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Georg Simmel

Georg Simmel (1 March 1858 – 26 September 1918) was a German sociologist, philosopher, and critic.

Simmel was influential in the field of sociology. Simmel was one of the first generation of German sociologists: his neo-Kantian approach laid the foundations for sociological antipositivism, asking "what is society?"—directly alluding to Kant's "what is nature?"—presenting pioneering analyses of social individuality and fragmentation. Simmel discussed social and cultural phenomena in terms of "forms" and "contents" with a transient relationship, wherein form becomes content, and vice versa dependent on context. In this sense, Simmel was a forerunner to structuralist styles of reasoning in the social sciences.

Through "The Metropolis and Mental Life" Simmel was a precursor of urban sociology, symbolic interactionism, and social network analysis. An acquaintance of Max Weber, Simmel wrote on the topic of personal character in a manner reminiscent of the sociological ideal type. He broadly rejected academic standards, however, philosophically covering topics such as emotion and romantic love. Both Simmel and Weber's nonpositivist theory would inform the eclectic critical theory of the Frankfurt School.

Early life and education
Georg Simmel was born in Berlin, Germany, as the youngest of seven children to an assimilated Jewish family. His father, Eduard Simmel (1810–1874), a prosperous businessman and convert to Roman Catholicism, had founded a confectionery store called "Felix & Sarotti" that would later be taken over by a chocolate manufacturer. His mother Flora Bodstein (1818–1897) came from a Jewish family who had converted to Lutheranism. Georg, himself, was baptized as a Protestant when he was a child. His father died in 1874, when Georg was 16, leaving a sizable inheritance. Georg was then adopted by Julius Friedländer, the founder of an international music publishing house known as Peters Verlag, who endowed him with the large fortune that enabled him to become a scholar.

Beginning in 1876, Simmel studied philosophy and history at the Humboldt University of Berlin, going on to receive his doctorate in 1881 for his thesis on Kantian philosophy of matter, titled "Das Wesen der Materie nach Kants Physischer Monadologie" ("The Nature of Matter According to Kant's Physical Monadology").

In 1885, Simmel became a privatdozent at the University of Berlin, officially lecturing in philosophy but also in ethics, logic, pessimism, art, psychology and sociology. His lectures were not only popular inside the university, but attracted the intellectual elite of Berlin as well. Although his applications for vacant chairs at German universities were supported by Max Weber, Simmel remained an academic outsider. However, with the support of an inheritance from his guardian, he was able to pursue his scholarly interests for many years without needing a salaried position.

Simmel had a hard time gaining acceptance in the academic community despite the support of well known associates, such as Max Weber, Rainer Maria Rilke, Stefan George and Edmund Husserl. This was partly because he was seen as a Jew during an era of anti-Semitism, but also simply because his articles were written for a general audience rather than academic sociologists. This led to dismissive judgements from other professionals. Simmel nevertheless continued his intellectual and academic work, as well as taking part in artistic circles.

Later life

In 1890, Georg married Gertrud Kinel, a philosopher who published under the pseudonym Marie-Luise Enckendorf, and under her own name. They lived a sheltered and bourgeois life, their home becoming a venue for cultivated gatherings in the tradition of the salon. They had one son, Hans Eugen Simmel, who became a medical doctor. Georg and Gertrud's granddaughter was the psychologist Marianne Simmel. Simmel also had a secret affair with his assistant Gertrud Kantorowicz, who bore him a daughter in 1907, though this fact was hidden until after Simmel's death.

In 1909, Simmel, together with Ferdinand Tönnies and Max Weber, and others, was a co-founder of the German Society for Sociology, serving as a member of its first executive body. In 1914, Simmel received an ordinary professorship with chair, at the then German University of Strassburg, but did not feel at home there. Because World War I broke out, all academic activities and lectures were halted and lecture halls were converted to military hospitals. In 1915 he applied – without success – for a chair at the Heidelberg University. In 1917, Simmel stopped reading the newspapers and withdrew to the Black Forest to finish the book The View of Life (Lebensanschauung). Shortly before the end of the war in 1918, he died from liver cancer in Strasbourg.

Theory
There are four basic levels of concern in Simmel's work:

 * 1) The psychological workings of social life
 * 2) The sociological workings of interpersonal relationships.
 * 3) The structure of and changes in zeitgeist (i.e. the social and cultural "spirit") of his time. He would also adopt the principle of emergentism, the idea that higher levels of conscious properties emerge from lower levels.
 * 4) The nature and inevitable fate of humanity.

Dialectical method
A dialectical approach is a multicausal and multidirectional method: it focuses on social relations; integrates facts and value, rejecting the idea that there are hard and fast dividing lines between social phenomena; looks not only at the present, but also at the past and future; and is deeply concerned with both conflicts and contradictions. Simmel's sociology was concerned with relationships—especially interaction—and was thus known as a relationalist. This approach is based on the idea that interactions exist between everything. Overall, Simmel would be mostly interested in dualisms, conflicts, and contradictions in whatever realm of the social world he happened to be working on.

Forms of association
The furthest Simmel has brought his work to a micro-level of analysis was in dealing with forms and interactions that takes place with different types of people. Such forms would include subordination, superordination, exchange, conflict and sociability.

Simmel focused on these forms of association while paying little attention to individual consciousness. Simmel believed in the creative consciousness that can be found in diverse forms of interaction, which he observed both the ability of actors to create social structures, as well as the disastrous effects such structures had on the creativity of individuals. Simmel also believed that social and cultural structures come to have a life of their own.

Sociability
Simmel refers to "all the forms of association by which a mere sum of separate individuals are made into a 'society'," whereby society is defined as a "higher unity," composed of individuals.

Simmel would especially be fascinated by man's "impulse to sociability," whereby "the solitariness of the individuals is resolved into togetherness," referring to this unity as "the free-playing, interacting interdependence of individuals." Accordingly, he defines sociability as "the play-form of association" driven by "amicability, breeding, cordiality and attractiveness of all kinds." In order for this free association to occur, Simmel explains, "the personalities must not emphasize themselves too individually...with too much abandon and aggressiveness." Rather, "this world of sociability...a democracy of equals" is to be without friction so long as people blend together in the spirit of pleasure and bringing "about among themselves a pure interaction free of any disturbing material accent."

Simmel describes idealised interactions in expressing that "the vitality of real individuals, in their sensitivities and attractions, in the fullness of their impulses and convictions...is but a symbol of life, as it shows itself in the flow of a lightly amusing play," adding that "a symbolic play, in whose aesthetic charm all the finest and most highly sublimated dynamics of social existence and its riches are gathered."

Social geometry
In a dyad (i.e. a two-person group), a person is able to retain their individuality as there is no fear that another may shift the balance of the group. In contrast, triads (i.e. three-person groups) risk the potential of one member becoming subordinate to the other two, thus threatening their individuality. Furthermore, were a triad to lose a member, it would become a dyad.

The basic nature of this dyad-triad principle forms the essence of structures that form society. As a group (structure) increases in size, it becomes more isolated and segmented, whereby the individual also becomes further separated from each member. In respect to the notion of "group size", Simmel's view was somewhat ambiguous. On one hand, he believed that the individual benefits most when a group gets bigger, as such makes it harder to exert control on the individual. On the other hand, with a large group there is a possibility of the individual becoming distant and impersonal. Therefore, in an effort for the individual to cope with the larger group they must become a part of a smaller group such as the family.

The value of something is determined by the distance from its actor. In "The Stranger", Simmel discusses how if a person is too close to the actor they are not considered a stranger. If they are too far, however, they would no longer be a part of a group. The particular distance from a group allows a person to have objective relationships with different group members.

The Metropolis and Mental Life
One of Simmel's most notable essays is "The Metropolis and Mental Life" ("Die Großstädte und das Geistesleben") from 1903, which was originally given as one of a series of lectures on all aspects of city life by experts in various fields, ranging from science and religion to art. The series was conducted alongside the Dresden cities exhibition of 1903. Simmel was originally asked to lecture on the role of intellectual (or scholarly) life in the big city, but he effectively reversed the topic in order to analyze the effects of the big city on the mind of the individual. As a result, when the lectures were published as essays in a book, to fill the gap, the series editor himself had to supply an essay on the original topic.

"The Metropolis and Mental Life" was not particularly well received during Simmel's lifetime. The organisers of the exhibition overemphasised its negative comments about city life, because Simmel also pointed out positive transformations. During the 1920s the essay was influential on the thinking of Robert E. Park and other American sociologists at the University of Chicago who collectively became known as the "Chicago School". It gained wider circulation in the 1950s when it was translated into English and published as part of Kurt Wolff's edited collection, The Sociology of Georg Simmel. It now appears regularly on the reading lists of courses in urban studies and architecture history. However, it is important to note that the notion of the blasé is actually not the central or final point of the essay, but is part of a description of a sequence of states in an irreversible transformation of the mind. In other words, Simmel does not quite say that the big city has an overall negative effect on the mind or the self, even as he suggests that it undergoes permanent changes. It is perhaps this ambiguity that gave the essay a lasting place in the discourse on the metropolis.

"The deepest problems of modern life flow from the attempt of the individual to maintain the independence and individuality of his existence against the sovereign powers of society, against the weight of the historical heritage and the external culture and technique of life. The antagonism represents the most modern form of the conflict which primitive man must carry on with nature for his own bodily existence. The eighteenth century may have called for liberation from all the ties which grew up historically in politics, in religion, in morality and in economics in order to permit the original natural virtue of man, which is equal in everyone, to develop without inhibition; the nineteenth century may have sought to promote, in addition to man's freedom, his individuality (which is connected with the division of labor) and his achievements which make him unique and indispensable but which at the same time make him so much the more dependent on the complementary activity of others; Nietzsche may have seen the relentless struggle of the individual as the prerequisite for his full development, while socialism found the same thing in the suppression of all competition – but in each of these the same fundamental motive was at work, namely the resistance of the individual to being levelled, swallowed up in the social-technological mechanism."

The Philosophy of Money
In The Philosophy of Money, Simmel views money as a component of life which helped us understand the totality of life. Simmel believed people created value by making objects, then separating themselves from that object and then trying to overcome that distance. He found that things which were too close were not considered valuable and things which were too far for people to get were also not considered valuable. Considered in determining value was the scarcity, time, sacrifice, and difficulties involved in getting the object.

For Simmel, city life led to a division of labor and increased financialisation. As financial transactions increase, some emphasis shifts to what the individual can do, instead of who the individual is. Financial matters in addition to emotions are in play.

