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Lady Katherine Grey

Katherine Seymour, Countess of Hertford ( Lady Katherine Grey; 25 August 1540 – 26 January 1568) was a younger sister of Lady Jane Grey.

A granddaughter of Henry VIII's sister Mary, she emerged as a prospective successor to her cousin, Elizabeth I of England, before incurring Queen Elizabeth's wrath by secretly marrying Edward Seymour, 1st Earl of Hertford. Arrested after the Queen was informed of their clandestine marriage, Katherine (as Lady Hertford) lived in captivity until her death, having borne two sons in the Tower of London.

Family and claim to the throne
Lady Katherine was born on 25 August 1540 at Bradgate Park, near Leicester, the second surviving daughter of Henry Grey, 1st Duke of Suffolk, by his marriage to Lady Frances Brandon. She was the younger sister of Lady Jane Grey and elder sister of Lady Mary Grey. Katherine Grey's maternal grandparents were Charles Brandon, 1st Duke of Suffolk, and Mary Tudor, Dowager Queen of France, youngest surviving daughter of Henry VII and Elizabeth of York.

Through their grandmother, the Grey sisters had a close claim in the line of succession to the English throne. They were preceded in the line of succession only by Henry VIII's three children – Prince Edward, Lady Mary and Lady Elizabeth – and the descendants of Princess Margaret, the elder daughter of Henry VII and Queen Consort of Scotland, after 1542 represented by Mary, Queen of Scots. However, Henry VIII had excluded the Scottish regal line from the English succession in his Will, placing the Grey sisters next-in-line after his own children.

First marriage
Some time before August 1552, Katherine Grey was betrothed to Henry, Lord Herbert, heir apparent to William Herbert, 1st Earl of Pembroke. In 1553, as King Edward VI was dying, the King and his Chief Minister, John Dudley, 1st Duke of Northumberland, planned to exclude Edward's sister Mary Tudor from the succession in favour of Katherine's elder sister, Lady Jane Grey. According to the Letters Patent of 21 June 1553, Lady Katherine was to be second in the line of succession behind her sister and heirs-male. Lady Jane had been married to Northumberland's son, Lord Guildford Dudley, on 25 May 1553. On the same occasion, Lady Katherine was married to Lord Herbert at Durham House. After the wedding, Katherine (now Lady Herbert) went to live with her husband at Baynard's Castle beside the Thames. When Lady Jane's accession to the throne failed, Henry's father sought to distance himself from the Grey family by separating his son from Lady Katherine and seeking the annulment of the marriage; this was probably achieved in early 1554, as the union had not been consummated. Meanwhile, her sister (Lady Jane Grey) and her father (the Duke of Suffolk) had been executed in February 1554 after the suppression of Wyatt's Rebellion.

Prospective royal heir under Mary I and Elizabeth I
During the first phase of Queen Mary I's reign, Lady Katherine was senior heir-in-line to the throne as Mary was yet unmarried and her younger sister Elizabeth was regarded as illegitimate. Demoted when Elizabeth was declared heir, Lady Katherine's claim came to the fore again when Queen Elizabeth I acceded to the English throne in November 1558. At one point the Queen was apparently contemplating Lady Katherine Grey as a potential Protestant heir, with rumours of a possible adoption, but any such development was terminated upon Lady Katherine's clandestine marriage to Lord Hertford.

Second marriage
One of Lady Katherine's friends, Lady Jane Seymour, daughter of the Duke of Somerset, introduced her brother, Edward Seymour, 1st Earl of Hertford, to Lady Katherine Grey (so restyled after the annulment of her first marriage). Without royal assent, the two were married in December 1560 during a secret ceremony at Lord Hertford's house in Cannon Row, where Lady Jane Seymour was the sole witness.

Soon thereafter, the Queen despatched Lord Hertford with Thomas Cecil, eldest son of Sir William Cecil, on a grand tour across Europe "for the improvement of their education". The Earl of Hertford provided his wife with a document that would, in the event of his death, enable her to prove the marriage and inherit his property, but apparently Katherine lost the document. Thus, after Lady Jane Seymour died of tuberculosis in 1561, Katherine was unable to prove that they had ever been married.

