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Blue Ash, Ohio

Blue Ash is a city in Hamilton County, Ohio. An inner suburb of Cincinnati, the population was 13,394 at the time of the 2020 census.

History
The area that is now Blue Ash was settled around 1791. In 1797, the first settlers built Carpenter's Run Baptist Church out of blue ash logs, giving the area its eventual name.

In the late 19th century, the Cincinnati, Lebanon and Northern Railway provided narrow gauge commuter rail service to Blue Ash.

Blue Ash was the site of Cincinnati–Blue Ash Airport from 1921 to 2012. Originally a private airfield called Grisard Field, it was sold to the City of Cincinnati in 1946, becoming Ohio's first municipal airport. Cincinnati desired to expand the airport for major commercial service through the 1950s, but Blue Ash fought the city by incorporating first as a village in 1955 and then as a city in 1961. Eventually, through Reed Hartman's Community Improvement Corporation, Cincinnati developed the surrounding area as an industrial park and golf course. The airport closed on August 29, 2012, and the property was sold to the City of Blue Ash, which opened Summit Park on the property.

In 1998, the Southwest Ohio Regional Transit Authority proposed a MetroMoves light rail system with a Green Line that would initially run 19 mi from Blue Ash to Covington, Kentucky. A future phase would have extended the line further north to Kings Island and south to the Cincinnati/Northern Kentucky International Airport. However, MetroMoves was rejected by Hamilton County voters.

On April 9, 1999, Blue Ash experienced an F4 tornado that caused four deaths.

Geography
According to the 2010 census, the city has a total area of 7.59 sqmi, of which 7.58 sqmi (or 99.87%) is land and 0.01 sqmi (or 0.13%) is water.

Blue Ash can be reached by Interstate 71 to the east, Interstate 275 to the north, and Ronald Reagan Cross County Highway to the south.

2020 census
As of the census of 2020, there were 13,394 people living in the city, for a population density of 1,766.09 per square mile (681.89/km2). There were 5,851 housing units. The racial makeup of the city was 74.0% White, 6.6% African American, 0.2% Native American, 13.2% Asian, 1.4% from other races, and 6.0% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 3.8% of the population.

There were 5,530 households, out of which 33.1% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 51.6% were married couples living together, 13.8% had a male householder with no spouse present, and 26.2% had a female householder with no spouse present. 25.5% of all households were made up of individuals, and 14.1% were someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.37, and the average family size was 2.90.

23.8% of the city's population were under the age of 18, 56.7% were 18 to 64, and 19.5% were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 38.9. For every 100 females, there were 96.1 males.

According to the U.S. Census American Community Survey, for the period 2016-2020 the estimated median annual income for a household in the city was $103,658, and the median income for a family was $117,010. About 4.8% of the population were living below the poverty line, including 5.2% of those under age 18 and 6.4% of those age 65 or over. About 65.0% of the population were employed, and 34.8% had a bachelor's degree or higher.

2010 census
As of the census of 2010, there were 12,114 people, 5,015 households, and 3,404 families residing in the city. The population density was 1598.2 PD/sqmi. There were 5,360 housing units at an average density of 707.1 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the city was 79.9% White, 6.5% African American, 0.2% Native American, 10.6% Asian, 0.6% from other races, and 2.1% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 2.5% of the population.

There were 5,015 households, of which 31.1% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 53.7% were married couples living together, 10.4% had a female householder with no husband present, 3.8% had a male householder with no wife present, and 32.1% were non-families. 26.7% of all households were made up of individuals, and 10.3% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.40 and the average family size was 2.91.

The median age in the city was 41.6 years. 22.7% of residents were under the age of 18; 6.6% were between the ages of 18 and 24; 24.8% were from 25 to 44; 30.6% were from 45 to 64; and 15.4% were 65 years of age or older. The gender makeup of the city was 49.0% male and 51.0% female.

2000 census
As of the census of 2000, there were 12,513 people, 4,990 households, and 3,468 families residing in the city. The population density was 1,634.6 PD/sqmi. There were 5,251 housing units at an average density of 686.0 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the city was 87.09% White, 5.01% African American, 0.25% Native American, 6.39% Asian, 0.02% Pacific Islander, 0.29% from other races, and 0.96% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 0.97% of the population.

There were 4,990 households, out of which 32.7% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 57.2% were married couples living together, 9.4% had a female householder with no husband present, and 30.5% were non-families. 25.3% of all households were made up of individuals, and 8.4% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.48 and the average family size was 3.01.

In the city the population was spread out, with 25.4% under the age of 18, 6.4% from 18 to 24, 27.8% from 25 to 44, 26.1% from 45 to 64, and 14.2% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 39 years. For every 100 females, there were 93.7 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 91.0 males.

The median income for a household in the city was $81,591, and the median income for a family was $88,494. Males had a median income of $72,743 versus $65,060 for females. The per capita income for the city was $63,801. About 3.8% of families and 4.7% of the population were below the poverty line, including 6.8% of those under age 18 and 2.9% of those age 65 or over.

Economy
Blue Ash's "daytime population" reaches approximately 55,000 due to the 2,000 businesses within the city limits. The city's industrial and commercial parks are home to many corporate headquarters, including:

 * Belcan Corporation, an engineering consulting firm
 * Citigroup (North American Information Technology Division)
 * Ethicon Endo-Surgery, a medical device manufacturer
 * F+W
 * The J. Peterman Company, moved its headquarters to Blue Ash in 2011
 * Milacron
 * Sunny Delight Beverages, manufacturer of Sunny Delight
 * Apollo Integrated Systems, High definition electronic frequency locking equipment designer
 * Kroger Technology, headquartered here and with two facilities here, is the technology and computer system management division of the Kroger supermarket corporation, headquartered in nearby Cincinnati.

Culture
Blue Ash offers two summer events each year: "Red, White, and Blue Ash"; and "Taste of Blue Ash". "Red, White and Blue Ash" is held annually in celebration of the 4th of July and features the biggest Independence Day firework display in the region. These events draw internationally popular headlining rock acts. On July 4, 2010, the bands Yes and Peter Frampton drew a record estimated 150,000 people to that year's Red, White, and Blue Ash event. Due to budget constraints the city decided to suspend their "Summerbration" event for 2010–2013, with hopes to resume the event in the near future.

Blue Ash and the neighboring city of Montgomery partner to support the Blue Ash Montgomery Symphony Orchestra, which performs at local events. In addition, the City provides an annual Concert Series each year during the summer months.

Education
Blue Ash is mostly served by the Sycamore Community School District, which has had the most National Merit Scholars of any public school in Ohio for the past four years and has been given the highest rating of "Excellent" by the Ohio Department of Education for eight consecutive years. The Princeton City School District covers a western portion of the city. Moeller High School, located just outside the city limits, is a Catholic private high school for boys, while Ursuline Academy is a Catholic independent high school for girls. Blue Ash is also home to UC Blue Ash, formally called Raymond Walters College, a satellite campus of University of Cincinnati.

Blue Ash is served by a branch of the Public Library of Cincinnati and Hamilton County.

Notable people

 * William F. Brown, welding engineer
 * Jeff Fultz, racing driver
 * Joseph Crane Hartzell, Missionary Bishop of the Methodist Episcopal Church
 * Mark P. Painter, state appellate judge, United Nations appellate judge
 * Amy Yasbeck, film and television actress, Wings

Sister city
Blue Ash is a sister city of Ilmenau in Germany.

title: Blue Ash, Ohio


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Bridgetown North, Ohio

Bridgetown North was a census-designated place (CDP) in Hamilton County, Ohio, United States. The population was 12,569 at the 2000 census. Its name was changed to Bridgetown for the 2010 census, as its area expanded to the south.

Geography
Bridgetown North was located at 39.15722°N, -84.63083°W (39.157209, -84.630697).

According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP had a total area of 3.4 sqmi, all of it land.

Demographics
As of the census of 2000, there were 12,569 people, 5,079 households, and 3,509 families residing in the CDP. The population density was 3,735.1 PD/sqmi. There were 5,240 housing units at an average density of 1,557.1 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the CDP was 98.40% White, 0.36% African American, 0.06% Native American, 0.53% Asian, 0.02% Pacific Islander, 0.12% from other races, and 0.52% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 0.50% of the population.

There were 5,079 households, out of which 31.0% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 55.8% were married couples living together, 10.4% had a female householder with no husband present, and 30.9% were non-families. 28.5% of all households were made up of individuals, and 16.7% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.47 and the average family size was 3.06.

In the CDP, the population was spread out, with 25.5% under the age of 18, 6.7% from 18 to 24, 27.6% from 25 to 44, 19.6% from 45 to 64, and 20.6% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 39 years. For every 100 females, there were 89.0 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 83.7 males.

The median income for a household in the CDP was $45,771, and the median income for a family was $55,084. Males had a median income of $40,331 versus $28,490 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $22,137. About 2.2% of families and 3.3% of the population were below the poverty line, including 4.7% of those under age 18 and 3.8% of those age 65 or over.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Bridgetown North, Ohio


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Moonstruck

Moonstruck is a 1987 American romantic comedy film directed by Norman Jewison and written by John Patrick Shanley. It stars Cher as a widowed Italian American woman who falls in love with her fiancé's hot-tempered, estranged younger brother, played by Nicolas Cage. The supporting cast includes Danny Aiello, Olympia Dukakis and Vincent Gardenia.

Moonstruck had a limited theatrical release on December 18, 1987, and was released nationally on January 15, 1988 by Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer. The film earned critical and commercial success. It received six nominations at the 60th Academy Awards, winning three for Best Actress (Cher), Best Supporting Actress (Dukakis), and Best Original Screenplay (Shanley).

Plot
Thirty-seven year old Loretta Castorini, an Italian-American widow, works as a bookkeeper and lives in Brooklyn Heights with her parents, Cosmo and Rose, and her paternal grandfather. Loretta's boyfriend, Johnny Cammareri, proposes to her before leaving for Sicily to tend to his dying mother. Loretta accepts, but she insists on carefully following tradition as she believes failing to do so originally led to her first husband's sudden death after two years of marriage.

