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Prime Minister of Poland

The president of the Council of Ministers (Prezes Rady Ministrów), colloquially and commonly referred to as the prime minister (premier), is the head of the cabinet and the head of government of Poland. The responsibilities and traditions of the office stem from the creation of the contemporary Polish state, and the office is defined in the Constitution of Poland. According to the Constitution, the president nominates and appoints the prime minister, who will then propose the composition of the Cabinet. Fourteen days following their appointment, the prime minister must submit a programme outlining the government's agenda to the Sejm, requiring a vote of confidence. Conflicts stemming from both interest and powers have arisen between the offices of President and Prime Minister in the past.

The incumbent and eighteenth prime minister is Donald Tusk of the Civic Platform party who replaced Mateusz Morawiecki following the 2023 Polish parliamentary election, after Morawiecki's third government failed to receive a vote of confidence on 11 December 2023, which Tusk's third government subsequently received on the same day and was sworn in two days later. Tusk was also the fourteenth prime minister, between 2007 and 2014.

Second Republic
Near the end of the First World War, an assortment of groups contested to proclaim an independent Polish state. In early November 1918, a socialist provisional government under Ignacy Daszyński declared independence, while a separate committee in Kraków claimed to rule West Galicia. In Warsaw, the German-Austrian appointed Regency Council agreed to transfer political responsibilities to Marshal Józef Piłsudski, recently released from Magdeburg fortress, as Chief of State of the new Polish nation. Piłsudski summoned Daszyński to the capital to form a government, where Piłsudski agreed to appoint Daszyński as the republic's first prime minister. Daszyński's premiership, however, remained brief, after the politician failed to form a workable coalition. Piłsudski turned instead to Jędrzej Moraczewski, who successfully crafted a workable government for the Second Republic's first months of existence.

The Small Constitution of 1919 outlined Poland's form of government, with a democratically elected Sejm, a prime minister and cabinet, and an executive branch. Despite outlining a parliamentary system, the Small Constitution vested many executive powers into Piłsudski's position as Chief of State. The executive branch could select and organise cabinets (with the Sejm's consent), be responsible to the ministries for their duties, and require the countersignature of ministers for all official acts. By the early 1920s, rightist nationalists within parliament, particularly Roman Dmowski and other members of the Popular National Union party and the Endecja movement, advocated reforms to the republic's structure to stem the authority of the chief of state (and ultimately Piłsudski) while increasing parliamentary powers. The result was the Sejm's passage of the March Constitution of 1921. Modeled after the French Third Republic, the March Constitution entrusted decision-making exclusively within the lower-house Sejm. The newly created presidency, on the other hand, became a symbolic office devoid of any major authority, stripped of veto and wartime powers.

Deriving authority from the powerful Sejm, the prime minister and the council of ministers, in theory, faced few constitutional barriers from the presidency to pass and proceed with legislation. In reality, however, the premiership remained extraordinarily insecure due to the harsh political climate of the early Second Republic, marked by constant fluctuating coalitions within parliament. Fourteen governments and eleven prime ministers rose and fell between 1918 and 1926, with nine governments alone serving during the five-year March Constitution era. Deeply frustrated with the republic's chaotic "sejmocracy" parliamentary structure, Piłsudski led rebellious Polish Army units to overthrow the government in the May Coup of 1926, effectively ending the Second Republic's brief experiment with parliamentary democracy, as well as the prime minister's free and popular elected mandate for the next sixty years.

Distrustful of parliamentary democracy, Piłsudski and his Sanation movement assumed a semi-authoritarian power behind the throne presence over the premiership and presidency. Piłsudski's August Novelisation of the 1921 Constitution retained the prime minister's post and the parliamentary system, though modified the president's powers to rule by decree, dismiss the Sejm, and decide budgetary matters. By the mid-1930s, Piłsudski and fellow Sanationists further stripped parliament and the premier's powers by enacting a new constitution, effectively establishing a strong "hyper-presidency" by 1935. The new constitution allowed for the president to dismiss parliament, the right to freely appoint and dismiss the prime minister, members of the cabinet and the judiciary at will, and promulgated the presidency as the supreme power of the state. Until the outbreak of the Second World War and the resulting exiling of the Polish government, the Sanation movement remained at the helm of a government dominated by the presidency with a weak, subordinate prime minister.

People's Republic
Under the communist Polish People's Republic, the ruling Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR) dominated all sections of the government, as recognised under the 1952 Constitution. Although the premiership continued to exist, the office's power and prestige relied more on the individual's stature within the governing communist party than the position's actual constitutional authority. The office acted as an administrative agent for policies carried out by the PZPR's Politburo, rather than relying on the support of the rubber stamp Sejm. In face of growing protests from the Solidarity movement for much of the 1980s, the PZPR entered into the Round Table Talks in early 1989 with leading members of the anti-communist opposition. The conclusion of the talks, along with the resulting April Novelisation of the constitution, provided various powers to the Sejm, along with reinstating both the previously dissolved upper-house Senate and the presidency as legal governmental entities.

Third Republic
Following the partially free 1989 parliamentary election, the Solidarity government of Tadeusz Mazowiecki faced the monumental task of formally institutionalising the office in order to define its relatively vague legal powers. As the communist state was quickly dismantled, this impasse remained due to the series of unstable governments falling in quick succession in the first years of the Third Republic. Matters were not helped by the vagueness of the presidency, whose recreation during the Round Table Talks left a poorly defined yet potentially powerful office. After Lech Wałęsa's direct 1990 election to the presidency, a tug of war between the offices of the premier and presidency regarding the powers of the two offices began, with Wałęsa arguing for increased presidential powers by drafting a new constitution, with the right to appoint and dismiss the prime minister and members of the cabinet. Although Wałęsa later recanted his attempts to create a presidential system, the president continued to advocate for a semi-presidential model similar to that of the French Fifth Republic. The passage of the Small Constitution in 1992, which dispensed with the communist 1952 version, clarified several presidential prerogatives over the prime minister, including the president's right to be consulted on the ministers of Defence, Foreign Affairs, and Interior. Although Wałęsa enjoyed a conflict free relationship with Prime Minister Hanna Suchocka, power rifts remained after the Small Constitution's passage, particularly with the Sejm, which Wałęsa repeatedly attempted to dissolve, influence its appointments, and shift its constitutional reform agenda towards the presidency's favour.

