text:
Talk:Leigh Brackett

Leaked script denied?
Why is the existence of the leaked ESB script draft by Brackett glossed over by this page as if it's existence is still only a rumor? It is available on several sites all over the net (for example here: [redacted] as a downloadable pdf, other sites feature full transcripts. I can't think of a single official source which has called it a fake. Anyone can read it and see what it contains. Perhaps an update is needed? — Preceding unsigned comment added by 64.199.226.76 (talk) 19:12, 15 June 2011 (UTC)

 * Here it is again [redacted]

Sufficient time has passed that it would seem undeniable that the script is real, and public knowledge. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 173.28.185.126 (talk) 16:22, 17 August 2011 (UTC)

Is there any way to lock this page or submit it to arbitration until the script link issue is resolved? These 166 characters have more entrances and exits than the chorus line in a Fosse musical. I'm not sure that the link is worthy of being included in the text: I would place it in under "external links." On the other hand, I don't know why some jackwagon keeps yanking it out without a word of explanation despite repeated requests. "Empire" is hardly Brackett's defining work and it's annoying to see the constant page edits related to it. It's been going on for months now. Ohioreader (talk) 17:13, 7 October 2011 (UTC)

Comment
Could someone please check formatting? Somehow, certain passages are swallowed.

Done... put in a carriage return before the omitted chunks and they start being displayed. It may be a bug in the wiki parser, as I notice the "three apostrophes" for bold wasn't working in the first line either. Malcolm Farmer, Monday, April 15, 2002

How is her first name pronounced? Lay or Lee?

 * Links to Leigh Brackett Solar System and Eric John Stark in the article should probably be made more obvious, perhaps in a See Also section or as part of a Leigh Brackett category. Shsilver 19:05, 25 January 2006 (UTC)

The Empire section states that Brackett was awarded a Hugo in 1981, but while Empire clearly did win, I'm not finding any evidence that the award was given to Brackett specifically. Unlike the Nebula script award, the Hugo Dramatic Presentation award is for the work as a whole, as far as I know. Has anyone got a source for this? --Chronodm 13:38, 23 June 2006 (UTC)

I removed science fantasy from the introductory list of genres in which Brackett wrote, since it's a subcategory of science fiction. There is a mention of her science fantasy aspect later in the article. I left that in, though I'm not sure it contributes much. Zaslav 06:53, 20 September 2007 (UTC)

Could someone please edit Bibliography to reflect Series of books, as shown in most other Author's pages, many thanks... — Preceding unsigned comment added by 2.126.92.162 (talk) 11:34, 18 March 2012 (UTC)

Anakin/Darth Vader
"Some have declared that the concept of Darth Vader being Luke Skywalker's father originated as a story idea proposed by Brackett" What's the source for this? — Preceding unsigned comment added by Hrguerra (talk • contribs) 02:02, 20 August 2006

Link to leaked script
Would anyone who wants the link to the leaked script removed from the article please briefly explain why it should be removed? Is there a claim that the linked page is a copyright violation? It does seem plausible that a "leaked script" would be a copyright violation, so per WP:ELNEVER that link cannot appear at any page on Wikipedia, including this talk page. Would anyone who thinks the leaked script is not a copyright violation please indicate why. Johnuniq (talk) 07:18, 9 October 2011 (UTC)

 * Any leaked script hosted at dubious script mirror sites will fall under WP:ELNEVER. There is no way around this. If the copyright is still in force, the script cannot be linked.
 * For purposes of this article, it should be sufficient to describe the reaction to the script, leaked or not, by reliable sources. Binksternet (talk) 07:36, 9 October 2011 (UTC)
 * I have to agree - the fact it was leaked says that it wasn't officially made available by the copyright owner. On those grounds hosting the leaked document is presumably a copyright violation, (and certainly there is no reason to assume that it is not), and therefore it becomes a contributory copyright violation to link to it on one of those sites. This, of course, doesn't prevent metioning the script in the article. - Bilby (talk) 07:41, 9 October 2011 (UTC)

 * Thank you for the explanations of Wikipedia's policy with regard to blogs as sources and "contributory copyright violation." My frustration with this entry has been that no citations are demanded when the script is dismissed as insignificant, but citations are demanded when any mention is made of the availability of a primary source that might allow researchers to decide for themselves. Originally, there were no links to the leaked script. But then mention of the leaked script was repeatedly deleted for not having a citation.  This appears to have been what prompted the links in the first place.  I do understand now that these links should not be present in the entry (note that I didn't put them there--although on one occasion I accidentally restored one with a revert).  The question is:  Can no mention of the leaked script be made until that leak is mentioned in a source deemed more reliable than a blog?  This seems limiting, but perhaps fair. I would just ask that other unsourced claims--such as those about the significance of Brackett's script--also be left out of the entry. XpisP (talk) 17:30, 9 October 2011 (UTC)
 * Are there any problems currently in the article (I did not notice any in a quick read)? There should be no mention of a leaked anything unless a reliable secondary source indicates that the anything has some significance (otherwise, the information is original research (synthesis) where an editor assembles factoids to imply some result not supported by sources. I don't think there will be any problems now that a couple of independent editors are watching the article. I should add that my original message here was intended to be purely neutral—I actually think that linking to a leaked script is a 100% violation of WP:ELNEVER and anyone who adds the link after a warning is likely to be blocked. Johnuniq (talk) 00:48, 10 October 2011 (UTC)

"Influences/Influenced" material from infobox
I noticed while doing some wikignomery on this article that some material in the infobox that may be of significance was effectively hidden because two parameters, "influences" and "influenced", are no longer supported.

The doc for the infobox reasonably suggests that this material be worked into the article prose, but I figure there are others who could do a better job of this than I can, so I'm parking it here for now:

George Lucas
 * influences  = Edgar Rice Burroughs
 * influenced  = Ray Bradbury Edmond Hamilton Michael Moorcock

--NapoliRoma (talk) 17:58, 3 September 2017 (UTC)

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title: Talk:Leigh Brackett


text:
Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo

Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo, SDB, commonly known as Carlos Belo or Ximenes Belo (born 3 February 1948) is an East Timorese prelate of the Catholic Church. He became a bishop in 1988 and served as the apostolic administrator of the Diocese of Díli from 1988 to 2002. In 1996, he shared the Nobel Peace Prize with José Ramos-Horta for working "towards a just and peaceful solution to the conflict in East Timor". He is a professed member of the Salesians.

Early life and religious vocation
Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo was the fifth child of Domingos Vaz Filipe and Ermelinda Baptista Filipe, born in the village of Wailakama, near Vemasse, on the north coast of Portuguese Timor. His father, a schoolteacher, died two years after Belo was born. He attended Catholic schools at Baucau and Ossu and then entered the minor seminary in Dare outside Dili, graduating in 1968. From 1969 until 1981, apart from periods of practical training in East Timor and Macau from 1974 to 1976, Belo studied philosophy at the Catholic University of Portugal and the Salesian Pontifical University.

Belo took his final vows as a member of the Salesian Society on 6 October 1974 and was ordained a priest on 26 July 1980. He returned to East Timor in 1981, taking Indonesian citizenship as required since Indonesia had invaded East Timor following the Carnation Revolution. Belo became a teacher for 20 months and later director for two months at the Salesian College at Fatumaca.

Apostolic administrator
After Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes was removed as apostolic administrator in 1983, his position remained vacant until Belo was appointed titular bishop of Lorium and apostolic administrator of the Diocese of Dili, the senior official of the Catholic Church in East Timor, on 21 March 1988. On 19 June 1988, he was consecrated a bishop by the Apostolic Nuncio to Indonesia, Archbishop Francesco Canalini. He chose as his episcopal motto Caritas Veritatis-Veritas Caritatis.

Belo continued on Lopes' path and after five months of taking office he preached a sermon that denounced the Kraras massacre of 1983 and condemned the many Indonesian arrests. He undertook a program of overseas contacts to counter the world's ignorance of the violence in East Timor.

In February 1989 he wrote to the president of Portugal, the pope, and the secretary-general of the United Nations calling for the UN to sponsor and oversee a referendum on the future of East Timor and for international assistance for the East Timorese, who were "dying as a people and a nation". This appeal to the UN became public in April. He further antagonized Indonesian authorities when he gave sanctuary in his own home to youths escaping the Santa Cruz massacre in 1991 and endeavoured to expose how many were killed.

Belo's labours on behalf of the East Timorese and in pursuit of peace and reconciliation were recognised when, along with José Ramos-Horta, he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize on 10 December 1996. Belo capitalised upon this honour by meeting with a variety of world leaders, including US President Bill Clinton and Nelson Mandela of South Africa.

Following East Timor's independence on 20 May 2002, Belo went to Portugal for several months of medical treatment. He later said he was "suffering from both physical and mental fatigue that will require a long period of recuperation". He and Bishop Basílio do Nascimento, the administrator of another diocese in East Timor, met privately with the pope on 28 October 2002. Pope John Paul II accepted his resignation as Apostolic Administrator of Dili on 26 November 2002. Nascimento was named to succeed him. The Vatican announcement did not explain his retirement at the age of 54, but cited the provision of canon law that allows a bishop to retire for grave reasons or health problems.

Later activity
Following his resignation Belo travelled to Portugal where he said he underwent medical treatment for cancer.

By the beginning of 2004, there were repeated calls for him to return to East Timor to run for president. In May 2004 he told Portuguese state-run television RTP that he had "decided to leave politics to politicians".

Belo started working in the Diocese of Maputo in Mozambique in June 2004 and described his role as "assistant parish priest": "I do pastoral work by teaching catechism to children, giving retreats to young people. I have descended from the top to the bottom." He told an interviewer that he had left Díli because the new political situation required new leadership that could undertake the work of reconciliation without the associations he had with earlier battles. He said he had chosen Mozambique because he did not think he could learn another language and that he had consulted his Salesian superior and Cardinal Crescenzio Sepe, who headed the Curia department responsible for missionary territory. He planned to stay for a year.

