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Dimondale, Michigan

Dimondale is a village in Eaton County in the U.S. state of Michigan. The population was 1,234 at the 2010 census. The village is located within Windsor Charter Township. Dimondale is a suburb of Lansing, which is northeast of the village in Ingham County.

History
The Potawatomi originally had a permanent camp along the Grand River in the Dimondale area before white settlement began in the 1830s. Relations between white settlers (most of whom were from New York and New England) and the Potowatomie were generally cordial with local residents permanently deeding 10 acre of land near the river to the local Indians. The local band held the deed to the leased land until the Potowatomie were forced west by the Indian Removal Act.

Isaac M. Dimond came to the area in 1848 and, as one of his enterprises, in 1850 began to construct a dam, just east of Silver Creek on the Grand River near the center of section 15 of Windsor Township. By 1852, the dam was completed and a saw mill was in operation. He built a grist mill in 1856. On August 6, 1856, Hosey Harvey surveyed the village in order for Dimond to have it platted with the name "Dimondale". An unusual feature of the village plat was that its streets ran Northeast to Southwest (e.g., Bridge St.) and Northwest to Southeast, while most roads in the surrounding area in Michigan ran north–south and east–west. Its borders make a rough diamond shape on a map.

A post office named "East Windsor" had been established in the eastern part of Windsor Township in about 1860. This office was transferred to Dimondale and renamed in 1872. In 1878 the Lake Shore and Michigan Southern Railway came through and the area was given a station referring to it as Dimondale. By 1880 the settlement had seven shops: a sawmill, a grist mill, two millinery shops, a planing mill, and several machine shops. In 1906, Dimondale incorporated as a village. From 1929 to 1963, Dimondale had its own high school, until it merged with the Holt School District. This occurred after the school district ran into tax issues due to the sparse business landscape in the village. The final Superintendent for Dimondale was Harvey E. Wood, a school administrator who later moved to Holt's system as the Transportation Manager, then eventually to Ingham Intermediate School District (IISD) as Vice Superintendent. Dimondale almost merged with the Eaton Rapids School district, however due to Mr. Wood's prior mentor/student relationship with Holt's Superintendent (Maurice Pernert), the merge with Holt's school system took place.

In 1962, Interstate 96 was built through Windsor Township, bringing many new businesses to the area.

In the 1960s–70s, Dimondale served as a regionally and nationally recognized hotspot for championship horseshoe pitching, earning it the nickname "Horseshoe Capital of the World." The Dimondale Horseshoe Club was founded in 1964 and the village played host to the 1965 Michigan state tournament. In 1970, DHC merged with the Chief Okemos Sportsman's Club, which is still in existence. Dimondale natives and accomplished horseshoe pitchers James Compton, Gilbert Kimball, Pat Smith, Victor Benson, Fred Smith Sr., and Fred Smith Jr. have been inducted into the Wolverine State Horseshoe Pitcher's Association (WSHPA) Hall of Fame. The greatest horseshoe pitching legend emanating from the clay courts of Dimondale tells how Fred Smith Jr. would have his brother Norman place his chin atop an opposing stake while Fred would proceed to pitch 40 ft ringers that would clang just inches below Norman's smiling face.

Geography
According to the United States Census Bureau, the village has a total area of 0.94 sqmi, of which 0.90 sqmi is land and 0.04 sqmi is water.

2010 census
As of the census of 2010, there were 1,234 people, 504 households, and 351 families living in the village. The population density was 1371.1 PD/sqmi. There were 530 housing units at an average density of 588.9 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the village was 92.7% White, 0.7% African American, 0.9% Native American, 0.8% Asian, 1.6% from other races, and 3.2% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 4.1% of the population.

There were 504 households, of which 28.0% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 57.5% were married couples living together, 9.3% had a female householder with no husband present, 2.8% had a male householder with no wife present, and 30.4% were non-families. 25.8% of all households were made up of individuals, and 13.1% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.43 and the average family size was 2.89.

The median age in the village was 47 years. 21.1% of residents were under the age of 18; 6.8% were between the ages of 18 and 24; 19.3% were from 25 to 44; 36.7% were from 45 to 64, and 16.3% were 65 years of age or older. The gender makeup of the village was 47.2% male and 52.8% female.

2000 census
As of the census of 2000, there were 1,342 people, 473 households, and 376 families living in the village. The population density was 1,383.5 PD/sqmi. There were 485 housing units at an average density of 500.0 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the village was 96.4% White, 0.8% African American, 0.8% Native American, 0.2% Asian, 0.8% from other races, and 1.2% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 2.9% of the population.

There were 473 households, out of which 42.5% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 67.4% were married couples living together, 9.5% had a female householder with no husband present, and 20.3% were non-families. 15.9% of all households were made up of individuals, and 4.7% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.82 and the average family size was 3.19.

In the village, the population was spread out, with 29.4% under the age of 18, 7.5% from 18 to 24, 28.6% from 25 to 44, 25.9% from 45 to 64, and 8.6% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 38 years. For every 100 females, there were 94.2 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 91.5 males.

The median income for a household in the village was $57,917, and the median income for a family was $64,444. Males had a median income of $49,318 versus $30,380 for females. The per capita income for the village was $23,611. About 2.5% of families and 3.7% of the population were below the poverty line, including 4.4% of those under age 18 and 3.2% of those age 65 or over.

Education
Holt Public Schools operates Dimondale Elementary School. Holt High School is the Holt district's high school.

Climate
This climatic region is typified by large seasonal temperature differences, with warm to hot (and often humid) summers and cold (sometimes severely cold) winters. According to the Köppen Climate Classification system, Dimondale has a humid continental climate, abbreviated "Dfb" on climate maps.

title: Dimondale, Michigan


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Eaton Township, Michigan

Eaton Township is a civil township of Eaton County in the U.S. state of Michigan. The population was 4,007 at the 2020 United States Census.

Communities

 * Five Points Corner is a named populated place south of the city of Charlotte at 42.50917°N, -84.83556°W. The community is at the junction of four townships, Walton to the southwest, Brookfield to the southeast, Eaton to the northeast, and Carmel to the northwest.
 * Packard is a former community which has been largely absorbed into the northeast portion of Charlotte.

Geography
According to the United States Census Bureau, the township has a total area of 32.6 sqmi, of which 32.6 sqmi is land and 0.04 sqmi (0.06%) is water.

Demographics
As of the 2000 United States Census, there were 4,278 people, 1,531 households, and 1,249 families in the township. The population density was 131.3 PD/sqmi. There were 1,586 housing units at an average density of 48.7 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the township was 96.31% White, 0.23% African American, 0.37% Native American, 0.89% Asian, 0.07% Pacific Islander, 1.03% from other races, and 1.10% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 2.57% of the population.

There were 1,531 households, out of which 38.5% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 69.4% were married couples living together, 7.8% had a female householder with no husband present, and 18.4% were non-families. 15.6% of all households were made up of individuals, and 6.5% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.76 and the average family size was 3.04.

In the township the population was spread out, with 27.2% under the age of 18, 6.5% from 18 to 24, 29.2% from 25 to 44, 27.3% from 45 to 64, and 9.8% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 38 years. For every 100 females, there were 98.0 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 95.4 males.

The median income for a household in the township was $55,518, and the median income for a family was $57,870. Males had a median income of $45,171 versus $27,093 for females. The per capita income for the township was $23,379. About 3.3% of families and 3.9% of the population were below the poverty line, including 3.5% of those under age 18 and 7.5% of those age 65 or over.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Eaton Township, Michigan


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Southern Baptist Convention

The Southern Baptist Convention (SBC), alternatively the Great Commission Baptists (GCB), is a Baptist Christian denomination based in the United States. It is the world's largest Baptist organization and the largest Protestant and second-largest Christian body in the United States. The SBC is a cooperation of fully autonomous, independent churches with commonly held essential beliefs that pool some resources for missions.

In 1845, the Southern Baptists separated from the Triennial Convention in order to support slavery, which the southern churches regarded as "an institution of heaven". During the 19th and most of the 20th century, it played a central role in Southern racial attitudes, supporting racial segregation and the Lost Cause of the Confederacy while opposing interracial marriage. Beginning in the late 1970s, a conservative movement began to take control of the organization. By the 1990s, this movement had succeeded in taking control of the leadership of the SBC. In 1995, the organization apologized for racial positions in its history. Since the 1940s, it has spread across the United States, with tens of thousands of affiliated churches and 41 affiliated state conventions.

Churches affiliated with the association are evangelical in doctrine and practice, emphasizing the significance of the individual conversion experience, which is affirmed by the person having complete immersion in water for a believer's baptism. Other specific beliefs based on biblical interpretation can vary by congregational polity, to balance local church autonomy with accountability against abuses by ministers and others in individual churches. The association forbids women from becoming pastors, and denounces same-sex marriage as an "abomination".

Self-reported membership peaked in 2006 at roughly 16 million. Membership has contracted by an estimated 13.6% since that year, with 2020 marking the 14th year of continuous decline. Mean organization-wide weekly attendance dropped about 27% between 2006 and 2020. The association reported increased participation and a slowing of the rate of overall membership decline for the year 2023. For the same year, nearly 13 million members were reported.

Name
The official name is the Southern Baptist Convention. The word Southern in "Southern Baptist Convention" stems from its having been organized in 1845 in Augusta, Georgia, by white Baptists in the Southern United States who supported continuing the institution of slavery and split from the northern Baptists (known today as the American Baptist Churches USA), who did not support funding slave-holding evangelists from the South.

