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Electroplating

Electroplating, also known as electrochemical deposition or electrodeposition, is a process for producing a metal coating on a solid substrate through the reduction of cations of that metal by means of a direct electric current. The part to be coated acts as the cathode (negative electrode) of an electrolytic cell; the electrolyte is a solution of a salt of the metal to be coated, and the anode (positive electrode) is usually either a block of that metal, or of some inert conductive material. The current is provided by an external power supply.

Electroplating is widely used in industry and decorative arts to improve the surface qualities of objects—such as resistance to abrasion and corrosion, lubricity, reflectivity, electrical conductivity, or appearance. It is used to build up thickness on undersized or worn-out parts and to manufacture metal plates with complex shape, a process called electroforming. It is used to deposit copper and other conductors in forming printed circuit boards and copper interconnects in integrated circuits. It is also used to purify metals such as copper.

The aforementioned electroplating of metals uses an electroreduction process (that is, a negative or cathodic current is on the working electrode). The term "electroplating" is also used occasionally for processes that occur under electro-oxidation (i.e positive or anodic current on the working electrode), although such processes are more commonly referred to as anodizing rather than electroplating. One such example is the formation of silver chloride on silver wire in chloride solutions to make silver/silver-chloride (AgCl) electrodes.

Electropolishing, a process that uses an electric current to selectively remove the outermost layer from the surface of a metal object, is the reverse of the process of electroplating.

Throwing power is an important parameter that provides a measure of the uniformity of electroplating current, and consequently the uniformity of the electroplated metal thickness, on regions of the part that are near to the anode compared to regions that are far from it. It depends mostly on the composition and temperature of the electroplating solution, as well as on the operating current density. A higher throwing power of the plating bath results in a more uniform coating.

Process

The electrolyte in the electrolytic plating cell should contain positive ions (cations) of the metal to be deposited. These cations are reduced at the cathode to the metal in the zero valence state. For example, the electrolyte for copper electroplating can be a solution of copper(II) sulfate, which dissociates into Cu2+ cations and anions. At the cathode, the Cu2+ is reduced to metallic copper by gaining two electrons.

When the anode is made of the metal that is intended for coating onto the cathode, the opposite reaction may occur at the anode, turning it into dissolved cations. For example, copper would be oxidized at the anode to Cu2+ by losing two electrons. In this case, the rate at which the anode is dissolved will equal the rate at which the cathode is plated, and thus the ions in the electrolyte bath are continuously replenished by the anode. The net result is the effective transfer of metal from the anode to the cathode.

The anode may instead be made of a material that resists electrochemical oxidation, such as lead or carbon. Oxygen, hydrogen peroxide, and some other byproducts are then produced at the anode instead. In this case, ions of the metal to be plated must be replenished (continuously or periodically) in the bath as they are drawn out of the solution.

The plating is most commonly a single metallic element, not an alloy. However, some alloys can be electrodeposited, notably brass and solder. Plated "alloys" are not "true alloys" (solid solutions), but rather they are tiny crystals of the elemental metals being plated. In the case of plated solder, it is sometimes deemed necessary to have a true alloy, and the plated solder is melted to allow the tin and lead to combine into a true alloy. The true alloy is more corrosion-resistant than the as-plated mixture.

Many plating baths include cyanides of other metals (such as potassium cyanide) in addition to cyanides of the metal to be deposited. These free cyanides facilitate anode corrosion, help to maintain a constant metal ion level, and contribute to conductivity. Additionally, non-metal chemicals such as carbonates and phosphates may be added to increase conductivity.

When plating is not desired on certain areas of the substrate, stop-offs are applied to prevent the bath from coming in contact with the substrate. Typical stop-offs include tape, foil, lacquers, and waxes.

Strike
Initially, a special plating deposit called a strike or flash may be used to form a very thin (typically less than 0.1 μm thick) plating with high quality and good adherence to the substrate. This serves as a foundation for subsequent plating processes. A strike uses a high current density and a bath with a low ion concentration. The process is slow, so more efficient plating processes are used once the desired strike thickness is obtained.

The striking method is also used in combination with the plating of different metals. If it is desirable to plate one type of deposit onto a metal to improve corrosion resistance but this metal has inherently poor adhesion to the substrate, then a strike can be first deposited that is compatible with both. One example of this situation is the poor adhesion of electrolytic nickel on zinc alloys, in which case a copper strike is used, which has good adherence to both.

Pulse electroplating
The pulse electroplating or pulse electrodeposition (PED) process involves the swift alternating of the electrical potential or current between two different values, resulting in a series of pulses of equal amplitude, duration, and polarity, separated by zero current. By changing the pulse amplitude and width, it is possible to change the deposited film's composition and thickness.

The experimental parameters of pulse electroplating usually consist of peak current/potential, duty cycle, frequency, and effective current/potential. Peak current/potential is the maximum setting of electroplating current or potential. Duty cycle is the effective portion of time in a certain electroplating period with the current or potential applied. The effective current/potential is calculated by multiplying the duty cycle and peak value of the current or potential. Pulse electroplating could help to improve the quality of electroplated film and release the internal stress built up during fast deposition. A combination of the short duty cycle and high frequency could decrease surface cracks. However, in order to maintain the constant effective current or potential, a high-performance power supply may be required to provide high current/potential and a fast switch. Another common problem of pulse electroplating is that the anode material could get plated and contaminated during the reverse electroplating, especially for a high-cost, inert electrode such as platinum.

Other factors that affect the pulse electroplating include temperature, anode-to-cathode gap, and stirring. Sometimes, pulse electroplating can be performed in a heated electroplating bath to increase the deposition rate, since the rate of most chemical reactions increases exponentially with temperature per the Arrhenius law. The anode-to-cathode gap is related to the current distribution between anode and cathode. A small gap-to-sample-area ratio may cause uneven distribution of current and affect the surface topology of the plated sample. Stirring may increase the transfer/diffusion rate of metal ions from the bulk solution to the electrode surface. The ideal stirring setting varies for different metal electroplating processes.

Brush electroplating
A closely-related process is brush electroplating, in which localized areas or entire items are plated using a brush saturated with plating solution. The brush, typically a stainless steel body wrapped with an absorbent cloth material that both holds the plating solution and prevents direct contact with the item being plated, is connected to the anode of a low-voltage direct-current power source, and the item to be plated is connected to the cathode. The operator dips the brush in plating solution and then applies it to the item, moving the brush continually to get an even distribution of the plating material.

Brush electroplating has several advantages over tank plating, including portability, the ability to plate items that for some reason cannot be tank plated (one application was the plating of portions of very large decorative support columns in a building restoration), low or no masking requirements, and comparatively low plating solution volume requirements. Disadvantages compared to tank plating can include greater operator involvement (tank plating can frequently be done with minimal attention), and the inability to achieve as great a plate thickness.

Barrel plating
This technique of electroplating is one of the most common used in the industry for large numbers of small objects. The objects are placed in a barrel-shaped non-conductive cage and then immersed in a chemical bath containing dissolved ions of the metal that is to be plated onto them. The barrel is then rotated, and electrical currents are run through the various pieces in the barrel, which complete circuits as they touch one another. The result is a very uniform and efficient plating process, though the finish on the end products will likely suffer from abrasion during the plating process. It is unsuitable for highly ornamental or precisely engineered items.

Cleanliness
Cleanliness is essential to successful electroplating, since molecular layers of oil can prevent adhesion of the coating. ASTM B322 is a standard guide for cleaning metals prior to electroplating. Cleaning includes solvent cleaning, hot alkaline detergent cleaning, electrocleaning, ultrasonic cleaning and acid treatment. The most common industrial test for cleanliness is the waterbreak test, in which the surface is thoroughly rinsed and held vertical. Hydrophobic contaminants such as oils cause the water to bead and break up, allowing the water to drain rapidly. Perfectly clean metal surfaces are hydrophilic and will retain an unbroken sheet of water that does not bead up or drain off. ASTM F22 describes a version of this test. This test does not detect hydrophilic contaminants, but electroplating can displace these easily, since the solutions are water-based. Surfactants such as soap reduce the sensitivity of the test and must be thoroughly rinsed off.

Throwing power
Throwing power (or macro throwing power) is an important parameter that provides a measure of the uniformity of electroplating current, and consequently the uniformity of the electroplated metal thickness, on regions of the part that are near the anode compared to regions that are far from it. It depends mostly on the composition and temperature of the electroplating solution. Micro throwing power refers to the extent to which a process can fill or coat small recesses such as through-holes. Throwing power can be characterized by the dimensionless Wagner number:

$$\text{Wa} = \frac{RT\kappa}{FL\alpha|i|},$$

where R is the universal gas constant, T is the operating temperature, κ is the ionic conductivity of the plating solution, F is the Faraday constant, L is the equivalent size of the plated object, α is the transfer coefficient, and i the surface-averaged total (including hydrogen evolution) current density. The Wagner number quantifies the ratio of kinetic to ohmic resistances. A higher Wagner number produces a more uniform deposition. This can be achieved in practice by decreasing the size (L) of the plated object, reducing the current density |i|, adding chemicals that lower α (make the electric current less sensitive to voltage), and raising the solution conductivity (e.g. by adding acid). Concurrent hydrogen evolution usually improves the uniformity of electroplating by increasing |i|; however, this effect can be offset by blockage due to hydrogen bubbles and hydroxide deposits.

