mate. Dole was known for his sarcastic one-liner comments, often directed against himself, and during the vice presidential debate replied to Walter Mondale concerning the issues of Watergate and the Nixon pardon, "It is an appropriate topic, I guess, but it's not a very good issue any more than the war in Vietnam would be or World War II or World War I or the war in Korea—all Democrat wars, all in this century. I figured up the other day, if we added up the killed and wounded in Democrat wars in this century, it would be about 1.6 million Americans, enough to fill the city of Detroit." Many voters felt that Dole's criticism was unfairly harsh, and that his dispassionate delivery made him seem cold. Years later, Dole would remark that he regretted the comment, believing that it had hurt the Republican ticket.

Dole ran for the 1980 Republican presidential nomination, eventually won by Ronald Reagan. Despite Dole's national exposure from the '76 campaign, he finished behind Reagan, George H. W. Bush, and four others in Iowa and New Hampshire, receiving only 2.5% and 0.4% of votes cast in those contests, respectively. Dole ceased campaigning after the New Hampshire results and announced his formal withdrawal from the race on March 15, instead being re-elected to his third term as Senator that year.

Dole made another attempt for the Republican presidential nomination in 1988, formally announcing his candidacy in his hometown of Russell, Kansas, on November 9, 1987. At the ceremony, Dole was presented by the VFW with a cigar box, similar to the one he had used to collect donations for his war-related medical expenses, containing more than $7,000 in campaign donations. Dole started out strongly by defeating Vice President George H. W. Bush in the Iowa caucus—Bush finished third, behind television evangelist Pat Robertson.

Bush defeated Dole in the New Hampshire primary a week later. After the returns had come in on the night of that primary, Dole appeared to lose his temper in a television interview with Tom Brokaw, saying Bush should "stop lying about my record", in response to a Bush commercial which accused Dole of "straddling" on taxes.

Despite a key endorsement by Senator Strom Thurmond, Dole was defeated by Bush again in South Carolina in early March. Several days later, every southern state voted for Bush in a Super Tuesday sweep. This was followed by another loss in Illinois, which persuaded Dole to withdraw from the race.

1996 presidential campaign
Despite the 1994 elections, President Clinton's popularity soared due to a booming economy and public opinion polls supporting him in the 1995 budget shutdown. As a result, Clinton and Vice President Al Gore faced no serious opposition in the Democratic primaries. A few months before his death in April 1994, Richard Nixon warned Dole, "If the economy's good, you're not going to beat Clinton." Dole was the early front runner for the GOP nomination in the 1996 presidential race. At least eight candidates ran for the nomination. Dole was expected to win the nomination against underdog candidates such as the more conservative Senator Phil Gramm of Texas and more moderate Senator Arlen Specter of Pennsylvania. Pat Buchanan upset Dole in the early New Hampshire primary, however, with Dole finishing second and former Tennessee governor Lamar Alexander finishing third. Speechwriter Kerry Tymchuk observed, "Dole was on the ropes because he wasn't conservative enough."

Dole eventually won the nomination, becoming the oldest first-time presidential nominee at the age of 73 years, 1 month (President Ronald Reagan was 73 years, 6 months in 1984, for his second presidential nomination). If elected, he would have become the oldest president to take office and the first Kansas native to become president (as Dwight Eisenhower was born in Texas). Dole found the initial draft of the nomination acceptance speech written by Mark Helprin too hardline, so Kerry Tymchuk, who was part of the "'Let Dole be Dole' crowd", revised the speech to cover the themes of honor, decency, and straight talk. It included the following line, a gibe at the all-or-nothing rookie Republicans who had ridden the 1994 midterm GOP wave into Congress: "In politics honorable compromise is no sin. It is what protects us from absolutism and intolerance"'.

In his acceptance speech, Dole stated, "Let me be the bridge to an America that only the unknowing call myth. Let me be the bridge to a time of tranquility, faith, and confidence in action," to which incumbent president Bill Clinton responded, "We do not need to build a bridge to the past, we need to build a bridge to the future."

