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Treaty of Waitangi

The Treaty of Waitangi (Te Tiriti o Waitangi), sometimes referred to as Te Tiriti, is a document of central importance to the history of New Zealand, its constitution, and its national mythos. It has played a major role in the treatment of the Māori people in New Zealand by successive governments and the wider population, something that has been especially prominent from the late 20th century. The treaty document is an agreement, not a treaty as recognised in international law, and has no independent legal status, being legally effective only to the extent it is recognised in various statutes. It was first signed on 6 February 1840 by Captain William Hobson as consul for the British Crown and by Māori chiefs (rangatira) from the North Island of New Zealand.

The treaty was written at a time when the New Zealand Company, acting on behalf of large numbers of settlers and would-be settlers, were establishing a colony in New Zealand, and when some Māori leaders had petitioned the British for protection against French ambitions. It was drafted with the intention of establishing a British Governor of New Zealand, recognising Māori ownership of their lands, forests and other possessions, and giving Māori the rights of British subjects. It was intended by the British Crown to ensure that when Lieutenant Governor Hobson subsequently made the declaration of British sovereignty over New Zealand in May 1840, the Māori people would not feel that their rights had been ignored. Once it had been written and translated, it was first signed by Northern Māori leaders at Waitangi. Copies were subsequently taken around New Zealand and over the following months many other chiefs signed. Around 530 to 540 Māori, at least 13 of them women, signed the Māori language version of the Treaty of Waitangi, despite some Māori leaders cautioning against it. Only 39 signed the English version. An immediate result of the treaty was that Queen Victoria's government gained the sole right to purchase land. In total there are nine signed copies of the Treaty of Waitangi, including the sheet signed on 6 February 1840 at Waitangi.

The text of the treaty includes a preamble and three articles. It is bilingual, with the Māori text translated in the context of the time from the English.
 * Article one of the Māori text grants governance rights to the Crown while the English text cedes "all rights and powers of sovereignty" to the Crown.
 * Article two of the Māori text establishes that Māori will retain full chieftainship over their lands, villages and all their treasures while the English text establishes the continued ownership of the Māori over their lands and establishes the exclusive right of pre-emption of the Crown.
 * Article three gives Māori people full rights and protections as British subjects.

As some words in the English treaty did not translate directly into the written Māori language of the time, the Māori text is not an exact translation of the English text, particularly in relation to the meaning of having and ceding sovereignty. These differences created disagreements in the decades following the signing, eventually contributing to the New Zealand Wars of 1845 to 1872 and continuing through to the Treaty of Waitangi settlements starting in the early 1990s.

During the second half of the 19th century Māori generally lost control of much of the land they had owned, sometimes through legitimate sale, but often by way of unfair deals, settlers occupying land that had not been sold, or through outright confiscations in the aftermath of the New Zealand Wars. In the period following the New Zealand Wars, the New Zealand government mostly ignored the treaty, and a court judgement in 1877 declared it to be "a simple nullity". Beginning in the 1950s, Māori increasingly sought to use the treaty as a platform for claiming additional rights to sovereignty and to reclaim lost land, and governments in the 1960s and 1970s responded to these arguments, giving the treaty an increasingly central role in the interpretation of land rights and relations between Māori people and the state.

In 1975 the New Zealand Parliament passed the Treaty of Waitangi Act, establishing the Waitangi Tribunal as a permanent commission of inquiry tasked with interpreting the treaty, investigating breaches of the Principles of the Treaty of Waitangi by the Crown or its agents, and suggesting means of redress. In most cases, recommendations of the tribunal are not binding on the Crown, but settlements with a total value of roughly $1 billion have been awarded to various Māori groups. Various legislation passed in the latter part of the 20th century has made reference to the treaty, which has led to ad hoc incorporation of the treaty into law. Increasingly, the treaty is recognised as a founding document in New Zealand's developing unwritten constitution. The New Zealand Day Act 1973 established Waitangi Day as a national holiday to commemorate the signing of the treaty.

Background history
The first recorded contact between the Māori and Europeans occurred in 1642, when the Dutch explorer, Abel Tasman, sailing along the north-west coast of the South Island, had a violent offshore encounter with local Maori. In 1769 the English navigator Captain James Cook claimed New Zealand for Britain in a ceremony at the Mercury Islands. The British government showed little interest in following up on this claim for over half a century. The first mention of New Zealand in British statutes was in the Murders Abroad Act of 1817, which clarified that New Zealand was "not within His Majesty's dominions". From 1815, missionaries purchased large areas of land in the Bay of Islands. Between 1795 and 1830 a steady flow of sealing and then whaling ships visited New Zealand, mainly calling at the Bay of Islands for food supplies and recreation. Many of the ships came from Sydney. Trade between Sydney and New Zealand increased as traders sought kauri timber and flax. Trade was seen both by Māori and by visitors as mutually advantageous, and Māori tribes competed for access to the services of Europeans who had chosen to live on the islands - because they brought goods and knowledge that were essential to the local iwi (tribe). At the same time, Europeans living in New Zealand needed the protection that Māori chiefs could provide. As a result of trade, the Māori economy changed drastically up to the 1840s, moving from subsistence farming and gathering to cultivating commercial trade crops.

While heading the parliamentary campaign against the British slave-trade for twenty years until the passage of the Slave Trade Act of 1807, William Wilberforce co-championed the foundation of the Church Missionary Society (CMS) in 1799, with other members of the Clapham Sect including John Venn – determined to improve the treatment of indigenous people by the British. This led to the establishment of the CMS Christian mission in New Zealand, which saw laymen arriving from 1814 to teach building, farming and Christianity to Māori, as well as training "native" ministers. The Māori language did not then have an indigenous writing system. Missionaries learned to speak Māori, and introduced the Latin alphabet. The CMS, including Thomas Kendall; Māori, including Tītore and Hongi Hika; and Cambridge University's Samuel Lee, developed the written form of the language between 1817 and 1830. In 1833, while living in the Paihia mission-house of Anglican priest and the now head of the New Zealand CMS mission (later to become the New Zealand Church Missionary Society) Rev Henry Williams, missioner William Colenso published Māori translations including parts of books of the Bible, the first books printed in New Zealand. Colenso's 1837 Māori New Testament was the first indigenous-language translation of the Bible published in the southern hemisphere. Demand for the Māori New Testament, and for the Prayer Book that followed, grew exponentially, as did Christian Māori leadership and public Christian services, with 33,000 Māori soon attending regularly. Literacy and understanding the Bible increased mana and social and economic benefits, decreased the practices of slavery and intertribal violence, and increased peace and respect for all people in Māori society, including women.

Māori generally respected the British, partially due to their relationships with missionaries and also due to Britain's status as a major maritime power, which had been made apparent to Māori travelling outside New Zealand. Other major players in the area around the 1830s included American whalers, whom the Māori accepted as cousins of the British, and French Catholics who came for trade and as missionaries. The Māori were deeply distrustful of the French, due to a massacre of 250 people that had occurred in 1772, when the French retaliated for the killing of Marion du Fresne and some of his crew. While the threat of general French colonisation never materialised, in 1831 it prompted thirteen major chiefs from the far north of the country to meet at Kerikeri to compose a letter to King William IV asking for Britain to be a "friend and guardian" of New Zealand. It is the first known plea for British intervention written by Māori. In response, the British government sent James Busby in 1832 to serve as the British Resident in New Zealand. In 1834 Busby drafted a document known as the Declaration of the Independence of New Zealand (He Whakaputanga) which he and 35 northern Māori chiefs signed at Waitangi on 28 October 1835, establishing those chiefs as representatives of a proto-state under the title of the "United Tribes of New Zealand". This document was not well received by the Colonial Office in Britain, and it was decided in London that a new policy for New Zealand was needed. From a Māori perspective, The Declaration of Independence had a twofold significance: first, for the British to establish control of its lawless subjects in New Zealand; and second, to establish internationally the mana and sovereignty of Māori leaders.

From May to July 1836, Royal Navy officer Captain William Hobson, under instruction from Governor of New South Wales Sir Richard Bourke, visited New Zealand to investigate claims of lawlessness in its settlements. Hobson recommended in his report that British sovereignty be established over New Zealand, in small pockets similar to those of the Hudson's Bay Company in Rupert's Land (in present-day Canada). Hobson's report was forwarded to the Colonial Office. From April to May 1838, the House of Lords held a select committee into the "State of the Islands of New Zealand". The New Zealand Association (later the New Zealand Company), missionaries, Joel Samuel Polack, and the Royal Navy made submissions to the committee.

On 15 June 1839, new Letters Patent were issued in London to expand the territory of New South Wales to include the entire territory of New Zealand, from latitude 34° South to 47° 10' South, and from longitude 166° 5' East to 179° East. Governor of New South Wales George Gipps was appointed Governor over New Zealand. This was the first clear expression of British intent to annex New Zealand.

Hobson was called to the Colonial Office on the evening of 14 August 1839 and given instructions to take the constitutional steps needed to establish a British colony. He was appointed Consul to New Zealand and was instructed to negotiate a voluntary transfer of sovereignty from the Māori to the British Crown – as the House of Lords select committee had recommended in 1837. The Secretary of State for War and the Colonies, the Marquess of Normanby, gave Hobson three instructions: to gain freely given Māori recognition of British sovereignty over all or part of New Zealand, to assume complete control over land matters, and to establish a form of civil government. The Colonial Office did not provide a draft of the treaty. Normanby wrote at length about the need for British intervention as essential to protect Māori interests, but this was somewhat deceptive. Hobson's instructions gave no provision for Māori government of any kind nor any Māori involvement in the administrative structure of the prospective new colony. His instructions required him to: "treat with the Aborigines of New Zealand for the recognition of Her Majesty's Sovereign authority over the whole or any part of those islands which they may be willing to place under Her Majesty's dominion."