The Wagner number is rather difficult to measure accurately; therefore, other related parameters, that are easier to obtain experimentally with standard cells, are usually used instead. These parameters are derived from two ratios: the ratio of the plating thickness of a specified region of the cathode "close" to the anode to the thickness of a region "far" from the cathode and the ratio  of the distances of these regions through the electrolyte to the anode. In a Haring-Blum cell, for example, for its two independent cathodes, and a cell yielding plating thickness ratio of M = 6 has Harring-Blum throwing power 100% × (L − M) / L = −20%. Other conventions include the Heatley throwing power 100% × (L − M) / (L − 1), and Field throwing power 100% × (L − M) / (L + M − 2). A more uniform thickness is obtained by making the throwing power larger (less negative) according to any of these definitions.

Parameters that describe cell performance such as throwing power are measured in small test cells of various designs that aim to reproduce conditions similar to those found in the production plating bath.

Haring–Blum cell

The Haring–Blum cell is used to determine the macro throwing power of a plating bath. The cell consists of two parallel cathodes with a fixed anode in the middle. The cathodes are at distances from the anode in the ratio of 1:5. The macro throwing power is calculated from the thickness of plating at the two cathodes when a direct current is passed for a specific period of time. The cell is fabricated out of perspex or glass.

Hull cell
The Hull cell is a type of test cell used to semi-quantitatively check the condition of an electroplating bath. It measures useable current density range, optimization of additive concentration, recognition of impurity effects, and indication of macro throwing power capability. The Hull cell replicates the plating bath on a lab scale. It is filled with a sample of the plating solution and an appropriate anode which is connected to a rectifier. The "work" is replaced with a Hull cell test panel that will be plated to show the "health" of the bath.

The Hull cell is a trapezoidal container that holds 267 milliliters of a plating bath solution. This shape allows one to place the test panel on an angle to the anode. As a result, the deposit is plated at a range current densities along its length, which can be measured with a Hull cell ruler. The solution volume allows for a semi-quantitative measurement of additive concentration: 1 gram addition to 267 mL is equivalent to 0.5 oz/gal in the plating tank.

Effects
Electroplating changes the chemical, physical, and mechanical properties of the workpiece. An example of a chemical change is when nickel plating improves corrosion resistance. An example of a physical change is a change in the outward appearance. An example of a mechanical change is a change in tensile strength or surface hardness, which is a required attribute in the tooling industry. Electroplating of acid gold on underlying copper- or nickel-plated circuits reduces contact resistance as well as surface hardness. Copper-plated areas of mild steel act as a mask if case-hardening of such areas are not desired. Tin-plated steel is chromium-plated to prevent dulling of the surface due to oxidation of tin.

Alternatives to electroplating
There are a number of alternative processes to produce metallic coatings on solid substrates that do not involve electrolytic reduction:

 * Electroless deposition uses a bath containing metal ions and chemicals that will reduce them to the metal by redox reactions. The reaction should be autocatalytic, so that new metal will be deposited over the growing coating, rather than precipitated as a powder through the whole bath at once.  Electroless processes are widely used to deposit nickel-phosphorus or nickel-boron alloys for wear and corrosion resistance, silver for mirror-making, copper for printed circuit boards, and many more.  A major advantage of these processes over electroplating is that they can produce coatings of uniform thickness over surfaces of arbitrary shape, even inside holes, and the substrate need not be electrically conducting.  Another major benefit is that they do not need power sources or specially-shaped anodes.  Disadvantages include lower deposition speed, consumption of relatively expensive chemicals, and a limited choice of coating metals.
 * Immersion coating processes exploit displacement reactions in which the substrate metal is oxidized to soluble ions while ions of the coating metal get reduced and deposited in its place. This process is limited to very thin coatings, since the reaction stops after the substrate has been completely covered.  Nevertheless, it has some important applications, such as the electroless nickel immersion gold (ENIG) process used to obtain gold-plated electrical contacts on printed circuit boards.
 * Sputtering uses an electron beam or a plasma to eject microscopic particles of the metal onto the substrate in a vacuum.
 * Physical vapor deposition transfer the metal onto the substrate by evaporating it.
 * Chemical vapor deposition uses a gas containing a volatile compound of the metal, which gets deposited onto the substrate as a result of a chemical reaction.
 * Gilding is a traditional way to attach a gold layer onto metals by applying a very thin sheet of gold held in place by an adhesive.

History
It has been theorized that the first electroplating was done in Parthian Empire era. Wilhelm König, while an assistant at the National Museum of Iraq in the 1930s, had observed a number of very fine silver objects from ancient Iraq, plated with very thin layers of gold, and speculated that they were electroplated. He corroborated his idea by referring to a possible Parthian battery discovered in 1938 near the metropolis of Ctesiphon, the capital of the Parthian (150 BC – 223 AD) and Sasanian (224–650 AD) empires of Persia. However, this has been widely debunked by researchers. Modern archaeologists now generally agree that the objects seen by König were not, in fact, electroplated at all, but rather fire-gilded using mercury. There are therefore no known examples of objects from ancient Mesopotamia that can be reliably described as showing signs of electroplating.

Electroplating was invented by Italian chemist Luigi Valentino Brugnatelli in 1805. Brugnatelli used his colleague Alessandro Volta's invention of five years earlier, the voltaic pile, to facilitate the first electrodeposition. Brugnatelli's inventions were suppressed by the French Academy of Sciences and did not become used in general industry for the following thirty years. By 1839, scientists in Britain and Russia had independently devised metal-deposition processes similar to Brugnatelli's for the copper electroplating of printing press plates.

Boris Jacobi in Russia not only rediscovered galvanoplastics, but developed electrotyping and galvanoplastic sculpture. Galvanoplastics quickly came into fashion in Russia, with such people as inventor Peter Bagration, scientist Heinrich Lenz, and science-fiction author Vladimir Odoyevsky all contributing to further development of the technology. Among the most notorious cases of electroplating usage in mid-19th century Russia were the gigantic galvanoplastic sculptures of St. Isaac's Cathedral in Saint Petersburg and gold-electroplated dome of the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour in Moscow, the third tallest Orthodox church in the world.

Soon after, John Wright of Birmingham, England discovered that potassium cyanide was a suitable electrolyte for gold and silver electroplating. Wright's associates, George Elkington and Henry Elkington were awarded the first patents for electroplating in 1840. These two then founded the electroplating industry in Birmingham from where it spread around the world. The Woolrich Electrical Generator of 1844, now in Thinktank, Birmingham Science Museum, is the earliest electrical generator used in industry. It was used by Elkingtons.

The Norddeutsche Affinerie in Hamburg was the first modern electroplating plant starting its production in 1876.

As the science of electrochemistry grew, its relationship to electroplating became understood and other types of non-decorative metal electroplating were developed. Commercial electroplating of nickel, brass, tin, and zinc were developed by the 1850s. Electroplating baths and equipment based on the patents of the Elkingtons were scaled up to accommodate the plating of numerous large-scale objects and for specific manufacturing and engineering applications.

The plating industry received a big boost with the advent of the development of electric generators in the late 19th century. With the higher currents available, metal machine components, hardware, and automotive parts requiring corrosion protection and enhanced wear properties, along with better appearance, could be processed in bulk.

The two World Wars and the growing aviation industry gave impetus to further developments and refinements, including such processes as hard chromium plating, bronze alloy plating, sulfamate nickel plating, and numerous other plating processes. Plating equipment evolved from manually-operated tar-lined wooden tanks to automated equipment capable of processing thousands of kilograms per hour of parts.

One of the American physicist Richard Feynman's first projects was to develop technology for electroplating metal onto plastic. Feynman developed the original idea of his friend into a successful invention, allowing his employer (and friend) to keep commercial promises he had made but could not have fulfilled otherwise.

title: Electroplating


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Patronymic

A patronymic, or patronym, is a component of a personal name based on the given name of one's father, grandfather (more specifically an avonymic), or an earlier male ancestor. It is the male equivalent of a matronymic.

Patronymics are used, by custom or official policy, in many countries worldwide, although elsewhere their use has been replaced by or transformed into patronymic surnames. Examples of such transformations include common English surnames such as Johnson (son of John).

Origins of terms
The usual noun and adjective in English is patronymic, but as a noun this exists in free variation alongside patronym. The first part of the word patronym comes from Greek πατήρ patēr 'father' ( GEN πατρός patros whence the combining form πατρο- patro-); the second part comes from Greek ὄνυμα onyma, a variant form of ὄνομα onoma 'name'. In the form patronymic, this stands with the addition of the suffix -ικός (-ikos), which was originally used to form adjectives with the sense 'pertaining to' (thus 'pertaining to the father's name'). These forms are attested in Hellenistic Greek as πατρώνυμος (patrōnymos) and πατρωνυμικός (patrōnymikos). The form patronym, first attested in English in 1834, was borrowed into English from French patronyme, which had previously borrowed the word directly from Greek. Patronymic, first attested in English in 1612, has a more complex history. Both Greek words had entered Latin, and, from Latin, French. The English form patronymic was borrowed through the mutual influence of French and Latin on English.