Imprisonment
Katherine concealed the marriage from everyone for months, even after she became pregnant; in her eighth month of pregnancy and on progress with the royal court to Ipswich, she decided to ask someone to plead for her with the Queen. She first confided in Bess of Hardwick, who refused to listen to Katherine and berated her for implicating her. Katherine then went to her late sister's brother-in-law, Robert Dudley. Visiting his bedroom in the middle of the night, she explained her dilemma. As Dudley's room adjoined the Queen's chambers, he was afraid they might be overheard or that he might be caught with a visibly pregnant woman at his bedside, and tried to get rid of Katherine as soon as he could. The next day he told Elizabeth everything he knew regarding Katherine and her pregnancy.

Queen Elizabeth was infuriated that her cousin had married without her knowledge or consent. The marriage also upset Anglo-Scottish diplomacy, as the possibility of a union between Lady Katherine and the Earl of Arran, a young and unstable nobleman with a strong claim to the Scottish throne, had thereby been removed as an option. The Queen also disapproved of her choice of husband and, still unmarried, also feared that Katherine's ability to bear male offspring could possibly facilitate a rebellion in support of Katherine as queen. To Katherine's misfortune, her claim to the throne was at the time argued by a book written by John Hales.

Queen Elizabeth imprisoned Lady Katherine in the Tower of London, where Edward Seymour (Lord Hertford) was sent to join her on his return to England. Bess of Hardwick was also imprisoned, as Elizabeth had become convinced (not without reason) that the marriage was part of a wider conspiracy against the Crown. Sir Edward Warner, Lieutenant of The Tower, permitted secret visits between Katherine and Edward. Warner reported that the furnishings of Katherine's room, which were provided from the Royal Wardrobe in the Tower, had been damaged by her pet monkey and dogs. While imprisoned in the Tower, Katherine gave birth to two sons:

 * Edward Seymour (1561–1612)
 * Thomas Seymour (1562/3, Tower of London – 8 August 1600). Baptized on 11 February 1563, he married Isabel Onley (d. 20 August 1619), daughter of Edward Onley MP, of Catesby, Northamptonshire. The couple had no issue, and were buried at St. Margaret's Church, Westminster, where there is a monument with effigies in their memory.

In 1562, the marriage was annulled and the Seymours were censured as fornicators for "carnal copulation" by the Archbishop of Canterbury. This rendered the children illegitimate and thereby ineligible as successors to the throne. Nonetheless, this did not stop their being courted as potential heirs to the Crown.

Final years
After the birth of Katherine's second child in 1563, the enraged Queen ordered her permanent separation from her husband and elder son. Katherine was removed to the care of her uncle, Sir John Grey, at Pirgo. She stayed there until November 1564, when she was transferred to the charge of Sir William Petre. For two years she was in his custody, and probably resided at Ingatestone Hall; then she was removed to the care of Sir John Wentworth (a kinsman of Petre's first wife) at Gosfield Hall, and after seventeen months' confinement there was taken to Cockfield Hall, Yoxford, in Suffolk.

There, Lady Katherine died fourteen days later on 26 January 1568 at the age of twenty-seven of consumption. She was interred at the Cockfield Chapel in Yoxford Church, Suffolk, before her body was moved to Salisbury Cathedral to be buried alongside her husband.

Family tree
The following chart illustrates Lady Katherine Grey's relationship to the House of Tudor and other claimants to the English throne. Italics indicate people who predeceased Edward VI; Arabic numerals indicate the line of succession to Edward VI at the time of his death according to Henry VIII's will; and Roman numerals indicate the line of succession at the time of Edward VI's death according to Edward's will.