The historian, Claudia Orange, argues that prior to 1839 the Colonial Office had initially planned a "Māori New Zealand" in which European settlers would be accommodated (without a full colony), where Māori might retain ownership and authority over much of the land and cede some land to European settlers as part of a colony governed by the Crown. Normanby's instructions in 1839 show that the Colonial Office had shifted their stance toward colonisation and "a settler New Zealand in which a place had to be kept for Māori", primarily due to pressure from increasing numbers of British colonists, and the prospect of a private enterprise in the form of the New Zealand Company colonising New Zealand outside of the British Crown's jurisdiction. The Colonial Office was forced to accelerate its plans because of both the New Zealand Company's hurried dispatch of the Tory to New Zealand on 12 May 1839 to purchase land, and plans by French Captain Jean François L'Anglois to establish a French colony in Akaroa. After examining Colonial Office documents and correspondence (both private and public) of those who developed the policies that led to the development of the treaty, historian Paul Moon similarly argues that the treaty was not envisioned with deliberate intent to assert sovereignty over Māori, but that the Crown originally only intended to apply rule over British subjects living in the fledgling colony, and these rights were later expanded by subsequent governors through perceived necessity.

Hobson left London on 15 August 1839 and was sworn in as Lieutenant-Governor of New Zealand in Sydney on 14 January 1840, finally arriving in the Bay of Islands on 29 January 1840. Meanwhile, a second New Zealand Company ship, the Cuba, had arrived in Port Nicholson on 3 January 1840 with a survey party to prepare for settlement there. The Aurora, the first ship carrying immigrants, arrived in Port Nicholson on 22 January 1840.

On 30 January 1840 Hobson attended the Christ Church at Kororareka (Russell), where he publicly read a number of proclamations. The first was the Letters Patent 1839, in relation to the extension of the boundaries of New South Wales to include the islands of New Zealand. The second related to Hobson's own appointment as Lieutenant-Governor of New Zealand. The third concerned land transactions (notably the issue of pre-emption).

CMS printer William Colenso produced a Māori circular for the United Tribes high chiefs, inviting them to meet "Rangatira Hobson" on 5 February 1840 at Busby's Waitangi home.

Drafting and translating the treaty
Without a draft document prepared by lawyers or Colonial Office officials, Hobson was forced to write his own treaty with the help of his secretary, James Freeman, and British Resident James Busby, neither of whom was a lawyer. Historian Paul Moon believes certain articles of the treaty resemble the Treaty of Utrecht (1713), the British Sherbro Agreement (1825) and the treaty between Britain and Soombia Soosoos (1826).

The entire treaty was prepared in three days, in which it underwent many revisions. There were doubts even during the drafting process that the Māori chiefs would be able to understand the concept of relinquishing "sovereignty".

Assuming that a treaty in English could not be understood, debated or agreed to by Māori, Hobson asked CMS head missioner Henry Williams, and his son Edward Marsh Williams, who was a scholar in Māori language and custom, to translate the document overnight on 4 February. Henry Williams was concerned with the actions of the New Zealand Company in Wellington and felt he had to agree with Hobson's request to ensure the treaty would be as favourable as possible to Māori. Williams avoided using any English words that had no expression in Māori "thereby preserving entire the spirit and tenor" of the treaty. He added a note to the copy Hobson sent to Gibbs stating, "I certify that the above is as literal a translation of the Treaty of Waitangi as the idiom of the language will allow." The gospel-based literacy of Māori meant some of the concepts communicated in the translation were from the Māori Bible, including kawanatanga (governorship) and rangatiratanga (chiefly rule), and the idea of the treaty as a "covenant" was biblical.

The translation of the treaty was reviewed by James Busby, and he proposed the substitution of the word whakaminenga for huihuinga, to describe the "Confederation" or gathering of the chiefs. This no doubt was a reference to the northern confederation of chiefs with whom Hobson preferred to negotiate, who eventually made up the vast majority of signatories to the treaty. Hobson believed that elsewhere in the country the Crown could exercise greater freedom over the rights of "first discoverers", which proved unwise as it led to future difficulties with other tribes in the South Island.

Debate and signing
Overnight on the 4–5 February the original English version of the treaty was translated into Māori. On the morning of 5 February the Māori and English versions of the treaty were put before a gathering (hui) of northern chiefs inside a large marquee on the lawn in front of Busby's house at Waitangi. Hobson read the treaty aloud in English and Williams read the Māori translation and explained each section and warned the chiefs not to rush to decide whether to sign. Building on Biblical understanding, he said: "This is Queen Victoria's act of love to you. She wants to ensure you that you keep what is yours – your property, your rights and privileges, and those things you value. Who knows when a foreign power, perhaps the French, might try to take this country? The treaty is really like a fortress to you." Māori chiefs then debated the treaty for five hours, much of which was recorded and translated by the Paihia missionary station printer, William Colenso. Rewa, a Catholic chief, who had been influenced by the French Catholic Bishop Pompallier, said "The Māori people don't want a governor! We aren't European. It's true that we've sold some of our lands. But this country is still ours! We chiefs govern this land of our ancestors". Moka 'Kainga-mataa' argued that all land unjustly purchased by Europeans should be returned. Whai asked: "Yesterday I was cursed by a white man. Is that the way things are going to be?". Protestant Chiefs such as Hōne Heke, Pumuka, Te Wharerahi, Tāmati Wāka Nene and his brother Eruera Maihi Patuone were accepting of the Governor. Hōne Heke said: "Governor, you should stay with us and be like a father. If you go away then the French or the rum sellers will take us Maori over. How can we know what the future will bring? If you stay, we can be 'all as one' with you and the missionaries." Tāmati Wāka Nene said to the chiefs: "Some of you tell Hobson to go. But that's not going to solve our difficulties. We have already sold so much land here in the north. We have no way of controlling the Europeans who have settled on it. I'm amazed to hear you telling him to go! Why didn't you tell the traders and grog-sellers to go years ago? There are too many Europeans here now and there are children that unite our races."

Bishop Pompallier, who had been counselling the many Catholic Māori in the north concerning the treaty, urged them to be very wary of the treaty and not to sign anything.

For Māori chiefs, the signing at Waitangi would have needed a great deal of trust. Nonetheless, the expected benefits of British protection must have outweighed their fears. In particular, the French were also interested in New Zealand, and there were fears that if they did not side with the British that the French would put pressure on them in a similar manner to that of other Pacific Islanders farther north in what would become French Polynesia. Most importantly, Māori leaders trusted CMS missionary advice and their explanation of the treaty. The missionaries had explained the treaty as a covenant between Māori and Queen Victoria, the head of state and Church of England. With nearly half the Māori population following Christianity many looked at the treaty as a Biblical covenant – a sacred bond.

Afterwards, the chiefs then moved to a river flat below Busby's house and lawn and continued deliberations late into the night. Busby's house would later become known as the Treaty House and is today New Zealand's most visited historic building.

Hobson had planned for the signing to occur on 7 February however on the morning of 6 February 45 chiefs were waiting ready to sign. Around noon a ship carrying two officers from HMS Herald arrived and were surprised to hear they were waiting for the Governor so a boat was quickly despatched back to let him know. Although the official painting of the signing shows Hobson wearing full naval regalia, he was in fact not expecting the chiefs that day and was wearing his dressing gown or "in plain clothes, except his hat". Several hundred Māori were waiting and only Busby, Williams, Colenso and a few other Europeans.

Article Four
French Catholic Bishop Jean-Baptiste Pompallier soon joined the gathering and after Anglican English priest and CMS mission head Rev Henry Williams read the Māori translation aloud from a final parchment version. Pompallier spoke to Hobson who then addressed Williams: "The bishop wishes it to be publicly stated to the Natives that his religion will not be interfered with, and that free toleration will be allowed in matters of faith. I should therefore thank you to say to them that the bishop will be protected and supported in his religion – that I shall protect all creeds alike."

Williams attempted to do so vocally, but as this was technically another clause in the treaty, Colenso asked for it to be added in writing, which Williams did, also adding Māori custom. The statement says: "E mea ana te Kawana, ko nga whakapono katoa, o Ingarani, o nga Weteriana, o Roma, me te ritenga Maori hoki, e tiakina ngatahitia e ia. (The Governor says that the several faiths [beliefs] of England, of the Wesleyans, of Rome, and also Māori custom shall alike be protected by him)." This addition is sometimes referred to as article four of the treaty, and is recognised as relating to the right to freedom of religion and belief (wairuatanga). Historian Paul Moon has claimed any guarantee of religious freedom implied by Pompallier's action is a myth and that there is a lack of evidence or legal basis to support the statement being a fourth article of the treaty. Historian Michael King agreed with Moon that Pompallier was probably protecting Catholic interests, but also accused Moon of being anti-Catholic in his criticism of Pompallier stirring up trouble that day.

First signings
The treaty signing began in the afternoon. Hobson headed the British signatories. Hōne Heke was the first of the Māori chiefs who signed that day. As each chief signed Hobson said "He iwi tahi tātou", meaning "We are [now] one people". This was probably at the request of Williams, knowing the significance, especially to Christian chiefs, 'Māori and British would be linked, as subjects of the Queen and followers of Christ'. Two chiefs, Marupō and Ruhe, protested strongly against the treaty as the signing took place but they eventually signed and after Marupō shook the Governor's hand, seized hold of his hat which was on the table and gestured to put it on. Over 40 chiefs signed the treaty that afternoon, which concluded with a chief leading three thundering cheers, and Colenso distributing gifts of two blankets and tobacco to each signatory.

Later signings
Hobson considered the signing at Waitangi to be highly significant, he noted that twenty-six of the forty-six "head chiefs" had signed. Hobson had no intention of requiring the unanimous assent of Māori to the treaty, but was willing to accept a majority, as he reported that the signings at Waitangi represented "Clear recognition of the sovereign rights of Her Majesty over the northern parts of this island". Those that signed at Waitangi did not even represent the north as a whole; an analysis of the signatures shows that most were from the Bay of Islands only and that not many of the chiefs of the highest rank had signed on that day. Hobson considered the initial signing at Waitangi to be the "de facto" treaty, while later signings merely "ratified and confirmed it".