History
In many areas around the world, patronyms predate the use of family names. Family names in many Celtic, Germanic, Iberian, Scandinavian, Georgian, Armenian and Slavic languages originate from patronyms, e.g. Wilson (son of William), FitzGerald (son of Gerald), Powell (from "ap Hywel"), Fernández (son of Fernando), Rodríguez (son of Rodrigo), Andersson or Andersen (son of Anders, Scandinavian form of Andrew), Carlsen (son of Carl), Ilyin (of Ilya), Petrov (of Peter), Grigorovich (son of Grigory, Russian form of Gregory), Stefanović (son of Stefan, little Stefan), MacAllister (from "mac Alistair", meaning son of Alistair, anglicized Scottish form of Alexander) and O'Conor (from "Ó Conchobhair", meaning grandson/descendant of Conchobhar). Other cultures which formerly used patronyms have switched to the more widespread style of passing the father's last name to the children (and wife) as their own. In Iceland, family names are unusual; Icelandic law favours the use of patronyms (and more recently, matronyms) over family names.

Africa
Traditionally Muslim and non-Arabic speaking African people, such as Hausa and Fulani people, usually (with some exceptions) follow the Arab naming pattern. The word or phrase meaning "son of" is, however, omitted. As such, Mohamed son of Ibrahim son of Ahmed is "Mohamed Ibrahim Ahmed", and Mohamed Ibrahim Ahmed's son Ali is "Ali Mohamed Ibrahim".

Ethiopia and Eritrea
The naming convention used in Eritrea and Ethiopia does not have family names and surnames. If one is to refer to a person, it's with a single name and they will always use the person's given name. Ethiopians and Eritreans use a naming pattern very similar to the Arab naming pattern, but with one exception: no suffix or prefix. The full name of a person is usually two but officially registered with three names. The person's given name comes first, followed by their father's given name and (optionally, for official purposes) their grandfather's name last. For example, a person named Lemlem Mengesha Abraha has Lemlem as her given name, Mengesha (from her father's name) Abraha (grandfather's name). The grandfather's name is usually only added in official documents and not used in everyday life. The father's name is not considered a middle name but a last name, without it being a family name or surname. Women do not take their husband's last name. They continue to go independently by their given name, followed by their father's name, and then their grandfather's name, even after marriage. In both Ethiopia and Eritrea, a person is always addressed by their first name; for example Mrs. Lemlem or Dr. Lemlem.

Kenya
Some Kenyan communities used patronyms. As of 2010, the practice has largely dropped off with the use of just the father's last name as a surname. Kalenjin use 'arap' meaning 'son of'; Kikuyu used 'wa' meaning 'of'. Because of polygamy, matronyms were also used and 'wa' used to identify which wife the child was born of; Maasai use 'ole' meaning 'son of'; Meru use 'mto' abbreviated M' thus son of Mkindia would be M'Mkindia, pronounced Mto Mkindia.

Mozambique
Patronymic naming is very common in parts of Mozambique. Although the practice is not universal, patronymic naming has been documented in the Zambezia province.

Nigeria
Although not as prominent as during the pre-colonial period, some Nigerians (particularly in the North) continue using patronymics — either as a middle name, as the first part of a hyphenated surname, or as a surname. An example of the use of patronymic middle names would be a man named Adamu Abdulkabiru Jibril — whereby "Adamu" would be his given first name, "Abdulkabiru" would be his father's given name as a patronymic middle name, and "Jibril" would be his hereditary family surname. Other people hyphenate their surname to include a patronymic, in which case the example would be named Adamu Abdulkabiru-Jibril with "Abdulkabiru-Jibril" acting as his surname. Using patronymics as the sole surname is also possible, with the example being named Adamu Abdulkabiru with "Abdulkabiru" acting as his surname.

Somalia
Somalis use their paternal grandfather's given name as their legal surname for documentation purposes. They also use the term "ina" or "iña" meaning "the son of" or "the daughter of," which is similar to other African and Arab naming patterns. For example, the name "Ahmed Mohamed Ali Farah" means "Ahmed son of Mohamed son of Ali son of Farah." When stating one's lineage, one will say "Ahmed ina Mohamed" (meaning Ahmed, the son of Mohamed). To identify themselves and the sub-clan they belong to, Somalis memorize their long lineage back to a common ancestor. Women never adopt their husband's patronym but keep their own for life.

South Africa
Among the Zulu, patronymics were used in the pre-colonial era. The prefix "ka" was attached to the father's name, for example Shaka kaSenzangakhona means Shaka son of Senzangakhona. The practice disappeared from everyday use with the introduction of the European-style surname system but still remains part of traditional cultural practices, particularly in the case of chieftains and royalty where reciting lineages forms a part of many ceremonial occasions.

Taiwanese Aborigines
Atayal people's given names are followed by the name of their father; both son and daughter use patronymics. Amis people's sons’ given names are also followed by their father's name, while daughters’ given names are followed by their mother's name. By contrast, the Seediqs often get to choose which parent's name goes after their own.

Mongolia
Mongol people's names are preceded by the name of their father and possessive marker; both son and daughter are patronymics.

China
Many indigenous ethnic groups in Yunnan, such as Yi, Hani, Jingpo, Jino, Derung, Nu, Wa, Hmong and Yao, use a son-father patronymic naming system (亲子连名制). Historically, Naxi and Bai have also used the patronymic system. The last one or two syllables of the father's name transfers to become the first one or two syllables of the son's name. The last one or two syllables of the son's name is then used as the first one or two syllables of the grandson's name. The naming tradition is closely tied to Tibeto-Burman traditions.

This system can be seen in the names of Nanzhao, Dali and Lijiang rulers.

Nanzhao kings: Xinuluo (細奴邏)－Luosheng (邏盛)－Shengluopi (盛邏皮)－Piluoge (皮邏閣)－Geluofeng (閣邏鳳)－Fengjiayi (鳳迦異)－Yimouxun (異牟尋)－Xungequan (尋閣勸)－Quanlongsheng (勸龍晟)

Dali kings: Duan Zhixiang (段智祥)－Duan Xiangxing (段祥興)－Duan Xingzhi (段興智)

Regents of Dali Kingdom: Gao Shengtai (高升泰)－Gao Taiming (高泰明)－Gao Mingshun (高明順)－Gao Shunzhen (高順貞)－Gao Zhenshou (高貞壽)－Gao Shouchang (高壽昌)

Lijiang chiefs: A-ts'ung A-liang (阿琮阿良)－A-liang A-hu (阿良阿胡)－A-hu A-lieh (阿胡阿烈)－A-lieh A-chia (阿烈阿甲)－A-chia A-te (阿甲阿得)－A-te A-ch'u (阿得阿初)－A-ch'u A-t'u (阿初阿土)－A-t'u A-ti (阿土阿地)－A-ti A-hsi (阿地阿習)－A-hsi A-ya (阿習阿牙)－A-ya A-ch'iu (阿牙阿秋)－A-ch'iu A-kung (阿秋阿公)－A-kung A-mu (阿公阿目)－A-mu A-tu (阿目阿都)－A-tu A-sheng (阿都阿勝)－A-sheng A-chai (阿勝阿宅)－A-chai A-ssu (阿宅阿寺)－A-ssu A-ch'un (阿寺阿春)－A-ch'un A-su (阿春阿俗)－A-su A-wei (阿俗阿胃)－A-wei A-hui (阿胃阿揮)－A-hui A-chu (阿揮阿住)

India
A patronymic is common in parts of India. For example, if a father is named Abram Sachin (a masculine name), he might name his son Ismail Abram, who in turn might name his son Patrick Ismail. As a result, unlike surnames, patronymics will not pass down through many generations.

In Tamil Nadu and some parts of Kerala and South Karnataka, patronymy is predominant. This is a significant departure from the rest of the country where caste names are mostly employed as surnames. This came into common use during the 1950s and 1960s when the Dravidian movement campaigned against the use of one's caste as part of the name.

However, rather than using the father's full name, only the first letter, popularly known as the initial, is prefixed to the given name. For example, if a person's given name is Nikhilesh and his father's Rajaraman, then the full name is R. Nikhilesh and is seldom expanded, even in official records. Only if absolutely necessary, such as when applying for an Indian passport, which does not usually allow initials, is the initial expanded and the name rendered in reverse order as "Nikhilesh Rajaraman" or sometime in the original order as "Rajaraman Nikhilesh". Some families follow the tradition of retaining the name of the hometown, the grandfather's name, or both as initials. The celebrated Indian English novelist R. K. Narayan's name at birth was Rasipuram Krishnaswami Ayyar Narayanaswami, which was shortened at the behest of his writer friend Graham Greene. Rasipuram is a toponym, and Krishnaswami Ayyar is a patronym.

In Tamil Nadu, the use of initials and/or surname is the prerogative of the person, with no strict rules. The late chief minister Karunanidhi preferred to be referred to as M. Karunanidhi where the initial M stood for Muthuvel – his father's given name. M. Karunanidhi's son prefers to be referred to as M. K. Stalin incorporating both his father's and grandfather's names. However M. K. Stalin's son prefers to be referred to as Udhayanidhi Stalin, with Udhayanidhi as his given name and Stalin, his father's given name, as his surname rather than as an initial.

Likewise, the cricketer Ravichandran Ashwin, whose father is named Ravichandran, prefers to be referred to as R. Ashwin or Ravichandran Ashwin. This is because commentators in sports often call players by their last names only. Since it would be incorrect to call him by his father's name, he puts his own given name at the end.