As told in the Doles' joint biography, Unlimited Partners, speechwriter and biographer Kerry Tymchuk wrote "that he was going to make a statement. He was going to risk it all for the White House. He knew his time as leader was over. It would have been tough to come back [to the Senate as leader] if he lost in November. He knew it was time to move up or move out."

Dole promised a 15% across-the-board reduction in income tax rates and made former Representative and supply side advocate Jack Kemp his running mate for vice president. Dole found himself criticized from both the left and the right within the Republican Party over the convention platform, one of the major issues being the inclusion of the Human Life Amendment. Clinton framed the narrative against Dole early, painting him as a mere clone of unpopular then-House Speaker Newt Gingrich, warning America that Dole would work in concert with the Republican Congress to slash popular social programs, like Medicare and Social Security, dubbed by Clinton as "Dole-Gingrich". Dole's tax-cut plan found itself under attack from the White House, who said it would "blow a hole in the deficit".

During the infancy of the Internet, Dole-Kemp was the first presidential campaign to have a website, which was set up by Arizona State college students Rob Kubasko and Vince Salvato, and edged out Clinton-Gore. The Dole-Kemp presidential campaign page is still live as of 2021.

Concerns over Dole's age and lagging campaign were exemplified by an incident on September 18, 1996. At a rally in Chico, California, he was reaching down to shake the hand of a supporter, when the railing on the stage gave way and he tumbled four feet. While only slightly injured in the fall, "the televised image of his painful grimace underscored the age difference between him and Clinton" and proved an ominous sign for Republican hopes of retaking the White House.

During the latter half of October 1996, Dole made a campaign appearance with Heather Whitestone, the first deaf Miss America, where both of them signed "I love you" to the crowd. Around that time, Dole and his advisers knew that they would lose the election, but in the last four days of the campaign they went on the "96-hour victory tour" to help Republican House candidates.

Dole lost, as pundits had long expected, to incumbent President Bill Clinton in the 1996 election. Clinton won in a 379–159 Electoral College landslide, capturing 49.2% of the vote against Dole's 40.7% and Ross Perot's 8.4%. As Nixon had predicted, Clinton was able to ride a booming economy to a second term in the White House.

Dole is the last World War II veteran to have been the presidential nominee of a major party. During the campaign, Dole's advanced age was brought up, with critics stating that he was too old to be president.

In his election night concession speech, Dole remarked "I was thinking on the way down in the elevator – tomorrow will be the first time in my life I don't have anything to do." Dole later wrote "I was wrong. Seventy-two hours after conceding the election, I was swapping wisecracks with David Letterman on his late-night show." During the immediate aftermath of his 1996 loss to Clinton, Dole recalled that his critics thought that "I didn't loosen up enough, I didn't show enough leg. They said I was too serious . . . It takes several months to stop fretting about it and move on. But I did." Dole remarked that his decisive defeat to Clinton made it easier for him to be "magnanimous". On his decision to leave politics for good after the 1996 presidential election campaign, despite his guaranteed stature as a former Senate leader, Dole stated, "People were urging [me] to be a hatchet man against Clinton for the next four years. I couldn't see the point. Maybe after all those partisan fights, you look for more friendships. One of the nice things I've discovered is that when you're out of politics, you have more credibility with the other side . . . And you're out among all kinds of people, and that just doesn't happen often for an ex-president; he doesn't have the same freedom. So it hasn't been all bad."

Post-political career
The 1996 presidential election, despite ending in a loss, opened up numerous opportunities for Dole owing in part to his sense of humor. He engaged in a career of writing, consulting, public speaking, and television appearances. Dole was the first defeated presidential nominee to become a political celebrity.

Television appearances
In November 1996, Dole appeared on Late Show with David Letterman and also made a cameo appearance on Saturday Night Live, parodying himself (shortly after losing the presidential election). He guest-starred as himself on NBC's Brooke Shields sitcom Suddenly Susan in January 1997.

