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Thermite

Thermite is a pyrotechnic composition of metal powder and metal oxide. When ignited by heat or chemical reaction, thermite undergoes an exothermic reduction-oxidation (redox) reaction. Most varieties are not explosive, but can create brief bursts of heat and high temperature in a small area. Its form of action is similar to that of other fuel-oxidizer mixtures, such as black powder.

Thermites have diverse compositions. Fuels include aluminium, magnesium, titanium, zinc, silicon, and boron. Aluminium is common because of its high boiling point and low cost. Oxidizers include bismuth(III) oxide, boron(III) oxide, silicon(IV) oxide, chromium(III) oxide, manganese(IV) oxide, iron(III) oxide, iron(II,III) oxide, copper(II) oxide, and lead(II,IV) oxide. In a thermochemical survey comprising twenty-five metals and thirty-two metal oxides, 288 out of 800 binary combinations were characterized by adiabatic temperatures greater than 2000 K. Combinations like these, which possess the thermodynamic potential to produce very high temperatures, are either already known to be reactive or are plausible thermitic systems.

The reaction, also called the Goldschmidt process, is used for thermite welding, often used to join railway tracks. Thermites have also been used in metal refining, disabling munitions, and in incendiary weapons. Some thermite-like mixtures are used as pyrotechnic initiators in fireworks.

Chemical reactions
In the following example, elemental aluminium reduces the oxide of another metal, in this common example iron oxide, because aluminium forms stronger and more stable bonds with oxygen than iron:

 * Fe2O3 + 2 Al → 2 Fe + Al2O3

The products are aluminium oxide, elemental iron, and a large amount of heat. The reactants are commonly powdered and mixed with a binder to keep the material solid and prevent separation.

Other metal oxides can be used, such as chromium oxide, to generate the given metal in its elemental form. For example, a copper thermite reaction using copper oxide and elemental aluminium can be used for creating electric joints in a process called cadwelding, that produces elemental copper (it may react violently):

 * 3 CuO + 2 Al → 3 Cu + Al2O3

Thermites with nanosized particles are described by a variety of terms, such as metastable intermolecular composites, super-thermite, nano-thermite, and nanocomposite energetic materials.

History
The thermite (Thermit) reaction was discovered in 1893 and patented in 1895 by German chemist Hans Goldschmidt. Consequently, the reaction is sometimes called the "Goldschmidt reaction" or "Goldschmidt process". Goldschmidt was originally interested in producing very pure metals by avoiding the use of carbon in smelting, but he soon discovered the value of thermite in welding.

The first commercial application of thermite was the welding of tram tracks in Essen in 1899.

Types
Red iron(III) oxide (Fe2O3, commonly known as rust) is the most common iron oxide used in thermite. Black iron(II,III) oxide (Fe3O4, magnetite) also works. Other oxides are occasionally used, such as MnO2 in manganese thermite, Cr2O3 in chromium thermite, SiO2 (quartz) in silicon thermite, or copper(II) oxide in copper thermite, but only for specialized purposes. All of these examples use aluminium as the reactive metal. Fluoropolymers can be used in special formulations, Teflon with magnesium or aluminium being a relatively common example. Magnesium/Teflon/Viton is another pyrolant of this type.

Combinations of dry ice (frozen carbon dioxide) and reducing agents such as magnesium, aluminium and boron follow the same chemical reaction as with traditional thermite mixtures, producing metal oxides and carbon. Despite the very low temperature of a dry ice thermite mixture, such a system is capable of being ignited with a flame. When the ingredients are finely divided, confined in a pipe and armed like a traditional explosive, this cryo-thermite is detonatable and a portion of the carbon liberated in the reaction emerges in the form of diamond.

In principle, any reactive metal could be used instead of aluminium. This is rarely done, because the properties of aluminium are nearly ideal for this reaction:

 * It forms a passivation layer making it safer to handle than many other reactive metals.
 * Its relatively low melting point (660 °C) means that it is easy to melt the metal, so that the reaction can occur mainly in the liquid phase, thus it proceeds fairly quickly.
 * Its high boiling point (2519 °C) enables the reaction to reach very high temperatures, since several processes tend to limit the maximum temperature to just below the boiling point. Such a high boiling point is common among transition metals (e.g., iron and copper boil at 2887 and 2582 °C, respectively), but is especially unusual among the highly reactive metals (cf. magnesium and sodium, which boil at 1090 and 883 °C, respectively).
 * Further, the low density of the aluminium oxide formed as a result of the reaction tends to leave it floating on the resultant pure metal. This is particularly important for reducing contamination in a weld.

Although the reactants are stable at room temperature, they burn with an extremely intense exothermic reaction when they are heated to ignition temperature. The products emerge as liquids due to the high temperatures reached (up to 2500 °C (4532°F) with iron(III) oxide)—although the actual temperature reached depends on how quickly heat can escape to the surrounding environment. Thermite contains its own supply of oxygen and does not require any external source of air. Consequently, it cannot be smothered, and may ignite in any environment given sufficient initial heat. It burns well while wet, and cannot be easily extinguished with water—though enough water to remove sufficient heat may stop the reaction. Small amounts of water boil before reaching the reaction. Even so, thermite is used for welding under water.

The thermites are characterized by almost complete absence of gas production during burning, high reaction temperature, and production of molten slag. The fuel should have high heat of combustion and produce oxides with low melting point and high boiling point. The oxidizer should contain at least 25% oxygen, have high density, low heat of formation, and produce metal with low melting and high boiling points (so the energy released is not consumed in evaporation of reaction products). Organic binders can be added to the composition to improve its mechanical properties, but they tend to produce endothermic decomposition products, causing some loss of reaction heat and production of gases.

The temperature achieved during the reaction determines the outcome. In an ideal case, the reaction produces a well-separated melt of metal and slag. For this, the temperature must be high enough to melt both reaction products, the resulting metal and the fuel oxide. Too low a temperature produces a mixture of sintered metal and slag; too high a temperature (above the boiling point of any reactant or product) leads to rapid production of gas, dispersing the burning reaction mixture, sometimes with effects similar to a low-yield explosion. In compositions intended for production of metal by aluminothermic reaction, these effects can be counteracted. Too low a reaction temperature (e.g., when producing silicon from sand) can be boosted with addition of a suitable oxidizer (e.g., sulfur in aluminium-sulfur-sand compositions); too high a temperature can be reduced by using a suitable coolant and/or slag flux. The flux often used in amateur compositions is calcium fluoride, as it reacts only minimally, has relatively low melting point, low melt viscosity at high temperatures (therefore increasing fluidity of the slag) and forms a eutectic with alumina. Too much flux, however, dilutes the reactants to the point of not being able to sustain combustion. The type of metal oxide also has dramatic influence to the amount of energy produced; the higher the oxide, the higher the amount of energy produced. A good example is the difference between manganese(IV) oxide and manganese(II) oxide, where the former produces too high temperature and the latter is barely able to sustain combustion; to achieve good results, a mixture with proper ratio of both oxides can be used.

The reaction rate can be also tuned with particle sizes; coarser particles burn slower than finer particles. The effect is more pronounced with the particles requiring heating to higher temperature to start reacting. This effect is pushed to the extreme with nano-thermites.

The temperature achieved in the reaction in adiabatic conditions, when no heat is lost to the environment, can be estimated using Hess’s law – by calculating the energy produced by the reaction itself (subtracting the enthalpy of the reactants from the enthalpy of the products) and subtracting the energy consumed by heating the products (from their specific heat, when the materials only change their temperature, and their enthalpy of fusion and eventually enthalpy of vaporization, when the materials melt or boil). In real conditions, the reaction loses heat to the environment, the achieved temperature is therefore somewhat lower. The heat transfer rate is finite, so the faster the reaction is, the closer to adiabatic condition it runs and the higher is the achieved temperature.

Iron thermite
The most common composition is iron thermite. The oxidizer used is usually either iron(III) oxide or iron(II,III) oxide. The former produces more heat. The latter is easier to ignite, likely due to the crystal structure of the oxide. Addition of copper or manganese oxides can significantly improve the ease of ignition. The density of prepared thermite is often as low as 0.7 g/cm3. This, in turn, results in relatively poor energy density (about 3 kJ/cm3), rapid burn times, and spray of molten iron due to the expansion of trapped air. Thermite can be pressed to densities as high as 4.9 g/cm3 (almost 16 kJ/cm3) with slow burning speeds (about 1 cm/s). Pressed thermite has higher melting power, i.e. it can melt a steel cup where a low-density thermite would fail. Iron thermite with or without additives can be pressed into cutting devices that have heat-resistant casing and a nozzle. Oxygen balanced iron thermite 2Al + Fe2O3 has theoretical maximum density of 4.175 g/cm3 an adiabatic burn temperature of 3135 K or 2862 °C or 5183 °F (with phase transitions included, limited by iron, which boils at 3135 K), the aluminium oxide is (briefly) molten and the produced iron is mostly liquid with part of it being in gaseous form - 78.4 g of iron vapor per kg of thermite are produced. The energy content is 945.4 cal/g (3 956 J/g). The energy density is 16,516 J/cm3.

The original mixture, as invented, used iron oxide in the form of mill scale. The composition was very difficult to ignite.