To enhance the treaty's authority, eight additional copies were sent around the country to gather additional signatures:
 * the Manukau-Kawhia copy (13 signatures),
 * the Waikato-Manukau copy (39 signatures),
 * the Tauranga copy (21 signatures),
 * the Bay of Plenty copy (26 signatures),
 * the Herald-Bunbury copy (27 signatures),
 * the Henry Williams copy (132 signatures),
 * the Tūranga (East Coast) copy (41 signatures), and
 * the Printed copy (5 signatures).

The Waitangi original received 240 signatures.

About 50 meetings were held from February to September 1840 to discuss and sign the copies, and a further 500 signatures were added to the treaty. While most did eventually sign, especially in the far north where most Māori lived, a number of chiefs and some tribal groups ultimately refused, including Pōtatau Te Wherowhero (Waikato iwi), Tuhoe, Te Arawa and Ngāti Tuwharetoa and possibly Moka 'Kainga-mataa'. A number of non-signatory Waikato and Central North Island chiefs would later form a kind of confederacy with an elected monarch called the Kīngitanga. (The Kīngitanga Movement would later form a primary anti-government force in the New Zealand Wars.) While copies were moved around the country to give as many tribal leaders as possible the opportunity to sign, some missed out, especially in the South Island, where inclement weather prevented copies from reaching Otago or Stewart Island. Assent to the treaty was large in Kaitaia, as well as the Wellington to Whanganui region, but there were at least some holdouts in every other part of New Zealand.

Māori were the first indigenous race to sign a document giving them British citizenship and promising their protection. Hobson was grateful to Williams and stated a British colony would not have been established in New Zealand without the CMS missionaries.

Sovereignty proclamations
On 21 May 1840, Lieutenant-Governor Hobson proclaimed sovereignty over the whole country, (the North Island by treaty and the South Island and Stewart Island by discovery) and New Zealand was constituted the Colony of New Zealand, separate from New South Wales by a Royal Charter issued on 16 November 1840, with effect from 3 May 1841.

In Hobson's first dispatch to the British government, he stated that the North Island had been ceded with "unanimous adherence" (which was not accurate) and while Hobson claimed the South Island by discovery based on the "uncivilised state of the natives", in actuality he had no basis to make such a claim. Hobson issued the proclamation because he felt it was forced on him by settlers from the New Zealand Company at Port Nicholson who had formed an independent settlement government and claimed legality from local chiefs, two days after the proclamation on 23 May 1840, Hobson declared the settlement's government as illegal. Hobson also failed to report to the British government that the Māori text of the treaty was substantially different from the English one (which he might not have known at the time) and also reported that both texts had received 512 signatures, where in truth the majority of signatures had been on the Māori copies that had been sent around the country, rather than on the single English copy. Basing their decision on this information, on 2 October 1840, the Colonial Office approved Hobson's proclamation. They did not have second thoughts when later reports revealed more detail about the inadequacies of the treaty negotiations, and they did not take issue with the fact that large areas of the North Island had not signed. The government had never asked for Hobson to obtain unanimous agreement from the indigenous people.

Extant copies
In 1841, treaty documents, housed in an iron box, narrowly escaped damage when the government offices at Official Bay in Auckland were destroyed by fire. They disappeared from sight until 1865 when a Native Department officer worked on them in Wellington at the request of parliament and produced an erroneous list of signatories. The papers were fastened together and then deposited in a safe in the Colonial Secretary's office.

In 1877, the English-language rough draft of the treaty was published along with photolithographic facsimiles, and the originals were returned to storage. In 1908, historian and bibliographer Thomas Hocken, searching for historical documents, found the treaty papers in the basement of the Old Government Buildings in poor condition, damaged at the edges by water and partly eaten by rodents. The papers were restored by the Dominion Museum in 1913 and kept in special boxes from then on. In February 1940, the treaty documents were taken to Waitangi for display in the Treaty House during the Centenary celebrations. It was possibly the first time the treaty document had been on public display since it was signed. After the outbreak of war with Japan, they were placed with other state documents in an outsize luggage trunk and deposited for secure custody with the Public Trustee at Palmerston North by the local member of parliament, who did not tell staff what was in the case. However, as the case was too large to fit in the safe, the treaty documents spent the war at the side of a back corridor in the Public Trust office.

In 1956, the Department of Internal Affairs placed the treaty documents in the care of the Alexander Turnbull Library and they were displayed in 1961. Further preservation steps were taken in 1966, with improvements to the display conditions. From 1977 to 1980, the library extensively restored the documents before the treaty was deposited in the Reserve Bank.

In anticipation of a decision to exhibit the document in 1990 (the sesquicentennial of the signing), full documentation and reproduction photography was carried out. Several years of planning culminated with the opening of the climate-controlled Constitution Room at the National Archives by Mike Moore, Prime Minister of New Zealand, in November 1990. It was announced in 2012 that the nine Treaty of Waitangi sheets would be relocated to the National Library of New Zealand in 2013. In 2017, the He Tohu permanent exhibition at the National Library opened, displaying the treaty documents along with the Declaration of Independence and the 1893 Women's Suffrage Petition.

Treaty text, meaning and interpretation
The treaty, its interpretation and significance can be viewed as the contrast between a literate culture and one that was wholly oral.

English text
The treaty itself is short, consisting of a preamble and three articles.

The English text (from which the Māori text is translated) starts with the preamble and presents Queen Victoria "being desirous to establish a settled form of Civil Government", and invites Māori chiefs to concur in the following articles. The first article of the English text grants the Queen of England "absolutely and without reservation all the rights and powers of Sovereignty" over New Zealand. The second article guarantees to the chiefs full "exclusive and undisturbed possession of their Lands and Estates Forests Fisheries and other properties" but the Crown has a pre-emptive right to buy the land. The third article guarantees to all Māori the same rights as all other British subjects.

Māori text
The Māori text has the same overall structure, with a preamble and three articles. The first article indicates that the Māori chiefs "give absolutely to the Queen of England for ever the complete government over their land" (according to a modern translation by Hugh Kāwharu). With no adequate word available to substitute for 'sovereignty', as it was not a concept in Māori society at the time, the translators instead used kawanatanga (governorship or government). The second article guarantees all Māori "chieftainship over their lands, villages and all their treasures" (translated), with 'treasures' here translating from taonga to mean more than just physical possessions (as in the English text), but also other elements of cultural heritage. The second article also says: "Chiefs will sell land to the Queen at a price agreed to by the person owning it and by the person buying it (the latter being) appointed by the Queen as her purchase agent" (translated), which does not accurately convey the pre-emption clause of the English text. The third article gives Māori the "same rights and duties of citizenship as the people of England" (translated); roughly the same as the English text.

Differences
The English and Māori texts differ. As some words in the English treaty did not translate directly into the written Māori language of the time, the Māori text is not a literal translation of the English text. It has been claimed that Henry Williams, the missionary entrusted with translating the treaty from English, was fluent in Māori and that far from being a poor translator he had in fact carefully crafted both versions to make each palatable to both parties without either noticing inherent contradictions.

The differences between the two texts have made it difficult to interpret the treaty and continue to undermine its effect. The most critical difference between the texts revolves around the interpretation of three Māori words: kāwanatanga ('governorship'), which is ceded to the Queen in the first article; rangatiratanga ('chieftainship') not mana ('leadership') (which was stated in the Declaration of Independence just five years before the treaty was signed), which is retained by the chiefs in the second; and taonga (property or valued possessions), which the chiefs are guaranteed ownership and control of, also in the second article. Few Māori involved with the treaty negotiations understood the concepts of sovereignty or "governorship", as they were used by 19th-century Europeans, and lawyer Moana Jackson has stated that "ceding mana or sovereignty in a treaty was legally and culturally incomprehensible in Māori terms".

Furthermore, kāwanatanga is a loan translation from "governorship" and was not part of the Māori language. The term had been used by Henry Williams in his translation of the Declaration of the Independence of New Zealand, which was signed by 35 northern Māori chiefs at Waitangi on 28 October 1835. The Declaration of Independence of New Zealand had stated "Ko te Kīngitanga ko te mana i te w[h]enua" to describe "all sovereign power and authority in the land". There is considerable debate about what would have been a more appropriate term. Some scholars, notably Ruth Ross, argue that mana ('prestige', 'authority') would have more accurately conveyed the transfer of sovereignty. However, it has more recently been argued by others, including Judith Binney, that mana would not have been appropriate. This is because mana is not the same thing as sovereignty, and also because no-one can give up their mana.

The English-language text recognises Māori rights to "properties", which seems to imply physical and perhaps intellectual property. The Māori text, on the other hand, mentions "taonga", meaning "treasures" or "precious things". In Māori usage the term applies much more broadly than the English concept of legal property, and since the 1980s courts have found that the term can encompass intangible things such as language and culture. Even where physical property such as land is concerned, differing cultural understandings as to what types of land are able to be privately owned have caused problems, as for example in the foreshore and seabed controversy of 2003–04.

The pre-emption clause is generally not well translated. While pre-emption was present in the treaty from the very first draft, it was translated to hokonga, a word which simply meant "to buy, sell, or trade". Many Māori apparently believed that they were simply giving the British Queen first offer on land, after which they could sell it to anyone. Another, less important, difference is that Ingarani, meaning England alone, is used throughout in the Māori text, whereas "the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland" is used in the first paragraph of the English.

Based on these differences, there are many academics who argue that the two versions of the treaty are distinctly different documents, which they refer to as "Te Tiriti o Waitangi" and "The Treaty of Waitangi", and that the Māori text should take precedence, because it was the one that was signed at Waitangi and by the most signatories. The Waitangi Tribunal, tasked with deciding issues raised by the differences between the two texts, also gives additional weight to the Māori text in its interpretations of the treaty.