Other awards
In 1995, he received the John Humphrey Freedom Award from the Canadian human rights group Rights & Democracy.

On 3 August 1988 he received the Grand Cross of the Order of Liberty from the government of Portugal.

In 2004 he was awarded an honorary doctorate by CEU Cardinal Herrera University.

He was named the Lusophonic Personality of the Year 2010 by the International Lusophone Movement of the Lisbon Academy of Sciences.

Sexual abuse allegations
On 28 September 2022, De Groene Amsterdammer, a Dutch magazine, reported that two men alleged Belo sexually abused them and others as children in East Timor. The magazine's research indicated that Belo sexually abused male children before and during his tenure as a bishop, both in Fatumaca and Díli. The next day a Vatican spokesperson confirmed that Church officials had imposed disciplinary sanctions against Belo in 2020 less than a year after receiving allegations in 2019 about his behavior in East Timor years earlier. These included restrictions on Belo's movements and the exercise of his ministry as well as prohibiting him from having contact with children. He was also forbidden to have any contact with East Timor. The Vatican "modified and reinforced" its disciplinary actions in 2021. Its spokesman said that Belo accepted these rules in both years.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo


text:
Túpac Katari Guerrilla Army

The Túpac Katari Guerrilla Army (Ejército Guerrillero Túpac Katari) was a guerrilla movement in Bolivia. Albeit of indigenist inspiration, the movement had a multiracial membership. The organization descended directly from the original revolutionaries trained by Che Guevara in the 1960s. Their objective was to fight for social equality in Bolivia and amongst its indigenous population. They carried out their first attack on July 5, 1991, destroying an electric power pylon in El Alto, a major city which adjoins La Paz, Bolivia's administrative capital. Most of the group's attacks have been similarly small-scale and they had confined their activities largely to Bolivia. The group suffered a major setback in a crackdown in 1992, when much of its leadership was neutralized through incarceration.

The group was named after Túpac Katari, a colonial-era indigenous revolutionary. One of their former members, Álvaro García Linera, has served as the vice-president of Bolivia.

title: Túpac Katari Guerrilla Army


text:
Henry Barnes (traffic engineer)

Henry A. Barnes (December 16, 1906 – September 1968) was an American traffic engineer and commissioner who served in many cities, including Flint, Michigan; Denver, Colorado; Baltimore, Maryland; and New York City. Barnes was responsible for many innovations in traffic engineering, including synchronized traffic signals, actuated traffic signals (signals whose timing varies based on the presence of automobiles and pedestrians), and bus lanes. His autobiography The man with the Red and Green Eyes was dedicated to his wife, Hazel M. Barnes (September 1, 1909 - September 20, 1992).

Barnes Dance
In traffic signal operation, a Barnes Dance or Barnes Shuffle is a period during which all motor vehicle traffic is stopped and pedestrians given exclusive right of way, allowing them to cross in every direction at the same time. It was first used in Kansas City and Vancouver in the late 1940s and subsequently adopted in other cities such as Denver, New York, San Diego, Baltimore, and Washington, D.C. Barnes stated that he did not invent the concept but promoted its widespread use. The phrase originated from City Hall reporter, John Buchanan, who wrote, "Barnes has made people so happy, they're dancing in the street."

Flint, Michigan
Barnes served in Flint until 1947.

Denver
Denver city's first professional traffic engineer from 1947 to 1953, where he oversaw the conversion of Denver Tramways to bus and trolley coach.

Baltimore
Barnes came to Baltimore in 1953 for a one-month job as consultant traffic engineer, but Mayor Thomas D'Alesandro, Jr. (father of Nancy Pelosi) was so impressed he hired Barnes as traffic commissioner. At Baltimore, Barnes installed a traffic-control computer that was, in 1957, the largest of its kind in the world. He had the pedestal honoring Johns Hopkins moved to Charles and 33rd Street; previously it had been responsible for a number of fatalities. Barnes asked the mayor for a raise from $18,000 to 20,000 and took the traffic commissioner position at New York City when the request was turned down.

New York City
Barnes was appointed traffic commissioner to New York City on January 15, 1962, by Mayor Robert F. Wagner, and kept on by Mayor John V. Lindsay. In 1962, Barnes fought with domineering city planner Robert Moses and killed the planned elevated Lower Manhattan Expressway. In 1963, he had an idea for expanding the Long Island Expressway capacity in Queens by adding three more lanes in each direction plus a second, four-lane deck above it. The upper deck would have no exits and run inbound in the morning and outbound in the evening. The "semi-actuated signal" that allows pedestrians to influence the change of traffic lights was another idea of Barnes, thought to have been introduced in 1964. With regards to the city's traffic signals, Barnes declared to repaint all of the traffic signals throughout the city of New York in the early 1960s. Prior to the early 1960s, traffic signals throughout the city were originally dark olive green. They were repainted yellow in the early 1960s. He was also involved in the completion of converting major avenues to one-way in New York City, a project started in 1949. He reportedly suggested solving Manhattan's traffic problems by making all avenues one-way, north. Barnes endorsed the use of seat belts, built municipal parking garages and implemented widespread use of parking meters.

Recognition
Barnes was featured in Life Magazine November 13, 1964, edition – "New York's traffic jam doctor". He also appeared as a "Mystery Guest #1" on the television show What's My Line? which first aired on February 18, 1962. Barnes was also featured in Popular Mechanics Magazine in January 1953.

The Theodore M. Matson Memorial Award was bestowed on him in 1968.

Death
Barnes died in September 1968 at age 61, suffering a heart attack on the job.

Quotes

 * "You can't be a nice guy and solve traffic"
 * "As things stood now, a downtown shopper needed a four-leaf clover, a voodoo charm, and a St. Christopher's medal to make it in one piece from one curbstone to the other"
 * "In this business there are very few problems that can't be solved with some yellow paint and a little bit of common sense."
 * "I often said I didn't mind street cars except for the fact that they ran on the street."

Published works

 * Autobiography –

title: Henry Barnes (traffic engineer)


text:
Trainer

Trainer may refer to:

Entertainment

 * Trainer (album), an album released by Plaid in 2000
 * Trainer (TV series), a British TV series
 * The Trainer, a 2009 British play written by David Wilson and Anne Aylor
 * Trainer!, a 2013 German documentary by Aljoscha Pause
 * Trainer (film), transliteration of Coach, a 2018 Russian film by Danila Kozlovsky

Equipment and technology

 * Trainer (bicycling), a device that attaches to a bicycle and makes it stationary for indoor training
 * Trainer (aircraft), an aircraft used for training pilots
 * Trainer (footwear), an athletic shoe, in British and Hong Kong English
 * Trainer (games), software for computer and video games that adds in extra options, usually to make the game easier
 * Arc Trainer, a stationary, non-impact exercise machine
 * Goair Trainer, an Australian monoplane
 * Holdfast Trainer, a South Australian sailing dinghy
 * Marendaz Trainer, a two-seat low-wing training aircraft
 * Radlock Trainer, a single seat primary glider

Places

 * Trainer, Pennsylvania, United States
 * Trainer, West Virginia, United States
 * Trainer Glacier, a glacier in Victoria Land, Antarctica
 * Trainer Hills, a mountain range in California, United States
 * Treene (disambiguation), a river and municipality in Schleswig-Holstein in Germany

Professions

 * Animal training, a person who trains animals for obedience, tricks, and work
 * Athletic trainer, a certified and licensed health care professional who practices in the field of sports medicine
 * Horse trainer, a person responsible for preparing a horse for horse racing
 * Personal trainer, a person who guides another person in developing physical fitness
 * Trainer (business), or facilitator, a person who educates employees of companies on specific topics of workplace importance

Other uses

 * Trainer card, a Pokémon trading card
 * Trainer (surname)

title: Trainer


text:
Talk:Sexual selection

Teleological reasoning reference concern
Hi everyone,

Under "Modern theory", there is a photograph of the giant deer, Megaloceros giganteus, with a note that its enormous antlers may have helped "drive it" to extinction, and a reference to a classic paper by Stephen Jay Gould about the subject. What Gould was arguing, however, was that although these antlers might have been detrimental to the species' survival during post-glacial climatic changes in Ireland (where many M. giganteus specimens have been found), the main point of that paper was a counter-argument to the teleological idea that species can be purposefully "driven" to extinction by selective forces.

I don't know of a good way to reword the caption of that photograph, but thought that this was an important point for this article.

--OpenBarry (talk) 14:41, 17 March 2022 (UTC)

 * Reworded. In general, given the metaphorical nature of language, it is impossible to avoid sounding teleological, but there's certainly no indication of intention here; I'm a bit surprised anyone would ascribe agency to a pair of antlers, however bulky. Chiswick Chap (talk) 14:50, 17 March 2022 (UTC)

How?
How does favouring a more attractive partner favour reproductive success? Conceivably so for subsequent generations, but not immediately evident why it would confer 'success' on the current generation. If so, this should be expressed more explicitly. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 122.151.210.84 (talk) 04:48, 25 June 2022 (UTC)

Obvious Fallacy
What constitutes 'reproductive fitness' in a species? And the female knows what constitutes 'reproductive fitness'? How does she know? From her innate knowledge and understanding of molecular biology??? And the female is able to discern the presence or absence of this 'fitness' in a mate? How, exactly? Why is this not pseudoscientific nonsense? Intellectual garbage? Humans chiefly use only the nebulous and subjective qualities of intellectual and physical attractiveness. With respect to other organisms we can only speculate, surely. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 122.151.210.84 (talk) 05:00, 25 June 2022 (UTC)

And Sexist
And .... females DON'T (?) maximise their reproductive 'success', as males purportedly do, by maximising their number of partners, because ......why, exctly???? 122.151.210.84 (talk) 15:44, 19 August 2022 (UTC)

 * Thanks for asking. No, it's not sexist. Males make millions of small gametes, so reproductive success can mean fertilising a large number of partners. The same doesn't necessarily work for females; in mammals, the number of pregnancies a female can have is limited - still more so in species which provide lengthy parental care - so the best strategy for the female is to select the 'best' males. But read the article. Chiswick Chap (talk) 15:52, 19 August 2022 (UTC)

title: Talk:Sexual selection


text:
Moral absolutism

Moral absolutism is an ethical view that some (potentially all) actions are intrinsically right or wrong, regardless of context or consequence.