Johnny asks Loretta to invite his estranged younger brother Ronny to the wedding; Ronny and Johnny have not spoken in five years. Loretta returns home and informs her parents of the engagement. Cosmo, who runs a successful plumbing business, dislikes Johnny and is reluctant to pay for Loretta's planned "real" wedding. Hearing that Loretta likes but does not love Johnny, Rose tells her that true love can cause romantic partners to be easily hurt by each other.

Loretta goes to see Ronny at the bakery he owns and learns Ronny has a wooden prosthetic hand caused by absentmindedly putting his hand in a bread slicer while having a conversation with Johnny; Ronny's fiancée subsequently left him. Loretta insists that they talk privately. They go to Ronny's apartment, where Loretta cooks a meal, and both have several alcoholic beverages. Loretta compares Ronny to a wolf that would gnaw off its paw to escape a trap and claims he deliberately injured his hand to escape a bad relationship. Ronny reacts furiously and passionately, kissing Loretta; to her surprise, Loretta kisses him back. Ronny carries Loretta to his bed, where they make love.

That evening, Rose's brother Raymond and his wife Rita join Rose, Cosmo, and Cosmo’s father for dinner and they wonder where Loretta is. Raymond recalls a particularly bright moon that he believes was in the sky when Cosmo was courting Rose, which Loretta and Ronny witness as well. The next morning, Loretta is overcome with guilt, but Ronny promises to never bother her again if she attends a performance of La bohème at the Met with him. Loretta goes to church to confess her infidelity and afterwards calls at Raymond and Rita's store to close out the cash register. Upon leaving, she impulsively goes to a hair salon and buys a glamorous evening gown and shoes at a boutique.

Loretta is deeply moved by La bohème. While leaving the opera, she sees Cosmo, accompanied by his mistress, Mona, and confronts him. As Loretta is with Ronny, Cosmo suggests that Loretta keep their encounter a secret. Loretta attempts to return home, but Ronny desperately persuades her into another tryst. That same night, Rose dines alone at a restaurant and sees a college professor, Perry, being dramatically dumped by a female student.

Taking pity on Perry, Rose invites him to dine with her instead, allowing him to walk her home but refusing to invite him in because she is loyal to her marriage. Later, Johnny unexpectedly returns from Sicily after his mother's "miraculous" recovery and meets with Rose at the Castorini house. They agree that men chase after women for fear of death.

Returning home next morning, Loretta is distressed to learn from Rose that Johnny will be there soon. Ronny arrives, and Rose invites him for breakfast over Loretta's objections. Cosmo and his father emerge from upstairs; Grandpa insists that Cosmo agree to pay for Loretta's wedding. Rose then confronts Cosmo and demands that he end his affair; he is upset but gives in and, at Rose's insistence, also agrees to go to confession. Both reaffirm their love for each other.

Raymond and Rita arrive, concerned that Loretta had not deposited the previous day's takings at the bank, and are relieved to learn that she merely forgot and still has the money. When Johnny finally arrives, he breaks off the engagement, superstitiously believing that their marriage would cause his mother's death. Loretta berates Johnny for breaking his promise and throws the engagement ring at him. Ronny borrows the ring and asks Loretta to marry him, to which she agrees. The family toasts the couple with champagne and Johnny joins in at Grandpa's urging, since he will now be part of the family after all.

Cast

 * Cher as Loretta Castorini
 * Nicolas Cage as Ronny Cammareri
 * Olympia Dukakis as Rose Castorini
 * Vincent Gardenia as Cosmo Castorini
 * Danny Aiello as Johnny Cammareri
 * Julie Bovasso as Rita Cappomagi
 * Louis Guss as Raymond Cappomagi
 * John Mahoney as Perry
 * Feodor Chaliapin Jr. as Grandpa Castorini
 * Anita Gillette as Mona
 * Leonardo Cimino as Felix
 * Paula Trueman as Lucy
 * Nada Despotovich as Chrissy
 * Joe Grifasi as Shy Waiter
 * Gina DeAngeles as Old Crone
 * Robin Bartlett as Barbara
 * Helen Hanft as Lotte
 * David S. Howard as Irv
 * Robert Weil as Bobo
 * Patricia Magrini as Benjamin's Secretary

Box office
On its wide release, the film finished third at the US box office and spent 20 nonconsecutive weeks in the top 10 and finally grossed $80.6 million in the United States and Canada. Internationally it grossed $41.5 million for a worldwide total of $122.1 million, on a budget of $15 million.

Critical response
Moonstruck received critical acclaim upon release. On Rotten Tomatoes, the film has an approval rating of 89% based on reviews from 76 critics, with an average score of 7.8/10. The site's consensus read, "Led by energetic performances from Nicolas Cage and Cher, Moonstruck is an exuberantly funny tribute to love and one of the decade's most appealing comedies." On Metacritic, the film has a score of 83 out of 100 based on reviews from 18 critics, indicating "universal acclaim". Audiences polled by CinemaScore gave the film an average grade of "A−" on an A+ to F scale.

Time wrote, "John Patrick Shanley's witty, shapely script puts an octet of New Yorkers under a lunar-tuney spell one romantic night. Cher shines brightest of all." Roger Ebert, who later added the film among his "Great Movies" list, said: "Reviews of the movie tend to make it sound like a madcap ethnic comedy, and that it is. But there is something more here, a certain bittersweet yearning that comes across as ineffably romantic, and a certain magical quality". Film historian Leonard Maltin gave the picture 4 out of 4 stars.

Gene Siskel, writing for the Chicago Tribune, recommended "Moonstruck, which is being sold as a romance but actually is one of the funniest pictures to come out in quite some time. [...] You will not easily forget this incredibly robust family, created by writer John Patrick Shanley and directed by Norman Jewison, who makes a comeback with this uproarious film."

It appeared on both Siskel's and Ebert's Top 10 lists for 1987.

Accolades
In June 2008, AFI revealed its "Ten top Ten"—the best ten films in ten "classic" American film genres—after polling over 1,500 people from the creative community. Moonstruck was acknowledged as the eighth best film in the romantic comedy genre. The film is also number 72 on Bravo's "100 Funniest Movies," and number 41 on AFI's 100 Years... 100 Laughs.

The film is recognized by American Film Institute in these lists:
 * 2000: AFI's 100 Years...100 Laughs – #41
 * 2002: AFI's 100 Years...100 Passions – #17
 * 2005: AFI's 100 Years...100 Movie Quotes:
 * Loretta Castorini: "Snap out of it!" – #96
 * 2008: AFI's 10 Top 10:
 * #8 Romantic Comedy Film

Influential film critic Roger Ebert entered the film to his "Great Movies" collection in June 2003.

Soundtrack
Soundtrack references:

title: Moonstruck


text:
Grid plan

In urban planning, the grid plan, grid street plan, or gridiron plan is a type of city plan in which streets run at right angles to each other, forming a grid.

Two inherent characteristics of the grid plan, frequent intersections and orthogonal geometry, facilitate movement. The geometry helps with orientation and wayfinding and its frequent intersections with the choice and directness of route to desired destinations.

In ancient Rome, the grid plan method of land measurement was called centuriation. The grid plan dates from antiquity and originated in multiple cultures; some of the earliest planned cities were built using grid plans in the Indian subcontinent.

Ancient grid plans
By 2600 BC, Mohenjo-daro and Harappa, major cities of the Indus Valley civilization, were built with blocks divided by a grid of straight streets, running north–south and east–west. Each block was subdivided by small lanes. The cities and monasteries of Sirkap, Taxila and Thimi (in the Indus and Kathmandu Valleys), dating from the 1st millennium BC to the 11th century AD, also had grid-based designs.

A workers' village (2570–2500 BC) at Giza, Egypt, housed a rotating labor force and was laid out in blocks of long galleries separated by streets in a formal grid. Many pyramid-cult cities used a common orientation: a north–south axis from the royal palace and an east–west axis from the temple, meeting at a central plaza where King and God merged and crossed.

Hammurabi king of the Babylonian Empire in the 18th century BC, ordered the rebuilding of Babylon: constructing and restoring temples, city walls, public buildings, and irrigation canals. The streets of Babylon were wide and straight, intersected approximately at right angles, and were paved with bricks and bitumen.

The tradition of grid plans is continuous in China from the 15th century BC onward in the traditional urban planning of various ancient Chinese states. Guidelines put into written form in the Kaogongji during the Spring and Autumn period (770-476 BC) stated: "a capital city should be square on plan. Three gates on each side of the perimeter lead into the nine main streets that crisscross the city and define its grid-pattern. And for its layout the city should have the Royal Court situated in the south, the Marketplace in the north, the Imperial Ancestral Temple in the east and the Altar to the Gods of Land and Grain in the west."

Teotihuacan, near modern-day Mexico City, is the largest ancient grid-plan site in the Americas. The city's grid covered 21 square kilometres (8 square miles).

Perhaps the most well-known grid system is that spread through the colonies of the Roman Empire. The archetypal Roman Grid was introduced to Italy first by the Greeks, with such information transferred by way of trade and conquest.

Ancient Greece
Although the idea of the grid was present in Hellenic societal and city planning, it was not pervasive prior to the 5th century BC. However, it slowly gained primacy through the work of Hippodamus of Miletus (498 – 408 BC), who planned and replanned many Greek cities in accordance with this form. The concept of a grid as the ideal method of town planning had become widely accepted by the time of Alexander the Great. His conquests were a step in the propagation of the grid plan throughout colonies, some as far-flung as Taxila in Pakistan, that would later be mirrored by the expansion of the Roman Empire. The Greek grid had its streets aligned roughly in relation to the cardinal points and generally looked to take advantage of visual cues based on the hilly landscape typical of Greece and Asia Minor. The street grid consisted of plateiai and stenophoi (equivalent to Roman decumani and cardines). This was probably best exemplified in Priene, in present-day western Turkey, where the orthogonal city grid was based on the cardinal points, on sloping terrain that struck views out towards a river and the city of Miletus.