In 2012, the organization adopted the descriptor Great Commission Baptists after the election of its first African American president. Additionally, in 2020, some leaders of the Southern Baptists wanted to change its name to "Great Commission Baptists" to distance itself from its white supremacist foundation, and because it is no longer a specifically Southern church. Several churches affiliated with the denomination have also begun to identify as "Great Commission Baptists".

Colonial era
Most early Baptists in the British colonies came from England in the 17th century, after conflict with the Church of England for their dissenting religious views. In 1638, Roger Williams founded the first Baptist church in British America at the Providence Plantations, the first permanent European American settlement also founded by Williams in Rhode Island. The oldest Baptist church in the South, First Baptist Church of Charleston, South Carolina, was organized in 1682 under the leadership of William Screven. A Baptist church was formed in Virginia in 1715 through the preaching of Robert Norden and another in North Carolina in 1727 through the ministry of Paul Palmer.

The Baptists adhered to a congregationalist polity and operated independently of the state-established Anglican churches in the South, at a time when non-Anglicans were prohibited from holding political office. By 1740, about eight Baptist churches existed in the colonies of Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina, with an estimated 300 to 400 members. New members, both black and white, were converted chiefly by Baptist preachers who traveled throughout the South during the 18th and 19th centuries, in the eras of the First and Second Great Awakenings.

Black churches were founded in Virginia, South Carolina, and Georgia before the American Revolution. Some black congregations kept their independence even after whites tried to exercise more authority after Nat Turner's Rebellion of 1831.

American Revolution period
Before the American Revolution, Baptist and Methodist evangelicals in the South promoted the view of the common man's equality before God, which embraced slaves and free blacks. They challenged the hierarchies of class and race and urged planters to abolish slavery. They welcomed slaves as Baptists and accepted them as preachers.

During this time, there was a sharp division between the austerity of the plain-living Baptists, attracted initially from yeomen and common planters, and the opulence of the Anglican planters, the slave-holding elite who controlled local and colonial government in what had become a slave society by the late 18th century. The gentry interpreted Baptist church discipline as political radicalism, but it served to ameliorate disorder. The Baptists intensely monitored each other's moral conduct, watching especially for sexual transgressions, cursing, and excessive drinking; they expelled members who would not reform.

In Virginia and in most southern colonies before the American Revolution, the Church of England was the established church and supported by general taxes, as it was in England. It opposed the rapid spread of Baptists in the South. Particularly in Virginia, many Baptist preachers were prosecuted for "disturbing the peace" by preaching without licenses from the Anglican Church. Patrick Henry and James Madison defended Baptist preachers before the American Revolution in cases considered significant in the history of religious freedom. In 1779, Thomas Jefferson wrote the Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom, enacted in 1786 by the Virginia General Assembly. Madison later applied his ideas and those of the Virginia document related to religious freedom during the Constitutional Convention, when he ensured that they were incorporated into the national constitution.

The struggle for religious tolerance erupted and played out during the American Revolution, as the Baptists worked to disestablish the Anglican churches in the South. The Baptists protested vigorously; the resulting social disorder resulted chiefly from the ruling gentry's disregard for public need. The vitality of the religious opposition made the conflict between "evangelical" and "gentry" styles a bitter one. Scholarship suggests that the evangelical movement's strength determined its ability to mobilize power outside the conventional authority structure.

National unification and regional division
In 1814, leaders such as Luther Rice helped Baptists unify nationally under what became known informally as the Triennial Convention (because it met every three years) based in Philadelphia. It allowed them to join their resources to support missions abroad. The Home Mission Society, affiliated with the Triennial Convention, was established in 1832 to support missions in U.S. frontier territories. By the mid-19th century, there were many social, cultural, economic, and political differences among business owners of the North, farmers of the West, and planters of the South. The most divisive conflict was primarily over the issue of slavery and secondarily over missions.

Divisions over slavery
The issues surrounding slavery dominated the 19th century in the United States. This created tension between Baptists in northern and southern U.S. states over the issue of manumission. In the two decades after the American Revolution during the Second Great Awakening, northern Baptist preachers (as well as the Quakers and Methodists) increasingly argued that slaves be freed. Although most Baptists in the 19th century south were yeomen farmers and common planters, the Baptists also began to attract major planters among their membership. The southern pastors interpreted the Bible as supporting slavery and encouraged paternalistic practices by slaveholders. They preached to slaves to accept their places and obey their masters, and welcomed slaves and free blacks as members, though whites controlled the churches' leadership, and seating was usually segregated. From the early 19th century, many Baptist preachers in the South also argued in favor of preserving the right of ministers to be slaveholders. Black congregations were sometimes the largest in their regions. For instance, by 1821, Gillfield Baptist in Petersburg, Virginia, had the largest congregation within the Portsmouth Association. At 441 members, it was more than twice as large as the next-biggest church. Before Nat Turner's Rebellion of 1831, Gillfield had a black preacher. Afterward, the state legislature insisted that white men oversee black congregations. Gillfield could not call a black preacher until after the American Civil War and emancipation. After Turner's rebellion, whites worked to exert more control over black congregations and passed laws requiring white ministers to lead or be present at religious meetings. Many slaves evaded these restrictions.

The Triennial Convention and the Home Mission Society adopted a kind of neutrality concerning slavery, neither condoning nor condemning it. During the "Georgia Test Case" of 1844, the Georgia State Convention proposed that the slaveholder Elder James E. Reeve be appointed as a missionary. The Foreign Mission Board refused to approve his appointment, recognizing the case as a challenge and not wanting to violate their neutrality on slavery. They said that slavery should not be introduced as a factor into deliberations about missionary appointments.

In 1844, University of Alabama president Basil Manly Sr., a prominent preacher and major planter who owned 40 slaves, drafted the "Alabama Resolutions" and presented them to the Triennial Convention. They included the demand that slaveholders be eligible for denominational offices to which the Southern associations contributed financially. They were not adopted. Georgia Baptists decided to test the claimed neutrality by recommending a slaveholder to the Home Mission Society as a missionary. The Home Mission Society's board refused to appoint him, noting that missionaries were not allowed to take servants with them (so he clearly could not take slaves) and that they would not make a decision that appeared to endorse slavery. Southern Baptists considered this an infringement of their right to determine their own candidates. From the southern perspective, the northern position that "slaveholding brethren were less than followers of Jesus" effectively obligated slaveholding Southerners to leave the fellowship. This difference came to a head in 1845 when representatives of the northern states refused to appoint missionaries whose families owned slaves. To continue in the work of missions, the southern Baptists separated and created the Southern Baptist Convention.

Missions and organization
A secondary issue that disturbed the Southerners was the perception that the American Baptist Home Mission Society did not appoint a proportionate number of missionaries to the South. This was likely a result of the society's not appointing slave owners as missionaries. Baptists in the North preferred a loosely structured society of individuals who paid annual dues, with each society usually focused on a single ministry.

Baptists in Southern churches preferred a more centralized organization of churches patterned after their associations, with a variety of ministries brought under the direction of one denominational organization. The increasing tensions and the discontent of Baptists from the South over national criticism of slavery and issues over missions led to their withdrawal from national Baptist organizations.

The Southern Baptists met at the First Baptist Church of Augusta in May 1845. At this meeting, they created a new convention—the Southern Baptist Convention. They elected William Bullein Johnson (1782–1862) as its first president. He had served as president of the Triennial Convention in 1841, though he initially attempted to avoid a schism.

Formation and separation of black Baptists
African Americans had gathered in their own churches early on, in 1774 in Petersburg, Virginia, and in Savannah, Georgia, in 1788. Some were established after 1800 on the frontier, such as the First African Baptist Church of Lexington, Kentucky. In 1824, it was accepted by the Elkhorn Association of Kentucky, which was white-dominated. By 1850, First African had 1,820 members, the largest of any Baptist church in the state, black or white. In 1861, it had 2,223 members. Southern whites generally required black churches to have white ministers and trustees. In churches with mixed congregations, seating was segregated, with blacks out of sight, often in a balcony. White preaching often emphasized Biblical stipulations that enslaved people should accept their places and try to behave well toward their masters. After the American Civil War, another split occurred when most freedmen set up independent black congregations, regional associations, and state and national conventions. Black people wanted to practice Christianity independently of white supervision. They interpreted the Bible as offering hope for deliverance, and saw their own exodus out of enslavement as comparable to the Exodus, with abolitionist John Brown as their Moses. They quickly left white-dominated churches and associations and set up separate state Baptist conventions. In 1866, black Baptists of the South and West combined to form the Consolidated American Baptist Convention. In 1895, they merged three national conventions to create the National Baptist Convention, USA. With more than eight million members, it is today the largest African American religious organization and second in size to the Southern Baptists.

Free black people in the North had founded churches and denominations in the early 19th century that were independent of white-dominated organizations. In the Reconstruction era, missionaries both black and white from several northern denominations worked in the South; they quickly attracted tens and hundreds of thousands of new members from among the millions of freedmen. The African Methodist Episcopal Church attracted more new members than any other denomination. White Southern Baptist churches lost black members to the new denominations, as well as to independent congregations which were organized by freedmen.

During the civil rights movement, some Southern Baptist pastors and members of their congregations rejected racial integration and accepted white supremacy, further alienating African Americans. According to historian and former Southern Baptist Wayne Flynt, "The [Southern Baptist] church was the last bastion of segregation." But it has been acknowledged that the SBC integrated seminary classrooms in 1951.

In 1995, the convention voted to adopt a resolution in which it renounced its racist roots and apologized for its past defense of slavery, segregation, and white supremacy. This marked the denomination's first formal acknowledgment that racism had played a profound role in both its early and modern history.