Dole became a television commercial spokesman for such products as Viagra, Visa, Dunkin' Donuts, and Pepsi-Cola (with Britney Spears). He was an occasional political commentator on the interview program Larry King Live, and was a guest a number of times on Comedy Central's satirical news program, The Daily Show with Jon Stewart. Dole was, for a short time in 2003, a commentator opposite Bill Clinton on CBS's 60 Minutes.

Employment
After leaving office, Dole joined the Washington, D.C. firm Verner, Liipfert, Bernhard, McPherson and Hand, where he was a registered lobbyist on behalf of foreign governments (including those of Kosovo, Taiwan, and Slovenia); the American Society of Anesthesiologists; Tyco; and the Chocolate Industry Coalition. In 2003, after Verner, Liipfert was acquired by Piper Rudnick, Dole joined the Washington, D.C. law and lobbying firm Alston & Bird LLP, where he continued his lobbying career. While working for Alston & Bird, Dole was registered as a foreign agent in order to represent the government of Taiwan in Washington.

Dole was head of the Federal City Council, a group of business, civic, education, and other leaders interested in economic development in Washington, D.C., from 1998 to 2002.

Voluntary work
Dole was also involved in many volunteer activities. He served as national chairman of the World War II Memorial Campaign, which raised funds for the building of the National World War II Memorial. After being built, he visited the memorial on a weekly basis for many years to greet visitors and remember those who served.

Dole also teamed up with his former political rival, Bill Clinton, in 2001 on the Families of Freedom Foundation, a scholarship fund campaign to pay for the college educations for the families of 9/11 victims. It helped raise more than $100 million.

The Robert J. Dole Institute of Politics, housed on the University of Kansas campus in Lawrence, Kansas, was established to bring bipartisanship back to politics. The institute, which opened in July 2003 to coincide with Dole's 80th birthday, has featured such notable speakers as former President Bill Clinton, and awarded the inaugural Dole Leadership Prize to Rudy Giuliani for his leadership as the Mayor of New York City during the September 11 attacks in 2001.

Dole's legacy also includes a commitment to combating hunger, both in the United States and around the globe. In addition to numerous domestic programs, and along with former Senator George McGovern (D-South Dakota), Dole created an international school lunch program through the George McGovern-Robert Dole International Food for Education and Child Nutrition Program, which, funded largely through the Congress, helps fight child hunger and poverty by providing nutritious meals to children in schools in developing countries. This internationally popular program would go on to provide more than 22 million meals to children in 41 countries in its first eight years. It has since led to greatly increased global interest in and support for school-feeding programs—which benefit girls and young women, in particular—and won McGovern and Dole the 2008 World Food Prize.

Dole offered the inaugural lecture to dedicate the University of Arkansas Clinton School of Public Service on September 18, 2004. During the lecture, he chronicled his life as a public servant and discussed the importance of public service related to defense, civil rights, the economy and daily life. Dole also gave the 2008 Vance Distinguished Lecture at Central Connecticut State University.

Author
Dole wrote several books, including one on jokes told by the presidents of the United States, in which he ranks the presidents according to their level of humor. Dole released his autobiography, One Soldier's Story: A Memoir, on April 12, 2005. The book chronicles his World War II experiences and his battle to survive his war injuries.

Political activities
After the Clinton–Lewinsky scandal broke in 1998, Dole urged his party to practice "restraint" in their reaction to the scandal. After the resulting late-1998 impeachment of President Clinton, Dole proposed that, instead of holding an impeachment trial, the Senate instead censure Clinton and then have Clinton sign the censure himself in the presence of congressional leaders, the Vice President, Cabinet members, and the justices of the Supreme Court. Some Democratic senators came to support the notion of having a censure motion instead of holding an impeachment trial. However, the Republican-controlled Senate instead held an impeachment trial in which Clinton was acquitted.