Copper thermite
Copper thermite can be prepared using either copper(I) oxide (Cu2O, red) or copper(II) oxide (CuO, black). The burn rate tends to be very fast and the melting point of copper is relatively low, so the reaction produces a significant amount of molten copper in a very short time. Copper(II) thermite reactions can be so fast that it can be considered a type of flash powder. An explosion can occur, which sends a spray of copper drops to considerable distances. Oxygen-balanced mixture has theoretical maximum density of 5.109 g/cm3, adiabatic flame temperature 2843 K (phase transitions included) with the aluminium oxide being molten and copper in both liquid and gaseous form; 343 g of copper vapor per kg of this thermite are produced. The energy content is 974 cal/g.

Copper(I) thermite has industrial uses in e.g., welding of thick copper conductors (cadwelding). This kind of welding is being evaluated also for cable splicing on the US Navy fleet, for use in high-current systems, e.g., electric propulsion. Oxygen balanced mixture has theoretical maximum density of 5.280 g/cm3, adiabatic flame temperature 2843 K (phase transitions included) with the aluminium oxide being molten and copper in both liquid and gaseous form; 77.6 g of copper vapor per kg of this thermite are produced. The energy content is 575.5 cal/g.

Thermates
Thermate composition is a thermite enriched with a salt-based oxidizer (usually nitrates, e.g., barium nitrate, or peroxides). In contrast with thermites, thermates burn with evolution of flame and gases. The presence of the oxidizer makes the mixture easier to ignite and improves penetration of target by the burning composition, as the evolved gas is projecting the molten slag and providing mechanical agitation. This mechanism makes thermate more suitable than thermite for incendiary purposes and for emergency destruction of sensitive equipment (e.g., cryptographic devices), as thermite's effect is more localized.

Ignition
Metals, under the right conditions, burn in a process similar to the combustion of wood or gasoline. In fact, rust is the result of oxidation of steel or iron at very slow rates. A thermite reaction results when the correct mixtures of metallic fuels combine and ignite. Ignition itself requires extremely high temperatures.

Ignition of a thermite reaction normally requires a sparkler or easily obtainable magnesium ribbon, but may require persistent efforts, as ignition can be unreliable and unpredictable. These temperatures cannot be reached with conventional black powder fuses, nitrocellulose rods, detonators, pyrotechnic initiators, or other common igniting substances. Even when the thermite is hot enough to glow bright red, it does not ignite, as it has a very high ignition temperature. Starting the reaction is possible using a propane torch if done correctly.

Often, strips of magnesium metal are used as fuses. Because metals burn without releasing cooling gases, they can potentially burn at extremely high temperatures. Reactive metals such as magnesium can easily reach temperatures sufficiently high for thermite ignition. Magnesium ignition remains popular among amateur thermite users, mainly because it can be easily obtained, but a piece of the burning strip can fall off into the mixture, resulting in premature ignition.

The reaction between potassium permanganate and glycerol or ethylene glycol is used as an alternative to the magnesium method. When these two substances mix, a spontaneous reaction begins, slowly increasing the temperature of the mixture until it produces flames. The heat released by the oxidation of glycerine is sufficient to initiate a thermite reaction.

Apart from magnesium ignition, some amateurs also choose to use sparklers to ignite the thermite mixture. These reach the necessary temperatures and provide enough time before the burning point reaches the sample. This can be a dangerous method, as the iron sparks, like the magnesium strips, burn at thousands of degrees and can ignite the thermite, though the sparkler itself is not in contact with it. This is especially dangerous with finely powdered thermite.

Match heads burn hot enough to ignite thermite. Use of match heads enveloped with aluminium foil and a sufficiently long viscofuse/electric match leading to the match heads is possible.

Similarly, finely powdered thermite can be ignited by a flint spark lighter, as the sparks are burning metal (in this case, the highly reactive rare-earth metals lanthanum and cerium). Therefore, it is unsafe to strike a lighter close to thermite.

Civilian uses

Thermite reactions have many uses. It is not an explosive; instead, it operates by exposing a very small area to extremely high temperatures. Intense heat focused on a small spot can be used to cut through metal or weld metal components together both by melting metal from the components, and by injecting molten metal from the thermite reaction itself.

Thermite may be used for repair by the welding in-place of thick steel sections such as locomotive axle-frames where the repair can take place without removing the part from its installed location.

Thermite can be used for quickly cutting or welding steel such as rail tracks, without requiring complex or heavy equipment. However, defects such as slag inclusions and voids (holes) are often present in such welded junctions, so great care is needed to operate the process successfully. The numerical analysis of thermite welding of rails has been approached similar to casting cooling analysis. Both this finite element analysis and experimental analysis of thermite rail welds has shown that weld gap is the most influential parameter affecting defect formation. Increasing weld gap has been shown to reduce shrinkage cavity formation and cold lap welding defects, and increasing preheat and thermite temperature further reduces these defects. However, reducing these defects promotes a second form of defect: microporosity. Care must also be taken to ensure that the rails remain straight, without resulting in dipped joints, which can cause wear on high speed and heavy axle load lines. Studies to make the hardness of thermite welds to repair tracks have made improvements to the hardness to compare more to the original tracks while keeping its portable nature.

As the reaction of thermite is oxidation-reduction and environmentally friendly, it has started to be adapted into use for sealing oil wells instead of using concrete. Though thermite is usually in a powder-state, a diluted mixture can reduce damage to the surroundings during the process, though too much alumina can risk hurting the integrity of the seal. A higher concentration of mixture was needed to melt the plastic of a model tube, making it a favorable mixture. Other experiments have been done to simulate the heat flux of the well sealing to predict the temperature on the surface of the seal over time.

A thermite reaction, when used to purify the ores of some metals, is called the thermite process, or aluminothermic reaction. An adaptation of the reaction, used to obtain pure uranium, was developed as part of the Manhattan Project at Ames Laboratory under the direction of Frank Spedding. It is sometimes called the Ames process.

Copper thermite is used for welding together thick copper wires for the purpose of electrical connections. It is used extensively by the electrical utilities and telecommunications industries (exothermic welded connections).

Military uses
Thermite hand grenades and charges are typically used by armed forces in both an anti-materiel role and in the partial destruction of equipment, the latter being common when time is not available for safer or more thorough methods. For example, thermite can be used for the emergency destruction of cryptographic equipment when there is a danger that it might be captured by enemy troops. Because standard iron-thermite is difficult to ignite, burns with practically no flame and has a small radius of action, standard thermite is rarely used on its own as an incendiary composition. In general, an increase in the volume of gaseous reaction products of a thermite blend increases the heat transfer rate (and therefore damage) of that particular thermite blend. It is usually used with other ingredients that increase its incendiary effects. Thermate-TH3 is a mixture of thermite and pyrotechnic additives that have been found superior to standard thermite for incendiary purposes. Its composition by weight is generally about 68.7% thermite, 29.0% barium nitrate, 2.0% sulfur, and 0.3% of a binder (such as PBAN). The addition of barium nitrate to thermite increases its thermal effect, produces a larger flame, and significantly reduces the ignition temperature. Although the primary purpose of Thermate-TH3 by the armed forces is as an incendiary anti-materiel weapon, it also has uses in welding together metal components.

A classic military use for thermite is disabling artillery pieces, and it has been used for this purpose since World War II, such as at Pointe du Hoc, Normandy. Thermite can permanently disable artillery pieces without the use of explosive charges, so thermite can be used when silence is necessary to an operation. This can be done by inserting one or more armed thermite grenades into the breech, and then quickly closing it; this welds the breech shut and makes loading the weapon impossible.

During World War II, both German and Allied incendiary bombs used thermite mixtures. Incendiary bombs usually consisted of dozens of thin, thermite-filled canisters (bomblets) ignited by a magnesium fuse. Incendiary bombs created massive damage in many cities due to fires started by the thermite. Cities that primarily consisted of wooden buildings were especially susceptible. These incendiary bombs were used primarily during nighttime air raids. Bombsights could not be used at night, creating the need to use munitions that could destroy targets without the need for precision placement.

Hazards
Thermite usage is hazardous due to the extremely high temperatures produced and the extreme difficulty in smothering a reaction once initiated. Small streams of molten iron released in the reaction can travel considerable distances and may melt through metal containers, igniting their contents. Additionally, flammable metals with relatively low boiling points such as zinc (with a boiling point of 907 °C, which is about 1,370 °C below the temperature at which thermite burns) could potentially spray superheated boiling metal violently into the air if near a thermite reaction.

If, for some reason, thermite is contaminated with organics, hydrated oxides and other compounds able to produce gases upon heating or reaction with thermite components, the reaction products may be sprayed. Moreover, if the thermite mixture contains enough empty spaces with air and burns fast enough, the super-heated air also may cause the mixture to spray. For this reason it is preferable to use relatively crude powders, so the reaction rate is moderate and hot gases could escape the reaction zone.

Preheating of thermite before ignition can easily be done accidentally, for example by pouring a new pile of thermite over a hot, recently ignited pile of thermite slag. When ignited, preheated thermite can burn almost instantaneously, releasing light and heat energy at a much higher rate than normal and causing burns and eye damage at what would normally be a reasonably safe distance.

The thermite reaction can take place accidentally in industrial locations where workers use abrasive grinding and cutting wheels with ferrous metals. Using aluminium in this situation produces a mixture of oxides that can explode violently.

Mixing water with thermite or pouring water onto burning thermite can cause a steam explosion, spraying hot fragments in all directions.

