text:
Iranian Green Movement

The Iranian Green Movement or Green Wave of Iran, also referred to as the Persian Awakening or Persian Spring by the western media,  refers to a political movement that arose after the June 12, 2009 Iranian presidential election and lasted until early 2010, in which protesters demanded the removal of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad from office. Green was initially used as the symbol of Mir Hossein Mousavi's campaign, but after the election it became the symbol of unity and hope for those asking for annulment of what they regarded as a fraudulent election. Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi are recognized as political leaders of the Green Movement. Grand Ayatollah Hossein-Ali Montazeri was also mentioned as spiritual leader of the movement.

The Green Movement protests were a major event in Iran's modern political history and observers claimed that these protests were the largest since the Iranian Revolution of 1978–79. While the protests started out as a peaceful, non-violent movement, hundreds of people were arrested and several died as protests turned more violent in the following months. The movement eventually had trouble with retaining its momentum.

Outcome of 2009–2010 Iranian election protests
Background to the protests

The office of the President in Iran is considered the second most powerful position in the country, after that of the Supreme Leader, as the President is the head of the executive branch of power. Since 2005, Iran was led by conservative Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who first served as mayor of Tehran before being elected as president. Ahmadinejad's name was associated with human rights violations in the country, particularly with the use of violence. The list of these violations included the increased number of death penalties and problems with LGBT rights. According to Human Rights Watch, "basic human rights protection in Iran has deteriorated to new lows" under Ahmadinejad's first presidency as, for example, the number of executions increased by three times. The Iranian president has no power over the judiciary, as it is headed by the chief justice who is in turn appointed by the Supreme Leader.

During the first presidency of Ahmadinejad, the problem was particularly severe with juvenile death penalty. More than 130 juvenile offenders were sentenced to death in Iran as of 2008. Moreover, independent researchers pointed out that the number of political prisoners increased during Ahmadinejad's first presidency. Other problems with human rights involved the absence of basic protection of LGBT rights. The number of criminal convictions for homosexual sex increased between 2005 and 2009, while the President even denied the existence of gay people in Iran.

Issues with human rights and other problems, such as the alleged voting fraud, led Ahmadinejad's popularity to decline. This was especially the case in urban areas, including the country's capital Tehran, and among the youth, according to The Guardian.

In 2009, the Iranian government held a regular presidential election. Former Prime Minister Mir-Hossein Mousavi was the most popular candidate opposing Ahmadinejad.

The election took place on 12 June 2009 but the disagreement between the government and the opposition over the results of the election quickly caused a significant controversy. Ahmadinejad was considered to be winning in a landslide victory, but Mousavi and his supporters believed the results were fraudulent. They suggested that the Interior Minister Sadegh Mahsouli, an ally of Ahmadinejad, had interfered with the election and distorted the votes to keep Ahmadinejad in power.

Mousavi claimed the victory and called for his supporters to celebrate it. At the same time, the office of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad almost immediately announced that the sitting president had won the election as he had received approximately two-thirds of votes. It sparked the 2009–2010 Iranian election protests, which were organized mostly by Mousavi's supporters and were directed against Ahmadinejad and the government in general.

"Previously, he was revolutionary, because everyone inside the system was a revolutionary. But now he's a reformer. Now he knows Gandhi – before he knew only Che Guevara. If we gain power through aggression we would have to keep it through aggression. That is why we're having a green revolution, defined by peace and democracy."

Protests
Clashes broke out between police and groups protesting the election results from early morning on Saturday onward. At the beginning, the protests were considered peaceful. However, as time passed, they became increasingly violent. In a stand-off that later took place in north Tehran between supporters of Ahmadinejad and Mousavi, an angry crowd of citizens broke into shops, started fires, and tore down signs. Civil unrest took place as riot police on motorbikes used batons to disperse Mousavi supporters who staged a sit-in near the interior ministry, where the results were announced. Up to 2,000 Mousavi supporters erected barricades of burning tyres and chanted "Mousavi take back our vote!".

The demonstrations grew bigger and more heated than the 1999 student protests. Al Jazeera English described the 13 June situation as the "biggest unrest since the 1979 revolution." It also reported that protests seemed spontaneous without any formal organization. Two hundred people protested outside Iran's embassy in London on 13 June. Ynet has stated that "tens of thousands" protested on 13 June. Demonstrators are chanting phrases such as "Down with the dictator", "Death to the dictator", and "Give us our votes back". Mousavi urged for calm and asked that his supporters refrain from acts of violence. Ynet reported on 14 June that two people had died in the rioting so far. That day, protests had been organized in front of the Iranian embassies in Turkey, Dubai, Paris, Berlin, London, Rome, Sydney, Vienna and The Hague. In response to the reformist protests, tens of thousands of people rallied in Tehran on 14 June to support the victory of Ahmadinejad.

On 15 June, Mousavi rallied, with a number of his supporters ranging anywhere from hundreds of thousands to three million, in Tehran, despite being warned by state officials that any such rally would be illegal. The demonstration, the largest in the Islamic Republic of Iran's 30-year history, was Mousavi's first public appearance after the election. Protests focused around Azadi Tower, around which lines of people stretched for more than nine kilometers. Gunshots were reported to have been fired at the rally, where Mousavi had spoken to his supporters saying, "The vote of the people is more important than Mousavi or any other person." All three opposition candidates made an appearance.

Competing rallies for Mousavi and for Ahmadinejad took place on 16 June. The pro-Ahmadinejad protesters, chanting the phrases "Death to America!" and "Death to Israel!", outnumbered their opponents, but they did not match the numbers of opponents who had protested the day before. Reports from the state media and elsewhere stated on 16 June that seven people have died in all of the protests so far. However, Times Online quoted a Rasoul Akram Hospital nurse that day who asserted that 28 people have suffered from "bullet wounds" and eight have died so far. Over half a million reformist Iranians marched silently from Haft-e-Tir Square to Vali Asr Square on 17 June. Huffington Post reported that day that 32 people had died protesting so far.

On 14 February 2011, the largest Green demonstrations in Iran in more than a year broke out. In response, pro-government MPs called for the death of opposition leaders Mir Hussein Moussavi and Mehdi Karroubi.

Arrests
On the weekend of 13 and 14 June, in a series of raids across Tehran, the government arrested over 170 people, according to police officials. Among them were prominent reformist politicians, including Mojahedin of the Islamic Revolution Organization (MIRO) founder Behzad Nabavi, Islamic Iran Participation Front (IIPF) leader Mohsen Mirdamadi, and former president Mohammad Khatami's brother Mohammad-Reza Khatami, who was later released. Also arrested were Mostafa Tajzadeh and Mohsen Aminzadeh, whom the IRNA said were involved in orchestrating protests on 13 June. Anonymous sources said that the police stormed the headquarters of the IIPF and arrested a number of people. Iranian journalist Mashallah Shamsolvaezin claimed that presidential candidate Mir-Hossein Mousavi was put under house arrest, although officials denied this. An estimated 200 people were detained after clashes with students at Tehran University, although many were later released.

Acting Police Chief Ahmad-Reza Radan stated via the state press service on the 14th that "in the interrogation of related rebels, we will try to find the link between the plotters and foreign media". A judiciary spokesman said they had not been arrested but that they were summoned, "warned not to increase tension," and later released. Intelligence minister Gholam Hossein Mohseni-Ejehei linked some arrests to terrorism supported from outside Iran, stating that "more than 20 explosive consignments were discovered". Others, he said, were "counter-revolutionary groups" who had "penetrated election headquarters" of the election candidates.

On 16 June, Reuters reported that former vice-president Mohammad-Ali Abtahi and former presidential advisor Saeed Hajjarian had been arrested. Human rights lawyer Abdolfattah Soltani, who had been demanding a recount of all votes, was also arrested on the Tuesday according to Shirin Ebadi, who said that security officials had posed as clients. Over 100 students were arrested after security forces fired tear gas at protesters at Shiraz University on the same day. Reporters Without Borders reported that 5 of 11 arrested journalists were still detention as of 16 June, and that a further 10 journalists were unaccounted for and may have been arrested.

On 17 June, former foreign minister and secretary-general of the Freedom Movement of Iran, Ebrahim Yazdi, was arrested while undergoing tests at Pars hospital in Tehran. He was held overnight in Evin Prison before being released and returning to hospital, where according to Human Rights Watch he remained under guard. In Tabriz, other Freedom Movement activists and eight members of the IIPF were arrested, with reports of at least 100 civic figures' arrests. The total number of arrests across Iran since the election was reported as 500.

Aaron Rhodes, a spokesman for the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, stated that "Iranian intelligence and security forces are using the public protests to engage in what appears to be a major purge of reform-oriented individuals whose situations in detention could be life-threatening". In Isfahan Province, prosecutor-general Mohammadreza Habibi warned that dissidents could face execution under Islamic law.

In 2011, Mir Hossein Mousavi and his wife and Mehdi Karroubi were placed under house arrest by the government. During his election campaigns in 2013 and 2017, then-presidential candidate Hassan Rouhani pledged to release them if he were to be elected as president, but the opposition leaders remain under house arrest to this day.

Where is my vote?
Where is my vote? ( ra'y-e-man kojāst?) is a motto which was used during the protests. The Iranian government, headed by President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, released results claiming a two-thirds majority. However, Mousavi had already claimed victory before the vote count was done and supporters of Mousavi and Karroubi accused the government of rigging the votes.

In the aftermath of the election, protests increased and several massive protests were held around the country by the people. The government arrested a large number of the protesters and several were killed by the police and governmental militia forces.

Even though the Iranian government didn’t allow any form of gathering by opposition-supporters in Tehran and across the country, significantly slowed down internet access and censored any form of media agreeing with the opposition, hundreds of thousands of Iranians chanted this motto, defying the law and challenging the Islamic Republic.