Ancient Rome
Mapa Caesaraugusta.svg Roman city matching the current Zaragoza city map:

1.- Decumano; 2.- Cardo ; 3.- Foro de Caesaraugusta ; 4.- Puerto fluvial; 5.- Termas públicas; 6.- Teatro; 7.- Muralla]]

The Etruscan people, whose territories in Italy encompassed what would eventually become Rome, founded what is now the city of Marzabotto at the end of the 6th century BC. Its layout was based on Greek Ionic ideas, and it was here that the main east–west and north–south axes of a town (the decumanus maximus and cardo maximus respectively) could first be seen in Italy. According to Stanislawski (1946), the Romans did use grids until the time of the late Republic or early Empire, when they introduced centuriation, a system which they spread around the Mediterranean and into northern Europe later on.

The military expansion of this period facilitated the adoption of the grid form as standard: the Romans established castra (forts or camps) first as military centres; some of them developed into administrative hubs. The Roman grid was similar in form to the Greek version of a grid but allowed for practical considerations. For example, Roman castra were often sited on flat land, especially close to or on important nodes like river crossings or intersections of trade routes. The dimensions of the castra were often standard, with each of its four walls generally having a length of 2150 ft. Familiarity was the aim of such standardisation: soldiers could be stationed anywhere around the Empire, and orientation would be easy within established towns if they had a standard layout. Each would have the aforementioned decumanus maximus and cardo maximus at its heart, and their intersection would form the forum, around which would be sited important public buildings. Indeed, such was the degree of similarity between towns that Higgins states that soldiers "would be housed at the same address as they moved from castra to castra". Pompeii has been cited by both Higgins and Laurence as the best-preserved example of the Roman grid.

Outside of the castra, large tracts of land were also divided in accordance with the grid within the walls. These were typically 2400 ft per side (called centuria) and contained 100 parcels of land (each called heredium). The decumanus maximus and cardo maximus extended from the town gates out towards neighbouring settlements. These were lined up to be as straight as possible, only deviating from their path due to natural obstacles that prevented a direct route.

While the imposition of only one town form regardless of region could be seen as an imposition of imperial authority, there is no doubting the practical reasoning behind the formation of the Roman grid. Under Roman guidance, the grid was designed for efficiency and interchangeability, both facilitated by and aiding the expansion of their empire.

Asia from the first millennium AD
As Japan and the Korean peninsula became politically centralized in the 7th century AD, those societies adopted Chinese grid-planning principles in numerous locations. In Korea, Gyeongju, the capital of Unified Silla, and Sanggyeong, the capital of Balhae, adapted the Tang dynasty Chinese model. The ancient capitals of Japan, such as Fujiwara-Kyô (AD 694–710), Nara (Heijô-Kyô, AD 710–784), and Kyoto (Heian-Kyô, AD 794–1868) also adapted from Tang's capital, Chang'an. However, for reasons of defense, the planners of Tokyo eschewed the grid, opting instead for an irregular network of streets surrounding the Edo Castle grounds. In later periods, some parts of Tokyo were grid-planned, but grid plans are generally rare in Japan, and the Japanese addressing system is accordingly based on increasingly fine subdivisions, rather than a grid.

The grid-planning tradition in Asia continued through the beginning of the 20th century, with Sapporo, Japan (est. 1868) following a grid plan under American influence.

Europe and its colonies (12th-17th centuries)
New European towns were planned using grids beginning in the 12th century, most prodigiously in the bastides of southern France that were built during the 13th and 14th centuries. Medieval European new towns using grid plans were widespread, ranging from Wales to the Florentine region. Many were built on ancient grids originally established as Roman colonial outposts. In the British Isles, the planned new town system involving a grid street layout was part of the system of burgage. An example of a medieval planned city in The Netherlands is Elburg. Bury St Edmunds is an example of a town planned on a grid system in the late 11th century.

The Roman model was also used in Spanish settlements during the Reconquista of Ferdinand and Isabella. It was subsequently applied in the new cities established during the Spanish colonization of the Americas, after the founding of San Cristóbal de La Laguna (Canary Islands) in 1496. In 1573, King Philip II of Spain compiled the Laws of the Indies to guide the construction and administration of colonial communities. The Laws specified a square or rectangular central plaza with eight principal streets running from the plaza's corners. Hundreds of grid-plan communities throughout the Americas were established according to this pattern, echoing the practices of earlier Indian civilizations.

The baroque capital city of Malta, Valletta, dating back to the 16th century, was built following a rigid grid plan of uniformly designed houses, dotted with palaces, churches and squares.

The grid plan became popular with the start of the Renaissance in Northern Europe. In 1606, the newly founded city of Mannheim in Germany was the first Renaissance city laid out on the grid plan. Later came the New Town in Edinburgh and almost the entire city centre of Glasgow, and many planned communities and cities in Australia, Canada and the United States.

Derry, constructed in 1613–1618, was the first planned city in Ireland. The central diamond within a walled city with four gates was considered a good design for defence. The grid pattern was widely copied in the colonies of British North America.

Russia (18th century)
In Russia the first planned city was St. Petersburg founded in 1703 by Peter I. Being aware of the modern European construction experience which he examined in the years of his Grand Embassy to Europe, the Czar ordered Domenico Trezzini to elaborate the first general plan of the city. The project of this architect for Vasilyevsky Island was a typical rectangular grid of streets (originally intended to be canals, like in Amsterdam), with three lengthwise thoroughfares, rectangularly crossed with about 30 crosswise streets.

The shape of street blocks on Vasilyevsky Island are the same, as was later implemented in the Commissioners' Plan of 1811 for Manhattan: elongated rectangles. The longest side of each block faces the relatively narrow street with a numeric name (in Petersburg they are called Liniya (Line)) while the shortest side faces wide avenues. To denote avenues in Petersburg, a special term prospekt was introduced. Inside the grid of Vasilyevsky Island there are three prospekts, named Bolshoi (Big), Sredniy (Middle) and Maly (Small) while the far ends of each line cross with the embankments of Bolshaya Neva and Smolenka rivers in the delta of the Neva River.

The peculiarity of 'lines' (streets) naming in this grid is that are each side of street has its own number, so one 'line' is a side of a street, not the whole street. The numbering is latently zero-based, however the supposed "zero line" has its proper name Kadetskaya liniya, while the opposite side of this street is called the '1-st Line'. Next street is named the '2-nd Line' on the eastern side, and the '3-rd Line' on the western side. After the reorganization of house numbering in 1834 and 1858 the even house numbers are used on the odd-numbered lines, and respectively odd house numbers are used for the even-numbered lines. The maximum numbers for 'lines' in Petersburg are 28-29th lines.

Later in the middle of the 18th century another grid of rectangular blocks with the numbered streets appeared in the continental part of the city: 13 streets named from the '1-st Rota' up to the '13-th Rota', where the companies (Rotte, рота) of the Izmaylovsky Regiment were located.

Early United States (17th-19th centuries)
Many of the earliest cities in the United States, such as Boston, did not start with a grid system. However, even in pre-revolutionary days some cities saw the benefits of such a layout. New Haven Colony, one of the earliest colonies in America, was designed with a tiny 9-square grid at its founding in 1638. On a grander scale, Philadelphia was designed on a rectilinear street grid in 1682, one of the first cities in North America to use a grid system. At the urging of city founder William Penn, surveyor Thomas Holme designed a system of wide streets intersecting at right angles between the Schuylkill River to the west and the Delaware River to the east, including five squares of dedicated parkland. Penn advertised this orderly design as a safeguard against overcrowding, fire, and disease, which plagued European cities. Holme drafted an ideal version of the grid, but alleyways sprouted within and between larger blocks as the city took shape. As the United States expanded westward, grid-based city planning modeled on Philadelphia's layout would become popular among frontier cities, making grids ubiquitous across the country.

Another well-known grid plan is the plan for New York City formulated in the Commissioners' Plan of 1811, a proposal by the state legislature of New York for the development of most of Manhattan above Houston Street.

Washington, D.C., the capital of the United States, was planned under French-American architect Pierre Charles L'Enfant. Under the L'Enfant plan, the original District of Columbia was developed using a grid plan that is interrupted by diagonal avenues, most famously Pennsylvania Avenue. These diagonals are often connected by traffic circles, such as Dupont Circle and Washington Circle. As the city grew, the plan was duplicated to cover most of the remainder of the capital. Meanwhile, the core of the city faced disarray and the McMillan Plan, led by Senator James McMillan, was adopted to build a National Mall and a parks system that is still today a jewel of the city.

Often, some of the streets in a grid are numbered (First, Second, etc.), lettered, or arranged in alphabetical order. Downtown San Diego uses all three schemes: north–south streets are numbered from west to east, and east–west streets are split between a lettered series running southward from A through L and a series of streets named after trees or plants, running northward alphabetically from Ash to Walnut. As in many cities, some of these streets have been given new names violating the system (the former D Street is now Broadway, the former 12th Avenue is now Park Boulevard, etc.); this has meant that 2nd, not 1st, is the most common street name in the United States.

An exception to the typical, uniform grid is the plan of Savannah, Georgia (1733), known as the Oglethorpe Plan. It is a composite, cellular city block consisting of four large corner blocks, four small blocks in between and a public square in the centre; the entire composition of approximately ten acres (four hectares) is known as a ward. Its cellular structure includes all the primary land uses of a neighborhood and has for that reason been called fractal. Its street configuration presages modern traffic calming techniques applied to uniform grids where certain selected streets become discontinuous or narrow, thus discouraging through traffic. The configuration also represents an example of functional shared space, where pedestrian and vehicular traffic can safely and comfortably coexist.

In the westward development of the United States, the use of the grid plan was nearly universal in the construction of new settlements, such as in Salt Lake City (1870), Dodge City (1872) and Oklahoma City (1890). In these western cities the streets were numbered even more carefully than in the east to suggest future prosperity and metropolitan status.

One of the main advantages of the grid plan was that it allowed the rapid subdivision and auction of a large parcel of land. For example, when the legislature of the Republic of Texas decided in 1839 to move the capital to a new site along the Colorado River, the functioning of the government required the rapid population of the town, which was named Austin. Charged with the task, Edwin Waller designed a fourteen-block grid that fronted the river on 640 acres (exactly 1 square mile; about 2.6 km2). After surveying the land, Waller organized the almost immediate sale of 306 lots, and by the end of the year the entire Texas government had arrived by oxcart at the new site. Apart from the speed of surveying advantage, the rationale at the time of the grid's adoption in this and other cities remains obscure.