President George W. Bush appointed Dole and Donna Shalala, former Secretary of Health and Human Services, as co-chairs of the commission to investigate problems at Walter Reed Army Medical Center in 2007. That same year, Dole joined fellow former Senate majority leaders Howard Baker, Tom Daschle, and George Mitchell to found the Bipartisan Policy Center, a non-profit think-tank that works to develop policies suitable for bipartisan support. Dole also served as a director for the Asia Universal Bank, a bank domiciled in Kyrgyzstan during the discredited Kurmanbek Bakiyev presidential regime which was subsequently shut down owing to its involvement in money laundering.

Dole issued a letter critical of Newt Gingrich, focusing on Dole and Gingrich's time working together on Capitol Hill, on January 26, 2012. The letter was issued immediately before the Florida primary. Dole endorsed Mitt Romney for the Republican nomination. Dole cited the association made between himself and Gingrich as fellow Congressional leaders in Democratic advertisements as a key factor for his 1996 presidential defeat.

Dole appeared on the Senate floor to advocate ratification of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities on December 4, 2012. Democratic Senator John Kerry explained: "Bob Dole is here because he wants to know that other countries will come to treat the disabled as we do." The Senate rejected the treaty by a vote of 61–38, less than the 66 required for ratification. Many Republican senators voted against the bill, fearing it would interfere with American sovereignty. Dole began a reunion tour of his home state of Kansas in early 2014, seeking to visit each of the state's 105 counties. At each stop he spent approximately an hour speaking with old friends and well-wishers. Dole endorsed and campaigned for incumbent Kansas Senator Pat Roberts during the latter's 2014 re-election bid.

In 2015, Dole endorsed former Florida governor Jeb Bush in his presidential campaign. After Bush ended his campaign following the South Carolina primary, Dole endorsed Florida senator Marco Rubio's campaign. During the campaign, Dole criticized Texas senator Ted Cruz, stating that he "question[ed] his allegiance to the party" and that there would be "wholesale losses" if he were to win the Republican nomination. Dole endorsed Donald Trump after the latter clinched the Republican nomination, while all other then-living Republican presidential nominees, George H. W. Bush, George W. Bush, John McCain, and Mitt Romney refused to do so, and became the lone former nominee to attend the 2016 Republican National Convention. Dole had attended every GOP convention since 1964, and did not consider skipping the 2016 edition even though Trump's politics were closer to that of Dole's 1996 primary rival Pat Buchanan.

Former Dole advisers, including Paul Manafort, played a major role in Trump's presidential campaign. Following Trump's electoral victory, Dole coordinated with the Trump campaign and presidential transition team to set up a series of meetings between Trump's staff and Taiwanese officials as well as assisting in successful efforts to include favorable language towards Taiwan in the 2016 Republican Party platform. In February 2016 Dole donated $20,000 to help pay for a camp for children with cancer in central Kansas.

Dole was awarded the Congressional Gold Medal for his service to the nation as a "soldier, legislator and statesman" in January 2018. Despite being immobile, Dole signaled to an aide to assist him in standing for the U.S. national anthem prior to the ceremony.

Dole, at age 95 and in a wheelchair, stood up with the help of an aide at the funeral of George H. W. Bush in the United States Capitol rotunda on December 4, 2018, and saluted to pay his respects to the late president and fellow World War II veteran.

Dole expressed concern the Commission on Presidential Debates were biased against President Trump and his reelection campaign in a public statement on October 9, 2020, saying how he knew all the Republicans on the commission and feared that "none of them support[ed]" the president.

While he endorsed Trump in both 2016 and 2020, in an interview with USA Today conducted for his 98th birthday, Dole said he was "Trumped out", and that Trump had lost the 2020 election despite his attempts to overturn the 2020 U.S. presidential election. He further stated, "He lost the election, and I regret that he did, but they did", adding that Trump "had Rudy Giuliani running all over the country, claiming fraud. He never had one bit of fraud in all those lawsuits he filed and statements he made." At one point during the conversation Dole said, "I'm a Trumper", and added at another, "I'm sort of Trumped out, though."

Awards
Dole was presented with the Presidential Citizens Medal by President Ronald Reagan on January 18, 1989.

