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Talk:Environmental movement

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Criticisms: sources?
The material on James Lovelock is pertinent, but I agree, needs sourcing. Please document references. Thanks, DA Sonnenfeld (talk) 14:13, 23 June 2012 (UTC)

Add reference here, or where?
99.181.143.157 (talk) 06:50, 29 July 2012 (UTC)
 * Sculpting Solutions: Art–Science Collaborations in Sustainability by Mrill Ingram in July-August 2012 Environment magazine.
 * As a reference for what? References are used to support content and usually (or should be) provided when the content is added. Vsmith (talk) 12:27, 29 July 2012 (UTC)

Article structure
Thanks for efforts to globalize this article. In it's current, more geographically diverse form, some article restructuring is needed, in my opinion. After the article lead, it now jumps right in to environmentalism in the U.S. Before it does so, though, some broader, definitional elaboration would be helpful, such as the material currently later in the article on 'scope of the movement'. Kind regards, DA Sonnenfeld (talk) 10:46, 23 February 2013 (UTC)

 * Have made a few tweaks, towards further globalizing the article. Despite the helpful additions, it remains US-centric and in need of further restructuring. Some of the material in the US section may be more appropriate in the Environmental movement in the United States article. A summary of key perspectives from related articles on Australia, New Zealand and South Africa would be useful to add here, too. Thanks, DA Sonnenfeld (talk) 11:01, 6 March 2013 (UTC)

 * Article structure remains rather jumbled, with broad overview information, then country-specific information, then topical information. There are, in my opinion, probably too many different -- and diverse -- subtopics included within this article at present. Reorganization needed... Thanks, DA Sonnenfeld (talk) 20:51, 16 December 2013 (UTC)

Proposed merge with Ecology movement
Two different names; same movement DA Sonnenfeld (talk) 17:47, 17 April 2013 (UTC)

I agree, it's two names for the same movement Gor (talk) 07:21, 22 August 2013 (UTC)

I can see certain people wanting to distinguish a narrower "ecology movement" from the broader "environmental movement," but as it stands I see complete overlap between the two articles. I'm for the merge. Karmos (talk) 05:35, 20 July 2014 (UTC)

Deep green environmentalism
In the text it states: Deep Ecology is an ideological spinoff of the ecology movement that views the diversity and integrity of the planetary ecosystem, in and for itself, as its primary value.

Can we add: Followers of this ideology can be called deep green environmentalists ?

In the Deep green environmentalism article, we can then put the following: Similar to dark greens, "deep greens" put most of the blame of the current environmental problems on the industry, and also follow an anti-consumerist ideology. For individuals, they advocate adopting a simple/low-tech lifestyle, yet accept using green technologies whenever this is not possible. They also follow a non-anthropocentric environmental ideology. They also believe that the collapse of the current society, due to environmental difficulties, is at hand and thus also prepare for this collapse.

81.242.248.237 (talk) 09:13, 22 January 2013 (UTC)

neutrality of critisism
neutrality of critisism is really quetionable — Preceding unsigned comment added by 79.167.146.26 (talk) 15:40, 23 April 2013 (UTC)
 * Several examples of anti-environmental bias exist throughout Wikipedia. This issue is now being discussed here. Jarble (talk) 05:06, 7 January 2015 (UTC)

I feel as though this section forgot to mention many critics that pertain to the Environmental Movement for example: to being with in the Intro- the role of colonialism, capitalism, and corporations in environmental effects. I agree with the remarks on the neutrality of the criticisms of U.S. environmental movements because elitism of U.S. environmental projects is not addressed, and how U.S. environmental movements too often fail to address how environmental issues directly affect indigenous people in the U.S. and globally because of the property they reside on, something also referred to as environmental racism. The fact that even if the U.S. and other countries sign global environmental treaties they do not implement these guidelines, or how sometimes countries don't even sing these treaties such as China is not mentioned. It should be noted on the Latin America section that in recent years a crisis of murders of environmental activist has rose such as the case in Honduras with Berta Caceres and also in Asian countries. The book “First Along the River” serves as a brief history of U.S. environmental movement and elitism. Democracynow.org and TeleSurTv.net can offer some insight into the surge of killings of environmental activist, on Democracynow.org you can find a report called “How Many More? 116 Environmental Defenders Were Murdered Last Year, Mostly in Latin America” ( Marimara93 (talk) 23:56, 18 September 2016 (UTC) )

Terms suggested by user:Gravuritas
user:Gravuritas gave some terms while editing. (see Edit History) I googled "Rag & bone environment", I found this: & with "responsible care management system", this:. Not sure if it is the right content. (I might add it when I have time. You can add it if you want...) -- Petorial (talk) 03:52, 6 April 2014 (UTC)
 * Sorry if I was rather short & cryptic in the edit note. I thought that the claims that interest in recycling etc was new, and business's interest in environmental issues was new, were inaccurate.  The responsible care management system was launched by the chemical industry in 1986, for instance.  And 'Rag and Bone' men drove round the streets in the UK, buying up stuff and selling/recycling it until about 50 years ago.  And re-using vehicle parts from a car-breaker used to be much more common than it is now.  While many new re-use/ recycle initiatives are to be welcomed, there should be no pretending that this never happened before.  The little chunk I deleted from the article was making that claim.
 * Gravuritas (talk) 08:24, 6 April 2014 (UTC)
 * Pardon me that I misunderstood you! I got something via googling and I thought they might be useful if they are related to the topic, but I am not confident enough to do the editing so I left a note here. Thanks for the clarification! :D -- Petorial (talk) 11:21, 7 May 2014 (UTC)

Merge with Ecology movement
I performed the merge. Very little was salvageable material—either unsourced or unsourced and biased. I'd encourage those who are interested to look back at the |old version of the ecology movement page and rework and find sources for unsourced material. Karmos (talk) 06:14, 20 July 2014 (UTC)

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Time line Comment
"The Society attracted growing support from the suburban middle-classes and influenced the passage of the Sea Birds Preservation Act in 1869". That's interesting because the Society was formed (as The Plumage League) only 20 years latter (February 1889). אביהו (talk) 10:03, 11 October 2016 (UTC)

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Evaluation Question
Why is it that we let the world face a threat we've been known was coming for more than 100 years. Can the world come together to survive together? Jorgedmngz5 (talk) 07:22, 16 September 2020 (UTC)

Proposed merge
I propose merging Environmental movement into Environmentalism. I think the content in the movement can easily be explained in the context of "environmentalism", and a merger would not cause any article-size or weighting problems in Environmentalism.FatalSubjectivities FatalSubjectivities (talk) 13:20, 17 October 2022 (UTC)

 * Unsure. I think its still good to distinguish the two as this article is more about the social and political movement, whilst the other is about the ideology or set of values that underpins it. Kind of like how women's liberation movement is separate from feminism. Arcahaeoindris (talk) 20:55, 18 October 2022 (UTC)

 * Oppose as per above. Libcub (talk) 23:56, 12 January 2023 (UTC)

 * Support - The two articles are very close together in scope. I disagree with @Arcahaeoindris's comparison to the "women's liberation movement" vs "feminism". If anything, the WLM refers to a specific movement within a specific time period, which is more or less a subset of feminism, which is a wider topic that has been represented by multiple movements throughout history. On the other hand, the article "environmental movement" is not really discussing a specific movement but is instead discussing a "diverse" range of movements; which is basically what the article "environmentalism" already does. If "environmental movement" isn't discussing a specific movement, then it serves no real purpose. Jargo Nautilus (talk) 13:34, 25 January 2023 (UTC)
 * Comment may not be helpful but note that there is also a separate article called Feminist movement to Feminism Arcahaeoindris (talk) 14:26, 11 February 2023 (UTC)
 * Support the merging of Feminist movement into Feminism. Fourmidable (talk) 19:06, 21 July 2023 (UTC)
 * Oppose on the grounds that the combined article would be over 100k (so the claim of no problem with article size doesn't seem to to hold). The articles address an important topic best covered over several linked pages. Klbrain (talk) 09:43, 1 May 2023 (UTC)
 * Support merge and rationalisation. The two pages contain extensive duplications of information. The movement page is also too US biased and not adequately representative of global realities. The argument that ideologies exist as separate from those who generate them is a POV and IMO flawed in current sociological thinking. Pointing at other similar duplications does not answer the point. The rationalisation of content can address the concern re size.   Tytire (talk) 11:17, 26 June 2023 (UTC)
 * Support. This article is general, not like "women's liberation movement" that is the name of a specific movement. --Fourmidable (talk) 19:01, 21 July 2023 (UTC)
 * Oppose the article size is massive so then it would be a section that would need to be split off ... Sebbog13 (talk) 22:00, 8 August 2023 (UTC)

Wiki Education assignment: Media, Activism, and Social Movements
— Assignment last updated by Marcplummer82 (talk) 00:20, 31 March 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:Environmental movement


text:
Talk:Biosafety

Wikipedia Ambassador Program assignment
This article is the subject of an educational assignment at University of Western Ontario supported by the Wikipedia Ambassador Program during the 2012 Q1 term. Further details are available on the course page.

Above message substituted from on 14:26, 7 January 2023 (UTC)

P5???
"In exobiology (i.e., NASA's policy for containing alien microbes that may exist on space samples - sometimes called "biosafety level 5")."

Biosafety level 5 (P5) labs daesn't exist =P

Lifted material
Heads up everyone. This page has been lifted from "SafeBiology.com". Check it out at http://www.safebiology.com/

good work fixing that up. It's probably the best single page on this anywhere.