The Stranger
Simmel's concept of distance comes into play where he identifies a stranger as a person that is far away and close at the same time.

"The Stranger is close to us, insofar as we feel between him and ourselves common features of a national, social, occupational, or generally human, nature. He is far from us, insofar as these common features extend beyond him or us, and connect us only because they connect a great many people." A stranger is far enough away that he is unknown but close enough that it is possible to get to know him. In a society there must be a stranger. If everyone is known then there is no person that is able to bring something new to everybody.

The stranger bears a certain objectivity that makes him a valuable member to the individual and society. People let down their inhibitions around him and confess openly without any fear. This is because there is a belief that the Stranger is not connected to anyone significant and therefore does not pose a threat to the confessor's life.

More generally, Simmel observes that because of their peculiar position in the group, strangers often carry out special tasks that the other members of the group are either incapable or unwilling to carry out. For example, especially in pre-modern societies, most strangers made a living from trade, which was often viewed as an unpleasant activity by "native" members of those societies. In some societies, they were also employed as arbitrators and judges, because they were expected to treat rival factions in society with an impartial attitude.

"Objectivity may also be defined as freedom: the objective individual is bound by no commitments which could prejudice his perception, understanding, and evaluation of the given."

On one hand the stranger's opinion does not really matter because of his lack of connection to society, but on the other the stranger's opinion does matter, because of his lack of connection to society. He holds a certain objectivity that allows him to be unbiased and decide freely without fear. He is simply able to see, think, and decide without being influenced by the opinion of others.

On secrecy
According to Simmel, in small groups, secrets are less needed because everyone seems to be more similar. In larger groups secrets are needed as a result of their heterogeneity. In secret societies, groups are held together by the need to maintain the secret, a condition that also causes tension because the society relies on its sense of secrecy and exclusion. For Simmel, secrecy exists even in relationships as intimate as marriage.In revealing all, marriage becomes dull and boring and loses all excitement. Simmel saw a general thread in the importance of secrets and the strategic use of ignorance: To be social beings who are able to cope successfully with their social environment, people need clearly defined realms of unknowns for themselves. Furthermore, sharing a common secret produces a strong "we feeling." The modern world depends on honesty and therefore a lie can be considered more devastating than it ever has been before. Money allows a level of secrecy that has never been attainable before, because money allows for "invisible" transactions, due to the fact that money is now an integral part of human values and beliefs. It is possible to buy silence.

On flirtation
In his multi-layered essay, "Women, Sexuality & Love", published in 1923, Simmel discusses flirtation as a generalized type of social interaction. According to Simmel, "to define flirtation as simply a 'passion for pleasing' is to confuse the means to an end with the desire for this end." The distinctiveness of the flirt lies in the fact that she awakens delight and desire by means of a unique antithesis and synthesis: through the alternation of accommodation and denial. In the behavior of the flirt, the man feels the proximity and interpenetration of the ability and inability to acquire something. This is in essence the "price." A sidelong glance with the head half-turned is characteristic of flirtation in its most banal guise.

On fashion
In the eyes of Simmel, fashion is a form of social relationship that allows those who wish to conform to the demands of a group to do so. It also allows some to be individualistic by deviating from the norm. There are many social roles in fashion and both objective culture and individual culture can have an influence on people. In the initial stage everyone adopts what is fashionable and those that deviate from the fashion inevitably adopt a whole new view of what they consider fashion. Ritzer wrote:

"Simmel argued that not only does following what is in fashion involve dualities so does the effort on the part of some people to be of fashion. Unfashionable people view those who follow a fashion as being imitators and themselves as mavericks, but Simmel argued that the latter are simply engaging in an inverse form of imitation." This means that those who are trying to be different or "unique," are not, because in trying to be different they become a part of a new group that has labeled themselves different or "unique".

Works
Simmel's major monographic works include, in chronological order:

 * Über sociale Differenzierung (1890). Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot [On Social Differentiation]
 * Einleitung in die Moralwissenschaft 1 & 2 (1892–1893). Berlin: Hertz [Introduction to the Science of Ethics]
 * Die Probleme der Geschichtphilosophie (1892). Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot. (2nd ed., 1905) [The Problems of the Philosophy of History]
 * Philosophie des Geldes (1900). Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot (2nd ed., 1907) [The Philosophy of Money]
 * Die Großstädte und das Geistesleben (1903). Dresden: Petermann. [The Metropolis and Mental Life]
 * Kant (1904). Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot. (6th ed., 1924)
 * Philosophie der Mode (1905). Berlin: Pan-Verlag.
 * Kant und Goethe (1906). Berlin: Marquardt.
 * Die Religion (1906). Frankfurt am Main: Rütten & Loening. (2nd ed., 1912).
 * Schopenhauer und Nietzsche (1907). Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot.
 * Soziologie (1908). Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot. [Sociology : inquiries into the construction of social forms]
 * Hauptprobleme der Philosophie (1910). Leipzig: Göschen.
 * Philosophische Kultur (1911) Leipzig: Kröner. (2nd ed., 1919).
 * Goethe (1913). Leipzig: Klinkhardt.
 * Rembrandt (1916) Leipzig: Wolff.
 * Grundfragen der Soziologie (1917) Berlin: Göschen. [Fundamental Questions of Sociology]
 * Lebensanschauung (1918). München: Duncker & Humblot. [The View of Life]
 * Zur Philosophie der Kunst (1922). Potsdam: Kiepenheur.
 * Fragmente und Aufsäze aus dem Nachlass (1923), edited by G. Kantorowicz. München: Drei Masken Verlag.
 * Brücke und Tür (1957), edited by M. Landmann & M. Susman. Stuttgart: Koehler.

 * Works in periodicals
 * "Rom, eine ästhetische Analyse." Die Zeit, Wiener Wochenschrift für Politik, Vollwirtschaft Wissenschaft und Kunst [weekly newspaper] (28 May 1898).
 * "Florenz." Der Tag [magazine] (2 March 1906).
 * "Venedig." Der Kunstwart, Halbmonatsschau über Dichtung, Theater, Musik, bildende und angewandte Kunst [magazine] (June 1907).

Edited works of Simmel

 * Andrews, John A. Y., and Donald N. Levine, trans. 2010. The View of Life: Four Metaphysical Essays with Journal Aphorisms, with introduction by D. N. Levine and D. Silver. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
 * Levine, Donald, ed. 1972. On Individuality and Social Forms. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
 * Wolff, Kurt, trans. & ed. 1950. The Sociology of Georg Simmel. Glencoe, IL: Free Press.
 * Wolff, Kurt, trans. & ed. 1955. Conflict and the Web of Group Affiliations (1922). Glencoe, IL: Free Press.

Works on Simmel

 * Ankerl, Guy. 1972. Sociologues Allemands. Sociologie de la forme. Neuchâtel: . pp. 73–106.
 * Best, Shaun, 2019. The Stranger, London, Routledge: ISBN 978-1-138-31220-3.
 * Bistis, Margo. 2005. "Simmel and Bergson: The Theorist and the Exemplar of the Blasé Person." Journal of European Studies 35(4):395–418.
 * Hartmann, Alois. 2003. "Sinn und Wert des Geldes." In der Philosophie von Georg Simmel und Adam (von) Müller. Berlin. ISBN 3-936749-53-1.
 * Ionin, Leonid. 1989. "Georg Simmel's Sociology." Pp. 189–205. in A History of Classical Sociology, edited by I. S. Kon, translated by H. Campbell Creighton. Moscow: Progress Publishers.
 * Karakayali, Nedim. 2003. Simmel's Stranger: In Theory and in Practice. PhD Thesis. Toronto: University of Toronto.
 * — 2006. "The Uses of the Stranger: Circulation, Arbitration, Secrecy and Dirt". Sociological Theory 24(4):312–30.
 * Kim, David, ed. 2006. Georg Simmel in Translation: Interdisciplinary Border-Crossings in Culture and Modernity. Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Press. ISBN 1-84718-060-4.
 * Muller, Jerry Z. 2002. The Mind and the Market: Capitalism in Western Thought. Anchor Books.

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title: Georg Simmel


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Irimi

In Japanese martial arts, Irimi (入り身) is the act of entering straight into a technique, as opposed to the more indirect entrance into technique called tenkan. In basic training, irimi usually looks like a step forward, straight or at an angle but usually ending with the body facing the attacker, rather than in the direction of the step. To enter with irimi, the defender needs to move in the very moment of the attack or even himself initiate it.

Aikido
Meaning: Entering or putting in the body.

Irimi (ee-ree-mee) is the second pillar of Aikido (Aikido techniques are structured around six main pillars). Irimi involves entering deeply around or behind an attack to defuse or neutralize the attack. The concept of irimi teaches one to blend with or enter into an opponent's attack to become one with the opponent's movement and leaving the opponent with nowhere to strike. This movement is utilized during the moment of the opponent's attack. To complete the movement, one moves out of the opponent's line of attack to the opponent's shikaku, or blind spot. When executed properly, one can strike an opponent with great force, combining his attacking momentum and one's forward movement.

The entering principle is basic to most Aikido movements as the postures and movements in Aikido contain quite a few oblique stances which are adapted from Sōjutsu (spear fighting).

In Aikido, there are numerous examples of techniques exhibiting the concepts of yin and yang. Irimi and tenkan are an example. Tenkan is the motion of turning (yin) and irimi is the motion of entering (yang).

Irimi is one of two motions Aikido students perform in the role of nage. Practicing irimi will help the Aikido student develop Hara, balance, and groundedness.

In Yoshinkan aikido irimi techniques are denoted by the number one (and tenkan as two).

In modern aikikai irimi techniques are referred to as omote (and tenkan as ura).

title: Irimi


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Tenkan

Tenkan (転換) is the Japanese name of a movement practiced in several martial arts. It is a 180 degree pivot to the rear, on the lead foot. That is, if the left foot is forward, the pivot is clockwise, and if the right foot is forward, the pivot is counter-clockwise.

Aikido
Tenkan is a very common foot move in aikido. Strategically, tenkan is most often used to place tori back-to-back with uke. A few attacks - techniques that commonly begin by executing tenkan include: shōmen'uchi - kaitennage; katate-dori - shihōnage; and morote-dori - kokyūnage.

Some styles of aikido practice six basic ashi sabaki (stepping/footwork) movements, of which tenkan is one.