Comparison with other ethical theories
Moral absolutism is not the same as moral universalism. Universalism holds merely that what is right or wrong is independent of custom or opinion (as opposed to moral relativism), but not necessarily that what is right or wrong is independent of context or consequences (as in absolutism). Louis Pojman gives the following definitions to distinguish the two positions of moral absolutism and objectivism:
 * Moral absolutism: There is at least one principle that ought never to be violated.
 * Moral objectivism: There is a fact of the matter as to whether any given action is morally permissible or impermissible: a fact of the matter that does not depend solely on social custom or individual acceptance.

Ethical theories which place strong emphasis on rights and duty, such as the deontological ethics of Immanuel Kant, are often forms of moral absolutism, as are many religious moral codes.

Religion
One can adhere to moral absolutism in a strictly secular context, exemplified by the many variations of deontological moral rationalism. However, many religions, especially ones which define divine commandments, also adhere to moral absolutist positions. Therefore, to followers of such religions, the moral system is absolute, perfect and unchanging. Some secular philosophies, borrowing from religion, also take a morally absolutist position, asserting that the absolute laws of morality are inherent in the nature of people, the nature of life in general, or the Universe itself. For example, someone who absolutely believes in non-violence considers it wrong to use violence even in self-defense.

Catholic philosopher Thomas Aquinas never explicitly addresses the Euthyphro dilemma, but draws a distinction between what is good or evil in itself and what is good or evil because of God's commands, with unchangeable moral standards forming the bulk of natural law. Thus he contends that not even God can change the Ten Commandments, adding, however, that God can change what individuals deserve in particular cases, in what might look like special dispensations to murder or steal.

title: Moral absolutism


text:
Airco

The Aircraft Manufacturing Company Limited (Airco) was an early British aircraft manufacturer. Established during 1912, it grew rapidly during the First World War, referring to itself as the largest aircraft company in the world by 1918.

Airco produced many thousands of aircraft for both the British and Allied military air wings throughout the war, including fighters, trainers and bombers. The majority of the company's aircraft were designed in-house by Airco's chief designer Geoffrey de Havilland.

Airco established the first airline in the United Kingdom, Aircraft Transport and Travel Limited, which operated as a subsidiary of Airco. On 25 August 1919, it commenced the world's first regular daily international service.

Following the end of the war, the company's fortunes rapidly turned sour. The interwar period was unfavourable for aircraft manufacturers largely due to a glut of surplus aircraft from the war, while a lack of interest in aviation on the part of the British government also hampered its prospects. Airco quickly became unprofitable; during 1920, the firm was sold to Birmingham Small Arms Company, after which its operations were liquidated later that same year. Numerous assets and personnel formerly belonging to the company were integrated into the newly established de Havilland Aircraft Company.

Origins and de Havilland
During 1912, Airco was established by newspaper proprietor and industrialist George Holt Thomas. The firm was initially based at The Hyde in Hendon, north London, England. Starting in August 1914, the aviator William Taylor Birchenough worked as a test pilot for Airco. That same year, learning that Geoffrey de Havilland, who was then at the Royal Aircraft Factory in Farnborough, might be available, Holt Thomas invited him to join Airco as its chief designer. De Havilland's Airco designs would prove decisive to the company, which would eventually provide around 30 per cent of all trainers, fighters and bombers used by Britain and the United States during the First World War. De Havilland's designs for Airco were all marked with his initials "DH".

Wartime production
Airco would design and produce numerous aircraft during the wartime years. Its DH.2, a pusher configuration fighter introduced during 1916, contributed to ending the "Fokker scourge" of 1915. While early air combat over the Western Front had indicated the need for a single-seat fighter with forward-firing armament, there was no dominant approach to applying armaments to fighters at the time. As no means of firing forward through the propeller of a tractor aeroplane was available to the British, Geoffrey de Havilland designed the DH.2 as a smaller, single-seat development of the earlier two-seat DH.1 pusher design. A total of 453 DH.2s were produced by Airco.

Another design produced by de Havilland was the DH.6, which was specifically designed as a military trainer; as this role was normally performed by obsolete service types at the time, it was an unconventional choice to develop a dedicated trainer. The DH.6 possessed relatively gentle flying characteristics, being described as being probably the most "forgiving" aircraft of its time, allowing itself to be flown "crab wise" in improperly banked turns and able to maintain sustained flight at speeds as low as 30 mph. At least 2,282 DH.6s were built in the UK during wartime.

The DH.4 was a two-seat combat aircraft, intended to perform both aerial reconnaissance and day bomber missions. By the end of production, a total of 1,449 aircraft (from orders for 1,700 aircraft) were constructed in Britain for the Royal Flying Corps (RFC) and the Royal Naval Air Service (RNAS). Production of the DH.4 was performed by a variety of companies beyond Airco themselves; these included F.W. Berwick and Co, Glendower Aircraft Company, Palladium Autocars, Vulcan Motor and Engineering, and the Westland Aircraft Work. Overseas, SABCA of Belgium produced a further 15 DH.4s during 1926. In the United States, several different manufacturers, including the Boeing Airplane Corporation, Dayton-Wright Airplane Company, the Fisher Body Corporation, and the Standard Aircraft Corporation produced an Americanised variant of the DH.4, featuring over 1,000 modifications from the original British design, to equip the American air services.

During 1916, the DH.9 was designed as a successor to the DH.4, reusing both its wings and tail unit while adopting a modified fuselage that moved the pilot closer to the gunner/observer and away from the engine and fuel tank, which facilitated communication and was viewed as being a more optimal fighting configuration. However, While the DH.9 was deemed to be suitable for daytime bombing operations, it was found to be incapable of effective nighttime bombing due to the pilot's view being obstructed and visibility via the bombsight being unsuitable. The DH.9's performance in action over the Western Front was typically deemed to have been a disaster; heavy losses of the type were quickly incurred, attributed to both its poor performance and to engine failures, despite the prior derating of its engine to reduce the failure rate.

By December 1918, Holt Thomas claimed in an advertisement that Airco was the largest aircraft company in the world, being engaged in the construction of aeroplanes, engines and propellers in large numbers, as well as a number of airships and flying boats. The engines being built included licensed production of Gnome and Le Rhone rotary engines. The company's works at Hendon employed between 7,000 and 8,000 people and had the latest metal-working machinery, in addition to extensive testing equipment, including a materials testing laboratory and a wind tunnel. At one stage, Airco was reportedly completing one new aircraft every 45 minutes on average. During 1920, the aviation periodical Flight Magazine reported that, during the period from August 1914 to November 1918, the D.H. Airco aircraft manufactured in both Britain and the United States had comprised approximately 30 per cent of the total output of aeroplanes of these two allies.

Following the Armistice of 11 November 1918 and the end of the conflict, many of the wartime DH.4s and DH.9s, along with the improved DH.9A, served for many years with the newly created Royal Air Force. These aircraft also formed the basis of early de Havilland-designed airliners, including the company's DH.16 and DH.18 types which were operated by Aircraft Transport and Travel Limited, the first airline established in the United Kingdom, which was also owned by George Holt Thomas.

Airline operations and the first daily international flights
Airco decided to enter into the early airline business, established a dedicated subsidiary, Aircraft Transport and Travel (AT&T), for this purpose. On 25 August 1919, the firm commenced the world's first regular daily international service, between Hounslow Heath Aerodrome and Le Bourget Aerodrome, France. A number of DH.16s were used for this service.

In addition to operating the London-to-Paris service, AT&T also launched other routes, including one between Croydon Airport and Amsterdam, on behalf of the Dutch airline KLM. On 17 May 1920, an AT&T DH.16 (G-EALU) performed the first KLM service between London and Amsterdam.

Sale to BSA and liquidation
Following the cessation of hostilities, the large number of war-surplus machines, sharp fluctuations in business confidence, and the government's failure, unlike those of USA and France, to provide any form of support, Airco became unprofitable. Thomas endeavoured to sell Airco to a car manufacturer. Airco and BSA, parent company of Daimler, announced on 1 March 1920 that Airco had amalgamated with Birmingham Small Arms Company.

Within days BSA discovered Airco was in a far more serious financial state than Thomas had revealed. Thomas was immediately removed from his new seat on the BSA board and all BSA's new acquisitions were placed in liquidation. As a result of the financial situation that it inherited, BSA was unable to issue a dividend to shareholders for the following four years. With help from Thomas, de Havilland bought the group's assets he needed to form the de Havilland Aircraft Company during 1920.

Aircraft Transport and Travel had been allowed to continue to operate until December 1920. BSA then bought Aircraft Transport and Travel's aircraft from the liquidator and, in early 1921, established Daimler Airway and Daimler Air Hire under Daimler Hire Limited's Frank Searle.