However, by the 1993 parliamentary election, which brought in a relatively stable left-of-centre coalition government between the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) and the Polish People's Party (PSL), as well as Wałęsa's defeat in the 1995 presidential election by SdRP challenger Aleksander Kwaśniewski, an impetus for greater constitutional reform began to proceed. Between 1996 and 1997, a series of reform laws passed through parliament, strengthening and centralising the prime minister's prerogatives. These reforms would form the basis of the current 1997 Constitution. Significant changes included the ability for the prime minister to call a vote of confidence, the premier's exclusive right to allocate and reshuffle ministers, and also for the prime minister to solely determine the areas of competence for ministries. Many of the prime minister's new powers were gained at the expense of the presidency, which lost the rights to consult ministerial appointments, reject the prime minister's cabinet selection or reshuffles, chair the cabinet, and to veto the budget, although veto powers in other areas remained. Additionally, the previous communist-era Office of the Council of Ministers (Urząd Rady Ministrów) was reformed into the Chancellery in 1997 to act as the premier's executive central office and support staff, assisting the facilitation and coordination of policy among members of the cabinet. The reforms between 1996 and 1997, codified under the constitution, made the prime minister the centre of legal authority within the government.

Appointment
According to Article 154 of the Constitution of Poland, the prime minister is nominated by the president. However, the nomination process is not solely dictated by presidential preference. By convention, the president nominates the leader of the party which obtained the most seats in the previous parliamentary election, or the leader of the senior partner in a coalition. The president is neither entitled to dismiss the prime minister, appoint nor dismiss individual members of the cabinet, or the council of ministers as a whole at will. Upon selection, the prime minister will propose members of the cabinet, and within fourteen days, must submit a programme outlining the new government's agenda to the Sejm, requiring a vote of confidence from its deputies. In the event that a vote of confidence fails, the process of government formation passes to the Sejm, which will then nominate a prime minister within fourteen days, who will again propose the composition of the cabinet. An absolute majority of votes in the presence of at least half of all Sejm deputies is required to approve the cabinet, and the president is required to accept and swear in the Sejm's nominee. If the vote of confidence fails again, the process of nomination is handed back to the presidency, who will appoint a prime minister, who will then nominate other members of the cabinet. If the vote of confidence fails a third time, the president is obliged to dissolve the Sejm and call new elections.

As part of political tradition, the prime minister and the ministers take the oath of office inside the Column Hall at the Presidential Palace, in a ceremony administered by the president. Upon their inauguration, the prime minister and the ministers must take the following pledge before the head of state:

"'Assuming this office of prime minister [deputy prime minister, minister] I do solemnly swear to be faithful to the provisions of the constitution and other laws of the Republic of Poland, and that the good of the Homeland and the prosperity of its citizens shall forever remain my supreme obligation.'" The oath may also be finished with the additional sentence, "So help me God."

Role in the cabinet and powers
Article 148 of the constitution stipulates that the prime minister shall act as the representative of the cabinet as a whole, delegate its agendas, coordinate the work of ministers, ensure the implementation of policy adopted by the cabinet, and issue regulations. Additionally, the prime minister acts as the superior of all civil servants. The prime minister is further assisted by a deputy prime minister (or ministers), who will act as a vice-president within the council of ministers. The make-up of the cabinet, its distributed portfolios and its governing style, however, very much depends on the premier's personality. The prime minister cannot, however, hold the presidency nor any other high state office, such as the chairmanships of the Supreme Chamber of Control, the National Bank of Poland, or the Ombudsman for Citizens Rights, simultaneously. With the power to distribute and reshuffle cabinet members, the prime minister can also discharge the functions of a minister. Similarly, the prime minister can call upon the cabinet to repeal a regulation or order from any minister.

The prime minister must answer questions from deputies during each sitting of the Sejm. The premier and other ministers are also constitutionally mandated to answer interpellations from deputies within 21 days of their submission.

In accordance to Poland's semi-presidential system, most official acts of the presidency require the prime minister's countersignature in order to become valid. Through this, the prime minister acts as a gatekeeper to the president to certain acts, while also accepting responsibility to the Sejm for the president's actions. This legal relationship, established under the constitution, attaches a significant presidential dependence on the prime minister's signature, arguably enlarging the premier's responsibilities and legal standing. The President, however, does not need the prime minister's countersignature for a limited selection of other acts, including the appointment of judges, conferring orders and decorations, appointing a president to the Supreme Court of Poland, exercising pardons, making a referral to the Constitutional Tribunal, or appointing members to the National Broadcasting Council. The presidency's most significant power over the prime minister is the right to veto the government's legislation, but this procedure may be overruled by a three-fifths voting majority in the Sejm.

The prime minister can also submit a vote of confidence of their cabinet to the Sejm. A vote of confidence in the cabinet can be granted by at least half of all of the Sejm's deputies. Similarly, if the council of ministers loses its majority support within the Sejm, the cabinet can be forced to resign in a constructive vote of no confidence. The motion must be approved by at least 46 deputies, and then passed by a majority vote. In such an event, a new prime minister must be simultaneously appointed. Additionally, the premier must submit the resignation of their cabinet at the first sitting of a newly elected parliament, as well as after a vote of no confidence has been successfully passed against the council of ministers or upon their own individual resignation. In the event of the prime minister's resignation or death, the president can either accept or refuse the cabinet's resignation of office.

For the regional governments of the voivodeships, the prime minister is empowered to appoint a voivode for each of the republic's sixteen provinces, who supervises the central government's administration in the regions, as well as the functions of local government. The Sejm, upon a motion of the prime minister, can dissolve a local or regional government if it is flagrantly violating the constitution or legal statutes.

Among the office's emergency and security powers, the prime minister can request to the president a military commander-in-chief of the Polish Armed Forces during a time of war, or order a partial or general mobilisation in the event of a direct threat to national security. The prime minister also retains the right to appoint and dismiss the heads of the special services, including the Policja, Border Guard, ABW, AW, and the Government Protection Bureau. The heads of both the ABW and AW are entitled to directly report to the premier. In the event of public disorder, the prime minister can, upon a motion by the interior minister, authorise special armed units of the Policja to restore order. If such units prove ineffective in such a situation, the prime minister is authorised to call upon the president to deploy the Polish Armed Forces to bring law and order.