Another growing trend is to expand the initials to reflect how they would sound in the native language. For example, Karuppiah prefers to be called Pala. Karuppiah instead of P. Karuppiah and Palaniappan prefers Karu. Palaniappan. Cinema director Ranjith prefers Pa. Ranjith instead of P. Ranjith as Pa sounds closer to the name in Tamil rather than P which sounds like Pe unlike the first syllable Pa.

The scientist M. Annadurai would expand his name as Mayilsami Annadurai; however, he must be referred to as Annadurai since referring to him as Mayilsami would be referring to him with his father's given name.

While the usage of caste names as surnames/last names is discouraged (but not banned) in Tamil Nadu, such usage by out-of-state people is greeted with indifference. So, Lakshmi Menon, Shilpa Shetty, etc. are referred by their preferred names which include their caste names. Likewise, old Tamil names with the caste in them are also fully used while referring to them such as Pasumpoan Muthuramalinga Thevar, U.Ve. Swaminatha Iyer, V.O Chidambaram Pillai etc.

In Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, the naming pattern is a family name, given name and caste name in that order, but sometimesm the caste name is omitted. If a name appears like Alugupally Sudhir Reddy, Alugupally is the family name, Sudhir is the given name and Reddy is the caste name. If you find a name like Gorle Sunil Kumar, Gorle is the family name, and Sunil Kumar the given name. Here, the caste name is omitted. Of late, some people are writing their names in the order of given name, caste name, and family name. Sometimes, the caste name is omitted here too. It can be seen in names like Satyanarayana Bandi, where Satyanarayana is the given name, and Bandi the family name.

In Maharashtra, Karnataka, and Gujarat, a very common convention among the Hindu communities is to have the patronymic as the middle name. Examples:

 * First Deputy Prime Minister and first Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel's full name is Vallabhbhai Jhaverbhai Patel, where Jhaverbhai is his father's given name.
 * Cricketer Sachin Tendulkar's full name is Sachin Ramesh Tendulkar, where Ramesh is his father's given name.
 * Cricketer Sunil Gavaskar's full name is Sunil Manohar Gavaskar, where Manohar is his father's given name. Sunil Gavaskar's son Rohan Gavaskar would be Rohan Sunil Gavaskar, and so on.
 * India's 15th Prime Minister Narendra Modi famously took the oath of office as the Prime Minister of India as Narendra Damodardas Modi, wherein Damodardas is his father's given name. He prefers to write his full name, including his father's name as his middle name.

This system works for both boys and girls, except that after marriage, a woman takes her husband's given name as her middle name – her new middle name is no longer a patronymic. East Slavic naming customs are similar, except that the suffix -yevich, -yevna, or something similar is used in a Russian language patronymic.

Indians of the Muslim Isma'ili sect also have patronymic middle names that use the father's first name and the grandfather's first name plus a family name. Someone called "Ramazan Rahim Ali Manji" might call his son "Karim Ramazan Rahim Manji" and his granddaughter might be called "Zahra Karim Ramazan Manji".

Indian diaspora
Indians in Singapore and Malaysia, particularly those of Tamil descent, often continue the patronymic tradition. This entails having a single given name, followed by son/daughter of, followed by their father's name.

Southeast Asia
In Malaysia, Singapore and Brunei, ethnic Malays and Indians generally follow the Arabic patronymic naming system of given name + bin/binti or son of/daughter of (often abbreviated SO/DO) + father's name. Non-Muslim indigenous Malaysians in Sarawak use the "anak" in place of bin/binti or SO/DO, "anak" being the Malay word for "child", while non-muslim indigenous Malaysians in Sabah may use "bin" or "binti". However, not all Malays use patronymics, in Thailand they have adopted surnames, while in Indonesia they do not usually have either.

Singaporean Indians use the abbreviations s/o (son of) or d/o (daughter of), while Malaysian Indians typically use the respective Malay variations "anak lelaki" (abbreviated a/l) or "anak perempuan" (abbreviated a/p). In some cases, individuals may opt to omit the patronymic indicator and abbreviate the patronymic for ease of usage. For example, a former deputy minister of Malaysia Pathmanaban a/l Kunjamboo was more commonly referred to as K. Pathmanaban and veteran Singaporean politicians Shanmugam Kasiviswanathan and Suppiah Dhanabalan went by K. Shanmugam and S. Dhanabalan respectively. The individual may opt not to include "son of" or "daughter of" in their legal name, as in the case of Shanmugam and Dhanabalan.

In Brunei, the ruling family of the monarch uses given name + ibni + father's name instead of using bin/binti.

In Indonesia, there are a number of ethnic groups with different naming systems. The Batak of North Sumatra (Sumatra Utara) give every child the family's name. Sometimes the family's name is prefixed by Huta-, Batu-, etc., but most use Si-, such as Sitanggang, Sihombing, Sibutar-butar, Sinaga, or Sitohang. The family's name is given from the father's family. For example, if the father's name is Boggi Sinaga who married Moetia Siregar then all children will be given the family's name of Sinaga.

In Sunda, a similar cultural rule is used to that of the Batak. The family's name for Sunda is -Wijaya, but that is not true for all Sundanese families.

Armenian
The use of patronymics was introduced in Armenia by Russians during the times of the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union. Before that period, the use of patronymics was very limited. Patronymics are usually formed by the addition of "i" ("of", pronounced as ee) to the father's name, e.g. if the father's name is "Armen", the corresponding patronymic would be "Armeni" (of Armen). The Russified version of the same patronymic would be "Armenovich" for males and "Armenovna" for females. After Armenia regained its independence from the Soviet Union in 1991 there was a massive decline in the use of Russified patronymics; nowadays few Armenians use patronymics outside of official contexts.

Many Armenian surnames were once patronymics first used by distant ancestors or clan founders. These are characterized by the suffix "-ian" in Western Armenian, often transliterated as "-yan" in Eastern Armenian. These are appended to the given name, i.e. Kardashian, Asdvadzadourian, Tankian, Hagopian, Khachadourian, Mardirosian, Bedrosian, Sarkissian, etc. Note that the suffix "-ian" was also appended to trades, as in Adakhtsakordzian (issued from the carpenter), Chalian (issued from the candlemaker), Darbinian (issued from the smith).

Of particular note are the surnames of the children of married priests, or kahanas. Though not as common nowadays, it was customary for a long time for these children (particularly the sons) to change their last names to the name-in-religion of their father. For example, the son of Ter (Reverend) Bartev would change his last name to Ter Bartevian.

Azerbaijani
In Azeri, patronymics are formed through -oğlu (sometimes transliterated as ogly) for males and qızı (often transliterated as gizi or kizi) for females. Before the late 19th–early 20th century, patronymics were used as an essential part of a person's full name, i.e. Sərdar İlyas oğlu ("Sardar, son of Ilyas") and Mina Nebi qızı ("Mina, daughter of Nabi"), since surnames were mostly non-existent before Sovietization (with the exception of the upper and some middle-class families). After surnames were commonly adopted in Azerbaijan in the 1920s, patronymics still remained parts of full names, i.e. Sardar Ilyas oğlu Aliyev ("Sardar Aliyev, son of Ilyas"). Nowadays in Azerbaijan, patronymics sometimes replace surnames in unofficial use. Normally in such case, they are spelled as one word (i.e. Eldar Mammadoğlu, Sabina Yusifqızı). Many Azeri surnames are also derived from Persian-style patronymics ending in -zadeh (Kazimzadeh, Mehdizadeh, etc.). They are found among both Caucasian and Iranian Azeris. However, unlike the former, Azeris in Iran do not generally use patronymics in oglu / qizi. Azeri patronymics are not to be confused with Turkish surnames in -oğlu and Greek surnames in -ογλού (-oglou), which do not have specific female versions and do not reflect names of fathers.

Semitic cultures
A common feature of historical Semitic names is use of a patronymic system. Since ancient times, men and women have been named using this system. This was not limited to any certain region or religion. It was only in the 17th and 18th centuries when laws were put in place in European nations demanded that those of Semitic descent abandoned the patronymic naming scheme in favor of consistent legal surnames. It was only after these laws were ratified that most of the Jews and Muslims in these nations received surnames.

Arabic
In Arabic, the word ibn (ابن or بن: bin, ben and sometimes ibni and ibnu to show the grammatical case of the noun) is the equivalent of the "-son" suffix discussed above. In addition, bint (بنت) means "daughter of". Thus, for example, Ali ibn ʿAmr means "Ali son of ʿAmr". In Classical Arabic, the word ibn is written as bn between two names, since the case ending of the first name then supplies a vowel. Ibn is often written as b., as bint is often written as bt., in name formulas rendered from Arabic into Roman characters. Thus Hisham ibn al-Kalbi is alternatively written as Hisham b. al-Kalbi. However, the pronunciation bin is dialectal and has nothing to do with either the spelling or pronunciation in Classical Arabic. The word Abu (Aba or Abi in different grammatical cases) means "father of", so Abu ʿAli is another name for ʿAmr. In Northwest Africa, the patronymic is romanized as ben, reflecting local pronunciation as filtered by French or Spanish. See for example Ahmed Ben Bella (أحمد بن بلّة).