List of Airco aircraft

 * Airco DH.1:(1915) – Two-seat biplane fighter with single pusher propeller
 * Airco DH.1A - Around 70 built with Beardmore engines.
 * Airco DH.2 (1915) – Single-seat biplane fighter with single pusher propeller
 * Airco DH.3 (1916) – Twin-engine biplane bomber. Two prototypes only built; formed basis for later DH.10 design
 * Airco DH.3A - Second prototype with a Beardmore engine.
 * Airco DH.4 (1916) – Two-seat biplane day bomber with single tractor propeller
 * Airco DH.4A Civil version. Built in the United Kingdom. Two passengers in glazed cabin behind pilot.
 * Airco DH.4R Single seat racer - 450 hp (3406 kW) Napier Lion engine.
 * Airco DH.5 (1916) – Single-seat biplane fighter with single tractor propeller
 * Airco DH.6 (1916) – Two-seat biplane training aircraft with single tractor propeller
 * Airco DH.9 (1917) – Two-seat biplane day bomber with single tractor propeller.
 * Airco DH.9A (1918)- development of DH.9 with Liberty engine
 * Airco DH.9C (1921) - conversion of DH.9 as passenger aircraft
 * Airco DH.10 Amiens (1918) – Twin-engine biplane bomber. First prototype used pusher propeller; second prototype and production aircraft used tractor propellers. Manufactured by Daimler.
 * DH.11 Oxford (1919) Variant of DH.10 with radial engines. One prototype built; not produced
 * Airco DH.15 Gazelle (1919) - One DH.9A aircraft converted into an engine test-bed.
 * Airco DH.16 (1919) - redesign of DH.9A with cabin for four passengers. Used as airliner
 * Airco DH.18 (1920) – Single-engine biplane airliner. Cabin for eight passengers

title: Airco


text:
People's Party for Freedom and Democracy

The People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (Volkspartij voor Vrijheid en Democratie, VVD) is a conservative-liberal political party in the Netherlands. The VVD, whose forerunner was the Freedom Party, is a party of the centre-right that tries to promote private enterprise and economic liberalism.

Etymology
The VVD was originally a merger of the Party of Freedom and Freethinking Democratic dissenters within the Labour Party. In this name, both tendencies, classical liberalism ("Freedom") and social liberalism ("People's Party"; "Democracy") are represented. Despite being a liberal party, the VVD did not openly call itself "liberal", mainly because of the (for some) still-lingering negative connotations of liberalism developed during the Great Depression and World War II.

The most common English translation of the name is the literal translation, People's Party for Freedom and Democracy.

1948–1971
The VVD was founded in 1948 as a continuation of the Freedom Party, which was a continuation of the interbellum Liberal State Party, which in turn was a continuation of Liberal Union. They were joined by the Comité-Oud, a group of liberal members of the Labour Party (PvdA), led by Pieter Oud. The liberals within the Labour Party were primarily members of the pre-war social liberal Free-thinking Democratic League (VDB) who had gone on to join the Labour Party in the post-war Doorbraak ("Breakthrough") movement. However, they believed that the Labour Party was becoming too socialist for their liking. Oud became the merged party's first leader.

Between 1948 and 1952, the VVD took part in the broad cabinets led by the Labour Party Prime Minister Willem Drees. The party was a junior partner with only eight seats to the Catholic People's Party (KVP) and Labour Party, which both had around thirty seats (out of 100). The Drees cabinets laid the foundation for the welfare state and decolonisation of the Dutch East Indies. In the general election of 1952 the VVD gained one seat, but did not join the government. In the general election of 1956 it increased its total, receiving thirteen seats, but was still kept out of government until the general election of 1959, which was held early because of a cabinet crisis. This time it gained nineteen seats, and the party entered government alongside the Protestant Anti-Revolutionary Party (ARP), the Christian Historical Union (CHU) and the KVP.

In 1963, Oud retired from politics, and was succeeded by the Minister of the Interior Edzo Toxopeus. With Toxopeus as its Leader, the VVD lost three seats in the 1963 election, but remained in government. In 1962, a substantial group of disillusioned VVD members founded the Liberal Democratic Centre (Liberaal Democratisch Centrum, LDC) which was intended to introduce a more twentieth-century liberal direction to the classical liberal VVD. In 1966, frustrated with their hopeless efforts, LDC members departed the VVD altogether and formed a new political party, the Democrats 66 (D66).

In 1965, there also occurred a conflict between VVD Ministers and their counterparts from the KVP and ARP in the Marijnen cabinet. The cabinet fell; without an election taking place, it was replaced by a KVP–ARP–PvdA cabinet under Jo Cals, which itself fell the following year. In the subsequent 1967 election the VVD remained relatively stable and entered yet again the cabinet under Prime Minister Piet de Jong.

During this period the VVD had loose ties with other liberal organisations; together, these formed the neutral pillar. They included the liberal papers Nieuwe Rotterdamsche Courant and Algemeen Handelsblad, the broadcaster AVRO and the employers' organisation VNO.

1971–1994
In the Dutch general election of 1971, the VVD lost one seat and the cabinet lost its majority. A cabinet was formed by the Christian democratic parties, the VVD and the Labour Party offshoot Democratic Socialists '70. This cabinet collapsed after a few months. Meanwhile, the charismatic young MP Hans Wiegel had attracted considerable attention. He became the new leader of the VVD. In 1971, he became the new parliamentary leader, and he was appointed lead candidate in 1972. Under Wiegel's leadership, the party oriented towards a new political course, aiming to reform the welfare state and cut taxes. Wiegel did not shrink from conflict with the Labour Party and the trade unions. With this new course came a new electorate: working-class and middle-class voters who, because of individualisation and depillarisation, were more easy to attract.

The course proved to be profitable: in the heavily polarised general election of 1972, the VVD gained six seats. The VVD was kept out of government by the social democratic and Christian democratic cabinet led by Joop den Uyl. Although the ties between the VVD and other organisations within the neutral pillar became ever looser, the number of neutral organisations friendly to the VVD grew. The TROS and later Veronica, new broadcasters which entered the Netherlands Public Broadcasting, were friendly to the VVD. In 1977, the VVD again won six seats, bringing its total to twenty-eight seats. When lengthy formation talks between the social democrats and Christian democrats eventually led to a final break between the two parties, the VVD formed cabinet with the Christian Democratic Appeal (CDA), with a majority of only two seats.

In the general election of 1981, the VVD lost two seats and its partner the CDA lost even more. The cabinet was without a majority and a CDA, Labour and D66 cabinet was formed, falling after only a few months. In 1982, Hans Wiegel left Parliament to become Queen's Commissioner in Friesland and was succeeded by Ed Nijpels. In the general election of 1982 Nijpels' VVD gained ten seats, bringing its total up to 36. Once again, it formed a cabinet with the CDA under CDA Leader Ruud Lubbers. The cabinet began a programme of radical reform of the welfare state, which is still in place today. The VVD lost nine seats in the 1986 election but the cabinet nonetheless retained its majority. The losses were blamed on Nijpels, who stood down as leader of the VVD. He was succeeded by Joris Voorhoeve. In 1989 the CDA–VVD cabinet fell over a minor issue, and the VVD lost five seats in the subsequent election, leaving only twenty-two. The VVD was kept out of government, and Voorhoeve stood down and was succeeded by the charismatic intellectual Frits Bolkestein.

1994–2006
Bolkestein's VVD was one of the winners of the Dutch general election of 1994: the party gained nine seats. It formed an unprecedented government with the Labour Party (PvdA) and the social liberal Democrats 66. The so-called "purple cabinet" led by Wim Kok was the first Dutch government without any Christian parties since 1918. Like many of his predecessors, Bolkestein remained in parliament. His political style was characterised by some as "opposition to one's own government". This style was very successful and the VVD gained another seven seats in the 1998 election, becoming the second largest party in parliament with thirty-eight seats. The VVD formed a second Purple cabinet with the Labour Party and D66. Bolkestein left Dutch politics in 1999 to become European Commissioner. He was replaced by the more technocratic and social liberal Hans Dijkstal.

In the heavily polarised Dutch general election of 2002, dominated by the rise and murder of Pim Fortuyn, the VVD lost fourteen seats, leaving only twenty-four. The VVD nonetheless entered a cabinet with the Christian Democratic Appeal and the Pim Fortuyn List (LPF). Dijkstal stood down and was replaced by the popular former Minister of Finance Gerrit Zalm. After a few months, Zalm "pulled the plug" on the First Balkenende cabinet, after infighting between Pim Fortuyn List ministers Eduard Bomhoff and Herman Heinsbroek.

In the subsequent general election of 2003, the VVD with Gerrit Zalm as lead candidate gained four seats, making a total of twenty-eight. The party had expected to do much better, having adopted most of Fortuyn's proposals on immigration and integration. The VVD unwillingly entered the Second Balkenende cabinet with Zalm returning as Minister of Finance and as Deputy Prime Minister. On 2 September 2004, Geert Wilders, a Member of the House of Representatives, left the party after a dispute with Parliamentary leader Van Aartsen. He chose to continue as an Independent in the House of Representatives. On 27 November 2004 Gerrit Zalm was succeeded as Leader by the Parliamentary leader of the VVD in the House of Representatives Jozias van Aartsen.

2006–2023
In 2006, the party lost a considerable number of seats in the municipal elections, prompting parliamentary leader Jozias van Aartsen to step down. Willibrord van Beek was subsequently appointed parliamentary leader ad interim. In the subsequent party leadership run-off Mark Rutte was elected as the leader, defeating Rita Verdonk and Jelleke Veenendaal.