Relationship with the presidency
Throughout the history of the Third Republic, the relationship between the prime minister and the president has ebbed and flowed. In the early to mid-1990s, the relationship largely depended on different interpretations of the vague, legal prerogatives of each office at the time, though since the passage of the Constitution of 1997, political preferences and individual personalities have characterised the relationship. Conflicts between the two offices, however, have generated party splits and political paralysis in the past.

Both before and after his 1990 election to the presidency, Lech Wałęsa had a deeply strained relationship with Prime Minister Tadeusz Mazowiecki, stemming from Wałęsa's belief that Mazowiecki was not aggressive enough in the dismissal of former Polish United Workers' Party members from senior government and economic positions. Mazowiecki's famous 1989 Thick Line speech (gruba kreska) further exacerbated the splintering. The split between the two men fractured the original uniting Solidarity Citizens' Committee by 1990, with intellectuals supporting Mazowiecki's new Citizens' Movement for Democratic Action, while workers supported the Centre Agreement, a political movement based around Wałęsa.

Similarly, Prime Minister Jan Olszewski also retained a notoriously strained relationship with Wałęsa during Olszewski's brief government between 1991 and 1992. Olszewski proceeded with a cautious approach to economic reform instead of implementing shock therapy, putting him at odds with the president. While Wałęsa advocated for constitutional reform to enlarge presidential prerogatives over the prime minister, Olszewski launched a campaign to deliberately embarrass the president and undermine Wałęsa's stature, releasing a list of alleged ex-communist collaborators within the Sejm, with some conspirators linked to the president. Wałęsa was further infuriated by Olszewski's attempts to gain influence within the Polish Armed Forces by appointing Radosław Sikorski as deputy defence minister without consultation. Wałęsa repeatedly called for the Olszewski government's dismissal, which the Sejm obliged, forcing the collapse of Olszewski's coalition in June 1992. Prime Minister Hanna Suchocka, who succeeded in forming a government after Waldemar Pawlak's failure to gather a workable coalition, enjoyed a far more amicable relationship with the president.

The implementation of a new constitution in 1997 profoundly affected the relationship between the premiership and the presidency. Uncertainties over presidential and prime ministerial power that marked the Third Republic's first years were removed, eliminating the ability of the president to fully disrupt the government, and further strengthening the prime minister's position. Under President Aleksander Kwaśniewski, Prime Minister Jerzy Buzek's government became the first administration to be elected under the new constitution. Despite being from opposite parties (Kwaśniewski's centre-left Social Democracy of the Republic of Poland and Buzek's centre-right Solidarity Electoral Action), the relationship between both offices was smooth, partly due to Kwaśniewski's non-confrontational personality. Kwaśniewski sparingly used his veto powers in legislation the president did not agree with, choosing to let the government's concordat with the Holy See, a new lustration act and new electoral statutes to proceed without hindrance, though Kwaśniewski vetoed Buzek's privatisation plan. Kwaśniewski's relationships with the like-minded social democratic premierships of Leszek Miller and Marek Belka were virtually free of conflict.

Relations between the two executive organs, however, returned to animosity under the presidency of Lech Kaczyński and Prime Minister Donald Tusk. Political rivals for years, fueled by the 2005 presidential poll which saw both men as the main challengers, Tusk's centre-right Civic Platform toppled Kaczyński's twin brother Jarosław's government in the 2007 parliamentary election. Tusk's support for stronger integration into the European Union, including the signing of the Lisbon Treaty, and a rapprochement with Russia, put Kaczyński directly at odds with the prime minister. From 2007 until Kaczyński's death in the Smolensk air disaster in 2010, policy differences between the two offices were a constant source of division, with the president employing his limited veto powers numerous times over the government's legislation; Tusk's government lacked a 60 percent threshold to overturn such vetoes. In response, Tusk made no secret his party's desire to replace Kaczyński in the 2010 presidential election. Although Tusk and Kaczyński found several areas of compromise, clashes between the Chancellery and the Presidential Palace became a regular feature in both the domestic and international political scenes for the next two and a half years. Frustrated by Kaczyński's veto, Tusk argued for a constitutional amendment in November 2009 to strip the presidency of its veto powers, declaring: "The president should not have veto power. People make their decision in elections and then state institutions should not be in conflict...Let us change some provisions so we can have fewer conflicts and more cooperation. We propose changes to the constitution so that the centre of power lies with the government... The presidential veto brings more harm than good.".

In 2015 in a short period of time relations between President Andrzej Duda and Prime Minister Ewa Kopacz were tense too. On 31 May 2015 Duda announced the resolution electing him president during the ceremony. He appealed for no major political changes to be made before his swearing-in, as well as no changes "that may arouse unnecessary emotions and create conflicts." The prime minister noted that the government's relations with the president are defined in the Constitution: "This is indeed a surprising appeal. Please remember that the constitution regulates even friendly relations between the head of state and the government. The government has its duties, but also obligations towards Poles." She assured that her government had already fulfilled 90 percent of its announcements made in the expose and would continue to implement its programme. "The government should work until the end. That's what Poles pay it for," said Kopacz. The dispute between the president and the prime minister continues. Neither during the ceremony at Westerplatte nor immediately after did the politicians decide to talk. Even though Duda and Kopacz were standing next to each other, they did not shake hands.".

Duda's relationships with the conservative prime ministers Beata Szydło and Mateusz Morawiecki were virtually free of conflict. Duda sparingly used his veto powers in legislation the president did not agree with. The most known were Lex TVN and Lex Czarnek.