The entire issue is further complicated by the fact that, at the time, writing was a novel introduction to Māori society. As members of a predominately oral society, Māori present at the signing of the treaty would have placed more value and reliance on what Hobson and the missionaries said, rather than on the written words of the treaty. Although there is still a great deal of scholarly debate surrounding the extent to which literacy had permeated Māori society at the time of the signing, what can be stated with clarity is that of the 600 plus chiefs who signed the written document only 12 signed their names in the Latin alphabet. Many others conveyed their identity by drawing parts of their moko (personal facial tattoo), while still others marked the document with an X.

Māori beliefs and attitudes towards ownership and use of land were different from those prevailing in Britain and Europe. The chiefs would traditionally grant permission for the land to be used for a time for a particular purpose. A northern chief, Nōpera Panakareao, early on summarised his understanding of the treaty as "Ko te atarau o te whenua i riro i a te kuini, ko te tinana o te whenua i waiho ki ngā Māori" ("The shadow of the land will go to the Queen, but the substance of the land will remain with us"). Nōpera later reversed the statement – feeling that the substance of the land had indeed gone to the Queen; only the shadow remained for the Māori.

Colony of New Zealand
In November 1840 a royal charter was signed by Queen Victoria, establishing New Zealand as a Crown colony separate from New South Wales from 3 May 1841. In 1846 the Parliament of the United Kingdom passed the New Zealand Constitution Act 1846 which granted self-government to the colony, requiring Māori to pass an English-language test to be able to participate in the new colonial government. In the same year, Lord Stanley, the British Colonial Secretary, who was a devout Anglican, three times British Prime Minister and oversaw the passage of the Slavery Abolition Act 1833, was asked by Governor George Grey how far he was expected to abide by the treaty. The direct response in the Queen's name was: "You will honourably and scrupulously fulfil the conditions of the Treaty of Waitangi..." At Governor Grey's request, this act was suspended in 1848, as Grey argued it would place the majority Māori under the control of the minority British settlers. Instead, Grey drafted what would later become the New Zealand Constitution Act 1852, which determined the right to vote based on land-ownership franchise. Since most Māori land was communally owned, very few Māori had the right to vote for the institutions of the colonial government. The 1852 Constitution Act also included provision for "Māori districts", where Māori law and custom were to be preserved, but this section was never implemented by the Crown.

Following the election of the first parliament in 1853, responsible government was instituted in 1856. The direction of "native affairs" was kept at the sole discretion of the Governor, meaning control of Māori affairs and land remained outside of the elected ministry. This quickly became a point of contention between the Governor and the colonial parliament, who retained their own "Native Secretary" to advise them on "native affairs". In 1861, Governor Grey agreed to consult the ministers in relation to native affairs, but this position only lasted until his recall from office in 1867. Grey's successor as Governor, George Bowen, took direct control of native affairs until his term ended in 1870. From then on, the elected ministry, led by the Premier, controlled the colonial government's policy on Māori land.

Right of pre-emption
The short-term effect of the treaty was to prevent the sale of Māori land to anyone other than the Crown. This was intended to protect Māori from the kinds of shady land purchases which had alienated indigenous peoples in other parts of the world from their land with minimal compensation. Before the treaty had been finalised the New Zealand Company had made several hasty land deals and shipped settlers from Great Britain to New Zealand, hoping the British would be forced to accept its land claims as a fait accompli, in which it was largely successful.

In part, the treaty was an attempt to establish a system of property rights for land with the Crown controlling and overseeing land sale to prevent abuse. Initially, this worked well with the Governor and his representatives having the sole right to buy and sell land from the Māori. Māori were eager to sell land, and settlers eager to buy.

The Crown was supposed to mediate the process to ensure that the true owners were properly identified (difficult for tribally owned land) and fairly compensated, by the standards of the time. In particular, the Governor had the responsibility to protect Māori interests. Still, Hobson, as Governor of New Zealand, and his successor Robert FitzRoy both took seriously their duty as protectors of Māori from unscrupulous settlers, working actively to prevent shady land deals. Hobson created a group of "Protectors of the Aborigines"; officials specifically appointed to verify owners, land boundaries, and sales. Lack of funds often prevented land deals at this time, which created discontent among those who were willing but unable to sell. Combined with a growing awareness of the profit margins that the government was receiving by reselling the land at a profit, there was growing discontent among Māori with the pre-emption clause. At this time Māori and others argued that the government's abuse of the pre-emption clause was incompatible with article three of the treaty which guaranteed Māori equal rights to those of British subjects. FitzRoy was sympathetic to their pleas and decided to waive the pre-emption clause in 1844, allowing land sales directly to individuals.

New Zealand Wars and land sales
The growing disagreement over British sovereignty of the country led to several armed conflicts and disputes beginning in the 1840s, including the Flagstaff War, a dispute over the flying of the British Union Flag at the then colonial capital, Kororareka in the Bay of Islands. The Māori King Movement (Kīngitanga) began in the 1850s partly as a means of focusing Māori power in a manner which would allow them to negotiate with the Governor and Queen on equal footing. The chiefs justified the King's role by the treaty's guarantee of rangatiratanga ('chieftainship').

Conflict continued to escalate in the early 1860s, when the government used the Māori King Movement as an excuse to invade lands in the eastern parts of the North Island, culminating in the Crown's confiscation of large parts of the Waikato and Taranaki from Māori. The treaty was used to justify the idea that the chiefs of Waikato and Taranaki were rebels against the Crown.

FitzRoy's successor George Grey was appointed Governor in 1845. He viewed the Protectors as an impediment to land acquisition and replaced them with new officials whose goals were not to protect Māori interests, but rather to purchase as much land as possible. Grey restored the Crown's right to pre-emption bypassing the Native Land Purchase Act in 1846, which contemporary writers viewed as a "first step towards a negation of the Treaty of Waitangi". This ordinance also tightened government control of Māori lands, prohibiting Māori from leasing their land and restricting the felling of timber and harvesting of flax. A high court case in 1847 (R v Symonds) upheld the Crown's right to pre-emption and allowed Grey to renegotiate deals made under Fitzroy's waiving of the pre-emption clause. Governor Grey set out to buy large tracts of Māori land in advance of settlement at low prices, later selling it to settlers at higher prices and using the difference to develop land access (roads and bridges). Donald McLean acted as Grey's intermediary and negotiator, and as early as 1840 was aware that Māori had no concept of the sale of land in British sense. Soon Māori became disillusioned and less willing to sell, while the Crown came under increasing pressure from settlers wishing to buy. Consequently, government land agents were involved in a number of dubious land purchases, agreements were sometimes negotiated with only one owner of tribally owned land and in some cases land was purchased from the wrong people altogether. The whole of the South Island was purchased by 1860 in several large deals, and while many of the sales included provisions of 10 per cent of the land set aside for native inhabitants, these land area amounts were not honoured or were later transmuted to much smaller numbers. In some cases Grey or his associates bullied the owners into selling by threatening to drive them out with troops or employ rival chiefs to do so.

In July 1860, during the conflicts, Governor Thomas Gore Browne convened a group of some 200 Māori (including over 100 pro-Crown chiefs handpicked by officials) to discuss the treaty and land for a month at Mission Bay, Kohimarama, Auckland. This became known as the Kohimarama Conference, and was an attempt to prevent the spread of fighting to other regions of New Zealand. But many of the chiefs present were critical of the Crown's handling of the Taranaki conflict. Those at the conference reaffirmed the treaty and the Queen's sovereignty and suggested that a native council be established, but this did not occur.

Native Land Court
The Native Land Court (later renamed the Māori Land Court) was established under the Native Lands Act 1865, which also finally abolished the Crown right to pre-emption. It was through this court that much Māori land was alienated, and the way in which it functioned is much criticised today. A single member of a tribal group could claim ownership of communal tribal land, which would trigger a court battle in which other tribal members were forced to participate, or else lose out. The accumulation of court fees, lawyers fees, survey costs, and the cost of travelling to attend court proceedings resulted in mounting debts that could only be paid by the eventual sale of the land. In effect, Māori were safe from the court only until a single tribal member broke ranks and triggered a case, which would invariably result in the sale of the land. By the end of the century, nearly all of the highest quality Māori land had been sold, with only two million hectares remaining in Māori possession.

Although the treaty had never been directly incorporated into New Zealand law, its provisions were first incorporated into specific legislation as early as the Land Claims Ordinance 1841 and the Native Rights Act 1865. However, in the 1877 Wi Parata v Bishop of Wellington judgement, Judge Prendergast argued that the treaty was a "simple nullity" in terms of transferring sovereignty from Māori to the British Crown. This remained the legal orthodoxy until at least the 1970s. Māori have since argued that Prendergast's decision, as well as laws later based on it were a politically convenient and deliberate ploy to legitimise the seizure of Māori land and other resources.

Despite this, Māori frequently used the treaty to argue for a range of demands, including greater independence and return of confiscated and unfairly purchased land. This was especially the case from the mid-19th century, when they lost numerical superiority and generally lost control of most of the country and had little representation in government or the councils where decisions that impacted their affairs were made. Simultaneously, Māori rights over fisheries (guaranteed in article 2 of the treaty) were similarly degraded by laws passed in the late 19th century.

Over the longer term, the land purchase aspect of the treaty declined in importance, while the clauses of the treaty which deal with sovereignty and Māori rights took on greater importance. In 1938, the judgement of the case Te Heuheu Tukino v Aotea District Maori Land Board considered the treaty as valid in terms of the transfer of sovereignty, but the judge ruled that as it was not part of New Zealand law it was not binding on the Crown.