Descendants
The descendants of Lady Katherine would one day inherit the British throne, on account of Queen Elizabeth II being a descendant of Lady Katherine by the following line:

 * 1) Lady Katherine Grey (1540-1568)
 * 2) Edward Seymour, Lord Beauchamp (1561-1612)
 * 3) William Seymour, 2nd Duke of Somerset (1588-1660)
 * 4) Lady Jane Seymour (1637-1679), m. Charles Boyle, 3rd Viscount Dungarvan (1639-1694)
 * 5) Charles Boyle, 2nd Earl of Burlington (d. 1704)
 * 6) Richard Boyle, 3rd Earl of Burlington (1694-1753)
 * 7) Charlotte Cavendish, Marchioness of Hartington (1731-1754)
 * 8) Dorothy Bentinck, Duchess of Portland (1750-1794)
 * 9) Lord Charles Bentinck (1780-1826)
 * 10) Charles Cavendish-Bentinck (priest) (1817-1865)
 * 11) Cecilia Bowes-Lyon, Countess of Strathmore and Kinghorne (1862-1938)
 * 12) Queen Elizabeth The Queen Mother (1900-2002)
 * 13) Elizabeth II (1926-2022)

title: Lady Katherine Grey


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Seven hills

Seven hills may refer to:

Places

 * Seven Hills, Colorado, US
 * Seven Hills, Nevada, US
 * Seven Hills, New South Wales, Australia
 * Seven Hills railway station
 * Seven Hills, Ohio, US
 * Seven Hills, Queensland, Australia
 * Seven Hills, U.S. Virgin Islands
 * Seven hills of Constantinople
 * Seven hills of Shimla
 * Seven hills of Iași
 * Seven hills of Istanbul
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 * Seven hills of Rome
 * Seven hills of San Francisco
 * Seven hills of Seattle
 * Seven Hills, a neighborhood in Aurora, Colorado, US
 * Seven Hills Ski Park, also known as Point Woronzof Park, Alaska, US
 * A nickname of Lynchburg, Virginia.

Other uses

 * Seven Hills School, a private school in Cincinnati, Ohio, US
 * Seven Hills (album), by Anthem

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Seven hills


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Iapetus

In Greek mythology, Iapetus (Ἰαπετός), also Japetus, is a Titan, the son of Uranus and Gaia and father of Atlas, Prometheus, Epimetheus, and Menoetius. He was also called the father of Buphagus and Anchiale in other sources.

Iapetus was linked to Japheth (יֶפֶת), one of the sons of Noah and a progenitor of mankind in biblical accounts. The practice by early historians and biblical scholars of identifying various historical nations and ethnic groups as descendants of Japheth, together with the similarity of their names, led to a fusion of their identities, from the early modern period to the present.

Mythology
Iapetus ("the Piercer") is the one Titan mentioned by Homer in the Iliad as being in Tartarus with Cronus. He is a brother of Cronus, who ruled the world during the Golden Age but is now locked up in Tartarus along with Iapetus, where neither breeze nor light of the sun reaches them.

Iapetus' wife is usually described as a daughter of Oceanus and Tethys named either Clymene (according to Hesiod and Hyginus) or Asia (according to Apollodorus).

In Hesiod's Works and Days, Prometheus is addressed as "son of Iapetus", and no mother is named. However, in Hesiod's Theogony, Clymene is listed as Iapetus' wife and the mother of Prometheus. In Aeschylus's play Prometheus Bound, Prometheus is son of the goddess Themis with no father named (but still with at least Atlas as a brother). However, in Horace's Odes, in Ode 1.3 Horace writes "audax Iapeti genus ... Ignem fraude mala gentibus intulit" ("The bold offspring of Iapetus [i.e. Prometheus] ... brought fire to peoples by wicked deceit").

Hesiod and other Greek scholars regarded the sons of Iapetus as mankind's ancestors and as such, some of humanity's worst qualities were said to have been inherited from these four gods, each of whom were described with a particular moral fault that often led to their own downfall. For instance, sly and clever Prometheus could perhaps represent crafty scheming; the inept and guileless Epimetheus, foolish stupidity; the enduring, strongest and powerful Atlas, excessive daring; and the arrogant Menoetius, rash violence.

Iapetus as the progenitor of mankind has been equated with Japheth (יֶפֶת), the son of Noah, based on the similarity of their names and the tradition, reported by Josephus (Antiquities of the Jews), which made Japheth the ancestor of the "Japhetites", i.e. the Indo-European speaking peoples. Iapetus was linked to Japheth by 17th-century theologian Matthew Poole (and more recently by Robert Graves) and by John Pairman Brown.

title: Iapetus


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Iapetus (moon)

Iapetus is the outermost of Saturn's large moons. With an estimated diameter of 1,469 km, it is the third-largest moon of Saturn and the eleventh-largest in the Solar System. Named after the Titan Iapetus, the moon was discovered in 1671 by Giovanni Domenico Cassini.