Relations between the two executive organs, however, returned to animosity under the presidency of Duda and Prime Minister Tusk. United Right would be unable to govern on its own, and Duda stated his intention to re-appoint incumbent Morawiecki as Prime Minister due to the existing albeit unofficial convention of nominating a member of the winning party. The four opposition parties criticised Duda's decision as a delay tactic. The opposition parties subsequently signed a coalition agreement on 10 November, de facto taking over control of the Sejm, and agreed to nominate former Prime Minister and European Council President Donald Tusk as their candidate. Morawiecki's new cabinet, dubbed the "two-week government" and "zombie government" by the media due to its anticipated short-livedness, was sworn in on 27 November 2023. Duda said he would veto the government’s amended 2024 spending bill and propose his own, in a challenge to Tusk. In a post on the social media platform X, Duda cited the bill’s funding of public media, and said blocking it was appropriate “in view of the flagrant violation of the constitution.” Tusk himself tweeted that “the president’s veto takes away money from teachers”, to which Duda responded that if “you convene [parliament] after Christmas and pass by bill, which will included raises for teachers”, then they would not lose out. On 31 January 2024, Duda signed the national budget, agreed by the government, but sent it swiftly to the constitutional court citing doubts over its adoption. Although the budget was passed with a large majority, the absence of the two MPS, whose parliamentary mandates were annulled over criminal convictions, meant the National Assembly was not at full capacity when the vote took place. Tusk warned on Tuesday of a snap election if the budget is blocked by Duda. After Duda signed the budget, Tusk said sending the signed bill to the Constitutional Tribunal wouldn't change anything. "The budget is approved and that was the goal. The rest doesn't matter. People will get the money, nothing will stop it now.". On 29 March 2024 Polish President vetoes bill restoring access to emergency contraception. In a statement, Duda’s office outlined that his motivation in rejecting the legislation was to “protect the health of children”. He is opposed to the fact that the law would have allowed anyone aged 15 and above (Poland’s age of sexual consent) to buy the morning-after pill without the involvement of a doctor. The bill to restore prescription-free access to the 'morning-after pill' came from Prime Minister Donald Tusk's government, Tusk wrote on platform X "The president did not take advantage of the opportunity to stand on the side of women. We are implementing plan B". . In April 2024, the Polish Sejm took a significant step by approving a bill that recognizes Silesian as an official regional language in Poland. This recognition was accepted by the Senate, however on 29th of May 2024 The President has vetoed the bill. The president’s decision, which had been widely expected, was criticised by figures from the ruling coalition, it would allow the inclusion of Silesian in school curricula and its use within local administration in municipalities. Tusk responded on platform X "I would tell you in Silesian, Mr. President, what I think about your veto, but it is not appropriate in public". .

Support staff and residence
The prime minister's executive office is the Chancellery. Located in the Building of the Chancellery of the Prime Minister along Ujazdów Avenue in Warsaw, the Chancellery houses the central meeting location of the cabinet. As an office, the Chancellery acts to facilitate government policy between the prime minister and the ministers, serves as the premier's support staff, and distributes the administration's information. Additionally in supporting the cabinet, the Chancellery also houses various executive departments answerable directly to the prime minister outside of the council of ministers, including the Economic Council, the Protection Office, and the Civil Service Department.

The official residence of the prime minister is Willa Parkowa, located several minutes' walk from the Chancellery next to Łazienki Park. However, the previous Prime Minister Donald Tusk chose to reside in the coastal city of Sopot, near his native Gdańsk in Pomeranian Voivodeship.

The prime minister receives security from the Government Protection Bureau (Biuro Ochrony Rządu) while in office, as well as for six months after departing from the Chancellery.

List of Polish prime ministers
Since the inception of the Third Republic, sixteen individuals have occupied the post. The shortest-serving government was the third government of Mateusz Morawiecki, lasting for 16 days between November and December 2023. The longest-serving prime minister has been Donald Tusk, who held the premiership continuously from 16 November 2007 to 22 September 2014, and again since 13 December 2023. To date, three women, Hanna Suchocka, Ewa Kopacz, and Beata Szydło, have served as prime ministers. Suchocka, along with Tadeusz Mazowiecki and Jerzy Buzek, are the only Polish prime ministers, as of yet, to be invited into the Club of Madrid.

title: Prime Minister of Poland


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Jurij Vega

Baron Jurij Bartolomej Vega (also Veha; Georgius Bartholomaei Vecha; Georg Freiherr von Vega; born Vehovec, March 23, 1754 – September 26, 1802) was a Slovene mathematician, physicist and artillery officer.

Early life
Born to a farmer's family in the small village of Zagorica east of Ljubljana in Slovenia, Vega was 6 years old when his father Jernej Veha died. Vega was educated first in Moravče and later attended high school for six years (1767–1773) in Ljubljana (the Jesuit College of Ljubljana, ), studying Latin, Greek, religion, German, history, geography, science, and mathematics. At that time there were about 500 students there. He was a schoolfellow of Anton Tomaž Linhart, a Slovenian writer and historian. Vega finished high school when he was 19, in 1773. After completing his studies at the Lyceum of Ljubljana (Licej v Ljubljani) he became a navigational engineer in 1775. Tentamen philosophicum, a list of questions for his comprehensive examination, was preserved and is available in the Mathematical Library in Ljubljana. The problems cover logic, algebra, metaphysics, geometry, trigonometry, geodesy, stereometry, geometry of curves, ballistics, and general and special physics.

Military service
Vega left Ljubljana five years after graduation and entered military service in 1780 as a professor of mathematics at the Artillery School in Vienna. At that time he started to sign his last name as Vega and no longer Veha. When Vega was 33 he married Josefa Svoboda (Jožefa Swoboda) (1771–1800), a Czech noble from České Budějovice who was 16 at that time.

Vega participated in several wars. In 1788 he served under Austrian Imperial Field-Marshal Ernst Gideon von Laudon (1717–1790) in a campaign against the Turks at Belgrade. His command of several mortar batteries contributed considerably to the fall of the Belgrade fortress. Between 1793 and 1797 he fought French Revolutionaries under the command of Austrian General Dagobert-Sigismond de Wurmser (1724–1797) with the European coalition on the Austrian side. He fought at Fort Louis, Mannheim, Mainz, Wiesbaden, Kehl, and Dietz. In 1795 he had two 30-pound (14 kilogram) mortars cast, with conically drilled bases and a greater charge, for a firing range up to 3000 metres (3300 yards). The old 60 lb (27 kg) mortars had a range of only 1800 m (2000 yd).

In September 1802 Vega was reported missing. After a few days' search his body was found. The police report concluded that his death was an accident. It is believed that he died on 26 September 1802 in Nußdorf on the Danube, near the Austrian capital, Vienna.