Development of the Green Movement
The Green Movement spread throughout the nation as a non-violent protest movement, bringing about hope of more democratization. Protests lasted all through the fall of 2009, with big events happening on national holidays. On Quds Day (September 18), the anniversary of the US Embassy takeover (November 4), National Students Day (December 7th) and the day of Grand Ayatollah Montazeri's death (December 19) there were turnouts of thousands of people. On the holy day of Ashura (December 7), the protests turned more violent as hundreds of thousands took to the streets once again, the highest turnout since June, and clashed with state security forces. Hundreds of people were arrested and at least 15 people died. Among them was the 35 year-old nephew of Mir-Hossein Mousavi, Seyed Ali Mousavi.

Within a year, the Green Movement had trouble with retaining its relevance. The number of public demonstrations started to decrease because of the harsh reactions by the state. Security forces attacked protesters in the streets and imprisoned activists as well as politicians. Mousavi and Karroubi were placed under house arrest in 2010, which created even more difficulties for the Green Movement to stay organized.

Access to the Internet and social media as well as the possibility to send text messages was regularly restricted by the government, making it difficult for further protests to materialize. The movement later became less confrontational in an effort to influence the next presidential elections and several groups linked to the Green Movement supported the campaign of Hassan Rouhani in 2014. Following his victory, slogans and symbols that emerged during the protests in 2009 were used again by his supporters.

The Green Path of Hope
Mousavi and other reformist leaders are now working in peaceful and legal methods to widen the influence of their reforms. They have set up a new coalition named "The Green Path of Hope". Iranian political parties and movements need to be authorized by the Interior Ministry. Mousavi neither recognizes the current government as legitimate nor is likely to receive permission; so, the movement was named a "path" in order to bypass this law.

The Green Path of Hope claims it seeks to continue protests against Ahmadinejad's presidency following lawful and peaceful methods, and the full execution of the constitution, as Mousavi says:"'You can't follow some parts of the constitution and throw the rest into a bin.'"According to organization officials, the movement encompasses numerous political parties, NGO's and social networks. The "Green Path" has six main members of the central council, who are connected to reformist parties, NGOs, and social networks. The main body consists of ordinary protesters. The strategy is to connect existent pressures and issues in society in a social network, and to therefore lead protests in a lawful manner. The goals of the organization are stated as follows:"'During the election, our mottos supported and remained in the framework of the constitution; today we are devoted to those slogans. We believe that if the people's demands were treated fairly, instead of being distorted by the media and linked to foreigners, and the government promoted truth by fair criticism, our mottos could satisfy the public.'"

Iran national football team
During Iran's final game of the 2010 FIFA World Cup qualifiers against South Korea in Seoul on 17 June 2009, seven members of the team, Javad Nekounam, Ali Karimi, Hossein Kaebi, Masoud Shojaei, Mohammad Nosrati, Vahid Hashemian, and captain Mehdi Mahdavikia allegedly wore green wristbands in support of the Iranian Green Movement during the 2009 Iranian election protests. However green was one of the colors of their uniform, which also had green shirt logos. Initially it was reported that all seven players were banned for life by the Iranian Football Federation, but state-run media claimed that all seven had "retired". On 24 June 2009, FIFA wrote to Iran's Football Federation asking for clarification on the situation. The Iranian Football Federation replied that no disciplinary action has been taken against any player. As of 2014 FIFA World Cup qualification, several of the above-mentioned players have played again for the national team, notably Javad Nekounam, Masoud Shojaei, and Mehdi Mahdavikia.

title: Iranian Green Movement


text:
Informer (disambiguation)

An informer, or informant, is a person who provides privileged information to an agency.

Informer may also refer to:

 * The Sub-Saharan Informer, a Pan-African weekly newspaper
 * Informer (newspaper), a Serbian daily
 * "Informer" (song), a 1992 song by Snow from 12 Inches of Snow
 * Common informer, a historical concept in English law abolished in 1951
 * The Informer (novel), a 1925 novel by Liam O'Flaherty
 * The Informers, a 1994 short story anthology
 * Informer Computer Terminals, a defunct computer terminal company
 * The Washington Informer, an African-American weekly newspaper in Washington, D.C.

Film and television

 * The Informer (1912 film), an American dramatic short directed by D. W. Griffith
 * The Informer (1929 film), a British dramatic part-talkie directed by Arthur Robison, based on the Liam O'Flaherty novel
 * The Informer (1935 film), an American drama by John Ford, also based on the Liam O'Flaherty novel
 * The Informers (1963 film), a British crime film by Ken Annakin, released in the U.S. as Underworld Informers
 * The Informer (TV series), a British series broadcast in 1966 and 1967 featuring Ian Hendry
 * The Informer (1980 film), a Hong Kong action drama from Shaw Brothers Studio
 * The Informers (2008 film), an American ensemble drama by Gregor Jordan, based on the Bret Easton Ellis short stories
 * Informer (TV series), a British series broadcast in 2018
 * The Informer (2019 film), an American drama by Andrea Di Stefano

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Informer (disambiguation)


text:
Talk:Terrist

Untitled
Stupid. Delete it.

actual terrists are welcome to admit they exist here, anonymously, just so this entry doesn't get deleted as fiction. If no one does so by oh say end of April, I guess we should deny you exist as well... ?

From the article: ]] Terrists is another name for Soylent Greens which they employ in culture jamming. It is a deliberate reference to the mispronunciation of terrorist by American authorities, and to their defense of Terra, i.e. the Earth, against such people, who they view as being alien invaders. It also mocks the labelling of such groups as the Earth Liberation Front and Anarchist Golfing Association as "terrorist" by the same authorities.

Terrist is also an alternative name for Terrans - as defined by Dr. Hugo De Garis in opposition to what he calls Cosmists - taking opposing and irreconcilable positions on whether humans should attempt to develop artificial intelligence. This debate is so far confined to specialized professional circles and has generally not been addressed in public policy.

Other than taking a strong active position for biosecurity and being willing to break laws to advance their aims, there seems to be no program common to all terrists - and no single authority on their objectives.

Controversial usage of the term to describe Greenpeace or Sea Shepherd activists, Gaians, or others in the Green Movement, is generally not welcomed by those groups, who differentiate very carefully and deliberately between themselves and groups deliberately destroying property. -- Lots of evidence needed for this material. Otherwise, this page appears to be a mishmash. -- Objection noted. Keeping it in talk is legit until more emerges on this - although it's pretty easy to find use of the term "terrist" on google... which includes *BOTH* misspellings by Americans (showing how widespread that confusion is) and parodies...

so the Gaian/ecologist use of it is pretty subtle, indeed almost invisible... they are sneaking it into the parodies here and there.

Not sure I *want* to expose them... ;-)

So, let's leave this in talk for now. It may stay here.

It's interesting to contrast this with "Gaian", which has tons of references. - I agree with the definition of a terrist and am proud to be one.

Unfortunately, the word is only useable in text communications, identifying myself as one vocaly attracts sidelong glances from even the most "progressive" lefties.

Given the new definitions of terrorist (in Canaduh, any non-state actor seeking to influence the government) we are all suspect. I think dividing terrorist - lobbyists, suicide bombers, lone gunmen, techno geeks, and those who believe it's thier right to have what they want to support thier economy (all of these groups seek to influence the government) and terrists (white blood cells for the earth - seeking to influence government and citizens) makes it easier for people to identify with which group they fit into (since we're all defined as terrorists by the Government now) - the self interested, or ethicaly motivated one.

Terrist is a misspelling of "terrorist" that appears to have widely proliferated in the wake of the September 11th, 2001 attack on the U.S.A.

As if to prove the point, an anonymous user of wikipedia redirected this very file to the entry on "terrorist", proving the widespread confusion.

Some believe it is partly propagated by Soylent Greens, who sometimes deliberately refer to themselves as being terrists, as a form of culture jamming, and as a deliberate reference to the mispronunciation of terrorist by American authorities, and to their defense of Terra, i.e. the Earth, against such people, who they view as being alien invaders.

It also mocks the labelling of such groups as the Earth Liberation Front and Anarchist Golfing Association as "terrorist" by the same authorities.

As if to prove that point, one of them said hello in the Talk file, and wrote a sort of manifesto. Such groups are secretive and it's hard to validate their existence. However, there is a specialized use of the term which can cause conflict and confusion if this word is mistakenly used:

Terrist is also an alternative name for a radical Terran - as defined by Dr. Hugo De Garis in opposition to what he calls Cosmist - taking opposing and irreconcilable positions on whether humans should attempt to develop artificial intelligence.

Other than a vague obsession with some kind of biosecurity and biodiversity, and being willing to break laws to advance their aims, there seems to be no program common to all terrists - and no single authority on their objectives.

Controversial usage of the term to describe Greenpeace or Sea Shepherd activists, Gaians, or others in the Green Movement, is generally not welcomed by those groups, who differentiate very carefully and deliberately between themselves and groups deliberately destroying property. They fear, with some justification, that even joking references to terrist activities will be mistaken to mean terrorist activity.