The general election of 2006 did not start off well for the VVD: Mark Rutte was criticised by his own parliamentary party for being invisible in the campaign, and he was unable to break the attention away from the duel between then-Prime Minister Jan Peter Balkenende of the Christian democrats and Wouter Bos of the Labour Party. However, the VVD's campaign started relatively late. The election polls showed losses for the VVD; the former VVD deputy Prime Minister Hans Wiegel blamed a poor VVD campaign for this, caused by the heavily contested VVD leadership run-off between Mark Rutte and Rita Verdonk earlier in the year. Verdonk had her eyes on the deputy-minister post, while cabinet posts are normally decided upon by the political leader of the VVD. On election day, the party received enough votes for twenty-two seats, a loss of six seats. When the official election results were announced on Monday 27 November 2006, preferential votes became known as well, showing that Rita Verdonk, the second candidate on the list, had obtained more votes than the VVD's lead candidate, Mark Rutte. Rutte had received 553,200 votes, while Verdonk had received 620,555. This led Verdonk to call for a party commission that would investigate the party leadership position, as a consequence of the situation of her obtaining more votes in the general election than Rutte, creating a short-lived crisis in the party. A crisis was averted when Rutte called for an ultimatum on his leadership, which Verdonk had to reconcile to, by rejecting her proposal for a party commission. During 2007, signs of VVD infighting continued to play in the media. In June 2007, the former VVD minister Dekker presented a report on the previous election, showing that the VVD lacked clear leadership roles, however the report did not single out individuals for blame for the party's losses.

After Verdonk renewed her criticism of the party in September 2007, she was expelled from the parliamentary faction, and subsequently relinquished her membership of the party, after reconciliation attempts had proven futile. Verdonk started her own political movement, Proud of the Netherlands, subsequently. In opinion polls held after Verdonk's exit, the VVD was set to lose close to ten parliamentary seats in the next election.

Jan van Zanen, chairman of the VVD's party board, announced in November 2007 that he would step down in May 2008, a year before his term would end. The rest of the board also announced that they would step down. On the same day of his announcement, honorary member Hans Wiegel called for the resignation of the board, because it could not keep Verdonk in the party. Wiegel also opined that the VVD should become part of a larger liberal movement, that would encompass the social liberal Democrats 66, the Party for Freedom of Geert Wilders and Rita Verdonk's Proud of the Netherlands movement, although he found little resonance for this ideas from others.

In 2008, the VVD chose a new party chairman, Ivo Opstelten, the outgoing mayor of Rotterdam. Mark Rutte announced at the celebration of the party's sixth decennial that he would rewrite the foundational programme of the party that was enacted in the early 1980s, and offer the new principles for consideration by the party's members in the fall congress.

After the 2010 general election the VVD became the largest party with 31 seats and was the senior party in a centre-right minority First Rutte cabinet with the Christian Democratic Appeal supported by the Party for Freedom of Geert Wilders to obtain a majority. Rutte was sworn in as Prime Minister on 21 October 2010. Not only was it the first time that the VVD had led a government, but it was the first liberal-led government in 92 years. However, on 21 April 2012, after failed negotiations with the Party for Freedom on renewed budget cuts, the government became unstable and Mark Rutte deemed it likely that a new election would be held in 2012. On election day, 12 September 2012, the VVD remained the largest party in Parliament, winning 41 seats, a gain of 10 seats.

After the 2012 general election, the VVD entered into a ruling coalition with the Labour Party as its junior coalition partner. This coalition lasted a full term, but lost its majority at the 2017 election; the VVD itself lost eight seats, though remained the largest party with 33. Rutte became Prime Minister again, forming a centre-right green cabinet with the Christian Democratic Appeal, Democrats 66 and the Christian Union. In March 2021, VVD was the winner of the general election, securing 34 out of 150 seats. Prime Minister Mark Rutte, in power since 2010, formed his fourth VVD-led coalition.

2023–present
After the cabinet Rutte IV broke down due to disagreements over migration policy, a new election was called for 22 November 2023. Rutte announced that he would step down as leader of the VVD, and that at the installation of a new government following the election, he would leave Dutch politics. Dilan Yesilgöz became the new leader of the party in August 2023 after running unopposed in the leadership election. Following the 2023 general election, the VVD was reduced to 24 seats in the House of Representatives, their worst since the 2006 Dutch general election. It entered formation talks with the Party for Freedom, the election winner, and the new parties New Social Contract and Farmer–Citizen Movement, leading to a right-wing governing coalition.

Ideology and policies
The VVD is described as conservative-liberal,   liberal-conservative,   conservative,   and classical liberal.

The VVD describes itself as a party founded on a liberal philosophy. Traditionally, the party is the most ardent supporter of 'free markets' of all Dutch political parties, promoting political, economic liberalism, classical liberalism, cultural liberalism; in contrast to this, it is also committed to the idea of the welfare state.

After 1971, the party became more populist, although some conservative liberal elements remain. The 2006 leadership election was interpreted by many as a conflict between a liberal group and a conservative group within the VVD, with the distinctly liberal Rutte beating conservative Verdonk; 52% of the electorate voted for Rutte, while 46% voted for Verdonk.

Liberal Manifesto
The principles of the People's Party for Freedom and Democracy were outlined in the "Liberal Manifesto" (Liberaal Manifest) and latterly the election programmes. The Liberal Manifesto was a general outlook on the direction of the party would like to mirror itself and is an extension of the party's foundational principles. The election programmes are more oriented to practical politics, for example, winning the elections on-the-day and by any means possible. The last Liberal Manifesto of the VVD was published in September 2005. It developed a broad outline around the themes of democracy, security, freedom and citizenship, along with a vision of the future of party's internal structure. Below some of the points from the Manifesto are presented:

Democracy

 * The Manifesto calls for a directly elected Prime Minister, whereby voters could express their preference on the ballot.
 * The idea of (advisory) referendums is not supported by the party.
 * Mayors should be directly elected by the people.
 * Commitment to the four freedoms of the European Single Market.

Security

 * A common policy on defence and security in the European Union is called for.

Freedom

 * The principle of non-discrimination should be given more importance than the exercise of religion.
 * "Social rights" are to be continued. These are not simply rights, but they also create obligations.
 * Euthanasia is part of a person's right to self-determination.
 * Commitment to an open economy, with a "regulated free-market", including patents.
 * Support for the freedom of contract. No right for workers to enter into nationally binding collective bargaining agreements.

Citizenship

 * Minimise the option of dual citizenship.
 * Social security should only be fully open for Dutch nationals. Migrants would have to integrate in order to become citizens.

Policy overview

 * Economy and Finance
 * Small government
 * Laissez-faire
 * Tax reductions
 * Market economy
 * Balanced budget

 * Government and Social Affairs
 * Deregulation
 * Separation of church and state
 * Minimise multiple citizenship
 * Emancipation
 * Same-sex marriage
 * Cultural Assimilation
 * Sober care of refugees

 * Foreign policy and Law
 * Pro-Europeanism
 * Internationalism
 * Multilateralism
 * Mandatory sentencing
 * Anti-squatting
 * Distinction between soft drugs and hard drugs

 * Health
 * Universal health care
 * Expansion of the euthanasia policy
 * Pro-choice

Representation in EU institutions
In the European Committee of the Regions, VVD sits in the Renew Europe CoR Group, with one full and two alternate members for the 2020-2025 mandate. Martijn van Gruijthuijsen is Coordinator in the ECON Commission.

Provincial government
The VVD provides three out of twelve King's Commissioners. The VVD is part of every college of the Provincial-Executives Gedeputeerde Staten except for Utrecht.

In the following figure one can see the election results of the provincial elections of 2003, 2007, 2011, 2015, and 2019 per province. It shows the areas where the VVD is strong, namely the Randstad urban area that consists out of the provinces of North and South Holland, Utrecht and (parts of) Flevoland, and also the provinces of North Brabant and Gelderland. The party is weak in northern peripheral provinces like Friesland, Groningen, and Overijssel, and also in southern peripheral provinces like Zeeland, and Limburg.

Municipal government
119 of the 380 Dutch Mayors are member of the VVD since 2018. Furthermore, the party has about 250 aldermen and 1100 members of municipal councils.

Electorate
Historically, the VVD electorate consisted mainly of secular middle-class and upper-class voters, with a strong support from entrepreneurs. Under the leadership of Wiegel, the VVD started to expand its appeal to working class voters.

Leadership

 * Leaders
 * Pieter Oud (28 January 1948 – 16 May 1963)
 * Edzo Toxopeus (16 May 1963 – 1 October 1969)
 * Molly Geertsema (1 October 1969 – 1 July 1971)
 * Hans Wiegel (1 July 1971 – 20 April 1982)
 * Ed Nijpels (20 April 1982 – 9 July 1986)
 * Rudolf de Korte (9 July 1986 – 15 December 1986)
 * Joris Voorhoeve (15 December 1986 – 30 April 1990)
 * Frits Bolkestein (30 April 1990 – 30 July 1998)
 * Hans Dijkstal (30 July 1998 – 16 May 2002)
 * Gerrit Zalm (16 May 2002 – 27 November 2004)
 * Jozias van Aartsen (27 November 2004 – 8 March 2006)
 * Vacant (8 March 2006 – 31 May 2006)
 * Mark Rutte (31 May 2006 – 14 August 2023)
 * Dilan Yeşilgöz-Zegerius (since 14 August 2023)

 * Chairs
 * Dirk Stikker (24 January 1948 – 7 Augustus 1948)
 * Vacant (7 August 1948 – 8 April 1949)
 * Pieter Oud (8 April 1949 – 9 November 1963)
 * Kornelis van der Pols (9 November 1963 – 29 March 1969)
 * Haya van Someren (29 March 1969 – 15 March 1975)
 * Frits Korthals Altes (15 March 1975 – 22 May 1981)
 * Jan Kamminga (22 May 1981 – 29 November 1986)
 * Leendert Ginjaar (29 November 1986 – 4 October 1991)
 * Dian van Leeuwen-Schut (4 October 1991 – 27 May 1994)
 * Willem Hoekzema (27 May 1994 – 28 May 1999)
 * Bas Eenhoorn (28 May 1999 – 28 November 2003)
 * Jan van Zanen (28 November 2003 – 23 May 2008)
 * Ivo Opstelten (23 May 2008 – 14 October 2010)
 * Vacant (14 October 2010 – 22 May 2011)
 * Benk Korthals (22 May 2011 – 14 June 2014)
 * Henry Keizer (14 June 2014 – 18 May 2017)
 * Vacant (18 May 2017 – 25 November 2017)
 * Christianne van der Wal (25 November 2017 – 10 January 2022)
 * Onno Hoes (since 10 January 2022 – 7 October 2022) (Ad interim)
 * Eric Wetzels (since 7 October 2022)