Senator Dole was presented the Presidential Medal of Freedom by President Bill Clinton on January 17, 1997, for service to his country in the military and in his political career. In his acceptance remarks in the East Room of the White House, Dole remarked "I had a dream that I would be here this historic week receiving something from the president — but I thought it would be the front-door key".

Dole received the U.S. Senator John Heinz Award for Greatest Public Service by an Elected or Appointed Official, an award given out annually by Jefferson Awards, in 1997.

Dole received the American Patriot Award from the National Defense University in 2004 for his lifelong dedication to the United States and his service in World War II.

On September 30, 2015, the National Commemoration of the Armenian Genocide Centennial (NCAGC) honored Senator Dole with the organization's Survivor's Gratitude Award in the category of "Hero of Responsibility and Principle" for his tireless efforts in raising attention to the Armenian Genocide and its victims.

For his lobbying efforts on behalf of Kosovo Albanians before, during, and after the Kosovo War, Albanian President Bujar Nishani awarded Dole Albania's highest civilian honor, the National Flag Order medal, at a May 2017 ceremony in Washington, D.C.

Dole was awarded the Congressional Gold Medal for his service to the nation as a "soldier, legislator and statesman" on January 17, 2018.

The U.S. Congress unanimously passed a bill promoting the 95-year-old Dole from captain to colonel for his service during World War II in 2019. "I've had a great life and this is sort of icing on the cake. It's not that I have to be a colonel; I was happy being a captain and it pays the same," Dole said, jokingly.

Personal life
Dole married Phyllis Holden, an occupational therapist at a veterans hospital, in Battle Creek, Michigan, in 1948, three months after they met. They had one daughter, Robin. Dole and Holden divorced on January 11, 1972.

Dole met his second wife, Elizabeth Dole, in 1972. The couple was married on December 6, 1975.

Dole was a Freemason and a member of Russell Lodge No. 177, Russell, Kansas. In 1975, Dole was elevated to the 33rd degree of the Scottish Rite.

Dole often referred to himself in the third person in conversation. In a 1996 appearance on Saturday Night Live, he jokingly refuted the habit to Norm Macdonald, saying: "That's not something Bob Dole does. That's not something Bob Dole has ever done, or that Bob Dole will ever do." He had no relation to the Dole Food Company or its namesake James Dole, although confusion between the two did lead Burhanettin Ozfatura, the mayor of İzmir, Turkey, to ban the sale of Dole bananas in the city in February 1995.

Health
Dole had surgery for prostate cancer in 1991. He later spoke before Congress and on public service announcements about early detection of the disease and the erectile dysfunction that resulted from his surgery. He then became a paid spokesman for Viagra. He also starred in a parody of his Viagra commercials for "the little blue can" of Pepsi.

In 2001, Dole, at age 77, was treated successfully for an abdominal aortic aneurysm by vascular surgeon Kenneth Ouriel.

Dole underwent a hip replacement operation that required him to receive blood thinners in December 2004. One month after the surgery, doctors determined that he was bleeding inside his head. He spent 40 days at Walter Reed Army Medical Center; upon his release, his stronger left arm was of limited use. Dole told a reporter that he needed help to handle the simplest of tasks, since both of his arms were of limited use. He continued to go to Walter Reed several times a week for occupational therapy for his left shoulder.

In 2009, Dole was hospitalized for an elevated heart rate and sore legs for which he underwent a successful skin grafting procedure. He was hospitalized with pneumonia in February 2010 after undergoing knee surgery. Dole spent ten months at Walter Reed Army Medical Center recovering from the surgery and experienced three bouts with pneumonia. He was released from the hospital in November 2010. Dole was readmitted to Walter Reed Army Medical Center in January 2011 and spent about six days there being treated for a fever and a minor infection.

Dole was hospitalized in November 2012 at Walter Reed National Military Medical Center, according to then-Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid. Dole was hospitalized at Walter Reed National Military Medical Center for hypotension on September 13, 2017. He stayed for 24 hours before returning home.