Those six basic stepping techniques are:

 * Tsugi-ashi (shuffle step)
 * Ayumi-ashi (crossing step)
 * Kaiten (hip shift to avoid attack)
 * Tenshin (step and pivot to avoid attack)
 * Tenkan (180 degree pivot to avoid attack)
 * Ude-furi (spin step)

Judo
Tenkan is a foot move used in judo.

title: Tenkan


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Bumiputera (Malaysia)

Bumiputera or bumiputra (Jawi:, Native) is a term used in Malaysia to describe Malays, the Orang Asli of Peninsular Malaysia, and various indigenous peoples of East Malaysia. The term is sometimes controversial. It is used similarly in the Malay world, Indonesia, and Brunei.

The term is derived from the Sanskrit which was later absorbed into the classical Malay word bhumiputra (भूमिपुत्र). This can be translated literally as "son of the land" or "son of the soil". In Indonesia, this term is known as "Pribumi"; the latter is also used in Malaysia but in a more generic sense to mean "indigenous peoples".

In the 1970s, the Malaysian government implemented policies designed to favour bumiputera (including affirmative action in public education and in the public sector) in order to elevate the socioeconomic status of the economically disadvantaged bumiputera community. It was an effort to defuse interethnic tensions following the 13 May Incident in 1969 and to placate the Malay majority through granting them a privileged status over Malaysian Chinese. Originally intended as a temporary measure, these policies are still in effect. They have been described as racially discriminatory. Although the policies have succeeded in creating a significant urban Malay and Native Bornean middle class, they have been less effective in eradicating poverty among rural communities.

Official definition

The concept of a bumiputera ethnic group in Malaysia was coined by Abdul Razak Hussein. It recognised the "special position" of the Malays provided in the Constitution of Malaysia, in particular Article 153. However, the constitution does not use the term bumiputera; it defines only "Malay" and "aboriginal peoples" (Article 160(2)), "natives" of Sarawak (161A(6)(a)), and "natives" of Sabah (Article 161A(6) (b)). Definitions of bumiputera in public use vary among different institutions, organisations, and government departments and agencies.

In the parliamentary debate of 13 November 1965, the Prime Minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman, was asked by Dr Lim Chong Eu if there is a "legal and constitutional definition of the term "Bumiputera", and whether the children of Malaysian citizens who were born after 31 August 1963, will also be entitled to all the rights of "Bumiputera". To this, Tunku replied: "Mr Speaker, Sir, the term ‘Bumiputera’...has no legal meaning except in so far as to denote the natives of the mainland of Malaya and the natives of the Borneo States". He later qualified that the benefits under Article 153 were for "the natives of Malaysia…who are less advanced and less able to compete with these other Malaysians".

In the book Buku Panduan Kemasukan ke Institusi Pengajian Tinggi Awam, Program Pengajian Lepasan SPM/Setaraf Sesi Akademik 2007/2008 (Guidebook for entry into public higher learning institutions for SPM/equivalent graduates for academic year 2007/2008), the Malaysian Higher Education Ministry defined bumiputra as follows, depending on the region of origin of the individual applicant:

 * 1) Peninsular Malaysia
 * 2) * "If one of the parents is Muslim Malay/Orang Asli as stated in Article 160 (2) Federal Constitution of Malaysia; thus the child is considered as a Bumiputera"
 * 3) Sabah
 * 4) * "If the child was born in Sabah or the father was domiciled in Sabah at the time of birth, and one of the parents is an indigenous native of Sabah as stated in Article 161A (6)(b) Federal Constitution of Malaysia, the child is considered as a Bumiputera"
 * 5) Sarawak
 * 6) * "If both of the parents are indigenous natives of Sarawak as stated in Article 161A (6)(a) Federal Constitution of Malaysia; thus their child is considered as a Bumiputera"

In addition to the interpretation given above, a broader definition of bumiputera include groups such as native Indonesians, Malaysian Siamese, Muslim Indian Malaysians, Peranakan and the Kristang people of Portuguese-Eurasian descent. Most of these encompass communities that were established in southeast Asia prior to the period of British colonial rule which saw large-scale immigration from China. Others favour a definition encompassing all children of bumiputera.

In Sarawak, there were cases of people with one bumiputera parent and one non-bumiputera parent being dismissed as non-bumiputera. However, this law was changed in 2022.

History
At the time of Malaya's independence from British colonial rule in 1957, the population included many first- or second-generation immigrants who had come to fill manpower needs as indentured labourers, among rich Chinese merchants and settlers who brought their wealth and investment into Malaysia.

Chinese immigrants, who typically settled in urban areas, played a significant role in the commercial sector after the Indians left the country to return to India, much of the commercial sector was taken over by wealthy Chinese merchants. The Communities Liaison Committee (CLC), comprising leading politicians from different racial backgrounds, supported the promotion of economic equality for the Malays, conditional on political equality for the non-Malays. CLC member E.E.C. Thuraisingham later said, "I and others believed that the backward Malays should be given a better deal. Malays should be assisted to attain parity with non-Malays to forge a united Malayan Nation of equals."

Article 153 of the Constitution states that,

"It shall be the responsibility of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to safeguard the special position of the Malays and natives of any of the States of Sabah and Sarawak and the legitimate interests of other communities in accordance with the provisions of this Article."

Article 160 defines a Malay as being one who "professes the religion of Islam, habitually speaks the Malay language, conforms to Malay customs and is the child of at least one parent who was born within the Federation of Malaysia before independence of Malaya on 31 August 1957, or the issue of such a person."

Article 8 of the Constitution, states that all Malaysian citizens shall be equal under the law, and "Except as expressly authorised by this Constitution, there shall be no discrimination against citizens on the ground only of religion, race, descent or place of birth in any law or in the appointment to any office or employment under a public authority or in the administration of any law relating to the acquisition, holding or disposition of property or the establishing or carrying on of any trade, business, profession, vocation or employment." Article 153 itself expressly forbids particular forms of discrimination; clause 5 states that "All persons of whatever race in the same grade in the service of the Federation shall, subject to the terms and conditions of their employment, be treated impartially," while clause 9 states: "Nothing in this Article shall empower Parliament to restrict business or trade solely for the purpose of reservations for Malays."

The concept of the bumiputera's special position has been disputed. The Reid Commission, which drafted the Constitution, initially proposed that Article 153 expire after 15 years unless renewed by Parliament. This qualification was struck from the final draft. After the 13 May Incident in 1969, representatives within the government argued over whether the special position of the bumiputera should have a sunset clause.

Ismail Abdul Rahman argued that "the question be left to the Malays themselves because ... as more and more Malays became educated and gained self-confidence, they themselves would do away with this 'special position'." Ismail believed the special position was "a slur on the ability of the Malays." In 1970, however, one member of the Cabinet said that Malay special rights would remain for "hundreds of years to come."

In the 1970s, the government implemented the New Economic Policy (NEP), designed to be a more aggressive form of affirmative action for the bumiputera than Article 153. Article 153 provides specifically for the use of quotas in the granting of scholarships, positions in the civil service, and business licences, as well as native reservations of land. Policies under the rubric of the NEP include subsidies for real estate purchases, quotas for public equity shares, and general subsidies to bumiputera businesses.

Former Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and his predecessor Mahathir Mohamad have both suggested that Malays should depend less on government assistance. Many observers believe full abolition of bumiputera privileges is unlikely, especially in view of the constitutional issues involved, although successive administrations since Mahathir have attempted to reform the system of government aid for the bumiputera. Some bumiputera groups believe further affirmative action is necessary.

Parliament began to use the term bumiputra in 1965. Following debate of the act to create the Majlis Amanah Rakyat (MARA), the government founded an agency to preserve bumiputera interests.

In July 2017, Prime Minister Najib Razak said that the government would consider the request of the Muslim Indian community to be recognized as bumiputera, in what is seen as a move to woo voters in the lead-up to the upcoming general election.

Contentious policy

Certain but not all pro-bumiputera policies exist as affirmative action for bumiputera, for NEP is racial-based and not deprivation-based. For instance, all bumiputera, regardless of their financial standing, are entitled 7 percent discount on houses or property, including luxurious units; whilst a low-income non-bumiputra receives no such financial assistance. Other preferential policies include quotas for the following: admission to government educational institutions, qualification for public scholarships, marking of universities exam papers, special bumiputera-only classes prior to university's end of term exams, for positions in government, and ownership of businesses. Most of the policies were established in the Malaysian New Economic Policy (NEP) period. Many policies focus on trying to achieve a bumiputerashare of corporate equity, comprising at least 30% of the total. Ismail Abdul Rahman proposed this target after the government was unable to agree on a suitable policy goal.

In a report titled 2012 Investment Climate Statement – Malaysia published by the Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs (US Department of State), under the heading "Ethnic Preferences", part of a paragraph describes the reality of the bumiputera policy as follows: "Many of the preference policies are opaque, with details of implementation largely left to the various ministries and civil servants within those ministries. Policies and practices vary greatly. Some practices are explicit and contained in law or regulation, while others are informal, leaving much ambiguity for potential investors. The civil service itself is subject to bumiputera hiring preferences. The NEM [New Economic Model] proposes reforming ethnic preferences in business ownership and social safety net programs. Some conservative bumiputera groups have voiced strong opposition to any significant changes to the extensive preferences."

Examples of such policies include:
 * Companies listed on the Kuala Lumpur Stock Exchange (Bursa Saham Kuala Lumpur) used to adhere to a 30% bumiputera ownership of equity to satisfy listing requirements. Foreign companies that operate in Malaysia also had to adhere to this requirement. This policy was canceled in 2009.
 * For a limited period, a certain percentage of new housing in any development had to be sold to bumiputera. Housing developers are required to provide a minimum 7% discount to bumiputera buyers of these lots. This is required regardless of the income level of the potential buyer. Remaining unsold houses after a given time period are allowed to be sold to non-bumiputera if the developer proves attempts have been made to fulfil the requirement. There is no bumiputera discount on existing housing.
 * A basket of government-run (and profit-guaranteed) mutual funds are available for purchase by bumiputera only. The Amanah Saham Nasional (ASN) has return rates approximately 3 to 5 times that of local commercial banks.
 * Many government-tendered projects require that companies submitting tenders be bumiputera owned. This requirement has led to non-bumiputera teaming up with bumiputera companies to obtain projects, in a practice known as "Ali Baba". Ali, the bumiputera, is included solely to satisfy this requirement, and Baba (the non-bumiputera) pays Ali a certain sum in exchange.
 * Projects were earmarked for bumiputera contractors to enable them to gain expertise in various fields.
 * Approved Permits (APs) for automobiles preferentially allow bumiputera to import vehicles. Automotive companies wishing to bring in cars need to have an AP to do so. APs were originally created to allow bumiputera participation in the automotive industry, since they were issued to companies with at least 70% bumiputera ownership. In 2004, The Edge (a business newspaper) estimated that APs were worth approximately RM 35,000 each. They also estimated that the late Nasimuddin Amin, the former chairman of the Naza group, received 6,387 in 2003, making him the largest single recipient of APs. More than 12,200 APs were issued in 2003. In addition to APs, foreign car marquees are required to pay between 140% and 300% import duty.