Early 19th century – Australasia
In 1836 William Light drew up his plans for Adelaide, South Australia, spanning the River Torrens. Two areas south (the city centre) and north (North Adelaide) of the river were laid out in grid pattern, with the city surrounded by the Adelaide Park Lands.

Hoddle Grid is the name given to the layout of Melbourne, Victoria, named after the surveyor Robert Hoddle, who marked it out in 1837 establishing the first formal town plan. This grid of streets, laid out when there were only a few hundred settlers, became the nucleus for what is now a city of over 5 million people, the city of Melbourne. The unusual dimensions of the allotments and the incorporation of narrow 'little' streets were the result of compromise between Hoddle's desire to employ the regulations established in 1829 by previous New South Wales Governor Ralph Darling, requiring square blocks and wide, spacious streets and Bourke's desire for rear access ways (now the 'little' streets, for example Little Collins Street).

The city of Christchurch, New Zealand, was planned by Edward Jollie in 1850.

Town acre
The term "town acre" (often spelt with initial capital letters) may have originated with Edward Gibbon Wakefield, who was involved in various schemes to promote the colonisation of South Australia in the 1830s, and, as founder of the New Zealand Company, the plans for Wellington, New Plymouth and Nelson. All of these towns were laid out on a grid plan, so it was easy to divide the land into plots of an acre (approximately 0.4 ha.), and these became known as town acres. Adelaide was divided into 1042 Town Acres. Maps showing the divisions of the town acres are available for Adelaide, Nelson, and Wellington.

Late 19th century to the present
Ildefons Cerdà, a Spanish civil engineer, defined a concept of urban planning, based on the grid, that he applied to the Eixample of Barcelona. The Eixample grid introduced innovative design elements which were exceptional at the time and even unique among subsequent grid plans: These innovations he based on functional grounds: the block size, to enable the creation of a quiet interior open space (60 m by 60 m) and allow ample sunlight and ventilation to its perimeter buildings; the rectilinear geometry, the wide streets and boulevards to sustain high mobility and the truncated corners to facilitate turning of carts and coaches and particularly vehicles on fixed rails.
 * a very large block measuring 113 by, far larger than the old city blocks and larger than any Roman, Greek blocks and their mutations (see drawing below);
 * a 20 m road width (right of way) compared with mostly 3 m in the old city;
 * square blocks with truncated corners; and
 * major roads, perpendicular and diagonal, measuring 50 m in width.

In maps of larger American cities, the downtown areas are almost always grids. These areas represent the original land dimensions of the founded city, generally around one square mile. Some cities expanded the grid further out from the centre, but maps also show that, in general, as the distance from the centre increases, a variety of patterns emerge in no particular discernible order. In juxtaposition to the grid, they appear random. These new patterns have been systematically classified and their design characteristics measured.

In the United States, the grid system was widely used in most major cities and their suburbs until the 1960s. However, during the 1920s, the rapid adoption of the automobile caused a panic among urban planners, who, based on observation, claimed that speeding cars would eventually kill tens of thousands of small children per year. Apparently, at this early stage of the car's entry into the grid, the streets of major cities worldwide were the scene of virtual "slaughter" as the fatality rate in proportion to population was more than double the current rate. In 2009, after several decades of road safety improvements and a continuous decline in fatalities, an estimated 33,963 people died in motor vehicle traffic crashes and, according to the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, "Motor vehicle crashes are the leading cause of death for children from 3 to 14 years old." Planners, therefore, called for an inwardly focused "superblock" arrangement that minimized through automobile traffic and discouraged cars from traveling on anything but arterial roads; traffic generators, such as apartment complexes and shops, would be restricted to the edges of the superblock, along the arterial. This paradigm prevailed between about 1930 and 1960, especially in Los Angeles, where notable examples include Leimert Park (an early example) and Panorama City (a late-period one).

A prominent 20th century urbanist, Lewis Mumford, severely criticized some of the grid's characteristics: "With a T-square and a triangle, finally, the municipal engineer could, without the slightest training as either an architect or a sociologist, 'plan' a metropolis, with its standard lots, its standard blocks, its standard street widths, in short, with its standardized comparable, and replaceable parts. The new gridiron plans were spectacular in their inefficiency and waste. By usually failing to discriminate sufficiently between main arteries and residential streets, the first were not made wide enough while the second were usually too wide for purely neighborhood functions... as for its contribution to the permanent social functions of the city, the anonymous gridiron plan proved empty."

In the 1960s, traffic engineers and urban planners abandoned the grid virtually wholesale in favor of a "street hierarchy". This is a thoroughly "asymmetric" street arrangement in which a residential subdivision—often surrounded by a noise wall or a security gate—is completely separated from the road network except for one or two connections to arterial roads. In a way, this is a return to medieval styles: as noted in Spiro Kostof's seminal history of urban design, The City Shaped, there is a strong resemblance between the street arrangements of modern American suburbs and those of medieval Arab and Moorish cities. In each case, the community unit at hand—the clan or extended family in the Muslim world, the economically homogeneous subdivision in modern suburbia—isolates itself from the larger urban scene by using dead ends and culs-de-sac.

Milton Keynes
One famous grid system is in the British new town of Milton Keynes. In this planned city, which began construction in 1967, a system of ten "horizontal" (roughly east–west) and eleven "vertical" (roughly north–south) roads was used, with roundabouts at each intersection. The horizontal roads were all given names ending in 'way' and H numbers (for 'horizontal', e.g., H3 Monks Way). The vertical roads were given names ending in 'street' and V numbers (for 'vertical', e.g., V6 Grafton Street). Each grid road was spaced roughly one kilometre along from the next, forming squares of approximately one square kilometre. Each square and each roundabout was given its own name. The system provided very easy transport within the city, although it confused visitors who were unfamiliar with the system. The grid squares thus formed are far larger than the city blocks described earlier, and the road layouts within the grid squares are generally 'organic' in form – matching the street hierarchy model described above.

Financial cost

Street width, or right of way (ROW), influences the amount of land that is devoted to streets, which becomes unavailable for development and therefore represents an opportunity cost. The wider the street, the higher the opportunity cost. Street width is determined by circulation and aesthetic considerations and is not dependent on the pattern configuration. Any configuration can have wide or narrow streets.

Street length influences proportionately the number of street components that have to be constructed such as pavement, curbs and sidewalks, storm sewers and drains, light poles, and trees. The street length of a given area of development depends on the frequency at which streets occur which in turn depends on the length and width of a block. The higher the frequency of streets the longer is their total length. The smaller the block dimensions the higher the frequency of the streets. As the frequency of street increases so does the number of intersections. Intersections normally cost more than straight street length because they are labour-intensive and require street and traffic signage.

Pavement width influences the cost by affecting the amount of materials and labour required to provide a finished road surface. Pavement width is generally based on traffic engineering considerations and is not dependent on pattern configuration. As with the street width, any pattern can have wide or narrow pavements. Of all three factors that affect cost, street width, street length and pavement width, only street length is pattern dependent. An objective cost comparison would, therefore, rely on this variable with the full understanding that the other variables, though optional, can play a role.

Traditional orthogonal grid patterns generally have greater street frequencies than discontinuous patterns. For example, Portland's block is 200 feet × 200 feet while Miletus' is half that size and Timgad's half again (see diagram). Houston, Sacramento and Barcelona are progressively bigger reaching up to four times the area of Portland's block. New York's 1811 plan (see above) has blocks of 200 ft. in width and variable lengths ranging from about 500 ft to 900 ft feet. The corresponding frequency of streets for each of these block sizes affects the street length.

A simple example of a grid street pattern (see diagram) illustrates the progressive reduction in total street length (the sum of all individual street lengths) and the corresponding increase in block length. For a corresponding reduction of one, two, three and four streets within this 40 acre parcel, the street length is reduced from an original total of 12600 ft to 7800 ft linear feet, a 39% reduction. Simultaneously, block lengths increase from 200 × 200 feet to 1240 × 200 feet. When all five blocks have reached the ultimate size of 1240 feet four street lengths out of total eight have been eliminated. Block lengths of 1000 ft or larger rarely appear in grid plans and are not recommended as they hinder pedestrian movement (Pedestrianism, below). From the pedestrian perspective, the smaller the block is, the easier the navigation and the more direct the route. Consequently, the finer grids are preferred.

Patterns that incorporate discontinuous street types such as crescents and culs-de-sac have not, in general, regarded pedestrian movement as a priority and, consequently, have produced blocks that are usually in the 1000 ft range and often exceed it. As a result, street frequency drops and so does the total street length and, therefore, the cost. In general, it is not the street pattern per se that affects costs but the frequency of streets that it either necessitates or purposely incorporates.

An inherent advantage of the orthogonal geometry of a proper grid is its tendency to yield regular lots in well-packed sequences. This maximizes the use of the land of the block; it does not, however, affect street frequency. Any frequency of orthogonal streets produces the same packing effect. Orthogonal geometry also minimizes disputes over lot boundaries and maximizes the number of lots that could front a given street. John Randal said Manhattan's grid plan facilitated "buying, selling and improving real estate".

Another important aspect of street grids and the use of rectilinear blocks is that traffic flows of either pedestrians, cars, or both, only cross at right angles. This is an important traffic safety feature, since no one entering the intersection needs to look over their shoulder to see oncoming traffic. Any time traffic flows meet at an acute angle, someone cannot see traffic approaching them. The grid is thus a geometric response to our human physiology. It is very likely the original purpose of grid layouts comes from the Athenian Agora. Before the grid organization, markets were laid out randomly in a field with traffic approaches at odd angles. This caused carts and wagons to turn over due to frequent collisions. Laying out the market stalls into regularized rows at right angles solved this problem and was later built into the Athenian Agora and copied ever since.

Ecological features, rainwater absorption, and pollutant generation
Typical uniform grids are unresponsive to topography. Priene's plan, for example, is set on a hill side and most of its north–south streets are stepped, a feature that would have made them inaccessible to carts, chariots and loaded animals. Many modern cities, such as San Francisco, Vancouver, and Saint John, New Brunswick, follow Priene's example. In a modern context, steep grades limit accessibility by car, and more so by bicycle, on foot, or wheelchair, particularly in cold climates.