Death and funeral

In February 2021, Dole announced that he had been diagnosed with stage four lung cancer, and subsequently underwent immunotherapy, forgoing chemotherapy due to its negative effect on his body. He died of complications from the disease in his sleep at his home in Washington, D.C., on the morning of December 5, 2021, at age 98.

Numerous politicians paid tribute to Dole after his death, including President Joe Biden and former presidents Jimmy Carter, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, Barack Obama and Donald Trump. President Biden issued an order for flags to be flown at half-staff through December 11, 2021, with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer announcing that Dole would lie in state at the U.S. Capitol on December 9.

A funeral service was held at Washington National Cathedral on December 10, 2021, and was attended by President Biden with First Lady Jill Biden, Vice President Kamala Harris with her husband, second gentleman Doug Emhoff, former president Bill Clinton, former vice presidents Mike Pence, Dick Cheney and Dan Quayle, Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, and former senators Pat Roberts and Tom Daschle, among others. Later that same day, a memorial ceremony was held at the National World War II Memorial where Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Mark A. Milley, actor Tom Hanks and Today Show co-anchor Savannah Guthrie were among those who spoke.

Dole's casket then returned to Kansas where a memorial service was held at the Catholic Church in his boyhood home of Russell on December 11. The service was open to the public. Speakers included Kansas Governor Laura Kelly, Senators Jerry Moran and Roger Marshall and former Senator Pat Roberts. His casket then went to lie in repose at the Kansas Statehouse. Following that, the casket returned to Washington and Dole was interred at Arlington National Cemetery.

Books

 * The book was first released during Bob Dole's 1988 presidential run. Re-released as Unlimited Partners: Our American Story. Simon & Schuster, 1996. ISBN 0-684-83401-4.

Honorary degrees
Dole was awarded several honorary degrees. These include:

title: Bob Dole


text:
National Defense Education Act

The National Defense Education Act (NDEA) was signed into law on September 2, 1958, providing funding to United States education institutions at all levels.

NDEA was among many science initiatives implemented by President Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1958 to increase the technological sophistication and power of the United States alongside, for instance, DARPA and NASA. It followed a growing national sense that U.S. scientists were falling behind scientists in the Soviet Union. The early Soviet success in the Space Race catalyzed a national sense of unease with Soviet technological advances, especially after the Soviet Union launched the first-ever satellite, Sputnik, the previous year.

The act authorized funding for four years, increasing funding per year: for example, funding increased on eight program titles from $183 million in 1959 to $222 million in 1960. In total, over a billion dollars was directed towards improving American science curricula. However, in the aftermath of McCarthyism, a mandate was inserted in the act that all beneficiaries must complete an affidavit disclaiming belief in the overthrow of the U.S. government. This requisite loyalty statement stirred concern and protest from the American Association of University Professors and over 153 institutions.

Cause and purpose
The NDEA was influenced by the Soviet launch of the satellite Sputnik on October 4, 1957. U.S. citizens feared that education in the USSR was superior to that in the United States, and Congress reacted by adding the act to bring U.S. schools up to speed.

The year 1957 also coincided with an acute shortage of mathematicians in the United States. The electronic computer created a demand for mathematicians as programmers and it also shortened the lead time between the development of a new mathematical theory and its practical application, thereby making their work more valuable. The United States could no longer rely on European refugees for all of its mathematicians, though they remained an important source, so it had to drastically increase the domestic supply. At the time, "mathematics" was interpreted as pure mathematics rather than applied mathematics. The problem in the 1950s and 1960s was that industry, including defense, was absorbing the mathematicians who were also needed at high schools and universities training the next generation. At the university level, even more recently, there have been years when it was difficult to hire applied mathematicians and computer scientists because of the rate that industry was absorbing them.

Additionally, more high school graduates were beginning to attend college. In 1940 about one-half million Americans attended college, which was about 15 percent of their age group. By 1960, however, college enrollments had expanded to 3.6 million. By 1970, 7.5 million students were attending colleges in the United States, or 40 percent of college-age youths.