Mathematical accomplishments
Vega published a series of books of logarithm tables. The first one appeared in 1783. Much later, in 1797 it was followed by a second volume that contained a collection of integrals and other useful formulae. His Handbook, which was originally published in 1793, was later translated into several languages and appeared in over 100 issues. His major work was Thesaurus Logarithmorum Completus (Treasury of all Logarithms) that was first published 1794 in Leipzig (its 90th edition was published in 1924). This mathematical table was actually based on Adriaan Vlacq's tables, but corrected a number of errors and extended the logarithms of trigonometric functions for the small angles. An engineer, Franc Allmer, honourable senator of the Graz University of Technology, has found Vega's logarithmic tables with 10 decimal places in the Museum of Carl Friedrich Gauss in Göttingen. Gauss used this work frequently and he has written in it several calculations. Gauss has also found some of Vega's errors in the calculations in the range of numbers, of which there are more than a million. A copy of Vega's Thesaurus belonging to the private collection of the British mathematician and computing pioneer Charles Babbage (1791–1871) is preserved at the Royal Observatory, Edinburgh.

Over the years Vega wrote a four-volume textbook Vorlesungen über die Mathematik (Lectures about Mathematics). Volume I appeared in 1782 when he was 28 years old, Volume II in 1784, Volume III in 1788 and Volume IV in 1800. His textbooks also contain interesting tables: for instance, in Volume II one can find closed form expressions for sines of multiples of 3 degrees, written in a form easy to work with.

Vega wrote at least six scientific papers. On August 20, 1789 Vega achieved a world record when he calculated pi to 140 places, of which the first 126 were correct. This calculation he proposed to the Russian Academy of Sciences in Saint Petersburg in the booklet V. razprava (The fifth discussion), where he had found with his calculating method an error on the 113th place from the estimation of Thomas Fantet de Lagny (1660–1734) from 1719 of 127 places. Vega retained his record 52 years until 1841 and his method is mentioned still today. His article was not published by the Academy until six years later, in 1795. Vega had improved John Machin's formula from 1706:

 * $$ {\pi\over 4} = 4 \arctan \left({1\over 5}\right) - \arctan \left({1\over 239}\right)$$

with his formula, which is equal to Euler's formula from 1755:

 * $$ {\pi\over 4} = 5 \arctan \left({1\over 7}\right) + 2 \arctan \left({3\over 79}\right) \; ,$$

and which converges faster than Machin's formula. He had checked his result with the similar Hutton's formula:

 * $$ {\pi\over 4} = 2 \arctan \left({1\over 3}\right) + \arctan \left({1\over 7}\right) \; .$$

He had developed the second term in the series only once.

Although he worked in the subjects of ballistics, physics and astronomy, his major contributions are to the mathematics of the second half of the 18th century.

In 1781 Vega tried to push further his idea in the Austrian Habsburg monarchy about the usage of the decimal metric system of units. His idea was not accepted, but it was introduced later under the emperor Franz Josef I in 1871.

Vega was a member of the Academy of Practical Sciences in Mainz, the Physical and Mathematical Society of Erfurt, the Bohemian Scientific Society in Prague, and the Prussian Academy of Sciences in Berlin. He was also an associate member of the British Scientific Society in Göttingen. He was awarded the Order of Maria Theresa on May 11, 1796. In 1800 Vega obtained a title of hereditary baron including the right to his own coat of arms.

Legacy
Jurij Vega High School (Gimnazija Jurija Vege) in Idrija was founded in 1901 as the first Slovene Realschule. In 1935, Vega (crater) on the Moon was named after Vega. The National Bank of Slovenia put into circulation a 50 tolar banknote in his honour in March 1993, and the Slovene Post Office issued a stamp honouring Vega in 1994. In 2004 Slovenia issued coins commemorating his 250th birthday. The asteroid 14966 Jurijvega, discovered on July 30, 1997, is named after him. Slovenia's Vega Astronomical Society is named after both Jurij Vega and the star Vega. The star, however, is not named after Jurij Vega and its name is much older. A free open-source physics library for 3D deformable object simulation, Vega FEM, has also been named after Vega.

Scientific genealogy
Vega is also notable as the tutor and academic advisor of, resulting in a notable scientific genealogy (see Academic genealogy of theoretical physicists: Jurij Vega).

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Jurij Vega


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Ian Curtis

Ian Kevin Curtis (15 July 1956 – 18 May 1980) was an English singer, songwriter and musician. He was best known as the lead singer, lyricist and occasional guitarist of the post-punk band Joy Division, with whom he released the albums Unknown Pleasures (1979) and Closer (1980). He was noted for his distinct on-stage behaviour and unique dancing style influenced by his experiences with epilepsy, as well as his dark baritone voice. Retrospectively viewed as "one of the finest songwriters of his generation," his intensely introspective and dark lyricism has provoked "visceral and raw emotions" among fans.

Curtis had severe epilepsy and depression and died by suicide on the eve of Joy Division's first North American tour, shortly before the release of Closer. Shortly after his death, the three surviving members of the band renamed themselves New Order. Despite their short career, Joy Division have exerted a wide-reaching influence. John Bush of AllMusic argues that they "became the first band in the post-punk movement emphasizing not anger and energy but mood and expression, pointing ahead to the rise of melancholy alternative music in the '80s". According to critic Simon Reynolds, Joy Division's influence has extended from contemporaries such as U2 and the Cure to later acts including Interpol, Bloc Party, Fontaines D.C., and Editors, as well as rappers including Danny Brown and Vince Staples.

Early life
Ian Kevin Curtis was born at the Memorial Hospital in Stretford on 15 July 1956, and grew up in a working-class household in Macclesfield. He was the first of two children born to Doreen and Kevin Curtis. From an early age, he was a bookish and intelligent child, displaying a particular flair for poetry. By passing his 11-Plus exam, sat by all primary school children, he gained a place at the age of 11 at Macclesfield's boys’ grammar school The King's School. It was here that he developed his interests in philosophy, literature, and eminent poets such as Thom Gunn. While at King's School, he was awarded several scholastic awards in recognition of his abilities, particularly at the ages of 15 and 16. The year after Curtis graduated from King's School, the family purchased a house from a relative and moved to New Moston.

As a teenager, Curtis chose to perform social service by visiting the elderly as part of a school programme. While visiting, he and his friends would steal any prescription drugs that they found and later take them together as a group. On one occasion when he was 16, after consuming a large dosage of Largactil he and his friends had stolen, Curtis was discovered unconscious in his bedroom by his father and was taken to hospital to have his stomach pumped.