Hopelessly infected with POV. --Daniel C. Boyer 16:38, 10 Mar 2004 (UTC)

The term is discussed at the following four links: (1) http://www.mycatcenter.com/conservation.htm (2) http://greennature.com/article860.html (3) http://www.worldhistory.com/wiki/E/Earth-First.htm (4) http://www.worldhistory.com/wiki/e/environmentalism.htm --Lowellian 21:35, Mar 15, 2004 (UTC)

 * All Wikipedia mirrors. Pete/Pcb21 (talk) 10:40, 16 Mar 2004 (UTC)

Archived delete debate follows. Conclusion was that Wikipedia was being gamed by a now banned user. Deleted. Pete/Pcb21 (talk) 10:40, 16 Mar 2004 (UTC)

Terrist

 * Essentially POV. Straw man.  Article by its own admission says that there is no stated ideology "terrist" but fails to really make other claim for significance.  --Daniel C. Boyer 19:18, 10 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. +sj+ 23:31, 2004 Mar 10 (UTC)
 * Delete. Invented term.  RickK 02:51, 11 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep. What links here and a Google search shows that it's not a term invented here but is in real use. Needs to include examples of terrists and their acts, though. Our description of the point of view held by terrists seems to be NPOV. Jamesday 05:40, 12 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * A Google search turns up WP mirrors and misspellings of "terrorist". The what-links-here shows a number of articles in WP, which on closer examination all had the link to terrist pasted in by an anonymous 142.177.xxx.xxx (the original author of terrist), except for one change (ELF) which was due to User:Maximus Rex. Delete: term not in general circulation. Wile E. Heresiarch 06:56, 12 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * I just pasted in the vfd header -- article didn't have one before. Oops! Wile E. Heresiarch 06:59, 12 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * Based on Wile E Heresiarch's research, I vote delete. Isomorphic 05:07, 15 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep. Though it is often a misspelling of "terrorist", the term "terrist" actually exists independently and is not made up for Wikipedia. See the following four links: (1) http://www.mycatcenter.com/conservation.htm (2) http://greennature.com/article860.html (3) http://www.worldhistory.com/wiki/E/Earth-First.htm (4) http://www.worldhistory.com/wiki/e/environmentalism.htm --Lowellian 21:33, Mar 15, 2004 (UTC)
 * Links (1) and (2) are WP mirrors. Link (4) is down at the moment, altho with "wiki" in the link I'm inclined to assume it's a mirror too. Link (3) contains one use of "terrist" in an anonymous comment, and, strangely enough, the comment links right back to Terrist. We still don't have evidence of "terrist" in circulation outside WP. Wile E. Heresiarch 22:32, 15 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * This article smells to me like a contribution of banned user EoT, aka User:142.177.etc. If so, it is subject to speedy deletion, if any sysop wants to step up. Oh, and delete. -- Cyan 22:57, 15 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * This term does not mean the same thing as terrorist, and even if the specifics of said movement are not well-defined, it should at least not be a redirect. I suggest either it be deleted (with someone hunting down and removing links to it), or that a new article be written. I'd be happy to do the research involved, if the second is ok. Improv
 * Delete. Regardless of the merits of the concept, or the word, this article is a word definition. It belongs in wiktionary, if anywhere. The term, if useful, can be defined in passing in some existing relevant article (greens, earth first, etc), and its appropriateness discussed in context.Will McW 09:01, 29 Oct 2004 (UTC)

I hope that's a neutral POV that I just posted. I based it on what I read here in the talk and some web searches. I might violate Wiki guidelines for not being a dictionary but leaving it up might be better than having a not so neutral POV. Gbleem 05:45, 3 Apr 2004 (UTC)

I observe that 19 articles still reference this one. Should be fixed - I presume they mostly don't mean terrorist. Seeing this in my contrib list will serve as a reminder to myself, if no one else does it. Tualha 22:43, 29 Jun 2004 (UTC)

Deep ecology was one of the pages linking to Terrist. I've removed that link, but perhaps it could be reinstated if in the future a real Terrist page is provided instead of the redirect to Terrorism. JimR 01:08, 31 Jul 2004 (UTC)

title: Talk:Terrist


text:
IIRC

IIRC may refer to:

 * IIRC, an initialism for "If I Remember Correctly" or "If I Recall Correctly"
 * International Integrated Reporting Council
 * IIRC, a reporting mark for Indiana Interstate Railway
 * International Interdisciplinary Research Center, Sigmund Freud University Vienna, Austria

title: IIRC


text:
Talk:History of Economic Thought

I'm thinking hard about this.

First, it should differentiate micro- (transaction and contract and enterprise) economics from macro- (money supply) economics, as the field itself does.

Second, labor and work-time economics have been a parallel strain all through the development of the "English and American schools" of classical and neo-classical, they have been ignored for political reasons although there are no economists on this planet who claim that labor is "just another commodity input" - ok maybe some on another planet called the World Bank. ;-)

Third, leisure-time or free-time economics have been developing in informal ways for centuries, and Amartya Sen won the Swedish Bank Prize (often wrongly called the Nobel) for his 1999 book "Development As Freedom" on this topic... basically defining value as time free of obligation and worry about survival. This fits into the 'creativity economy' or 'intellectual capital' thinking... it's a product mostly of the last 10 years in its formal form and has a strong emphasis on ethics.

Fourth, commodity based money and ecology theory have unified a single view of "ecology as service" and rephrasing everything from "commodity and product" relationships which are static to "service, experience, transformation" relationships which are dynamic. Messy, but it makes far fewer assumptions about commodity contract enforcement, product labelling and standardization and safety, which can no longer be assumed to be provided by a single uniform state - in a world of transnational trading blocs. The people advocating this view (Costanza, Lovins, Lovins, Hawken) are critics of economics as a field for making unworkable assumptions, rather than being economists themselves. They are more talking about "the limits of economics".

Obviously, the anti-globalization_movement agrees to some degree, and so do land_reform economists like Joe Stiglitz, formerly Chief at the World Bank.

The movement to ban interest (usury) is extremely strong worldwide as well - there are economic regimes obscure in the western world that relied upon negative interest or micro-venture-capital (most notably in Islam which had strong provisions against interest until modern times) and community trusts.

Then there are the various "unity movements" that seek to see economics as a subset of physics (transaction clearing as something like the popping of quiffs in quantum mechanics), or ecology (that being the study of how nonhumans "make a living" - artificially separated from how humans do it), or ethics (Sen in particular). Some dismiss all three as right, green, and left ideologies being imposed on the empirical "science" of economics.

Yeah right. Personally, I think economics is a technology of governance, nothing more, and it's clear from history that it's been manipulated... how can one claim objectivity out of money supply mechanics? Alan Greenspan can't give a rational account of how he decides what he decides... and isn't clearly following any of the theories as above.

So, give me an idea of what's controversial here, and what is considered part of the "history_of_economics" and what should go into an entry on current issues, and I'll take a stab at incorporating some of this into something.

title: Talk:History of Economic Thought


text:
Peter III

Peter III may refer to:

Politics

 * Peter III of Bulgaria (ruled in 1072)
 * Peter III of Aragon (1239–1285)
 * Peter III of Arborea (died 1347)
 * Peter III Aaron (died 1467)
 * Pedro III of Kongo (ruler in 1669)
 * Peter III of Russia (1728–1762)
 * Peter III of Portugal (1717–1786)
 * Peter III (cat) (1947-1964)

Religion

 * Pope Peter III of Alexandria (477–489)
 * Peter III of Raqqa, Syriac Orthodox Patriarch of Antioch in 581–591
 * Peter III of Antioch Greek Orthodox Patriarch of Antioch
 * Peter III (bishop of Lugo) (r. from 1113 until 1133)
 * Peter III, Pope Peter III of the schismatic Palmarian Catholic Church

title: Peter III


text:
Telephony Application Programming Interface

The Telephony Application Programming Interface (TAPI) is a Microsoft Windows API, which provides computer telephony integration and enables PCs running Microsoft Windows to use telephone services. Different versions of TAPI are available on different versions of Windows. TAPI allows applications to control telephony functions between a computer and telephone network for data, fax, and voice calls. It includes basic functions, such as dialing, answering, and hanging up a call. It also supports supplementary functions, such as hold, transfer, conference, and call park found in PBX, ISDN, and other telephone systems.

TAPI is used primarily to control either modems or, more recently, to control business telephone system (PBX) handsets. When controlling a PBX handset, the driver is provided by the manufacturer of the telephone system. Some manufacturers provide drivers that allow the control of multiple handsets. This is traditionally called "third-party control". Other manufacturers provide drivers that allow the control of a single handset. This is called "first-party control". Third-party drivers are designed to allow applications to see and/or control multiple extensions at the same time. Some telephone systems only permit one third-party connection at a time. First-party drivers are designed to allow applications to monitor and/or control one extension at a time. Telephone systems naturally permit many of these connections simultaneously. Modem connections are by nature first-party.

TAPI can also be used to control voice-enabled telephony devices, including voice modems and dedicated hardware such as Dialogic cards.

History
TAPI was introduced in 1993 as the result of joint development by Microsoft and Intel. The first publicly available version of TAPI was version 1.3, which was released as a patch on top of Microsoft Windows 3.1. Version 1.3 drivers were 16-bit only. Version 1.3 is no longer supported, although some MSDN development library CDs still contain the files and patches.

With Microsoft Windows 95, TAPI was integrated into the operating system. The first version on Windows 95 was TAPI 1.4. TAPI 1.4 had support for 32-bit applications.

The TAPI standard supports both connections from individual computers and LAN connections serving any number of computers.

TAPI 2.0 was introduced with Windows NT 4.0. Version 2.0 was the first version on the Windows NT platform. It made a significant step forward by supporting ACD and PBX-specific functionality.

In 1997, Microsoft released TAPI version 2.1. This version of TAPI was available as a downloadable update and was the first version to be supported on both the Microsoft Windows 95 and Windows NT/2000 platforms.

TAPI 3.0 was released in 1999 together with Windows 2000. This version enables IP telephony (VoIP) by providing simple and generic methods for making connections between two (using H.323) or more (using IP multicast) computers and now also offers the ability to access any media stream (MSP driver) involved in the connection.

Windows XP included both TAPI 3.1 and TAPI 2.2. TAPI 3.1 supports the Microsoft Component Object Model and provides a set of COM objects to application programmers. This version uses File Terminals which allow applications to record streaming data to a file and play this recorded data back to a stream. A USB Phone TSP (Telephony Service Provider) was also included which allows an application to control a USB phone and use it as a streaming endpoint. TAPI 3.0 or TAPI 3.1 are not available on operating systems earlier than Windows 2000 and Windows XP respectively.

The Telephony Server Application Programming Interface (TSAPI) is a similar standard developed by Novell for NetWare servers.

Telephone address format
TAPI uses Microsoft canonical address format for telephone numbers to make phone calls. It is a derivative of E.123 international notation.

The canonical address is a text string with the following format:. Area code, subaddress and name are optional; the latter can carry extension number for direct inward dialing and calling party name, as used by ISDN/E1/T1 telecommunication protocols.

Dialing rules are used to transform the canonical phone number into a dialable calling sequence for the modem, depending on the user's location. The dialing rules include variable-length dialing for area code, trunk access and international access prefixes, as well as central office access and calling card/credit card numbers.