The act, therefore, was designed to fulfill two purposes. First, it was designed to provide the country with specific defense oriented personnel. This included providing federal help to foreign language scholars, area studies centers, and engineering students. Second it provided financial assistance—primarily through the National Defense Student Loan program—for thousands of students who would be part of the growing numbers enrolling at colleges and universities in the 1960s.

NDEA established the National Defense Student Loan (NDSL) program to provide low-interest federal loans to "promising, yet needy students", and to enable them to pursue undergraduate and graduate educations. The national defense student loans were especially targeted toward students who possessed superior capacity in mathematics, engineering, or a modern foreign language or who desired to teach in elementary or secondary schools. A further intention of this loan program was to stimulate and assist in the establishment of loan programs at institutions of higher education through the provision of NDSL loans. The NDEA spurred the creation of federal and university funded college loan programs that still exist today.

The 1959 Disney featurette Donald in Mathmagic Land was produced and distributed with NDEA funding.

Title I
Title I of the NDEA serves as an introduction to the content and purposes of the Act.

Title II
Title II authorizes the provision of student loans and provides terms by which they may be awarded. Initially, Title II provided scholarships (also known as grants) rather than loans. However, some members of Congress expressed worry about the message sent by giving students a "free ride." The House version of the bill eliminated scholarship money, while the Senate reduced the amount of scholarship money. By the time the bill was passed into law, student aid was exclusively loan-based.

Title III
Title III provides additional financial assistance for the purposes of strengthening science, math, and foreign language programs. Latin and Greek programs are not funded under this title, on the grounds that they are not modern foreign languages, and thus do not support defense needs. Title III provides equipment, materials and state matching funds to develop mathematics, science, and foreign language instruction and professional development. Title III also encouraged cooperation between teachers and researchers. During Title III, research shifted the homogenous definition of intelligence associated with gifted children.

Title IV
Title IV provides funding for graduate fellowships in order to increase the number of graduate-level professionals and university professors. Priority was given to students who stated an interest in becoming a professor. However, certain fields (such as folklore) were specifically exempted from these fellowships. Title IV was also one of the only two federal programs (along with Title VI of the NDEA) in existence at the time that gave any funding to the humanities.

Title V
Title V includes provisions for the training of guidance counselors and the implementation of testing programs to identify gifted students. This laid the groundwork for Academically Gifted (AG) and Gifted & Talented (GT) programs and began the trend of using standardized testing in schools to measure competency. Title V had a great influence on gifted education. However, since the program started in the 1920s, the defining percentage that marks "giftedness" has remained constant.

Title VI
Title VI provides funding for language and area studies programs. "Area studies" includes such subjects as African American studies and Latin American studies.

Title VII
Title VII provided funding for research in the more effective use of technology for educational purposes.

Title VIII
Title VIII provided funding for vocational training in order to better prepare citizens for the workforce.

Title IX
Title IX established the Science Information Institute and Science Information Council in order to disseminate scientific information and assist the government in matters of a highly technical nature.

Title X
Title X contains miscellaneous provisions regarding legal and pragmatic details of the Act.

Controversy
The NDEA includes Title X, Section 1001 (f), a mandate that all beneficiaries of the act complete an affidavit disclaiming belief in the overthrow of the U.S. government. Some in higher education opposed the disclaimer affidavit, as it came to be called, because they said it attempted to control beliefs and as such violated academic freedom. Initially, a small number of institutions (Barnard, Yale, and Princeton) refused to accept funding under the student loan program established by the act because of the affidavit requirement. By 1962, when the disclaimer affidavit was repealed, the number of schools protesting the clause was 153.

After four years of seemingly ineffective protest, the disclaimer requirement was repealed in the Fall of 1962 by President John F. Kennedy who was spurred by an incident extraneous to universities' protests. In particular, following the public disclosure of the case of a National Science Foundation Fellowship recipient who had run into trouble with the House Un-American Activities Committee, and had been convicted of contempt of Congress. Kennedy interpreted this case proved the affidavit clause to be ineffective, and, in spite of—rather than because of—protest prior to 1961, the disclaimer requirement was excised.

title: National Defense Education Act