Treaty House and revival
The treaty returned to the public eye after the Treaty House and grounds were purchased by the Governor-General, Viscount Bledisloe, in the early 1930s and donated to the nation. The dedication of the site as a national reserve in 1934 was probably the first major event held there since the 1840s. The profile of the treaty was further raised by the New Zealand centenary of 1940. For most of the twentieth century, textbooks, government publicity and many historians touted the treaty as the moral foundation of colonisation and argued that it set race relations in New Zealand above those of colonies in North America, Africa and Australia. Popular histories of New Zealand and the treaty often claimed that the treaty was an example of British benevolence and therefore an honourable contract. Even though Māori continued to challenge this narrative, the treaty's lack of legal standing in 1840 and subsequent breaches tended to be overlooked until the 1970s when these issues were raised by the Māori protest movement.

Resurgence and place in New Zealand Law (1960–present)
The Waitangi Day Act 1960 was a token gesture towards acknowledging the Treaty of Waitangi and somewhat preceded the Māori protest movement as a whole. It established Waitangi Day, although it did not make it a public holiday, and the English text of the treaty appeared as a schedule of the Waitangi Day Act but this did not make it a part of statute law. Subsequent amendments to the act, as well as other legislation, eventually acquiesced to campaigns to make Waitangi Day a national holiday in 1976.

During the late 1960s and 1970s, the Treaty of Waitangi became the focus of a strong Māori protest movement which rallied around calls for the government to "honour the treaty" and to "redress treaty grievances". Māori boycotted Waitangi Day in 1968 over the Māori Affairs Amendment Act (which was perceived as a further land grab) and Māori expressed their frustration about continuing violations of the treaty and subsequent legislation by government officials, as well as inequitable legislation and unsympathetic decisions by the Māori Land Court continuing alienation of Māori land from its owners. The protest movement can be seen as part of the worldwide civil rights movements, which emerged in the 1960s.

As a response to the protest movement, the treaty finally received limited recognition in 1975 with the passage of the Treaty of Waitangi Act 1975, which established the Waitangi Tribunal, but this initially had very limited powers to make findings of facts and recommendations only. The act was amended in 1985 to enable it to investigate breaches of the Principles of the Treaty of Waitangi back to 1840, and also to increase the tribunal membership. The membership was further increased in another amendment in 1988.

Principles of the Treaty of Waitangi
The Treaty of Waitangi Act 1975 introduced the phrase Principles of the Treaty of Waitangi. It is found twice in the long title of the Act and also in Section 6(1) which provides for the Waitangi Tribunal to inquire into claims by any Maori that they are prejudicially affected by Crown acts (or omissions) that are inconsistent with the Principles of the Treaty of Waitangi.

The Treaty of Waitangi Act 1975 provides for the intentions of the treaty to be taken into account through the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi. The Waitangi Tribunal's key function is to evaluate Crown actions against the intentions of the parties that signed the Treaty. The Tribunal also has the specific authority to determine the meaning of the two texts of the Treaty. Hayward (2004) states: "The Tribunal's findings ...are expressed in the currency of treaty principles - which principles are applicable to the particular case, and how the Crown breached those principles, if at all".

In order to apply the Treaty of Waitangi in a way that is relevant to the Crown and Māori in the present day, the Waitangi Tribunal and the courts must consider the broad sentiments, the intentions and the goals of the treaty, and then identify the relevant principles of the treaty on a case-by-case basis. Each Tribunal is required to determine the principles of each claim on a case-by-case basis.

The State Owned Enterprises Act 1986 includes a section about the Principles of the Treaty of Waitangi. The government had proposed a transfer of assets from former government departments to state-owned enterprises, but because the state-owned enterprises were essentially private firms owned by the government, there was an argument that they would prevent assets which had been given by Māori for use by the state from being returned to Māori by the Waitangi Tribunal and through treaty settlements. The act was challenged in court in 1987, and the judgement of New Zealand Maori Council v Attorney-General defined the "Principles of the Treaty" in the context of the case and the proposed sale of government assets was found to be in breach of this proviso. This allowed the courts to consider the Crown's actions in terms of compliance with the treaty and established the principle that if the treaty is mentioned in strong terms in a piece of legislation, it takes precedence over other parts of that legislation should they come into conflict. The "Principles of the Treaty" became a common topic in contemporary New Zealand politics, and in 1989, the Fourth Labour Government responded by adopting the "Principles for Crown Action on the Treaty of Waitangi" a similar list of principles to that established in the 1987 court case.

Legislation after the State Owned Enterprises case has followed suit in giving the treaty an increased legal importance. In New Zealand Maori Council v Attorney General (1990) the case concerned FM radio frequencies and found that the treaty could be relevant even concerning legislation which did not mention it and that even if references to the treaty were removed from legislation, the treaty may still be legally relevant. Examples include the ownership of the radio spectrum and the protection of the Māori language. By 2021, the Treaty of Waitangi or its principles are referred to in over thirty five principal Acts.

The ACT party proposes a referendum on the Principles of the Treaty of Waitangi.

Bill of Rights
Some have argued that the treaty should be further incorporated as a part of the New Zealand constitution, to help improve relations between the Crown, Māori and other New Zealanders. The Fourth Labour Government's Bill of Rights White Paper proposed that the treaty be entrenched in the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990. This proposal was never carried through to the legislation, with the attitude of many Māori towards it "suspicious, uneasy, doubtful or undecided". Many Māori were concerned that the proposal would relegate the treaty to a lesser position, and enable the electorate (who under the original Bill of Rights would be able to repeal certain sections by referendum) to remove the treaty from the Bill of Rights altogether. Geoffrey Palmer commented in 2013 that: "We were obliged, due to Māori opposition, to drop the Treaty from the Bill of Rights. That was a great pity and it is a step that I advocate be taken still in the context of having a superior law Bill of Rights."

During the 1990s there was broad agreement between major political parties that the settlement of historical claims was appropriate. Some disagreed however, and claims of a "Treaty of Waitangi Grievance Industry", which profits from making frivolous claims of violations of the Treaty of Waitangi, were made by a number of political figures in the late 1990s and early 2000s, including former National Party leader Don Brash in his 2004 "Orewa Speech". The "Principles of the Treaty of Waitangi Deletion Bill" was introduced in the New Zealand Parliament in 2005 as a private member's bill by New Zealand First MP Doug Woolerton. Winston Peters, the 13th Deputy Prime Minister of New Zealand, and others supported the bill, which was designed to remove references to the treaty from New Zealand law. The bill failed to pass its second reading in November 2007.

Public opinion
In terms of public opinion, a study in 2008 found that among the 2,700 voting age New Zealanders surveyed, 37.4% wanted the treaty removed from New Zealand law, 19.7% were neutral, and 36.8% wanted the treaty kept in law; additionally, 39.7% agreed Māori deserved compensation, 15.7% were neutral, and 41.2% disagreed. In 2017, the same study found that among the 3,336 voting age New Zealanders surveyed, 32.99% wanted the treaty removed from New Zealand law, 14.45% were neutral and 42.58% disagreed, and 9.98% didn't know.

Today, the treaty is still not specifically part of New Zealand domestic law, but has been adopted into various acts of parliament ad hoc. It is nevertheless regarded as a founding document of New Zealand.

Waitangi Tribunal claims
During the early 1990s, the government began to negotiate settlements of historical (pre-1992) claims. , there were 23 such settlements of various sizes, totalling approximately $950 million. Settlements generally include financial redress, a formal Crown apology for breaches of the treaty, and recognition of the group's cultural associations with various sites. The tribunal has, in some cases, established that the claimants had not given up sovereignty, and there are ongoing discussions with regards to the applicability of land seized in conflicts and obtained through Crown pre-emption. However, the tribunal's findings do not establish that the Crown does not have sovereignty today, since the Crown has de facto sovereignty in New Zealand regardless and the tribunal has no authority to rule otherwise. Treaty Settlements minister Chris Finlayson emphasised that: "The Tribunal doesn't reach any conclusion regarding the sovereignty the Crown exercises in New Zealand. Nor does it address the other events considered part of the Crown's acquisition of sovereignty or how the Treaty relationship should operate today". Recommendations of the tribunal are not binding on the Crown, but have often been followed.

Commemoration

The anniversary of the signing of the treaty – 6 February – is the New Zealand national day, Waitangi Day. The day was first commemorated in 1934, when the site of the original signing, Treaty House, was made a public reserve (along with its grounds). However, it was not until 1974 that the date was made a public holiday. The Waitangi crown, a 1935 commemorative coin, was issued in honour of the treaty. Waitangi Day has been the focus of protest by Māori (as was particularly the case from the 1970s through to the 1990s), but today the day is often used as an opportunity to discuss the history and lasting effects of the treaty. The anniversary is officially commemorated at the Treaty House at Waitangi, where it was first signed.

Commemorative stamps
In 1940, New Zealand issued a 2$1⁄2$d stamp recognising the centenary of the treaty.

New Zealand Post issued a miniature sheet of two stamps in 1990 to commemorate the 150th anniversary of the signing of the treaty.

Another miniature sheet was issued in 2015 to mark the 175th anniversary. The $2.50 sheet showed the figures of Tamati Waka Nene and William Hobson shaking hands.

title: Treaty of Waitangi


text:
Bohemia, New York

Bohemia is a hamlet (and census-designated place) in Suffolk County, New York, United States. The population was 9,852 at the 2020 census. It is situated along the South Shore of Long Island in the Town of Islip, approximately 50 miles from New York City.

A portion of Long Island MacArthur Airport is located within the hamlet.

Many of Bohemia's current residents trace their ethnic heritage back to southern Italy, Ireland, and the historical Czech lands (also called Bohemia). A large percentage of Bohemia's growing population has migrated to the town from western Long Island, Brooklyn, and Queens.

Connetquot River State Park is also located in Bohemia. The park provides an ideal location for horse back riding and because of this, the town harbors a unique equestrian culture. Many of the homes located along the park have stables and it is common to see locals walking their horses through the town's tree lined streets.