The same inflexibility of the grid leads to disregarding environmentally sensitive areas such as small streams and creeks or mature woodlots in preference for the application of the immutable geometry. It is said of the New York City grid plan that it flattened all obstacles in its way. By contrast, recent discontinuous street patterns follow the configuration of natural features without disrupting them. The grid represents a rationalist, reductionist solution to a multifaceted issue.

The grid's inherent high street and intersection frequencies produce large areas of impermeable surfaces in the street pavement and the sidewalks. In comparison with recent networks with discontinuous street types, grids can be up to 30% higher in impermeable surfaces attributable to roads. The emerging environmental priority of retaining as much as 90% of rain water on site becomes problematic with high percentages of impermeable surfaces. And since roads constitute the largest share of the total impermeable surfaces of a development, the difficulty is compounded by the grid type of layout. For these reasons modern planners have attempted to modify the rigid, uniform, classic grid.

Some cities, notably Seattle, have devised means to improve a street's retention capacity. However, frequent intersections as they occur in a regular grid would pose an obstacle to their effective application.

A street network pattern can affect the production of pollutants by the amount of car travel that it necessitates and the speed at which cars can travel. The grid plan with its frequent intersections may displace a portion of the local car trips with walking or biking due to the directness of route that it offers to pedestrians. But, as long as cars are also allowed on those streets, it makes the same routes more direct for cars, which could be an enticement for driving. The potential car trip displacement would result in a reduction of pollutant emissions. The advantage of the intersection density for pedestrians, however, can have a contrary effect for cars due to its potential for reducing speeds. Low speeds below 20 mph have a significantly higher coefficient of pollutant production than above 30 mph, though the coefficient after leveling off tends to increase gradually after 50 mph. This effect is accentuated with high traffic density in areas with commercial uses where speeds come to a crawl. Since the grid plan is non-hierarchical and intersections are frequent, all streets can be subject to this potential reduction of average speeds, leading to a high production of pollutants. Greenhouse and noxious gases can be detrimental to the environment and to resident health.

Social environment and security
In his seminal 1982 study on livable streets that was conducted in neighbourhoods with a grid, Donald Appleyard showed that social networking and street playing degraded as traffic increased on a street. His research provided the groundwork for traffic calming and for several initiatives such as living streets and Home Zones, all of which are aimed at improving a street's social milieu. The amount of traffic on a street depends on variables such as the population density of the neighbourhood, car ownership and its proximity to commercial, institutional or recreational edifices. Most importantly, however, it depends on whether a street is or could become a through road to a destination. As a through road, it could sustain unpredictable levels of traffic that may fluctuate during the day and increase over time.

A key characteristic of the grid pattern is that any and all streets are equally accessible to traffic (non-hierarchical) and could be chosen at will as alternative routes to a destination. Cut-through driving, or shortcutting, has been resisted by residents. Cities responded by making modifications to prevent it. Current recommended design practice suggests the use of 3-way intersections to alleviate it.

The geometry of the normal, open grid is evidently unsuitable for protecting or enhancing the social environment of a street from the negative influence of traffic. Similarly, a 1972 ground-breaking study by Oscar Newman on a Defensible Space Theory described ways to improve the social environment and security of neighbourhoods and streets. In a practical application of his theory at Five Oaks, the neighbourhood's grid pattern was modified to prevent through traffic and create identifiable smaller enclaves while maintaining complete pedestrian freedom of movement. The positive outcome of these changes reinforces Appleyard's findings and the need to reduce or prevent through traffic on neighbourhood streets; a need that cannot be met with a typical, uniform, open grid.

The question of neighbourhood security has been a constant focus of research since Oscar Newman's work. New research has expanded the discussion on this disputed issue. A recent study did extensive spatial analysis and correlated several building, site plan and social factors with crime frequencies and identified subtle nuances to the contrasting positions. The study looked at, among others, dwelling types, unit density (site density) movement on the street, culs–de-sac or grids and the permeability of a residential area. Among its conclusions are, respectively, that flats are always safer than houses and the wealth of inhabitants matters, density is generally beneficial but more so at ground level, local movement is beneficial, but not larger scale movement, relative affluence and the number of neighbours have a greater effect than either being on a cul-de-sac or being on a through street. It also re-established that simple, linear cul-de-sac with good numbers of dwellings that are joined to through streets tend to be safe. As for permeability, it suggests that residential areas should be permeable enough to allow movement in all directions but no more. The overprovision of poorly used permeability is a crime hazard. The open, uniform grid could be seen as an example of undifferentiated permeability.

A recent study in California examined the amount of child play that occurred on the streets of neighbourhoods with different characteristics; grid pattern and culs-de-sac. The findings indicate that the open grid streets showed substantially lower play activity than the cul-de-sac street type. Culs-de-sac reduce perceived danger from traffic, and thereby encourage more outdoor play. It pointed the way toward the development of hybrid street network patterns that improve pedestrian movement but restrict cut-through driving. Similar studies in Europe and most recently in Australia found that children's outdoor play is significantly reduced on through roads where traffic is, or perceived by parents to be, a risk. As a result of this misperception of risk, children living in cul-de-sac communities are more likely to be killed by vehicles. This increased risk of death is due to multiple factors, including the families driving longer distances to reach their destinations, parents spending less time teaching their children to be as wary of traffic, and an increased risk of the parents accidentally driving over the children in their "safe" driveways and cul-de-sac streets.

Traditional street functions such as kids' play, strolling and socializing are incompatible with traffic flow, which the open, uniform grid geometry encourages. For these reasons, cities such as Berkeley, California, and Vancouver, British Columbia, among many others, transformed existing residential streets part of a grid plan into permeable, linked culs-de-sac. This transformation retains the permeability and connectivity of the grid for the active modes of transport but filters and restricts car traffic on the cul-de-sac street to residents only.

Pedestrian and bicycle movement
Street networks of old cities that grew organically, though admired for being picturesque, can be confusing for visitors but rarely for the original inhabitants (see plan). Similarly confusing to visitors are the plans of modern subdivisions with discontinuous and curvilinear streets. Change of street orientation, particularly when gradual or arbitrary, cannot be "mapped" in the mind. Impasses, crescents or cul-de-sacs frustrate the traveler especially when they are long, forcing an arduous retracing of steps.

Frequency of intersections, however, becomes also a disadvantage for pedestrians and bicycles. It disrupts the relaxed canter of walking and forces pedestrians repeatedly onto the road, a hostile, anxiety-generating territory. People with physical limitations or frailties, children and seniors for example, can find a regular walk challenging. For bicycles this disadvantage is accentuated as their normal speed is at least double that of pedestrians. Frequent stops negate the speed advantage and the physical benefit of bicycling and add to frustration. Intersections are not only unpleasant but also dangerous. Most traffic collisions and injuries occur at intersections and the majority of the injuries to pedestrians crossing with the right of way.

A dilemma arises from trying to meet important planning objectives when using the grid: pedestrianism, cost efficiency and environmental responsiveness. To serve pedestrians well, a rectangular configuration and high frequency of streets and intersections is the preferred route, which the orthogonal grid geometry provides. To reduce development costs and environmental impact, lower frequency of streets is the logical path. Since these two design objectives are contradictory a balance needs to be struck. Such balance has been achieved in leading modern projects such as Vauban, Freiburg and Village Homes, Davis. Both score high in pedestrian and bike mode share and, at the same time, in reducing negative development externalities. Their layout configurations represent a fusion of the classic grid plan with recent street network patterns.

Examining the issue of walkability, a recent comparison of seven neighbourhood layouts found a 43 and 32 percent increase in walking with respect to a grid plan and conventional suburban layout in a fused grid layout, which has greater permeability for pedestrians than for cars due to its inclusion of dedicated pedestrian paths. It also showed a 7 to 10 percent range of reduction in driving with respect to the remainder six neighbourhood layouts in the set, an environmental benefit.

Safety
Perceived and actual safety play a role in the use of the street. Perceived safety, though perhaps an inaccurate reflection of the number of injuries or fatalities, influences parents' decision to allow their children to play, walk or bike on the street. Actual levels of safety as measured by the total number of collisions and the number and severity of injuries are a matter of public concern. Both should inform the layout, if the street network is to achieve its optimum use.

Recent studies have found higher traffic fatality rates in outlying suburban areas than in central cities and inner suburbs with smaller blocks and more-connected street patterns.

An earlier study found significant differences in recorded accidents between residential neighborhoods that were laid out on a grid and those that included culs-de-sac and crescents. The frequency of accidents was significantly higher in the grid neighborhoods.

Two newer studies examined the frequency of collisions in two regional districts using the latest analytical tools. They investigated the potential correlation between street network patterns and frequency of collisions. In one study, cul-de-sac networks appeared to be much safer than grid networks, by nearly three to one. A second study found the grid plan to be the least safe by a significant margin with respect to all other street patterns.

A 2009 study suggests that land use patterns play a significant role in traffic safety and should be considered in conjunction with the network pattern. While all intersection types in general reduce the incidence of fatal crashes, four-way intersections, which occur regularly in a grid, increase total and injurious crashes significantly. The study recommends hybrid street networks with dense concentrations of T-intersections and concludes that a return to the 19th century gridiron is undesirable.

Stringent adherence to the grid plan can cause steep inclines since the topology of the land is not taken into account. This may be unsafe for drivers, pedestrians and bicycles since it is more difficult to control speed and braking, particularly in winter conditions.

Reconstruction and development
One of the greatest difficulties with grid plans is their lack of specialization, most of the important amenities being concentrated along the city's main arteries. Often grid plans are found in linear settlements, with a main street connecting between the perpendicular roads. However, this can be mitigated by allowing mixed use development so that destinations become closer to home. Many cities, especially in Latin America, still successfully retain their grid plans. Recently, planners in the United States and Canada have revisited the idea of reintroducing grid patterns to many cities and towns.