A relatively low-density body made up mostly of ice, Iapetus is home to several distinctive and unusual features, such as a striking difference in coloration between its leading hemisphere, which is dark, and its trailing hemisphere, which is bright, as well as a massive equatorial ridge running three-quarters of the way around the moon.

Discovery
Iapetus was discovered by Giovanni Domenico Cassini, an Italian-born French astronomer, in October 1671. This is the first moon that Cassini discovered; the second moon of Saturn to be discovered after Christaan Huygens spotted Titan 16 years prior in 1655; and the sixth extraterrestrial moon to be discovered in human history.

Cassini discovered Iapetus when the moon was on the western side of Saturn, but when he tried viewing it on the eastern side some months later, he was unsuccessful. This was also the case the following year, when he was again able to observe it on the western side, but not the eastern side. Cassini finally observed Iapetus on the eastern side in 1705 with the help of an improved telescope, finding it two magnitudes dimmer on that side.

Cassini correctly surmised that Iapetus has a bright hemisphere and a dark hemisphere, and that it is tidally locked, always keeping the same face towards Saturn. This means that the bright hemisphere is visible from Earth when Iapetus is on the western side of Saturn, and that the dark hemisphere is visible when Iapetus is on the eastern side.

Name
Iapetus is named after the Titan Iapetus from Greek mythology. The name was suggested by John Herschel (son of William Herschel) in his 1847 publication Results of Astronomical Observations made at the Cape of Good Hope, in which he advocated naming the moons of Saturn after the Titans, brothers and sisters of the Titan Cronus (whom the Romans equated with their god Saturn); and Giants, the massive but lesser relatives of the Titans who sided with the Titans against Zeus and the Olympian Gods.

The name has a largely obsolete variant, Japetus , with an adjectival form Japetian. These occurred because there was no distinction between the letters $3,560,820 km$ and $0.028$ in Latin, and authors rendered them differently.

When first discovered, Iapetus was among the four Saturnian moons labelled the Sidera Lodoicea by their discoverer Giovanni Cassini after King Louis XIV (the other three were Tethys, Dione and Rhea). However, astronomers fell into the habit of referring to them using Roman numerals, with Iapetus being Saturn V because it was the fifth known Saturnian moon in order of distance from Saturn at that time. Once Mimas and Enceladus were discovered in 1789, the numbering scheme was extended and Iapetus became Saturn VII. With the discovery of Hyperion in 1848, Iapetus became Saturn VIII, which is still its Roman numerical designation today. Geological features on Iapetus are generally named after characters and places from the French epic poem The Song of Roland.

Orbit
The orbit of Iapetus is somewhat unusual. Although it is Saturn's third-largest moon, it orbits much farther from Saturn than the next closest major moon, Titan. It also has the most inclined orbital plane of the regular satellites; only the irregular outer satellites like Phoebe have more inclined orbits. Because of this distant, inclined orbit, Iapetus is the only large moon from which the rings of Saturn would be clearly visible; from the other inner moons, the rings would be edge-on and difficult to see. The cause of this highly inclined orbit is unknown; however, the moon is not likely to have been captured. One suggestion for the cause of Iapetus's orbital inclination is an encounter between Saturn and another planet in the distant past.

Despite being, on average, 2.4 times further from Saturn than Hyperion, the next moon inward, Iapetus is tidally locked to Saturn while Hyperion is not.

Formation
The moons of Saturn are typically thought to have formed through co-accretion, a similar process to that believed to have formed the planets in the Solar System. As the young gas giants formed, they were surrounded by discs of material that gradually coalesced into moons. However, a proposed model on the formation of Titan suggests that Titan was instead formed in a series of giant impacts between pre-existing moons. Iapetus and Rhea are thought to have formed from part of the debris of these collisions. More-recent studies, however, suggest that all of Saturn's moons inward of Titan are no more than 100 million years old; thus, Iapetus is unlikely to have formed in the same series of collisions as Rhea and all the other moons inward of Titan, and—along with Titan—may be a primordial satellite.