Thermite's main ingredients were also utilized for their individual qualities, specifically reflectivity and heat insulation, in a paint coating or dope for the German zeppelin Hindenburg, possibly contributing to its fiery destruction. This was a theory put forward by the former NASA scientist Addison Bain, and later tested in small scale by the scientific reality-TV show MythBusters with semi-inconclusive results (it was proven not to be the fault of the thermite reaction alone, but instead conjectured to be a combination of that and the burning of hydrogen gas that filled the body of the Hindenburg). The MythBusters program also tested the veracity of a video found on the Internet, whereby a quantity of thermite in a metal bucket was ignited while sitting on top of several blocks of ice, causing a sudden explosion. They were able to confirm the results, finding huge chunks of ice as far as 50 m from the point of explosion. Co-host Jamie Hyneman conjectured that this was due to the thermite mixture aerosolizing, perhaps in a cloud of steam, causing it to burn even faster. Hyneman also voiced skepticism about another theory explaining the phenomenon: that the reaction somehow separated the hydrogen and oxygen in the ice and then ignited them. This explanation claims that the explosion is due to the reaction of high temperature molten aluminium with water. Aluminium reacts violently with water or steam at high temperatures, releasing hydrogen and oxidizing in the process. The speed of that reaction and the ignition of the resulting hydrogen can easily account for the explosion verified. This process is akin to the explosive reaction caused by dropping metallic potassium into water.

In popular culture
In the episode "A No-Rough-Stuff-Type Deal" of the crime drama television series Breaking Bad, Walter White uses thermite to burn through a security lock in order to steal a methylamine drum from a chemical plant.

title: Thermite


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Watergate scandal

The Watergate scandal was a major political controversy in the United States during the presidency of Richard Nixon from 1972 to 1974, ultimately resulting in Nixon's resignation. It originated from attempts by the Nixon administration to conceal its involvement in the June 17, 1972 break-in at the Democratic National Committee headquarters located in the Watergate Office Building in Washington, D.C.

Following the apprehension of the five individuals involved in the break-in, both the press and the Department of Justice connected the funds found on those involved to the CRP (the fundraising organization of Richard Nixon's 1972 re-election campaign). Subsequent investigations and revelations during trials prompted the U.S. House of Representatives to grant the House Judiciary Committee expanded investigative authority. Additionally, the Senate established the U.S. Senate Watergate Committee, which conducted hearings.

Witnesses testified that Nixon had sanctioned plans to cover up his administration's involvement in the burglary and that there was a voice-activated taping system in the Oval Office. Nixon's administration resisted the investigations, leading to a constitutional crisis. The televised Senate Watergate hearings garnered nationwide attention and public interest.

Numerous revelations and Nixon's efforts to impede the investigation in 1973 led the House to initiate impeachment proceedings against him. The Supreme Court's ruling in United States v. Nixon (1974) compelled Nixon to surrender the Oval Office tapes, which revealed his complicity in the cover-up. The House Judiciary Committee approved three articles of impeachment against Nixon, who subsequently resigned from office on August 9, 1974, becoming the only U.S. president to do so. His successor, Gerald Ford, pardoned him on September 8, 1974.

The Watergate scandal resulted in 69 indictments and 48 convictions, involving several high-ranking officials from the Nixon administration. The term "Watergate" has since become synonymous with various clandestine and illicit activities conducted by Nixon's aides, including the bugging of political opponents' offices, unauthorized investigations, and the misuse of government agencies for political purposes. The addition of "-gate" to a term has since been used to denote public scandals,   particularly in politics.

Wiretapping of the Democratic Party's headquarters
On January 27, 1972, G. Gordon Liddy, Finance Counsel for the Committee for the Re-Election of the President (CRP) and former aide to John Ehrlichman, presented a campaign intelligence plan to CRP's acting chairman Jeb Stuart Magruder, Attorney General John Mitchell, and Presidential Counsel John Dean that involved extensive illegal activities against the Democratic Party. According to Dean, this marked "the opening scene of the worst political scandal of the twentieth century and the beginning of the end of the Nixon presidency".

Mitchell viewed the plan as unrealistic. Two months later, Mitchell approved a reduced version of the plan, including burglarizing the Democratic National Committee's (DNC) headquarters at the Watergate Complex in Washington, D.C. to photograph campaign documents and install listening devices in telephones. Liddy was nominally in charge of the operation, but has since insisted that he was duped by both Dean and at least two of his subordinates, which included former CIA officers E. Howard Hunt and James McCord, the latter of whom was serving as then-CRP Security Coordinator after John Mitchell had by then resigned as attorney general to become the CRP chairman.

In May, McCord assigned former FBI agent Alfred C. Baldwin III to carry out the wiretapping and monitor the telephone conversations afterward.

On May 11, McCord arranged for Baldwin, whom investigative reporter Jim Hougan described as "somehow special and perhaps well known to McCord", to stay at the Howard Johnson's motel across the street from the Watergate complex. Room 419 was booked in the name of McCord's company. At the behest of Liddy and Hunt, McCord and his team of burglars prepared for their first Watergate break-in, which began on May 28. Two phones inside the DNC headquarter's offices were said to have been wiretapped. One was Robert Spencer Oliver's phone. At the time, Oliver was working as the executive director of the Association of State Democratic Chairmen. The other phone belonged to DNC chairman Larry O'Brien. The FBI found no evidence that O'Brien's phone was bugged; however, it was determined that an effective listening device was installed in Oliver's phone. While successful with installing the listening devices, the committee agents soon determined that they needed repairs. They plotted a second "burglary" in order to take care of the situation.

Sometime after midnight on Saturday, June 17, 1972, Watergate Complex security guard Frank Wills noticed tape covering the latches on some of the complex's doors leading from the underground parking garage to several offices, which allowed the doors to close but stay unlocked. He removed the tape, believing it was nothing. When he returned a short time later and discovered that someone had retaped the locks, he called the police.

Police dispatched an unmarked police car with three plainclothes officers, Sgt. Paul W. Leeper, Officer John B. Barrett, and Officer Carl M. Shoffler, who were working the overnight shift; they were often referred to as the "bum squad" because they often dressed undercover as hippies and were on the lookout for drug deals and other street crimes. Alfred Baldwin, on "spotter" duty at the Howard Johnson's hotel across the street, was distracted watching the film Attack of the Puppet People on TV and did not observe the arrival of the police car in front of the Watergate building, nor did he see the plainclothes officers investigating the DNC's sixth floor suite of 29 offices. By the time Baldwin finally noticed unusual activity on the sixth floor and radioed the burglars, it was already too late.

The police apprehended five men, later identified as Virgilio Gonzalez, Bernard Barker, James McCord, Eugenio Martínez, and Frank Sturgis. They were criminally charged with attempted burglary and attempted interception of telephone and other communications. The Washington Post reported the day after the burglary that, "police found lock-picks and door jimmies, almost $2,300 in cash, most of it in $100 bills with the serial numbers in sequence ... a shortwave receiver that could pick up police calls, 40 rolls of unexposed film, two 35 millimeter cameras and three pen-sized tear gas guns". The Post would later report that the actual amount of cash was $5,300.

The following morning, Sunday, June 18, G. Gordon Liddy called Jeb Magruder in Los Angeles and informed him that "the four men arrested with McCord were Cuban freedom fighters, whom Howard Hunt recruited". Initially, Nixon's organization and the White House quickly went to work to cover up the crime and any evidence that might have damaged the president and his reelection.

On September 15, 1972, a grand jury indicted the five office burglars, as well as Hunt and Liddy, for conspiracy, burglary, and violation of federal wiretapping laws. The burglars were tried by a jury, with Judge John Sirica officiating, and pled guilty or were convicted on January 30, 1973.

Initial cover-up

Within hours of the burglars' arrests, the FBI discovered E. Howard Hunt's name in Barker and Martínez's address books. Nixon administration officials were concerned because Hunt and Liddy were also involved in a separate secret activity known as the "White House Plumbers", which was established to stop security "leaks" and investigate other sensitive security matters. Dean later testified that top Nixon aide John Ehrlichman ordered him to "deep six" the contents of Howard Hunt's White House safe. Ehrlichman subsequently denied this. In the end, Dean and L. Patrick Gray, the FBI's acting director, (in separate operations) destroyed the evidence from Hunt's safe.

Nixon's own reaction to the break-in, at least initially, was one of skepticism. Watergate prosecutor James Neal was sure that Nixon had not known in advance of the break-in. As evidence, he cited a conversation taped on June 23 between the President and his chief of staff, H. R. Haldeman, in which Nixon asked, "Who was the asshole that did that?" However, Nixon subsequently ordered Haldeman to have the CIA block the FBI's investigation into the source of the funding for the burglary.

A few days later, Nixon's press secretary, Ron Ziegler, described the event as "a third-rate burglary attempt". On August 29, at a news conference, Nixon stated that Dean had conducted a thorough investigation of the incident, when Dean had actually not conducted any investigations at all. Nixon furthermore said, "I can say categorically that ... no one in the White House staff, no one in this Administration, presently employed, was involved in this very bizarre incident." On September 15, Nixon congratulated Dean, saying, "The way you've handled it, it seems to me, has been very skillful, because you—putting your fingers in the dikes every time that leaks have sprung here and sprung there."

Kidnapping of Martha Mitchell
Martha Mitchell was the wife of Nixon's Attorney General, John N. Mitchell, who had recently resigned his role so that he could become campaign manager for Nixon's Committee for the Re-Election of the President (CRP). John Mitchell was aware that Martha knew McCord, one of the Watergate burglars who had been arrested, and that upon finding out, she was likely to speak to the media. In his opinion, her knowing McCord was likely to link the Watergate burglary to Nixon. John Mitchell instructed guards in her security detail not to let her contact the media.