In medieval times, an illegitimate child of unknown parentage would sometimes be termed ibn Abihi, "son of his father" (notably Ziyad ibn Abihi.) In the Qur'an, Jesus (Isa in Arabic) is consistently termed Isa ibn Maryam – a matronymic (in the Qur'an, Jesus has no father; see Islamic view of Jesus). An Arabic patronymic can be extended as far back as family tree records will allow: thus, for example, Ibn Khaldun gave his own full name as Abd ar-Rahman ibn Muhammad ibn Muhammad ibn Muhammad ibn al-Hasan ibn Muhammad ibn Jabir ibn Muhammad ibn Ibrahim ibn ʿAbd ar-Rahman ibn Khaldun.

Patronymics are still standard in parts of the Arab world, notably Saudi Arabia and Iraq. (In the case of Iraq, with the omitted ibn or bint.) However, some of the Arab world has switched to a family name system. As in English, the new family names are sometimes based on what was formerly a patronymic. The form most used in the Arab world is the usage of both the patronymic and a family name, often using both the father's and paternal grandfathers given name in sequence after the own given name, and then the family name. In Iraq for example, full names are formed by combining the given name of an individual with the given name of their father (sometimes the father is skipped and the paternal grandfather's given name is used instead, sometimes both father and paternal grandfather are used), along with the town, village, or clan name. For instance, Hayder Muhammed al-Tikriti is the son of Muhammed named Hayder, and he is from the town of Tikrit. In Saudi Arabia, naming conventions are similar to Iraq's but family names are used much more often.

Aramaic
In Aramaic, the prefix bar- means "son" and is used as a prefix meaning "son of". In the Bible, Peter is called Bar-Jonah in Matthew 16:17 and Nathanael is possibly called Bartholomew because he is the son of Tolmai (or son of Ptolemy, with "P" being reduced). The titles can also be figurative, for example in Acts 4:36–37 a man named Joseph is called Barnabas meaning "son of consolation". The feminine equivalent, b'rat-, is found in the Targumim.

Mandaean names also often make use of the prefix bar-.

Hebrew
In the Hebrew patronymic system, commonly used by Jews, the first name is followed by either ben- or bat- ("son of" and "daughter of", respectively), and then the father's name, mother's name, or both.

Assyrian
The Assyrians for centuries have used the patronymic bet or bit literally meaning "house" in Assyrian Neo-Aramaic; however, in the context of the name it means "from the house of [the father's name]."

Persian
In Persian, patronymics پَسوَند are formed by names ending with the suffix "-pur" پور for men and "-dokht" دُخت for women. For example: Shahpur (son of king) and Sinapur (son of Sina). Depending on country, some suffixes are more common than others. For example, in Iran, the suffix "-pur" is common while in Afghanistan, the suffix "-Zadah" زاده or "-Zad" زاد is common, although --Zadeh is common in Iran.

Turkish
In Turkish, the suffixes used to indicate paternal ancestry are -oğlu and -zade, which indicate the ancestry as coming from a certain man. Like many other patronymics in other languages, with the formalization of naming conventions by laws in the late modern contemporary age many turned into surnames. After the 'Surname revolution' in 1934, many people chose professions or habitat as surnames with or without the suffix -oğlu, such as Elbeyioğlu, Bakkaloğlu or Giritlioğlu and with -zade such as Beyzade, Mehmedzade, Yusufzade.

Kurdish
In Kurdish Language, generally, a triple name system is used which is patronymic and avonymic. That is the name of the individual followed by the father's name and the paternal grandfather's name without any modification of the names and are completely gender neutral. This style of naming is used in all official documentation in the Iraqi Kurdistan Region. Surnames are not officially used and most people do not even have a surname or family name, those who do, they usually derive their surnames from the name of their place of birth, place of origin, clan or tribe names, etc. The Kurdish names in Turkey, Iran and Syria are heavily influenced by the official naming systems in the respective countries.

Europe
In Europe, patronyms were formerly widespread but later became confined to Scandinavia, Iceland, and some Eastern Slavic cultures.

English
In England, names ending with the suffix "-son" or "-ing" were often originally patronymic. In addition, the archaic French (more specifically, Norman) prefix fitz (cognate with the modern French fils, meaning "son") appears in England's aristocratic family lines dating from the Norman Conquest, and also among the Anglo-Irish. Thus there are names such as Fitzgerald and Fitzhugh. Of particular interest is the name Fitzroy, meaning "son of [the] king" (roy), which was sometimes used by illegitimate royal children.

Irish, Scottish, and Manx
The use of "Mac" in some form was prevalent in Scottish Gaelic, Irish, and Manx, in all of which it denotes "son." "Mc" is also a frequent anglicisation in both Scotland and Ireland. In Ireland, the forms "Mag" and "M'" are encountered. The prefix "Mac" is used to form a patronym, such as "Mac Coinnich"—or the anglicized "Mackenzie"—son of Coinneach/Kenneth. The female equivalent of Mac is Nic, condensed from nighean mhic (in Scottish Gaelic) or iníon mhic (in Irish), both meaning daughter. For example, the Scottish Gaelic surname, Nic Dhòmhnaill meaning "daughter of a son of Dòmhnall" (in English, Donald), as in Mairi Nic Dhòmhnaill, or Mary MacDonald.

At the north end of the Irish Sea, in Ulster, the Isle of Man, and Galloway (indeed as far north as Argyll), "Mac" was frequently truncated in speech to /k/. This led to such anglicisations as "Qualtrough" (Son of Walter) and "Quayle" (son of Paul, cf. MacPhail), usually beginning with "C," "K," or "Q." In Ireland, this truncation resulted in surnames such as "Guinness" (son of Aonghus, cf. MacAonghusa), beginning usually in "C" or "G" for patronymics prefixed with Mac, and in "H" (e.g., "Hurley" [descendant of Iarlath, cf. Ua h-Iarfhlatha/O'Hurley]) for surnames prefixed with "O." Colloquial Scottish Gaelic also has other patronymics of a slightly different form for individuals, still in use (for more information please see: Scottish Gaelic personal naming system).

Welsh and Cornish
Before the 1536 Act of Union, the Welsh did not generally employ surnames, but instead used epithets (e.g. Selyf Sarffgadau, "Selyf the Battle-Serpent"), patronyms (e.g. Rhodri ap Merfyn, "Rhodri son of Merfyn"), and (much less often) matronyms (e.g. Rhodri map Nest, "Rhodri son of Nest") to identify people.

Welsh, as a P-Celtic language, originally used map or mab instead of the Q-Celtic mac employed in Ireland and Scotland. These were later simplified to the modern Welsh ap and ab. A common practice is to use mab/ab before a father's name beginning with a vowel (e.g., Llywelyn mab Iorwerth), but the two alternative forms are also employed arbitrarily in many sources.

Daughters were indicated by ferch or verch (mutated from merch, "girl, daughter"). Angharad verch Owain would be "Angharad, daughter of Owain".

After the Acts of Union, this led to many Welsh surnames being variants of their father or ancestor's personal name: ap or ab Ieuan often became "Evans"; ap Rhys, "Price"; ap or ab Owain, "Bowen"; ap Hywel, "Powell" or "Howell". In addition to these Anglicised baptismal and official names, patronyms continued to be commonly employed in Welsh until the Industrial Revolution, particularly in the north and west of Wales. Patronyms were sometimes employed within the English names as well by using the father's personal name as the sons' middle name.

Perhaps because Cornwall was legally incorporated into England earlier than Wales was, patronyms (e.g.[m]ap Ros>Rouse, [m]ap Richard>Pritchard, Davies, Evans) are less common there than toponyms (e.g. Tresillian, Trevithick, Nanskeval/Nankeville) and occupational surnames (e.g. An Gof, [An] Gove, (Blacksmith); Helyer (Cornish dialect – possibly a slater or huntsman (helgher)).

Dutch
In Dutch, patronymics were often used in place of family names or as middle names. Patronymics were composed of the father's name plus an ending -zoon for sons, -dochter for daughters. For instance, Abel Janszoon Tasman is "Abel son of Jan Tasman", and Kenau Simonsdochter Hasselaer: "Kenau, daughter of Simon Hasselaer". In written form, these endings were often abbreviated as -sz. and -dr. respectively e.g. Jeroen Cornelisz. "Jeroen son of Cornelis", or Dirck Jacobsz. The endings -s, -se and -sen were also commonly used for sons and often for daughters too. In the northern provinces, -s, as genitive case, was almost universally used for both sons and daughters. The suffix -x as in "Tacx" or "Hendrix" also denoted the son or daughter of... and is now integrated as a complete name.

Patronymics were common in the Dutch United Provinces until the French invasion in 1795 and subsequent annexation in 1810. As the Netherlands were now a province of France, a registry of births, deaths and marriages was established in 1811, whereupon emperor Napoleon forced the Dutch to register and adopt a distinct surname.

French
In France, the terms patronyme and nom patronymique had long been used interchangeably to designate the family name, meaning that it is inherited from the father.

The tradition of patronymic lineage is still used among some Canadian descendants of French colonists: in the oral tradition of many Acadians, for example, Marc à Pierre à Gérard (lit. "Marc of Pierre of Gérard"), means "Marc, son of Pierre, grandson of Gérard".

Italian
The Italian language used to designate patronymics in formal writing up to 1975 using the preposition di (English of) for a living father and fu (English late) for a deceased one. That is, Mario di Giovanni Rossi meant that Mario Rossi is the son of a living man named Giovanni; Francesco fu Pietro Verdi meant that Francesco Verdi is the son of a deceased man named Pietro. When the father's name was unknown, institutions could use the formula N.N. (Nomen nescio, Latin for "I don't know the name") or use the mother's name or omit this part entirely.