The calling sequence can contain dialable numbers such as digits  and DTMF tones , formatting characters  , and control characters   which correspond to the Dial command of the Hayes AT command set. The following control characters are defined:

 * ! - hookflash, i.e. half second on-hook followed by half second off-hook;
 * P - pulse dialing mode;
 * T - tone dialing mode;
 * , - pause dialing (duration specified by the device);
 * W - wait for dial tone;
 * @ - wait for "quiet answer", i.e. the ringback tone followed by several seconds of silence;
 * $ - wait for a billing signal, such as credit card prompt tone;
 * ? - indicates that the user is to be prompted before continuing (results in an application error since the API has no means to implement a user prompt);
 * ; - the number is not complete and will be finished later (only valid in a dialable number).

TAPI 2.x vs TAPI 3.x
It is a common misconception that TAPI 3.0 (or TAPI 3.1) replaces TAPI 2.x.

TAPI 2.x and earlier versions were written in C; the API uses pointers to structures. Consequently, TAPI 2.x is easy to access from C or C++ applications, but it can be awkward to use from many other programming languages.

TAPI 3.x was designed with a Component Object Model (COM) interface. This was done with the intent of making it accessible to higher level applications such as developed in VB or other environments that provide easy access to COM but don't deal with C-style pointers.

TAPI 3.x has a slightly different set of functionality than TAPI 2.x. The addition of integrated media control was the most significant addition. But TAPI 3.x doesn't include all functionality that TAPI 2.x does, like support for the Phone class.

One very notable issue with TAPI 3.x is the lack of support for managed code (.NET environment). As documented in Microsoft KB Article 841712, Microsoft currently has no plans to support TAPI 3.x directly from .NET programming languages. However, Mark Smith has provided a managed C++ library called ITAPI3 and a 2.x wrapper for .NET. Other developers provide libraries to work indirectly with TAPI enabled PBXs.

One often overlooked reason an application developer might choose between TAPI 2.x and TAPI 3.x should be the hardware vendors recommendation. Even though TAPI provides an abstract model of phone lines, telephony applications are still heavily impacted by the specific behavior of the underlying hardware. Troubleshooting behavior issues usually requires both software and hardware vendors to collaborate. Because there is almost a 1:1 relationship between the TAPI Service Provider (TSP) interface and the TAPI 2.x interface, collaboration is often easier if the application is designed using TAPI 2.x. Experience with TAPI 3.x varies significantly between hardware vendors.

TAPI compliant hardware
On Windows, TAPI support was almost universal in telephony hardware such as voice modems (both internal and external) and computer expansion boards such as Dialogic telephony cards. The only notable exception who never natively supported TAPI was the Avaya Communication Manager, which relied solely on the TSAPI interface for connectivity.

Many PBX systems provide TAPI-compliant modem interfaces. TAPI compatible PBX solutions include Aastra (400/800), Aastra (MX-ONE), Alcatel (OXO/OXE),  Avaya (BCM, IP Office), Cisco (Call Manager),  Ericsson-LG (eMG80, iPECS, ipLDK),  NEC-Philips (iS3000, IPC100/500), NEC (SL1000, SV8100/9100), Nitsuko (DXE600/328), Panasonic (KX-TDA/TDE/NCP, KX-NS1000), Samsung (OfficeServ), Unify (3000/4000, Openscape Office), ShoreTel, and ZyXEL (X6004/X2002).

Third party drivers are often available for the telephone systems that don't have drivers made by the manufacturers.


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Economic history

Economic history is the study of history using methodological tools from economics or with a special attention to economic phenomena. Research is conducted using a combination of historical methods, statistical methods and the application of economic theory to historical situations and institutions. The field can encompass a wide variety of topics, including equality, finance, technology, labour, and business. It emphasizes historicizing the economy itself, analyzing it as a dynamic entity and attempting to provide insights into the way it is structured and conceived.

Using both quantitative data and qualitative sources, economic historians emphasize understanding the historical context in which major economic events take place. They often focus on the institutional dynamics of systems of production, labor, and capital, as well as the economy's impact on society, culture, and language. Scholars of the discipline may approach their analysis from the perspective of different schools of economic thought, such as mainstream economics, Austrian economics, Marxian economics, the Chicago school of economics, and Keynesian economics.

Economic history has several sub-disciplines. Historical methods are commonly applied in financial and business history, which overlap with areas of social history such as demographic and labor history. In the sub-discipline of cliometrics, economists use quantitative (econometric) methods. In history of capitalism, historians explain economic historical issues and processes from a historical point of view.

Early history of the discipline
Arnold Toynbee made the case for combining economics and history in his study of the Industrial Revolution, saying, "I believe economics today is much too dissociated from history. Smith and Malthus had historical minds. However, Ricardo – who set the pattern of modern textbooks – had a mind that was entirely unhistorical." There were several advantages in combining economics and history according to Toynbee. To begin with, it improved economic understanding. "We see abstract propositions in a new light when studying them in relation to historical facts. Propositions become more vivid and truthful." Meanwhile, studying history with economics makes history easier to understand. Economics teaches us to look out for the right facts in reading history and makes matters such as introducing enclosures, machinery, or new currencies more intelligible. Economics also teaches careful deductive reasoning. "The habits of mind it instils are even more valuable than the knowledge of principles it gives. Without these habits, the mass of their materials can overwhelm students of historical facts."

In late-nineteenth-century Germany, scholars at a number of universities, led by Gustav von Schmoller, developed the historical school of economic history. It argued that there were no universal truths in history, emphasizing the importance of historical context without quantitative analysis. This historical approach dominated German and French scholarship for most of the 20th century. The historical school of economics included other economists such as Max Weber and Joseph Schumpeter who reasoned that careful analysis of human actions, cultural norms, historical context, and mathematical support was key to historical analysis. The approach was spread to Great Britain by William Ashley (University of Oxford) and dominated British economic history for much of the 20th century. Britain's first professor in the subject was George Unwin at the University of Manchester. Meanwhile, in France, economic history was heavily influenced by the Annales School from the early 20th century to the present. It exerts a worldwide influence through its journal Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales.

Treating economic history as a discrete academic discipline has been a contentious issue for many years. Academics at the London School of Economics and the University of Cambridge had numerous disputes over the separation of economics and economic history in the interwar era. Cambridge economists believed that pure economics involved a component of economic history and that the two were inseparably entangled. Those at the LSE believed that economic history warranted its own courses, research agenda and academic chair separated from mainstream economics. In the initial period of the subject's development, the LSE position of separating economic history from economics won out. Many universities in the UK developed independent programmes in economic history rooted in the LSE model. Indeed, the Economic History Society had its inauguration at LSE in 1926 and the University of Cambridge eventually established its own economic history programme.

In the United States, the field of economic history was largely subsumed into other fields of economics following the cliometric revolution of the 1960s. To many it became seen as a form of applied economics rather than a stand-alone discipline. Cliometrics, also known as the New Economic History, refers to the systematic use of economic theory and econometric techniques to the study of economic history. The term was originally coined by Jonathan R. T. Hughes and Stanley Reiter and refers to Clio, who was the muse of history and heroic poetry in Greek mythology. One of the most famous cliometric economic historians is Douglass North, who argued that it is the task of economic history to elucidate the historical dimensions of economies through time. Cliometricians argue their approach is necessary because the application of theory is crucial in writing solid economic history, while historians generally oppose this view warning against the risk of generating anachronisms.

Early cliometrics was a type of counterfactual history. However, counterfactualism was not its distinctive feature; it combined neoclassical economics with quantitative methods in order to explain human choices based on constraints. Some have argued that cliometrics had its heyday in the 1960s and 1970s and that it is now neglected by economists and historians. In response to North and Robert Fogel's Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics in 1993, Harvard University economist (and future Nobel winner) Claudia Goldin argued that:"economic history is not a handmaiden of economics but a distinct field of scholarship. Economic history was a scholarly discipline long before it became cliometrics. Its practitioners were economists and historians studying the histories of economies... The new economic history, or cliometrics, formalized economic history in a manner similar to the injection of mathematical models and statistics into the rest of economics."The relationship between economic history, economics and history has long been the subject of intense discussion, and the debates of recent years echo those of early contributors. There has long been a school of thought among economic historians that splits economic history—the study of how economic phenomena evolved in the past—from historical economics—testing the generality of economic theory using historical episodes. US economic historian Charles P. Kindleberger explained this position in his 1990 book Historical Economics: Art or Science?. Economic historian Robert Skidelsky (University of Cambridge) argued that economic theory often employs ahistorical models and methodologies that do not take into account historical context. Yale University economist Irving Fisher already wrote in 1933 on the relationship between economics and economic history in his "Debt-Deflation Theory of Great Depressions": The study of dis-equilibrium may proceed in either of two ways. We may take as our unit for study an actual historical case of great dis-equilibrium, such as, say, the panic of 1873; or we may take as our unit for study any constituent tendency, such as, say, deflation, and discover its general laws, relations to, and combinations with, other tendencies. The former study revolves around events, or facts; the latter, around tendencies. The former is primarily economic history; the latter is primarily economic science. Both sorts of studies are proper and important. Each helps the other. The panic of 1873 can only be understood in light of the various tendencies involved—deflation and other; and deflation can only be understood in the light of various historical manifestations—1873 and other.

Scope and focus of economic history today
The past three decades have witnessed the widespread closure of separate economic history departments and programmes in the UK and the integration of the discipline into either history or economics departments. Only the LSE retains a separate economic history department and stand-alone undergraduate and graduate programme in economic history. Cambridge, Glasgow, LSE, Oxford, Queen's, and Warwick together train the vast majority of economic historians coming through the British higher education system today, but do so as part of economics or history degrees. Meanwhile, there have never been specialist economic history graduate programs at universities anywhere in the US. However, economic history remains a special field component of leading economics PhD programs, including University of California, Berkeley, Harvard University, Northwestern University, Princeton University, the University of Chicago and Yale University.