In June 1972, during a phone call with United Press International reporter Helen Thomas, Martha Mitchell informed Thomas that she was leaving her husband until he resigned from the CRP. The phone call ended abruptly. A few days later, Marcia Kramer, a veteran crime reporter of the New York Daily News, tracked Mitchell to the Westchester Country Club in Rye, New York, and described Mitchell as "a beaten woman" with visible bruises. Mitchell reported that, during the week following the Watergate burglary, she had been held captive in a hotel in California, and that security guard Steve King ended her call to Thomas by pulling the phone cord from the wall. Mitchell made several attempts to escape via the balcony, but was physically accosted, injured, and forcefully sedated by a psychiatrist. Following conviction for his role in the Watergate burglary, in February 1975, McCord admitted that Mitchell had been "basically kidnapped", and corroborated her reports of the event.

Money trail
On June 19, 1972, the press reported that one of the Watergate burglars was a Republican Party security aide. Former attorney general John Mitchell, who was then the head of the CRP, denied any involvement with the Watergate break-in. He also disavowed any knowledge whatsoever of the five burglars. On August 1, a $25,000 (approximately $ in dollars) cashier's check was found to have been deposited in the US and Mexican bank accounts of one of the Watergate burglars, Bernard Barker. Made out to the finance committee of the Committee to Reelect the President, the check was a 1972 campaign donation by Kenneth H. Dahlberg. This money (and several other checks which had been lawfully donated to the CRP) had been directly used to finance the burglary and wiretapping expenses, including hardware and supplies.

Barker's multiple national and international businesses all had separate bank accounts, which he was found to have attempted to use to disguise the true origin of the money being paid to the burglars. The donor's checks demonstrated the burglars' direct link to the finance committee of the CRP.

Donations totaling $86,000 ($ today) were made by individuals who believed they were making private donations by certified and cashier's checks for the president's re-election. Investigators' examination of the bank records of a Miami company run by Watergate burglar Barker revealed an account controlled by him personally had deposited a check and then transferred it through the Federal Reserve Check Clearing System.

The investigation by the FBI, which cleared Barker's bank of fiduciary malfeasance, led to the direct implication of members of the CRP, to whom the checks had been delivered. Those individuals were the committee bookkeeper and its treasurer, Hugh Sloan.

As a private organization, the committee followed the normal business practice in allowing only duly authorized individuals to accept and endorse checks on behalf of the committee. No financial institution could accept or process a check on behalf of the committee unless a duly authorized individual endorsed it. The checks deposited into Barker's bank account were endorsed by Committee treasurer Hugh Sloan, who was authorized by the finance committee. However, once Sloan had endorsed a check made payable to the committee, he had a legal and fiduciary responsibility to see that the check was deposited only into the accounts named on the check. Sloan failed to do that. When confronted with the potential charge of federal bank fraud, he revealed that committee deputy director Jeb Magruder and finance director Maurice Stans had directed him to give the money to G. Gordon Liddy.

Liddy, in turn, gave the money to Barker and attempted to hide its origin. Barker tried to disguise the funds by depositing them into accounts in banks outside of the United States. Unbeknownst to Barker, Liddy, and Sloan, the complete record of all such transactions was held for roughly six months. Barker's use of foreign banks in April and May 1972 to deposit checks and withdraw the funds via cashier's checks and money orders, resulted in the banks keeping the entire transaction records until October and November 1972.

All five Watergate burglars were directly or indirectly tied to the 1972 CRP, thus causing Judge Sirica to suspect a conspiracy involving higher-echelon government officials.

On September 29, 1972, the press reported that John Mitchell, while serving as attorney general, controlled a secret Republican fund used to finance intelligence-gathering against the Democrats. On October 10, Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein of The Washington Post reported that the FBI had determined that the Watergate break-in was part of a massive campaign of political spying and sabotage on behalf of the Nixon re-election committee. Despite these revelations, Nixon's campaign was never seriously jeopardized; on November 7, the President was re-elected in one of the biggest landslides in American political history.

Role of the media
The connection between the break-in and the re-election committee was highlighted by media coverage—in particular, investigative coverage by The Washington Post, Time, and The New York Times. The coverage dramatically increased publicity and consequent political and legal repercussions. Relying heavily upon anonymous sources, Post reporters Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein uncovered information suggesting that knowledge of the break-in, and attempts to cover it up, led deeply into the upper reaches of the Justice Department, FBI, CIA, and the White House. Woodward and Bernstein interviewed Judy Hoback Miller, the bookkeeper for Nixon's re-election campaign, who revealed to them information about the mishandling of funds and records being destroyed.

Chief among the Post's anonymous sources was an individual whom Woodward and Bernstein had nicknamed Deep Throat; 33 years later, in 2005, the informant was identified as Mark Felt, deputy director of the FBI during that period of the 1970s, something Woodward later confirmed. Felt met secretly with Woodward several times, telling him of Howard Hunt's involvement with the Watergate break-in, and that the White House staff regarded the stakes in Watergate as extremely high. Felt warned Woodward that the FBI wanted to know where he and other reporters were getting their information, as they were uncovering a wider web of crimes than the FBI first disclosed. All the secret meetings between Woodward and Felt took place at an underground parking garage in Rosslyn over a period from June 1972 to January 1973. Prior to resigning from the FBI on June 22, 1973, Felt also anonymously planted leaks about Watergate with Time magazine, The Washington Daily News and other publications.

During this early period, most of the media failed to understand the full implications of the scandal, and concentrated reporting on other topics related to the 1972 presidential election. Most outlets ignored or downplayed Woodward and Bernstein's scoops; the crosstown Washington Star-News and the Los Angeles Times even ran stories incorrectly discrediting the Post's articles. After the Post revealed that H.R. Haldeman had made payments from the secret fund, newspapers like the Chicago Tribune and The Philadelphia Inquirer failed to publish the information, but did publish the White House's denial of the story the following day. The White House also sought to isolate the Post's coverage by tirelessly attacking that newspaper while declining to criticize other damaging stories about the scandal from the New York Times and Time magazine.

After it was learned that one of the convicted burglars had written to Judge Sirica alleging a high-level cover-up, the media shifted its focus. Time magazine described Nixon as undergoing "daily hell and very little trust". The distrust between the press and the Nixon administration was mutual and greater than usual due to lingering dissatisfaction with events from the Vietnam War. At the same time, public distrust of the media was polled at more than 40%.

Nixon and top administration officials discussed using government agencies to "get" (or retaliate against) those they perceived as hostile media organizations. Such actions had been taken before. At the request of Nixon's White House in 1969, the FBI tapped the phones of five reporters. In 1971, the White House requested an audit of the tax return of the editor of Newsday, after he wrote a series of articles about the financial dealings of Charles "Bebe" Rebozo, a friend of Nixon.

The administration and its supporters accused the media of making "wild accusations", putting too much emphasis on the story and of having a liberal bias against the administration. Nixon said in a May 1974 interview with supporter Baruch Korff that if he had followed the liberal policies that he thought the media preferred, "Watergate would have been a blip." The media noted that most of the reporting turned out to be accurate; the competitive nature of the media guaranteed widespread coverage of the far-reaching political scandal.

Scandal escalates
Rather than ending with the conviction and sentencing to prison of the five Watergate burglars on January 30, 1973, the investigation into the break-in and the Nixon Administration's involvement grew broader. "Nixon's conversations in late March and all of April 1973 revealed that not only did he know he needed to remove Haldeman, Ehrlichman, and Dean to gain distance from them, but he had to do so in a way that was least likely to incriminate him and his presidency. Nixon created a new conspiracy—to effect a cover-up of the cover-up—which began in late March 1973 and became fully formed in May and June 1973, operating until his presidency ended on August 9, 1974." On March 23, 1973, Judge Sirica read the court a letter from Watergate burglar James McCord, who alleged that perjury had been committed in the Watergate trial, and defendants had been pressured to remain silent. In an attempt to make them talk, Sirica gave Hunt and two burglars provisional sentences of up to 40 years.

Urged by Nixon, on March 28, aide John Ehrlichman told Attorney General Richard Kleindienst that nobody in the White House had had prior knowledge of the burglary. On April 13, Magruder told U.S. attorneys that he had perjured himself during the burglars' trial, and implicated John Dean and John Mitchell.

John Dean believed that he, Mitchell, Ehrlichman, and Haldeman could go to the prosecutors, tell the truth, and save the presidency. Dean wanted to protect the president and have his four closest men take the fall for telling the truth. During the critical meeting between Dean and Nixon on April 15, 1973, Dean was totally unaware of the president's depth of knowledge and involvement in the Watergate cover-up. It was during this meeting that Dean felt that he was being recorded. He wondered if this was due to the way Nixon was speaking, as if he were trying to prod attendees' recollections of earlier conversations about fundraising. Dean mentioned this observation while testifying to the Senate Committee on Watergate, exposing the thread of what were taped conversations that would unravel the fabric of the conspiracy.

Two days later, Dean told Nixon that he had been cooperating with the U.S. attorneys. On that same day, U.S. attorneys told Nixon that Haldeman, Ehrlichman, Dean, and other White House officials were implicated in the cover-up.