No. It's only the beginning of the point. It's leaving whole pieces in the dark. 1. Considering the meaning of a word made of BIO and SAFETY, it could apply to any "thing" dangerous for a biological living, be it a human, or a tiger, or a slug, or a bacteria. And "thing" could be about everything, CFC that ultimately are responsable for death, through global warming, or asbestos dust as it may lead to cancer, or a bacteria in my pate, or a human being to another species. How do we draw the line ? 2. What does loss of biological integrity means ? Do we refer here to the simple disappearance/death of one living being ? Or do we refer only to physical degradation (cancer...) or loss of reproduction capabilities (terratogeny), or irreversible genetic transformation ? Or do we refer to a whole species in danger ? How do we know/judge when a species is in danger ? 3. Where are the irradiation risks ? Or being run over by a car for that matter :) ? 4. That doesnt indicate some languages don't really have a word for biosafety. Or when they have one, it is not used, or utterly confused with bio-security. We should insist here on the difference between biosafety and biosecurity.

- I agree with all of this, but a previously careful article that made these exact distinctions was "edited" back to the current one in biosecurity, which is now a bit of a mess. talk:biosecurity should have more of those issues... but read what's there first.

The purpose of this article (biosafety) is to introduce the range of meanings and to hopefully show that the passive measures taken in each profession are not coordinated. Coordination is more important in biohazard response than in prevention... prevention may well be futile.

If you're going to get into "anything dangerous", that's just "security" - what distinguishes "biosecurity" is that the threats are too small to see... likewise what distinguishes "biosafety" is the same... threats too small to see once they're out of the door... and in your body... or your garden... - Okay, so you say the difference between safety and bio-safety (or security and bio-security) is just a matter a "size" (hence detection) ? If so, that word biosafety was maybe not the best one to be chosen I would distinguish the "safety" in its broad use (living beings, and material (prevention against destruction of a network for example)), then safety applied to living beings, and finally what seems to be defined as bio-safety.

In other words, the agents responsable of a bio threat are those we may "see" too late to avoid a threat, either because we have no way to detect them, or because we detect them too late for a preventive action to be enough to avoid being harmed ? So an bio-agent would be defined by being

- dangerous, or only potentially dangerous to a living being

- either detectable at levels such as they are already dangererous (eg cadmium or benzo-a-pyrene, detected at ppb levels, and estimated dangerous at these levels) or only detectable by advanced (expensive, non-portable, hard to use) technology, or non-detectable at all by any known technology (exobio)

>Coordination is more important in biohazard response than in prevention... prevention may well be futile.

I do not agree with that. It depends very much on the profession. Some professions are very much uncoordinated, and it is true it may not matter very much on a prevention point of view. Prevention might well be unsufficient, especially in those cases where the bio-agent is so little known that an appropriate prevention cannot be defined (prions maybe, exobio certainly). In theses cases, prevention might be futile.

In others professions, coordinated prevention is essential (pcbs, nitrates, nuclear wastes), is developping, and may require more legal support. This is especially true and well adapted to situations where the bio-agent cycle of appearance disapearance/transformation is well known. This doesn't necessarily imply the effects on biosphere are open-source knowledge.

So bio-security is especially important in cases where the agent effects are of very high risk on human life and ecology, and in cases where the risks are maybe not so high but where prevention is not applicable.

The relationship between the topic and ecology....
--58.38.45.18 (talk) 06:06, 7 February 2010 (UTC)
 * http://scholar.google.com/scholar?hl=en&q=allintitle%3A+biosafety+ecology&btnG=Search&as_sdt=2000&as_ylo=&as_vis=0

The relationship of the topic and virus....
--58.38.45.18 (talk) 06:19, 7 February 2010 (UTC)
 * Baculoviruses - http://scholar.google.com/scholar?hl=en&q=allintitle%3A+biosafety+baculoviruses&btnG=Search&as_sdt=2000&as_ylo=&as_vis=0

The relationship between fecal and disease control....
--58.38.45.18 (talk) 06:41, 7 February 2010 (UTC)
 * http://scholar.google.com/scholar?hl=en&q=disease+control+fecal&btnG=Search&as_sdt=2000&as_ylo=&as_vis=0
 * http://scholar.google.com/scholar?as_q=disease+control+fecal&num=10&btnG=Search+Scholar&as_epq=&as_oq=&as_eq=&as_occt=title&as_sauthors=&as_publication=&as_ylo=&as_yhi=&as_sdt=1.&as_sdtp=on&as_sdts=5&hl=en

--58.38.45.18 (talk) 06:51, 7 February 2010 (UTC)
 * http://scholar.google.com/scholar?hl=en&q=allintitle%3A+septic+safety&btnG=Search&as_sdt=2000&as_ylo=&as_vis=0

--58.38.45.18 (talk) 07:03, 7 February 2010 (UTC)
 * http://scholar.google.com/scholar?hl=en&q=allintitle%3A+fly+feces&btnG=Search&as_sdt=2000&as_ylo=&as_vis=0

 * http://scholar.google.com/scholar?as_q=diptera+feces&num=10&btnG=Search+Scholar&as_epq=&as_oq=&as_eq=&as_occt=title&as_sauthors=&as_publication=&as_ylo=&as_yhi=&as_sdt=1.&as_sdtp=on&as_sdts=5&hl=en

--58.38.45.18 (talk) 07:15, 7 February 2010 (UTC)
 * http://scholar.google.com/scholar?hl=en&q=allintitle%3A+dipteran+feces&btnG=Search&as_sdt=2000&as_ylo=&as_vis=0

Resources
The following scientific articles and book may be useful for this article:
 * Bartsch, Detlef, and Ingolf Schuphan. "Lessons we can learn from ecological biosafety research." Journal of Biotechnology 98.1 (2002): 71-77.
 * World Health Organization. Laboratory biosafety manual. World Health Organization, 2004.
 * World Health Organization. Laboratory biosafety manual. World Health Organization, 2004.
 * World Health Organization. Laboratory biosafety manual. World Health Organization, 2004.

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What is the biosafety lavel for COVID 19 SARS coronavirus?
Novel coronavirus biosafety level 2409:4060:18C:1813:3802:4B23:93C6:CD2E (talk) 03:04, 16 March 2020 (UTC)

Here is a discussion about plant pathogen biosafety level
https://biology.stackexchange.com/questions/85583/is-there-any-biosafety-level-scale-for-plant-pathogens Kindly update this article with plant pathogen biosafety 2409:4060:18C:1813:3802:4B23:93C6:CD2E (talk) 03:07, 16 March 2020 (UTC)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Talk:Biosafety


text:
United States Postmaster General

The United States postmaster general (PMG) is the chief executive officer of the United States Postal Service (USPS). The PMG is responsible for managing and directing the day-to-day operations of the agency.

The PMG is selected and appointed by the Board of Governors of the Postal Service. The postmaster general then also sits on the board. The PMG does not serve at the president's pleasure and can only be dismissed by the Board of Governors. The appointment of the postmaster general does not require Senate confirmation. The governors, and the postmaster general elect the deputy postmaster general.

The current officeholder is Louis DeJoy, who was appointed on June 16, 2020.

18th century
The office of U.S. postmaster general dates back to country's founding. The first position, during the colonial-era British America, was that of Postmaster General. Benjamin Franklin was appointed by the Continental Congress as the first postmaster general in 1775; he had previously served as deputy postmaster for the Thirteen Colonies since 1753. The formal office of the United States postmaster general was established by act of government on September 22, 1789.

19th century
From 1829 to 1971, the postmaster general was a member of the president's Cabinet.

20th century
After passage of the Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act in 1883 and prior to the passage of the Hatch Act of 1939, the postmaster general was in charge of the governing party's patronage and was a powerful position which held much influence within the party, as exemplified by James Farley's tenure from 1933 to 1940 under Franklin D. Roosevelt.

After the spoils system was reformed, the position remained a Cabinet post, and it was often given to a new president's campaign manager or other key political supporters, including Arthur Summerfield, W. Marvin Watson, and Larry O'Brien, each who played important roles organizing the campaigns of presidents Dwight Eisenhower, John F. Kennedy, and Lyndon B. Johnson, respectively, and was considered something of a sinecure. Poet and literary scholar Charles Olson, who served as a Democratic National Committee official during the 1944 U.S. presidential election, declined the position in January 1945.

Until 1971, the postmaster general was the head of the Post Office Department, or simply "Post Office" until the 1820s. During that era, the postmaster general was appointed by the president of the United States, with the advice and consent of the United States Senate.

In 1971, the Post Office Department was re-organized into the United States Postal Service, an independent agency of the executive branch, and the postmaster general was no longer a member of the Cabinet nor in line of presidential succession.

The postmaster general is now appointed by the Board of Governors of the United States Postal Service, not appointed by the president with the advice and consent of the U.S. Senate.

As non-Cabinet department (1789–1829)

 * Parties

As cabinet department (1829–1971)

 * Parties

title: United States Postmaster General


text:
Sartène

Sartène (Sartè ; Sartena or Sartene   ) is a commune in the department of Corse-du-Sud on the island of Corsica, France.

Its history dates back to medieval times and granite buildings from the early 16th century still line some of the streets. One of the main incidents in the town's history was an attack by pirates from Algiers in 1583, after which 400 people were taken away. These attacks continued into the 18th century.

The town is centred on the Place de la Liberation (previously the Place Porta), at the edge of which is the church of Sainte Marie. The town allows good views across the valley. Sartène wine is appreciated by wine connoisseurs for its good quality.

Sartène has given its name to one of the southern Corsican dialects a variety of which is the Gallurese spoken in North Sardinia.