Physical characteristics
The low density of Iapetus indicates that it is mostly composed of ice, with only a small (~20%) amount of rocky materials.

Unlike most of the large moons, its overall shape is neither spherical nor ellipsoid, but has a bulging waistline and squashed poles. Its unique equatorial ridge (see below) is so high that it visibly distorts Iapetus's shape even when viewed from a distance. These features often lead it to be characterized as walnut-shaped.

Iapetus is heavily cratered, and Cassini images have revealed large impact basins, at least five of which are over 350 km wide. The largest, Turgis, has a diameter of 580 km; its rim is extremely steep and includes a scarp about 15 km high. Iapetus is known to support long-runout landslides or sturzstroms, possibly supported by ice sliding.

Two-tone coloration
The difference in colouring between the two Iapetian hemispheres is striking. The leading hemisphere and sides are dark (albedo 0.03–0.05) with a slight reddish-brown coloring, while most of the trailing hemisphere and poles are bright (albedo 0.5–0.6, almost as bright as Europa). Thus, the apparent magnitude of the trailing hemisphere is around 10.2, whereas that of the leading hemisphere is around 11.9—beyond the capacity of the best telescopes in the 17th century. The dark region is named Cassini Regio, and the bright region is divided into Roncevaux Terra north of the equator, and Saragossa Terra south of it. The original dark material is believed to have come from outside Iapetus, but now it consists principally of lag from the sublimation (evaporation) of ice from the warmer areas of the moon's surface, further darkened by exposure to sunlight. It contains organic compounds similar to the substances found in primitive meteorites or on the surfaces of comets; Earth-based observations have shown it to be carbonaceous, and it probably includes cyano-compounds such as frozen hydrogen cyanide polymers.

Images from the Cassini orbiter, which passed within 1,227 km, show that both Cassini Regio and the Terra's are heavily cratered. The color dichotomy of scattered patches of light and dark material in the transition zone between Cassini Regio and the bright areas exists at very small scales, down to the imaging resolution of 30 m. There is dark material filling in low-lying regions, and light material on the weakly illuminated pole-facing slopes of craters, but no shades of grey. The dark material is a very thin layer, only a few tens of centimeters (approx. one foot) thick at least in some areas, according to Cassini radar imaging and the fact that very small meteor impacts have punched through to the ice underneath.

Because of its slow rotation of 79 days (equal to its revolution and the longest in the Saturnian system), Iapetus would have had the warmest daytime surface temperature and coldest nighttime temperature in the Saturnian system even before the development of the color contrast; near the equator, heat absorption by the dark material results in a daytime temperatures of 129 K in the dark Cassini Regio compared to 113 K in the bright regions. The difference in temperature means that ice preferentially sublimates from Cassini Regio, and deposits in the bright areas and especially at the even colder poles. Over geologic time scales, this would further darken Cassini Regio and brighten the rest of Iapetus, creating a positive feedback thermal runaway process of ever greater contrast in albedo, ending with all exposed ice being lost from Cassini Regio. It is estimated that over a period of one billion years at current temperatures, dark areas of Iapetus would lose about 20 m of ice to sublimation, while the bright regions would lose only 10 cm, not considering the ice transferred from the dark regions. This model explains the distribution of light and dark areas, the absence of shades of grey, and the thinness of the dark material covering Cassini Regio. The redistribution of ice is facilitated by Iapetus's weak gravity, which means that at ambient temperatures a water molecule can migrate from one hemisphere to the other in just a few hops.

However, a separate process of color segregation would be required to get the thermal feedback started. The initial dark material is thought to have been debris blasted by meteors off small outer moons in retrograde orbits and swept up by the leading hemisphere of Iapetus. The core of this model is some 30 years old, and was revived by the September 2007 flyby.