Despite the pessimistic view on the state of the discipline espoused by many of its practitioners, economic history remains an active field of social scientific inquiry. Indeed, it has seen something of a resurgence in interest since 2000, perhaps driven by research conducted at universities in continental Europe rather than the UK and the US. The overall number of economic historians in the world is estimated at 10,400, with Japan and China as well as the U.K and the U.S. ranking highest in numbers. Some less developed countries, however, are not sufficiently integrated in the world economic history community, among others, Senegal, Brazil and Vietnam.

Part of the growth in economic history is driven by the continued interest in big policy-relevant questions on the history of economic growth and development. MIT economist Peter Temin noted that development economics is intricately connected with economic history, as it explores the growth of economies with different technologies, innovations, and institutions. Studying economic growth has been popular for years among economists and historians who have sought to understand why some economies have grown faster than others. Some of the early texts in the field include Walt Whitman Rostow's The Stages of Economic Growth: A Non-Communist Manifesto (1971) which described how advanced economies grow after overcoming certain hurdles and advancing to the next stage in development. Another economic historian, Alexander Gerschenkron, complicated this theory with works on how economies develop in non-Western countries, as discussed in Economic Backwardness in Historical Perspective: A Book of Essays (1962). A more recent work is Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson's Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty (2012) which pioneered a new field of persistence studies, emphasizing the path-dependent stages of growth. Other notable books on the topic include Kenneth Pomeranz's The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the Making of the Modern World Economy (2000) and David S. Landes's The Wealth and Poverty of Nations: Why Some are So Rich and Some So Poor (1998).

In recent decades, and notably since the global financial crisis of 2007–2008, scholars have recently become more interested in a field which may be called new new economic history. Scholars have tended to move away from narrowly quantitative studies toward institutional, social, and cultural history affecting the evolution of economies. The focus of these studies is frequently on "persistence", as past events are linked to present outcomes. Columbia University economist Charles Calomiris argued that this new field showed 'how historical (path-dependent) processes governed changes in institutions and markets.' However, this trend has been criticized, most forcefully by Francesco Boldizzoni, as a form of economic imperialism "extending the neoclassical explanatory model to the realm of social relations."

Conversely, economists in other specializations have started to write a new kind of economic history which makes use of historical data to understand the present day. A major development in this genre was the publication of Thomas Piketty's Capital in the Twenty-First Century (2013). The book described the rise in wealth and income inequality since the 18th century, arguing that large concentrations of wealth lead to social and economic instability. Piketty also advocated a system of global progressive wealth taxes to correct rising inequality. The book was selected as a New York Times best seller and received numerous awards. The book was well received by some of the world's major economists, including Paul Krugman, Robert Solow, and Ben Bernanke. Books in response to Piketty's book include After Piketty: The Agenda for Economics and Inequality, by Heather Boushey, J. Bradford DeLong, and Marshall Steinbaum (eds.) (2017), Pocket Piketty by Jesper Roine (2017), and Anti-Piketty: Capital for the 21st Century, by Jean-Philippe Delsol, Nicolas Lecaussin, Emmanuel Martin (2017). One economist argued that Piketty's book was "Nobel-Prize worthy" and noted that it had changed the global discussion on how economic historians study inequality. It has also sparked new conversations in the disciplines of public policy.

In addition to the mainstream in economic history, there is a parallel development in the field influenced by Karl Marx and Marxian economics. Marx used historical analysis to interpret the role of class and class as a central issue in history. He debated with the "classical" economists (a term he coined), including Adam Smith and David Ricardo. In turn, Marx's legacy in economic history has been to critique the findings of neoclassical economists. Marxist analysis also confronts economic determinism, the theory that economic relationships are the foundation of political and societal institutions. Marx abstracted the idea of a "capitalist mode of production" as a way of identifying the transition from feudalism to capitalism. This has influenced some scholars, such as Maurice Dobb, to argue that feudalism declined because of peasants' struggles for freedom and the growing inefficiency of feudalism as a system of production. In turn, in what was later coined the Brenner debate, Paul Sweezy, a Marxian economist, challenged Dobb's definition of feudalism and its focus only on western Europe. ''

History of capitalism
A new field, called "history of capitalism" by researchers engaged in it, has emerged in US history departments since about the year 2000. It includes many topics traditionally associated with the field of economic history, such as insurance, banking and regulation, the political dimension of business, and the impact of capitalism on the middle classes, the poor and women and minorities. The field has particularly focused on the contribution of slavery to the rise of the US economy in the nineteenth century. The field utilizes the existing research of business history, but has sought to make it more relevant to the concerns of history departments in the United States, including by having limited or no discussion of individual business enterprises. Historians of capitalism have countered these critiques, citing the issues with economic history. As University of Chicago professor of history Jonathan Levy states, "modern economic history began with industrialization and urbanization, and, even then, environmental considerations were subsidiary, if not nonexistent."

Scholars have critiqued the history of capitalism because it does not focus on systems of production, circulation, and distribution. Some have criticized its lack of social scientific methods and its ideological biases. As a result, a new academic journal, Capitalism: A Journal of History and Economics, was founded at the University of Pennsylvania under the direction of Marc Flandreau (University of Pennsylvania), Julia Ott (The New School, New York) and Francesca Trivellato (Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton) to widen the scope of the field. The journal's goal is to bring together "historians and social scientists interested in the material and intellectual aspects of modern economic life."

Academic journals and societies
The first journal specializing in the field of economic history was The Economic History Review, founded in 1927, as the main publication of the Economic History Society. The first journal featured a publication by Professor Sir William Ashley, the first Professor of Economic History in the English-speaking world, who described the emerging field of economic history. The discipline existed alongside long-standing fields such as political history, religious history, and military history as one that focused on humans' interactions with 'visible happenings'. He continued, '[economic history] primarily and unless expressly extended, the history of actual human practice with respect to the material basis of life. The visible happenings with regard-to use the old formula-to "the production, distribution, and consumption of wealth" form our wide enough field'.

Later, the Economic History Association established another academic journal, The Journal of Economic History, in 1941 as a way of expanding the discipline in the United States. The first president of the Economic History Association, Edwin F. Gay, described the aim of economic history was to provide new perspectives in the economics and history disciplines: 'An adequate equipment with two skills, that of the historian and the economist, is not easily acquired, but experience shows that it is both necessary and possible'. Other related academic journals have broadened the lens with which economic history is studied. These interdisciplinary journals include the Business History Review, European Review of Economic History, Enterprise and Society, and Financial History Review.

The International Economic History Association, an association of close to 50 member organizations, recognizes some of the major academic organizations dedicated to study of economic history: the Business History Conference, Economic History Association, Economic History Society, European Association of Business Historians, and the International Social History Association.

Nobel Memorial Prize-winning economic historians
Several economists have won Nobel prizes for contributions to economic history or contributions to economics that are commonly applied in economic history.
 * Simon Kuznets won the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences ("the Nobel Memorial Prize") in 1971 "for his empirically founded interpretation of economic growth which has led to new and deepened insight into the economic and social structure and process of development".
 * John Hicks, whose early writing was on the field of economic history, won the Nobel Memorial Prize in 1972 due to his contributions to general equilibrium theory and welfare theory.
 * Arthur Lewis won the Nobel Memorial Prize in 1979 for his contributions in the field of economic development through historical context.
 * Milton Friedman won the Nobel Memorial Prize in 1976 for "his achievements in the fields of consumption analysis, monetary history and theory and for his demonstration of the complexity of stabilization policy".
 * Robert Fogel and Douglass North won the Nobel Memorial Prize in 1993 for "having renewed research in economic history by applying economic theory and quantitative methods in order to explain economic and institutional change".
 * Claudia Goldin, who won the Nobel in 2023 for 'having advanced our understanding of women's labor market outcomes', began her career researching the history of the US southern economy and was President of the Economic History Association in 1999/2000.

Foundational works

 * Milton Friedman and Anna Schwartz, A Monetary History of the United States, 1867–1960 (1963)
 * Friedrich Hayek, The Road to Serfdom (1944)
 * Karl Marx, Capital: A Critique of Political Economy (1867)
 * Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation: Origins of Our Time (1944)
 * David Ricardo, On the Principles of Political Economy and Taxation (1817)
 * Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (1776)

General

 * Robert C. Allen, Global Economic History: A Very Short Introduction (2011)
 * Gregory Clark, A Farewell to Alms: A Brief Economic History of the World (2007)
 * Ronald Findlay and Kevin O’Rourke, Power and Plenty: Trade, War, and the World Economy in the Second Millennium (2007)
 * Robert Heilbroner, The Worldly Philosophers: The Lives, Times and Ideas of the Great Economic Thinkers (1953)
 * Eric Roll, A History of Economic Thought (1923)

Ancient economies

 * Moses Finley, The Ancient Economy (1973)
 * Walter Scheidel, The Great Leveler: Violence and the History of Inequality from the Stone Age to the Twenty-First Century (2017)
 * Peter Temin, The Roman Market Economy (2012)

Economic growth and development

 * Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson, Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty (2012)
 * Alexander Gerschenkron, Economic Backwardness in Historical Perspective: A Book of Essays (1962)
 * Robert J. Gordon, The Rise and Fall of American Growth: The U.S. Standard of Living Since the Civil War (2016)
 * David S. Landes, The Wealth and Poverty of Nations: Why Some are So Rich and Some So Poor (1998)
 * Deirdre McCloskey, Bourgeois Equality: How Ideas, Not Capital or Institutions, Enriched the World (2016)
 * Joel Mokyr, The Lever of Riches: Technological Creativity and Economic Progress (1990)
 * Kenneth Pomeranz, The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the Making of the Modern World Economy (2000)
 * Walt Whitman Rostow, The Stages of Economic Growth: A Non-Communist Manifesto (1971)
 * Jeffrey Sachs, The End of Poverty: Economic Possibilities for Our Time (2005)
 * Amartya Sen, Development as Freedom (1999)
 * William Easterly, The White Man's Burden: Why the West's Efforts to Aid the Rest Have Done So Much Ill and So Little Good (2006)