As a result of these policies, many bumiputera with good connections quickly became millionaires. According to Tan Sri Rafidah Aziz, former Minister of Trade and Industry, the policy was to create "Towering Malays". In 2005 she gave a speech that stated: "If there are young Malay entrepreneurs whose companies are successful, then we appreciate their success, we want Towering Malays of glokal (global and local) standard". She also said that the policy of Approved Permits (APs) had produced many bumiputera entrepreneurs in the automotive industry.

Since 2000, the government has discussed phasing out certain affirmative action programs and reinstating "meritocracy". In 2003 it began the system of "Malaysian model meritocracy" for university admission. Admission to public universities was not based upon a common examination such as the SAT or A-Levels, but rather upon a two parallel systems of either a one-year matriculation course or a two-year STPM (Malaysian Higher School Certificate) programme. Bumiputera compose an overwhelming majority of entrants to the matriculation programme. It is a commonly-held belief that the public university entry requirements are easier for matriculation students and disproportionately difficult for STPM students.

Quotas also exist for Public Services Department (JPA) scholarships, full scholarships offered to students to study in leading universities worldwide. These scholarships are given on the basis of SPM (Sijil Pelajaran Malaysia, the equivalent of O-Levels) results, ethnic group, and certain quotas. The JPA scholars are sent to selected pre-university programmes offered by the government – from there, they apply to universities.

Early opposition
In the 1965 session of Parliament, Singapore's Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew (who was also a member of that Parliament) questioned the implementation of Malay rights as proposed. Lee asked, "How does the Malay in the kampung find his way out into this modernised civil society? By becoming servants of the 0.3 per cent who would have the money to hire them to clean their shoe, open their motorcar doors?" and "How does telling a Malay bus driver that he should support the party of his Malay director (UMNO) and the Chinese bus conductor to join another party of his Chinese director (MCA) – how does that improve the standards of the Malay bus driver and the Chinese bus conductor who are both workers in the same company?"

Lee closed with "Meanwhile, whenever there is a failure of economic, social and educational policies, you come back and say, oh, these wicked Chinese, Indian and others opposing Malay rights. They don't oppose Malay rights. They, the Malay, have the right as Malaysian citizens to go up to the level of training and education that the more competitive societies, the non-Malay society, has produced. That is what must be done, isn't it? Not to feed them with this obscurantist doctrine that all they have got to do is to get Malay rights for the few special Malays and their problem has been resolved."

Policy apologists and ongoing opposition
At the 2004 annual general assembly of the United Malays National Organisation, which is the largest member of the governing coalition, deputy chair Badruddin Amiruldin cautioned against questioning the bumiputera's special rights, which met with approval from the delegates: "Let no one from the other races ever question the rights of Malays on this land. Don't question the religion because this is my right on this land." In 2004, Mohd. Johari Baharum, parliamentary secretary of the Prime Minister's Department, stated that the PSD scholarships would remain quota based. He added that there were no plans to convert this to a merit based system, and that the total value of the PSD scholarship since 1996 was 2.4 billion ringgit.

Another controversial aspect is that the Orang Asli of Peninsular Malaysia are not considered bumiputera under the federal constitution. As their settlement predates that of the Malays, it is considered by many, that bumiputera is about the promotion one religion over another, especially since Orang Asli are much worse off than Muslim Malays. Others argue that the Orang Asli are in fact considered bumiputera.

On 1 March 2009, Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat, the spiritual leader of the opposition Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party stated that the term bumiputera is racist and the policy prevented other races from receiving government aid. Nik Aziz's remarks were made in response to the criticisms and threats made by UMNO against Democratic Action Party's Boo Cheng Hau, the opposition leader in Johor when Boo was reported to have compared "bumiputeraism" with state apartheid.

On 1 February 2015, Swiss academic Tariq Ramadan reflected on how non-Muslims have been treated as second class citizens. He stated, "I'm sorry but some of your fellow citizens in this country who are not Muslims are facing this discrimination, they are facing injustices."

Present condition of the bumiputera
In 2006, the Minister of Higher Education, Mustapa Mohamad, stated that he wanted public universities to recruit more non-bumiputera academic staff to "strive for world-class institutions", which may have signaled a move toward less racial discrimination in academia. However this does not affect entry into universities, which is still designed to restrict other races access to higher education in favour of the bumiputera.

The manufacturing sector is exempted from the Foreign Investment Committee (FIC) Guidelines and the mandatory 30% Bumiputera equity and restrictions in market entry have been removed for all (manufacturing) sub-sectors.

National identification card system and bumiputera
Malaysia requires citizens to carry a national identification card called MyKad. Smart Cards identify citizens as Muslims or non-Muslims. the national identification card does not specify whether or not the holder is a bumiputera.

title: Bumiputera (Malaysia)


text:
User:Willsmith

I was an early contributor to wikipedia (late 2002, only around 18 months after it started), so I started a fair number of pages. When I started, there were only about 30,000 articles in the English wikipedia. In fact, I worked with User:Brion Vibber, who was Wikipedia's only technical guy at the time, to set up the Malay wikipedia.

Mainly for my own satisfaction, I list below some of my early contributions to Wikipedia-English:

Articles I started, and wrote a tiny bit:
 * Fischer Black - stockmarket theory
 * Myron S. Scholes - stockmarket theory
 * short selling - stockmarket theory
 * underlying instrument - stockmarket theory
 * Alias|wavefront - graphics software
 * Maxtor Corporation - computer hardware
 * Ahmed H. Zewail - nobel winning Chemist, went to a presentation by him
 * Pitcher plant - just 'cos I have a picture
 * Carniverous plants - to link pitcher plant from!
 * Masjid - another word for mosque

Articles I started, and wrote a reasonable amount of information:
 * Kuala Lumpur International Airport - Malaysia information
 * Mount Kinabalu - Malaysia information
 * Technical analysis - stockmarket theory
 * Fundamentals analysis - stockmarket theory
 * Black-Scholes - stockmarket theory
 * Risk free interest rate - stockmarket theory
 * Maya (software) - graphics software
 * Intrusion detection system - security software
 * Shah Alam - Malaysia information
 * Thaipusam festival - Malaysia information
 * Batu Caves - Malaysia information.
 * Petronas Twin Towers - Malaysia information.
 * Tower block - British English for high rise.
 * High-rise - everybody knows what it is, nobody defined it.
 * Crore - Indian measurement.
 * Lakh - Indian measurement.
 * Mimos Berhad - my employer.
 * Localization - what it is.
 * Internationalization - what it is.
 * G11n - abbreviation.
 * I18n - abbreviation.
 * L10n - abbreviation.
 * Mark Rothko - famous artist.
 * Kuala Lumpur Star Light Rail Transit - Malaysia info.
 * Kuala Lumpur Putra Light Rail Transit - Malaysia info.
 * Kuala Lumpur Monorail - Malaysia info.

Since then, I wrote a lot more...

title: User:Willsmith


text:
User:Tripta

Dear all,

This is an introduction and i will be updating with a lot more material subsequently.

I am a `Free software enthusiast', mind you not a programmer. My interest in the issue is more social and cultural with a deep emphasis on the technological understanding of it.

I am at the moment involved in the Outreach Project at Sarai (www.sarai.net) and also the General Secretary of the Linux Delhi Users Group. I am involed in both research, attempting to understand the intersections and the sensibilites forged by the technology and philosphy of Free software / open source and part of the Project to generate awareness in Educational Institutes.

This much for now.

Hoping for a sustained enriched conversation.

cheers Tripta sarai/tripta@sarai.net

title: User:Tripta


text:
Uffington White Horse

The Uffington White Horse is a prehistoric hill figure, 110 m long, formed from deep trenches filled with crushed white chalk. The figure is situated on the upper slopes of Whitehorse Hill in the English civil parish of Uffington in Oxfordshire, some 10 mi east of Swindon, 8 km south of the town of Faringdon and a similar distance west of the town of Wantage; or 2.5 km south of Uffington. The hill forms a part of the scarp of the Berkshire Downs and overlooks the Vale of White Horse to the north. The best views of the figure are obtained from the air, or from directly across the Vale, particularly around the villages of Great Coxwell, Longcot, and Fernham.

The Uffington White Horse was created some time between 1380 and 550, during the late Bronze Age or early Iron Age. The site is owned and managed by the National Trust and is a scheduled monument. The Guardian stated in 2003 that "for more than 3,000 years, the Uffington White Horse has been jealously guarded as a masterpiece of minimalist art." The Uffington Horse is by far the oldest of the white horse figures in Britain; the others inspired by it have an entirely different design.

Origin
The earliest reference to the site is found in Medieval Welsh literature. The Llyfr Coch Hergest (Red Book of Hergest, 1375–1425) states that "Near to the town of Abinton there is a mountain with a figure of a stallion upon it, and it is white. Nothing grows upon it." Some scholars have compared the figure to the Celtic goddess Epona, or the later Rhiannon of the Mabinogi.

The figure is one of a number in the area that was long thought to have ancient origins. In the 17th century, John Aubrey attributed the figure to Hengist and Horsa. However, Aubrey also ascribed its origins to the British Celts, noting the similarity of the image to those found on native Iron Age coins. Francis Wise would state that the image was created by Alfred the Great to celebrate his victory at the Battle of Edington.

Although the notion of it being a post-Roman creation remained popular, many antiquarians and scholars had noted the design's similarity to the Celtic art found on the coins of the local tribes (the Dobunni and Atrebates). Comparative analysis of the design with numismatic and archeological finds was conducted by Stuart Piggott in 1931 and Ann Ross in 1967, with Piggott suggesting circa 100 as a possible date of origin. In 1949, Morris Marple suggested a Bronze Age date, comparing the design to others throughout Europe and North Africa.