Increasing diversity and policy changes
By the early 21st century, numbers of ethnically diverse congregations were increasing among the Southern Baptists. In 2008, almost 20% were estimated to be majority African American, Asian, or Hispanic and Latino. The SBC had an estimated one million African American members. It has passed a series of resolutions recommending the inclusion of more black members and appointing more African American leaders. At its 2012 annual meeting, it elected Pastor Fred Luter of the Franklin Avenue Baptist Church as its first African American president. He had earned respect by showing leadership skills in building a large congregation in New Orleans.

The SBC's increasingly national scope inspired some members to suggest a name change. In 2005, proposals were made at the SBC Annual Meeting to change the name to the more national-sounding "North American Baptist Convention" or "Scriptural Baptist Convention" (to retain the SBC initials). These proposals were defeated.

The messengers of the 2012 annual meeting in New Orleans voted to adopt the descriptor "Great Commission Baptists". The legal name remained "Southern Baptist Convention", but affiliated churches and convention entities could voluntarily use the descriptor.

Almost a year after the Charleston church shooting, the denomination approved a resolution that called upon member churches and families to stop flying the Confederate flag.

The church approved a resolution, "On Refugee Ministry", encouraging member churches and families to welcome refugees coming to the United States. In the same convention, Russell Moore of the Southern Baptist Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission quickly responded to a pastor who asked why a member should support the right of Muslims living in the U.S. to build mosques. Moore responded, "Sometimes we have to deal with questions that are really complicated... this isn't one of them." Moore said that religious freedom must be for all religions.

From February to June 2016, the denomination collaborated with the National Baptist Convention, USA on racial reconciliation. SBC-GCB and NBC presidents Ronnie Floyd and Jerry Young assembled 10 pastors from each convention in 2015, discussing race relations; in 2016, Baptist Press and The New York Times revealed tension among National Baptists debating any collaboration with Southern Baptists, quoting NBC President Young:

"I've never said this to Dr. Floyd, but I've had fellows in my own denomination who called me and said: 'What are you doing? I mean, are you not aware of the history?' And I say, obviously I'm aware. They bring up the issue about slavery and that becomes a reason, they say, that we ought not to be involved with the Southern Baptists. Where from my vantage point, that's reverse racism. I do understand the history, and I understand the pain of the past...But what I'm also quite clear about is, if the Gospel does anything at all, the Gospel demands that we not only preach but practice reconciliation."

After an initial resolution denouncing the alt-right movement failed to make it the convention floor, the denomination officially denounced the alt-right movement at the 2017 convention. On November 5, 2017, a mass shooting took place at the First Baptist Church of Sutherland Springs. It was the deadliest shooting to occur at any affiliated church in its history and, in modern history, at an American place of worship.

In 2020, the denomination's convention was canceled due to COVID-19 concerns and eventually rescheduled for June 2021.

In a Washington Post story dated September 15, 2020, Greear said some Southern Baptist Convention leaders wanted to change the official name of the church to "Great Commission Baptists" (GCB), to distance the church from its support of slavery and because it is no longer just a Southern church. Since then, several leaders and churches have begun adopting the alternative descriptor for their churches.

Sexual abuse scandal
In 2018, investigations showed that the SBC suppressed reports of sexual abuse and protected over 700 accused ministers and church workers. In 2022, a report indicated church leaders had stonewalled and disparaged clergy sex abuse survivors for nearly two decades; reform efforts had been met with criticism or dismissal from other organization leaders; and known abusers had been allowed to keep their positions without informing their local churches. On August 12, 2022, the denomination announced that it was facing a federal investigation into the scandal.

On February 10, 2019, a joint investigation by the Houston Chronicle and the San Antonio Express found that there had been over 700 victims of sexual abuse by nearly 400 Southern Baptist church leaders, pastors, and volunteers over the previous 20 years.

In 2018, the Houston Chronicle verified details of hundreds of accounts of abuse. It examined federal and state court databases, prison records, and official documents from more than 20 states and researched sex offender registries nationwide. The Chronicle compiled a list of records and information (current as of June 2019) listing church pastors, leaders, employees, and volunteers who have pleaded guilty to or were convicted of sex crimes.

On June 12, 2019, during their annual meeting, convention messengers, who assembled that year in Birmingham, Alabama, approved a resolution condemning sex abuse and establishing a special committee to investigate sex abuse, which will make it easier for churches to be excommunicated from the convention. The Reverend J. D. Greear, president of the convention and pastor of The Summit Church in Durham, North Carolina, called the move a "defining moment". Ronnie Floyd, president of the convention's executive committee, echoed Greear's remarks, calling the vote "a very, very significant moment in the history of the Southern Baptist Convention".

In June 2021, letters from former policy director Russell D. Moore to convention leadership were leaked. In the letters, Moore described how the convention had mishandled claims of sexual abuse.

On May 22, 2022, Guidepost Solutions, an independent firm contracted by the organization's executive committee, released a report detailing that church leaders had stonewalled and disparaged clergy sex abuse survivors for nearly two decades. This was the largest investigation undertaken in the convention's history at the time, with $4 million reportedly spent by the organization to fund the inquiry. The report also found that known abusers were allowed to keep their positions without informing their church or congregation. The report alleged that while the convention had elected a president, J. D. Greear, in 2018 who made addressing sexual abuse a central part of his agenda, nearly all efforts at reform had been met with criticism and dismissal by other organization leaders.

On June 14, 2022, the denomination voted "to create a way to track pastors and other church workers credibly accused of sex abuse and launch a new task force to oversee further reforms" after a consultant exposed that "Southern Baptist leaders mishandled abuse cases and stonewalled victims for years". The new task force will operate for one year, with the option to continue longer.

On August 12, 2022, the organization announced that it was facing a federal investigation into the sex abuse scandal. As revelations of sexual abuse and lawsuits continued to emerge in 2023,   the SBC's Abuse Reform Implementation Task Force announced continued development of the database of sexual offenders.

Doctrine
The general theological perspective of the denomination's churches is represented in the Baptist Faith and Message (BF&M). The BF&M was first drafted in 1925 as a revision of the 1833 New Hampshire Confession of Faith. It was revised significantly in 1963, amended in 1998 with the addition of one new section on the family, and revised again in 2000. The 1998 and 2000 changes were the subject of much controversy, particularly in regard to the role of women in the church.

The BF&M is not considered a creed, such as the Nicene Creed. Members are not required to adhere to it, and churches and state conventions belonging to the global body are not required to use it as their statement of faith or doctrine, though many do in lieu of creating their own statement. Nevertheless, key leaders, faculty in denomination-owned seminaries, and missionaries who apply to serve through the various missionary agencies must affirm that their practices, doctrine, and preaching are consistent with the BF&M.

In 2012, a LifeWay Research survey of the denomination's pastors found that 30% of churches identified with the labels Calvinist or Reformed, while 30% identified with the labels Arminian or Wesleyan. LifeWay Research President Ed Stetzer said, "historically, many Baptists have considered themselves neither Calvinist nor Arminian, but holding a unique theological approach not framed well by either category". The survey also found that 60% of its pastors were concerned about Calvinism's impact within the convention. Nathan Finn writes that the debate over Calvinism has "periodically reignited with increasing intensity" and that non-Calvinists "seem to be especially concerned with the influence of Founders Ministries" while Calvinists "seem to be particularly concerned with the influence of revivalism and Keswick theology."

Historically, the denomination has not considered glossolalia or other Charismatic beliefs to be in accordance with Scriptural teaching, though the BF&M does not mention the subject. In 2015, the International Mission Board lifted a ban on glossolalia for its missionaries, while reaffirming that it should not be taught as normative.

The convention brings together fundamentalist and moderate churches.

Position statements
In addition to the BF&M, the denomination has also issued position statements affirming the autonomy of the local church; identifying the Cooperative Program of missions as integral to the denomination; that statements of belief are revisable in light of Scripture, though the Bible is the final word; honoring the indigenous principle in missions without compromising doctrine or its identity for missional opportunities; that laypersons have the same right as ordained ministers to communicate with God, interpret Scripture, and minister in Christ's name; that "At the moment of conception, a new being enters the universe, a human being, a being created in God's image", who as such should be protected regardless of the circumstances of the conception; that God's plan for marriage and sexual intimacy is a lifetime relationship of one man and one woman, rejecting homosexuality; understanding the Bible to forbid any form of extramarital sexual relations; affirming the accountability of each person before God; and that women are not eligible to serve as pastors.

In 2022, it passed a resolution against prosperity theology, which it considers a heretical distortion of the message of the Bible.

Abortion
The position of many Southern Baptists on abortion has changed significantly over time, evolving from acceptance under certain circumstances to firm opposition.

In 1971, the SBC passed a resolution urging a loosening of U.S. abortion laws, stating: "Be it further resolved, that we call upon Southern Baptists to work for legislation that will allow the possibility of abortion under such conditions as rape, incest, clear evidence of severe fetal deformity, and carefully ascertained evidence of the likelihood of damage to the emotional, mental, and physical health of the mother."In 1973, a "poll conducted by the Baptist Standard news journal found that 90 percent of Texas Baptists believed their state's abortion laws were too restrictive".

During this era, a majority of Southern Baptists, including a few conservatives within the denomination, supported a moderate expansion of abortion rights, seeing it as a matter of religious liberty, what they saw as a lack of biblical condemnation, and belief in non-intrusive government. Southern Baptists' and evangelicals' initial reaction to Roe v. Wade decision was one of support or indifference; they overwhelmingly viewed anti-abortion movements as a sectarian and Catholic concern. By the mid-1970s, this began to change, as a movement that sought to change Southern Baptists' opinions on abortion began to substantially incline them against it. Over that period, the SBC changed in other ways as well. Today, the SBC strongly opposes abortion.