In parish records written in Latin, the father's name would be written in genitive with no preposition. For a deceased father, the particle quondam (English once/formerly) was added. The examples above would have been translated as Marius Johannis Rossi and Franciscus quondam Petri Verdi.

Patronymics are not in common usage in modern Italian. However, some of them have been the source of various surnames. As an example, the individuals descended from a man named Paolo could have gained the patronymic surnames Paolo, Di Paolo, De Paoli, Paoli, Polo, Pagolo, Pagoli, Paolino, Lino, etc.

Iberian languages
In the past, both in Spanish and Portuguese, the endings -ez and -es tended to be conflated since pronunciation was quite similar in the two languages. Today, Portuguese has been fully standardized to -es; Spanish is also standardized to -ez, but it is very common to see archaic endings in -es. For instance, Pires/Peres and Pérez are the modern equivalents of English "Peterson" in Portuguese and Spanish.

In Portugal, there are some surnames that had a patronymic genesis but, while still common, no longer indicate patronymic usage. For instance, Álvares was the son of Álvaro and Gonçalves was the son of Gonçalo (it was the case of Nuno Álvares Pereira, son of Álvaro and Gonçalves Pereira, son of Gonçalo Pereira). Other cases include Rodrigues (son of Rodrigo), Nunes (son of Nuno) and Fernandes (son of Fernando). In the same way, the surname Soares means son of Soeiro (in Latin Suarius). It comes from Latin Suaricius (son of Suarius); the Latin genitive suffix -icius/a was used to indicate a patronymic. Later it became Suáriz, Suárez (both Spanish), and eventually Soares (Portuguese). Another theory attributes the Iberian -ez style patronymics to Germanic (Visigothic) rather than Latin influence.

Spanish patronyms follow a similar pattern to the Portuguese (e.g., López: son of Lope; Fernández: son of Fernando; Martínez: son of Martín; Rodríguez: son of Rodrigo; Álvarez: son of Álvaro). Common endings include -ez, -az, -iz, -is and -oz. However, not all surnames with similar endings are necessarily patronymic. For example, Chávez is not the son of Chavo, but comes from Galician or Portuguese chaves, meaning "keys", with the "s" denoting the plural form of chave, as is the case of key/keys in English.

However, these kinds of surnames were unusual outside the Crown of Castile. Apart from natural spelling variations (such as using Giménez or Ximénez), modern orthographic standardisation in each Iberian dialect brought a number of crossed versions. It is possible to find the Catalan language politician Jordi Sànchez (whose surname, while Spanish, has a grave accent – characteristic of Catalan – instead of the acute accent used in Spanish) or the journalist Vicenç Sanchis (who spells his surname in a way that is closer to Catalan, but with the ch digraph characteristic of Spanish).

Due to the letters, z and s being pronounced alike in Latin American dialects of Spanish, many non-patronymic surnames with an -es have come to be written with an -ez. In Hispano-American Spanish, the -ez spellings of Chávez (Hugo Chávez), Cortez (Alberto Cortez) and Valdez (Nelson Valdez) are not patronymic surnames, but simply variant spellings of the Iberian Spanish spelling with -es, as in the names of Manuel Chaves, Hernán Cortés and Víctor Valdés. For more on the -z surnames in Spanish see Influences on the Spanish language.

A list of some Iberian patronymics:
 * 1) Archaic given name, not in use.
 * 2) Archaic given name, not in use. Equivalent to the German Gunther.
 * 3) Ruy or Rui is an archaic hypocoristic form of Rodrigo.

Norse languages
In Norse custom, patronyms and matronyms were formed by using the ending -son (later -søn and -sen in Danish, Norwegian and German) to the genitive form of the father's name to indicate "son of", and -dóttir (Icelandic and Faroese -dóttir, Swedish and Norwegian -dotter, Danish and Norwegian -datter) for "daughter of". The resulting patronymic was generally not used as a surname; however, a third name, a so-called byname based on location or personal characteristic, was often added to differentiate people and could eventually develop into a kind of family name. Some Early Modern examples of the latter practice, where the patronymic was placed after the given name and was followed by the surname, are Norwegian Peder Claussøn Friis, the son of Nicolas Thorolfsen Friis (Claus in Claussøn being short for Nicolas) and Danish Thomas Hansen Kingo, the son of Hans Thomsen Kingo.

Eventually, most Nordic countries replaced or complemented this system with the prevailing "international" standard of inherited family names. In Norway, for example, the parliament passed a family name act in 1923, citing the rising population and the need to avoid the confusion of new last names in every generation. The law does allow a person to retain a patronymic as a middle name in addition to the surname, as was common in Early Modern times; this is not a common practice but does occur, a modern example being Audhild Gregoriusdotter Rotevatn. The Danish government outlawed the practice in 1856 and eased the regulations in 1904 to deal with the limited number of patronymics. In Sweden the practice of children keeping their fathers and wives taking their husband's patronymic as a surname occurred in the 18th century but was first prevalent in the late 19th century. Patronymics were normal in Sweden, at least in rural Sweden, until the 19th century. From the end of the 19th-century patronymics gradually became less common in Sweden until they were abolished in 1966. In 1982 the right to use patronyms (and matronyms) was partially restored; a person (or the parents of a child) had to apply and pay a fee. As of 1 July 2017, parents in Sweden are free to give their children patronyms/matronyms at birth instead of inherited family names, and any person can change her or his last name to a matronymic or patronymic.

Matronyms were used exceptionally if the child was born out of wedlock or if the mother was much more high-born or well known than the father, a historical example being Sweyn Estridsson.

In Iceland, patronymics or matronymics are still used as last names, and this is, in fact, required by law, with a handful of exceptions. For almost all cases, the father's name (usually in the genitive case) is used, plus the word son for sons or dóttir for daughters. For example, Jóhanna Sigurðardóttir (i.e. "Jóhanna, daughter of Sigurð[ur]"). People who do not identify as male or female (nonbinary people) can also use the suffix -bur, which means child of''.

In 2022, the Swedish Tax Agency denied a Gotland woman's application to change her surname to one with the Gutnish ending -dotri (in lieu of -dotter) on the grounds that it did not follow Swedish conventions. The administrative court in Stockholm decided in her favour on appeal, with the Tax Agency in turn taking the case to the Court of Appeal; in early 2023, the Court of Appeal finally ruled that she was allowed to use a Gutnish surname.

Finnish
In Finland, the use of patronymics was a result of relatively-recent Swedish influence and remained uncommon outside official documents. It was only in the 19th century that the use of patronymics gained any sort of popularity among the Finnish-speaking lower classes. Family names became obligatory in Finland by law in 1920.

Historically, patronymics were composed in Swedish fashion: the father's name and the suffix -n for genitive plus the word poika for sons, tytär for daughters. For example, Tuomas Abrahaminpoika means "Tuomas, Abraham's son", and Martta Heikintytär means "Martta, Heikki's daughter".

Bulgarian
In Bulgarian, the patronymics are -ov / -ev and -ova / -eva for men and women, respectively. They are identical to the endings of family names in Bulgarian and some other Slavic family names, such as those in Russian and Czech. In Bulgarian official documents, the patronymic comes before the surname, so Ivan Marinov Yordanov would be Ivan, son of Marin Yordanov.

Georgian
In Georgian, patronymics, when used, add s to the end of the father's name, followed by dze for a man and asuli for a woman. For example, Joseph Stalin's original name was Ioseb Besarionis Dze Jugashvili. After the end of the Soviet Union, patronymics in Georgia have become disused as a Russian tradition.

Georgian family names derive mostly from patronymics, nicknames and places of origin. Two common elements, dze and shvili mean "son of" and "child" respectively.

Greek
Most Greek surnames are patronymics by origin albeit in various forms depending on the ancestral locality. Diminutive suffixes that denote "son of" or, more generally, "descendant of" start with the given name such as Δημήτριος Dēmétrios and then have the patronymic surname such as Dēmētrópoulos (Peloponnese), Dēmētrákos (Laconia), Dēmētréas (Messenian Mani), Dēmētrátos (Cephalonia), Dēmētrákēs (Crete), Dēmētriádēs/Dēmētr-ídēs (Pontus, Asia Minor), Dēmētréllēs (Lesbos), Dēmétroglou (Asia Minor) (identical to Turkish patronym -oğlu), or simply Dēmētríou (especially common in Cyprus, with the first name in the genitive) are formed. The same principle can apply to surnames deriving from professions. For example, as from παπάς, papás "priest", are derived the surnames Papadópoulos, Papadákos, Papadéas, Papadátos, Papadákēs, Papadéllēs, Papazoglou etc., all of which signify a "priest's son". The same principle(s) may apply in combination: Papanikoláou, Papanikolópoulos, "the son of the priest Nikolaos". A daughter's family name is the same as the son's but is always declined in the genitive: Dēmētropoúlou, Papanikoláou.

In addition to those surnames, actual patronymics are used in official documents as "middle names" preceding the surname. For example, the children of a Ioánnis Papadópoulos can be María Ioánnou Papadopoúlou and Andréas Ioánnou Papadópoulos (Ioánnou is the genitive of Ioánnis). Traditionally, a married woman would adopt her husband's family name. Now, however, women in Greece can keep their own surnames if they choose.