Following an excavation in 1990, the figure's origin was finally settled with optically stimulated luminescence testing. Simon Palmer and David Miles of the Oxford Archaeological Unit dated silt deposits to the period between 1380 BC and 550 BC, confirming the Uffington White Horse to be Britain's oldest chalk figure. The new Bronze Age date would place the figure's origin at the same time as Uffington Castle, during a period when the horse was transforming warfare in Britain.

History
Until the late 19th century, the horse was scoured every seven years as part of a more general local fair held on the hill. Francis Wise wrote in 1736: "The ceremony of scouring the Horse, from time immemorial, has been solemnized by a numerous concourse of people from all the villages roundabout." After the work was done a rural festival was held sponsored by the lord of the manor.

During the Second World War the figure, easily recognisable from the air, was covered over with turf and hedge trimmings so that Luftwaffe pilots could not use it for navigation during bombing raids. It was uncovered after the war by Welsh archaeology professor William Francis Grimes. While the horse is annually re-chalked and restored by volunteers, there have been some alterations over the years. In August 2002, the figure was defaced with the addition of a rider and three dogs by members of the "Real Countryside Alliance" (Real CA). The act was denounced by the Countryside Alliance. For a couple of days in May 2003, a temporary hill figure advertisement for the fourth series of Channel 4's series Big Brother was controversially placed near the figure. In March 2012, as part of a pre-Cheltenham Festival publicity stunt, a bookmaker added a large jockey to the figure. In August 2023, a restoration project was planned by the National Trust and archeologist Adrian Cox to quantify and reverse the gradual shrinking of the horse since the 1980s. In the summer of 2024, Oxford Archaeology, in partnership with the National trust and English Heritage, began the project to restore the horse to its original position and shape with the help of many volunteers.

Representation and meaning
It has long been debated whether the chalk figure was intended to represent a horse or some other animal, such as a dog or a sabre-toothed cat. However, it has been called a horse since the 11th century at least. A cartulary of Abingdon Abbey, compiled between 1072 and 1084, refers to "mons albi equi" at Uffington ("the White Horse Hill").

The horse is thought to represent a tribal symbol, perhaps connected with the builders of Uffington Castle. It is similar to horses depicted on Celtic coinage, the currency of the pre-Romano-British population, and on the Marlborough Bucket (an Iron Age burial bucket found in Marlborough, Wiltshire).

Another theory proposed by University of Southampton archaeologist Joshua Pollard points to the horse's alignment with the sun, particularly in midwinter when the sun appears to overtake the horse, to indicate that it was created as a depiction of a "solar horse", reflecting mythological beliefs that the sun was carried across the sky on a horse or in a chariot.

Scouring of the White Horse
The White Horse has been carefully cleared of vegetation from time to time. The figure has remained clear of turf throughout its long existence, except for being covered as a precaution during the Second World War (as it could be used as a visual landmark for navigation by enemy planes). The cleaning process, known as the Scouring of the White Horse, was formerly made the occasion of a festival. Sports of all kinds were held, and keen rivalry was maintained, not only between the inhabitants of the local villages, but between local champions and those from distant parts of England.

The first of such festivals known took place in 1755 and lasted until 1857, when 30,000 people turned up for the event and were "too rowdy." The Scouring of the White Horse, by Tom Hughes, was published in 1859 as a semi-fictionalised recounting of his visit to the 1857 event. He recounts being told that the local towns had laid claim to a tradition of scouring the White Horse since Saxon times.

The tradition was revived in 2009 by the National Trust, with local volunteers replacing a layer of freshly quarried chalk on the Spring Bank Holiday weekend. Frequent work is required for the figure to remain visible. If regular cleaning is halted, the figure quickly becomes obscured; Periodic scouring continues, on chalking day volunteers with hammers, buckets of chalk, and kneepads kneel and "smash the chalk to a paste, whitening the paths cut in the grass inch by inch."

Nearby prehistoric features

The most significant nearby feature is the Iron Age Uffington Castle, located on higher ground atop a knoll above the White Horse. This hillfort comprises an area of approximately 3 ha enclosed by a single, well-preserved bank and ditch. Dragon Hill is a natural chalk hill with an artificial flat top, associated in legend with St George. Whitehorse Hill is designated a Site of Special Scientific Interest (SSSI). It is a geological SSSI due to its Pleistocene sediments, and a biological SSSI as it has one of the few remaining unploughed grasslands along the chalk escarpment in Oxfordshire. To the west are ice-cut terraces known as the "Giant's Stair". Some believe these terraces at the bottom of this valley are the result of medieval farming, or alternatively were used for early farming after being formed by natural processes. The steep sided dry valley below the horse is known as the Manger and legend says that the horse grazes there at night.

The Blowing Stone, a perforated sarsen stone, lies in a garden in Kingston Lisle, 2 km away and produces a musical tone when blown through.

Wayland's Smithy is a Neolithic long barrow and chamber tomb 1.5 mi southwest of the Horse. It lies next to The Ridgeway, an ancient trackway that also runs behind Uffington Castle, and is followed by the Ridgeway National Trail, a long-distance footpath running from Overton Hill, near Avebury, to Ivinghoe Beacon in Buckinghamshire.

In 2019, a group of workers laying water pipes near Letcombe Bassett unearthed an almost 3,000 year-old settlement that archaeologists believe to belong to the same community involved in the creation of the Uffington White Horse. The find includes tools, animal bones and the remains of 26 people whose skeletons suggest human sacrifice.

Influence and cultural references
The horse was a direct influence on much later hill figures of white horses, including Kilburn White Horse (1858) in Yorkshire, Folkestone White Horse (2003) at the Channel Tunnel terminal near Kent, and a white horse cut from heather that existed from 1981 until the mid-1990s in Mossley, Greater Manchester. The first Westbury White Horse, which faced left, is believed to have been inspired by the Uffington horse. The Uffington White Horse has inspired lookalike hill figures, including one facing left in Ciudad Juárez, Mexico. Direct replicas of the Uffington horse can be found at Cockington Green Gardens in Australia and Hogansville, Georgia, U.S. Uffington White Horse has inspired two sculptures in Wiltshire, namely Julie Livsey's White Horse Pacified (1987) in nearby Swindon, a town which was also once considered for a white horse, and Charlotte Moreton's White Horse (2010) in Solstice Park, Amesbury.

The White Horse is used as a symbol by diverse organisations (mostly with Oxfordshire or Berkshire connections) and appears in numerous works of literature, visual art and music.

As an emblem
The White Horse is the emblem of the Vale of White Horse District Council, the Berkshire Yeomanry (an Army Reserve unit based in Windsor), and educational establishments including Faringdon Community College, The Ridgeway School and Sixth Form College in Wroughton, Wiltshire, and The Ridgeway Primary School in Whitley, Berkshire.

Literature
Thomas Hughes, the author of Tom Brown's Schooldays, who was born in the nearby village of Uffington, wrote a book called The Scouring of the White Horse. Published in 1859, and described as "a combined travel book and record of regional history in the guise of a novel, sort of", it recounts the traditional festivities surrounding the periodic renovation of the White Horse. In Idylls of the King, written between 1859 and 1885, Tennyson compares King Arthur's removal of certain corrupt judges, who had been installed by his predecessor, Uther, to the way in which "Men weed the White Horse on the Berkshire hills, to keep him bright and clean as heretofore." G.K. Chesterton also features the scouring of the White Horse in his epic poem The Ballad of the White Horse, published in 1911, a romanticised depiction of the exploits of King Alfred the Great.

In modern fiction, Rosemary Sutcliff's 1977 children's book Sun Horse, Moon Horse tells a fictional story of the Bronze Age creator of the figure, and the White Horse and nearby Wayland's Smithy feature in a 1920s setting in the Inspector Ian Rutledge mystery/detective novel A Pale Horse by Charles Todd; a depiction of the White Horse appears on the book's dust jacket. Tom Shippey suggests that the horse may have inspired the banner flown by the horsemen of Rohan in J.R.R. Tolkien's Middle Earth legendarium, which is a white horse upon a green field. The horse is central to the 1978 BBC Television serial The Moon Stallion by Brian Hayles, who later novelised the series. "The horse on the chalk" in Terry Pratchett's Tiffany Aching series is inspired by the Uffington White Horse. Pratchett (who is famous for his sardonic humor) said "By an amazing coincidence, the horse carved on the chalk in A Hat Full of Sky (2004) is remarkably similar to the Uffington White Horse." The White Horse is a significant setting, plot point, and symbol in the 2018 novel Lethal White, the fourth instalment in the Cormoran Strike detective series, and inspired the 2022 A. F. Steadman novel Skandar and The Unicorn Thief.

Music
John Gardner's Ballad of the White Horse (1959) was inspired by Chesterton's epic poem of the same name. It was recently recorded by the City of London Choir, accompanied by the BBC Concert Orchestra, and conducted by Hilary Davan Wetton.

David Bedford's Song of the White Horse (1978), set for ensemble and children's choir and commissioned for the BBC's Omnibus programme, depicts a journey along a footpath alongside the Uffington Horse and includes words from Chesterton's poem. The composition requires the choir to inhale helium to sing the "stratospherically high notes" of the climax, accompanied by aerial footage of the horse animated to show it rearing up from the ground. A recording, produced by Mike Oldfield, was released by Oldfield Music in 1983.

The Uffington Horse is illustrated on the cover of English Settlement (1982), the fifth studio album by the Swindon band XTC, and appears (among other symbols copied from Barbara G. Walker's The Woman's Dictionary of Symbols and Sacred Objects ) on the back cover of Nirvana's final album, In Utero (1993). Painted in 2024, a public mural of the English Settlement sleeve, prominently depicting the Uffington Horse, features on Crombey Street, Swindon.

title: Uffington White Horse


text:
Fort Defiance, Arizona

Fort Defiance is a census-designated place (CDP) in Apache County, Arizona, United States. It is also located within the Navajo Nation. The population was 3,624 at the 2010 census.

History
The land on which Fort Defiance was eventually established was first noted by the U.S. military when Colonel John Washington stopped there on his return journey from an expedition to Canyon de Chelly. Fort Defiance was established on September 18, 1851, by Col. Edwin V. Sumner to create a military presence in Diné bikéyah (Navajo territory). Sumner broke up the fort at Santa Fe for this purpose, creating the first military post in what is now Arizona. He left Major Electus Backus in charge.