Gender-based roles
Officially, the denomination subscribes to the complementarian view of gender roles. Beginning in the early 1970s, as a reaction to their perceptions of various "women's liberation movements", the church, along with several other historically conservative Baptist groups, began to assert its view of the propriety and primacy of what it deemed "traditional gender roles" as a body. In 1973, at the annual meeting of the Southern Baptist Convention, delegates passed a resolution that read in part: "Man was not made for woman, but the woman for the man. Woman is the glory of man. Woman would not have existed without man." In 1998, the convention appended a male leadership understanding of marriage to the 1963 version of the Baptist Faith and Message, with an official amendment: Article XVIII, "The Family". In 2000, it revised the document to reflect support for a male-only pastorate with no mention of the office of deacon.

In 1984, when it had about 250 women pastors, the Convention adopted a resolution affirming the exclusion of women from pastoral leadership.

Since 1987, various local associations and regional conventions have considered churches that have authorized the pastoral ministry of women to not be in friendly cooperation (or "disfellowshipped"), without the intervention of the national convention on the subject.

By explicitly defining the pastoral office as the exclusive domain of males, the 2000 BF&M provision became the Southern Baptist's first-ever official position against women pastors. As individual churches affiliated with the organization are autonomous, churches cannot be forced to adopt a male-only pastorate.

Some churches that have installed women as their pastors have been disfellowshipped from membership in their local associations; a smaller number have been disfellowshipped from their affiliated state conventions. In February 2023, the Executive Committee for the first time deemed five churches that had appointed women pastors to not be in friendly cooperation. In June 2023, when two churches requested a review of the decision on this subject, 88% of church representatives at the annual convention voted to uphold the decision. American Reformer magazine estimated the convention would have 1,844 female pastors in 2023.

The crystallization of the church's positions on gender roles and restrictions of women's participation in the pastorate contributed to the decision by members now belonging to the Cooperative Baptist Fellowship, which broke from the convention in 1991. Another denomination that broke off, the Alliance of Baptists, also accepts women's ordination.

The 2000 BF&M prescribes a husband-headship authority structure, closely following the apostle Paul's exhortations in :

"Article XVIII. The Family. The husband and wife are of equal worth before God, since both are created in God's image. The marriage relationship models the way God relates to his people. A husband is to love his wife as Christ loved the church. He has the God-given responsibility to provide for, to protect, and to lead his family. A wife is to submit herself graciously to the servant leadership of her husband even as the church willingly submits to the headship of Christ. She, being in the image of God as is her husband and thus equal to him, has the God-given responsibility to respect her husband and to serve as his helper in managing the household and nurturing the next generation."

Ordinances
Southern/Great Commission Baptists observe two ordinances: the Lord's Supper and believer's baptism (also known as credo-baptism, from the Latin for "I believe"). Furthermore, they hold the historic Baptist belief that immersion is the only valid mode of baptism. The Baptist Faith and Message describes baptism as a symbolic act of obedience and a testimony of the believer's faith in Jesus Christ to other people. The BF&M also notes that baptism is a precondition to congregational church membership.

The BF&M holds to memorialism, the belief that the Lord's Supper is a symbolic act of obedience in which believers commemorate the death of Christ and look forward to his Second Coming. Individual churches are free to practice either open or closed communion (due to the convention's belief in congregational polity and the autonomy of the local church), but most practice open communion. For the same reason, the frequency of observance of the Lord's Supper varies from church to church. It is commonly observed quarterly, but some churches offer it monthly and a small minority offers it weekly. Because the organization has traditionally opposed alcoholic beverage consumption by members, grape juice is used instead of wine.

Worship
Most members observe a low church form of worship, which is less formal and uses no stated liturgy. The form of the worship services generally depend on whether the congregation uses a traditional service or a contemporary one, or a mix of both—the main differences being with regards to music and the response to the sermon.

In both types of services, there will be a prayer at the opening of the service, before the sermon, and at closing. Offerings are taken, which may be around the middle of the service or at the end (with the increased popularity of electronic financial systems, some churches operate kiosks allowing givers the opportunity to do so online, or through a phone app or website link). Responsive Scripture readings are not common, but may be done on a special occasion.

In a traditional service, the music generally features hymns, accompanied by a piano or organ (the latter has been generally phased out due to a shift in worship preferences) and sometimes with a special featured soloist or choir. Smaller churches generally let anyone participate in the choir regardless of actual singing ability; larger churches will limit participation to those who have successfully tried out for a role. After the sermon, an invitation to respond (sometimes termed an altar call) might be given; people may respond during the invitation by receiving Jesus Christ as Lord and Savior and beginning Christian discipleship, seeking baptism or requesting to join the congregation, or entering into vocational ministry or making some other publicly stated decision. Baptisms may be scheduled on specific weekends, or (especially in buildings with built-in baptisteries) be readily available for anyone desiring baptism.

In a contemporary service, the music generally features modern songs led by a praise team or similarly named group with featured singers. Choirs are not as common. An altar call may or may not be given at the end; if it is not, interested persons are directed to seek out people in the lobby who can address any questions. Baptismal services are usually scheduled as specific and special events. Also, church membership is usually done on a periodic basis by attending specific classes about the church's history, beliefs, what it seeks to accomplish, and what is expected of a prospective member. Controversially, a member may be asked to sign a "membership covenant", a document that has the prospective member promise to perform certain tasks (regular church attendance both at main services and small groups, regular giving—sometimes even requiring tithing, and service within the church). Such covenants are highly controversial: among other things, such a covenant may not permit a member to voluntarily withdraw from membership to avoid church discipline or, in some cases, the member cannot leave at all (even when not under discipline) without the approval of church leadership. A Dallas/Fort Worth church was forced to apologize to a member who attempted to do so for failing to request permission to annul her marriage after her husband admitted to viewing child pornography.

Race
During the 19th and most of the 20th century, the organization supported white supremacy, racial segregation, the Confederacy, and the Lost Cause. The organization also denounced interracial marriage as an "abomination", falsely citing the Bible. Beginning in the late 1970s, a conservative movement began to take control of the organization. By the 1990s, this movement had succeeded in taking control of the SBC leadership. In 1995, it officially denounced racism and its white supremacist history. Following the election of the organization's first black president in the 21st century, the SBC adopted the "Great Commission Baptists" descriptor, which gained prominent use among several churches desiring to sever themselves from its white supremacist history and controversies.

By November 2020, the six convention seminary presidents called critical race theory "unbiblical" and emphasized the need to turn not to secular ideas to confront racism, but to the Word of God in the love of Christ. Four African American churches left the denomination over the leadership's refusal to recognize critical race theory.

Membership
According to a census published by the association in 2024, the organization claimed 46,906 churches, 4,050,668 in weekly worship attendance and 12,982,090 members.

The global convention has more than 1,161 local associations and 41 state conventions, and fellowships covering all fifty states and territories of the United States. The five U.S. states with the highest rates of membership are Texas, Georgia, North Carolina, Florida, and Tennessee. Texas has the largest number of members with an estimated 2.75 million. Within Texas, these are divided among the more traditionalist Southern Baptists of Texas Convention and more moderate, diversified Baptist General Convention of Texas; the Baptist General Convention of Texas, or the Texas Baptists, are also more financially and organizationally autonomous from the primary convention in contrast to most state conventions.

Through the Cooperative Program, Southern/Great Commission Baptists support thousands of missionaries in the United States and worldwide.

Trends
Data from church sources and independent surveys indicate that since 1990 membership of Southern Baptist churches has declined as a proportion of the American population. Historically, the convention grew throughout its history until 2007, when membership decreased by a net figure of nearly 40,000 members. The total membership, of about 16.2 million, was flat over the same period, falling by 38,482 or 0.2%. An important indicator for the health of the denomination is new baptisms, which have decreased every year for seven of the last eight years. , they had reached their lowest levels since 1987. Membership continued to decline from 2008 to 2012. The convention's statistical summary of 2014 recorded a loss of 236,467 members, their biggest one-year decline since 1881. In 2018, membership fell below 15 million for the first time since 1989 and reached its lowest level for over 30 years.

This decline in membership and baptisms has prompted some SBC researchers to describe the convention as a "denomination in decline". In 2008, former SBC president Frank Page suggested that if current conditions continue, half of all the convention's churches will close their doors permanently by 2030. This assessment was supported by a 2004 survey of SBC churches that found that the membership of 70% of SBC churches is declining or has plateaued.

The decline in membership was discussed at the June 2008 Annual Convention. Curt Watke, a former researcher for the organization, noted four reasons for the decline of the church based on his research: the increase in immigration by non-European groups, decline in growth among predominantly European American (white) churches, the aging of the current membership, and a decrease in the proportion of younger generations participating in any church life. Some believe that the Baptists have not worked sufficiently to attract minorities.

On the other hand, the state conventions of Mississippi and Texas report an increasing proportion of minority members. In 1990, 5% of congregations were non-white. In 2012, the proportion of congregations that were of other ethnic groups (African American, Latino, and Asian) had increased to 20%. Sixty percent of the minority congregations were in Texas, particularly in the suburbs of Houston and Dallas. In 2020, an estimated 22.3% of affiliated churches were non-white.

The decline in SBC-GCB membership may be more pronounced than these statistics indicate because Baptist churches are not required to remove inactive members from their rolls, likely leading to greatly inflated membership numbers. In addition, hundreds of large moderate congregations have shifted their primary allegiance to other Baptist groups, such as the American Baptist Churches USA, the Alliance of Baptists or the Cooperative Baptist Fellowship, but have continued to remain on the convention's books. Their members are thus counted in the convention's totals although these churches no longer participate in the annual convention meetings or make more than the minimum financial contributions.