History of money

 * Christine Desan, Making Money: Coin, Currency, and the Coming of Capitalism (2014)
 * William N. Goetzmann, Money Changes Everything: How Finance Made Civilization Possible (2016)
 * David Graeber, Debt: The First 5000 Years (2011)

Business history

 * David Cannadine, Mellon: An American Life (2006)
 * Alfred D. Chandler Jr., The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in American Business (1977)
 * Ron Chernow, The House of Morgan: An American Banking Dynasty and the Rise of Modern Finance (1990)
 * Ron Chernow, Titan: The Life of John D. Rockefeller, Sr. (1998)
 * William D. Cohan, Money and Power: How Goldman Sachs Came to Rule the World
 * Naomi Lamoreaux, The Great Merger Movement in American Business, 1895–1904 (1985)
 * David Nasaw, Andrew Carnegie (2006)
 * Jean Strouse, Morgan: American Financier (1999)

Financial history

 * Liaquat Ahamed, Lords of Finance: The Bankers Who Broke the World (2009)
 * Mark Blyth, Austerity: The History of a Dangerous Idea (2013)
 * Charles W. Calomiris and Stephen H. Haber, Fragile by Design: The Political Origins of Banking Crises and Scarce Credit (2014)
 * Barry Eichengreen, Exorbitant Privilege: The Rise and Fall of the Dollar and the Future of the International Monetary System (2010)
 * Barry Eichengreen, Globalizing Capital: A History of the International Monetary System (1996)
 * Niall Ferguson, The Ascent of Money: A Financial History of the World (2008)
 * Harold James, International Monetary Cooperation Since Bretton Woods (1996)
 * Carmen M. Reinhart and Kenneth S. Rogoff, This Time Is Different: Eight Centuries of Financial Folly (2009)
 * Benn Steil, The Battle of Bretton Woods: John Maynard Keynes, Harry Dexter White, and the Making of a New World Order (2013)
 * Adam Tooze, The Wages of Destruction: The Making and Breaking of the Nazi Economy (2006)

Globalization and inequality

 * Sven Beckert, Empire of Cotton: A Global History (2014)
 * William J. Bernstein, A Splendid Exchange: How Trade Shaped the World from Prehistory to Today (2008).
 * Niall Ferguson, The Cash Nexus: Money and Power in the Modern World, 1700-2000 (2001).
 * Robert Fogel and Stanley L. Engerman, Time on the Cross: The Economics of American Negro Slavery (1974).
 * Claudia Goldin, Understanding the Gender Gap: An Economic History of American Women (1990).
 * Harold James, The End of Globalization: Lessons from the Great Depression (2009).
 * Kevin O'Rourke and Jeffrey G. Williamson, Globalization and History: The Evolution of a Nineteenth-century Atlantic Economy (1999)
 * Thomas Piketty, Capital in the Twenty-First Century (2013).
 * Thomas Piketty, The Economics of Inequality (2015).
 * Thomas Piketty, Capital and Ideology (2020).
 * Emmanuel Saez and Gabriel Zucman, The Triumph of Injustice: How the Rich Dodge Taxes and How to Make Them Pay (2019).
 * Gabriel Zucman, The Hidden Wealth of Nations: The Scourge of Tax Havens (2015).

Notable economic historians

 * Moses Abramovitz
 * Jeremy Adelman
 * Robert Allen
 * T. S. Ashton
 * Correlli Barnett
 * Jörg Baten
 * Maxine Berg
 * Jean-François Bergier
 * Ben Bernanke
 * Francesco Boldizzoni
 * Leah Boustan
 * Fernand Braudel
 * Rondo Cameron
 * Sydney Checkland
 * Carlo M. Cipolla
 * John Clapham
 * Gregory Clark
 * Thomas C. Cochran
 * Nicholas Crafts
 * Louis Cullen
 * Peter Davies (economic historian)
 * Brad DeLong
 * Melissa Dell
 * Barry Eichengreen
 * Friedrich Engels
 * Stanley Engerman
 * Giovanni Federico
 * Charles Feinstein
 * Niall Ferguson
 * Ronald Findlay
 * Moses Israel Finley
 * Irving Fisher
 * Brian Fitzpatrick
 * Roderick Floud
 * Robert Fogel
 * Milton Friedman
 * Celso Furtado
 * Alexander Gerschenkron
 * Claudia Goldin
 * Jack Goldstone
 * John Habakkuk
 * Earl J. Hamilton
 * Eli Heckscher
 * Eric Hobsbawm
 * Susan Howson
 * Leo Huberman
 * Jane Humphries
 * Harold James
 * Geoffrey Jones
 * Ibn Khaldun
 * Charles P. Kindleberger
 * John Komlos
 * Nikolai Kondratiev
 * Simon Kuznets
 * Kwasi Kwarteng
 * Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie
 * Naomi Lamoreaux
 * David Landes
 * Tim Leunig
 * Friedrich List
 * Robert Sabatino Lopez
 * Angus Maddison
 * Karl Marx
 * Peter Mathias
 * Ellen McArthur
 * Deirdre McCloskey
 * Jacob (Kobi) Metzer
 * Joel Mokyr
 * Douglass North
 * Nathan Nunn
 * Avner Offer
 * Cormac Ó Gráda
 * Patrick K. O'Brien
 * Thomas Piketty
 * Henri Pirenne
 * Karl Polanyi
 * Erik S. Reinert
 * Christina Romer
 * W. W. Rostow
 * Murray Rothbard
 * Tirthankar Roy
 * Joseph Schumpeter
 * Anna Jacobson Schwartz
 * Larry Schweikart
 * Ram Sharan Sharma
 * Robert Skidelsky
 * Adam Smith
 * Graeme Snooks
 * Richard H. Steckel
 * R. H. Tawney
 * Peter Temin
 * Adam Tooze
 * Francesca Trivellato
 * Eberhard Wächtler
 * Jeffrey Williamson
 * Tony Wrigley
 * Jan Luiten van Zanden
 * Harold Innis
 * John Kenneth Galbraith
 * Donald Creighton
 * Naomi Klein
 * Linda McQuaig
 * Gino Luzzatto

title: Economic history


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Thread safety

In multi-threaded computer programming, a function is thread-safe when it can be invoked or accessed concurrently by multiple threads without causing unexpected behavior, race conditions, or data corruption. As in the multi-threaded context where a program executes several threads simultaneously in a shared address space and each of those threads has access to all every other thread's memory, thread-safe functions need to ensures all those threads behave properly and fulfill their design specifications without unintended interaction.

There are various strategies for making thread-safe data structures.

Levels of thread safety
Different vendors use slightly different terminology for thread-safety, but the most commonly use thread-safety terminology are:
 * Not thread safe: Data structures should not be accessed simultaneously by different threads.
 * Thread safe, serialization: Use a single mutex for all resources to guarantee the thread to be free of race conditions when those resources are accessed by multiple threads simultaneously.
 * Thread safe, MT-safe: Use a mutex for every single resource to guarantee the thread to be free of race conditions when those resources are accessed by multiple threads simultaneously.

Thread safety guarantees usually also include design steps to prevent or limit the risk of different forms of deadlocks, as well as optimizations to maximize concurrent performance. However, deadlock-free guarantees cannot always be given, since deadlocks can be caused by callbacks and violation of architectural layering independent of the library itself.

Software libraries can provide certain thread-safety guarantees. For example, concurrent reads might be guaranteed to be thread-safe, but concurrent writes might not be. Whether a program using such a library is thread-safe depends on whether it uses the library in a manner consistent with those guarantees.

Implementation approaches
Below we discuss two classes of approaches for avoiding race conditions to achieve thread-safety.

The first class of approaches focuses on avoiding shared state and includes:
 * Re-entrancy : Writing code in such a way that it can be partially executed by a thread, executed by the same thread, or simultaneously executed by another thread and still correctly complete the original execution. This requires the saving of state information in variables local to each execution, usually on a stack, instead of in static or global variables or other non-local state. All non-local states must be accessed through atomic operations and the data-structures must also be reentrant.
 * Thread-local storage: Variables are localized so that each thread has its own private copy. These variables retain their values across subroutine and other code boundaries and are thread-safe since they are local to each thread, even though the code which accesses them might be executed simultaneously by another thread.
 * Immutable objects: The state of an object cannot be changed after construction. This implies both that only read-only data is shared and that inherent thread safety is attained. Mutable (non-const) operations can then be implemented in such a way that they create new objects instead of modifying the existing ones. This approach is characteristic of functional programming and is also used by the string implementations in Java, C#, and Python. (See Immutable object.)

The second class of approaches are synchronization-related, and are used in situations where shared state cannot be avoided:
 * Mutual exclusion: Access to shared data is serialized using mechanisms that ensure only one thread reads or writes to the shared data at any time. Incorporation of mutual exclusion needs to be well thought out, since improper usage can lead to side-effects like deadlocks, livelocks, and resource starvation.
 * Atomic operations: Shared data is accessed by using atomic operations which cannot be interrupted by other threads. This usually requires using special machine language instructions, which might be available in a runtime library. Since the operations are atomic, the shared data is always kept in a valid state, no matter how other threads access it. Atomic operations form the basis of many thread locking mechanisms, and are used to implement mutual exclusion primitives.

Examples
In the following piece of Java code, the Java keyword synchronized makes the method thread-safe:

In the C programming language, each thread has its own stack. However, a static variable is not kept on the stack; all threads share simultaneous access to it. If multiple threads overlap while running the same function, it is possible that a static variable might be changed by one thread while another is midway through checking it. This difficult-to-diagnose logic error, which may compile and run properly most of the time, is called a race condition. One common way to avoid this is to use another shared variable as a "lock" or "mutex" (from mutual exclusion).

In the following piece of C code, the function is thread-safe, but not reentrant:

In the above,  can be called by different threads without any problem since a mutex is used to synchronize all access to the shared   variable. But if the function is used in a reentrant interrupt handler and a second interrupt arises while the mutex is locked, the second routine will hang forever. As interrupt servicing can disable other interrupts, the whole system could suffer.