History
The earliest known inhabitants of what is today Bohemia were the Secatogue tribe of the Algonquian peoples.

The area was founded as Bohemia in 1855 by Slavic immigrants who were the first Europeans to settle there in large numbers. These migrants came from a mountainous village near Kadaň in the Central European Kingdom of Bohemia, which is the town's namesake (Kadaň is located in present-day Czech Republic). Their pilgrimage coincided with a wave of Bohemian nationals emigrating to the United States, many of whom embodied the free spirited and enlightened lifestyles synonymous with bohemianism. They had taken part in the widespread revolutions against autocratic rule that had shaken Europe in 1848 and came seeking a new life in the United States. Work was hard to come by in New York and many of the men tried to support themselves as street musicians. An important contribution they made to the development of Long Island was adding their rich Central European folklore to the local culture, a nice complement to the also rich oral tradition of the native people. Many of the first homes they built are located on the town's avenues and are distinguished by their cross gable roofs.

For 100 years, Bohemia remained a very small village most of whose residents were of Czech descent. With the development of all of Long Island after World War II, Bohemia also grew. At the time of the centennial in 1955, the population was about 3,000. Today there about 10,000 inhabitants from many national and ethnic backgrounds.

Local cigar industry
The Slavic immigrants came to Bohemia with excellent cigar-making skills. There were once several cigar making factories in the town and the industry provided a living for many of the residents. Two notable cigar factories were Albert Kovanda's factory, located on the corner of Lakeland and Smithtown Avenues, and the M. Foster Cigar Factory, located at Ocean Avenue and Church Street. The local cigar industry continued until the 1930s when mechanized production did away with the need for hand manufacturing. No cigar factories remain today.

Name change
Over the years, there have been a number of attempts to change the name of Bohemia, which some people felt was too tied to one ethnic group. They felt this was keeping new people and new businesses from coming to the town. Proposed new names have included: Sayville Heights or North Sayville, after the town immediately to the south; Lidice, after a Czech town destroyed by Nazi troops during World War II; and MacArthur, after the airport built in the 1940s (the airport is named for controversial American General Douglas MacArthur). None of the efforts to change the name received enough public support to be finalized.

Geography
According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP has a total area of 8.8 sqmi, of which 8.7 sqmi is land and 0.04 sqmi (0.34%) is water.

Bohemia is bordered by Central Islip and Great River to the west; Islandia, Ronkonkoma and Lake Ronkonkoma to the north; Holbrook to the east; and Oakdale, Sayville, West Sayville, and Bayport to the south.

Climate
The climate in this area is characterized by hot, humid summers and generally mild to cool winters. According to the Köppen Climate Classification system, Bohemia has a humid subtropical climate, abbreviated "Cfa" on climate maps.

Demographics
As of the 2020 United States Census, there were 9,852 people and 3,386 households residing in the CDP. The racial makeup of the CDP was 87.6% White, 2.0% African American, 0.2% Native American, 3.9% Asian, 1.9% from other races, and 4.4% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 9.9% of the population.

In the CDP, the population was spread out, with 22.2% under the age of 18, 6.9% under the age of five, and 16.3% who were 65 years of age or older.

The median income for a household in the CDP was $108,276, while the per capita income for the CDP was $44,747. About 7.6% of the population were below the poverty line.

Education
District: Connetquot School District

High School: Connetquot High School, grades 9–12

Elementary: Sycamore Avenue School, Edward J. Bosti Elementary, Idle Hour Elementary and John Pearl Elementary, grades K-5

Grades 6–8 are serviced by the Oakdale-Bohemia Middle School, located in neighboring Oakdale, New York (formerly known as Oakdale-Bohemia Junior High School). Another middle school is Ronkonkoma Middle School.

The Branford Hall Career Institute is located on Johnson Avenue

The Dellacave Institute for Professional Development is located on Sycamore Avenue. The Institute offers a wide variety of courses designed for continued professional growth for lifetime learners.

Transportation
The town is near the Oakdale and Ronkonkoma stations of the Long Island Rail Road, providing easy access to Manhattan where many residents work.

Long Island MacArthur Airport is partially located in Bohemia (along with the bordering hamlet of Ronkonkoma, New York). The airport serves travelers from the Greater New York Metropolitan Area and around the nation who want a more convenient alternative to the congestion at John F. Kennedy and LaGuardia Airports. The airport's most popular destinations include: Orlando, Florida; West Palm Beach, Florida; and Baltimore, Maryland.

Bohemia is a short drive from the Sayville Ferry Service of the Fire Island National Seashore which provides access to some of Long Island's most pristine and least crowded ocean beaches.

Bohemia Historical Society
Dedicated to preserving the rich heritage of the hamlet, the Bohemia Historical Society (BHS) was founded in 1984. This non-profit local organization pursues this goal through its educational programs, slide presentations, involvement in community activities, a newsletter, its website and its museum. The museum was officially opened on April 26, 2009, and it houses a number of exhibits depicting life in the early days of Bohemia, a photograph collection, and a book collection that includes many historical Czech manuscripts. Additionally, the building serves as the society meeting place.

Connetquot River State Park
Connetquot River State Park Preserve maintains 3,473 acres of land and water for the protection and propagation of game birds, fish and animals. Deer and waterfowl are numerous, rare nesting birds, including the osprey, are present and there are numerous rare plants, such as trailing arbutus and pyxie moss in their natural habitats. The preserve also has 50 miles of hiking, horseback riding, cross-country ski and nature trails, as well as fishing (by permit only) on the Connetquot River.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Bohemia, New York


text:
Brentwood, New York

Brentwood is a hamlet in the Town of Islip in Suffolk County, on Long Island, in New York, United States. The population was 62,387 at the 2020 Census, making it the most populous CDP in Suffolk County and on all of Long Island outside of New York City.

Early history
In 1844, the area was established as Thompson Station and Suffolk Station, two new stations on the expansion of the Main Line of the Long Island Rail Road.

On March 21, 1851, it became the utopian community named Modern Times. The colony was established on 750 acre of land by Josiah Warren and Stephen Pearl Andrews. In 1864, it was renamed Brentwood after the town of Brentwood, Essex, in England.

By contract, all the land in the colony was bought and sold at cost, with 3 acre being the maximum allowable lot size. The community was said to be based on the idea of individual sovereignty and individual responsibility. Individuals were encouraged to pursue their self-interest as they saw fit. All products of labor were considered private property. The community had a local private currency based upon labor exchange in order to trade goods and services (see Mutualism (economic theory)). All land was private property, with the exception of alleys which were initially considered common property but later converted to private property. Initially, no system of authority existed in the colony; there were no courts, jails or police. This appears to have given some credence to Warren's theories that the most significant cause of violence in society was most attributable to policies and law which did not allow complete individuality in person and property. However, the modest population of the colony might be considered a factor in this characteristic. The Civil War, as well as new residents that did not share the colony's philosophy, are said to have contributed to its eventual dissolution. Almost all of the original buildings that existed in Modern Times have been destroyed, aside from two Octagon houses, the original schoolhouse and a residence.

Modern-day Brentwood
During the first half of the 20th century, Brentwood was home to the Ross Health Resort Onehtah, managed by Dr. William H. Ross. Onehtah was a place where a person could escape the pollution of the city. It was thought that the smell of pine needles brought a person good health.

Brentwood is the site of Pilgrim State Hospital (once one of the world's largest hospitals and psychiatric institutions), now known as Pilgrim Psychiatric Center. A 52 acre portion of the psychiatric center was converted into the Brentwood State Park athletic field complex, which officially opened in 2009.

Brentwood's Centennial Celebration was on June 16–17, 1950. The 150th anniversary of the community was commemorated on May 9–11, 2007.

Brentwood High School has a nationally-recognized boys soccer team that won national championship in 2019.

Geography
According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP has a total area of 11.0 mi2, all land.

Demographics
, there were 62,387 people, 12,580 households, and 10,894 families residing in the CDP. The population density was 6028 PD/sqmi. There were 13,039 housing units at an average density of 1,295.6 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the CDP was 18.6% White, 16.3% African American, 0.5% Native American, 1.9% Asian, 0.11% Pacific Islander, and 5.7% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 64.3% of the population. At the 2020 American Community Survey the Latino population was: 27.7% Salvadoran, 11.1% Puerto Rican, 7.3% Dominican, 4.2% Ecuadorian, 3.3% Peruvian, 2.9% Mexican.

There were 12,580 households, out of which 46.6% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 61.2% were married couples living together, 17.4% had a female householder with no husband present, and 13.4% were non-families. 9.5% of all households were made up of individuals, and 4.4% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 4.23 and the average family size was 4.19.

In the CDP, the population was spread out, with 29.9% under the age of 18, 10.6% from 18 to 24, 32.8% from 25 to 44, 18.5% from 45 to 64, and 8.2% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 31 years. For every 100 females, there were 100.2 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 97.5 males.

The median income for a household in the CDP was $68,314, and the median income for a family was $57,047. Males had a median income of $31,022 versus $25,946 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $15,833. About 7.5% of families and 11.3% of the population were below the poverty line, including 13.7% of those under age 18 and 10.6% of those age 65 or over.

School district
Brentwood is located entirely within the boundaries of the Brentwood Union Free School District. As such, all children who reside within Brentwood and attend public schools go to Brentwood's schools. The Brentwood Union Free School District is composed of eleven elementary schools, four middle schools, one freshman center, and two high schools.

Library district
Brentwood is located entirely within the boundaries of the Brentwood Library District.

Emergency services
Brentwood is protected by the Brentwood Fire Department, a volunteer fire department. The department provides emergency fire rescue service to those within the political boundaries of the Brentwood Fire District. The area of responsibility spans 24 sqmi and covers the areas of Brentwood, North Bay Shore, and Baywood. The department does not provide Emergency Medical Service, which is instead provided by Brentwood Legion Ambulance, a volunteer ambulance department. Brentwood Legion Ambulance operates within the fire district borders. The Brentwood Fire Department and Brentwood Legion Ambulance work closely together to protect and serve those within their community.