In some cases, groups have withdrawn from the convention because of its conservative trends. On November 6, 2000, the Baptist General Convention of Texas voted to cut its contributions to Southern Baptist seminaries and reallocate more than $5 million to three theological seminaries in the state that members believed were more moderate. These included the Hispanic Baptist Theological School in San Antonio, Baylor University's George W. Truett Theological Seminary in Waco, and Hardin–Simmons University's Logsdon School of Theology in Abilene. Since the controversies of the 1980s, more than 20 theological or divinity programs directed toward moderate and progressive Baptists have been established in the Southeast. In addition to Texas, schools in Virginia, Georgia, North Carolina and Alabama were established in the 1990s. These include the Baptist Theological Seminary in Richmond, McAfee School of Theology of Mercer University in Atlanta, Wake Forest, Gardner Webb and Campbell Divinity schools in North Carolina, and Beeson Divinity School at Samford University. These schools contributed to the flat and declining enrollment at seminaries operating in the same region of the United States. Texas and Virginia have the largest state conventions identified as moderate in theological approach.

On June 4, 2020, the organization reported a drop in its membership—the 13th consecutive year that membership has declined. Total membership in the church fell almost 2% to 14,525,579 from 2018 to 2019. In 2022, the church lost another 457,371 members (the largest drop in over a century) to 13,223,122, a similar level as the late 1970s.

Organization
The denomination has four levels of organization: the local congregation, the local association, the state convention, and the national convention. There are 41 affiliated state conventions or fellowships.

The national and state conventions and local associations are conceived as a cooperative association by which churches can voluntarily pool resources to support missionary and other work. Because of the basic Baptist principle of the autonomy of the local church and the congregationalist polity of the denomination, neither the national convention nor the state conventions or local associations has any administrative or ecclesiastical control over local churches; such a group may disfellowship a local congregation over an issue, but may not terminate its leadership or members or force its closure. The national convention has no authority over state conventions or local associations, nor do state conventions have authority over local associations. Furthermore, no individual congregation has any authority over any other individual congregation; a church may oversee another congregation voluntarily as a mission work, but that other congregation has the right to become an independent congregation at any time.

"Article IV. Authority: While independent and sovereign in its own sphere, the Convention does not claim and will never attempt to exercise any authority over any other Baptist body, whether church, auxiliary organizations, associations, or convention."

The national convention maintains a central administrative organization in Nashville, Tennessee. Its executive committee exercises authority and control over seminaries and other institutions owned by the national convention.

The national convention had around 10,000 ethnic churches as of 2008. Commitment to the autonomy of local churches was the primary force behind its executive committee's rejection of a proposal to create a convention-wide database of clergy accused of sexual crimes against congregants or other minors in order to stop the "recurring tide" of clergy sexual abuse within affiliated congregations. A 2009 study by Lifeway Christian Resources, the convention's research and publishing arm, revealed that one in eight background checks for potential volunteers or workers in churches revealed a history of crime that could have prevented them from working.

The denominational statement of faith, the Baptist Faith and Message, is not binding on churches or members due to the autonomy of the local church (though national convention employees and missionaries must agree to its views as a condition of employment or missionary support). Politically and culturally, Southern/Great Commission Baptists tend to be conservative. Most oppose homosexual activity and abortion.

Pastor and deacon
Generally, Baptists recognize only two scriptural offices: pastor-teacher and deacon. The convention passed a resolution in the early 1980s recognizing that offices requiring ordination are restricted to men. According to the Baptist Faith and Message, the office of pastor is limited to men based on New Testament scriptures.

Annual meeting
The annual meeting (held in June, over a two-day period) consists of delegates (called "messengers") from cooperating churches. The messengers confer and determine the programs, policies, and budget of the convention, and elect the officers and committees. Each cooperating church is allowed up to two messengers regardless of the amount given to convention entities, and may have more depending on the amount of giving (either in terms of dollars or percent of the church's budget), but the maximum number of messengers permitted from any church is 12.

Cooperative Program
The Cooperative Program (CP) is the organization's unified funds collection and distribution program for the support of regional, national and international ministries; the CP is funded by contributions from affiliated congregations.

In the fiscal year ending September 30, 2008, the local congregations of the denomination reported gift receipts of $11.1 billion. From this they sent $548 million, approximately five percent, to their state Baptist conventions through the CP. Of this amount, the state Baptist conventions retained $344 million for their work. Two hundred and four million dollars was sent on to the national CP budget for the support of denomination-wide ministries.

Mission agencies
The denomination was organized in 1845 primarily for the purpose of creating a mission board to support the sending of Baptist missionaries, albeit slaveholding missionaries. The North American Mission Board, or NAMB, (founded as the Domestic Mission Board, and later the Home Mission Board) in Alpharetta, Georgia serves missionaries involved in evangelism and church planting in the U.S. and Canada, while the International Mission Board, or IMB, (originally the Foreign Mission Board) in Richmond, Virginia, sponsors missionaries to the rest of the world.

Baptist Men is the mission organization for men in the convention's churches, and is under the North American Mission Board.

The Woman's Missionary Union, founded in 1888, is an auxiliary to the national convention, which helps facilitate two large annual missions offerings: the Annie Armstrong Easter Offering (for North American missions) and the Lottie Moon Christmas Offering (for international missions).

Southern Baptist Disaster Relief
Among the more visible organizations within the North American Mission Board is Southern Baptist Disaster Relief. In 1967, a small group of Texas Southern Baptist volunteers helped victims of Hurricane Beulah by serving hot food cooked on small "buddy burners". In 2005, volunteers responded to 166 named disasters, prepared 17,124,738 meals, repaired 7,246 homes, and removed debris from 13,986 yards. Southern Baptist Disaster Relief provides many different types: food, water, child care, communication, showers, laundry, repairs, rebuilding, or other essential tangible items that contribute to the resumption of life following the crisis—and the message of the Gospel. All assistance is provided to individuals and communities free of charge. SBC DR volunteer kitchens prepare much of the food distributed by the Red Cross in major disasters.

Southern Baptist Association of Christian Schools
The SBC has various affiliated primary and secondary schools, gathered in the Southern Baptist Association of Christian Schools.

Universities and colleges
The SBC has several affiliated universities.

Seminaries
The national convention directly supports six theological seminaries devoted to ministry preparation.
 * Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, Louisville, Kentucky (1859, originally in Greenville, South Carolina)
 * Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, Fort Worth, Texas (1908, originally part of Baylor University in Waco, Texas).
 * New Orleans Baptist Theological Seminary, New Orleans, Louisiana (1916, originally New Orleans Baptist Bible Institute)
 * Gateway Seminary, Ontario, California (1944, originally in Oakland, California, and formerly called Golden Gate Baptist Theological Seminary)
 * Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary, Wake Forest, North Carolina (1950)
 * Midwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, Kansas City, Missouri (1957)

Other organizations
Other notable organizations under the national convention include Baptist Press, the nation's largest Christian news service, established by the convention in 1946; Baptist Collegiate Network, the college-level organization operating campus and international missions typically known as the Baptist Student Union and Baptist Collegiate Ministries; GuideStone Financial Resources (formerly called the Annuity Board of the Southern Baptist Convention, and founded in 1918 as the Relief Board of the Southern Baptist Convention), which provides insurance, retirement, and investment services to churches, ministers, and employees of affiliated churches and agencies (it does not limit its services to member churches and members); LifeWay Christian Resources, founded as the Baptist Sunday School Board in 1891, one of the nation's largest Christian publishing houses, which previously operated the "LifeWay Christian Stores" (formerly "Baptist Book Stores") until closing physical stores in 2019; Ethics & Religious Liberty Commission (formerly known as the Christian Life Commission of the SBC), dedicated to addressing social and moral concerns and their implications on public policy issues from city hall to Congress and the courts; and the Southern Baptist Historical Library and Archives, in Nashville, Tennessee, the official depository for the denomination's archives and a research center for the study of Baptists worldwide. The SBHLA website includes digital resources.

Controversies
During its history, the organization has had several periods of major internal controversy—from its establishment to the present day.

Landmark controversy
In the 1850s–1860s, a group of young activists called for a return to certain early practices, or what they called Landmarkism. Other leaders disagreed with their assertions, and the Baptist congregations became split on the issues. Eventually, the disagreements led to the formation of Gospel Missions and the American Baptist Association (1924), as well as many unaffiliated independent churches. One historian called the related James Robinson Graves—Robert Boyte Crawford Howell controversy (1858–60) the greatest to affect the denomination before that of the late 20th century involving the fundamentalist-moderate break.

Whitsitt controversy
In the Whitsitt controversy of 1896–99, William H. Whitsitt, a professor at Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, suggested that, contrary to earlier thought, English Baptists did not begin to baptize by immersion until 1641, when some Anabaptists, as they were then called, began to practice immersion. This went against the idea of immersion as the practice of the earliest Baptists as some of the Landmarkists contended.

Moderates–conservatives controversy
The Southern Baptist Convention conservative resurgence (c. 1970–2000) was an intense struggle for control of the national convention's resources and ideological direction.

In July 1961, Professor Ralph Elliott at Midwestern Baptist Theological Seminary in Kansas City published The Message of Genesis, a book rejecting biblical inerrancy. In the 1970s, other convention seminary professors came under suspicion of liberal Christianity.

In response to these events, a group of pastors led by Judge Paul Pressler and Pastor Paige Patterson campaigned at conferences in churches for a more conservative direction in Convention policies. This group's candidate, Adrian Rogers, was elected Convention president at the 1979 annual meeting. After the election, the organization's new leaders replaced all Southern Baptist agency leaders with people said to be more conservative. Its initiators called it a "Southern Baptist Convention conservative resurgence", while its moderate opponents called it a "fundamentalist takeover".