Light debris outside of Iapetus's orbit, either knocked free from the surface of a moon by micrometeoroid impacts or created in a collision, would spiral in as its orbit decays. It would have been darkened by exposure to sunlight. A portion of any such material that crossed Iapetus's orbit would have been swept up by its leading hemisphere, coating it; once this process created a modest contrast in albedo, and so a contrast in temperature, the thermal feedback described above would have come into play and exaggerated the contrast. In support of the hypothesis, simple numerical models of the exogenic deposition and thermal water redistribution processes can closely predict the two-toned appearance of Iapetus. A subtle color dichotomy between Iapetus's leading and trailing hemispheres, with the former being more reddish, can in fact be observed in comparisons between both bright and dark areas of the two hemispheres. In contrast to the elliptical shape of Cassini Regio, the color contrast closely follows the hemisphere boundaries; the gradation between the differently colored regions is gradual, on a scale of hundreds of kilometers. The next moon inward from Iapetus, chaotically rotating Hyperion, also has an unusual reddish color.

The largest reservoir of such infalling material is Phoebe, the largest of the outer moons. Although Phoebe's composition is closer to that of the bright hemisphere of Iapetus than the dark one, dust from Phoebe would only be needed to establish a contrast in albedo, and presumably would have been largely obscured by later sublimation. The discovery of a tenuous disk of material in the plane of and just inside Phoebe's orbit was announced on 6 October 2009, supporting the model. The disk extends from 128 to 207 times the radius of Saturn, while Phoebe orbits at an average distance of 215 Saturn radii. It was detected with the Spitzer Space Telescope.

Overall shape
Current triaxial measurements of Iapetus give it radial dimensions of 746 x, with a mean radius of 734.5 ±. However, these measurements may be inaccurate on the kilometer scale as Iapetus's entire surface has not yet been imaged in high enough resolution. The observed oblateness would be consistent with hydrostatic equilibrium if Iapetus had a rotational period of approximately 16 hours, but it does not; its current rotation period is 79 days. A possible explanation for this is that the shape of Iapetus was frozen by formation of a thick crust shortly after its formation, while its rotation continued to slow afterwards due to tidal dissipation, until it became tidally locked.

Equatorial ridge
A further mystery of Iapetus is the equatorial ridge that runs along the center of Cassini Regio, about 1300 km long, 20 km wide, and 13 km high. It was discovered when the Cassini spacecraft imaged Iapetus on December 31, 2004, although its existence had been inferred from the moon's polar images by Voyager 2. Peaks in the ridge rise more than 20 km above the surrounding plains, making them some of the tallest mountains in the Solar System. The ridge forms a complex system including isolated peaks, segments of more than 200 km and sections with three near parallel ridges. Within the bright regions there is no ridge, but there are a series of isolated 10 km peaks along the equator. The ridge system is heavily cratered, indicating that it is ancient. The prominent equatorial bulge gives Iapetus a walnut-like appearance.

It is not clear how the ridge formed. One difficulty is to explain why it follows the equator almost perfectly. There are many hypotheses, but none explain why the ridge is confined to Cassini Regio. Theories include that the ridge is a remnant of Iapetus's oblate shape during its early life, that it was created by the collapse of a ring system, that it was formed by icy material welling from Iapetus's interior, or that it is a result of convective overturn.

Exploration
The first spacecraft to visit Saturn, Pioneer 11, did not provide any images of Iapetus and it came no closer than 1,030,000 km from the moon. Nonetheless, Pioneer 11 was humanity's first attempt to obtain direct measurements from the objects within the Saturnian system.

Voyager 1 arrived at Saturn on November 12, 1980, and it became the first probe to return pictures of Iapetus that clearly show the moon's two-tone appearance from a distance of 2,480,000 km as it was exiting the Saturnian system.

Voyager 2 became the next probe to visit Saturn on August 22, 1981, and made its closest approach to Iapetus at a distance of 909,000 km. It took photos of Iapetus's north pole as it entered the Saturnian system - opposite the approach direction of Voyager 1.

The latest probe to visit Iapetus was the Cassini orbiter which went into orbit around Saturn starting on July 1, 2004. Iapetus has been imaged many times from moderate distances by Cassini but its great distance from Saturn makes close observation difficult.