Fort Defiance was built on valuable grazing land that the federal government then prohibited the Navajo from using. As a result, the appropriately named fort experienced intense fighting, culminating in two attacks: in 1856 and 1860. The next year, at the onset of the Civil War, the army abandoned Fort Defiance. Continued Navajo raids in the area led Brigadier General James H. Carleton to send Kit Carson to impose order. The fort was reestablished as Fort Canby in 1863 as a base for Carson's operations against the Navajo. General Carleton's "solution" was brutal: thousands of starving Navajo were forced on a Long Walk of 450 mi and interned near Fort Sumner, New Mexico, and much of their livestock was destroyed. Following completion of this campaign in 1864 the fort was again abandoned and was burned by remaining Navajo, with only its walls remaining. The Navajo Treaty of 1868 allowed those interned to return to a portion of their land, and Fort Defiance was reestablished as an Indian agency that year. In 1870, the first government school for the Navajo was established there. Today, the site of Fort Defiance is populated by buildings dating from the 1930s to the present day used by various governmental agencies including the Bureau of Indian Affairs, Indian Health Service, and the Navajo Nation. The largest of these buildings was the Fort Defiance Indian Hospital until 2002.

Geography
Fort Defiance is located on the Defiance Plateau approximately 4 mi north of Window Rock.

According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP has a total area of 15.8 km2, all land.

Demographics
As of the 2000 census, there were 4,061 people, 1,115 households, and 890 families residing in the CDP. The population density was 669.3 PD/sqmi. There were 1,321 housing units at an average density of 217.7 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the CDP was 92.9% Native American, 4.5% White, 0.3% Asian, 0.2% Black or African American, <0.1% Pacific Islander, 0.2% from other races, and 1.9% from two or more races. 1.4% of the population were Hispanic or Latino of any race.

There were 1,115 households, out of which 49.2% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 43.8% were married couples living together, 30.3% had a female householder with no husband present, and 20.1% were non-families. 18.2% of all households were made up of individuals, and 2.9% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 3.61 and the average family size was 4.15.

In the CDP, the age distribution of the population shows 40.0% under the age of 18, 9.2% from 18 to 24, 27.1% from 25 to 44, 19.1% from 45 to 64, and 4.5% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 26 years. For every 100 females, there were 89.8 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 82.9 males.

The median income for a household in the CDP was $33,125, and the median income for a family was $35,448. Males had a median income of $35,455 versus $24,522 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $10,716. About 27.9% of families and 29.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including 35.0% of those under age 18 and 32.5% of those age 65 or over.

Education
Fort Defiance is a part of Window Rock Unified School District. Fort Defiance is served by Window Rock Elementary School, Tséhootsooí Middle School, and Window Rock High School.

The Navajo Nation operates Tséhootsooí Diné Bi'Ólta', a Navajo language immersion school for grades K–8 in Fort Defiance, Arizona. Located on the Arizona-New Mexico border in the southeastern quarter of the Navajo Reservation, the school strives to revitalize Navajo among children of the Window Rock Unified School District. Tséhootsooí Diné Bi'ólta' has thirteen Navajo language teachers who instruct only in the Navajo language, and no English, while five English language teachers instruct in the English language. Kindergarten and first grade are taught completely in the Navajo language, while English is incorporated into the program during third grade, when it is used for about 10% of instruction.

title: Fort Defiance, Arizona


text:
Ganado, Arizona

Ganado is a chapter of the Navajo Nation and census-designated place (CDP) in Apache County, Arizona, United States. The population was 883 at the 2020 census, reduced from 1,210 at the 2010 census. Ganado is part of the Fort Defiance Agency, of the Bureau of Indian Affairs; and is the delegate seat for the district that encompasses the Jeddito, Cornfields, Ganado, Kinlichee, and Steamboat communities at the Navajo Nation Council. The Hubbell Trading Post National Historic Site in Ganado is maintained as an example of a 19th-century trading post.

Geography
Ganado is located at 35.7025°N, -109.55333°W (35.702571, −109.553234).

According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP has a total area of 23.7 km2, all land. The greater Ganado area includes Ganado, Burnside, Cornfields, Kinlichee, Wood Springs, Klagetoh, and Steamboat and the family ranches dispersed amongst these sub-areas.

Climate
According to the Köppen Climate Classification system, Ganado has a semi-arid climate, abbreviated "BSk" on climate maps.

Demographics
As of the census of 2000, there were 1,505 people, 422 households, and 321 families residing in the CDP. The population density was 168.2 PD/sqmi. There were 507 housing units at an average density of 56.6 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the CDP was 87.3% Native American, 10.8% White, 0.1% Black or African American, 0.1% Asian, 1.1% from other races, and 0.5% from two or more races. 2.4% of the population were Hispanic or Latino of any race.

There were 422 households, out of which 46.7% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 49.3% were married couples living together, 21.8% had a female householder with no husband present, and 23.7% were non-families. 21.6% of all households were made up of individuals, and 3.6% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 3.5 and the average family size was 4.1.

In the CDP, the age distribution of the population shows 38.7% under the age of 18, 9.8% from 18 to 24, 26.6% from 25 to 44, 19.2% from 45 to 64, and 5.6% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 26 years. For every 100 females, there were 94.7 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 91.3 males.

The median income for a household in the CDP was $38,958, and the median income for a family was $43,281. Males had a median income of $36,250 versus $26,306 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $7,500. About 10.3% of families and 18.3% of the population were below the poverty line, including 29.8% of those under age 18 and 37.8% of those age 65 or over.

Ancients and legends
The earliest peoples in the region are believed to have been nomadic hunters in search of big game roaming throughout the Four Corners region. The next wave of inhabitants are believed to have been smaller hunter-gatherer communities of similar nomadic characteristic. It is believed that archaic forms of agriculture came to the Little Colorado River basin around.

The first permanent residents of the Ganado region (comprising greater Ganado, Kinlichee, Burnside, and Cornfields) were the "Basketmaker" Ancestral Puebloan. The ruins of their homesteads are scattered throughout the Little Colorado River basin and Colorado Plateau, among the red clay hills surrounding Ganado, and on the escarpment to the west. Significant agricultural advancement was seen in the first millennium. The largest Puebloan ruin at Ganado is Wide Reeds Ruin, along the floodplain near the present-day Ganado Wash bridge; and it is believed to have been constructed around 1276.

Modern understanding of the historical record left behind by the Ancestral Puebloans exhibits a massive network of villages, storehouses, and fortified structures throughout the Colorado Plateau region. Stretching from Mesa Verde in the north, to Chaco Canyon in the east, to Keet Seel (Kitsʼiil) and Betatakin (Bitátʼahkin) and Wupatki in the west, trading routes can be traced through the Ganado region to as far south as Mexico. Pottery fragments found through the area show a wide array of design and utility, both local and foreign to Ganado. The largest population center in this era near Ganado, is 30 mi to the north at Canyon de Chelly.

Between 1276 and 1299, archaeologists have recorded a period of "great drought," leading (among other causes) to the eventual end of influence of Puebloan culture and peoples on the Ganado region.

Apaches and Navajos
It is not known when the ancestors of the current Ganado community arrived in the Ganado region, though some suggest after 1400. The historical record left behind shows that the first Navajo people were of hunter-gatherer communities, who evolved into a nexus of agrarian society and pastoral society as the conditions of the area suited. Empowered by evolutionary dry farming techniques acquired via the neighboring Puebloan peoples, the early Ganado community's main crops consisted of beans, corn, and squash.

The early Ganado Navajo, like the modern people today, were speakers of a Na-Dené Southern Athabaskan languages known as Diné bizaad (lit. 'People's language'). Archaeological data suggests these peoples arrived in the present day Four Corners & Colorado Plateau regions in approximately the 15th century. The Navajo language retains cultural and linguistic aspects of this primary dialect and is somewhat mutually intelligible with the Western Apache language.

When the Spanish Conquistadors arrived in the southwestern Arizona–New Mexico region, they encountered these peoples, and subsequently named them Apaches de Nabajó Though distant relatives of the Apache peoples, these Apaches de Nabajó were different in both lineage and pathways to the area, from other Apache bands.

Jilhéél & Kin Naazinii (Upstanding House)
A mix of oral legend and archeology suggest that singer, and warrior/ runner Jilhéél came to the Ganado area in the early 18th century. It is believed that he traveled extensively and lived amongst the Puebloan people along the Rio Grande, and migrated with many of them to the refuge of Dinetah at the start of the Spanish invasion and occupation of modern-day Arizona and New Mexico.

In Jilhéél, it is also believed, came many of the cultural, architectural and agricultural influences to the greater Ganado region. Research suggests that Jilhéél contributed to the construction of fortifications to the north and south, notably in the hills east of Wide Ruins 15 mi to the southeast of Ganado. Archaeologist David M. Brugge offers that Jilhéél "might have been a local headman of the mid-1770s, possibly a refugee from Awatobi, considering his clan (Táchiiʼnii) and his move to Black Mesa, a refuge of Tobacco Táchiiʼnii people from Awatobi." Oral history research suggests that he inhabited "Wide Ruins, (meaning the Ancestral Puebloan site) and, a few miles north up Wide Ruins Wash, at" the citadel of "Kin Naazinii (Upstanding House)"; if not contributed to its construction – with the help of elder Daalgai – "a Navajo fortified 'pueblito' that archaeologists date at 1720–1805 (NLC, site S-MLC-UP-L; Bannister and others 1966:8; Navajo Nation 1967:263, 271, 285; Gilpin 1996)." Thus, Jilhéél is believed to have traveled between here "north to Canyon de Chelly" regularly.

Oral histories tells of a Jilhéél who carried "gigantic arrows, and had enormous feet. The sight of his footprints struck terror in his enemies. Some say he was a hunter who could run down deer; others say he knew various healing and war ceremonies. Some say he was of the Red Streak into Water (Táchiiʼnii) clan and later moved to Black Mesa." His fame amongst Navajo oral history is well known amongst various historical families. "Some of his attributes may reflect late pre-" Hispanic "iconography (big feet, for example, a common petroglyph motif). These pre-" Hispanic " associations of Jilhéél, together with the idea that Wide Ruins was some kind of 'boundary' place between Hopi and Zuni zones ..., makes one wonder if the north-south travel corridor through Wide Ruins to Canyon de Chelly could have been a late 'everyone's land' as conceptualized by LaBlanc (1999:70, 333) between settlement clusters" much older.