Russell H. Dilday, president of the Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary from 1978 to 1994, said the resurgence fragmented Southern Baptist fellowship and was "far more serious than [a controversy]", calling it as "a self-destructive, contentious, one-sided feud that at times took on combative characteristics". Since 1979, Southern Baptists had become polarized into two major groups: moderates and conservatives. Reflecting the conservative majority votes of messengers at the 1979 annual meeting of the SBC, the new national organization officers replaced all leaders of Southern Baptist agencies with presumably more conservative people (often dubbed "fundamentalist" by dissenters).

In 1984, this group was heavily involved in passing a resolution excluding women from pastoral leadership.

In 1987, a group of churches criticized the fundamentalists for controlling the leadership and founded the Alliance of Baptists. A group of moderate churches criticized the denomination for the same reasons, as well as opposition to women's ministry, and founded the Cooperative Baptist Fellowship in 1991.

LGBTQ
Since 1992, the national convention has carried out excommunications of various churches that support LGBTQ inclusion. In 2018, the District of Columbia Baptist Convention was excommunicated for this reason.

title: Southern Baptist Convention


text:
Eaton Rapids, Michigan

Eaton Rapids is a city in Eaton County in the U.S. state of Michigan. The population was 5,214 at the 2010 census.

The city is located in the south of Eaton Rapids Township, on the boundary with Hamlin Township, though it is politically independent of both townships. Its nickname is the Island City, since the downtown is located on an island, with a public park, in the Grand River.

History
The Potawatomi people established a village in the area of what is now Eaton Rapids in about 1774. This was part of their wide territory in historic times.

The area constituting Eaton Rapids was first settled by Euro-Americans around the year 1835, who were drawn there because of the timber and water power in the area. It became a center of industry. The following year, a sawmill was constructed near Spring Brook in Spicerville; it provided the lumber settlers used to build Eaton Rapids. In 1837, the Old Red Mill was constructed by the mill company; it used waterpower from the stream to grind corn. The mill company later used wood from Spicerville to construct their own sawmill along the Grand River, as well as a wool carding mill.

In 1852, mineral water was first discovered by E. B. Frost, earning Eaton Rapids worldwide fame and the nickname The Saratoga of the West, referring to Saratoga Springs, New York, which had tourism based on such waters. This water was in huge demand, and resulted in many people coming to take mineral water baths, considered to have health benefits, as well as cures from specific ailments. Fourteen wells were drilled in total to supply water for the baths. Only three are still operational.

In 1921, John B. Davidson Sr. came to Eaton Rapids from Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. He started the only textile mill in Michigan that spun its own yarn. The Davidson Mill supplied 95 percent of the wool yarn for major league baseball uniforms, as well as high-grade yarns for other applications. After 48 years in business, the mill burned in 1969. John B. Davidson became a politician, elected as mayor of Eaton Rapids, and later representing the area in both the State House and State Senate.

In 1927, Irving Jacob Reuter and his wife Janet built Medovue, a 17-room, 10,000-square foot, Tudor Revival- style mansion, where they lived for nine years. President of the Oldsmobile automobile company, Reuter was also a financier and inventor. The Reuters donated substantial sums to charity.

Their property was sold to the Roman Catholic Diocese of Lansing, and became the private residence of its first bishop, the Most Reverend Joseph H. Albers. The diocese later sold the mansion.

It was purchased by C.J. and Mille Sumner, who adapted it and reopened it to operate as an Adult Foster Care Home. They furnished it with antiques and named it "Ivy Manor". The home was sold again in 1990 and was renovated for use as a bed and breakfast, known as the English Inn. In 1991 it was recognized and listed in the state List of Registered Historic Places in Michigan. The original 10000 sqft building, complete with many of the original antique furnishings, has 15 acre of gardens and pastoral countryside located on the river. It was purchased by Gary and Donna Nelson in 1996, who also developed a restaurant and pub on the property. It is open to the public for viewing. Their son Erik Nelson has taken over operations.

Geography
Eaton Rapids is on the northward course of the Grand River as it flows from Jackson to Lansing. There it turns westward at its confluence with the Spring Brook. According to the United States Census Bureau, the city has a total area of 3.51 sqmi, of which 3.39 sqmi is land and 0.12 sqmi is water.

Geographic features

 * Grand River

Transportation

 * connects with I-94, 19 mi to the south near Albion; and with I-96, 12 mi north, just south of Lansing.
 * connects with I-69, nine miles (14 km) west in Charlotte; and with US 127 and I-94, 21 mi to the southeast just north of Jackson.
 * provides access from Eaton Rapids to the Veterans of Foreign Wars (VFW) National Home near Onondaga.

2010 census
As of the census of 2010, there were 5,214 people, 2,092 households, and 1,345 families residing in the city. The population density was 1538.1 PD/sqmi. There were 2,387 housing units at an average density of 704.1 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the city was 95.1% White, 0.7% African American, 0.4% Native American, 0.5% Asian, 0.8% from other races, and 2.6% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 4.4% of the population.

There were 2,092 households, of which 36.9% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 42.1% were married couples living together, 15.3% had a female householder with no husband present, 6.8% had a male householder with no wife present, and 35.7% were non-families. Of all households, 30.0% were made up of individuals, and 11% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.49 and the average family size was 3.09.

The median age in the city was 34.8 years. 27.7% of residents were under the age of 18; 9.3% were between the ages of 18 and 24; 26.7% were from 25 to 44; 25.2% were from 45 to 64; and 11.1% were 65 years of age or older. The gender makeup of the city was 48.3% male and 51.7% female.

2000 census
As of the census of 2000, there were 5,330 people, 2,067 households, and 1,399 families residing in the city. The population density was 1,576.9 PD/sqmi. There were 2,168 housing units at an average density of 641.4 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the city was 96.12% White, 0.38% African American, 0.45% Native American, 0.54% Asian, 1.01% from other races, and 1.50% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 2.93% of the population.

There were 2,067 households, out of which 39.7% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 47.8% were married couples living together, 13.9% had a female householder with no husband present, and 32.3% were non-families. Of all households 27.4% were made up of individuals, and 12.2% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.57 and the average family size was 3.11.

In the city, the population was spread out, with 31.0% under the age of 18, 8.9% from 18 to 24, 30.7% from 25 to 44, 18.2% from 45 to 64, and 11.2% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 32 years. For every 100 females, there were 92.6 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 87.9 males.

The median income for a household in the city was $39,769, and the median income for a family was $48,239. Males had a median income of $37,582 versus $29,440 for females. The per capita income for the city was $18,446. About 3.2% of families and 5.9% of the population were below the poverty line, including 6.3% of those under age 18 and 2.1% of those age 65 or over.

Climate
This climatic region is typified by large seasonal temperature differences, with warm to hot (and often humid) summers and cold (sometimes severely cold) winters. According to the Köppen Climate Classification system, Eaton Rapids has a humid continental climate, abbreviated "Dfb" on climate maps.

title: Eaton Rapids, Michigan


text:
Eaton Rapids Township, Michigan

Eaton Rapids Township is a civil township of Eaton County in the U.S. state of Michigan. The population was 3,991 at the 2020 United States Census.

Communities

 * Kingsland is a small community 3 miles (5 km) ESE of Potterville.
 * Petrieville is a small community 2 miles (3 km) NE of Eaton Rapids.
 * The City of Eaton Rapids is located south of the township and is administratively autonomous.

Geography
According to the US Census Bureau, the township has a total area of 34.3 sqmi, of which 34.1 sqmi is land and 0.2 sqmi (0.58%) is water.

Demographics
As of the 2000 United States Census, there were 3,821 people, 1,328 households, and 1,079 families in the township. The population density was 112.0 PD/sqmi. There were 1,379 housing units at an average density of 40.4 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the township was 96.36% White, 0.60% African American, 0.58% Native American, 0.16% Asian, 0.81% from other races, and 1.49% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 2.46% of the population.

There were 1,328 households, out of which 40.4% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 71.5% were married couples living together, 6.3% had a female householder with no husband present, and 18.8% were non-families. 14.6% of all households were made up of individuals, and 4.3% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.85 and the average family size was 3.15.

The township population contained 28.0% under the age of 18, 6.9% from 18 to 24, 30.3% from 25 to 44, 26.8% from 45 to 64, and 8.1% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 38 years. For every 100 females, there were 103.1 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 101.2 males.

The median income for a household in the township was $56,599, and the median income for a family was $58,947. Males had a median income of $41,341 versus $28,500 for females. The per capita income for the township was $21,000. About 1.6% of families and 3.2% of the population were below the poverty line, including 2.8% of those under age 18 and 4.1% of those age 65 or over.

title: Eaton Rapids Township, Michigan


text:
Hamlin Township, Eaton County, Michigan

Hamlin Township is a civil township of Eaton County in the U.S. state of Michigan. The population was 3,227 at the 2020 census.

Communities

 * Charlesworth

Geography
According to the US Census Bureau, the township has a total area of 34.5 sqmi, of which 34.3 sqmi is land and 0.2 sqmi (0.46%) is water.

Demographics
As of the 2000 United States Census, there were 2,953 people, 1,045 households, and 848 families in the township. The population density was 86.1 PD/sqmi. There were 1,088 housing units at an average density of 31.7 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the township was 96.82% White, 0.27% African American, 0.24% Native American, 0.27% Asian, 0.03% Pacific Islander, 0.88% from other races, and 1.49% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 1.90% of the population.

There were 1,045 households, out of which 40.0% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 71.0% were married couples living together, 6.1% had a female householder with no husband present, and 18.8% were non-families. 14.5% of all households were made up of individuals, and 4.4% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.83 and the average family size was 3.12.