Cassini made its first targeted flyby of Iapetus on Dec. 31, 2004, at a distance of 123,400 km around the time when the spacecraft was settling in its orbit around Saturn. Cassini did not cross Iapetus's orbit when it flew by and remained inside the moon's orbit. Cassini's subsequent flybys of Titan would make the spacecraft's orbit smaller, preventing Cassini from flying close to Iapetus for months.

Cassini made a second flyby of Iapetus on November 12, 2005, at a distance of 415,000 km, also without crossing the moon's orbit.

Cassini then made a third and more distant flyby of Iapetus on January 22, 2006, at a distance of 1,300,000 km.

The fourth flyby happened on April 8, 2006, at a distance of approximately 866,000 km, and this time, Cassini crossed Iapetus' orbit. After this, Cassini's orbit was made smaller once again, preventing the probe from approaching Iapetus for more than a year this time.

Cassini's closest flyby of Iapetus happened on September 10, 2007, at a minimum range of 1,227 km. It approached Iapetus from its night side.

After this encounter, Cassini made no further targeted flybys of Iapetus.

In popular culture
The monolith featured during the climax of Arthur C. Clarke's 1968 novel 2001: A Space Odyssey is located on Iapetus.

A team of scientists explore Iapetus in The Saturn Game, a science-fiction novella by Poul Anderson (1981).

The moon Iapetus is one of many galactic settings in the Kim Stanley Robinson Science Fiction novel 2312 (2012).

Iapetus is also the setting for Czech writer Julie Nováková's story "The Long Iapetan Night", published in the November 2020 edition of Asimov's Science Fiction Magazine.

title: Iapetus (moon)


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Tuareg people

The Tuareg people (also spelled Twareg or Touareg; endonym: Imuhaɣ/Imušaɣ/Imašeɣăn/Imajeɣăn ) are a large Berber ethnic group that principally inhabit the Sahara in a vast area stretching from far southwestern Libya to southern Algeria, Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso. Traditionally nomadic pastoralists, small groups of Tuareg are also found in northern Nigeria.

The Tuareg speak languages of the same name, also known as Tamasheq, which belong to the Berber branch of the Afroasiatic family.

They are a semi-nomadic people who practice Islam, and are descended from the indigenous Berber communities of Northern Africa, which have been described as a mosaic of local Northern African (Taforalt), Middle Eastern, European (Early European Farmers), and Sub-Saharan African-related ancestries, prior to the Muslim conquest of the Maghreb. Tuareg people are credited with spreading Islam in North Africa and the adjacent Sahel region.

Tuareg society has traditionally featured clan membership, social status and caste hierarchies within each political confederation. The Tuareg have controlled several trans-Saharan trade routes and have been an important party to the conflicts in the Saharan region during the colonial and post-colonial era. Some researchers have tied the ethnogenesis of the Tuareg with the fall of the Garamantes who inhabited the Fezzan (Libya) from the 1st millennium BC to the 5th century AD.

Names
The origins and meanings of the name Tuareg have long been debated. It would appear that Twārəg is derived from the broken plural of Tārgi, a name whose former meaning was "inhabitant of Targa", the Tuareg name of the Libyan region commonly known as Fezzan. Targa in Berber means "(drainage) channel". Another theory is that Tuareg is derived from Tuwariq, the plural of the Arabic exonym Tariqi.

The term for a Tuareg man is Amajagh (variants: Amashegh, Amahagh), the term for a woman Tamajaq (variants: Tamasheq, Tamahaq, Timajaghen). Spellings of the appellation vary by Tuareg dialect. They all reflect the same linguistic root, expressing the notion of "freemen". As such, the endonym strictly refers only to the Tuareg nobility, not the artisanal client castes and the slaves. Two other Tuareg self-designations are Kel Tamasheq (Kel Tamasheq), meaning "speakers of Tamasheq", and Kel Tagelmust, meaning "veiled people" in allusion to the tagelmust garment that is traditionally worn by Tuareg men.

The English exonym "Blue People" is similarly derived from the indigo color of the tagelmust veils and other clothing, which sometimes stains the skin underneath giving it a blueish tint. Another term for the Tuareg is Imuhagh or Imushagh, a cognate to the northern Berber self-name Imazighen.