 * Vice Chairmen
 * Pieter Oud (28 January 1948 – 8 April 1949)
 * Harm van Riel (8 April 1949 – 15 May 1963)
 * Johan Witteveen (15 May 1963 – 24 July 1963)
 * Hans Roelen (24 July 1963 – 16 July 1969)
 * Henk Talsma (16 July 1969 – 1978)
 * Hendrik Toxopeus (1978 – 1979)
 * Jan Kamminga (1979 – 22 May 1981)
 * Liesbeth Tuijnman (22 May 1981 – December 1985)
 * Ivo Opstelten (February 1986 – 22 May 1993)
 * Jan Gmelich Meijling (22 May 1993 – 22 Augustus 1994)
 * Ronald Haafkens (22 Augustus 1994 – 28 May 1999)
 * Sari van Heemskerck Pillis-Duvekot (28 May 1999 – 2004) (Co chair)
 * Rudolf Sandberg tot Essenburg (28 May 1999 – 2000) (Co chair)
 * Paul Tirion (2000 – 2001) (Co chair)
 * Mark Harbers (2001 – 2005) (Co chair)
 * Ines Adema (2004 – 4 April 2008) (Co chair)
 * Rogier van der Sande (2005 – 4 April 2008) (Co chair)
 * Mark Verheijen (4 April 2008 – 21 May 2012)
 * Wiet de Bruijn (21 May 2012 – 14 June 2014) (Co chair)
 * Robert Reibestein (21 May 2012 – 14 June 2014) (Co chair)
 * Jeannette Baljeu (14 June 2014 – 20 May 2017)
 * Eric Wetzels (20 May 2017 – 20 May 2020)
 * Onno Hoes (20 May 2020 – 8 October 2022)
 * Eric Wetzels (since 8 October 2022)

 * Parliamentary leaders in the Senate
 * Anthonie Nicolaas Molenaar (24 January 1948 – 21 November 1958) (†)
 * Harm van Riel (23 December 1958 – 3 June 1976)
 * Haya van Someren (3 June 1976 – 12 November 1980) (†)
 * Guus Zoutendijk (25 November 1980 – 23 June 1987)
 * David Luteijn (23 June 1987 – 13 June 1995)
 * Frits Korthals Altes (13 June 1995 – 11 March 1997)
 * Leendert Ginjaar (11 March 1997 – 14 September 1999)
 * Nicoline van den Broek (14 September 1999 – 1 May 2005)
 * Uri Rosenthal (1 May 2005 – 14 October 2010)
 * Fred de Graaf (14 October 2010 – 22 February 2011)
 * Loek Hermans (22 February 2011 – 3 November 2015)
 * Helmi Huijbregts-Schiedon (3 November 2015 – 24 November 2015)
 * Annemarie Jorritsma (24 November 2015 – 13 June 2023)
 * Edith Schippers (since 13 June 2023)

 * Parliamentary leaders in the House of Representatives
 * Pieter Oud (27 July 1948 – 16 May 1963)
 * Roelof Zegering Hadders (16 May 1963 – 2 July 1963)
 * Edzo Toxopeus (2 July 1963 – 24 July 1963)
 * Molly Geertsema (24 July 1963 – 12 March 1966)
 * Edzo Toxopeus (12 March 1966 – 1 October 1969)
 * Molly Geertsema (1 October 1969 – 6 July 1971)
 * Hans Wiegel (6 July 1971 – 19 December 1977)
 * Koos Rietkerk (19 December 1977 – 25 Augustus 1981)
 * Hans Wiegel (25 Augustus 1981 – 20 April 1982)
 * Ed Nijpels (20 April 1982 – 9 July 1986)
 * Joris Voorhoeve (9 July 1986 – 30 April 1990)
 * Frits Bolkestein (30 April 1990 – 30 July 1998)
 * Hans Dijkstal (30 July 1998 – 23 May 2002)
 * Gerrit Zalm (23 May 2002 – 27 May 2003)
 * Jozias van Aartsen (27 May 2003 – 8 March 2006)
 * Willibrord van Beek (8 March 2006 – 29 June 2006)
 * Mark Rutte (29 June 2006 – 8 October 2010)
 * Stef Blok (8 October 2010 – 20 September 2012)
 * Mark Rutte (20 September 2012 – 1 November 2012)
 * Halbe Zijlstra (1 November 2012 – 23 March 2017)
 * Mark Rutte (23 March 2017 – 13 October 2017)
 * Halbe Zijlstra (13 October 2017 – 25 October 2017)
 * Klaas Dijkhoff (25 October 2017 – 31 March 2021)
 * Mark Rutte (31 March 2021 – 10 January 2022)
 * Sophie Hermans (10 January 2022 – 9 December 2023)
 * Dilan Yeşilgöz-Zegerius (since 9 December 2023)

 * Lead candidate – General election
 * Pieter Oud – 1948, 1952, 1956, 1959
 * Edzo Toxopeus – 1963, 1967
 * Molly Geertsema – 1971
 * Hans Wiegel – 1972, 1977, 1981
 * Ed Nijpels – 1982, 1986
 * Joris Voorhoeve – 1989
 * Frits Bolkenstein – 1994, 1998
 * Hans Dijkstal – 2002
 * Gerrit Zalm – 2003
 * Mark Rutte – 2006, 2010, 2012, 2017, 2021
 * Dilan Yeşilgöz-Zegerius – 2023

 * Lead candidate – Senate election
 * Guus Zoutendijk – 1983
 * David Luteijn – 1987, 1991
 * Frits Korthals Altes – 1995
 * Nicoline van den Broek-Laman Trip – 1999, 2003
 * Uri Rosenthal – 2007
 * Loek Hermans – 2011, 2015
 * Annemarie Jorritsma – 2019
 * Edith Schippers – 2023

Organisational structure
The highest organ of the VVD is the General Assembly, in which all members present have a single vote. It convenes usually twice every year. It appoints the party board and decides on the party programme.

The order of the First Chamber, Second Chamber and European Parliament candidates list is decided by a referendum under all members voting by internet, phone or mail. If contested, the lead candidate of a candidates lists is appointed in a separate referendum in advance. Since 2002 the General Assembly can call for a referendum on other subjects too. The present chairman of the board was elected this way.

About 90 members elected by the members in meetings of the regional branches form the Party Council, which advises the Party Board in the months that the General Assembly does not convene. This is an important forum within the party. The party board handles the daily affairs of the party.

Linked organisations
The independent youth organisation that has a partnership agreement with the VVD is the Youth Organisation Freedom and Democracy (Jongeren Organisatie Vrijheid en Democratie, JOVD), which is a member of the Liberal Youth Movement of the European Union and the International Federation of Liberal and Radical Youth.

The education institute of the VVD is the Haya van Someren Foundation. The Telders Foundation is the party's scientific institute and publishes the magazine Liberaal Reveil every two months. The party published the magazine Liber bi-monthly.

International organisations
The VVD is a member of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party and Liberal International.

Relationships to other parties
The VVD has always been a very independent party. The VVD cooperates on the European and the international level with the social liberal Democrats 66. It has a long history of coalitions with the Christian Democratic Appeal and its Christian democratic predecessors, but was in government with the social democratic Labour Party from 1994 to 2002 and again between 2012 and 2017.

The VVD participates in the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy, a democracy assistance organisation of seven Dutch political parties.


text:
Labour Party (Netherlands)

The Labour Party (Partij van de Arbeid, abbreviated as PvdA or P van de A ) is a social democratic The PvdA is widely described as a social-democratic political party:
 * political party in the Netherlands.
 * political party in the Netherlands.
 * political party in the Netherlands.
 * political party in the Netherlands.
 * political party in the Netherlands.
 * political party in the Netherlands.

The party was founded in 1946 as a merger of the Social Democratic Workers' Party, the Free-thinking Democratic League and the Christian Democratic Union. Prime Ministers from the Labour Party have been Willem Drees (1948–1958), Joop den Uyl (1973–1977) and Wim Kok (1994–2002). From 2012 to 2017, the PvdA formed the second-largest party in parliament and was the junior partner in the Second Rutte cabinet with the People's Party for Freedom and Democracy.

The party fell to nine seats in the House of Representatives at the 2017 general election, making it the seventh-largest faction in the chamber—its worst showing ever. However, the party rebounded with a first-place finish in the 2019 European Parliament election in the Netherlands, winning six of 26 seats, with 19% of the vote. The party is a member of the European Party of European Socialists and the global Progressive Alliance. In the European Parliament, where the Labour Party has 6 seats, it is part of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats.

1946–1965
During the German occupation of the Netherlands in the Second World War, a group of prominent Dutchmen of all democratic political ideologies were interned as hostages in St. Michielsgestel by the German occupation authorities. They came to the consensus that the pre-war fragmentation of Dutch political life, known as "Pillarization", should be overcome after the war in a so-called doorbraak. These people formed the Dutch People's Movement (NVB) immediately after the war ended in 1945. The new movement promoted the foundation of the Labour Party (Partij van de Arbeid – PvdA) on 9 February 1946 through a merger of three pre-war parties, namely the Social Democratic Workers' Party (SDAP), the social-liberal Free-thinking Democratic League (VDB) and the progressive-Protestant Christian Democratic Union (CDU). They were joined by individuals from Catholic resistance group Christofoor, as well as some of the more progressive members of the Protestant parties Christian Historical Union (CHU) and Anti-Revolutionary Party (ARP). The founding Congress was chaired by NVB member Willem Banning.