"The north-south corridor that Jilhéél stalked encompasses a string of places with names that came from incidents of raiding and warfare before the Fort Sumner captivity. Several recorded Navajo oral histories tell the stories (HUTR oral history interviews 21, 36, 44, 142; Kelley and Francis 1993–2005, project KF9906, 5/21 and 6/17/99, and project KF9507, 8/14/98). The place names, from south to north, are Anaaʼ Hajiina (Where the Enemy Came Up) north of Chambers; Dzilgha Adahjééʼ (Where the White Mountain Apaches Ran Down or Hilltop Descent), near Ganado", and the modern day location of Ganado Mucho's burial site; "and Dzilgha Haaskai (White Mountain Apaches Went Up, or Hilltop Ascent) near Chinle, Arizona (see Map 1). The places near Ganado and Chinle are places where Apaches came from the south up the corridor and massacred Navajos. (See also Nequatewa 1967:52 and Stephen 1930:1018–1019 for Hopi accounts of a killing of Hopis by Navajos in 1858 west of Ganado; local Navajo accounts apparently of the same incident have been recorded [HUTR interviews 44 and 142], one of which describes the massacre as an Apache attack on Navajos, perhaps reflecting confusion between the name for White Mountain Apaches and the almost identical word for hilltop)."

New Spain
As a result of Ganado's location at the crossroads of ancient trade routes and pueblos, Francisco Vásquez de Coronado's exploration party passed near the Ganado area in 1540–1542 en route to the famous Hopi Villages 50 mi to the west. "Spanish colonial and later sources beginning with the 1540 Spanish Entrada (a detachment of the Coronado expedition) record indigenous trails linking the Wide Ruins area to Zuni and Awatobi. As the silver mines funded greater and greater Spanish expansion into the frontier of "New Spain," King Philip II of Spain directed Conquistador Juan de Oñate to begin establishing Holy See missions in Nuevo México. As Roman Catholicism spread, by the 1629, "the mission of San Bernardino was established at Awátobi by a party of four Franciscans headed by Father Francisco de Porras", as the Hopi villages were architecturally accommodating as built up population centers.

Spanish traffic was sustained from La Villa Real de la Santa Fe de San Francisco de Asís to the outlying Hopi mission up until the 1680 Popé's Rebellion. In the "spring of AD 1700 Father Juan Garaycoecha visited the remains of the Hopi mission at the request of the inhabitants"; later that year, the remaining mission was soon after destroyed. The years 1778 to 1780 saw the first recorded drought to be experienced by the European and tribal historians alike, and was devastating to the regional population. The Spanish withdrawal from the region encompassing Ganado, continued until the American invasion of the 1800s.

Navajo and Hopi oral traditions tell how some people escaped and joined Navajos in the surrounding countryside near and far, giving rise to the Tobacco Táchiiʼnii clan (Clinton 1990, Brugge 1985, 1994; Courlander 1971).

Invasion and Ganado Mucho
The Ganado area remained relatively independent from rebellions of European ethnicity at Santa Fe until 1849. Ganado's first event under the American government came when a Hopi delegation was sent to Santa Fe in 1850. In 1858, Joseph Christmas Ives led an expedition through the area near Ganado. From 1821, the Navajo people had been engaged in the Navajo Wars against the Spanish, Mexican, and American invaders until the 1864 forced removal from their homelands. This exodus known as the Long Walk, would not see legal Navajo return until June 18, 1868.

One Navajo elder said of the Long Walk: By slow stages we traveled eastward by present Gallup and Chusbbito, Bear Spring, which is now called Fort Wingate. You ask how they treated us? If there was room the soldiers put the women and children on the wagons. Some even let them ride behind them on their horses. I have never been able to understand a people who killed you one day and on the next played with your children...? By 1869, the Ganado area had been fully occupied by the United States Government at Fort Defiance.

During the Long Walk, Diné Chief totsohnii Hastiin (pronounced Toe-so-knee haaus-teen)(Navajo for Man of the big water Clan), famously known as Ganado Mucho (1809–1893), along with other leaders targeted by the United States (such as Manuelito) fled to the haven of the Grand Canyon. "Of both Hopi and Navajo ancestry, Ganado Mucho was a cautious man who was inclined toward diplomacy". During the 1859 to 1861 period of resistance fighting, Ganado Mucho led the Ganado area on a policy of neutrality. This maneuver protected the Navajo residents of Ganado's wealth, held in their livestock, from United States confiscation by Kit Carson.

By 1866, Ganado Mucho surrendered and was remanded to the Bosque Redondo reservation near Fort Sumner, New Mexico. When he, Barboncito and Manuelito arrived, they found James Henry Carleton's experiment of resettlement a complete failure. While held in custody there, Ganado Mucho's son was murdered. He addressed directly the New Mexican Superintendent of Indian Affairs – A. Baldwin Norton – and condemned the conditions at Bosque Redondo. After the treaty of 1868, Ganado Mucho and his community returned to Ganado. Following, Ganado Mucho was "appointed subchief of the western Navajo by General William Tecumseh Sherman. He lived there until his death, and is buried on a hillside between Ganado and Cornfields.

Hubbell trading post
The first American settlements in the Ganado area were located near what is now Ganado Lake, and was established in 1871 as a trading post owned by Charles Crary. A second post operated by "Old Man" William B. Leonard opened soon after. These trading posts were established as a service to the Navajo people after the formation of the Fort Defiance Indian reservation, as a means to provide goods not locally available. The first name for the settlement was probably Pueblo Colorado when Don Lorenzo Hubbell (1853–1930) moved into the area in 1876. Two years later, he purchased his world-famous homestead, trading post and out buildings from William Leonard, which were constructed in 1874. Legend says that in an effort not to confuse visitors in the area with Pueblo, Colorado, Hubbell changed the name of the settlement to Ganado in honor of Ganado Mucho, the twelfth signer of the Navajo peace treaty of 1868.

Born to an Anglo father, and Spanish mother, Hubbell was raised at Pajarito Mesa, New Mexico. He was twenty three when he relocated to Ganado. He married Lina Rubi, and the couple had two sons (Roman and Lorenzo Jr.) and two daughters (Adele and Barbara). The family added onto the current adobe building which would become the famous Hubbell home, which hosted such guests as Theodore Roosevelt. The Hubbell garden contained Virginia creeper, a lawn, as well as native wild and yellow roses, lilac and yucca.

Hubbell died in 1930, and his youngest son, Roman Hubbell, assumed management duties. The stone Hogan (cottage) was constructed by Roman and his wife Dorothy in the early 1930s as a memorial to the elder Hubbell. Upon Roman's death in 1957, Dorothy maintained operations until 1967 when the National Park Service acquired the homestead. Hubbell, his wife, three of his children, a daughter-in-law, and a granddaughter are buried on the cone-shaped hill northwest of the trading post. Many Horses, son of Ganado Mucho, is also interred at this Hubbell family cemetery.

Hubbell contributed to encouraging the Ganado textiles market and local Navajo weaving houses.

Other retail trading posts included Ganado Trading, and Shillingburg's (later Round Top). The Presbyterian Church established a mission, school and hospital in Ganado in 1901.

Americanization of Navajo children and boarding school
The hidden cost of the Navajo relocation by the United States government were felt in many ways. The most direct would be in the forced removal of their children to boarding schools from the late 19th century into the 20th century. Many Ganado area youth were sent to such government and Christian boardings schools such as at Fort Apache. In most cases, the children were far removed from their families to foreign locations. Research has shown that such Americanization practices by the boarding schools, employed first by Captain Richard Henry Pratt served to destroy any last vestiges of Navajo identity, and Ganado children during this period were not immune to such inhumane practices. Pratt's systemic Americanization of Native Americans by forced cultural assimilation, used as a model for Indian Boarding schools all over America, was later regarded by some as a form of cultural genocide.

Modern Ganado
The Ganado community today is of the most advanced communities on the Navajo Nation. Agricultural parcels are managed by a local board of Farming advocates, and the surrounding ranches are sources of organic beef and mutton. The high school men and woman basketball teams are state renowned for their gamesmanship. Sage Memorial Hospital serves thousands of Hopi and Navajo patients, while affording ethnic Navajo experience to resident physicians and nurses. Hubbell Trading Post hosts a yearly art show in late summer which includes displays of art, jewelry, and rug weaving. The Ganado Rodeo Club also hosts events. The greater Ganado community is quite active, and throughout the winter months hold numerous Navajo religious ceremonies. Ganado municipal legislators also contribute largely to the policy and decision making of the Navajo Nation Government, most recently, in the tribal decision to reorganize the membership of the Navajo Nation Council.

Education
Ganado is served by the Ganado Unified School District. The district is served by Ganado Elementary School (North and South); Ganado Middle School; and Ganado High School, which host the region's athletic (football, track and field, swimming, basketball) facilities.

Ganado hosts satellite campuses for various collegiate level schools such as Diné College and Northern Arizona University.

College of Ganado
Ganado was once home to the nursing school (founded in 1927) that would soon become the College of Ganado. The collegiate campus was located on the campus of the Presbyterian Mission. Several buildings, such as Adobe West Dormitory, Cedar Lodge, Locust Cottage, Greenawalt House, and Poncel Hall remain; many of the former campus buildings are utilized by Sage Memorial Hospital. Founded in 1901, the mission community soon elected to build a nursing school for the Ganado community in 1911. Dr. Clarence Salsbury and his wife Cora organized "the first nursing school for Native Americans at the mission in Ganado. The school trained some 100 women from more than twenty tribes and several foreign countries. The institution was accredited by the State of Arizona and its graduates were highly regarded in their field". Dr. William Worrall Mayo, founder of the Mayo Clinic was a guest lecturer there.

Navajo weaving and "Ganado red"
Ganado is home to Navajo weaving style "Ganado Red". From the early 1900s demand for Ganado-produced fine rugs and blankets has grown steadily and has become world-famous since Lorenzo Hubbell began fostering the art and marketplace at his trading post.

Navajo silversmithing
Ganado is home to small community of silversmiths, who specialize in Navajo Jewelry.

Transportation
The Ganado Airport is a general aviation airport controlled by the Navajo Nation. The runway is GRS natural surface-ungraded earth runway measuring approximately 4420 ft, south of the junction of Indian Route 27, and Arizona State Route 264. Plans by the Ganado Chapter envision future plans for ASP-Asphalt pavement surface. No control tower, parking tarmac, storage hangars, or other facilities exist at this time.