Climate
Sartène has a mediterranean climate (Köppen climate classification Csa). The average annual temperature in Sartène is 15.8 C. The average annual rainfall is 732.1 mm with November as the wettest month. The temperatures are highest on average in August, at around 23.9 C, and lowest in February, at around 8.9 C. The highest temperature ever recorded in Sartène was 43.4 C on 23 July 2009; the coldest temperature ever recorded was -4.8 C on 1 February 1999.

Sights
Genoese towers in the commune of Sartène:
 * Torra di Roccapina
 * Torra di Senetosa
 * Torra di Tizzà

There are numerous archaeological sites in the commune or Sartène:

 * A Figa
 * Apazzu
 * Cardiccia
 * Casteddu di Puzzonu
 * Cauria
 * Funtanaccia
 * Paddaghju
 * Rinaghju
 * Stantari

title: Sartène


text:
United States Secretary of Housing and Urban Development

The United States secretary of housing and urban development (or HUD secretary) is the head of the United States Department of Housing and Urban Development, a member of the president's Cabinet, and thirteenth in the presidential line of succession. The post was created with the formation of the Department of Housing and Urban Development on September 9, 1965, by President Lyndon B. Johnson's signing of into law. The department's mission is "to increase homeownership, support community development and increase access to affordable housing free from discrimination."

Secretary of Housing and Urban Development is a Level I position in the Executive Schedule, thus earning a salary of US$246,400, as of January 2024.

, Adrianne Todman is the acting secretary of housing and urban development.

List of secretaries of housing and urban development
(9) (9) {{legend|#E6E6AA|Denotes acting Secretary|border=black}}
 * Parties
 * Status


text:
United States Secretary of Transportation

The United States secretary of transportation is the head of the United States Department of Transportation. The secretary serves as the principal advisor to the President of the United States on all matters relating to transportation. The secretary is a statutory member of the Cabinet of the United States, and is fourteenth in the presidential line of succession.

The secretary of transportation oversees the U.S. Department of Transportation, which has over 55,000 employees and thirteen agencies, including the Federal Aviation Administration, the Federal Highway Administration, the Federal Railroad Administration, and the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration. As of January 2021, the secretary receives an annual salary of $221,400.

Pete Buttigieg has served as the secretary of transportation since February 3, 2021. He was confirmed by the United States Senate by a vote of 86–13 on February 2, 2021. Buttigieg is the first openly gay man to hold the position, the first openly gay Cabinet secretary and the youngest person to serve as secretary of transportation.

History
The post was created on October 15, 1966, by the Department of Transportation Act, signed into law by President Lyndon B. Johnson. The department's mission is "to develop and coordinate policies that will provide an efficient and economical national transportation system, with due regard for need, the environment, and the national defense."

The first secretary of transportation was Alan S. Boyd, nominated to the post by Democratic president Lyndon B. Johnson. Ronald Reagan's second secretary of transportation, Elizabeth Dole, was the first female holder, and Mary Peters was the second. Gerald Ford's nominee William Thaddeus Coleman Jr. was the first African American to serve as transportation secretary, and Federico Peña, serving under Bill Clinton, was the first Hispanic to hold the position, subsequently becoming the secretary of energy. Japanese-American Norman Mineta, who had previously been the secretary of commerce, is the longest-serving secretary, holding the post for over five and a half years, and Andrew Card is the shortest-serving secretary, serving only eleven months. Pete Buttigieg is the youngest secretary, taking office at 39 years 15 days old, overtaking Neil Goldschmidt as the youngest secretary, taking office at 39 years 3 months old, while Norman Mineta was the oldest, retiring at age 74. In April 2008, Mary Peters launched the official blog of the secretary of transportation called The Fast Lane. On January 23, 2009, the 16th secretary, Ray LaHood, took office, serving under the administration of Democrat Barack Obama; he had previously been a Republican Congressman from Illinois for fourteen years.

Anthony Foxx was the 17th U.S. secretary of transportation from 2013 to 2017, when Barack Obama was the president. Elaine Chao, who served as the secretary of labor under President George W. Bush, was nominated by Donald Trump on November 29, 2016. On January 31, 2017, the Senate confirmed her appointment by a vote of 93–6. On January 7, 2021, Chao announced her resignation following the January 6 United States Capitol attack, effective January 11. On January 11, 2021, acting Deputy Secretary of Transportation Steven G. Bradbury became acting Secretary of Transportation.

List of secretaries of transportation
(8) (11)
 * Parties

Status

Line of succession
The line of succession regarding who would act as Secretary of Transportation in the event of a vacancy or incapacitation is as follows:

 * 1) Deputy Secretary of Transportation
 * 2) Under Secretary of Transportation for Policy
 * 3) General Counsel
 * 4) Assistant Secretary for Budget and Programs
 * 5) Assistant Secretary for Transportation Policy
 * 6) Assistant Secretary for Governmental Affairs
 * 7) Assistant Secretary for Aviation and International Affairs
 * 8) Assistant Secretary for Administration
 * 9) Administrator of the Federal Highway Administration
 * 10) Administrator of the Federal Aviation Administration
 * 11) Administrator of the Federal Motor Carrier Safety Administration
 * 12) Administrator of the Federal Railroad Administration
 * 13) Administrator of the Federal Transit Administration
 * 14) Administrator of the Maritime Administration
 * 15) Administrator of the Pipeline and Hazardous Materials Safety Administration
 * 16) Administrator of the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration
 * 17) Administrator of the Research and Innovative Technology Administration
 * 18) Administrator of the Saint Lawrence Seaway Development Corporation
 * 19) Regional Administrator, Southern Region, Federal Aviation Administration
 * 20) Director, Resource Center, Lakewood, Colorado, Federal Highway Administration
 * 21) Regional Administrator, Northwest Mountain Region, Federal Aviation Administration


text:
United States Secretary of Energy

The United States secretary of energy is the head of the United States Department of Energy, a member of the Cabinet of the United States, and fifteenth in the presidential line of succession. The position was created on October 1, 1977, when President Jimmy Carter signed the Department of Energy Organization Act, establishing the department. The energy secretary and the department originally focused on energy production and regulation. The emphasis soon shifted to developing technology for better and more efficient energy sources, as well as energy education. After the end of the Cold War, the department's attention also turned toward radioactive waste disposal and the maintenance of environmental quality. Former secretary of defense James Schlesinger served as the first secretary of energy. As a Republican nominated to the post by Democratic president Jimmy Carter, Schlesinger's appointment marks the only time a president has chosen a member of another political party for the position. Schlesinger is also the only secretary to be dismissed from the post. Hazel O'Leary, Bill Clinton's first secretary of energy, was the first female and first African American to hold the position. The first Hispanic to serve as Energy Secretary was Clinton's second energy secretary, Federico Peña. Spencer Abraham became the first Arab American to hold the position on January 20, 2001, serving under the administration of George W. Bush. Steven Chu became the first Asian American to hold the position on January 20, 2009, serving under president Barack Obama. Chu was also the longest-serving secretary of energy and the first individual to join the Cabinet after having received a Nobel Prize.

President Joe Biden's nominee to be Secretary of Energy, former Michigan governor Jennifer Granholm, was confirmed on February 25, 2021. Granholm is the second woman to lead the Department of Energy.

Nuclear weapons
In addition to responsibilities related to generation and use of energy, the secretary is the most senior official other than the president of the United States or Secretary of Defense with primary responsibility for the nation's ~3,800 viable nuclear weapons. This arrangement is intended to maintain full civilian control over strategic weapons, except as directed by the president for specific military uses. The department of energy is responsible for the building, maintenance, and disposal of all nuclear weapons within the United States' arsenal in addition to safeguarding these weapons when they are not actively deployed in military service. Under the terms of several successive treaties, most recently New START, the United States has reduced its strategic arsenal to 1500 deployed weapons. Consequently, many older legacy weapons systems have been dismantled or scheduled for dismantlement, with their core radioactive fuel - generally plutonium - being reprocessed into reactor-grade or space exploration fuel.

List of secretaries of energy
(7) (9)
 * Parties

Status

title: United States Secretary of Energy


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Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety

The Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety to the Convention on Biological Diversity is an international agreement on biosafety as a supplement to the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) effective since 2003. The Biosafety Protocol seeks to protect biological diversity from the potential risks posed by genetically modified organisms resulting from modern biotechnology.

The Biosafety Protocol makes clear that products from new technologies must be based on the precautionary principle and allow developing nations to balance public health against economic benefits. It will for example let countries ban imports of genetically modified organisms if they feel there is not enough scientific evidence that the product is safe and requires exporters to label shipments containing genetically altered commodities such as corn or cotton.

The required number of 50 instruments of ratification/accession/approval/acceptance by countries was reached in May 2003. In accordance with the provisions of its Article 37, the Protocol entered into force on 11 September 2003. As of July 2020, the Protocol had 173 parties, which includes 170 United Nations member states, the State of Palestine, Niue, and the European Union.

Background
The Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety, also known as the Biosafety Protocol, was adopted in January 2000, after a CBD Open-ended Ad Hoc Working Group on Biosafety had met six times between July 1996 and February 1999. The Working Group submitted a draft text of the Protocol, for consideration by Conference of the Parties at its first extraordinary meeting, which was convened for the express purpose of adopting a protocol on biosafety to the CBD. After a few delays, the Cartagena Protocol was eventually adopted on 29 January 2000 The Biosafety Protocol seeks to protect biological diversity from the potential risks posed by living modified organisms resulting from modern biotechnology.

Objective
In accordance with the precautionary approach, contained in Principle 15 of the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development, the objective of the Protocol is to contribute to ensuring an adequate level of protection in the field of the safe transfer, handling and use of 'living modified organisms resulting from modern biotechnology' that may have adverse effects on the conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity, taking also into account risks to human health, and specifically focusing on transboundary movements (Article 1 of the Protocol, SCBD 2000).