United States

 * Austin
 * Anniston, Alabama
 * Atlanta
 * Birmingham, Alabama
 * Bristol, Rhode Island
 * Cedar Falls, Iowa
 * Charlotte, North Carolina
 * Chicago
 * Cincinnati
 * Columbia, South Carolina
 * Columbus, Ohio
 * Dallas
 * Detroit
 * Fargo, North Dakota
 * Fresno, California
 * Holyoke
 * Houston
 * Indianapolis
 * Jacksonville
 * Las Vegas
 * Los Angeles
 * Lake Charles, Louisiana
 * Lubbock
 * Manchester
 * Miami
 * Milwaukee
 * Minneapolis
 * New Haven
 * New York City (see Commissioners' Plan of 1811)
 * Oklahoma City
 * Omaha, Nebraska
 * Orlando
 * Panorama City
 * Phoenix
 * Pittsburgh (former Allegheny City section), Pennsylvania]]
 * Portland, Oregon
 * Philadelphia
 * Providence, Rhode Island
 * Raleigh
 * Richmond
 * Sacramento
 * Salt Lake City
 * San Diego
 * San Francisco
 * San Jose, California
 * Seattle (see Street layout of Seattle)
 * Savannah, Georgia (see Oglethorpe Plan)
 * Sioux Falls, South Dakota
 * St. Louis
 * St. Petersburg, Florida
 * Tampa
 * Traverse City
 * Tucson
 * Tulsa, Oklahoma
 * Tyler
 * Washington D.C. (see L'Enfant Plan)
 * Wichita, Kansas
 * Wilmington, Delaware
 * Wilmington, North Carolina
 * Windermere
 * Winter Park, Florida

Canada

 * Calgary
 * Edmonton
 * Halifax
 * Hamilton
 * London, Ontario
 * Montreal
 * Oshawa, Ontario
 * Ottawa
 * Quebec City, Quebec
 * Regina
 * Saint John
 * Saskatoon
 * Sudbury, Ontario
 * Thunder Bay, Ontario
 * Toronto (see Concession road)
 * Vancouver
 * Windsor
 * Winnipeg
 * Victoria

Mexico

 * Mexico City
 * Puebla

Argentina

 * Buenos Aires
 * Mar del Plata
 * La Plata
 * Bahía Blanca

Most cities and towns in Argentina follow a traditional square grid.

Chile

 * Santiago

Peru

 * Lima

Venezuela

 * Barquisimeto

Spain

 * Barcelona (see Eixample and )
 * Madrid (see )
 * Valencia (see Eixample, Valencia)
 * Donostia

United Kingdom

 * Glasgow
 * Bury St Edmunds (medieval grid)
 * Milton Keynes (see Milton Keynes grid road system)
 * New Town, Edinburgh
 * Plymouth
 * Winchelsea

Switzerland

 * La Chaux-de-Fonds

Italy

 * Naples
 * Turin
 * Milan, partially with the Beruto plan
 * Reggio Calabria
 * Messina

Ireland

 * Newtown Pery, Limerick

Malta

 * Valletta

Netherlands

 * Elburg
 * The Hague
 * Nieuw-Vennep

Serbia

 * Kraljevo

Finland

 * Pori

Germany

 * Mannheim

Bulgaria

 * Stara Zagora
 * Byala Slatina

Australia

 * Adelaide (see Light's Vision)
 * Ballarat
 * Ballina
 * Cairns
 * Hobart
 * Tamworth
 * Melbourne (see Hoddle Grid)
 * Newcastle, New South Wales (see Dangar Grid)
 * Perth in many of the older inner suburbs.
 * Sydney suburbs of Smithfield, Austral, Auburn and Canley Heights in the greater west

New Zealand

 * Ashburton
 * Christchurch
 * Invercargill
 * Nelson
 * New Plymouth
 * Wellington

Egypt

 * Alexandria
 * Port Said

Senegal

 * Dakar

Somalia

 * Mogadishu

South Africa

 * Cape Town
 * Johannesburg

Tanzania

 * Dar es Salaam in the market district of Kariakoo

Zimbabwe

 * Harare
 * Gweru
 * Bulawayo

Japan

 * Kyoto
 * Nagoya
 * Sapporo

India

 * Amaravati
 * Chandigarh
 * Gandhinagar
 * Jaipur
 * Mulund, a suburb of Mumbai
 * Neyveli Township

Hong Kong

 * Kowloon peninsula

China

 * Beijing
 * Datong
 * Xi'an

Indonesia

 * Batam
 * Gilimanuk
 * Kenyam
 * Kolaka
 * Lubuk Pakam
 * Medan
 * Metro
 * Nabire
 * North Jakarta
 * Palangka Raya
 * Pematangsiantar
 * Pinrang
 * Pontianak
 * Siak Sri Indrapura
 * Sibolga
 * Sragen
 * Surabaya
 * Waingapu
 * Wonogiri
 * Towns and villages from the results of the transmigration program throughout Indonesia

Israel

 * Old Beersheba

Malaysia

 * Batu Pahat
 * Ipoh
 * Kota Kinabalu
 * Muar
 * Subang Jaya
 * Taiping

Pakistan

 * Islamabad
 * Karachi
 * Jauharabad

Philippines

 * Bacolod
 * Banga
 * Basco, Batanes
 * Bonifacio Global City
 * Butuan
 * Candelaria
 * Candon
 * Cebu City
 * Claveria, Cagayan
 * Kidapawan
 * Koronadal
 * Lucena
 * Intramuros, Manila
 * Magalang
 * Muñoz
 * Pasay
 * San Nicolas
 * Santiago
 * Tagum
 * Tuguegarao
 * Victoria
 * Vigan

Singapore

 * Punggol as Fused grid
 * Anchorvale as Fused grid

United Arab Emirates

 * Abu Dhabi
 * Dubai
 * Sharjah

Vietnam

 * District 1, Ho Chi Minh City

title: Grid plan


text:
Cherry Grove, Ohio

Cherry Grove is a census-designated place (CDP) in Anderson Township, Hamilton County, Ohio, United States. The population was 4,419 at the 2020 census.

Geography
According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP has a total area of 1.1 sqmi, all land.

2020 census
As of the census of 2020, there were 4,419 people living in the CDP, for a population density of 3,903.71 people per square mile (1,506.57/km2). There were 1,545 housing units. The racial makeup of the CDP was 90.2% White, 1.6% Black or African American, 0.2% Native American, 1.7% Asian, 0.0% Pacific Islander, 0.8% from some other race, and 5.4% from two or more races. 2.4% of the population were Hispanic or Latino of any race.

There were 1,437 households, out of which 45.5% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 65.0% were married couples living together, 11.4% had a male householder with no spouse present, and 16.2% had a female householder with no spouse present. 15.9% of all households were made up of individuals, and 8.2% were someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.81, and the average family size was 3.23.

27.7% of the CDP's population were under the age of 18, 63.1% were 18 to 64, and 9.2% were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 37.5. For every 100 females, there were 93.9 males.

According to the U.S. Census American Community Survey, for the period 2016-2020 the estimated median annual income for a household in the CDP was $94,223, and the median income for a family was $108,558. About 3.6% of the population were living below the poverty line, including 1.9% of those under age 18 and 4.0% of those age 65 or over. About 71.0% of the population were employed, and 45.8% had a bachelor's degree or higher.

2000 census
At the 2000 census there were 4,555 people, 1,524 households, and 1,342 families living in the CDP. The population density was 4,038.2 PD/sqmi. There were 1,545 housing units at an average density of 1,369.7 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the CDP was 96.07% White, 1.19% African American, 0.09% Native American, 1.65% Asian, 0.09% Pacific Islander, 0.40% from other races, and 0.53% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 0.94%.

Of the 1,524 households 44.6% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 76.8% were married couples living together, 8.8% had a female householder with no husband present, and 11.9% were non-families. 10.3% of households were one person and 3.9% were one person aged 65 or older. The average household size was 2.99 and the average family size was 3.21.

The age distribution was 30.0% under the age of 18, 6.8% from 18 to 24, 27.9% from 25 to 44, 25.4% from 45 to 64, and 10.0% 65 or older. The median age was 37 years. For every 100 females, there were 93.7 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 91.5 males.

The median household income was $65,486 and the median family income was $68,365. Males had a median income of $45,357 versus $31,833 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $23,706. About 0.5% of families and 0.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under age 18 and 1.7% of those age 65 or over.

title: Cherry Grove, Ohio


text:
Cheviot, Ohio

Cheviot is a city in west-central Hamilton County, Ohio, United States. It is a suburb of Cincinnati. The population was 8,658 at the 2020 census.

History
In 1818, a Scottish immigrant named John Craig purchased a half section of 320 acre of Green Township from Elias Boudinot. He built an inn and tavern on the Harrison Pike. On March 21, 1818, Craig laid out a town which he named after the Cheviot Hills in southern Scotland. He sold lots and growth began.

The town was incorporated as a village in 1901, and a city in 1931. Originally a farming community, today Cheviot is a residential suburb of Cincinnati.

Geography
Cheviot is located about 7 mi northwest of downtown Cincinnati. According to the United States Census Bureau, the city has a total area of 1.17 sqmi, all land.

2020 census
As of the census of 2020, there were 8,658 people living in the city, for a population density of 7,425.39 people per square mile (2,865.99/km2). There were 4,272 housing units. The racial makeup of the city was 71.1% White, 20.8% African American, 0.3% Native American, 0.6% Asian, 1.4% from other races, and 5.8% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 2.6% of the population.

There were 3,174 households, out of which 34.8% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 24.7% were married couples living together, 22.0% had a male householder with no spouse present, and 44.6% had a female householder with no spouse present. 39.3% of all households were made up of individuals, and 13.3% were someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.27, and the average family size was 3.03.

28.6% of the city's population were under the age of 18, 58.8% were 18 to 64, and 12.6% were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 32.8. For every 100 females, there were 95.2 males.

According to the U.S. Census American Community Survey, for the period 2016-2020 the estimated median annual income for a household in the city was $45,428, and the median income for a family was $52,229. About 20.3% of the population were living below the poverty line, including 23.5% of those under age 18 and 27.6% of those age 65 or over. About 63.6% of the population were employed, and 18.2% had a bachelor's degree or higher.