The township population contained 29.6% under the age of 18, 5.7% from 18 to 24, 30.4% from 25 to 44, 25.6% from 45 to 64, and 8.7% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 37 years. For every 100 females, there were 98.5 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 98.7 males.

The median income for a household in the township was $57,473, and the median income for a family was $61,838. Males had a median income of $43,648 versus $26,194 for females. The per capita income for the township was $23,931. About 2.0% of families and 2.6% of the population were below the poverty line, including 3.0% of those under age 18 and none of those age 65 or over.

title: Hamlin Township, Eaton County, Michigan


text:
Kalamo Township, Michigan

Kalamo Township is a general law township of Eaton County in the U.S. state of Michigan. The population was 1,765 at the 2020 census.

Communities

 * Carlisle is a historic locale in the township at the junction of Carlisle Highway and Lacey Lake Road at 42.55306°N, -84.96639°W. Charles T. Moffat (sometimes recorded at "Moffit") built a large frame saw-mill in 1837. After the mill came into the ownership of Oliver A. Hyde, the place became known as "Hyde's Mills". A post office named Carlisle was established in 1843 and operated until 1903.
 * Elmira is a historic locale in the township along Ionia Road about three miles south of M-79. A post office operated here from 1855 until 1871.
 * Kalamo is a small unincorporated community in the township along Ionia Road about two miles south of M-79 at 42.54278°N, -85.01278°W.

Geography
According to the United States Census Bureau, the township has a total area of 36.8 sqmi, of which 36.6 sqmi is land and 0.1 sqmi (0.33%) is water.

Demographics
As of the census of 2000, there were 1,742 people, 622 households, and 488 families residing in the township. The population density was 47.5 PD/sqmi. There were 648 housing units at an average density of 17.7 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the township was 97.53% White, 0.86% African American, 0.11% Native American, 0.23% Asian, 0.40% from other races, and 0.86% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 0.63% of the population.

There were 622 households, out of which 35.5% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 69.1% were married couples living together, 4.7% had a female householder with no husband present, and 21.5% were non-families. 17.0% of all households were made up of individuals, and 5.6% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.78 and the average family size was 3.13.

In the township the population was spread out, with 26.8% under the age of 18, 7.5% from 18 to 24, 30.0% from 25 to 44, 26.3% from 45 to 64, and 9.5% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 37 years. For every 100 females, there were 103.7 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 101.9 males.

The median income for a household in the township was $46,927, and the median income for a family was $50,208. Males had a median income of $37,981 versus $26,818 for females. The per capita income for the township was $17,934. About 3.7% of families and 5.3% of the population were below the poverty line, including 4.8% of those under age 18 and 8.2% of those age 65 or over.

title: Kalamo Township, Michigan


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Del Monte Forest, California

Del Monte Forest (Del Monte, Spanish for "of the mountain") is a census-designated place (CDP) in Monterey County, California, United States. As of the 2020 census, the CDP had a total population of 4,204, down from 4,514 at the 2010 census. The census area includes the separate well-known community of Pebble Beach.

The Del Monte Forest is a habitat area of the same location, which originally occupied considerably more area prior to urban development of the 20th century. The forest is dominated by Monterey pine, but also contains other important tree species and a variety of rare and endangered plant species.

Geography and ecology
Del Monte Forest is located in northwestern Monterey County at 36°35'11" North, 121°56'51" West. It occupies the western half of the Monterey Peninsula and is bordered to the east by the city of Montery and to the north by the city of Pacific Grove. The city of Carmel-by-the-Sea is to the south. Pebble Beach is in the southern part of the CDP.

According to the United States Census Bureau, Del Monte Forest has a total area of 10.6 sqmi, of which 8.0 sqmi are land and 2.6 sqmi are water. The total area is 24.55% water.

The community is a habitat for a number of limited range and endangered species.

History
The Del Monte Forest was originally part of the resort complex of the Hotel Del Monte in Monterey. The resort hotel was built by Charles Crocker, one of California's Big Four railroad barons, through Southern Pacific Railroad's property division, the Pacific Improvement Company (PIC). The hotel first opened on June 10, 1880. Samuel Finley Brown Morse formed the Del Monte Properties Company on February 27, 1919, and acquired the extensive holdings of the PIC, which included the Del Monte Forest, the Del Monte Lodge (since renamed the Lodge at Pebble Beach) and the Hotel Del Monte. The actual hotel building and surrounding grounds were acquired by the United States Navy after World War II to be the Navy's new location of the Naval Postgraduate School.

2010
The 2010 United States Census reported that Del Monte Forest had a population of 4,514. The population density was 424.0 PD/sqmi. The racial makeup of Del Monte Forest was 3,922 (86.9%) White, 43 (1.0%) African American, 10 (0.2%) Native American, 388 (8.6%) Asian, 3 (0.1%) Pacific Islander, 57 (1.3%) from other races, and 91 (2.0%) from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 167 persons (3.7%).

The Census reported that 4,172 people (92.4% of the population) lived in households, 321 (7.1%) lived in non-institutionalized group quarters, and 21 (0.5%) were institutionalized.

There were 1,925 households, out of which 309 (16.1%) had children under the age of 18 living in them, 1,215 (63.1%) were opposite-sex married couples living together, 96 (5.0%) had a female householder with no husband present, 41 (2.1%) had a male householder with no wife present. There were 45 (2.3%) unmarried opposite-sex partnerships, and 18 (0.9%) same-sex married couples or partnerships. 468 households (24.3%) were made up of individuals, and 310 (16.1%) had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.17. There were 1,352 families (70.2% of all households); the average family size was 2.53.

The population was spread out, with 748 people (16.6%) under the age of 18, 213 people (4.7%) aged 18 to 24, 541 people (12.0%) aged 25 to 44, 1,449 people (32.1%) aged 45 to 64, and 1,563 people (34.6%) who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 57.8 years. For every 100 females, there were 92.6 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 90.0 males.

There were 2,811 housing units at an average density of 264.0 /sqmi, of which 1,600 (83.1%) were owner-occupied, and 325 (16.9%) were occupied by renters. The homeowner vacancy rate was 4.0%; the rental vacancy rate was 5.4%. 3,372 people (74.7% of the population) lived in owner-occupied housing units and 800 people (17.7%) lived in rental housing units.

2000
As of the census of 2000, there were 4,531 people, 2,092 households, and 1,456 families residing in the CDP. The population density was 565.4 PD/sqmi. There were 2,647 housing units at an average density of 330.3 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the CDP was 91.37% White, 0.40% African American, 0.26% Native American, 5.25% Asian, 0.18% Pacific Islander, 0.88% from other races, and 1.66% from two or more races. 2.34% of the population were Hispanic or Latino of any race.

There were 2,092 households, out of which 14.9% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 63.7% were married couples living together, 4.7% had a female householder with no husband present, and 30.4% were non-families. 24.8% of all households were made up of individuals, and 16.9% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.17 and the average family size was 2.52.

The age distribution was 12.8% under the age of 18, 3.1% from 18 to 24, 12.6% from 25 to 44, 35.6% from 45 to 64, and 35.9% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 57 years. For every 100 females, there were 86.7 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 85.4 males.

The median income for a household in the CDP was $99,788, and the median income for a family was $112,741. Males had a median income of $79,431 versus $44,707 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $70,609. 2.3% of the population and 1.8% of families were below the poverty line. Out of the total population, 4.2% of those under the age of 18 and 2.5% of those 65 and older were living below the poverty line.

Government
At the county level, Del Monte Forest is represented on the Monterey County Board of Supervisors by Supervisor Dave Potter.

In the California State Legislature, Del Monte Forest is in, and in.

In the United States House of Representatives, Del Monte Forest is in.

Education
Portions of the CDP are in the Carmel Unified School District, Monterey Peninsula Unified School District, and Pacific Grove Unified School District.

The respective high school of the first district is Carmel High School.

Environmental features
The Monterey Pine forest is habitat to numerous rare and endangered species including Hickman's potentilla and Yadon's piperia, both of which are federally protected species.

title: Del Monte Forest, California


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Mulliken, Michigan

Mulliken is a village in Eaton County in the U.S. state of Michigan. The population was 553 at the 2010 census. The village is within Roxand Township.

Geography
According to the United States Census Bureau, the village has a total area of 1.04 sqmi, all land.

2010 census
As of the census of 2010, there were 553 people, 202 households, and 156 families living in the village. The population density was 531.7 PD/sqmi. There were 223 housing units at an average density of 214.4 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the village was 96.6% White, 0.2% Native American, 0.9% from other races, and 2.4% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 3.1% of the population.

There were 202 households, of which 38.1% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 57.9% were married couples living together, 12.4% had a female householder with no husband present, 6.9% had a male householder with no wife present, and 22.8% were non-families. 16.8% of all households were made up of individuals, and 5% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.71 and the average family size was 2.97.

The median age in the village was 35.3 years. 24.8% of residents were under the age of 18; 8.8% were between the ages of 18 and 24; 29.6% were from 25 to 44; 28.4% were from 45 to 64; and 8.5% were 65 years of age or older. The gender makeup of the village was 52.4% male and 47.6% female.

2000 census
As of the census of 2000, there were 557 people, 195 households, and 151 families living in the village. The population density was 534.2 PD/sqmi. There were 201 housing units at an average density of 192.8 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the village was 96.23% White, 0.72% African American, 0.54% Native American, 0.18% Asian, 0.90% from other races, and 1.44% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 2.15% of the population.