Curtis had held a keen interest in music since his early teenage years and was influenced by artists such as Jim Morrison and David Bowie. Among Curtis's earliest experiences with music was in a church choir as a young child, in his hometown. Curtis could seldom afford to purchase records, leading him to frequently steal them from local shops. By his mid-teens, Curtis had also developed a reputation among his peers as a strong-willed individual, with a keen interest in fashion.

Despite gaining nine O-levels at King's School and briefly studying A-Levels in History and Divinity at St John's College, Curtis soon became disenchanted with academia and abandoned his studies at St John's College to find a job. Nonetheless, Curtis continued to focus on the pursuit of art, literature and music, and would gradually draw lyrical and conceptual inspiration from ever more insidious subjects.

Curtis obtained a job at a record shop in Manchester City Centre, before obtaining more stable employment within the civil service. His employment as a civil servant saw Curtis initially deployed to Cheadle Hulme, where he worked for several months with the Ministry of Defence, before he was offered alternative employment within the Manpower Services Commission in a building at Piccadilly Gardens. He later worked as a civil servant in Woodford, Greater Manchester although, at his request, approximately one year later Curtis was posted to Macclesfield's Employment Exchange, where he worked as an Assistant Disablement Resettlement Officer.

On 23 August 1975, Curtis married Deborah Woodruff, to whom he was introduced by a friend, Tony Nuttall. Ian and Deborah initially became friends and then began dating in December 1972, when both were 16 years old. Their wedding service was conducted at St Thomas' Church in Henbury, Cheshire. Curtis was 19 and Woodruff 18. They had one child, a daughter named Natalie, born on 16 April 1979. Initially, the couple lived with Ian's grandparents, although shortly after their marriage the couple moved to a working-class neighbourhood in Chadderton, where they paid a mortgage while working in jobs neither enjoyed. Before long, the couple became disillusioned with life in Oldham and remortgaged their house before briefly returning to live with Ian's grandparents. Shortly thereafter, in May 1977, the couple moved into their own house in Barton Street, Macclesfield, with one of the rooms of the property becoming colloquially known between the couple as Curtis's "song-writing room".

Joy Division
At a July 1976 Sex Pistols gig at Manchester's Lesser Free Trade Hall, Curtis encountered three childhood school friends named Bernard Sumner, Peter Hook and Terry Mason. The trio informed Curtis – whom they had seen at earlier punk gigs at The Electric Circus – of their intentions to form a band and Curtis informed them of his then-recent efforts to do likewise, before proposing himself as both their singer and lyricist. Initially, Mason became the band's drummer, but his rehearsal sessions were largely unproductive and he briefly became the band's manager. The group then unsuccessfully attempted to recruit several drummers before selecting Stephen Morris in August 1977. The band was later managed by Rob Gretton, who – having already seen Joy Division perform live at local venues such as Rafters – offered to become their manager in 1978.

Initially, the band named themselves "Warsaw", from the song title “Warszawa” on David Bowie's then-recent album Low, but as this name somewhat conflicted with that of a London-based group named Warsaw Pakt they renamed themselves Joy Division. This moniker was derived from the 1953 novella The House of Dolls, which featured a Nazi concentration camp with a sexual slavery wing called the "Joy Division". The cover of the band's first EP depicted a drawing of a Hitler Youth beating a drum and the A-side contained a song, "Warsaw", which was a musical retelling of the life of Nazi leader Rudolf Hess.

After founding Factory Records with Alan Erasmus, Tony Wilson signed the band to his label following its first appearance on the TV music show he hosted, So It Goes, in September 1978. This appearance had been largely prompted by an abusive letter sent to Wilson by Curtis and saw the band play the song "Shadowplay".

While performing with Joy Division, Curtis became known for his quiet and awkward demeanour and a unique dancing style reminiscent of the epileptic seizures he began experiencing in late 1978. Although predominantly a singer, Curtis also played guitar on a handful of tracks (usually when Sumner was playing synthesizer; "Incubation" and a Peel session version of "Transmission" were rare instances when both Sumner and Curtis played guitar). Initially, Curtis played Sumner's Shergold Masquerader, but in September 1979 he acquired his own guitar, a Vox Phantom VI Special which had many built-in effects used both live and in studio. This included a repeat effect misspelled as "replat" on the control panel. Curtis used the guitar on Joy Division's early 1980 European tour and in the video for "Love Will Tear Us Apart".

Relationships
Curtis's widow, Deborah, has claimed that in October 1979, Curtis began conducting an affair with the Belgian Annik Honoré, who had been working at the Belgian embassy in London before becoming a journalist and music promoter. They had first met at a gig held in Brussels that month. Curtis was consumed with guilt over this affair due to being married and the father of their baby daughter, but at the same time still yearning to be with Honoré. On one occasion in 1980, Curtis asked Bernard Sumner to make a decision on his behalf as to whether he should remain with his wife or form a deeper relationship with Honoré; Sumner refused. Honoré claimed in a 2010 interview that although she and Curtis had spent extensive periods together, their relationship had been platonic. Deborah Curtis has maintained that it was a sexual and romantic affair. His bandmates recollected later that Curtis's friendship with Honoré led him to distance himself and become somewhat "lofty" with them. This distance prompted occasional pranks at Curtis's and Honoré's expense. He became a vegetarian, likely at Honoré's behest since he was known to have consumed meat when not in her presence.

Epilepsy
Curtis began having epileptic seizures in late 1978; he was officially diagnosed with the condition on 23 January the following year, with his particular case being described by doctors as so severe, his "life would [be] ruled to obsolescence by his severe epilepsy" without the various strong dosages of medications he was prescribed. Having joined the British Epilepsy Association, Curtis was initially open to discuss his condition with anyone who inquired, although he soon became withdrawn and reluctant to discuss any issue regarding his condition beyond the most mundane and necessary aspects. On each occasion it became apparent a particular prescribed medication failed to control Curtis's seizures, his doctor would prescribe a different anticonvulsant and his wife noted his being "full of renewed enthusiasm" that this particular formulation would help him bring his seizures under control.