2010 census
As of the census of 2010, there were 8,375 people, 3,779 households, and 1,931 families living in the city. The population density was 7158.1 PD/sqmi. There were 4,303 housing units at an average density of 3677.8 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the city was 89.0% White, 7.3% African American, 0.2% Native American, 0.5% Asian, 0.9% from other races, and 2.1% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 2.0% of the population.

There were 3,779 households, of which 27.0% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 31.1% were married couples living together, 14.8% had a female householder with no husband present, 5.2% had a male householder with no wife present, and 48.9% were non-families. 39.6% of all households were made up of individuals, and 11.3% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.18 and the average family size was 2.96.

The median age in the city was 34.6 years. 21.8% of residents were under the age of 18; 9.4% were between the ages of 18 and 24; 31.3% were from 25 to 44; 24.1% were from 45 to 64; and 13.3% were 65 years of age or older. The gender makeup of the city was 48.2% male and 51.8% female.

2000 census
As of the census of 2000, there were 9,015 people, 4,064 households, and 2,202 families living in the city. The population density was 7,753.5 PD/sqmi. There were 4,338 housing units at an average density of 3,731.0 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the city was 96.93% White, 0.79% African American, 0.18% Native American, 0.62% Asian, 0.01% Pacific Islander, 0.49% from other races, and 0.99% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 1.11% of the population.

There were 4,064 households, out of which 26.9% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 39.1% were married couples living together, 10.9% had a female householder with no husband present, and 45.8% were non-families. 40.0% of all households were made up of individuals, and 15.6% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.17 and the average family size was 2.97.

In the city, the population was spread out, with 22.4% under the age of 18, 8.5% from 18 to 24, 33.7% from 25 to 44, 17.7% from 45 to 64, and 17.8% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 36 years. For every 100 females, there were 88.9 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 84.7 males.

The median income for a household in the city was $35,150, and the median income for a family was $48,947. Males had a median income of $36,886 versus $28,202 for females. The per capita income for the city was $19,686. About 5.2% of families and 7.6% of the population were below the poverty line, including 11.4% of those under age 18 and 5.8% of those age 65 or over.

Past Mayors

 * 1) Henry Fischer (R) 1901
 * 2) Fred Edward Wesselman (R) 1902-1905
 * 3) Christian Ferdinand (Ferd) Baechle (R) 1905-1911
 * 4) Fred Henry Altemeier (R) 1912-1917
 * 5) Clifford Harry Hay (R) 1918-1941
 * 6) Edward Christian Gingerich (D) 1942-1967
 * 7) Albert William Schottelkotte (D) 1967
 * 8) Donald Paul Bennett (R) 1968-1971
 * 9) Louis Edgar Von Holle (D) 1972-1983
 * 10) John Michael (Mike) Laumann (D) 1983-2003
 * 11) Samuel David Keller (D) 2004-

Culture
The city of Cheviot is home to much of the same German-American and other ethnic cultures that inhabit the surrounding Cincinnati area. The city is known locally (and regionally) for its annual Harvest Home Fair. Since about 1855, the fair has been held each year on the weekend after Labor Day. The city incorporated the West Fest Street Festival in 2002, which has steadily grown in popularity. The annual event features local food, various booths/activities, children's rides, and live music. The city is part of the Cincinnati Public School district.

Notable people

 * Dorothy Mueller, baseball player
 * Glenn Ryle, WKRC-TV Personality; host of "Skipper Ryle" and later Bowling For Dollars
 * Al Schottelkotte, WCPO TV news anchor (1959–1994)
 * Steve Tensi, former professional football quarterback
 * Andy Williams, singer and television personality

title: Cheviot, Ohio


text:
Cleves, Ohio

Cleves is a village in Miami Township, Hamilton County, Ohio, United States. Located along the Ohio River, it is a western suburb of Cincinnati. The population was 3,414 at the 2020 census.

Geography
Cleves is located between the Great Miami River and the Ohio River. It is separated from the Ohio River by the village of North Bend, along the southern border of Cleves. U.S. Route 50 passes through the village, leading east 16 mi to downtown Cincinnati and west to Lawrenceburg, Indiana.

According to the United States Census Bureau, the village has a total area of 1.58 sqmi, all land.

History
The village was founded in 1818. It is named for John Cleves Symmes who lived here, laid out the original town site, and sold lots.

2020 census
As of the census of 2020, there were 3,414 people living in the village, for a population density of 2,208.28 people per square mile (852.73/km2). There were 1,087 housing units. The racial makeup of the village was 91.9% White, 0.6% Black or African American, 0.2% Native American, 0.7% Asian, 0.0% Pacific Islander, 0.5% from some other race, and 6.0% from two or more races. 1.7% of the population were Hispanic or Latino of any race.

There were 1,087 households, out of which 47.4% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 54.4% were married couples living together, 17.7% had a male householder with no spouse present, and 16.5% had a female householder with no spouse present. 22.0% of all households were made up of individuals, and 6.9% were someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 3.11, and the average family size was 3.60.

33.1% of the village's population were under the age of 18, 59.1% were 18 to 64, and 7.8% were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 30.3. For every 100 females, there were 113.5 males.

According to the U.S. Census American Community Survey, for the period 2016-2020 the estimated median annual income for a household in the village was $82,716, and the median income for a family was $95,625. About 16.1% of the population were living below the poverty line, including 17.3% of those under age 18 and 10.2% of those age 65 or over. About 64.1% of the population were employed, and 25.3% had a bachelor's degree or higher.

2010 census
As of the census of 2010, there were 3,234 people, 1,079 households, and 823 families living in the village. The population density was 2046.8 PD/sqmi. There were 1,190 housing units at an average density of 753.2 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the village was 96.9% White, 0.6% African American, 0.4% Native American, 0.4% Asian, 0.1% from other races, and 1.6% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 1.2% of the population.

There were 1,079 households, of which 46.2% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 57.2% were married couples living together, 13.2% had a female householder with no husband present, 5.9% had a male householder with no wife present, and 23.7% were non-families. 19.4% of all households were made up of individuals, and 7.1% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 3.00 and the average family size was 3.45.

The median age in the village was 33.2 years. 32.5% of residents were under the age of 18; 7.7% were between the ages of 18 and 24; 28.3% were from 25 to 44; 23.8% were from 45 to 64; and 7.7% were 65 years of age or older. The gender makeup of the village was 50.3% male and 49.7% female.

2000 census
As of the census of 2000, there were 2,790 people, 960 households, and 750 families living in the village. The population density was 1,754.7 PD/sqmi. There were 1,020 housing units at an average density of 641.5 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the village was 98.21% White, 0.57% African American, 0.14% Native American, 0.14% Asian, 0.14% Pacific Islander, 0.07% from other races, and 0.72% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 0.36% of the population.

There were 960 households, out of which 43.5% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 61.8% were married couples living together, 10.6% had a female householder with no husband present, and 21.8% were non-families. 17.6% of all households were made up of individuals, and 7.8% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.91 and the average family size was 3.30.

In the village, the population was spread out, with 31.4% under the age of 18, 7.7% from 18 to 24, 33.8% from 25 to 44, 18.1% from 45 to 64, and 9.0% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 33 years. For every 100 females there were 100.1 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 96.1 males.

The median income for a household in the village was $47,553, and the median income for a family was $50,926. Males had a median income of $32,917 versus $25,000 for females. The per capita income for the village was $17,617. About 6.3% of families and 7.6% of the population were below the poverty line, including 10.6% of those under age 18 and none of those age 65 or over.

Notable people

 * Les Backman, Major League Baseball pitcher
 * Dana Stubblefield, Former NFL defensive tackle and convicted sex offender

title: Cleves, Ohio


text:
Covedale, Ohio

Covedale is a census-designated place (CDP) in Green Township, Hamilton County, Ohio, United States. The population was 6,472 at the 2020 census. The CDP represents the part of the former village of Covedale that was not annexed by the city of Cincinnati in 1930.

Geography
Covedale is located near Interstate 74, and is within the I-275 loop, about 8 mi west of downtown Cincinnati.

According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP has a total area of 7.3 km2, all land.

2020 census
As of the census of 2020, there were 6,472 people living in the CDP, for a population density of 2,288.54 people per square mile (883.70/km2). There were 2,668 housing units. The racial makeup of the CDP was 85.6% White, 7.8% Black or African American, 0.2% Native American, 0.9% Asian, 0.1% Pacific Islander, 0.8% from some other race, and 4.7% from two or more races. 1.8% of the population were Hispanic or Latino of any race.

There were 2,492 households, out of which 35.3% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 56.7% were married couples living together, 16.1% had a male householder with no spouse present, and 24.0% had a female householder with no spouse present. 24.0% of all households were made up of individuals, and 13.3% were someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.66, and the average family size was 3.12.

29.4% of the CDP's population were under the age of 18, 51.0% were 18 to 64, and 19.6% were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 39.3. For every 100 females, there were 102.6 males.

According to the U.S. Census American Community Survey, for the period 2016-2020 the estimated median annual income for a household in the CDP was $80,000, and the median income for a family was $103,673. About 5.5% of the population were living below the poverty line, including 9.6% of those under age 18 and 3.5% of those age 65 or over. About 61.0% of the population were employed, and 42.5% had a bachelor's degree or higher.

2000 census
At the 2000 census there were 6,360 people, 2,432 households, and 1,826 families in the CDP. The population density was 2,274.3 PD/sqmi. There were 2,505 housing units at an average density of 895.8 /sqmi. The racial makup of the CDP was 98.58% White, 0.35% African American, 0.13% Native American, 0.31% Asian, 0.20% from other races, and 0.42% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 0.64%.

Of the 2,432 households 30.7% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 64.8% were married couples living together, 7.9% had a female householder with no husband present, and 24.9% were non-families. 22.5% of households were one person and 12.2% were one person aged 65 or older. The average household size was 2.61 and the average family size was 3.08.

The age distribution was 25.3% under the age of 18, 6.4% from 18 to 24, 25.5% from 25 to 44, 23.7% from 45 to 64, and 19.1% 65 or older. The median age was 40 years. For every 100 females, there were 93.0 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 88.3 males.