Brentwood Fire Department
The Brentwood Fire Department was started in 1898 when local residents banded together to combat brush and forest fires that threatened their homes and farm land. On August 28, 1899, land was purchased from Mrs. Elvira S. Studley and the Brentwood Fire District was incorporated. The Department was first known as the Brentwood Hook and Ladder Company. A firehouse was built in 1900 and a used fire apparatus was purchased from the Islip Fire Department.

In 1926, the department was reorganized and Theodore Freund was elected as the first Fire Chief. On March 30, 1928, the original firehouse burned down and many records were destroyed. The old building was replaced with a two-story brick house on the same site which is still in use today as the department gym. In 1932, the name "Brentwood Fire Department" was formally adopted and in 1937, the hamlet's first fire hydrants were installed and the fire district's political boundaries were enlarged a year later. In 1955, a new fire house was built on Fourth Street, around the corner from the old firehouse. The Brentwood Fire Department continues to serve the residents of the Brentwood community, answering an average of 1,500 calls a year. The Brentwood Fire Department is regularly recognized as one of the busiest fire departments in Suffolk County. The Brentwood Fire Department is part of the Suffolk County Fire Rescue and Emergency Services (FRES) system. It holds department identifier number 3-2-0.

The District is governed by an elected five-member Board of Fire Commissioners (Board). The Board is responsible for the overall financial management of the District, including establishing policies and procedures to ensure that assets are properly safeguarded. Additionally, the Board is responsible for approving an annual budget to ensure the District's resources are efficiently used. The District Treasurer is the District's chief fiscal officer, appointed by the Board, and is responsible for the receipt, custody, disbursement, and accounting of District funds. The District's total expenditures for 2010 were approximately $5.8 million.

Firehouses within the district include Quanahasset Engine Company #1, Pines Engine Company #2, Ames & Elliott R.A.C. Company #3, Sagtikos Engine Company #4, Central Engine Company #5 and Edgewood Engine Company #6. There is also a Hook and Ladder Company #1 and the Fire Prevention Company #9.

Brentwood Legion Ambulance
Brentwood Legion Ambulance was founded and established by William J.A. Seymour in 1959. That year he was seriously injured after being involved in an automobile collision in Brentwood. It took almost two hours for an ambulance to arrive from a neighboring town, as Brentwood lacked any ambulance services. As a result, Mr. Seymour ended up being driven to the hospital in a private vehicle despite having sustained serious injury. Mr. Seymour recognized that this was a problem affecting his neighborhood, so he decided that changes needed to be made.

That year, Mr. Seymour gathered members from the American Legion’s Joseph Loeffler Post 1006, based in Brentwood. The ‘Legion’ portion of the department’s name is to honor the dedication of the members from the local American Legion Post that played a monumental part in establishing the ambulance service. Mr. Seymour and the members of the American Legion Post together were no more than 25 volunteers, giving their time to help their neighbors. They purchased a 1948 Cadillac hearse and converted it into an ambulance. Over the course of over 50 years, the Brentwood Legion Ambulance has expanded to over 250 members from all across Long Island, New York. The department has made upgrades to state-of-the-art equipment and vehicles since obtaining their first ambulance from 1948 all those years ago.

Road
The Long Island Expressway (Interstate 495) passes through the northernmost portion of the hamlet, while the Long Island Motor Parkway forms part of its northern border.

The Sagtikos State Parkway also runs through and serves the hamlet, while New York State Route 111 forms pat of its eastern border.

Rail
Brentwood is served by the Brentwood station on the Ronkonkoma Branch of the Long Island Rail Road.

Bus
The Brentwood LIRR station serves as a hub for the following Suffolk Transit buses, which serve the hamlet:

 * 4: Amityville LIRR station – Smith Haven Mall
 * 5: Babylon LIRR station – Smith Haven Mall
 * 7: Bay Shore – Northport
 * 11: Bay Shore – Hauppauge
 * 58: Brentwood LIRR station – Riverhead LIRR station

Notable people

 * EPMD, hip-hop pioneers, both members raised in Brentwood
 * Robert Gallucci (1946–), former US Ambassador at Large (1994–96), currently Dean of the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University (graduated Brentwood HS in 1962) He is currently the President of the John D & Catherine MacArthur Foundation
 * Andrew Jean-Baptiste (1992–), player for the Portland Timbers of Major League Soccer
 * Mitch Kupchak (1954–), athlete and general manager of the NBA's Los Angeles Lakers
 * Hector LaSalle an American lawyer and jurist. He is the current presiding judge of the New York State Supreme Court.
 * Frank Lopardo, opera singer
 * James Kyrle MacCurdy (1875 - 1923) was a theater actor and playwright
 * Craig Mack (1971–2018), hip-hop musician
 * Dave Martinez (1964-), manager of Washington Nationals and former outfielder for Chicago Cubs
 * Buddy McGirt (1964–), boxing champion and trainer
 * Lester Quiñones (2000-), NBA player for Golden State Warriors
 * Jef Raskin (Jeffrey Frank Raskin, 1943–2005), widely acknowledged as the "Father of the Macintosh", computer scientist and expert on the human/computer interface, inventor, conductor, artist, writer and businessman (graduated Brentwood HS 1960)
 * Ray Reid (1960-), former UConn and Southern Connecticut State University's men's soccer head coach, led UConn to 1 NCAA division 1 national title and SCSU to 3 division 2 titles
 * Neil Raymond Ricco (1953–), poet and writer
 * Jai Rodriguez (1979–), actor and musician, born in Brentwood

title: Brentwood, New York


text:
Bridgehampton, New York

Bridgehampton is a hamlet and census-designated place (CDP) on the South Fork of Suffolk County, New York, United States. The population was 1,756 at the 2010 census.

Bridgehampton is in the town of Southampton, on Long Island. Shortly after the founding of Southampton in 1640, settlers began to move east to the area known by the Shinnecock Indians as Sagaponack and Mecox. At the head of Sagg Pond, the settlers established a community called Bullhead, later renamed Bridgehampton—after the bridge built across the pond. Sagg Bridge was built in 1686 by Ezekiel Sandford. The bridge was the link between Mecox and Sagaponack and gave this locality its name of Bridgehampton. The notorious criminal and memoirist Stephen Burroughs lived there during the 18th century and helped found the town's first library in 1793; the volumes he purchased could be found in the Bridgehampton Public Library as late as 2002.

Bridgehampton became the home of the horse show known as the Hampton Classic and a road racing course that figured prominently in American automobile racing. It's also home to one of the last Kmart stores in the United States.

Demographics
As of the census of 2000, there were 1,381 people, 627 households, and 369 families residing in the CDP. The population density was 147.8 PD/sqmi. There were 1,494 housing units at an average density of 159.9 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the CDP was 78.86% White, 17.38% African American, 0.51% Native American, 0.80% Asian, 1.45% from other races, and 1.01% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 3.26% of the population.

There were 627 households, out of which 19.6% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 47.0% were married couples living together, 7.5% had a female householder with no husband present, and 41.1% were non-families. Of all households 33.0% were made up of individuals, and 12.9% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.20 and the average family size was 2.82.

In the CDP, the population was spread out, with 17.7% under the age of 18, 4.1% from 18 to 24, 22.2% from 25 to 44, 33.2% from 45 to 64, and 22.9% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 49 years. For every 100 females, there were 95.3 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 94.0 males.

The median income for a household in the CDP was $54,896, and the median income for a family was $74,583. Males had a median income of $50,865 versus $32,778 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $43,781. About 6.8% of families and 8.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including 19.2% of those under age 18 and 2.7% of those age 65 or over.

Geography
Bridgehampton is located at 40.93306°N, -72.30806°W (40.933182, -72.307987).

According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP has a total area of 35.3 km2, of which 33.7 km2 is land and 1.6 km2, or 4.57%, is water.

Climate
Bridgehampton has a climate transitioning between humid continental, subtropical and maritime. Due to the cold winter lows, plant hardiness more resembles a continental environment in spite of its oceanside location.

Education
The Bridgehampton Union Free School District operates one school, the Bridgehampton School, serving grades K through 12. The private Hayground School is also located in the hamlet.

Race circuit
The Bridgehampton Race Circuit was a 2.85 mi, thirteen-turn road course located near Sag Harbor. The historic road racing track has been converted to a golf course and homes.

Notable people

 * Lloyd Blankfein, business executive
 * A. J. Pierzynski, baseball player
 * Ernestine Rose, born and raised in Bridgehampton, was a librarian at the New York Public Library responsible for the purchase and incorporation of the Arthur A. Schomburg collection.
 * Carl Yastrzemski, Boston Red Sox, 1967 Triple Crown winner, born and raised in Bridgehampton

title: Bridgehampton, New York


text:
Brightwaters, New York

Brightwaters is an incorporated village in the southwestern part of the Town of Islip in Suffolk County, on Long Island, in New York, United States. The population was 3,103 at the time of the 2010 census.

History
Brightwaters was developed in the early 20th Century by the T.B. Ackerson Company, which was known for its work in Brooklyn.

By 1916, locals felt that their community, which at the time was still an unincorporated part of the Town of Islip, would be better off if they were to incorporate as a village, citing concerns over how their community was being taxed and how they had to pay for private subscriptions for things which the believed should have been provided through taxes paid to Islip. This led to locals signing a petition to incorporate Brightwaters as a village. The petition was given to the Town of Islip on September 20, 1916, and Brightwaters became an incorporated village on November 30, 1916.

Geography
According to the United States Census Bureau, the village has a total area of 2.6 km2, of which 2.5 km2 is land and 0.1 km2, or 2.26%, is water.