The same function can be implemented to be both thread-safe and reentrant using the lock-free atomics in C++11:

title: Thread safety


text:
Bottom–up and top–down design

Bottom–up and top–down are both strategies of information processing and ordering knowledge, used in a variety of fields including software, humanistic and scientific theories (see systemics), and management and organization. In practice they can be seen as a style of thinking, teaching, or leadership.

A top–down approach (also known as stepwise design and stepwise refinement and in some cases used as a synonym of decomposition) is essentially the breaking down of a system to gain insight into its compositional subsystems in a reverse engineering fashion. In a top–down approach an overview of the system is formulated, specifying, but not detailing, any first-level subsystems. Each subsystem is then refined in yet greater detail, sometimes in many additional subsystem levels, until the entire specification is reduced to base elements. A top–down model is often specified with the assistance of black boxes, which makes it easier to manipulate. However black boxes may fail to clarify elementary mechanisms or be detailed enough to realistically validate the model. A top–down approach starts with the big picture, then breaks down into smaller segments.

A bottom–up approach is the piecing together of systems to give rise to more complex systems, thus making the original systems subsystems of the emergent system. Bottom–up processing is a type of information processing based on incoming data from the environment to form a perception. From a cognitive psychology perspective, information enters the eyes in one direction (sensory input, or the "bottom"), and is then turned into an image by the brain that can be interpreted and recognized as a perception (output that is "built up" from processing to final cognition). In a bottom–up approach the individual base elements of the system are first specified in great detail. These elements are then linked together to form larger subsystems, which then in turn are linked, sometimes in many levels, until a complete top-level system is formed. This strategy often resembles a "seed" model, by which the beginnings are small but eventually grow in complexity and completeness. But "organic strategies" may result in a tangle of elements and subsystems, developed in isolation and subject to local optimization as opposed to meeting a global purpose.

Product design and development
During the development of new products, designers and engineers rely on both bottom–up and top–down approaches. The bottom–up approach is being used when off-the-shelf or existing components are selected and integrated into the product. An example includes selecting a particular fastener, such as a bolt, and designing the receiving components such that the fastener will fit properly. In a top–down approach, a custom fastener would be designed such that it would fit properly in the receiving components. For perspective, for a product with more restrictive requirements (such as weight, geometry, safety, environment), such as a spacesuit, a more top–down approach is taken and almost everything is custom designed.

Software development

 * Part of this section is from the Perl Design Patterns Book.

In the software development process, the top–down and bottom–up approaches play a key role.

Top–down approaches emphasize planning and a complete understanding of the system. It is inherent that no coding can begin until a sufficient level of detail has been reached in the design of at least some part of the system. Top–down approaches are implemented by attaching the stubs in place of the module. But these delay testing of the ultimate functional units of a system until significant design is complete.

Bottom–up emphasizes coding and early testing, which can begin as soon as the first module has been specified. But this approach runs the risk that modules may be coded without having a clear idea of how they link to other parts of the system, and that such linking may not be as easy as first thought. Re-usability of code is one of the main benefits of a bottom–up approach.

Top–down design was promoted in the 1970s by IBM researchers Harlan Mills and Niklaus Wirth. Mills developed structured programming concepts for practical use and tested them in a 1969 project to automate the New York Times morgue index. The engineering and management success of this project led to the spread of the top–down approach through IBM and the rest of the computer industry. Among other achievements, Niklaus Wirth, the developer of Pascal programming language, wrote the influential paper Program Development by Stepwise Refinement. Since Niklaus Wirth went on to develop languages such as Modula and Oberon (where one could define a module before knowing about the entire program specification), one can infer that top–down programming was not strictly what he promoted. Top–down methods were favored in software engineering until the late 1980s, and object-oriented programming assisted in demonstrating the idea that both aspects of top-down and bottom-up programming could be used.

Modern software design approaches usually combine top–down and bottom–up approaches. Although an understanding of the complete system is usually considered necessary for good design—leading theoretically to a top-down approach—most software projects attempt to make use of existing code to some degree. Pre-existing modules give designs a bottom–up flavor.

Programming

Top–down is a programming style, the mainstay of traditional procedural languages, in which design begins by specifying complex pieces and then dividing them into successively smaller pieces. The technique for writing a program using top–down methods is to write a main procedure that names all the major functions it will need. Later, the programming team looks at the requirements of each of those functions and the process is repeated. These compartmentalized subroutines eventually will perform actions so simple they can be easily and concisely coded. When all the various subroutines have been coded the program is ready for testing. By defining how the application comes together at a high level, lower-level work can be self-contained.

In a bottom–up approach the individual base elements of the system are first specified in great detail. These elements are then linked together to form larger subsystems, which in turn are linked, sometimes at many levels, until a complete top–level system is formed. This strategy often resembles a "seed" model, by which the beginnings are small, but eventually grow in complexity and completeness. Object-oriented programming (OOP) is a paradigm that uses "objects" to design applications and computer programs. In mechanical engineering with software programs such as Pro/ENGINEER, Solidworks, and Autodesk Inventor users can design products as pieces not part of the whole and later add those pieces together to form assemblies like building with Lego. Engineers call this "piece part design".

Parsing
Parsing is the process of analyzing an input sequence (such as that read from a file or a keyboard) in order to determine its grammatical structure. This method is used in the analysis of both natural languages and computer languages, as in a compiler.

Nanotechnology

Top–down and bottom–up are two approaches for the manufacture of products. These terms were first applied to the field of nanotechnology by the Foresight Institute in 1989 to distinguish between molecular manufacturing (to mass-produce large atomically precise objects) and conventional manufacturing (which can mass-produce large objects that are not atomically precise). Bottom–up approaches seek to have smaller (usually molecular) components built up into more complex assemblies, while top–down approaches seek to create nanoscale devices by using larger, externally controlled ones to direct their assembly. Certain valuable nanostructures, such as Silicon nanowires, can be fabricated using either approach, with processing methods selected on the basis of targeted applications.

A top–down approach often uses the traditional workshop or microfabrication methods where externally controlled tools are used to cut, mill, and shape materials into the desired shape and order. Micropatterning techniques, such as photolithography and inkjet printing belong to this category. Vapor treatment can be regarded as a new top–down secondary approaches to engineer nanostructures.

Bottom–up approaches, in contrast, use the chemical properties of single molecules to cause single-molecule components to (a) self-organize or self-assemble into some useful conformation, or (b) rely on positional assembly. These approaches use the concepts of molecular self-assembly and/or molecular recognition. See also Supramolecular chemistry. Such bottom–up approaches should, broadly speaking, be able to produce devices in parallel and much cheaper than top–down methods but could potentially be overwhelmed as the size and complexity of the desired assembly increases.

Neuroscience and psychology

These terms are also employed in neuroscience, cognitive neuroscience and cognitive psychology to discuss the flow of information in processing. Typically, sensory input is considered bottom–up, and higher cognitive processes, which have more information from other sources, are considered top–down. A bottom-up process is characterized by an absence of higher-level direction in sensory processing, whereas a top-down process is characterized by a high level of direction of sensory processing by more cognition, such as goals or targets (Biederman, 19).

According to college teaching notes written by Charles Ramskov, Irvin Rock, Neiser, and Richard Gregory claim that top–down approach involves perception that is an active and constructive process. Additionally, it is an approach not directly given by stimulus input, but is the result of stimulus, internal hypotheses, and expectation interactions. According to theoretical synthesis, "when a stimulus is presented short and clarity is uncertain that gives a vague stimulus, perception becomes a top-down approach."

Conversely, psychology defines bottom–up processing as an approach in which there is a progression from the individual elements to the whole. According to Ramskov, one proponent of bottom–up approach, Gibson, claims that it is a process that includes visual perception that needs information available from proximal stimulus produced by the distal stimulus. Theoretical synthesis also claims that bottom–up processing occurs "when a stimulus is presented long and clearly enough."

Certain cognitive processes, such as fast reactions or quick visual identification, are considered bottom–up processes because they rely primarily on sensory information, whereas processes such as motor control and directed attention are considered top–down because they are goal directed. Neurologically speaking, some areas of the brain, such as area V1 mostly have bottom–up connections. Other areas, such as the fusiform gyrus have inputs from higher brain areas and are considered to have top–down influence.

The study of visual attention is an example. If your attention is drawn to a flower in a field, it may be because the color or shape of the flower are visually salient. The information that caused you to attend to the flower came to you in a bottom–up fashion—your attention was not contingent on knowledge of the flower: the outside stimulus was sufficient on its own. Contrast this situation with one in which you are looking for a flower. You have a representation of what you are looking for. When you see the object, you are looking for, it is salient. This is an example of the use of top–down information.

In cognition, two thinking approaches are distinguished. "Top–down" (or "big chunk") is stereotypically the visionary, or the person who sees the larger picture and overview. Such people focus on the big picture and from that derive the details to support it. "Bottom–up" (or "small chunk") cognition is akin to focusing on the detail primarily, rather than the landscape. The expression "seeing the wood for the trees" references the two styles of cognition.

Studies in task switching and response selection show that there are differences through the two types of processing. Top–down processing primarily focuses on the attention side, such as task repetition (Schneider, 2015). Bottom–up processing focuses on item-based learning, such as finding the same object over and over again (Schneider, 2015). Implications for understanding attentional control of response selection in conflict situations are discussed (Schneider, 2015).

This also applies to how we structure these processing neurologically. With structuring information interfaces in our neurological processes for procedural learning. These processes were proven effective to work in our interface design. But although both top–down principles were effective in guiding interface design; they were not sufficient. They can be combined with iterative bottom–up methods to produce usable interfaces (Zacks & Tversky, 2003).

Schooling
Undergraduate (or bachelor) students are taught the basis of top–down bottom–up processing around their third year in the program. Going through four main parts of the processing when viewing it from a learning perspective. The two main definitions are that bottom–up processing is determined directly by environmental stimuli rather than the individual's knowledge and expectations (Koch, 2022).