The median household income was $57,016 and the median family income was $65,456. Males had a median income of $40,697 versus $32,182 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $28,845. About 0.8% of families and 1.9% of the population were below the poverty line, including 3.1% of those under age 18 and 0.4% of those age 65 or over.

title: Covedale, Ohio


text:
Deer Park, Ohio

Deer Park is a city in Hamilton County, Ohio, United States. It is a suburb of Cincinnati. The population was 5,432 at the 2020 census.

History
The Cincinnati, Lebanon and Northern Railway began running through the town in 1881, along the "Highland Route". In 1795, following the signing of the Treaty of Greenville which provided assurances to Ohio settlers that they would be protected from Indian "intrusions", Samuel and Rebecca DeMent Pierson established the first log home in the area near Deer Park.

In 1894, Deer Park was described as having one store and a Catholic church.

The community was incorporated in 1912.

Geography
According to the United States Census Bureau, the city has a total area of 0.87 sqmi, all land.

2020 census
As of the census of 2020, there were 5,432 people living in the city, for a population density of 6,360.66 people per square mile (2,456.77/km2). There were 2,745 housing units. The racial makeup of the city was 84.7% White, 5.8% Black or African American, 0.2% Native American, 2.2% Asian, 0.1% Pacific Islander, 1.6% from some other race, and 5.5% from two or more races. 3.1% of the population were Hispanic or Latino of any race.

There were 2,600 households, out of which 20.4% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 37.8% were married couples living together, 27.2% had a male householder with no spouse present, and 26.0% had a female householder with no spouse present. 39.2% of all households were made up of individuals, and 16.8% were someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.03, and the average family size was 2.70.

16.6% of the city's population were under the age of 18, 64.7% were 18 to 64, and 18.7% were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 44.2. For every 100 females, there were 104.5 males.

According to the U.S. Census American Community Survey, for the period 2016-2020 the estimated median annual income for a household in the city was $68,545, and the median income for a family was $87,996. About 9.4% of the population were living below the poverty line, including 17.4% of those under age 18 and 4.8% of those age 65 or older. About 70.9% of the population were employed, and 42.0% had a bachelor's degree or higher.

2010 census
As of the census of 2010, there were 5,736 people, 2,618 households, and 1,398 families living in the city. The population density was 6593.1 PD/sqmi. There were 2,784 housing units at an average density of 3200.0 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the city was 91.9% White, 4.6% African American, 0.1% Native American, 1.3% Asian, 0.6% from other races, and 1.5% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 1.7% of the population.

There were 2,618 households, of which 24.7% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 39.1% were married couples living together, 9.9% had a female householder with no husband present, 4.4% had a male householder with no wife present, and 46.6% were non-families. 39.5% of all households were made up of individuals, and 13.4% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.12 and the average family size was 2.86.

The median age in the city was 38.5 years. 18.8% of residents were under the age of 18; 7.4% were between the ages of 18 and 24; 31.8% were from 25 to 44; 26.1% were from 45 to 64; and 15.8% were 65 years of age or older. The gender makeup of the city was 47.4% male and 52.6% female.

2000 census
As of the census of 2000, there were 5,982 people, 2,634 households, and 1,496 families living in the city. The population density was 6,979.0 PD/sqmi. There were 2,723 housing units at an average density of 3,176.8 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the city was 96.52% White, 1.69% African American, 0.18% Native American, 0.69% Asian, 0.22% from other races, and 0.70% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 0.67% of the population.

There were 2,634 households, out of which 25.7% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 43.0% were married couples living together, 9.8% had a female householder with no husband present, and 43.2% were non-families. 39.1% of all households were made up of individuals, and 16.5% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.18 and the average family size was 2.94.

In the city the population was spread out, with 21.8% under the age of 18, 6.3% from 18 to 24, 32.7% from 25 to 44, 18.9% from 45 to 64, and 20.3% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 38 years. For every 100 females, there were 86.1 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 79.8 males.

The median income for a household in the city was $39,692, and the median income for a family was $45,585. Males had a median income of $36,753 versus $28,706 for females. The per capita income for the city was $22,274. About 3.7% of families and 5.3% of the population were below the poverty line, including 4.8% of those under age 18 and 10.8% of those age 65 or over.

Education
The city of Deer Park is served by the Deer Park City School District which serves the city and surrounding area. The district has 1 elementary (Amity Elementary) and 1 High School (Deer Park Junior/Senior High School)

Notable person

 * Bill Cunningham, conservative radio personality

title: Deer Park, Ohio


text:
Dent, Ohio

Dent is a census-designated place (CDP) in Green Township, Hamilton County, Ohio, United States. The population was 12,301 at the 2020 census.

History
Dent was originally known as Challensville in the 19th century, named for the local minister Rev. James Challenge. A post office called Challensville was established in 1843, the name was changed to Dent in 1846 at the urging of local resident and then-state representative Charles Reemelin. Reemelin was said to have disliked naming places after people and instead thought that "Dent" represented the geography of the area, with the depression of the land just east of Harrison Pike. The Dent post office closed in 1904. The present name "Dent" is after its setting in a valley (or dent).

Veterans Park was constructed in the 1990s on the former site of the Dent Drive-In. The 25 acre park contains a walking trail.

Geography
According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP has a total area of 15.4 km2, all land.

2020 census
As of the census of 2020, there were 12,301 people living in the CDP, for a population density of 1,966.90 people per square mile (759.45/km2). There were 5,313 housing units. The racial makeup of the CDP was 90.9% White, 3.3% Black or African American, 0.1% Native American, 1.5% Asian, 0.0% Pacific Islander, 0.5% from some other race, and 3.5% from two or more races. 1.6% of the population were Hispanic or Latino of any race.

There were 4,529 households, out of which 30.1% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 53.9% were married couples living together, 13.7% had a male householder with no spouse present, and 23.6% had a female householder with no spouse present. 26.3% of all households were made up of individuals, and 12.6% were someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.44, and the average family size was 2.97.

25.3% of the CDP's population were under the age of 18, 54.5% were 18 to 64, and 20.2% were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 41.7. For every 100 females, there were 94.9 males.

According to the U.S. Census American Community Survey, for the period 2016-2020 the estimated median annual income for a household in the CDP was $80,585, and the median income for a family was $102,331. About 7.6% of the population were living below the poverty line, including 11.8% of those under age 18 and 4.6% of those age 65 or over. About 61.6% of the population were employed, and 40.8% had a bachelor's degree or higher.

2000 census
As of the census of 2000, there were 7,612 people, 3,190 households, and 2,130 families residing in the CDP. The population density was 1,267.4 PD/sqmi. There were 3,369 housing units at an average density of 560.9 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the CDP was 98.03% White, 0.68% African American, 0.22% Native American, 0.32% Asian, 0.03% Pacific Islander, 0.16% from other races, and 0.56% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 0.42% of the population.

There were 3,190 households, out of which 28.0% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 54.8% were married couples living together, 8.1% had a female householder with no husband present, and 33.2% were non-families. 28.1% of all households were made up of individuals, and 10.3% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.39 and the average family size was 2.95.

In the CDP, the population was spread out, with 22.7% under the age of 18, 9.0% from 18 to 24, 27.6% from 25 to 44, 25.2% from 45 to 64, and 15.5% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 39 years. For every 100 females, there were 94.1 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 91.2 males.

The median income for a household in the CDP was $49,048, and the median income for a family was $59,888. Males had a median income of $41,406 versus $31,460 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $24,403. About 1.6% of families and 3.7% of the population were below the poverty line, including 5.2% of those under age 18 and 2.5% of those age 65 or over.

title: Dent, Ohio


text:
Dillonvale, Hamilton County, Ohio

Dillonvale is a census-designated place (CDP) in Sycamore Township, Hamilton County, Ohio, United States. The population was 3,436 at the 2020 census.

Geography
According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP has a total area of 2.3 km2, all land.

2020 census
As of the census of 2020, there were 3,436 people living in the CDP, for a population density of 3,852.02 people per square mile (1,486.87/km2). There were 1,638 housing units. The racial makeup of the CDP was 87.7% White, 3.5% Black or African American, 0.3% Native American, 2.2% Asian, 0.0% Pacific Islander, 0.7% from some other race, and 5.6% from two or more races. 2.7% of the population were Hispanic or Latino of any race.

There were 1,512 households, out of which 25.5% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 50.6% were married couples living together, 24.1% had a male householder with no spouse present, and 21.0% had a female householder with no spouse present. 39.3% of all households were made up of individuals, and 16.0% were someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.22, and the average family size was 3.04.

18.3% of the CDP's population were under the age of 18, 62.8% were 18 to 64, and 18.9% were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 42.2. For every 100 females, there were 103.3 males.

According to the U.S. Census American Community Survey, for the period 2016-2020 the estimated median annual income for a household in the CDP was $70,400, and the median income for a family was $94,076. About 3.6% of the population were living below the poverty line, including 0.0% of those under age 18 and 5.2% of those age 65 or over. About 61.8% of the population were employed, and 38.6% had a bachelor's degree or higher.

2000 census
At the 2000 census there were 3,716 people, 1,612 households, and 1,081 families living in the CDP. The population density was 4,118.2 PD/sqmi. There were 1,636 housing units at an average density of 1,813.1 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the CDP was 96.23% White, 1.61% African American, 0.24% Native American, 0.40% Asian, 0.05% Pacific Islander, 0.38% from other races, and 1.08% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 1.00%.

Of the 1,612 households 26.3% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 54.5% were married couples living together, 10.0% had a female householder with no husband present, and 32.9% were non-families. 29.8% of households were one person and 15.9% were one person aged 65 or older. The average household size was 2.31 and the average family size was 2.86.

The age distribution was 21.1% under the age of 18, 6.0% from 18 to 24, 28.1% from 25 to 44, 21.4% from 45 to 64, and 23.3% 65 or older. The median age was 42 years. For every 100 females, there were 88.1 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 84.9 males.

The median household income was $45,307 and the median family income was $52,041. Males had a median income of $42,171 versus $26,357 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $21,553. About 2.8% of families and 3.8% of the population were below the poverty line, including 2.7% of those under age 18 and 2.8% of those age 65 or over.

title: Dillonvale, Hamilton County, Ohio