Hungarian
In Hungarian, patronyms were traditionally formed with the ending -fi (sometimes spelled as -fy or -ffy). That system is no longer in common use, but traces can still be found in some frequent current surnames such as Pálfi (son of Paul), Győrfi, Bánfi or Sándor Petőfi (a famous poet who chose the Hungarian form instead of his Slavic birth name, Petrovics). In the Old Hungarian period (10th–16th century, see History of Hungarian), surnames were not in common use, and the full genitive was represented as in Péter fia András (Peter's son Andrew). Such forms are in frequent use in charters and legal documents from that time. In Hungarian, the surname precedes the given name.

Romanian
In Romanian, the endings -escu and -eanu were used, as in Petrescu, 'son of Petre (Peter)'; many modern Romanian family names were formed from such patronymics. Less commonly, matronymics formed with the genitive form (using the prefix a-) were used, as in Amariei, '(son/daughter) of Maria'.

Russian
In Russian the endings -ovich, -evich and -ich are used to form patronymics for men. It would be cognate to the Latin genitive -ici, used for marking the family line, and also as equivalent to 'little' -Vladic= 'the little Vlad'. For women, the respective endings are -ovna, -yevna or -ichna. For example, in Russian, a man named Ivan with a father named Nikolay would be known as Ivan Nikolayevich or "Ivan, son of Nikolay" (Nikolayevich being a patronymic). Likewise, a woman named Lyudmila with a father named Nikolay would be known as Lyudmila Nikolayevna or "Lyudmila, daughter of Nikolay" (Nikolayevna being a patronymic). For masculine names ending in a vowel, such as Ilya or Foma, when they are used as a base for the patronymic, the corresponding endings are -ich (for men) and -inichna (for women). Examples in titles of classical Russian literature include The Tales of the Late Ivan Petrovich Belkin, The Death of Ivan Ilyich and The Tale of How Ivan Ivanovich Quarreled with Ivan Nikiforovich.

In Russia, the patronymic is an official part of the name, used in all official documents, and when addressing somebody both formally and among friends. The correct written order of a full name is surname, given name, then patronymic – this order would be found on official documents, business cards, and formal addresses. For example, a woman named Mariya Iosifovna Zhukova would hand you a business card that says Zhukova Mariya Iosifovna. Use of the given name followed by the patronymic in Russian is always the neutral, correct and polite way to address any person except close friends, family members, or children – in such cases usage of the patronymic adds humorous intonation of exaggerated but well-meant respect. This form would be congruent to the Western use of Mr. and the surname for the polite and proper use and reference. Instead of schoolchildren calling their teacher Ms. and surname, the proper form would be given name and patronymic. For example, a teacher named Anna Borisovna Kopylova would always be called Anna Borisovna by her pupils. When addressing a much younger person, only the first name is commonly used. Individuals are addressed by their given name followed by the patronymic (e.g., "Mikhail Nikolayevich") in many situations including on formal occasions, by colleagues at work, by acquaintances, or when being addressed by someone younger in age. It is becoming more common for younger individuals (under 50) to drop the patronymic at work. In informal situations, if a person is called by a diminutive (such as Misha for Mikhail or Nastya for Anastasia), the patronymic is not used.

In colloquial, informal speech, it is also possible to contract the ending of a patronymic: thus Nikolayevich becomes Nikolaich, and Stepan Ivanovich becomes Stepan Ivanych or simply Ivanych as the given name may be omitted altogether. In this case, the contraction, if possible, is obligatory: Ivan Sergeyevich Sidorov may be called "Sergeich" or, more rarely, "Sergeyevich". In contrast to male names, if a woman is called by her patronymic name without a given name, the patronymic is usually not contracted: "Ivanovna" but "Mar' Ivanna"; "Sergeyevna" or "Sergevna" is one exception, where both forms are fine. Typically, a patronymic name alone is a familiar form of addressing an older female.

Serbian
Vuk Karadžić reported in the 19th century that Serbs sometimes used their old family names, and sometimes patronymics. Vuk Karadžić himself used patronymic Stefanović (son of Steven), and sometimes Karadzić, old family name. However, nowadays, the patronymic names in Serbia are mostly used on legal documents, and have the form of the father's name that says the child is 'of so and so'... example: Marija Dragoljuba Pavlović, where Dragoljub is the father's name and 'Dragoljuba' literally means 'of Dragoljub'. There are also other forms, like to include – the father's name – in brackets: Maria (Dragoljub) Pavlović.

It became more common to include the name of any one of the parents in legal documents ('ime jednog roditelja') – in practice this is usually still the father's name

In Serbia, Croatia and Bosnia, the patronymic names do not change form between masculine and feminine. Example: Marija Dragoljuba Pavlović (Dragoljub is the father's name; Dragoljuba is the form that says she is his daughter or literally 'of Dragoljub').

Ukrainian
In Ukrainian, the female patronymic always ends with -івна (-ivna) or -ївна (-yivna). The male patronymic always ends with -ович (-ovych) or -йович (-yovych). Exception: Illia (Ілля) → Illich (Ілліч) (e.g. Illia Illich Mechnikov), Sava (Сава) → Savych (Савич), Yakiv (Яків) → Yakovych (Якович).

Patronyms are part of the full name and are obligatory in formal messages. They are frequent in common speech, such as to call a person in a respectful manner (by using the name, followed by the patronym) and to accent an informal message in formal environments, as between colleagues with good relationships at work (by using the patronym with neither the name nor the family name).

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Patronymic


text:
Cinematographer

The cinematographer or director of photography (sometimes shortened to DP or DOP) is the person responsible for the recording of a film, television production, music video or other live-action piece. The cinematographer is the chief of the camera and light crews working on such projects. They would normally be responsible for making artistic and technical decisions related to the image and for selecting the camera, film stock, lenses, filters, etc. The study and practice of this field are referred to as cinematography.

The cinematographer is a subordinate of the director, tasked with capturing a scene in accordance with the director's vision. Relations between the cinematographer and director vary. In some instances, the director will allow the cinematographer complete independence, while in others, the director allows little to none, even going so far as to specify exact camera placement and lens selection. Such a level of involvement is less common when the director and cinematographer have become comfortable with each other. The director will typically convey to the cinematographer what is wanted from a scene visually and allow the cinematographer latitude in achieving that effect.

The scenes recorded by the cinematographer are passed to the film editor for editing.

History
In the infancy of motion pictures, the cinematographer was usually also the director and the person physically handling the camera. As the art form and technology evolved, a separation between director and camera operator emerged. With the advent of artificial lighting and faster (more light-sensitive) film stocks, in addition to technological advancements in optics, the technical aspects of cinematography necessitated a specialist in that area.

Cinematography was key during the silent movie era; with no sound apart from background music and no dialogue, the films depended on lighting, acting, and set.

The American Society of Cinematographers (ASC) was formed in 1919 in Hollywood, and was the first trade society for cinematographers. Similar societies were formed in other countries. For example, the British Society of Cinematographers (BSC). Their aims include the recognition of the cinematographer's contribution to the art and science of motion picture making.

Societies and trade organizations
There are a number of national associations of cinematographers that represent members (irrespective of their official titles) and are dedicated to the advancement of cinematography, including:

 * the American Society of Cinematographers (A.S.C.)
 * the Brazilian Cinematographers Society (A.B.C.)
 * the International Collective of Women Cinematographers (ICFC)
 * the Canadian Society of Cinematographers (C.S.C.)
 * the Czech Society of Cinematographers (AČK)
 * the Cinévore Madagascar
 * the Finnish Society of Cinematographers (F.S.C.)
 * the Guild of British Camera Technicians (G.B.C.T.)
 * the British Society of Cinematographers (B.S.C.)
 * the Australian Cinematographers Society (A.C.S.)
 * the Cinematographers Guild of Korea (C.G.K.)
 * the Filipino Society of Cinematographers (F.S.C.)
 * the French Society of Cinematographers (A.F.C.)
 * the Italian Society of Cinematographers (A.I.C.)
 * the Western India Cinematographers Association (W.I.C.A.)
 * the Indian Society of Cinematographers (I.S.C.)
 * the German Society of Cinematographers (BVK)
 * the Malaysian Society of Cinematographers (MySC)
 * the Netherlands Society of Cinematographers (NSC)
 * the Association of Slovak Cinematographers (ASK)
 * the South African Society of Cinematographers (S.A.S.C.)
 * the Spanish Society of Cinematography Works (A.E.C)
 * the Polish Society of Cinematographers (PSC)
 * the International Federation of Cinematographers (IMAGO)
 * the Uruguayan Society of Cinematographers (S.C.U)
 * the Lithuanian Association of Cinematographers (LAC)
 * Cinematographers XX
 * Illuminatrix

The A.S.C. defines cinematography as:

"A creative and interpretive process that culminates in the authorship of an original work of art rather than the simple recording of a physical event. Cinematography is not a subcategory of photography. Rather, photography is but one craft that the cinematographer uses in addition to other physical, organizational, managerial, interpretive and image-manipulating techniques to effect one coherent process."

Noted cinematographers
The Academy Award for Best Cinematography is an Academy Award awarded each year to a cinematographer for work on one particular motion picture.