It contains Wohseepee Park in northern Brightwaters, the Brightwaters Canal directly south of Montauk Highway, and four lakes directly north of Montauk Highway: Cascades Lake, Mirror Lake, Lagoon Lake and Nosrekca Lake. The village's businesses are located at the intersection of Windsor Avenue and Orinoco Drive (referred to as Brightwaters Village). These geographic features make up the three districts of the village; the Canal District (southern Brightwaters, everything south of Montauk Highway), the Lakes District (central Brightwaters, everything north of the highway to Union Boulevard) and the Wohseepee Park District (northern Brightwaters, everything north of Union Boulevard to Seneca Drive).

Brightwaters uses the 11718 ZIP code, which is distinct from the Bay Shore Postal District (11706).

2010 census
As of the census of 2010, there were 3,103 people residing in the village. The racial makeup of the village was 94.26% White, 1.51% African American, 1.61% Asian, 0.03% Native American, 0.87% from other races, and 1.71% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race composed 5.12% of the population.

Census 2000
As of the census of 2000, there were 3,248 people, 1,127 households, and 912 families residing in the village. The population density was 3,299.2 PD/sqmi. There were 1,144 housing units at an average density of 1,162.0 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the village was 95.23% White, 1.57% African American, 0.06% Native American, 1.29% Asian, 0.06% Pacific Islander, 0.65% from other races, and 1.14% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 4.06% of the population.

Out of the 1,127 households, 38.9% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 71.8% were married couples living together, 6.8% had a female householder with no husband present, and 19.0% were non-families. 14.6% of all households were made up of individuals, and 5.9% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.87 and the average family size was 3.20.

In the village, the population was spread out, with 27.3% under the age of 18, 5.0% from 18 to 24, 28.8% from 25 to 44, 27.2% from 45 to 64, and 11.7% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 38 years. For every 100 females, there were 93.7 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 94.7 males.

The median income for a household in the village in 2016 was $146,892, and the median income for a family was $121,569. About 0.8% of families and 1.8% of the population were below the poverty line, including 0.7% of those under age 18 and none of those age 65 or over.

Parks and recreation
Parks in Brightwaters include:

 * Gilbert Park
 * Walker Beach
 * Wohseepee Park

Government
As of July 2021, the Mayor of Brightwaters is John J. Valdini, and the Village Trustees are Mary Del Vecchio, Michael Dopsovic, Patrick Fawcett, and Thomas Zepf.

In the 2021 U.S. presidential election, the majority of Brightwaters voters voted for Joe Biden (D).

School district
Brightwaters residents are served by the Bay Shore Union Free School District. As such, all children who reside within Brightwaters and attend public schools go to Bay Shore's schools.

Library district
Brightwaters is located wholly within the boundaries of the Bay Shore–Brightwaters Public Library District.

Notable person

 * Rick Lazio – Congressman, 2000 Senatorial candidate, and former gubernatorial candidate (R).

title: Brightwaters, New York


text:
Calverton, New York

Calverton is a hamlet and census-designated place (CDP) on eastern Long Island in Suffolk County, New York, United States. The population was 6,510 at the 2010 census.

Most of Calverton is in the Town of Riverhead, while the area south of the Peconic River is a mostly undeveloped smaller portion in the Town of Brookhaven.

History
Calverton was first referred to as "Baiting Hollow Station" when the Long Island Rail Road arrived in 1844. The station closed in 1958, but the sheltered shed for the station remained standing as of 2007.

The area's Native American name was Conungum or Kanungum, meaning "fixed line" or "boundary". In 1868, the Calverton post office opened, named for Bernard J. Calvert. It remained a small farming community specializing in cranberries, which grew in swampy areas along the Peconic River until the Navy purchase.

Calverton's history is tied closely to Naval Weapons Industrial Reserve Plant, Calverton. In 1953, the United States Navy purchased 6000 acre around Calverton from a local farmer named Harry Edwards, including the mansion of a grandson of Frank Winfield Woolworth's, so that Grumman could test and finish jets. A 10000 ft runway was built, and most of Grumman's F-14 Tomcat and E-2C Hawkeye aircraft were to pass through the plant.

In 1965, Nelson Rockefeller proposed using the base as the fourth major airport for the New York metropolitan area. Grumman and local opposition ended the quest.

In 1978, more than 1000 acre of the base were used to create Calverton National Cemetery, which is the largest and busiest (in terms of burials per day) United States national cemetery. In 1995, after Northrop acquired Grumman, the new Northrop Grumman pulled out of the base, and the Navy began liquidating the land. In 1996, before the base could be turned over the Town of Riverhead, the base was used to reassemble the wreckage of TWA Flight 800 which had crashed about 20 mi south in the ocean. In 2000, Skydive Long Island (formerly located at East Moriches) moved to the airport, and to this day continues to generate the majority of the current air traffic as a key destination for New York–based skydivers.

Through 2007, debates raged about whether or not to turn the base into a mega complex around a NASCAR track, called EPCAL Centre, or a giant ski resort based construction of an artificial 350 ft high indoor ski mountain. In January 2008, the Riverhead Town Board, with newly elected officers, signed a deal to sell the airport for $155 million to Riverhead Resorts, to build the ski mountain, tear up the airport runway, and replace it with a lake, overruling a December vote to give the NASCAR track the go-ahead. It would have taken up to three years to get the necessary environmental permits, and the proposed opening date of the project was 2012. On November 12, 2010, however, the town of Riverhead voted 4–1 to cancel all plans for the indoor ski resort/water park.

A portion of the base is being developed as an industrial/office park.

Several new medium size industrial companies have sprung up in the area, including Crown Recycling and a Federal Express Distribution Center.

Geography
According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP has a total area of 28.5 sqmi, of which 28.0 sqmi is land and 0.5 sqmi, or 1.82%, is water.

The former Naval Weapons Industrial Reserve Plant became the Naval Weapons Industrial Reserve Plant, Calverton (IATA code "CTO") in the late 20th century.

Demographics
As of the census of 2000, there were 5,704 people, 2,539 households, and 1,518 families residing in the CDP. The population density was 203.7 PD/sqmi. There were 2,735 housing units at an average density of 97.7 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the CDP was 86.61% White, 7.66% African American, 0.46% Native American, 0.95% Asian, 0.04% Pacific Islander, 2.03% from other races, and 2.26% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 6.07% of the population.

There were 2,539 households, out of which 22.3% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 46.1% were married couples living together, 10.1% had a female householder with no husband present, and 40.2% were non-families. 34.7% of all households were made up of individuals, and 19.9% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.24 and the average family size was 2.88.

In the CDP, the population was spread out, with 20.3% under the age of 18, 5.6% from 18 to 24, 27.5% from 25 to 44, 20.9% from 45 to 64, and 25.6% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 43 years. For every 100 females, there were 93.0 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 88.0 males.

The median income for a household in the CDP was $36,544, and the median income for a family was $44,342. Males had a median income of $40,184 versus $33,047 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $26,609. About 6.5% of families and 10.2% of the population were below the poverty threshold, including 13.1% of those under age 18 and 6.6% of those age 65 or over.

Economy
Splish Splash Water Park is located within the hamlet.

Media

 * WPTY is licensed to serve Calverton

title: Calverton, New York


text:
Center Moriches, New York

Center Moriches is a hamlet and census-designated place in Suffolk County, New York, United States. The population was 7,580 at the 2010 census. Center Moriches is in the town of Brookhaven. It is the location of the historic Masury Estate Ballroom and Terry-Ketcham Inn, both listed on the National Register of Historic Places.

The name Moriches comes from Meritces, a Native American who owned land on Moriches Neck.

Geography
According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP has a total area of 14.6 km2, of which 13.5 km2 is land and 1.1 km2, or 7.36%, is water.

Demographics
As of the census of 2000, there were 6,655 people, 2,319 households, and 1,776 families residing in the CDP. The population density was 1,327.2 PD/sqmi. There were 2,465 housing units at an average density of 491.6 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the CDP was 90.02% White, 5.24% African American, 0.17% Native American, 0.99% Asian, 1.29% from other races, and 2.28% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 6.61% of the population.

There were 2,319 households, out of which 36.2% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 62.7% were married couples living together, 9.4% had a female householder with no husband present, and 23.4% were non-families. 17.4% of all households were made up of individuals, and 6.8% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.83 and the average family size was 3.20.

In the CDP, the population was spread out, with 25.1% under the age of 18, 7.0% from 18 to 24, 32.9% from 25 to 44, 22.8% from 45 to 64, and 12.1% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 37 years. For every 100 females, there were 97.3 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 95.1 males.

For 2016, the median income for a household in the CDP was $95,932. The per capita income for the CDP was $38,431. About 4.5% of families and 6.5% of the population were below the poverty threshold, including 7.6% of those under age 18 and 9.7% of those age 65 or over.

Schools
The hamlet has four schools: Clayton Huey Elementary School, Center Moriches Middle School, and Center Moriches High School. The middle school and high school are part of the same building. There is also a private catholic school, Our Lady Queen of Apostles regional catholic school, which is located behind St. John the Evangelist Church.

Media
Radio station WJVC at 96.1 FM is licensed to serve Center Moriches.

Center Moriches features in the episode “On a Country Road” of the 1950s CBS Radio drama Suspense, starring Cary Grant.

Notable people

 * Marvin Bell - First poet laureate of Iowa
 * Jeff LeBlanc - American singer-songwriter
 * Anthony Leone - American mixed martial artist
 * Linda Lovelace - Actor, author
 * Ferdinand Marcos – Filipino politician, lawyer, and kleptocrat
 * Imelda Marcos – Filipina politician and convicted criminal
 * Chester G. Osborne - American composer, music educator, writer, and trumpeter
 * Daniel Pelosi - American murderer of Ted Ammon
 * Caroline Rose - American singer, songwriter, and musician
 * Sue Wicks - Former WNBA player and WNBA Hall Of Famer.
 * Paul Gibson (baseball) - Former Major League Baseball player.

title: Center Moriches, New York