Living modified organisms (LMOs)
The protocol defines a 'living modified organism' as any living organism that possesses a novel combination of genetic material obtained through the use of modern biotechnology, and 'living organism' means any biological entity capable of transferring or replicating genetic material, including sterile organisms, viruses and viroids. 'Modern biotechnology' is defined in the Protocol to mean the application of in vitro nucleic acid techniques, or fusion of cells beyond the taxonomic family, that overcome natural physiological reproductive or recombination barriers and are not techniques used in traditional breeding and selection. 'Living modified organism (LMO) Products' are defined as processed material that are of living modified organism origin, containing detectable novel combinations of replicable genetic material obtained through the use of modern biotechnology. Common LMOs include agricultural crops that have been genetically modified for greater productivity or for resistance to pests or diseases. Examples of modified crops include tomatoes, cassava, corn, cotton and soybeans. 'Living modified organism intended for direct use as food or feed, or for processing (LMO-FFP)' are agricultural commodities from GM crops. Overall the term 'living modified organisms' is equivalent to genetically modified organism – the Protocol did not make any distinction between these terms and did not use the term 'genetically modified organism.'

Precautionary approach
One of the outcomes of the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (also known as the Earth Summit) held in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, in June 1992, was the adoption of the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development, which contains 27 principles to underpin sustainable development. Commonly known as the precautionary principle, Principle 15 states that "In order to protect the environment, the precautionary approach shall be widely applied by States according to their capabilities. Where there are threats of serious or irreversible damage, lack of full scientific certainty shall not be used as a reason for postponing cost-effective measures to prevent environmental degradation."

Elements of the precautionary approach are reflected in a number of the provisions of the Protocol, such as:
 * The preamble, reaffirming "the precautionary approach contained in Principle 15 of the Rio Declaration on environment and Development";
 * Article 1, indicating that the objective of the Protocol is "in accordance with the precautionary approach contained in Principle 15 of the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development";
 * Article 10.6 and 11.8, which states "Lack of scientific certainty due to insufficient relevant scientific information and knowledge regarding the extent of the potential adverse effects of an LMO on biodiversity, taking into account risks to human health, shall not prevent a Party of import from taking a decision, as appropriate, with regard to the import of the LMO in question, in order to avoid or minimize such potential adverse effects."; and
 * Annex III on risk assessment, which notes that "Lack of scientific knowledge or scientific consensus should not necessarily be interpreted as indicating a particular level of risk, an absence of risk, or an acceptable risk."

Application
The Protocol applies to the transboundary movement, transit, handling and use of all living modified organisms that may have adverse effects on the conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity, taking also into account risks to human health (Article 4 of the Protocol, SCBD 2000).

Parties and non-parties
The governing body of the Protocol is called the Conference of the Parties to the Convention serving as the meeting of the Parties to the Protocol (also the COP-MOP). The main function of this body is to review the implementation of the Protocol and make decisions necessary to promote its effective operation. Decisions under the Protocol can only be taken by Parties to the Protocol. Parties to the Convention that are not Parties to the Protocol may only participate as observers in the proceedings of meetings of the COP-MOP.

The Protocol addresses the obligations of Parties in relation to the transboundary movements of LMOs to and from non-Parties to the Protocol. The transboundary movements between Parties and non-Parties must be carried out in a manner that is consistent with the objective of the Protocol. Parties are required to encourage non-Parties to adhere to the Protocol and to contribute information to the Biosafety Clearing-House.

Relationship with the WTO
A number of agreements under the World Trade Organization (WTO), such as the Agreement on the Application of Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (SPS Agreement) and the Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT Agreement), and the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs), contain provisions that are relevant to the Protocol. This Protocol states in its preamble that parties:
 * Recognize that trade and environment agreements should be mutually supportive;
 * Emphasize that the Protocol is not interpreted as implying a change in the rights and obligations under any existing agreements; and
 * Understand that the above recital is not intended to subordinate the Protocol to other international agreements.

Overview of features
The Protocol promotes biosafety by establishing rules and procedures for the safe transfer, handling, and use of LMOs, with specific focus on transboundary movements of LMOs. It features a set of procedures including one for LMOs that are to be intentionally introduced into the environment called the advance informed agreement procedure, and one for LMOs that are intended to be used directly as food or feed or for processing. Parties to the Protocol must ensure that LMOs are handled, packaged and transported under conditions of safety. Furthermore, the shipment of LMOs subject to transboundary movement must be accompanied by appropriate documentation specifying, among other things, identity of LMOs and contact point for further information. These procedures and requirements are designed to provide importing Parties with the necessary information needed for making informed decisions about whether or not to accept LMO imports and for handling them in a safe manner.

The Party of import makes its decisions in accordance with scientifically sound risk assessments. The Protocol sets out principles and methodologies on how to conduct a risk assessment. In case of insufficient relevant scientific information and knowledge, the Party of import may use precaution in making their decisions on import. Parties may also take into account, consistent with their international obligations, socio-economic considerations in reaching decisions on import of LMOs.

Parties must also adopt measures for managing any risks identified by the risk assessment, and they must take necessary steps in the event of accidental release of LMOs.

To facilitate its implementation, the Protocol establishes a Biosafety Clearing-House for Parties to exchange information, and contains a number of important provisions, including capacity-building, a financial mechanism, compliance procedures, and requirements for public awareness and participation.

Advance Informed Agreement
The "Advance Informed Agreement" (AIA) procedure applies to the first intentional transboundary movement of LMOs for intentional introduction into the environment of the Party of import. It includes four components: notification by the Party of export or the exporter, acknowledgment of receipt of notification by the Party of import, the decision procedure, and opportunity for review of decisions. The purpose of this procedure is to ensure that importing countries have both the opportunity and the capacity to assess risks that may be associated with the LMO before agreeing to its import. The Party of import must indicate the reasons on which its decisions are based (unless consent is unconditional). A Party of import may, at any time, in light of new scientific information, review and change a decision. A Party of export or a notifier may also request the Party of import to review its decisions.

However, the Protocol's AIA procedure does not apply to certain categories of LMOs:
 * LMOs in transit;
 * LMOs destined for contained use;
 * LMOs intended for direct use as food or feed or for processing

While the Protocol's AIA procedure does not apply to certain categories of LMOs, Parties have the right to regulate the importation on the basis of domestic legislation. There are also allowances in the Protocol to declare certain LMOs exempt from application of the AIA procedure.

LMOs intended for food or feed, or for processing
LMOs intended for direct use as food or feed, or processing (LMOs-FFP) represent a large category of agricultural commodities. The Protocol, instead of using the AIA procedure, establishes a more simplified procedure for the transboundary movement of LMOs-FFP. Under this procedure, A Party must inform other Parties through the Biosafety Clearing-House, within 15 days, of its decision regarding domestic use of LMOs that may be subject to transboundary movement.

Decisions by the Party of import on whether or not to accept the import of LMOs-FFP are taken under its domestic regulatory framework that is consistent with the objective of the Protocol. A developing country Party or a Party with an economy in transition may, in the absence of a domestic regulatory framework, declare through the Biosafety Clearing-House that its decisions on the first import of LMOs-FFP will be taken in accordance with risk assessment as set out in the Protocol and time frame for decision-making.

Handling, transport, packaging and identification
The Protocol provides for practical requirements that are deemed to contribute to the safe movement of LMOs. Parties are required to take measures for the safe handling, packaging and transportation of LMOs that are subject to transboundary movement. The Protocol specifies requirements on identification by setting out what information must be provided in documentation that should accompany transboundary shipments of LMOs. It also leaves room for possible future development of standards for handling, packaging, transport and identification of LMOs by the meeting of the Parties to the Protocol.

Each Party is required to take measures ensuring that LMOs subject to intentional transboundary movement are accompanied by documentation identifying the LMOs and providing contact details of persons responsible for such movement. The details of these requirements vary according to the intended use of the LMOs, and, in the case of LMOs for food, feed or for processing, they should be further addressed by the governing body of the Protocol. (Article 18 of the Protocol, SCBD 2000).

The first meeting of the Parties adopted decisions outlining identification requirements for different categories of LMOs (Decision BS-I/6, SCBD 2004). However, the second meeting of the Parties failed to reach agreement on the detailed requirements to identify LMOs intended for direct use as food, feed or for processing and will need to reconsider this issue at its third meeting in March 2006.

Biosafety Clearing-House
The Protocol established a Biosafety Clearing-House (BCH), in order to facilitate the exchange of scientific, technical, environmental and legal information on, and experience with, living modified organisms; and to assist Parties to implement the Protocol (Article 20 of the Protocol, SCBD 2000). It was established in a phased manner, and the first meeting of the Parties approved the transition from the pilot phase to the fully operational phase, and adopted modalities for its operations (Decision BS-I/3, SCBD 2004).

title: Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety


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United States Secretary of Veterans Affairs

The United States secretary of veterans affairs is the head of the United States Department of Veterans Affairs, the department concerned with veterans' benefits, health care, and national veterans' memorials and cemeteries. The secretary is a member of the Cabinet and second to last at sixteenth in the line of succession to the presidency (the position was last until the addition of the United States Department of Homeland Security in 2006 ). Until the appointment of David Shulkin in 2017, all appointees and acting appointees to the post were United States military veterans, but that is not a requirement to fill the position.

When the post of secretary is vacant, the deputy secretary or any other person designated by the president serves as acting secretary until the president nominates and the United States Senate confirms a new secretary.

Denis McDonough is currently serving as the 11th secretary of veterans affairs since February 9, 2021 under President Joe Biden.