On April 30, Nixon asked for the resignation of Haldeman and Ehrlichman, two of his most influential aides. They were both later indicted, convicted, and ultimately sentenced to prison. He asked for the resignation of Attorney General Kleindienst, to ensure no one could claim that his innocent friendship with Haldeman and Ehrlichman could be construed as a conflict. He fired White House Counsel John Dean, who went on to testify before the Senate Watergate Committee and said that he believed and suspected the conversations in the Oval Office were being taped. This information became the bombshell that helped force Richard Nixon to resign rather than be impeached.

Writing from prison for New West and New York magazines in 1977, Ehrlichman claimed Nixon had offered him a large sum of money, which he declined.

The President announced the resignations in an address to the American people:

"Today, in one of the most difficult decisions of my Presidency, I accepted the resignations of two of my closest associates in the White House, Bob Haldeman, John Ehrlichman, two of the finest public servants it has been my privilege to know. [...] Because Attorney General Kleindienst, though a distinguished public servant, my personal friend for 20 years, with no personal involvement whatever in this matter has been a close personal and professional associate of some of those who are involved in this case, he and I both felt that it was also necessary to name a new Attorney General. The Counsel to the President, John Dean, has also resigned."

On the same day, April 30, Nixon appointed a new attorney general, Elliot Richardson, and gave him authority to designate a special counsel for the Watergate investigation who would be independent of the regular Justice Department hierarchy. In May 1973, Richardson named Archibald Cox to the position.

Senate Watergate hearings and revelation of the Watergate tapes

On February 7, 1973, the United States Senate voted 77-to-0 to approve 93 and establish a select committee to investigate Watergate, with Sam Ervin named chairman the next day. The hearings held by the Senate committee, in which Dean and other former administration officials testified, were broadcast from May 17 to August 7. The three major networks of the time agreed to take turns covering the hearings live, each network thus maintaining coverage of the hearings every third day, starting with ABC on May 17 and ending with NBC on August 7. An estimated 85% of Americans with television sets tuned into at least one portion of the hearings.

On Friday, July 13, during a preliminary interview, deputy minority counsel Donald Sanders asked White House assistant Alexander Butterfield if there was any type of recording system in the White House. Butterfield said he was reluctant to answer, but finally admitted there was a new system in the White House that automatically recorded everything in the Oval Office, the Cabinet Room and others, as well as Nixon's private office in the Old Executive Office Building.

On Monday, July 16, in front of a live, televised audience, chief minority counsel Fred Thompson asked Butterfield whether he was "aware of the installation of any listening devices in the Oval Office of the president". Butterfield's revelation of the taping system transformed the Watergate investigation. Cox immediately subpoenaed the tapes, as did the Senate, but Nixon refused to release them, citing his executive privilege as president, and ordered Cox to drop his subpoena. Cox refused.

Saturday Night Massacre
On October 20, 1973, after Cox, the special prosecutor, refused to drop the subpoena, Nixon ordered Attorney General Elliot Richardson to fire him. Richardson resigned in protest rather than carry out the order. Nixon then ordered Deputy Attorney General William Ruckelshaus to fire Cox, but Ruckelshaus also resigned rather than fire him. Nixon's search for someone in the Justice Department willing to fire Cox ended with Solicitor General Robert Bork. Though Bork said he believed Nixon's order was valid and appropriate, he considered resigning to avoid being "perceived as a man who did the President's bidding to save my job". Bork carried out the presidential order and dismissed the special prosecutor.

These actions met considerable public criticism. Responding to the allegations of possible wrongdoing, in front of 400 Associated Press managing editors at Disney's Contemporary Resort, on November 17, 1973, Nixon emphatically stated, "Well, I am not a crook." He needed to allow Bork to appoint a new special prosecutor; Bork, with Nixon's approval, chose Leon Jaworski to continue the investigation.

Legal action against Nixon administration members
On March 1, 1974, a grand jury in Washington, D.C., indicted several former aides of Nixon, who became known as the "Watergate Seven"—H. R. Haldeman, John Ehrlichman, John N. Mitchell, Charles Colson, Gordon C. Strachan, Robert Mardian, and Kenneth Parkinson—for conspiring to hinder the Watergate investigation. The grand jury secretly named Nixon as an unindicted co-conspirator. The special prosecutor dissuaded them from an indictment of Nixon, arguing that a president can be indicted only after he leaves office. John Dean, Jeb Stuart Magruder, and other figures had already pleaded guilty. On April 5, 1974, Dwight Chapin, the former Nixon appointments secretary, was convicted of lying to the grand jury. Two days later, the same grand jury indicted Ed Reinecke, the Republican Lieutenant Governor of California, on three charges of perjury before the Senate committee.

Release of the transcripts

The Nixon administration struggled to decide what materials to release. All parties involved agreed that all pertinent information should be released. Whether to release unedited profanity and vulgarity divided his advisers. His legal team favored releasing the tapes unedited, while Press Secretary Ron Ziegler preferred using an edited version where "expletive deleted" would replace the raw material. After several weeks of debate, they decided to release an edited version. Nixon announced the release of the transcripts in a speech to the nation on April 29, 1974. Nixon noted that any audio pertinent to national security information could be redacted from the released tapes.

Initially, Nixon gained a positive reaction for his speech. As people read the transcripts over the next couple of weeks, however, former supporters among the public, media and political community called for Nixon's resignation or impeachment. Vice President Gerald Ford said, "While it may be easy to delete characterization from the printed page, we cannot delete characterization from people's minds with a wave of the hand." The Senate Republican Leader Hugh Scott said the transcripts revealed a "deplorable, disgusting, shabby, and immoral" performance on the part of the President and his former aides. The House Republican Leader John Jacob Rhodes agreed with Scott, and Rhodes recommended that if Nixon's position continued to deteriorate, he "ought to consider resigning as a possible option".

The editors of The Chicago Tribune, a newspaper that had supported Nixon, wrote, "He is humorless to the point of being inhumane. He is devious. He is vacillating. He is profane. He is willing to be led. He displays dismaying gaps in knowledge. He is suspicious of his staff. His loyalty is minimal." The Providence Journal wrote, "Reading the transcripts is an emetic experience; one comes away feeling unclean." This newspaper continued that, while the transcripts may not have revealed an indictable offense, they showed Nixon contemptuous of the United States, its institutions, and its people. According to Time magazine, the Republican Party leaders in the Western U.S. felt that while there remained a significant number of Nixon loyalists in the party, the majority believed that Nixon should step down as quickly as possible. They were disturbed by the bad language and the coarse, vindictive tone of the conversations in the transcripts.

Supreme Court
The issue of access to the tapes went to the United States Supreme Court. On July 24, 1974, in United States v. Nixon, the Court ruled unanimously (8–0) that claims of executive privilege over the tapes were void. (Then-Associate Justice William Rehnquist—who had recently been appointed to the Court by Nixon and most recently served in the Nixon Justice Department as Assistant Attorney General of the Office of Legal Counsel—recused himself from the case.) The Court ordered the President to release the tapes to the special prosecutor. On July 30, 1974, Nixon complied with the order and released the subpoenaed tapes to the public.

Release of the tapes
The tapes revealed several crucial conversations that took place between the president and his counsel, John Dean, on March 21, 1973. In this conversation, Dean summarized many aspects of the Watergate case, and focused on the subsequent cover-up, describing it as a "cancer on the presidency". The burglary team was being paid hush money for their silence and Dean stated: "That's the most troublesome post-thing, because Bob [Haldeman] is involved in that; John [Ehrlichman] is involved in that; I am involved in that; Mitchell is involved in that. And that's an obstruction of justice." Dean continued, saying that Howard Hunt was blackmailing the White House demanding money immediately. Nixon replied that the money should be paid: "... just looking at the immediate problem, don't you have to have—handle Hunt's financial situation damn soon? ... you've got to keep the cap on the bottle that much, in order to have any options".

At the time of the initial congressional proceedings, it was not known if Nixon had known and approved of the payments to the Watergate defendants earlier than this conversation. Nixon's conversation with Haldeman on August 1, is one of several that establishes he did. Nixon said: "Well ... they have to be paid. That's all there is to that. They have to be paid." During the congressional debate on impeachment, some believed that impeachment required a criminally indictable offense. Nixon's agreement to make the blackmail payments was regarded as an affirmative act to obstruct justice.

On December 7, investigators found that an 18½-minute portion of one recorded tape had been erased. Rose Mary Woods, Nixon's longtime personal secretary, said she had accidentally erased the tape by pushing the wrong pedal on her tape player when answering the phone. The press ran photos of the set-up, showing that it was unlikely for Woods to answer the phone while keeping her foot on the pedal. Later forensic analysis in 2003 determined that the tape had been erased in several segments—at least five, and perhaps as many as nine.

Final investigations and resignation
Nixon's position was becoming increasingly precarious. On February 6, 1974, the House of Representatives approved giving the Judiciary Committee authority to investigate impeachment of the President. On July 27, 1974, the House Judiciary Committee voted 27-to-11 to recommend the first article of impeachment against the president: obstruction of justice. The Committee recommended the second article, abuse of power, on July 29, 1974. The next day, on July 30, 1974, the Committee recommended the third article: contempt of Congress. On August 20, 1974, the House authorized the printing of the Committee report H. Rep. 93–1305, which included the text of the resolution impeaching Nixon and set forth articles of impeachment against him.

"Smoking Gun" tape

On August 5, 1974, the White House released a previously unknown audio tape from June 23, 1972. Recorded only a few days after the break-in, it documented the initial stages of the cover-up: it revealed Nixon and Haldeman had a meeting in the Oval Office during which they discussed how to stop the FBI from continuing its investigation of the break-in, as they recognized that there was a high risk that their position in the scandal might be revealed.