Management and organization

In the fields of management and organization, the terms "top–down" and "bottom–up" are used to describe how decisions are made and/or how change is implemented.

A "top–down" approach is where an executive decision maker or other top person makes the decisions of how something should be done. This approach is disseminated under their authority to lower levels in the hierarchy, who are, to a greater or lesser extent, bound by them. For example, when wanting to make an improvement in a hospital, a hospital administrator might decide that a major change (such as implementing a new program) is needed, and then use a planned approach to drive the changes down to the frontline staff.

A bottom–up approach to changes is one that works from the grassroots, and originates in a flat structure with people working together, causing a decision to arise from their joint involvement. A decision by a number of activists, students, or victims of some incident to take action is a "bottom–up" decision. A bottom–up approach can be thought of as "an incremental change approach that represents an emergent process cultivated and upheld primarily by frontline workers".

Positive aspects of top–down approaches include their efficiency and superb overview of higher levels; and external effects can be internalized. On the negative side, if reforms are perceived to be imposed "from above", it can be difficult for lower levels to accept them (e.g., Bresser-Pereira, Maravall, and Przeworski 1993). Evidence suggests this to be true regardless of the content of reforms (e.g., Dubois 2002). A bottom–up approach allows for more experimentation and a better feeling for what is needed at the bottom. Other evidence suggests that there is a third combination approach to change.

Public health
Both top–down and bottom–up approaches are used in public health. There are many examples of top–down programs, often run by governments or large inter-governmental organizations; many of these are disease-or issue-specific, such as HIV control or smallpox eradication. Examples of bottom–up programs include many small NGOs set up to improve local access to healthcare. But many programs seek to combine both approaches; for instance, guinea worm eradication, a single-disease international program currently run by the Carter Center has involved the training of many local volunteers, boosting bottom-up capacity, as have international programs for hygiene, sanitation, and access to primary healthcare.

Architecture
Often the École des Beaux-Arts school of design is said to have primarily promoted top–down design because it taught that an architectural design should begin with a parti, a basic plan drawing of the overall project.

By contrast, the Bauhaus focused on bottom–up design. This method manifested itself in the study of translating small-scale organizational systems to a larger, more architectural scale (as with the wood panel carving and furniture design).

Ecology

In ecology top–down control refers to when a top predator controls the structure or population dynamics of the ecosystem. The interactions between these top predators and their prey are what influences lower trophic levels. Changes in the top level of trophic levels have an inverse effect on the lower trophic levels. Top–down control can have negative effects on the surrounding ecosystem if there is a drastic change in the number of predators. The classic example is of kelp forest ecosystems. In such ecosystems, sea otters are a keystone predator. They prey on urchins, which in turn eat kelp. When otters are removed, urchin populations grow and reduce the kelp forest creating urchin barrens. This reduces the diversity of the ecosystem as a whole and can have detrimental effects on all of the other organisms. In other words, such ecosystems are not controlled by productivity of the kelp, but rather, a top predator. One can see the inverse effect that top–down control has in this example; when the population of otters decreased, the population of the urchins increased.

Bottom–up control in ecosystems refers to ecosystems in which the nutrient supply, productivity, and type of primary producers (plants and phytoplankton) control the ecosystem structure. If there are not enough resources or producers in the ecosystem, there is not enough energy left for the rest of the animals in the food chain because of biomagnification and ecological efficiency. An example would be how plankton populations are controlled by the availability of nutrients. Plankton populations tend to be higher and more complex in areas where upwelling brings nutrients to the surface.

There are many different examples of these concepts. It is common for populations to be influenced by both types of control, and there are still debates going on as to which type of control affects food webs in certain ecosystems.

Philosophy and ethics
Top–down reasoning in ethics is when the reasoner starts from abstract universalizable principles and then reasons down them to particular situations. Bottom–up reasoning occurs when the reasoner starts from intuitive particular situational judgements and then reasons up to principles. Reflective equilibrium occurs when there is interaction between top-down and bottom-up reasoning until both are in harmony. That is to say, when universalizable abstract principles are reflectively found to be in equilibrium with particular intuitive judgements. The process occurs when cognitive dissonance occurs when reasoners try to resolve top–down with bottom–up reasoning, and adjust one or the other, until they are satisfied, they have found the best combinations of principles and situational judgements.

References cited

 * https://philpapers.org/rec/COHTNO
 * https://philpapers.org/rec/COHTNO
 * https://philpapers.org/rec/COHTNO
 * https://philpapers.org/rec/COHTNO
 * https://philpapers.org/rec/COHTNO

title: Bottom–up and top–down design


text:
Turbo C

Turbo C is a discontinued integrated development environment (IDE) and compiler for the C programming language from Borland. First introduced in 1987, it was noted for its integrated development environment, small size, fast compile speed, comprehensive manuals and low price.

In May 1990, Borland replaced Turbo C with Turbo C++. In 2006, Borland reintroduced the Turbo moniker.

Early history
In the early 1980s, Borland enjoyed considerable success with their Turbo Pascal product and it became a popular choice when developing applications for the PC. Borland followed up that success by releasing Turbo Prolog (in 1986), and in 1987, Turbo Basic and Turbo C. Turbo C has similar properties to Turbo Pascal: an integrated development environment, a fast compiler (though not near the speed of Turbo Pascal), a good editor, and a competitive price.

While Turbo Pascal was successful with hobbyists and schools as well as professional programmers, Turbo C competed with other professional programming tools, such as Microsoft C, Lattice C, and Watcom C.

Version history
Version 1.0 (May 13, 1987) offered the first integrated development environment for C on IBM PCs. Like many Borland products of the time, the software was bought from another company (in this case Wizard C by Bob Jervis ), and branded with the "Turbo" name. It ran in 384 kB of memory. It allowed inline assembly with full access to C symbolic names and structures, supported all memory models, and offered optimizations for speed, size, constant folding, and jump elimination.

Version 1.5 (January 1988) was an incremental improvement over version 1.0. It included more sample programs, improved manuals and bug fixes. It was shipped on five 360 KB diskettes of uncompressed files, and came with sample C programs, including a stripped down spreadsheet called mcalc. This version introduced the  header file (which provided fast, PC-specific console I/O routines).

Version 2.0 (late 1988) featured the first "blue screen" version, which would be typical of all future Borland releases for MS-DOS. It was also available bundled with Turbo Assembler and Turbo Debugger. Turbo C 2.0 was also released (in Germany only) for the Atari ST; the program was not maintained by Borland, but sold and renamed PureC. This version introduced the  header file, which provided the Borland Graphics Interface already included in Turbo Pascal.

With the release of Turbo C++ 1.0 (in 1990), the two products were folded into one and the name "Turbo C" was discontinued. The C++ compiler was developed under contract by a company in San Diego, and was one of the first "true" compilers for C++ (until then, it was common to use pre-compilers that generated C code, ref. Cfront).

Freeware release
In 2006, Borland's successor, Embarcadero Technologies, re-released Turbo C and the MS-DOS versions of the Turbo C++ compilers as freeware.

Reception
BYTE in 1989 listed Turbo C and Turbo Pascal as among the "Distinction" winners of the BYTE Awards. Citing their user interface and continued emphasis on speed, the magazine stated that "for rapid prototyping there's not much better".

title: Turbo C


text:
Undocumented feature

An undocumented feature is an unintended or undocumented hardware operation, for example an undocumented instruction, or software feature found in computer hardware and software that is considered beneficial or useful. Sometimes the documentation is omitted through oversight, but undocumented features are sometimes not intended for use by end users, but left available for use by the vendor for software support and development. Also, some unintended operation of hardware or software that ends up being of utility to users is simply a bug, flaw or quirk.

Since the suppliers of the software usually consider the software documentation to constitute a contract for the behavior of the software, undocumented features are generally left unsupported and may be removed or changed at will and without notice to the users.

Undocumented or unsupported features are sometimes also called "not manufacturer supported" (NOMAS), a term coined by PPC Journal in the early 1980s. Some user-reported defects are viewed by software developers as working as expected, leading to the catchphrase "it's not a bug, it's a feature" (INABIAF) and its variations.

Hardware
Undocumented instructions, known as illegal opcodes, on the MOS Technology 6502 and its variants are sometimes used by programmers. These were removed in the WDC 65C02.

Video game and demoscene programmers for the Amiga have taken advantage of the unintended operation of its coprocessors to produce new effects or optimizations.

In 2019, researchers discovered that a manufacturer debugging mode, known as VISA, had an undocumented feature on Intel Platform Controller Hubs (PCHs), chipsets included on most Intel-based motherboards, which makes the mode accessible with a normal motherboard. Since the chipset has direct memory access this is problematic for security reasons.

Software
Undocumented features (for example, the ability to change the switch character in MS-DOS, usually to a hyphen) can be included for compatibility purposes (in this case with Unix utilities) or for future-expansion reasons. However; if the software provider changes their software strategy to better align with the business, the absence of documentation makes it easier to justify the feature's removal.

New versions of software might omit mention of old (possibly superseded) features in documentation but keep them implemented for users who've grown accustomed to them.

In some cases, software bugs are referred to by developers either jokingly or conveniently as undocumented features. This usage may have been popularised in some of Microsoft's responses to bug reports for its first Word for Windows product, but doesn't originate there. The oldest surviving reference on Usenet dates to 5 March 1984. Between 1969 and 1972, Sandy Mathes, a systems programmer for PDP-8 software at Digital Equipment Corporation (DEC) in Maynard, MA, used the terms "bug" and "feature" in her reporting of test results to distinguish between undocumented actions of delivered software products that were unacceptable and tolerable, respectively. This usage may have been perpetuated.

Undocumented features themselves have become a major feature of computer games. Developers often include various cheats and other special features ("easter eggs") that are not explained in the packaged material, but have become part of the "buzz" about the game on the Internet and among gamers. The undocumented features of foreign games are often elements that were not localized from their native language.

Closed source APIs can also have undocumented functions that are not generally known. These are sometimes used to gain a commercial advantage over third-party software by providing additional information or better performance to the application provider.

title: Undocumented feature