List of secretaries of veterans affairs
(2) (3) (6) {{legend|#E6E6AA|Acting Secretary of Veterans Affairs|border=black}}
 * Parties
 * Status

Anthony Principi served as Acting Secretary in his capacity as Deputy Secretary of Veterans Affairs September 26, 1992 – January 20, 1993.

Hershel W. Gober served as Acting Secretary in his capacity as Deputy Secretary of Veterans Affairs July 13, 1997 – January 2, 1998 and July 25, 2000 – January 20, 2001.

West served as Acting Secretary from January 2, 1998 to May 4, 1998.

Gordon H. Mansfield served as Acting Secretary in his capacity as Deputy Secretary of Veterans Affairs October 1 – December 20, 2007.


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Portuguese Mozambique

Portuguese Mozambique (Moçambique Portuguesa) or Portuguese East Africa (África Oriental Portuguesa) were the common terms by which Mozambique was designated during the period in which it was a Portuguese colony. Portuguese Mozambique originally constituted a string of Portuguese possessions along the south-east African coast, and later became a unified colony, which now forms the Republic of Mozambique.

Portuguese trading settlements—and later, colonies—were formed along the coast and into the Zambezi basin from 1498 when Vasco da Gama first reached the Mozambican coast. Lourenço Marques explored the area that is now Maputo Bay in 1544. The Portuguese increased efforts for occupying the interior of the colony after the Scramble for Africa, and secured political control over most of its territory in 1918, facing the resistance of Africans during the process.

Some territories in Mozambique were handed over in the late 19th century for rule by chartered companies like the Mozambique Company (Companhia de Moçambique), which had the concession of the lands corresponding to the present-day provinces of Manica and Sofala, and the Niassa Company (Companhia do Niassa), which had controlled the lands of the modern provinces of Cabo Delgado and Niassa. The Mozambique Company relinquished its territories back to Portuguese control in 1942, unifying Mozambique under control of the Portuguese government.

The region as a whole was long officially termed Portuguese East Africa, and was subdivided into a series of colonies extending from Lourenço Marques in the south to Niassa in the north. Cabo Delgado was initially merely a strip of territory along the Rovuma River, including Cape Delgado itself, which Portugal acquired out of German East Africa in 1919, but it was enlarged southward to the Lurio River to form what is now Cabo Delgado Province. In the Zambezi basin were the colonies of Quelimane (now Zambezia Province) and Tete (in the panhandle between Northern Rhodesia, now Zambia, and Southern Rhodesia, now Zimbabwe), which were for a time merged as Zambezia. The colony of Moçambique (now Nampula Province) had the Island of Mozambique as its capital. The island was also the seat of the Governor-General of Portuguese East Africa until the late 1890s, when that official was officially moved to the city of Lourenço Marques. Also in the south was the colony of Inhambane, which lay north-east of Lourenço Marques. Once these colonies were merged, the region as a whole became known as Moçambique.

According to the official policy of the Salazar regime, inspired on the concept of Lusotropicalismo, Mozambique was claimed as an integral part of the "pluricontinental and multiracial nation" of Portugal, as was done in all of its colonies to Europeanise the local population and assimilate them into Portuguese culture. This policy was largely unsuccessful, however, and African opposition to colonisation led to a ten-year independence war that culminated in the Carnation Revolution at Lisbon in April 1974 and the independence from Portugal in June 1975.

Designation
During its history as a Portuguese colony, the present-day territory of Mozambique had the following formal designations:
 * 1505–1752: Captaincy of Sofala (Capitania de Sofala); Dependency of the Portuguese State of India.
 * 1569–1752: Captaincy of Mozambique and Sofala (Capitania de Moçambique e Sofala); Dependency of the Portuguese State of India.
 * 1752–1836: Captaincy-General of Mozambique, Sofala and Rivers of Sena (Capitania-Geral de Moçambique, Sofala e Rios de Sena); Separate government, independent from that of the Portuguese State of India.
 * 1836–1891: Province of Mozambique (Província de Moçambique)
 * 1891–1893: State of Eastern Africa (Estado da África Oriental)
 * 1893–1926: Province of Mozambique (Província de Moçambique)
 * 1926–1951: Colony of Mozambique (Colónia de Moçambique)
 * 1951–1972: Province of Mozambique (Província de Moçambique)
 * 1973–1975: State of Mozambique (Estado de Moçambique)

Overview

Until the 20th century, the land and peoples of Mozambique were barely affected by the Europeans who came to its shores and entered its major rivers. As the Muslim traders, mostly Swahili, were displaced from their coastal centres and routes to the interior by the Portuguese, migrations of Bantu peoples continued and tribal federations formed and reformed as the relative power of local chiefs changed. For four centuries the Portuguese presence was meagre. Coastal and river trading posts were built, abandoned, and built again. Governors sought personal profits to take back to Portugal, and colonists were not attracted to the distant area with its relatively unattractive climate; those who stayed were traders who married local women and successfully maintained relations with local chiefs.

In Portugal, however, Mozambique was considered to be a vital part of a world empire. Periodic recognition of the relative insignificance of the revenues it could produce was tempered by the mystique which developed regarding the mission of the Portuguese to bring their civilisation to the African territory. It was believed that through missionary activity and other direct contact between Africans and Europeans, the Africans could be taught to appreciate and participate in Portuguese culture.

In the last decade of the 19th century and the first part of the 20th century, integration of Mozambique into the structure of the Portuguese nation was begun. After all of the area of the present province had been recognised by other European powers as belonging to Portugal, administrators waged wars against African polities to assert control over the territory. Civil administration was established throughout the area, the building of an infrastructure was begun, and agreements regarding the transit trade of Mozambique's land-locked neighbours to the west, such as Southern Rhodesia, Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland, were made.

Colonial legislation discriminated against Africans on cultural grounds. Colonial legislation submitted Africans to forced labour, to pass laws and to segregation in schools. That most Africans were perceived to engage in "uncivilised behaviour" by the Portuguese created a low opinion of Africans as a group among Europeans. The uneducated Portuguese immigrant peasants in urban areas were frequently in direct competition with Africans for jobs and demonstrated jealousies and racial prejudice.

Between the urban and rural sectors of the society lied a steadily increasing group of Africans who were loosening their ties with rural villages and starting to participate in the urban economy, to settle in suburbs, and to adopt European customs. Members of this group would later become active participants in the independence movement.

History
When Portuguese explorers reached East Africa in 1498, Swahili commercial settlements had existed along the Swahili Coast and outlying islands for several centuries. From about 1500, Portuguese trading posts and forts became regular ports of call on the new route to the east.

The voyage of Vasco da Gama around the Cape of Good Hope into the Indian Ocean in 1498 marked the Portuguese entry into trade, politics, and society in the Indian Ocean world. The Portuguese gained control of the Island of Mozambique and the port city of Sofala in the early 16th century. Vasco da Gama having visited Mombasa in 1498 was then successful in reaching India thereby permitting the Portuguese to trade with the Far East directly by sea, thus challenging older trading networks of mixed land and sea routes, such as the spice trade routes that used the Persian Gulf, Red Sea and caravans to reach the eastern Mediterranean.

The Republic of Venice had gained control over much of the trade routes between Europe and Asia. After traditional land routes to India had been closed by the Ottoman Turks, Portugal hoped to use the sea route pioneered by da Gama to break the Venetian trading monopoly. Initially, Portuguese rule in East Africa focused mainly on a coastal strip centred in Mombasa. With voyages led by Vasco da Gama, Francisco de Almeida and Afonso de Albuquerque, the Portuguese dominated much of southeast Africa's coast, including Sofala and Kilwa, by 1515. Their main goal was to dominate trade with India. As the Portuguese settled along the coast, they made their way into the hinterland as sertanejos (backwoodsmen). These sertanejos lived alongside Swahili traders and even took up service among Shona kings as interpreters and political advisors. One such sertanejo managed to travel through almost all the Shona kingdoms, including the Mutapa Empire's (Mwenemutapa) metropolitan district, between 1512 and 1516.

By the 1530s, small groups of Portuguese traders and prospectors penetrated the interior regions seeking gold, where they set up garrisons and trading posts at Sena and Tete on the Zambezi River and tried to gain exclusive control over the gold trade. The Portuguese finally entered into direct relations with the Mwenemutapa in the 1560s.

They recorded a wealth of information about the Mutapa kingdom as well as its predecessor, Great Zimbabwe. According to Swahili traders whose accounts were recorded by the Portuguese historian João de Barros, Great Zimbabwe was an ancient capital city built of stones of marvellous size without the use of mortar. And while the site was not within Mutapa's borders, the Mwenemutapa kept noblemen and some of his wives there.

The Portuguese attempted to legitimate and consolidate their trade and settlement positions through the creation of prazos (land grants) tied to Portuguese settlement and administration. While prazos were originally developed to be held by Portuguese, through intermarriage they became African Portuguese or African Indian centres defended by large African slave armies known as Chikunda. Historically, within Mozambique, there was slavery. Human beings were bought and sold by African tribal chiefs, Arab traders, and the Portuguese. Many Mozambican slaves were supplied by tribal chiefs who raided warring tribes and sold their captives to the prazeiros.