There were 195 households, out of which 41.0% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 64.1% were married couples living together, 10.3% had a female householder with no husband present, and 22.1% were non-families. 15.4% of all households were made up of individuals, and 5.6% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.83 and the average family size was 3.13.

In the village, the population was spread out, with 26.8% under the age of 18, 9.3% from 18 to 24, 33.2% from 25 to 44, 21.7% from 45 to 64, and 9.0% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 35 years. For every 100 females, there were 107.1 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 101.0 males.

The median income for a household in the village was $50,391, and the median income for a family was $52,375. Males had a median income of $41,094 versus $27,500 for females. The per capita income for the village was $18,181. About 1.4% of families and 3.6% of the population were below the poverty line, including 4.5% of those under age 18 and 7.3% of those age 65 or over.

Notable residents

 * Fran Bera, pioneering woman aviator

title: Mulliken, Michigan


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Olivet, Michigan

Olivet is a city in Eaton County in the U.S. state of Michigan. The population was 1,605 at the 2010 census. University Of Olivet is located in the city.

History
From its founding in 1844 through the 1910 census, Olivet was a village within Walton Township. It was incorporated into a city in 1958.

Geography
According to the United States Census Bureau, the city has a total area of 1.02 sqmi, all land.

2010 census
As of the census of 2010, there were 1,605 people, 426 households, and 247 families living in the city. The population density was 1573.5 PD/sqmi. There were 483 housing units at an average density of 473.5 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the city was 89.8% White, 6.8% African American, 0.2% Native American, 0.6% Asian, 0.7% from other races, and 1.9% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 3.1% of the population.

There were 426 households, of which 30.8% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 38.0% were married couples living together, 14.3% had a female householder with no husband present, 5.6% had a male householder with no wife present, and 42.0% were non-families. 26.5% of all households were made up of individuals, and 6.6% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.52 and the average family size was 3.04.

The median age in the city was 21.7 years. 15.4% of residents were under the age of 18; 47.7% were between the ages of 18 and 24; 15.9% were from 25 to 44; 15% were from 45 to 64; and 6% were 65 years of age or older. The gender makeup of the city was 52.4% male and 47.6% female.

2000 census
As of the census of 2000, there were 1,758 people, 474 households, and 293 families living in the city. The population density was 1,735.0 PD/sqmi. There were 488 housing units at an average density of 481.6 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the city was 84.30% White, 9.61% African American, 1.65% Native American, 1.65% Asian, 0.06% Pacific Islander, 1.76% from other races, and 0.97% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 2.10% of the population.

There were 474 households, out of which 39.2% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 40.1% were married couples living together, 16.9% had a female householder with no husband present, and 38.0% were non-families. 28.1% of all households were made up of individuals, and 6.5% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.58 and the average family size was 3.20.

In the city, the population was spread out, with 22.0% under the age of 18, 41.5% from 18 to 24, 20.3% from 25 to 44, 11.8% from 45 to 64, and 4.5% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 22 years. For every 100 females, there were 102.1 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 104.5 males.

The median income for a household in the city was $34,474, and the median income for a family was $40,781. Males had a median income of $30,602 versus $19,904 for females. The per capita income for the city was $11,682. About 8.0% of families and 10.7% of the population were below the poverty line, including 10.2% of those under age 18 and 5.7% of those age 65 or over.

Education

 * Olivet College
 * Olivet Community Schools

title: Olivet, Michigan


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Oneida Charter Township, Michigan

Oneida Charter Township is a charter township of Eaton County in the U.S. state of Michigan. The population was 3,986 at the 2020 United States Census, up from 3,865 in 2010.

Geography
According to the US Census Bureau, the township has a total area of 84.6 km2, of which 84.3 km2 is land and 0.3 km2, or 0.31%, is water.

Communities

 * Canada Settlement was an area in the township settled by a group of people from London, Ontario in 1836.
 * Oneida Center

Demographics
At the 2000 census, there were 3,703 people, 1,352 households and 1,050 families in the township. The population density was 113.9 PD/sqmi. There were 1,423 housing units at an average density of 43.8 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the township was 96.81% White, 0.51% African American, 0.46% Native American, 0.30% Asian, 0.03% Pacific Islander, 0.70% from other races, and 1.19% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 2.40% of the population.

There were 1,352 households, of which 35.9% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 70.1% were married couples living together, 5.0% had a female householder with no husband present, and 22.3% were non-families. 18.9% of all households were made up of individuals, and 10.9% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.74 and the average family size was 3.13.

26.5% of the population were under the age of 18, 6.7% from 18 to 24, 26.2% from 25 to 44, 28.4% from 45 to 64, and 12.2% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 40 years. For every 100 females, there were 99.2 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 95.8 males.

The median household income was $63,750 and the median family income was $71,891. Males had a median income of $53,813 versus $31,875 for females. The per capita income for the township was $26,787. About 1.9% of families and 2.7% of the population were below the poverty line, including 3.2% of those under age 18 and 0.9% of those age 65 or over.

title: Oneida Charter Township, Michigan


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Potterville, Michigan

Potterville is a city in Eaton County in the U.S. state of Michigan. The population was 2,617 at the 2010 census.

History
Potterville is named after Linus Potter, who settled his family in the area in November, 1844. Linus was elected supervisor of Benton Township in 1846. In 1830, Linus and his wife Diantha came from Cayuga County, New York, by way of the Erie Canal, to Buffalo and then by way of Lake Erie steamboat to Detroit. From there, Linus and Diantha walked to Plymouth, Michigan, a journey of about thirty miles, before walking on to Saline. The pair carried their three-year-old son, George, and their infant daughter, Louisa.

Potterville incorporated as a village within Benton Township in 1881, and as a city in 1962 withdrawing it completely from the township.

On July 6, 1994, a lightning strike at Fox Park injured 22 beach-goers. The lightning struck the water and "walked up the beach."

A rare Michigan earthquake on September 2, 1994, had its epicenter just east of the city. The shock had a body wave magnitude of 3.5 and a maximum Mercalli intensity of V (Moderate). It could be felt through most of Mid-Michigan.

The city experienced a massive train derailment of 35 Canadian National railroad cars over Memorial Day weekend 2002. Due to leaking propane from the cars, the entire city was evacuated. The cause of the derailment was found to have been a faulty rail.

Geography
According to the United States Census Bureau, the city has a total area of 1.82 sqmi, of which 1.68 sqmi is land and 0.14 sqmi is water.

2010 Census
As of the census of 2010, there were 2,617 people, 952 households, and 702 families residing in the city. The population density was 1557.7 PD/sqmi. There were 1,112 housing units at an average density of 661.9 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the city was 94.2% White, 1.3% African American, 0.6% Native American, 0.5% Asian, 0.6% from other races, and 2.6% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 5.7% of the population.

There were 952 households, of which 45.4% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 51.2% were married couples living together, 16.8% had a female householder with no husband present, 5.8% had a male householder with no wife present, and 26.3% were non-families. 21.6% of all households were made up of individuals, and 4.9% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.75 and the average family size was 3.16.

The median age in the city was 32.4 years. 31.2% of residents were under the age of 18; 8.3% were between the ages of 18 and 24; 30% were from 25 to 44; 23.5% were from 45 to 64; and 7.1% were 65 years of age or older. The gender makeup of the city was 48.6% male and 51.4% female.

2000 Census
As of the census of 2000, there were 2,168 people, 802 households, and 572 families residing in the city. The population density was 1178.3 PD/sqmi. There were 892 housing units at an average density of 484.8 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the city was 95.48% White, 0.23% African American, 0.42% Native American, 0.42% Asian, 1.48% from other races, and 1.98% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 4.01% of the population.

There were 802 households, out of which 44.0% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 50.4% were married couples living together, 17.3% had a female householder with no husband present, and 28.6% were non-families. 22.9% of all households were made up of individuals, and 4.9% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.70 and the average family size was 3.18.

In the city, the population was spread out, with 33.7% under the age of 18, 9.0% from 18 to 24, 33.9% from 25 to 44, 18.1% from 45 to 64, and 5.3% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 29 years. For every 100 females, there were 92.5 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 87.5 males.

The median income for a household in the city was $42,292, and the median income for a family was $48,182. Males had a median income of $33,988 versus $26,250 for females. The per capita income for the city was $17,880. About 3.5% of families and 5.9% of the population were below the poverty line, including 5.0% of those under age 18 and 6.0% of those age 65 or over.

Education
The city is served by Potterville Public School District, whose schools are located on one campus along Main Street just east of N. Hartel Road (M-100). The district mascot is the Vikings, with school colors of maroon and gold. This campus includes an elementary, middle, and high school (including sport facilities). Also sharing this campus are the administration and preschool buildings.

Transportation
Potterville is located approximately 12.6 miles (20.2 kilometers) southwest of downtown Lansing and 7 miles (11.2 kilometers) northeast of Charlotte along Lansing Road at its intersection with Hartel Road/M-100. The city is connected with interstate highway system immediately south of this intersection where M-100 interchanges with I-69. M-100 also connects Potterville to I-96 just north of Grand Ledge.

The city is serviced by Canadian National Railway (CN) along its Flint Subdivision.

Highways
Highways

Public safety
The City of Potterville Police Department provides law enforcement services to Potterville with three full-time officers, one part-time officer, and a full-time chief. Fire services are provided by the Benton Twp. Fire & EMS Department, which utilizes a combination of full-time, part-time and paid-on-call firefighters/medical personnel, which took effect on September 10, 2019, when the city decided to dissolve the Potterville City Fire Dept. due to unforeseen circumstances. The Benton Township Fire Department currently covers the city of Potterville.

Notable people

 * Joe Davis, announcer for the Los Angeles Dodgers and FOX sports; attended Potterville High School

title: Potterville, Michigan