The founders of the PvdA wanted to create a broad party, breaking with the historic tradition of pillarisation. The party combined socialists with liberal democrats and progressive Christians. However, the party was unable to break pillarisation. Instead the new party renewed the close ties that the SDAP had with other socialist organisations (see linked organisations). In 1948, some of the left-liberal members, led by former VDB leader Pieter Oud, left the PvdA after concluding it had become too socialist for their liking. Together with the Freedom Party, they formed the People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD), a conservative-liberal party.

Between 1946 and 1958, the PvdA led centre-left coalition governments with the Catholic People's Party (KVP), and combinations of VVD, ARP and CHU, with the PvdA's Willem Drees as prime minister. The KVP and the PvdA together had a large majority in parliament. Under his leadership the Netherlands recovered from the war and began to build its welfare state, and Indonesia became independent.

After the cabinet crisis of 1958, the PvdA was replaced by the VVD. The PvdA was in opposition until 1965. The electoral support of PvdA voters began to decline.

1965–1989
In 1965, a conflict in the KVP-ARP-CHU-VVD cabinet made continuation of the government impossible. The three confessional, Christian-influenced parties turned towards the PvdA. Together they formed the Cals cabinet, with KVP leader Jo Cals as prime minister. This cabinet too was short-lived and conflict-ridden. The conflicts culminated in the fall of the Cals cabinet over economic policy.

Meanwhile, a younger generation was attempting to gain control of the PvdA. A group of young PvdA members, calling themselves the New Left, changed the party. The New Left believed the party should become oriented towards the new social movements, adopting their anti-parliamentary strategies and their issues, such as women's liberation, environmental conservation and Third World development. Prominent New Left members were Jan Nagel, André van der Louw and Bram Peper. One of their early victories followed the fall of the Cals cabinet. The party Congress adopted a motion that made it impossible for the PvdA to govern with the KVP and its Protestant allies. In response to the growing power of the New Left group, a group of older, centrist party members, led by Willem Drees' son, Willem Drees Jr., founded the New Right. They split in 1970, after it was clear that they had lost the conflict with the New Left, and founded a new moderate Social Democratic party, Democratic Socialists '70 (DS70).

Under the New Left, the PvdA started a strategy of polarisation, striving for a cabinet based on a progressive majority in parliament. In order to form that cabinet, the PvdA allied itself with the social-liberal party Democrats 66 (D66) and the progressive Christian Political Party of Radicals (PPR). The alliance was called the Progressive Accord (PAK). In the 1971 and 1972 elections, these three parties promised to form a cabinet with a radical common programme after the elections. They were unable to gain a majority in either election. In 1971, they were kept out of cabinet, and the party of former PvdA members, DS70, became a partner of the First Biesheuvel cabinet.

In the 1972 elections, neither the PvdA and its allies or the KVP and its allies were able to gain a majority. The two sides were forced to work together. Joop den Uyl, the leader of the PvdA, led the cabinet. The cabinet was an extra-parliamentary cabinet and it was composed of members of the three progressive parties and members of the KVP and the ARP. The cabinet attempted to radically reform government, society and the economy, and a wide range of progressive social reforms were enacted during its time in office, such as significant increases in welfare payments and the indexation of benefits and the minimum wage to the cost of living.

The PvdA also faced economic decline and was riddled with personal and ideological conflicts. The relationship between Prime Minister Den Uyl and the KVP Deputy Prime Minister Dries Van Agt was particularly problematic. These conflict culminated when the cabinet fell just before the 1977 general election. The PvdA came first in that election, but the ideological and personal conflict between Van Agt and Den Uyl prevented the formation of a new centre-left cabinet. After very long cabinet formation talks, the Christian Democratic Appeal (CDA), itself a new Christian democratic political formation composed of KVP, CHU and ARP, formed a government, based on a very narrow majority, with the VVD. The PvdA was left in opposition.

In the 1981 general election, the incumbent CDA–VVD cabinet lost its majority. The CDA remained the largest party, but it was forced to co-operate with the PvdA and D66 (the PPR had left the alliance, after losing in the 1977 election). In the new cabinet led by Van Agt, Den Uyl returned to cabinet, now as Deputy Prime Minister. The personal and ideological conflict between Van Agt and Den Uyl culminated in the fall of the cabinet just months after it was formed. The VVD and the CDA together had a majority in the 1982 general election and retained this in the 1986 general election. The PvdA was left in opposition. During this period the party began to reform. Den Uyl left politics in 1986, appointing former trade union leader Wim Kok as his successor.

1989–2010
After the 1989 general election, the PvdA returned to cabinet together with the CDA. Kok became Deputy Prime Minister to CDA leader Ruud Lubbers. The PvdA accepted the major economic reforms the previous Lubbers cabinets made, including privatisation of public enterprises and reform of the welfare state. They continued these policies in this cabinet. The cabinet faced heavy protest from the unions and saw major political conflict within the PvdA itself.

In the 1994 general election, the PvdA–CDA coalition lost its majority in parliament; the PvdA, however, emerged as the biggest party. Kok formed a government together with the conservative-liberal VVD and social-liberal D66. This so-called 'purple government' was a political novelty, because it was the first since 1918 without any ministers from the CDA or its predecessors. The First Kok cabinet continued the Lubbers-era economic reforms, but combined this with a progressive outlook on ethical questions and promises of political reform. Kok became a very popular Prime Minister; he was not a partisan figure but combined successful technocratic policies with the charisma of a national leader. In the 1998 general election, the cabinet was rewarded for its stewardship of the economy. The PvdA and the VVD increased their seats, at the expense of D66; the Second Kok cabinet was formed.

Kok left politics, leaving the leadership of the party to his preferred successor Ad Melkert. The PvdA was expected to perform very well in the 2002 general election; however, the political rise of Pim Fortuyn frustrated these hopes. The PvdA lost the 2002 election, and the party's parliamentary representation fell from 45 seats to 23. The loss was blamed on the uncharismatic new leader Melkert, the perceived arrogance of the PvdA and the inability to answer the right-wing populist issues Fortuyn raised, especially immigration and integration. Melkert resigned as party leader and was replaced by Jeltje van Nieuwenhoven. The PvdA was kept out of cabinet. The government formed by CDA, VVD and the Pim Fortuyn List (LPF) fell after a very short period.

Meanwhile, Wouter Bos, Undersecretary in the Second Kok cabinet, was elected leader of the PvdA in a ballot among PvdA members, being elected closely to Jouke de Vries. He started to democratise the party organisation and began an ideological reorientation. In the 2003 general election, Wouter Bos managed to regain almost all seats lost in the previous election, and the PvdA was once again the second largest party in the Netherlands, only slightly smaller than the CDA. Personal and ideological conflicts between Bos and the CDA leader Jan Peter Balkenende prevented the formation of a CDA–PvdA cabinet. Instead, the PvdA was kept out of government by the formation of cabinet of the CDA, the VVD, and D66, the latter being former allies of PvdA. In the 2006 municipal elections, the renewed PvdA performed very well. The PvdA became by far the largest party nationally, while the three governing parties lost a considerable number of seats in municipal councils.

The PvdA lost the race for Prime Minister to the CDA after suffering a loss of nine seats in the 2006 general election. The PvdA now held only 33 seats, losing many votes to the Socialist Party (SP). The PvdA had previously distanced themselves from the idea of a voting bloc on the left. It did, however, join the fourth Balkenende cabinet on 22 February 2007, in which Wouter Bos became minister of Finance. In the aftermath of the lost elections, the entire party executive stepped down on 26 April 2007. On Saturday 20 February 2010, the Labour Party withdrew from the government after arguments over the Dutch role in Afghanistan.

2010–2023
After withdrawing from the government, Wouter Bos announced he would leave politics to spend more time with his wife and two daughters. The then-mayor of Amsterdam, Job Cohen, took his place as leader of the PvdA. In the 2010 general election, the PvdA won 30 seats, a loss of three, and was narrowly overtaken by the VVD. After the election, a 'purple-plus coalition' was considered, which would have required the participation of GroenLinks, in addition to the VVD, PvdA and D66 – but talks broke down and the PvdA entered opposition.

Cohen resigned as leader in February 2012. Diederik Samsom was subsequently elected the party leader. In the 2012 general election, the Labour Party won 38 seats, a gain of eight, defying initial predictions that the Socialist Party would overtake it. Following the election the party entered a governing coalition with the VVD under Mark Rutte, with Labour's Lodewijk Asscher becoming Deputy Prime Minister.

Opinion polls suggested that popular support for the PvdA fell into a gradual decline in the years after the 2012 election. The party was polled as low as 5% by Peil on 8 May 2016. In December 2016, Samson was defeated by Lodewijk Asscher in a party leadership election.

In the 2017 general election, the PvdA suffered the biggest defeat in Dutch electoral history, receiving only 5.7% of the votes and losing 29 of its 38 seats. Asscher did not resign from his post, claiming the defeat was his predecessor's responsibility. The party experienced a degree of revival in 2019, obtaining the most votes in that year's European Parliament election. This marked the first time the PvdA had finished first in a national election since 1998.

Ahead of the 2021 general election, Asscher resigned from the party leadership due to his part in the childcare benefits scandal. He was replaced as leader and lead candidate by Lilianne Ploumen, who became the party's first permanent female leader. Following the election, the PvdA participated unsuccessfully in the 2021 Dutch cabinet formation in conjunction with Green Left. Ploumen later left, claiming she was unsuited for the leadership. Ploumen was replaced as parliamentary leader by Attje Kuiken.

2023–: Co-operation with GroenLinks
Following the 2023 Senate election in 30 May 2023, PvdA and GroenLinks deepened their co-operation by forming a joint parliamentary group in the senate, becoming the second-largest group behind the Farmer–Citizen Movement.

On 17 July 2023, the party and Green Left announced that they would contest the upcoming 2023 general election with a common policy programme and joint electoral list.