Although Portuguese influence gradually expanded, its power was limited and exercised through individual settlers and officials who were granted extensive autonomy. The Portuguese were able to wrest much of the coastal trade from Arabs between 1500 and 1700, but, with the Arab seizure of Portugal's key foothold at Fort Jesus on Mombasa Island (now in Kenya) in 1698, the pendulum began to swing in the other direction. As a result, investment lagged while Lisbon devoted itself to the more lucrative trade with India and the Far East and to the colonisation of Brazil. During the 18th and 19th centuries, the Mazrui and Omani Arabs reclaimed much of the Indian Ocean trade, forcing the Portuguese to retreat south. Many prazos had declined by the mid-19th century, but several of them survived. During the 19th century, other European powers, particularly the British and the French, became increasingly involved in the trade and politics of the region. In the Island of Mozambique, the hospital, a majestic neo-classical building constructed in 1877 by the Portuguese, with a garden decorated with ponds and fountains, was for many years the biggest hospital south of the Sahara. By the early 20th century the Portuguese had shifted the administration of much of Mozambique to private chartered companies, including the Mozambique Company, the Zambezia Company and the Niassa Company, which established several railroad lines to neighbouring countries. The companies, granted a charter by the Portuguese government to foster economic development and maintain Portuguese control in the territory's provinces, would lose their purpose when the territory was transferred to the control of the Portuguese colonial government between 1929 and 1942.

Although slavery had been legally abolished in Mozambique by the Portuguese colonial authorities, at the end of the 19th century the Chartered companies enacted a forced labour policy and supplied cheap – often forced – African labour to the mines and plantations of other European colonies in Africa. The Zambezia Company, the most profitable chartered company, took over a number of smaller prazeiro holdings and requested Portuguese military outposts to protect its property. The chartered companies and the Portuguese administration built roads and ports to bring their goods to market including a railway linking Southern Rhodesia with the Mozambican port of Beira. However, the development's administration gradually started to pass directly from the trading companies to the Portuguese government itself.

Because of their unsatisfactory performance and because of the shift, under the Estado Novo regime of Oliveira Salazar, towards a stronger Portuguese control of the Portuguese Empire's economy, the companies' concessions were not renewed when they ran out. This was what happened in 1942 with the Mozambique Company, which, however, continued to operate in the agricultural and commercial sectors as a corporation, and had already happened in 1929 with the termination of the Niassa Company's concession.

In the 1950s, the Portuguese overseas colony was rebranded an overseas province of Portugal, and by the early 1970s, it was officially upgraded to the status of Portuguese non-sovereign state, by which it would remain a Portuguese territory but with a wider administrative autonomy. The Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO), initiated a guerrilla campaign against Portuguese rule in September 1964. This conflict, along with the two others already initiated in the other Portuguese colonies of Angola and Guinea, became part of the so-called Portuguese Colonial War (1961–74). From a military standpoint, the Portuguese regular army held the upper hand during all of the conflicts against the independentist guerrilla forces, which created favourable conditions for social development and economic growth until the end of the conflict in 1974.

After ten years of sporadic warfare and after Portugal's return to democracy through a leftist military coup in Lisbon which replaced Portugal's Estado Novo regime in favour of a military junta (the Carnation Revolution of April 1974), FRELIMO took control of the territory. The talks that led to an agreement on Mozambique's independence, signed in Lusaka, were started. Within a year, almost the entire ethnic Portuguese population had left, many were killed or fleeing in fear of being killed (in mainland Portugal they were known as retornados); others were expelled by the ruling power of the newly independent territory. Mozambique became independent from Portugal on 25 June 1975.

Government

At least since the early 19th century, the legal status of Mozambique always considered it as much a part of Portugal as Lisbon, but as a província ultramarina (overseas province) enjoyed special derogations to account for its distance from Europe.

From 1837, the highest government official in the province of Mozambique has always been the Governor-General, who reported directly to the Government in Lisbon, usually through the Minister of the Overseas. During some periods in the late 19th and the early 20th century, the governors-general of Mozambique received the status of royal commissioners or of high commissioners, which gave them extended executive and legislative powers, equivalent to those of a government minister.

In the 20th century, the province was also subject to the authoritarian Estado Novo regime that ruled Portugal from 1933 to 1974, until the military coup in Lisbon, known as the Carnation Revolution. Most members of the government of Mozambique were from Portugal, but a few were Africans. Nearly all members of the bureaucracy were from Portugal, as most Africans did not have the necessary qualifications to obtain positions.

The Government of Mozambique, like the Portuguese Government itself, was highly centralised. Power was concentrated in the executive branch, and all elections, where they occurred, were carried out using indirect methods. From the Prime Minister's office in Lisbon, authority extended down to the remotest posts and regedorias of Mozambique through a rigid chain of command. The authority of the government of Mozambique was residual, primarily limited to implementing policies already decided in Europe. In 1967, Mozambique also sent seven delegates to the National Assembly in Lisbon.

The highest official in the province was the Governor-General, appointed by the Portuguese Council of Ministers on recommendation of the Overseas Minister. The Governor-General had both executive and legislative authority. A Government Council advised the Governor-General in the running of the province. The functional cabinet consisted of five secretaries appointed by the Overseas Minister on the advice of the Governor-General. A Legislative Council had limited powers and its main activity was approving the provincial budget. Finally, an Economic and Social Council had to be consulted on all draft legislation, and the Governor-General had to justify his decision to Lisbon if he ignored its advice.

Mozambique was divided into nine districts, which were further subdivided into 61 municipalities (concelhos) and 33 circumscriptions (circunscrições). Each subdivision was then made up of three or four individual posts, 166 in all with an average of 40,000 Africans in each. Each district, except Lourenço Marques which was run by the Governor-General, was overseen by a governor. Most Africans only had contact with the Portuguese through the post administrator, who was required to visit each village in his domain at least once a year.

The lowest level of administration was the regedoria, settlements inhabited by Africans living according to customary law. Each regedoria was run by a regulo, an African or Portuguese official chosen on the recommendation of local residents. Under the regulos, each village had its own African headman.

Each level of government could also have an advisory board or council. They were established in municipalities with more than 500 electors, in smaller municipalities or circumscriptions with more than 300 electors, and in posts with more than 20 electors. Each district also had its own board as well.

Two legal systems were in force — Portuguese civil law and African customary law. Until 1961, Africans were considered to be Natives (indígenas), rather than citizens. After 1961, the previous native laws were repealed and Africans gained de facto Portuguese citizenship.

Geography

Portuguese East Africa was located in south-eastern Africa. It was a long coastal strip with Portuguese strongholds, from current day Tanzania and Kenya, to the south of current-day Mozambique.

In 1900, the part of modern Mozambique northwest of the Zambezi and Shire Rivers was called Moçambique; the rest of it was Lourenço Marques. Various districts existed, and even issued stamps, during the first part of the century, including Inhambane, Lourenço Marques, Mozambique Colony, Mozambique Company, Nyassa Company, Quelimane, Tete, and Zambésia. The Nyassa Company territory is now Cabo Delgado and Niassa.

In the early- and mid-20th century, a number of changes occurred. Firstly, on 28 June 1919, the Treaty of Versailles transferred the Kionga Triangle, a 1000 km2 territory south of the Rovuma River from German East Africa to Mozambique.

During World War II, the Charter of the Mozambique Company expired, on 19 July 1942; its territory, known as Manica and Sofala, became a district of Mozambique. Mozambique was constituted as four districts on 1 January 1943 — Manica and Sofala, Niassa, Sul do Save (South of the Save River), and Zambézia.

On 20 October 1954, administrative reorganization caused Cabo Delgado and Mozambique districts to be split from Niassa. At the same time, the Sul do Save district was divided into Gaza, Inhambane and Lourenço Marques, while the Tete district was split from Manica and Sofala.

By the early 1970s, Mozambique was bordering the Mozambique Channel, bordering the countries of Malawi, Rhodesia, South Africa, Swaziland, Tanzania, and Zambia. Covering a total area of 801590 km2. With a tropical to subtropical climate, the Zambezi flows through the north-central and most fertile part of the country. Its coastline had 2470 km, with 4571 km of land boundaries, its highest point at Monte Binga (2436 m). The Gorongosa National Park, founded in 1920, was the main natural park in the territory.

The districts with their respective capitals were:

 * Lourenço Marques — Lourenço Marques;
 * Gaza — João Belo;
 * Inhambane — Inhambane;
 * Beira — Beira;
 * Vila Pery — Vila Pery;
 * Tete — Tete
 * Zambézia — Quelimane;
 * Moçambique — Nampula
 * Cabo Delgado — Porto Amélia;
 * Niassa — Vila Cabral

Other important urban centres included Sofala, Nacala, António Enes, Island of Mozambique and Vila Junqueiro.

Demographics
By 1970, the Portuguese Overseas Province of Mozambique had about 8,168,933 inhabitants. Nearly 300,000 were white ethnic Portuguese. There was a number of mulattoes, from both European and African ancestry, living across the territory. However, the vast majority of the population belonged to local tribal groups which included the Makua–Lomwe, the Shona and the Tsonga. Other ethnic minorities included British, Greeks, Chinese and Indians. Most inhabitants were black indigenous Africans with a diversity of ethnic and cultural backgrounds, ranging from Shangaan and Makonde to Yao or Shona peoples. The Makua were the largest ethnic group in the north. The Sena and Shona (mostly Ndau) were prominent in the Zambezi valley, and the Shangaan (Tsonga) dominated in the south. In addition, several other minority groups lived a tribal lifestyle across the territory.

Mozambique had around 250,000 Europeans in 1974 that made up around 3% of the population. Mozambique was cosmopolitan as it had Indian, Chinese, Greek and Anglophone communities (over 25,000 Indians and 5,000 Chinese by the early 1970s). The capital of Portuguese Mozambique, Lourenço Marques (Maputo), had a population of 355,000 in 1970 with around 100,000 Europeans. Beira had around 115,000 inhabitants at the time with around 30,000 Europeans. Most of the other cities ranged from 10 to 15% in the number of Europeans, win contrast with Portuguese Angola, where cities had European majorities ranging from 50% to 60%.