Throughout 1979 and 1980, Curtis's condition gradually worsened amid the pressure of performances and touring, with his seizures becoming more frequent and more intense. Following his diagnosis, Curtis continued to drink, smoke and maintain an irregular sleeping pattern – against the advice given to those with the condition. The medications Curtis was prescribed for his condition produced numerous side effects, including extreme mood swings. This change in personality was also observed by Curtis's wife, family and in-laws, who noted how taciturn he had become in his wife's company. Following the birth of his daughter in April 1979, because of the severity of his medical condition, Curtis was seldom able to hold his baby daughter in case he compromised her safety.

At the time of the recording of the band's second album, Curtis's condition was particularly severe, with him enduring a weekly average of two tonic-clonic seizures. On one occasion during these recordings, Curtis's bandmates became concerned when they noted he had been absent from the recording studio for two hours. The band's bassist, Peter Hook, discovered Curtis unconscious on the floor of the studio's toilets, having hit his head on a sink following a seizure. Despite instances such as this, Hook stated that, largely through ignorance of the condition, he, Sumner and Morris did not know how to help. Nonetheless, Hook was adamant that Curtis never wanted to upset or concern his bandmates, and would "tell [us] what [we] wanted to hear" if they expressed any concern as to his condition. In one incident, at a concert held before almost 3,000 people at the Rainbow in Finsbury Park in April 1980, the lighting technicians at the venue – contrary to instructions given to them by Rob Gretton prior to the gig – switched on strobe lights midway through Joy Division's performance, causing Curtis to almost immediately stagger backwards and collapse against Stephen Morris's drum kit in the throes of an evident photosensitive seizure. He had to be carried offstage to the band's dressing room to recuperate.

When Curtis had recovered from this first seizure, he was adamant the band travel to West Hampstead to honour their commitment to perform their second gig of the evening at this location, although some 25 minutes into this second gig, Curtis's "dancing started to lose its rhythmic sense and change into something else entirely" before he collapsed to the floor and experienced the most violent seizure he had endured to date.

Stage performances
Curtis's onstage dancing was often reminiscent of the seizures he experienced and has been termed by some to be his "epilepsy dance". Throughout Joy Division's live performances in 1979 and 1980, Curtis collapsed several times while performing and had to be carried off stage. To minimise any possibility of Curtis having epileptic seizures, flashing lights were prohibited at Joy Division gigs; despite these measures, Bernard Sumner later stated that certain percussion effects would cause Curtis to have a seizure. In April 1980, Terry Mason was appointed as a minder to ensure Curtis took his prescribed medications, avoided alcohol consumption and got sufficient sleep.

Regarding the choreography of Curtis's stage performances, Greil Marcus in The History of Rock 'n' Roll in Ten Songs quotes Jon Savage from Melody Maker: "Ian's mesmeric style mirrored the ever more frequent epileptic spasms that Deborah Curtis had to cope with at home." Marcus remarked that Curtis's performance "might also have been a matter of intentionally replicating fits, re-enacting them, using them as a form of energy and a form of music." In addition to his epilepsy dance, Curtis was known for other on-stage moves such as pulling wooden tiles off the stage and throwing them into the audience. Peter Hook recalled, “He [Curtis] dropped a pint pot on the stage, it smashed, and he rolled around in the broken glass, cutting a ten-inch gash in his thigh.”

Curtis's final live performance with Joy Division was on 2 May 1980 at the High Hall of Birmingham University and included Joy Division's first and only performance of "Ceremony", later recorded by New Order and released as their debut single. The final song Curtis performed on stage with Joy Division prior to his death was "Digital".

Depression and initial suicide attempt
Following Curtis's first definite suicide attempt on 6 April 1980, Tony Wilson and his partner, Lindsay – expressing deep concerns as to Joy Division's intense touring schedule being detrimental to Curtis's physical and mental well-being – invited him to recuperate at their cottage in Charlesworth in Derbyshire. While there, he is known to have written several letters to Honoré, proclaiming his love for her as he recuperated.

By early 1980, Curtis's marriage to Deborah was floundering, as she had commenced divorce proceedings after he had failed to cease all contact with Honoré. Curtis enjoyed solitude, but had never been mentally equipped for living alone. He was having difficulty balancing his family obligations with his musical ambitions and his health was gradually worsening as a result of his epilepsy, thus increasing his dependency upon others. On the evening before his death, Curtis informed Bernard Sumner of his insistence upon seeing his wife that evening. He had also made plans to rendezvous with his bandmates at Manchester Airport the following day, before their departure for America.

Death

On the evening of 17 May 1980, Curtis asked Deborah to drop her impending divorce proceedings; she replied that it was likely that he would have changed his mind by the following morning and then – mindful of his previous suicide attempt and also concerned that his state of anxiety and frustration might drive Curtis into an epileptic seizure – offered to spend the night in his company. Deborah then drove to her parents' home to inform them of her intentions. When she returned to the couple's home at 77 Barton Street in Macclesfield, his demeanour had changed and he informed his wife of his intentions to spend the night alone, first making her promise not to return to the house before he had taken his scheduled 10 a.m. train to Manchester to meet his bandmates.

In the early hours of the next morning, Curtis died by suicide. He had used the kitchen's washing line to hang himself after having written a note to Deborah in which he declared his love for her despite his recent affair with Honoré. Deborah found his body soon after. In her biography, Touching from a Distance, Deborah recalls finding her husband's body and initially thinking that he was still alive before noticing the rope around his neck. According to Tony Wilson, Curtis spent the few hours before his suicide watching Werner Herzog's 1977 film Stroszek and listening to Iggy Pop's 1977 album The Idiot. Stark notes the significance of this album, as Pop's title was inspired by Dostoyevsky's novel The Idiot about the spiritually sensitive epileptic prince who was driven mad by the tragic and violent society in which he lived. His wife recollected that he had taken photographs of their wedding and their baby daughter off the walls, apparently to view them as he composed a note. In the note, he did not state that he was going to kill himself, and asked Deborah not to contact him for a while. It is not clear whether Curtis intended this to be a suicide note.

At the time of Curtis's suicide, Joy Division were on the eve of their debut North American tour. Deborah has stated that Curtis had viewed the upcoming tour with extreme trepidation, not only because of his extreme fear of flying (he had wanted to travel by ship) but also because he had expressed deep concerns as to how American audiences would react to his epilepsy. Deborah has also claimed that Curtis had confided in her on several occasions that he held no desire to live past his early twenties. He had expressed to both Deborah and Honoré his deep concerns that his medical condition was likely to kill him, in addition to causing him to receive mockery from audiences, and that this mockery would only increase when performing before American audiences on the upcoming tour.