Ideology
The PvdA began as a traditional social-democratic party, committed to building a welfare state. During the 1970s, it included new issues in its programme such as environmental conservation, Third World development and women's liberation. During the 1990s it moderated its programme to include Third Way economic and social positions, including reform of the welfare state and privatisation of public enterprise. The party adopted a new programme of principles in 2005, expressing a centre-left ideology. Its core issues are employment, social security and welfare as well as investing in public education, health care and public safety.

Leadership

 * Leaders
 * Willem Drees (9 February 1946 – 22 December 1958)
 * Jaap Burger (22 December 1958 – 16 September 1962)
 * Anne Vondeling (16 September 1962 – 13 September 1966)
 * Joop den Uyl (13 September 1966 – 21 July 1986)
 * Wim Kok (21 July 1986 – 15 December 2001)
 * Ad Melkert (15 December 2001 – 16 May 2002)
 * Vacant (16 May 2002 – 12 November 2002)
 * Wouter Bos (12 November 2002 – 25 April 2010)
 * Job Cohen (25 April 2010 – 20 February 2012)
 * Vacant (20 February 2012 – 16 March 2012)
 * Diederik Samsom (16 March 2012 – 10 December 2016)
 * Lodewijk Asscher (10 December 2016 – 14 January 2021)
 * Vacant (14 January 2021 – 23 January 2021)
 * Lilianne Ploumen (23 January 2021 – 12 April 2022)
 * Vacant (since 12 April 2022)

 * Chairs
 * Koos Vorrink (9 February 1946 – 5 June 1953)
 * Hein Vos (5 June 1953 – 23 February 1955)
 * Evert Vermeer (23 February 1955 – 10 May 1960)
 * Hein Vos (10 May 1960 – 24 March 1961; ad interim)
 * Ko Suurhoff (24 March 1961 – 14 April 1965)
 * Vacant (14 April 1965 – 12 June 1965)
 * Sjeng Tans (12 June 1965 – 7 March 1969)
 * Anne Vondeling (7 March 1969 – 1 May 1971)
 * André van der Louw (1 May 1971 – 16 November 1974)
 * Ien van den Heuvel-de Blank (16 November 1974 – 26 April 1979)
 * Max van den Berg (26 April 1979 – 1 August 1986)
 * Stan Poppe (1 August 1986 – 2 April 1987; ad interim)
 * Marjanne Sint (2 April 1987 – 1 August 1991)
 * Frits Castricum (1 August 1991 – 13 March 1992; ad interim)
 * Felix Rottenberg (13 March 1992 – 15 February 1997; co-chair)
 * Ruud Vreeman (13 March 1992 – 15 February 1997; co-chair)
 * Karin Adelmund (15 February 1997 – 3 August 1998)
 * Ruud Vreeman (3 August 1998 – 20 February 1999; ad interim)
 * Marijke van Hees (20 February 1999 – 5 September 2000)
 * Mariëtte Hamer (5 September 2000 – 16 March 2001; ad interim)
 * Ruud Koole (16 March 2001 – 9 December 2005)
 * Michiel van Hulten (9 December 2005 – 25 April 2007)
 * Ruud Koole (25 April 2007 – 6 October 2007; ad interim)
 * Lilianne Ploumen (6 October 2007 – 22 January 2012)
 * Hans Spekman (22 January 2012 – 7 October 2017)
 * Nelleke Vedelaar (7 October 2017 – 1 October 2021)
 * Esther-Mirjam Sent (since 1 October 2021)

 * Parliamentary leaders in the Senate
 * Marius Reinalda (9 February 1946 – 18 March 1947)
 * Jo van de Kieft (27 March 1947 – 15 July 1952)
 * Kees Woudenberg (15 July 1952 – 2 September 1952)
 * Joris in 't Veld (2 September 1952 – 15 November 1960)
 * Hein Vos (15 November 1960 – 16 February 1968)
 * Maarten de Niet (5 March 1968 – 7 October 1968)
 * Jan Broeksz (7 October 1968 – 16 September 1975)
 * Anne Vermeer (16 September 1975 – 23 June 1987)
 * Ger Schinck (23 June 1987 – 13 June 1995)
 * Joop van den Berg (13 June 1995 – 1 August 1996)
 * Job Cohen (1 August 1996 – 3 August 1998)
 * Ria Jaarsma (3 August 1998 – 8 June 1999)
 * Geertje Lycklama à Nijeholt (8 June 1999 – 10 June 2003)
 * Johan Stekelenburg (10 June 2003 – 22 September 2003)
 * Han Noten (11 November 2003 – 7 June 2011)
 * Marleen Barth (7 June 2011 – 8 February 2018)
 * André Postema (8 February 2018 – 10 July 2018)
 * Esther-Mirjam Sent (4 September 2018 – 11 June 2019)
 * Mei Li Vos (11 June 2019 – 13 June 2023)

 * Parliamentary leaders in the House of Representatives
 * Marinus van der Goes van Naters (4 June 1946 – 16 January 1951)
 * Jaap Burger (16 January 1951 – 18 September 1951)
 * Leendert Antonie Donker (18 September 1951 – 2 September 1952)
 * Jaap Burger (2 September 1952 – 16 September 1962)
 * Anne Vondeling (16 September 1962 – 14 April 1965)
 * Gerard Nederhorst (14 April 1965 – 23 February 1967)
 * Joop den Uyl (23 February 1967 – 11 May 1973)
 * Ed van Thijn (11 May 1973 – 8 June 1977)
 * Joop den Uyl (8 June 1977 – 8 September 1977)
 * Ed van Thijn (8 September 1977 – 16 January 1978)
 * Joop den Uyl (16 January 1978 – 11 September 1981)
 * Wim Meijer (11 September 1981 – 16 September 1982)
 * Joop den Uyl (16 September 1982 – 21 July 1986)
 * Wim Kok (21 July 1986 – 4 November 1989)
 * Thijs Wöltgens (4 November 1989 – 17 May 1994)
 * Wim Kok (17 May 1994 – 22 August 1994)
 * Jacques Wallage (22 August 1994 – 19 May 1998)
 * Wim Kok (19 May 1998 – 30 May 1998)
 * Jacques Wallage (30 May 1998 – 10 July 1998)
 * Ad Melkert (10 July 1998 – 16 May 2002)
 * Jeltje van Nieuwenhoven (16 May 2002 – 19 November 2002)
 * Wouter Bos (19 November 2002 – 22 February 2007)
 * Jacques Tichelaar (22 February 2007 – 22 January 2008)
 * Mariëtte Hamer (22 January 2008 – 17 June 2010)
 * Job Cohen (17 June 2010 – 20 February 2012)
 * Jeroen Dijsselbloem (20 February 2012 – 20 March 2012)
 * Diederik Samsom (20 March 2012 – 12 December 2016)
 * Attje Kuiken (12 December 2016 – 23 March 2017)
 * Lodewijk Asscher (23 March 2017 – 14 January 2021)
 * Lilianne Ploumen (14 January 2021 – 12 April 2022)
 * Attje Kuiken (since 22 April 2022)

Organisational structure
The highest organ of the PvdA is the Congress, formed by delegates from the municipal branches. It convenes once every year. It appoints the party board, decides the order of candidates on electoral lists for the Senate, House of Representatives and European Parliament and has the final say over the party programme. Since 2002, a referendum of all members has partially replaced the Congress. Both the lead candidate of the House of Representatives candidate list, who is the political leader of the party, and the party chairman, who leads the party organisation, are selected by such a referendum. In 2002, Wouter Bos won the PvdA leadership election.

Members
As of 2024, PvdA has 43,675 members. They are organised in over 500 municipal branches.

Linked organisations
Rood is the party periodical. It appears eight times a year. The Young Socialists is the youth organisation of the PvdA. It is a member of Young European Socialists and the International Union of Socialist Youth. They publish the periodical Lava.

The scientific institute (or think tank) of the PvdA is the Wiardi Beckman Foundation. It publishes the periodical Socialisme & Democratie. The PvdA participates in the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy, a democracy assistance organisation of seven Dutch political parties.

International organisations
The PvdA is a full member of the Party of European Socialists and was formerly an observer member of the Socialist International until December 2014, having previously downgraded their membership in December 2012. The PvdA joined the Progressive Alliance, a new international network for social democratic political parties, at its founding event on 22 May 2013.

Pillarised organisations
During the period of strong pillarisation the PvdA had strong links with the social democratic broadcasting organisation VARA Broadcasting Association, the Dutch Association of Trade Unions, and the paper Het Vrije Volk.

Relationships to other parties
Historically, the PvdA has co-operated in cabinets with the Christian democratic Christian Democratic Appeal (CDA), Political Party of Radicals (PPR), Catholic People's Party (KVP), Anti-Revolutionary Party (ARP), Christian Historical Union (CHU) and ChristianUnion (CU) parties and the liberal parties Democrats 66 (D66) and People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD). Between 1971 and 1977, PvdA was allied with D66 and the PPR. After 1977 until 1989, it was closely allied to D66. Since 2003, the relationship between the PvdA and D66 has considerably worsened, at first because PvdA was in opposition to the Second Balkenende cabinet, in which D66 had co-operated.

During the governance of the second and third Balkenende cabinet, the Socialist Party and GreenLeft were calling for closer cooperation with the PvdA, calling to form a shadow government against the Balkenende cabinet, PvdA leader Bos held this off.

The PvdA has strong ties with GreenLeft. In the 2021 Dutch cabinet formation, the parties unsuccessfully combined. Prominent members including Frans Timmermans and Marjolein Moorman have called for a deepened collaboration. A merger has also been discussed. The Wiardi Beckman Foundation has voiced its opposition to this.

Members of the Senate
PvdA has seven members in the Senate. PvdA has formed a parliamentary group with GroenLinks in the Senate.

title: Labour Party (Netherlands)