Society

Starting in 1926, Portugal's colonial authorities abandoned conceptions of an innate inferiority of Africans, and set as their goal the development of a multiethnic society in its African colonies. The establishment of a dual, racialised civil society was formally recognised in Estatuto do Indigenato (The Statute of Indigenous Populations) adopted in 1929, which was based on the subjective concept of civilization versus tribalism. In the administration's view, the goal of civilising mission would only be achieved after a period of Europeanisation or enculturation of African communities.

The Estatuto established a distinction between the colonial citizens, subject to the Portuguese laws and entitled to all citizenship rights and duties effective in the metropole, and the indígenas (natives), subjected to colonial legislation and customary African laws. Between the two groups there was a third small group, the assimilados, comprising native blacks, mulatos, Asians, and mixed-race people, who had at least some formal education and not subjected to paid forced labour. They were entitled to some citizenship rights, and held a special identification card, used to control the movements of forced labour. The indígenas were subject to the traditional authorities, who were gradually integrated into the colonial administration and charged with solving disputes, managing the access to land, and guaranteeing the flows of workforce and the payment of taxes. As several authors have pointed out, the Indigenato regime was the political system that subordinated the immense majority of Africans to local authorities entrusted with governing, in collaboration with the lowest echelon of the colonial administration, the native communities described as tribes and assumed to have a common ancestry, language, and culture. The colonial use of traditional law and structures of power was thus an integral part of the process of colonial domination.

In the 1940s, the integration of traditional authorities into the colonial administration was deepened. The Portuguese colony was divided into concelhos (municipalities), in urban areas, governed by colonial and metropolitan legislation, and circunscrições (localities), in rural areas. The circunscrições were led by a colonial administrator and divided into regedorias (subdivisions of circunscrições), headed by régules (tribal chieftains), the embodiment of traditional authorities. Provincial Portuguese Decree No. 5.639, of July 29, 1944, attributed to régulos and their assistants, the cabos de terra, the status of auxiliares da administração (administrative assistants). Gradually, these traditional titles lost some of their content, and the régulos and cabos de terra came to be viewed as an effective part of the colonial state, remunerated for their participation in the collection of taxes, recruitment of the labour force, and agricultural production in the area under their control. Within the areas of their jurisdiction, the régulos and the cabos de terra also controlled the distribution of land and settled conflicts according to customary norms. To exercise their power, the régulos and cabos de terra had their own police force.

The indigenato regime was abolished in 1960. From then on, all Africans were considered Portuguese citizens, and racial discrimination became a sociological rather than a legal feature of colonial society. In fact, the rule of traditional authorities became even more integrated than before in the colonial administration. Legally speaking, by the 1960s and 1970s segregation in Mozambique was minimal compared to that in neighbouring South Africa.

Urban centres
The largest coastal cities, the first founded or settled by Portuguese people since the 16th century, like the capital Lourenço Marques, Beira, Quelimane, Nacala and Inhambane, were modern cosmopolitan ports and a melting pot of several cultures, with a strong South African influence. The Southeast African and Portuguese cultures were dominant, but the influence of Arab, Indian, and Chinese cultures were also felt. The cuisine was diverse, owing especially to the Portuguese cuisine and Muslim heritage, and seafood was also quite abundant.

Lourenço Marques had always been a point of interest for artistic and architectural development since the first days of its urban expansion and this strong artistic spirit was responsible for attracting some of the world's most forward-thinking architects at the turn of the 20th century. The city was home to masterpieces of building work by, Pancho Guedes, Herbert Baker and Thomas Honney amongst others. The earliest architectural efforts around the city focused on classical European designs such as the Central Train Station (CFM) designed by architects Alfredo Augusto Lisboa de Lima, Mario Veiga and Ferreira da Costa and built between 1913 and 1916 (sometimes mistaken with the work of Gustav Eiffel), and the Hotel Polana designed by Herbert Baker.

Throughout the 1960s and early 1970s, Lourenço Marques was yet again at the centre of a new wave of architectural influences made most popular by Pancho Guedes. The designs of the 1960s and 1970s were characterised by modernist movements of clean, straight and functional structures. However, prominent architects such as Pancho Guedes fused this with local art schemes giving the city's buildings a unique Mozambican theme. As a result, most of the properties erected during the second construction boom take on these styling cues.

Economy
Since the 15th century, Portugal founded settlements, trading posts, forts, and ports on the Sub-Saharan Africa's coast. Cities, towns, and villages were founded all over East African territories by the Portuguese, especially since the 19th century, like Lourenço Marques, Beira, Vila Pery, Vila Junqueiro, Vila Cabral and Porto Amélia. Others were expanded and developed greatly under Portuguese rule, like Quelimane, Nampula and Sofala. By this time, Mozambique had become a Portuguese colony, but the administration was left to the trading companies (like Mozambique Company and Niassa Company) who had received long-term leases from Lisbon.

By the mid-1920s, the Portuguese succeeded in creating a highly exploitative and coercive settler economy, in which African natives were forced to work on the fertile lands taken over by Portuguese settlers. Indigenous African peasants mainly produced cash crops designated for sale in the markets of the colonial metropole (the centre, i.e. Portugal). Major cash crops included cotton, cashews, tea and rice. This arrangement ended in 1932 after the takeover in Portugal by the new António de Oliveira Salazar's government — the Estado Novo. Thereafter, Mozambique, along with other Portuguese colonies, was put under the direct control of Lisbon. In 1951, it became an overseas province. The economy expanded rapidly during the 1950s and 1960s, attracting thousands of Portuguese settlers to the country. It was around this time that the first nationalist guerrilla groups began to form in Tanzania and other African countries. The strong industrial and agricultural development that did occur throughout the 1950s, 1960s and early 1970s was based on Portuguese development plans, and also included British and South African investment. In 1959–60, Mozambique's major exports included cotton, cashew nuts, tea, sugar, copra and sisal. Other major agricultural productions included rice and coconut. The expanding economy of the Portuguese overseas province was fuelled by foreign direct investment, and public investment which included ambitious state-managed development plans. British capital owned two of the large sugar concessions (the third was Portuguese), including the famous Sena states. The Matola Oil Refinery, Procon, was controlled by Britain and the United States. In 1948 the petroleum concession was given to the Mozambique Gulf Oil Company. At Maotize, coal was mined; the industry was chiefly financed by Belgian capital. 60% of the capital of the Compagnie de Charbons de Mozambique was held by the Société Minière et Géologique Belge, 30% by the Mozambique Company, and the remaining 10% by the Government of the territory. Three banks were in operation, the Banco Nacional Ultramarino, Portuguese, Barclays Bank, D.C.O., British, and the Banco Totta e Standard de Moçambique (a partnership between Standard Bank of South Africa and mainland's Banco Totta & Açores). Nine out of the twenty-three insurance companies were Portuguese, which included insurance companies related to Fidelidade throughout its history. 80% of life assurance was in the hands of foreign companies which testifies to the openness of the economy.

The Portuguese overseas province of Mozambique was the first territory of Portugal, including the European mainland, to distribute Coca-Cola. Lately the Lourenço Marques Oil Refinery was established by the Sociedade Nacional de Refinação de Petróleo (SONAREP) — a Franco-Portuguese syndicate. In the sisal plantations Swiss capital was invested, and in copra concerns, a combination of Portuguese, Swiss and French capital was invested. The large availability of capital from both Portuguese and international origin, allied to the wide range of natural resources and the growing urban population, lead to an impressive growth and development of the economy.

From the late stages of this notable period of high growth and huge development effort started in the 1950s, was the construction of Cahora Bassa dam by the Portuguese, which started to fill in December 1974 after construction was commenced in 1969. In 1971 construction work of the Massingir Dam began. At independence, Mozambique's industrial base was well-developed by Sub-Saharan Africa standards, thanks to a boom in investment in the 1960s and early 1970s. Indeed, in 1973, value added in manufacturing was the sixth highest in Sub-Saharan Africa.

Economically, Mozambique was a source of agricultural raw materials and an earner of foreign exchange. It also provided a market for Portuguese manufacturers which were protected from local competition. Transportation facilities had been developed to exploit the transit trade of South Africa, Swaziland, Southern Rhodesia (which became Rhodesia in November 1965), Malawi, and Zambia, agricultural production for export purposes had been encouraged, and profitable arrangements for the export of labour had been made with neighbouring countries. Industrial production had been relatively insignificant but did begin to increase in the 1960s. The economic structure generally favoured the taking of some profits to Portugal rather than their total reinvestment in Mozambique because counterterrorism campaigns were expensive. The Portuguese economic interests in its overseas province, which dominated in banking, industry, and agriculture, exerted a powerful influence on policy and by early 1974 were fostering good levels of economic growth and development.

Education
Mozambique's rural population was largely illiterate. However, some thousands of Africans were educated in religion, the Portuguese language, and Portuguese history by Catholic and Protestant missionary schools established in cities and in the countryside.

In 1930, primary schooling became racially segregated. Africans who did not hold assimilated status had to enroll in "rudimentary schools," whereas whites and the few thousand assimilated Africans had access to "primary schools" of better quality.

Starting in the early 1940s, access to education was expanded in all levels. Nevertheless, "rudimentary schools" retained their poor quality. In 1956, there were 292,199 African students enrolled in first grade. Of these, only 9,486 had successfully passed third grade in 1959. By 1970, only 7.7% of Mozambique's population was literate.

A comprehensive network of secondary schools (the Liceus) and technical or vocational education schools were implemented across the cities and main towns of the territory. However, access to these institutions was largely limited to whites. In 1960, only 30 out of 1,000 students of the Liceu Salazar were Africans, in spite of whites making up only 2% of the Mozambican population.