Haldeman introduced the topic as follows:

"...the Democratic break-in thing, we're back to the—in the, the problem area because the FBI is not under control, because Gray doesn't exactly know how to control them, and they have ... their investigation is now leading into some productive areas ... and it goes in some directions we don't want it to go."

After explaining how the money from CRP was traced to the burglars, Haldeman explained to Nixon the cover-up plan: "the way to handle this now is for us to have Walters [CIA] call Pat Gray [FBI] and just say, 'Stay the hell out of this ... this is ah, business here we don't want you to go any further on it.'"

Nixon approved the plan, and after he was given more information about the involvement of his campaign in the break-in, he told Haldeman: "All right, fine, I understand it all. We won't second-guess Mitchell and the rest." Returning to the use of the CIA to obstruct the FBI, he instructed Haldeman: "You call them in. Good. Good deal. Play it tough. That's the way they play it and that's the way we are going to play it."

Nixon denied that this constituted an obstruction of justice, as his instructions ultimately resulted in the CIA truthfully reporting to the FBI that there were no national security issues. Nixon urged the FBI to press forward with the investigation when they expressed concern about interference.

Before the release of this tape, Nixon had denied any involvement in the scandal. He claimed that there were no political motivations in his instructions to the CIA, and claimed he had no knowledge before March 21, 1973, of involvement by senior campaign officials such as John Mitchell. The contents of this tape persuaded Nixon's own lawyers, Fred Buzhardt and James St. Clair, that "the President had lied to the nation, to his closest aides, and to his own lawyers—for more than two years". The tape, which Barber Conable referred to as a "smoking gun", proved that Nixon had been involved in the cover-up from the beginning.

In the week before Nixon's resignation, Ehrlichman and Haldeman tried unsuccessfully to get Nixon to grant them pardons—which he had promised them before their April 1973 resignations.

Resignation

The release of the smoking gun tape destroyed Nixon politically. The ten congressmen who had voted against all three articles of impeachment in the House Judiciary Committee announced they would support the impeachment article accusing Nixon of obstructing justice when the articles came up before the full House. Additionally, John Jacob Rhodes, the House leader of Nixon's party, announced that he would vote to impeach, stating that "coverup of criminal activity and misuse of federal agencies can neither be condoned nor tolerated".

On the night of August 7, 1974, Senators Barry Goldwater and Hugh Scott and Congressman Rhodes met with Nixon in the Oval Office. Scott and Rhodes were the Republican leaders in the Senate and House, respectively; Goldwater was brought along as an elder statesman. The three lawmakers told Nixon that his support in Congress had all but disappeared. Rhodes told Nixon that he would face certain impeachment when the articles came up for vote in the full House. By one estimate, out of 435 representatives, no more than 75 were willing to vote against impeaching Nixon for obstructing justice. Goldwater and Scott told the president that there were enough votes in the Senate to convict him, and that no more than 15 Senators were willing to vote for acquittal—not even half of the 34 votes he needed to stay in office.

Faced with the inevitability of his impeachment and removal from office and with public opinion having turned decisively against him, Nixon decided to resign. In a nationally televised address from the Oval Office on the evening of August 8, 1974, the president said, in part:

"In all the decisions I have made in my public life, I have always tried to do what was best for the Nation. Throughout the long and difficult period of Watergate, I have felt it was my duty to persevere, to make every possible effort to complete the term of office to which you elected me. In the past few days, however, it has become evident to me that I no longer have a strong enough political base in the Congress to justify continuing that effort. As long as there was such a base, I felt strongly that it was necessary to see the constitutional process through to its conclusion, that to do otherwise would be unfaithful to the spirit of that deliberately difficult process and a dangerously destabilizing precedent for the future.

... I would have preferred to carry through to the finish whatever the personal agony it would have involved, and my family unanimously urged me to do so. But the interest of the Nation must always come before any personal considerations. From the discussions I have had with Congressional and other leaders, I have concluded that because of the Watergate matter I might not have the support of the Congress that I would consider necessary to back the very difficult decisions and carry out the duties of this office in the way the interests of the Nation would require.

... I have never been a quitter. To leave office before my term is completed is abhorrent to every instinct in my body. But as President, I must put the interest of America first. America needs a full-time President and a full-time Congress, particularly at this time with problems we face at home and abroad. To continue to fight through the months ahead for my personal vindication would almost totally absorb the time and attention of both the President and the Congress in a period when our entire focus should be on the great issues of peace abroad and prosperity without inflation at home. Therefore, I shall resign the Presidency effective at noon tomorrow. Vice President Ford will be sworn in as President at that hour in this office."

The morning that his resignation took effect, the President, with Mrs. Nixon and their family, said farewell to the White House staff in the East Room. A helicopter carried them from the White House to Andrews Air Force Base in Maryland. Nixon later wrote that he thought, "As the helicopter moved on to Andrews, I found myself thinking not of the past, but of the future. What could I do now?" At Andrews, he and his family boarded an Air Force plane to El Toro Marine Corps Air Station in California, and then were transported to his home La Casa Pacifica in San Clemente.

President Ford's pardon of Nixon

With Nixon's resignation, Congress dropped its impeachment proceedings. Criminal prosecution was still a possibility at the federal level. Nixon was succeeded by Vice President Gerald Ford as president, who on September 8, 1974, issued a full and unconditional pardon of Nixon, immunizing him from prosecution for any crimes he had "committed or may have committed or taken part in" as president. In a televised broadcast to the nation, Ford explained that he felt the pardon was in the best interest of the country. He said that the Nixon family's situation "is an American tragedy in which we all have played a part. It could go on and on and on, or someone must write the end to it. I have concluded that only I can do that, and if I can, I must."

Nixon continued to proclaim his innocence until his death in 1994. In his official response to the pardon, he said that he "was wrong in not acting more decisively and more forthrightly in dealing with Watergate, particularly when it reached the stage of judicial proceedings and grew from a political scandal into a national tragedy".

Some commentators have argued that pardoning Nixon contributed to President Ford's loss of the presidential election of 1976. Allegations of a secret deal made with Ford, promising a pardon in return for Nixon's resignation, led Ford to testify before the House Judiciary Committee on October 17, 1974.

In his autobiography A Time to Heal, Ford wrote about a meeting he had with Nixon's Chief of Staff, Alexander Haig. Haig was explaining what he and Nixon's staff thought were Nixon's only options. He could try to ride out the impeachment and fight against conviction in the Senate all the way, or he could resign. His options for resigning were to delay his resignation until further along in the impeachment process, to try to settle for a censure vote in Congress, or to pardon himself and then resign. Haig told Ford that some of Nixon's staff suggested that Nixon could agree to resign in return for an agreement that Ford would pardon him.

"Haig emphasized that these weren't his suggestions. He didn't identify the staff members and he made it very clear that he wasn't recommending any one option over another. What he wanted to know was whether or not my overall assessment of the situation agreed with his. [emphasis in original] ... Next he asked if I had any suggestions as to courses of actions for the President. I didn't think it would be proper for me to make any recommendations at all, and I told him so."

Final legal actions and effect on the law profession
Charles Colson pled guilty to charges concerning the Daniel Ellsberg case; in exchange, the indictment against him for covering up the activities of the Committee to Re-elect the President was dropped, as it was against Strachan. The remaining five members of the Watergate Seven indicted in March went on trial in October 1974. On January 1, 1975, all but Parkinson were found guilty. In 1976, the U.S. Court of Appeals ordered a new trial for Mardian; subsequently, all charges against him were dropped.

Haldeman, Ehrlichman, and Mitchell exhausted their appeals in 1977. Ehrlichman entered prison in 1976, followed by the other two in 1977. Since Nixon and many senior officials involved in Watergate were lawyers, the scandal severely tarnished the public image of the legal profession.

The Watergate scandal resulted in 69 individuals being charged and 48 being found guilty, including:

 * 1) John N. Mitchell, Attorney General of the United States who resigned to become Director of Committee to Re-elect the President, convicted of perjury about his involvement in the Watergate break-in. Served 19 months of a one- to four-year sentence.
 * 2) Jeb Stuart Magruder, Deputy Director of Committee to Re-elect the President, pled guilty to one count of conspiracy to the burglary, and was sentenced to 10 months to four years in prison, of which he served seven months before being paroled.
 * 3) Frederick C. LaRue, Advisor to John Mitchell, convicted of obstruction of justice. He served four and a half months.
 * 4) H. R. Haldeman, White House Chief of Staff, convicted of conspiracy to the burglary, obstruction of justice, and perjury. Served 18 months in prison.
 * 5) John Ehrlichman, White House Domestic Affairs Advisor, convicted of conspiracy to the burglary, obstruction of justice, and perjury. Served 18 months in prison.
 * 6) Egil Krogh, United States Under Secretary of Transportation, sentenced to six months for his part in the Daniel Ellsberg case.
 * 7) John W. Dean III, White House Counsel, convicted of obstruction of justice, later reduced to felony offenses and sentenced to time already served, which totaled four months.
 * 8) Dwight L. Chapin, Secretary to the President of the United States, convicted of perjury.
 * 9) Maurice Stans, United States Secretary of Commerce who resigned to become Finance Chairman of Committee to Re-elect the President, convicted of multiple counts of illegal campaigning, fined $5,000 (in 1975 – $ today).
 * 10) Herbert W. Kalmbach, personal attorney to Nixon, convicted of illegal campaigning. Served 191 days in prison and fined $10,000 (in 1974 – $ today).
 * 11) Charles W. Colson, Director of the Office of Public Liaison, convicted of obstruction of justice. Served seven months in Federal Maxwell Prison.
 * 12) Herbert L. Porter, aide to the Committee to Re-elect the President. Convicted of perjury.
 * 13) G. Gordon Liddy, Special Investigations Group, convicted of masterminding the burglary, original sentence of up to 20 years in prison. Served $4 1/2$ years in federal prison.
 * 14) E. Howard Hunt, security consultant, convicted of masterminding and overseeing the burglary, original sentence of up to 35 years in prison.  Served 33 months in prison.
 * 15) James W. McCord Jr., convicted of six charges of burglary, conspiracy and wiretapping. Served two months in prison.
 * 16) Virgilio Gonzalez, convicted of burglary, original sentence of up to 40 years in prison.  Served 13 months in prison.
 * 17) Bernard Barker, convicted of burglary, original sentence of up to 40 years in prison.  Served 18 months in prison.
 * 18) Eugenio Martínez, convicted of burglary, original sentence of up to 40 years in prison.  Served 15 months in prison.
 * 19) Frank Sturgis, convicted of burglary, original sentence of up to 40 years in prison.  Served 10 months in prison.