According to Lindsay Reade, Curtis had informed her shortly before his death of his belief that, with his epilepsy, he could no longer perform live with the band. In addition, he had claimed that with the impending release of Closer, he believed the band had hit an artistic pinnacle.

In a 2007 interview with The Guardian, Stephen Morris expressed regret that nobody had realised during Curtis's life the distress he was in, even though it was evident in his lyrics. Bassist Peter Hook reflected on the tragedy of the timing of Curtis's death, just before what might have been a breakthrough to fame. Hook also claimed that, prior to the release of the 2007 documentary Joy Division, a specialist in epilepsy had viewed the combination of drugs that Curtis had been prescribed for his condition and expressed concerns about the drugs' safety.

Curtis's body was cremated at Macclesfield Crematorium on 23 May 1980, and his ashes were buried at Macclesfield Cemetery. A memorial stone, inscribed with "Ian Curtis 18–5–80" and "Love Will Tear Us Apart", was placed above his ashes. This memorial stone was stolen in mid-2008. A replacement, bearing the same inscription but in a sans-serif typeface, was placed in the same location. A central "mowing" stone used to hold floral tributes was reported stolen from the grave in August 2019.

New Order
Shortly after Curtis's cremation, Sumner, Hook and Morris – strongly aided by Rob Gretton – formed a new band. Initially calling themselves "The No Names" and playing largely instrumental tracks, they soon became "New Order". Shortly after Curtis's death, Bernard Sumner inherited the Vox Phantom VI Special guitar Ian Curtis had acquired in September 1979; he used this instrument in several early New Order songs, including the single "Everything's Gone Green".

Tributes
Numerous New Order songs reference or pay tribute to Curtis. The tracks "ICB" (an abbreviation of 'Ian Curtis, Buried') and "The Him" from their debut album Movement both refer to his passing. The instrumental track "Elegia", released in 1985, was also written in his memory, while the 2002 song "Here to Stay" was dedicated to Curtis as well as Rob Gretton and Martin Hannett.

Joy Division labelmates the Durutti Column paid tribute to Curtis in the form of "The Missing Boy", which appeared on their 1981 album LC. In 1990, Psychic TV released "I.C. Water", which was dedicated to Curtis. In 1999, the post-hardcore band Thursday released a song titled "Ian Curtis" on their debut album, Waiting, while in 2003, Xiu Xiu released the track "Ian Curtis Wishlist" on their second album, A Promise.

Deborah Curtis has written a biographical account of their marriage, Touching from a Distance, which was first published in 1995. This biography details in part his relationship with Annik Honoré. Authors Mick Middles and Lindsay Reade released the book Torn Apart: The Life of Ian Curtis in 2006. This biography takes a more intimate look at Curtis and includes photographs from personal family albums and excerpts from his letters to Honoré during their relationship. Music journalist Paul Morley wrote Joy Division, Piece by Piece, writing about Joy Division 1977–2007; it was published in late 2007. The book documents all of his writings and reviews about Joy Division, from their formation until Tony Wilson's death.

The words "Ian Curtis Lives" are written on a wall in Wallace Street, Wellington, New Zealand. The message, which appeared shortly after the singer's death in 1980, is repainted whenever it is painted over. A nearby wall on the same street on 4 January 2005 was originally emblazoned "Ian Curtis RIP", later modified to read "Ian Curtis RIP Walk in Silence" along with the incorrect dates "1960–1980". Both are referred to as "The Ian Curtis Wall". On 10 September 2009, the wall was painted over by Wellington City Council's anti-graffiti team. The wall was chalked back up on 16 September 2009. The wall was repainted on 17 September 2009, and has been removed and repainted on and off. A new and improved design, with correct dates and the original "Walk in Silence", was painted on the wall on 27 February 2013. In October 2020, in line with Manchester music and mental wellbeing festival Headstock, a large mural depicting a black and white portrait of Ian Curtis was painted on the side of a building on Port Street in Manchester's Northern Quarter by street artist Akse P19.

In 2012, Curtis was among the British cultural icons selected by artist Peter Blake to appear in a new version of the Beatles' Sgt. Pepper's Lonely Hearts Club Band album cover.

Film portrayals
Curtis was portrayed by Sean Harris in the 2002 film 24 Hour Party People, which dramatised the rise and fall of Factory Records from the 1970s to the 1990s.

In 2007, a biographical film titled Control about Curtis was released. This film was largely based upon Deborah Curtis's book Touching from a Distance. The film was directed by the Dutch rock photographer and music video director Anton Corbijn, who had previously photographed the band and directed the video for their single "Atmosphere". Deborah Curtis and Tony Wilson were executive producers. Sam Riley, the lead singer of the band 10,000 Things, portrays Curtis, while Samantha Morton plays his wife, Deborah.

Control was debuted at the Cannes Film Festival on 17 May 2007 and received three awards at the Directors' Fortnight. Control portrays Curtis's secondary school romance with Deborah, their marriage, his problems balancing his domestic life with his rise to fame, his struggles with both his major depressive issues and his poorly medicated epilepsy and his later relationship with Annik Honoré.

77 Barton Street

In 2014, the house in which Curtis ended his life went on sale. Upon hearing this news, a fan initiated a campaign via Indiegogo to raise funds to purchase the house with intentions to preserve the property as a museum to Curtis and Joy Division. The campaign only raised £2,000 out of the intended final goal £150,000. The money raised was later donated to the Epilepsy Society and MIND charities.

Upon hearing of the failure of this project, an entrepreneur and musician named Hadar Goldman purchased the property, offering to pay a £75,000 compensation fee on top of the requested house price of £125,000 in order to secure the purchase of 77 Barton Street and thus reverse the transacted sale from a private purchaser, which at the time was already in progress. Justifying his decision, Goldman stated he intended the property to act as a Joy Division museum and as a digital hub to support musicians and other artists worldwide. As of 2024, this planned museum has not come to fruition.

with Joy Division

 * Unknown Pleasures (1979)
 * Closer (1980)

title: Ian Curtis