In 1962, the first Mozambican university was founded by the Portuguese authorities: the Universidade de Lourenço Marques.

Sports
The Portuguese-ruled territory was introduced to several popular European and North American sports disciplines since the early urbanistic and economic booms of the 1920s and 1940s. This period was a time of city and town expansion and modernization that included the construction of several sports facilities for football, rink hockey, basketball, volleyball, handball, athletics, gymnastics, and swimming. Several sports clubs were founded across the entire territory, among them were some of the largest and oldest sports organizations of Mozambique like Sporting Clube de Lourenço Marques, that was established in 1920 and became the branch number 6 of Lisbon-based Sporting Clube de Portugal (Sporting CP). Other major sports clubs were founded in the following years like Grupo Desportivo de Lourenço Marques (1921), Clube Ferroviário de Lourenço Marques (1924), Sport Club de Vila Pery (1928), Clube Ferroviário da Beira (1943), Grupo Desportivo da Companhia Têxtil do Punguè (1943), Sport Lourenço Marques e Benfica (1955) and Grupo Desportivo e Recreativo Textáfrica (1957). Several sportsmen, especially football players, that achieved wide notability in Portuguese sports were from Mozambique and excelled in the Portugal national football team. Football was a very popular sport in Portuguese Mozambique. The Portuguese enthusiasm for football led to the spread of the sport into its overseas territories. Eventually, Portugal would attempt to integrate their colonies, which would lead to them having many African players in the teams on the mainland. Introduced in the colonies as early as the 19th century, football became increasingly popular. Mozambique saw a sizable population of white Portuguese people immigrate there during the 20th century. This was a byproduct of the policies of the Estado Novo and how they saw their colonies. There was widespread infrastructure in Mozambique to prepare the players to play football professionally. This would allow many players from the colonies to easily play for the national teams. Starting in the 1950s, many black Africans from Portuguese Africa would sign for football teams on the mainland. The popularity of the game in the colonies also meant that there were many people who wanted to play it professionally. Many top players from Portuguese Mozambique represented Portugal at the international level, as well as playing for many clubs in the various tiers of the local, national and international leagues, most notably the likes of Matateu, Hilário, Costa Pereira, Coluna and Eusébio became highly regarded in the history of football in Portugal. But Eusébio's impact in Portuguese football stood out among them all to such an extent that when Eusébio arrived in Lisbon in December 1960 still as a player of Sporting Lourenço Marques, Lisbon-based Sporting CP had won ten league titles, which was as many as its rival SL Benfica's, and when, 15 years later, Eusébio, recognised as Benfica's best player of all time, left Benfica, Benfica had won 21 championships to just 14 for Sporting CP. Although being a black player from Mozambique, he is considered one of the greatest Portuguese football players ever. Eusébio's contribution to Portuguese football was tremendous, and his role in the 1966 FIFA World Cup is still remembered today as a significant milestone in Portugal’s football history.

Since the 1960s, with the latest developments on commercial aviation, the highest ranked football teams of Mozambique and the other African overseas provinces of Portugal, started to compete in the Taça de Portugal (the Portuguese Cup) in football. This became also true for other sports, like basketball and rink hockey. Before the independence of Mozambique, Sporting Clube de Lourenço Marques won the Liga Portuguesa de Basquetebol three times, in 1968, 1971 and 1973, and the Desportivo de Lourenço Marques won the 1969, 1971 and 1973 Portuguese Roller Hockey First Division.

There were also several facilities and organizations for golf, tennis and wild hunting. The nautical sports were also well developed and popular, especially in Lourenço Marques, home to the Clube Naval de Lourenço Marques. The largest stadium was the Estádio Salazar, located near Lourenço Marques. Opened in 1968, it was at the time the most advanced in Mozambique conforming to standards set by both FIFA and the Union Cycliste Internationale (UCI). The cycling track could be adjusted to allow for 20,000 more seats.

Beginning in the 1950s, motorsport was introduced to Mozambique. At first race cars would compete in areas around the city, Polana and along the marginal but as funding and interest increased, a dedicated race track was built in the Costa Do Sol area along and behind the marginal with the ocean to the east with a length of 1.5 km. The initial surface of the new track, named Autódromo de Lourenço Marques did not provide enough grip and an accident in the late 1960s killed 8 people and injured many more. Therefore, in 1970, the track was renovated and the surface changed to meet the highest international safety requirements that were needed at large events with many spectators. The length then increased to 3909 km. The city became host to several international and local events beginning with the inauguration on 26 November 1970.

Carnation Revolution and independence
As communist and anti-colonial ideologies spread out across Africa, many clandestine political movements were established in support of Mozambique's independence. These movements claimed that policies and development plans were primarily designed by the ruling authorities for the benefit of the ethnic Portuguese population, affecting a majority of the indigenous population who suffered both state-sponsored discrimination and enormous social pressure. Many felt they had received too little opportunity or resources to upgrade their skills and improve their economic and social situation to a degree comparable to that of the Europeans. Statistically, Portuguese Mozambique's whites were indeed wealthier and more skilled than the black indigenous majority, in spite of decreasing legal discrimination of Africans starting in the 1960s.

The Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO), headquartered in Tanzania, initiated a guerrilla campaign against Portuguese rule in September 1964. This conflict, along with the two others already initiated in the other Portuguese overseas territories of Angola and Portuguese Guinea, became part of the Portuguese Colonial War (1961–74). Several African territories under European rule had achieved independence in recent decades. Oliveira Salazar attempted to resist this tide and maintain the integrity of the Portuguese empire. By 1970, the anti-guerrilla war in Africa was consuming an important part of the Portuguese budget and there was no sign of a final solution in sight. This year was marked by a large-scale military operation in northern Mozambique, the Gordian Knot Operation, which displaced the FRELIMO's bases and destroyed much of the guerrillas' military capacity. At a military level, a part of Portuguese Guinea was de facto independent since 1973, but the capital and the major towns were still under Portuguese control. In Angola and Mozambique, independence movements were only active in a few remote countryside areas from where the Portuguese Army had retreated. However, their impending presence and the fact that they wouldn't go away dominated public anxiety. Throughout the war period Portugal faced increasing dissent, arms embargoes and other punitive sanctions imposed by most of the international community. For the Portuguese society the war was becoming even more unpopular due to its length and financial costs, the worsening of diplomatic relations with other United Nations members, and the role it had always played as a factor of perpetuation of the Estado Novo regime. It was this escalation that would lead directly to the mutiny of members of the FAP in the Carnation Revolution in 1974 – an event that would lead to the independence of the former Portuguese colonies in Africa. A leftist military coup in Lisbon on 24 April 1974 by the Movimento das Forças Armadas (MFA), overthrew the Estado Novo regime headed by Prime Minister Marcelo Caetano.

As one of the objectives of the MFA, all the Portuguese overseas territories in Africa were offered independence. FRELIMO took complete control of the Mozambican territory after a transition period, as agreed in the Lusaka Accord which recognized Mozambique's right to independence and the terms of the transfer of power.

Within a year of the Portuguese military coup at Lisbon, almost all of the Portuguese population had left the African territory as refugees (in mainland Portugal they were known as retornados) – some expelled by the new ruling power of Mozambique, some fleeing in fear. A parade and a state banquet completed the independence festivities in the capital, which was expected to be renamed Can Phumo, or "Place of Phumo", after a Tsonga chief who lived in the area before the Portuguese navigator Lourenço Marques founded the city in 1545 and gave his name to it. Most city streets, named for Portuguese heroes or important dates in Portuguese history, had their names changed.

Famous people

 * Al Bowlly (singer)
 * Alexandre Quintanilha (science)
 * António de Almeida Santos (politics and law)
 * António José Enes (politics)
 * Armando Guebuza (politics and business)
 * Artur Ivens Ferraz (military and politics)
 * Carlos Cardoso (journalism)
 * Eduardo Mondlane (politics)
 * Francisco Barreto (exploration)
 * Graça Machel (politics)
 * Guilherme de Melo (journalism and literature)
 * Gungunhana (military and politics)
 * Henrique Mitchell de Paiva Cabral Couceiro (military and politics)
 * João Carqueijeiro (visual arts)
 * João de Deus Pinheiro (university teaching, engineering, politics)
 * João Maria Tudela (music)
 * Joaquim Augusto Mouzinho de Albuquerque (military and politics)
 * Joaquim Chissano (politics)
 * José Craveirinha (poetry)
 * José Rodrigues dos Santos (journalism and literature)
 * Lourenço Marques (exploration and navigation)
 * Luis de Matos (magic)
 * Malangatana (painting and poetry)
 * Marcelino dos Santos (poetry and politics)
 * Mário Crespo (journalism)
 * Mário Simões Dias (music)

 * Mariza (music)
 * Mia Couto (literature)
 * Noémia de Sousa (poetry)
 * Orlando da Costa (literature)
 * Otelo Saraiva de Carvalho (military and politics)
 * Pancho Guedes (architecture)
 * Paulo Furtado (music)
 * Ricardo Rangel (photojournalism)
 * Samora Machel (politics)
 * Sancho de Tovar (exploration and navigation)
 * Soshangane (military and politics)
 * Teresa Heinz (philanthropy)
 * Zeca Afonso (music)

Association football

 * Alberto da Costa Pereira (association football)
 * Carlos Queiroz (association football)
 * Carlos Xavier (association football)
 * Daúto Faquirá (association football)
 * Eusébio da Silva Ferreira (association football)
 * Jorge Cadete (association football)
 * Matateu (association football)
 * Mário Coluna (association football)
 * Mário Wilson (association football)
 * Pedro Xavier (association football)
 * Shéu (association football)

title: Portuguese Mozambique