To defuse public demand for direct federal regulation of lawyers (as opposed to leaving it in the hands of state bar associations or courts), the American Bar Association (ABA) launched two major reforms. First, the ABA decided that its existing Model Code of Professional Responsibility (promulgated 1969) was a failure. In 1983, the ABA replaced the Model Code with the Model Rules of Professional Conduct. The Model Rules have been adopted in part or in whole by all 50 states. The Model Rules's preamble contains an emphatic reminder that the legal profession can remain self-governing only if lawyers behave properly. Second, the ABA promulgated a requirement that law students at ABA-approved law schools take a course in professional responsibility (which means they must study the Model Rules). The requirement remains in effect.

On June 24 and 25, 1975, Nixon gave secret testimony to a grand jury. According to news reports at the time, Nixon answered questions about the $18 1/2$-minute tape gap, altering White House tape transcripts turned over to the House Judiciary Committee, using the Internal Revenue Service to harass political enemies, and a $100,000 contribution from billionaire Howard Hughes. Aided by the Public Citizen Litigation Group, the historian Stanley Kutler, who has written several books about Nixon and Watergate and had successfully sued for the 1996 public release of the Nixon White House tapes, sued for the release of the transcripts of the Nixon grand jury testimony.

On July 29, 2011, U.S. District Judge Royce Lamberth granted Kutler's request, saying historical interests trumped privacy, especially considering that Nixon and other key figures were deceased, and most of the surviving figures had testified under oath, have been written about, or were interviewed. The transcripts were not immediately released pending the government's decision on whether to appeal. They were released in their entirety on November 10, 2011, although the names of people still alive were redacted.

Texas A&M University–Central Texas professor Luke Nichter wrote to the chief judge of the federal court in Washington to release hundreds of pages of sealed records of the Watergate Seven. In June 2012 the U.S. Department of Justice wrote to the court that it would not object to their release with some exceptions. On November 2, 2012, Watergate trial records for G. Gordon Liddy and James McCord were ordered unsealed by Federal Judge Royce Lamberth.

Political and cultural reverberations
According to Thomas J. Johnson, a professor of journalism at University of Texas at Austin, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger predicted during Nixon's final days that history would remember Nixon as a great president and that Watergate would be relegated to a "minor footnote".

When Congress investigated the scope of the president's legal powers, it belatedly found that consecutive presidential administrations had declared the United States to be in a continuous open-ended state of emergency since 1950. Congress enacted the National Emergencies Act in 1976 to regulate such declarations. The Watergate scandal left such an impression on the national and international consciousness that many scandals since then have been labeled with the "-gate suffix".

Disgust with the revelations about Watergate, the Republican Party, and Nixon strongly affected results of the November 1974 Senate and House elections, which took place three months after Nixon's resignation. The Democrats gained five seats in the Senate and forty-nine in the House (the newcomers were nicknamed "Watergate Babies"). Congress passed legislation that changed campaign financing, to amend the Freedom of Information Act, as well as to require financial disclosures by key government officials (via the Ethics in Government Act). Other types of disclosures, such as releasing recent income tax forms, became expected, though not legally required. Presidents since Franklin D. Roosevelt had recorded many of their conversations but the practice purportedly ended after Watergate.

Ford's pardon of Nixon played a major role in his defeat in the 1976 presidential election against Jimmy Carter.

In 1977, Nixon arranged an interview with British journalist David Frost in the hope of improving his legacy. Based on a previous interview in 1968, he believed that Frost would be an easy interviewer and was taken aback by Frost's incisive questions. The interview displayed the entire scandal to the American people, and Nixon formally apologized, but his legacy remained tarnished. The 2008 movie Frost/Nixon is a media depiction of this.

In the aftermath of Watergate, "follow the money" became part of the American lexicon and is widely believed to have been uttered by Mark Felt to Woodward and Bernstein. The phrase was never used in the 1974 book All the President's Men and did not become associated with it until the movie of the same name was released in 1976. The 2017 movie Mark Felt: The Man Who Brought Down the White House is about Felt's role in the Watergate scandal and his identity as Deep Throat.

The parking garage where Woodward and Felt met in Rosslyn still stands. Its significance was noted by Arlington County with a historical marker in 2011. In 2017 it was announced that the garage would be demolished as part of construction of an apartment building on the site; the developers announced that the site's significance would be memorialized within the new complex.

Purpose of the break-in
Despite the enormous impact of the Watergate scandal, the purpose of the break-in of the DNC offices has never been conclusively established. Records from the United States v. Liddy trial, made public in 2013, showed that four of the five burglars testified that they were told the campaign operation hoped to find evidence that linked Cuban funding to Democratic campaigns. The longtime hypothesis suggests that the target of the break-in was the offices of Larry O'Brien, the DNC chairman. However, O'Brien's name was not on Alfred C. Baldwin III's list of targets that was released in 2013. Among those listed were senior DNC official R. Spencer Oliver, Oliver's secretary Ida "Maxine" Wells, co-worker Robert Allen and secretary Barbara Kennedy.

Based on these revelations, Texas A&M history professor Luke Nichter, who had successfully petitioned for the release of the information, argued that Woodward and Bernstein were incorrect in concluding, based largely on Watergate burglar James McCord's word, that the purpose of the break-in was to bug O'Brien's phone to gather political and financial intelligence on the Democrats. Instead, Nichter sided with late journalist J. Anthony Lukas of The New York Times, who had concluded that the committee was seeking to find evidence linking the Democrats to prostitution, as it was alleged that Oliver's office had been used to arrange such meetings. However, Nichter acknowledged that Woodward and Bernstein's theory of O'Brien as the target could not be debunked unless the information was released about what Baldwin heard in his bugging of conversations.

In 1968, O'Brien was appointed by Vice President Hubert Humphrey to serve as the national director of Humphrey's presidential campaign and, separately, by Howard Hughes to serve as Hughes' public-policy lobbyist in Washington. O'Brien was elected national chairman of the DNC in 1968 and 1970. In late 1971, the president's brother, Donald Nixon, was collecting intelligence for his brother at the time and asked John H. Meier, an adviser to Howard Hughes, about O'Brien. In 1956, Donald Nixon had borrowed $205,000 from Howard Hughes and had never repaid the loan. The loan's existence surfaced during the 1960 presidential election campaign, embarrassing Richard Nixon and becoming a political liability. According to author Donald M. Bartlett, Richard Nixon would do whatever was necessary to prevent another family embarrassment. From 1968 to 1970, Hughes withdrew nearly half a million dollars from the Texas National Bank of Commerce for contributions to both Democrats and Republicans, including presidential candidates Humphrey and Nixon. Hughes wanted Donald Nixon and Meier involved but Nixon opposed this.

Meier told Donald Nixon that he was sure the Democrats would win the election because they had considerable information on Richard Nixon's illicit dealings with Hughes that had never been released, and that it resided with Larry O'Brien. According to Fred Emery, O'Brien had been a lobbyist for Hughes in a Democrat-controlled Congress, and the possibility of his finding out about Hughes' illegal contributions to the Nixon campaign was too much of a danger for Nixon to ignore.

James F. Neal, who prosecuted the Watergate 7, did not believe Nixon had ordered the break-in because of Nixon's surprised reaction when he was told about it.

Australia
Australian Prime Minister Gough Whitlam referred to the American presidency's "parlous position" without the direct wording of the Watergate scandal during Question Time in May 1973. The following day responding to a question upon "the vital importance of future United States–Australia relations", Whitlam parried that the usage of the word 'Watergate' was not his. United States–Australia relations have been considered to have figured as influential when, in November 1975, Australia experienced its own constitutional crisis which led to the dismissal of the Whitlam Government by Sir John Kerr, the Australian Governor-General. Max Suich has suggested that the US was involved in ending the Whitlam government.

China
Chinese then-Premier Zhou Enlai said in October 1973 that the scandal did not affect the relations between China and the United States. According to the then–Prime Minister Kukrit Pramoj of Thailand in July 1975, Chairman Mao Zedong called the Watergate scandal "the result of 'too much freedom of political expression in the U.S. Mao called it "an indication of American isolationism, which he saw as 'disastrous' for Europe". He further said, "Do Americans really want to go isolationist? ... In the two world wars, the Americans came [in] very late, but all the same, they did come in. They haven't been isolationist in practice."