A number of American cinematographers have become directors, including Reed Morano who lensed Frozen River and Beyoncé's Lemonade before winning an Emmy for directing The Handmaid's Tale. Barry Sonnenfeld, originally the Coen brothers' DP; Jan de Bont, cinematographer on films such as Die Hard and Basic Instinct, directed Speed and Twister. Nicolas Roeg, cinematographer on films such as The Caretaker (1963) and The Masque of the Red Death (1964), directed Don't Look Now (1973) and The Man Who Fell to Earth (1976). Ellen Kuras, ASC photographed Eternal Sunshine of The Spotless Mind as well as a number of Spike Lee films such as Summer of Sam and He Got Game before directing episodes of Legion and Ozark. In 2014, Wally Pfister, cinematographer on Christopher Nolan's three Batman films, made his directorial debut with Transcendence, whilst British cinematographers Jack Cardiff and Freddie Francis regularly moved between the two positions.

title: Cinematographer


text:
George Alec Effinger

George Alec Effinger (January 10, 1947 – April 27, 2002) was an American science fiction author, born in Cleveland, Ohio.

Writing career
Effinger was born in Cleveland, Ohio, on January 10, 1947. His father was a United States Navy veteran and his mother was a prostitute, and he grew up very poor.

He attended Yale University on a scholarship, but he failed organic chemistry and dropped out of the pre-med program. He moved to New York City and began writing. His first wife, Diana, sometimes babysat for Damon Knight and Kate Wilhelm, a married couple who were both science fiction writers. He joined the Clarion Writers' Workshop which they sponsored.

Effinger's first three stories were published in the first Clarion anthology in 1971. His first published story was "The Eight-Thirty to Nine Slot" in Fantastic in 1971. During his early period, he also published under a variety of pseudonyms.

His first novel, What Entropy Means to Me (1972), was nominated for the Nebula Award. He achieved his greatest success with the trilogy of Marîd Audran novels set in a 22nd-century Middle East, with cybernetic implants and modules allowing individuals to change their personalities or bodies. The novels are in fact set in a thinly veiled version of the French Quarter of New Orleans. The three published novels were When Gravity Fails (1987), A Fire in the Sun (1989), and The Exile Kiss (1991); Effinger also contributed to the computer game Circuit's Edge (1990), based on When Gravity Fails. He began a fourth Budayeen novel, Word of Night, but completed only the first two chapters. Those two chapters were reprinted in the anthology Budayeen Nights (2003) which has all of Effinger's short material from the Marîd Audran setting.

His novelette "Schrödinger's Kitten" (1988) received both the Hugo and the Nebula Award, as well as the Japanese Seiun Award. A collection of his stories was published posthumously in 2005, entitled ''George Alec Effinger Live! From Planet Earth''; includes the complete stories Effinger wrote under the pseudonym "O. Niemand" and many of Effinger's best-known stories. Each O. Niemand story is a pastiche in the voice of a different major American writer (Flannery O'Connor, Damon Runyon, Mark Twain, etc.), all set on the asteroid city of Springfield. "Niemand" is from the German word for "nobody", and the initial O was intended by Effinger as a visual pun for Zero, and possibly also as a reference to the author O. Henry.

Other stories he wrote were the series of Maureen (Muffy) Birnbaum parodies, which placed a preppy into a variety of science fictional, fantasy, and horror scenarios.

He made brief forays into writing comic books in the early 1970s, mostly in Marvel Comics' science fiction, fantasy, and horror titles; and again in the late 1980s, including the first issue of a series of his own creation entitled Neil and Buzz in Space & Time, about two fictional astronauts who travel to the edge of the universe to find it contains nothing but an ocean planet with a replica of a small New Jersey town on its only island. The first issue was the only issue, and the story ended on a cliffhanger. It was released by Fantagraphics. He also wrote a story based in the Zork universe.

Personal life
Effinger was known to close friends as "Piglet", a nickname from his youth which he later came to dislike.

Throughout his life, Effinger suffered from health problems. These resulted in enormous medical bills which he was unable to pay, resulting in a declaration of bankruptcy. Because Louisiana's system of law descends from the Napoleonic Code rather than English Common Law, the possibility existed that copyrights to Effinger's works and characters might revert to his creditors, in this case the hospital. However, no representative of the hospital showed up at the bankruptcy hearing, and Effinger regained the rights to all his intellectual property.

Effinger suffered a hearing loss of about 70% due to childhood infections, only helped about the last 10 years of his life by hearing aids. He did not drive most of his life, and only got a driver's license at about age 39 for check-cashing purposes.

Effinger met his first wife Diana in the 1960s. He was married from the mid-1970s to the mid-1980s to artist Beverly K. Effinger, and from 1998 to 2000 to fellow science fiction author Barbara Hambly. He died in New Orleans, Louisiana.

Works
Novels (non-series)
 * What Entropy Means to Me (1972)
 * Relatives (1973)
 * Nightmare Blue (1975) (with Gardner Dozois)
 * Felicia (1976)
 * Those Gentle Voices: A Promethean Romance of the Spaceways (1976)
 * Death in Florence (1978) (aka Utopia 3)
 * Heroics (1979)
 * The Wolves of Memory (1981)
 * Shadow Money (1988)
 * The Red Tape War (1990) (with Mike Resnick and Jack L. Chalker)
 * The Zork Chronicles (1990)
 * Look Away (1990) (novella)
 * Schrödinger's Kitten (1992)
 * Trinity: Hope Sacrifice Unity
 * The League of Dragons: A Castle Falkenstein Novel (1998)

Nick of Time series
 * The Nick of Time (1985)
 * The Bird of Time (1986)

Marîd Audran series
 * When Gravity Fails (1987)
 * A Fire in the Sun (1989)
 * The Exile Kiss (1991)
 * The Audran Sequence (omnibus)
 * Budayeen Nights (short stories, 2003)

Planet of the Apes Television series adaptations
 * Man the Fugitive (1974)
 * Escape to Tomorrow (1975)
 * Journey Into Terror  (1975)
 * Lord of the Apes (1976)

Collections
 * Mixed Feelings (1974)
 * Irrational Numbers (1976)
 * Dirty Tricks (1978)
 * Idle Pleasures (1983) (science fiction sports stories)
 * Author's Choice Monthly Issue 1: The Old Funny Stuff (1989)
 * Maureen Birnbaum, Barbarian Swordsperson (1993)
 * George Alec Effinger Live! From Planet Earth (2005)
 * stories selected and introduced by friends, fellow writers and editors
 * A Thousand Deaths (2007)
 * the novel The Wolves of Memory plus 7 additional Sandor Courane stories (6 uncollected)

Short stories
 * "The First Step," (as John K. Diomede) Haunt of Horror (digest) #1 (Marvel, June 1973)
 * "The Jewel in the Ash," (as John K. Diomede) Haunt of Horror (digest) #2 (Marvel, August 1973)
 * "Heartstop," Haunt of Horror (magazine) #1 (Marvel, May 1974)
 * "And Us, Too, I Guess" (novella) (collected in Chains of the Sea, published 1974)
 * "Prince Pat" (1992) (collected in Mike Resnick's alternate history anthology Alternate Kennedys)
 * "Albert Schweitzer and the Treasures of Atlantis" (1993) (collected in Mike Resnick's alternate history anthology Alternate Warriors)
 * "Shootout at Gower Gulch" (1994) (collected in Mike Resnick's alternate history anthology Alternate Outlaws)
 * "Mars: The Home Front" (1996)
 * "The Last Full Measure"

 Comics
 * "Wasteland—on a Weirdling World" (featuring Gullivar Jones, Warrior of Mars), Creatures on the Loose #18 (Marvel, July 1972)
 * "The Long Road to Nowhere" (featuring Gullivar Jones), Creatures on the Loose #19 (Marvel, September 1972)
 * "Moon of Madness, Moon of Fear!", Chamber of Chills #1 (Marvel, November 1972)
 * "What Price Victory?" (featuring Gullivar Jones), Creatures on the Loose #20 (Marvel, November 1972)
 * "More Than Blood!", Journey into Mystery #2 (Marvel, December 1972)
 * "Two Worlds to Win!" (featuring Gullivar Jones), Creatures on the Loose #21 (Marvel, January 1973)
 * "All the Shapes of Fear!", Chamber of Chills #3 (Marvel, March 1973)
 * "Thongor! Warrior of Lost Lemuria!" (featuring Thongor! Warrior of Lost Lemuria!), Creatures on the Loose #22 (Marvel, March 1973)
 * "Where Broods the Demon!" (featuring Thongor), Creatures on the Loose #23 (Marvel, May 1973)
 * "Red Swords, Black Wings!" (featuring Thongor), Creatures on the Loose #24 (Marvel, July 1973)
 * "The Wizard of Lemuria!" (featuring Thongor), Creatures on the Loose #25 (Marvel, September 1973)
 * "The Mouse Alone!" (featuring the Young Gray Mouser), Sword of Sorcery #5 (DC Comics, Nov.-Dec. 1973)
 * "More Than Blood!" in Doomsday #17 (K. G. Murray, July 1974)
 * "All the World Wars at Once!", Fantastic Four #161 (Marvel, August 1975) (credit is only for the title of the issue)

 Note:  The titles of the first two books of the Marîd Audran series are both taken from Bob Dylan lyrics. "When Gravity Fails" is from the song "Just Like Tom Thumb's Blues" and "A Fire in the Sun" from "It's All Over Now, Baby Blue". Permission was denied to use a Dylan quote for the third book's title, so Effinger chose a public domain quote from Shakespeare.

title: George Alec Effinger