Notable people

 * Brett Helquist, artist
 * Cynthia Tse Kimberlin, ethnomusicologist
 * Myron Lizer, 10th vice president of the Navajo Nation
 * Shelly Lowe, academic administrator
 * James S. Wall, Roman Catholic bishop

title: Ganado, Arizona


text:
Houck, Arizona

Houck is a census-designated place (CDP) in Apache County, Arizona, United States. The population was 1,024 at the 2010 census.

History
Houck was founded by a mail carrier by that name working a route from Prescott to Fort Wingate. In 1877, he established a trading post called Houck's Tank here. Houck left in 1885.

Houck was home to Fort Courage (a replica of the set of the 1960s television series F Troop, which was a tourist attraction along Route 66) and a Greyhound bus stop. It once had a gas station, a Taco Bell, and a pancake house. It is home to the Native American Baha'i Institute.

Geography
Houck is located at 35.28361°N, -109.23778°W (35.283615, -109.237695).

According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP has a total area of 110.0 km2, of which 0.06 sqkm, or 0.05%, is water.

Climate
According to the Köppen Climate Classification system, Houck has a semi-arid climate, abbreviated "BSk" on climate maps.

Demographics
As of the census of 2000, there were 1,087 people, 312 households, and 234 families residing in the CDP. The population density was 25.7 PD/sqmi. There were 414 housing units at an average density of 9.8 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the CDP was 95.6% Native American, 2.2% White, 0.1% Black or African American, 0.1% Asian, and 2.0% from two or more races. 1.0% of the population were Hispanic or Latino of any race.

There were 312 households, out of which 47.1% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 37.8% were married couples living together, 28.2% had a female householder with no husband present, and 25.0% were non-families. 22.4% of all households were made up of individuals, and 5.1% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 3.48 and the average family size was 4.19.

In the CDP, the age distribution of the population shows 42.2% under the age of 18, 7.3% from 18 to 24, 24.9% from 25 to 44, 19.1% from 45 to 64, and 6.4% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 26 years. For every 100 females, there were 94.1 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 92.6 males.

The median income for a household in the CDP was $12,353, and the median income for a family was $20,208. Males had a median income of $18,750 versus $22,788 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $5,219. About 53.8% of families and 53.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including 55.7% of those under age 18 and 51.4% of those age 65 or over.

Education
The area is served by Sanders Unified School District.

The area is served by Sanders Elementary School, Sanders Middle School, and Valley High School.

title: Houck, Arizona


text:
Lukachukai, Arizona

Lukachukai is a census-designated place (CDP) in Apache County, Arizona, United States. The population was 1,701 at the 2010 census. It is within the Navajo Nation.

Etymology
Lukachukai comes from a Navajo word translated as "a field of white reeds".

Geography
According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP has a total area of 57.0 km2, of which 56.9 sqkm is land and 0.1 sqkm, or 0.15%, is water.

Climate
According to the Köppen Climate Classification system, Lukachukai has a semi-arid climate, abbreviated "BSk" on climate maps.

Demographics
As of the census of 2000, there were 1,565 people, 423 households, and 326 families living in the CDP. The population density was 71.0 PD/sqmi. There were 634 housing units at an average density of 28.8 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the CDP was 98.2% Native American, 1.2% White, 0.1% Asian, 0.3% from other races, and 0.3% from two or more races. 1.0% of the population were Hispanic or Latino of any race.

There were 423 households, out of which 44.9% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 48.2% were married couples living together, 22.7% had a female householder with no husband present, and 22.9% were non-families. 21.3% of all households were made up of individuals, and 7.8% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 3.70 and the average family size was 4.41.

In the CDP, the age distribution of the population shows 41.1% under the age of 18, 10.7% from 18 to 24, 24.4% from 25 to 44, 16.4% from 45 to 64, and 7.5% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 24 years. For every 100 females, there were 94.9 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 96.6 males.

The median income for a household in the CDP was $10,179, and the median income for a family was $11,250. Males had a median income of $17,604 versus $15,893 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $3,380. About 65.0% of families and 61.9% of the population were below the poverty line, including 61.9% of those under age 18 and 49.3% of those age 65 or over.

Education
Lukachukai is a part of the Chinle Unified School District in the Navajo Nation. Lukachukai is zoned to Tsaile Public School (K-8) and Chinle High School.

title: Lukachukai, Arizona


text:
Many Farms, Arizona

Many Farms is a census-designated place (CDP) in Apache County, Arizona, United States. The population was 1,348 at the 2010 census.

Geography
According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP has a total area of 21.2 km2, of which 21.1 sqkm is land and 0.1 sqkm, or 0.3%, is water.

Climate
According to the Köppen Climate Classification system, Many Farms has a semi-arid climate, abbreviated "BSk" on climate maps.

History
Many Farms is an English translation of the Navajo name of the area and is descriptive. The farms became fully irrigated in 1937.

From 1952 to 1962, the Many Farms community was the location of two major medical experiments led by Walsh McDermott. The goal of the first experiment was to test the efficacy of the drug isoniazid as a treatment for tuberculosis (TB), which was then widespread and largely fatal among the Navajo despite the availability of TB medication elsewhere in the country. McDermott chose the reservation because he needed a population that had not been previously exposed to streptomycin, then the most advanced treatment for TB. While McDermott's initial TB experiment was a success, his second experiment, in which he attempted a more broad-based healthcare intervention, failed to meaningfully reduce disease morbidity and mortality among the Navajo due to conflicts with the Indian Health Service, as well as the experiment's inability to address poverty, which was the underlying cause of most disease.

Demographics
As of the census of 2000, there were 1,548 people, 433 households, and 313 families residing in the CDP. The population density was 188.2 PD/sqmi. There were 606 housing units at an average density of 73.7 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the CDP was 88.4% Native American, 7.8% White, 0.3% Black or African American, 0.1% Asian, 0.3% from other races, and 3.0% from two or more races. 2.1% of the population were Hispanic or Latino of any race.

There were 433 households, out of which 48.7% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 44.6% were married couples living together, 23.1% had a female householder with no husband present, and 27.7% were non-families. 24.9% of all households were made up of individuals, and 2.5% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 3.58 and the average family size was 4.39.

In the CDP, the age distribution of the population shows 42.4% under the age of 18, 9.6% from 18 to 24, 26.7% from 25 to 44, 18.2% from 45 to 64, and 3.2% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 23 years. For every 100 females, there were 92.8 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 91.8 males.

The median income for a household in the CDP was $30,089, and the median income for a family was $31,316. Males had a median income of $32,566 versus $25,945 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $9,995. About 28.2% of families and 31.7% of the population were below the poverty line, including 37.9% of those under age 18 and 53.6% of those age 65 or over.

Education
Many Farms is a part of the Chinle Unified School District.

Many Farms Public School (K–8), is in the area considered to be Many Farms. The district also operates Chinle High School.

In addition, the Bureau of Indian Education (BIE), formerly the U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs's Office of Education Programs, operates the Many Farms High School (MFHS) in Many Farms.

Many Farms Community School (MFCS), a tribally-controlled K-8 boarding school affiliated with the BIE, is in Many Farms. It was previously known as the Chinle Boarding School and was in Chinle until 1976, although its name did not immediately change. By 2012 the name changed to its current one.

There was a Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) school called Many Farms Boarding School. From circa 1975 to 1979 the school had 11 principals. In 1979 it had 500 students. The school had two classroom buildings, and the school spent $3 million in 1985 to have them renovated. By 1986 there were structural problems with these classroom buildings and administrators feared they would be unable to be repaired. That year there were 600 students.

title: Many Farms, Arizona


text:
McNary, Arizona

McNary is a census-designated place (CDP) in Apache and Navajo counties in the U.S. state of Arizona, on the Fort Apache Indian Reservation. The population was 528 at the 2010 census.

History
The community was originally named "Cluff Cienega" by European Americans after Benjamin Cluff, a Mormon bishop who harvested hay here in 1879 and 1880 for use at Fort Apache. In 1919, the name was changed to "Cooley" in honor of Corydon Cooley (d. March 18, 1917), a hotelier of Show Low. In 1924, the Cady Lumber Company moved its entire operations, plus hundreds of employees, from McNary, Louisiana, to Cooley, Arizona. For marketing purposes, the company received permission from the federal government to rename Cooley as McNary. This company was later renamed Southwest Lumber Mills and then Southwest Forest Industries. The mill closed in 1979 after a fire.

Geography
According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP has a total area of 14.4 km2, of which 14.2 km2 is land and 0.2 km2, or 1.30%, is water.

At an elevation of 7316 ft, it is the second highest community in Arizona after Alpine.

Climate
The climate in this area has mild differences between highs and lows, and there is adequate rainfall year-round. According to the Köppen Climate Classification system, McNary has a marine west coast climate, abbreviated "Cfb" on climate maps. McNary has recorded one of the lowest temperature in the southwestern state of Arizona, as on January 7, 1971, the temperature froze at around −40 °F / −40 °C. McNary averages 65 inches of snow per year and is one of the coldest places in Arizona, along with Hawley Lake, which recorded the same temperature of   −40 °F / −40 °C

Demographics
As of the census of 2000, there were 349 people, 91 households, and 73 families residing in the CDP. The population density was 63.5 PD/sqmi. There were 101 housing units at an average density of 18.4 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the CDP was 82.8% Native American, 8.3% White, 2.6% Black or African American, 2.9% from other races, and 3.4% from two or more races. 11.2% of the population were Hispanic or Latino of any race.

There were 91 households, out of which 63.7% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 44.0% were married couples living together, 31.9% had a female householder with no husband present, and 18.7% were non-families. 16.5% of all households were made up of individuals, and 1.1% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 3.84 and the average family size was 4.18.

In the CDP, the age distribution of the population shows 48.7% under the age of 18, 7.4% from 18 to 24, 30.7% from 25 to 44, 9.5% from 45 to 64, and 3.7% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 19 years. For every 100 females, there were 87.6 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 86.5 males.

The median income for a household in the CDP was $4,375. Males had a median income of $36,875 versus $18,375 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $2,917. About 78.9% of families and 86.4% of the population were below the poverty line, including 96.6% of those under age 18 and 100% of those age 65 or over.

Education
McNary is served by the McNary Elementary School District, and by the Blue Ridge Junior High School, and Blue Ridge High School in nearby Pinetop-Lakeside. and Alchesay High School which is part of Whiteriver Unified School District.

Transportation
The White Mountain Apache Tribe operates the Fort Apache Connection Transit, which provides local bus service.

title: McNary, Arizona