Japan
In August 1973, then–Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka said that the scandal had "no cancelling influence on U.S. leadership in the world". Tanaka further said, "The pivotal role of the United States has not changed, so this internal affair will not be permitted to have an effect." In March 1975, Tanaka's successor, Takeo Miki, said at a convention of the Liberal Democratic Party, "At the time of the Watergate issue in America, I was deeply moved by the scene in the House Judiciary Committee, where each member of the committee expressed his own or her own heart based upon the spirit of the American Constitution. It was this attitude, I think, that rescued American democracy."

Singapore
Then-Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew said in August 1973 that the scandal may have led the United States to lessen its interests and commitments in world affairs, to weaken its ability to enforce the Paris Peace Accords on Vietnam, and to not react to violations of the Accords. Lee said further that the United States "makes the future of this peace in Indonesia an extremely bleak one with grave consequence for the contiguous states." Lee then blamed the scandal for economic inflation in Singapore because the Singapore dollar was pegged to the United States dollar at the time because Singapore had "unwisely" believed that the U.S. dollar was stronger than the British pound sterling.

Soviet Union
In June 1973, when chairman Leonid Brezhnev arrived in the United States to have a one-week meeting with Nixon, Brezhnev told the press, "I do not intend to refer to that matter—[the Watergate]. It would be completely indecent for me to refer to it ... My attitude toward Mr. Nixon is of very great respect." When one reporter suggested that Nixon and his position with Brezhnev were "weakened" by the scandal, Brezhnev replied, "It does not enter my mind to think whether Mr. Nixon has lost or gained any influence because of the affair." Then he said further that he had respected Nixon because of Nixon's "realistic and constructive approach to Soviet Union–United States relations ... passing from an era of confrontation to an era of negotiations between nations".

United Kingdom
Talks between Nixon and Prime Minister Edward Heath may have been bugged. Heath did not publicly display his anger, with aides saying that he was unconcerned about having been bugged at the White House. According to officials, Heath commonly had notes taken of his public discussions with Nixon so a recording would not have bothered him. However, officials said that if Heath's private talks with Nixon were bugged, then he would have been outraged.

Iran
Iranian then-Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi told the press in 1973, "I want to say quite emphatically ... that everything that would weaken or jeopardize the President's power to make decisions in split seconds would represent grave danger for the whole world."

Kenya
An unnamed Kenyan senior official of Foreign Affairs Ministry accused Nixon of lacking interest in Africa and its politics and then said, "American President is so enmeshed in domestic problems created by Watergate that foreign policy seems suddenly to have taken a back seat [sic]."

Cuba
Cuban then-leader Fidel Castro said in his December 1974 interview that, of the crimes committed by Cuban exiles, like killings, attacks on Cuban ports, and spying, the Watergate burglaries and wiretappings were "probably the least of [them]".

United States
After the fall of Saigon ended the Vietnam War, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger said in May 1975 that, if the scandal had not caused Nixon to resign, and Congress had not overridden Nixon's veto of the War Powers Resolution, North Vietnam would not have captured South Vietnam. Kissinger told the National Press Club in January 1977 that Nixon's presidential powers weakened during his tenure, thus (as rephrased by the media) "prevent[ing] the United States from exploiting the [scandal]".

The publisher of The Sacramento Union, John P. McGoff, said in January 1975 that the media overemphasized the scandal, though he called it "an important issue", overshadowing more serious topics, like a declining economy and an energy crisis.

Books

 * (Reissued in 2014 under the title Washington Journal: Reporting Watergate and Richard Nixon's Downfall)
 * (Reissued in 2014 under the title Washington Journal: Reporting Watergate and Richard Nixon's Downfall)
 * (Reissued in 2014 under the title Washington Journal: Reporting Watergate and Richard Nixon's Downfall)
 * (Reissued in 2014 under the title Washington Journal: Reporting Watergate and Richard Nixon's Downfall)
 * (Reissued in 2014 under the title Washington Journal: Reporting Watergate and Richard Nixon's Downfall)
 * (Reissued in 2014 under the title Washington Journal: Reporting Watergate and Richard Nixon's Downfall)
 * (Reissued in 2014 under the title Washington Journal: Reporting Watergate and Richard Nixon's Downfall)
 * (Reissued in 2014 under the title Washington Journal: Reporting Watergate and Richard Nixon's Downfall)
 * (Reissued in 2014 under the title Washington Journal: Reporting Watergate and Richard Nixon's Downfall)
 * (Reissued in 2014 under the title Washington Journal: Reporting Watergate and Richard Nixon's Downfall)
 * (Reissued in 2014 under the title Washington Journal: Reporting Watergate and Richard Nixon's Downfall)
 * (Reissued in 2014 under the title Washington Journal: Reporting Watergate and Richard Nixon's Downfall)

Articles

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license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Watergate scandal


text:
Axiom of pairing

In axiomatic set theory and the branches of logic, mathematics, and computer science that use it, the axiom of pairing is one of the axioms of Zermelo–Fraenkel set theory. It was introduced by as a special case of his axiom of elementary sets.

Formal statement
In the formal language of the Zermelo–Fraenkel axioms, the axiom reads:
 * $$\forall A \, \forall B \, \exists C \, \forall D \, [D \in C \iff (D = A \lor D = B)]$$

In words:
 * Given any object A and any object B, there is a set C such that, given any object D, D is a member of C if and only if D is equal to A or D is equal to B.

Consequences
As noted, what the axiom is saying is that, given two objects A and B, we can find a set C whose members are exactly A and B.

We can use the axiom of extensionality to show that this set C is unique. We call the set C the pair of A and B, and denote it {A,B}. Thus the essence of the axiom is:
 * Any two objects have a pair.

The set {A,A} is abbreviated {A}, called the singleton containing A. Note that a singleton is a special case of a pair. Being able to construct a singleton is necessary, for example, to show the non-existence of the infinitely descending chains $$x=\{x\}$$ from the Axiom of regularity.

The axiom of pairing also allows for the definition of ordered pairs. For any objects $$a$$ and $$b$$, the ordered pair is defined by the following:

 * $$ (a, b) = \{ \{ a \}, \{ a, b \} \}.\,$$

Note that this definition satisfies the condition

 * $$(a, b) = (c, d) \iff a = c \land b = d. $$

Ordered n-tuples can be defined recursively as follows:

 * $$ (a_1, \ldots, a_n) = ((a_1, \ldots, a_{n-1}), a_n).\!$$

Non-independence
The axiom of pairing is generally considered uncontroversial, and it or an equivalent appears in just about any axiomatization of set theory. Nevertheless, in the standard formulation of the Zermelo–Fraenkel set theory, the axiom of pairing follows from the axiom schema of replacement applied to any given set with two or more elements, and thus it is sometimes omitted. The existence of such a set with two elements, such as { {}, { {} } }, can be deduced either from the axiom of empty set and the axiom of power set or from the axiom of infinity.

In the absence of some of the stronger ZFC axioms, the axiom of pairing can still, without loss, be introduced in weaker forms.

Weaker
In the presence of standard forms of the axiom schema of separation we can replace the axiom of pairing by its weaker version:
 * $$\forall A\forall B\exists C\forall D((D=A\lor D=B)\Rightarrow D\in C)$$.

This weak axiom of pairing implies that any given objects $$A$$ and $$B$$ are members of some set $$C$$. Using the axiom schema of separation we can construct the set whose members are exactly $$A$$ and $$B$$.

Another axiom which implies the axiom of pairing in the presence of the axiom of empty set is the axiom of adjunction
 * $$\forall A \, \forall B \, \exists C \, \forall D \, [D \in C \iff (D \in A \lor D = B)]$$.

It differs from the standard one by use of $$D \in A$$ instead of $$D=A$$. Using {} for A and x for B, we get {x} for C. Then use {x} for A and y for B, getting {x,y} for C. One may continue in this fashion to build up any finite set. And this could be used to generate all hereditarily finite sets without using the axiom of union.

Stronger
Together with the axiom of empty set and the axiom of union, the axiom of pairing can be generalised to the following schema:
 * $$\forall A_1 \, \ldots \, \forall A_n \, \exists C \, \forall D \, [D \in C \iff (D = A_1 \lor \cdots \lor D = A_n)]$$

that is:
 * Given any finite number of objects A1 through An, there is a set C whose members are precisely A1 through An.

This set C is again unique by the axiom of extensionality, and is denoted {A1,...,An}.

Of course, we can't refer to a finite number of objects rigorously without already having in our hands a (finite) set to which the objects in question belong. Thus, this is not a single statement but instead a schema, with a separate statement for each natural number n. For example, to prove the case n = 3, use the axiom of pairing three times, to produce the pair {A1,A2}, the singleton {A3}, and then the pair {{A1,A2},{A3}}. The axiom of union then produces the desired result, {A1,A2,A3}. We can extend this schema to include n=0 if we interpret that case as the axiom of empty set.
 * The case n = 1 is the axiom of pairing with A = A1 and B = A1.
 * The case n = 2 is the axiom of pairing with A = A1 and B = A2.
 * The cases n > 2 can be proved using the axiom of pairing and the axiom of union multiple times.

Thus, one may use this as an axiom schema in the place of the axioms of empty set and pairing. Normally, however, one uses the axioms of empty set and pairing separately, and then proves this as a theorem schema. Note that adopting this as an axiom schema will not replace the axiom of union, which is still needed for other situations.

title: Axiom of pairing