Demography and languages
The Tuareg today inhabit a vast area in the Sahara, stretching from far southwestern Libya to southern Algeria, Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso, and the far north of Nigeria. Their combined population in these territories exceeds 2.5 million, with an estimated population in Niger of around 2 million (11% of inhabitants) and in Mali of another 0.5 million (3% of inhabitants).

The Tuareg are the majority ethnic group in the Kidal Region of northeastern Mali.

The Tuareg traditionally speak the Tuareg languages, also known as Tamasheq, Tamajeq or Tamahaq, depending on the dialect. These languages belong to the Berber branch of the Afroasiatic family. According to Ethnologue, there are an estimated 1.2 million Tuareg speakers. Around half of this number consists of speakers of the eastern dialect (Tamajaq, Tawallammat).

The exact number of Tuareg speakers per territory is uncertain. The CIA estimates that the Tuareg population in Mali constitutes approximately 0.9% of the national population (~150,000), whereas about 3.5% of local inhabitants speak Tuareg (Tamasheq) as a primary language. In contrast, Imperato (2008) estimates that the Tuareg represent around 3% of Mali's population.

Early history
In antiquity, the Tuareg moved southward from the Tafilalt region into the Sahel under the Tuareg founding queen Tin Hinan, who is believed to have lived between the 4th and 5th centuries. The matriarch's 1,500-year-old monumental Tin Hinan tomb is located in the Sahara at Abalessa in the Hoggar Mountains of southern Algeria. Vestiges of an inscription in Tifinagh, the Tuareg's traditional Libyco-Berber writing script, have been found on one of the ancient sepulchre's walls.

External account of interactions with the Tuareg are available from at least the 10th century onwards. Ibn Hawkal (10th century), El-Bekri (11th century), Edrisi (12th century), Ibn Battutah (14th century), and Leo Africanus (16th century) all documented the Tuareg in some form, usually as Mulatthamin or "the veiled ones". Of the early historians, fourteenth century scholar, Ibn Khaldûn probably has some of the most detailed commentary on the life and people of the Sahara, though he apparently never actually met them.

Colonial era
At the turn of the 19th century, the Tuareg territory was organised into confederations, each ruled by a supreme Chief (Amenokal), along with a council of elders from each tribe. These confederations were sometimes called "Drum Groups" after the Amenokal's symbol of authority, a drum. Clan (Tewsit) elders, called Imegharan (wisemen), were chosen to assist the chief of the confederation. Historically, there have been seven major confederations.

 * Kel Ajjer or Azjar: centre is the oasis of Aghat (Ghat).
 * Kel Ahaggar, in Ahaggar mountains.
 * Kel Adagh, or Kel Assuk: Kidal, and Tin Buktu
 * Iwillimmidan Kel Ataram, or Western Iwillimmidan: Ménaka, and Azawagh region (Mali)
 * Iwillimmidan Kel Denneg, or Eastern Iwillimmidan: Tchin-Tabaraden, Abalagh, Teliya Azawagh (Niger).
 * Kel Ayr: Assodé, Agadez, In Gal, Timia and Ifrwan.
 * Kel Gres: Zinder and Tanut (Tanout) and south into northern Nigeria.
 * Kel Owey: Aïr Massif, seasonally south to Tessaoua (Niger)

In the mid-19th century, descriptions of the Tuareg and their way of life were made by the English traveller James Richardson in his journeys across the Libyan Sahara in 1845–1846. In the late 19th century, the Tuareg resisted the French colonial invasion of their Central Saharan homelands and annihilated a French expedition led by Paul Flatters in 1881. In the long run Tuareg broadswords were no match for the more advanced weapons of French troops.

After numerous massacres on both sides, the Tuareg were subdued and required to sign treaties in Mali 1905 and Niger 1917. In southern Algeria, the French met some of the strongest resistance from the Ahaggar Tuareg. Their Amenokal, traditional chief Moussa ag Amastan, fought numerous battles in defence of the region. Finally, Tuareg territories were taken under French governance.

French colonial administration of the Tuareg was largely based on supporting the existing social hierarchy. The French came to the conclusion that Tuareg rebellions were largely the result of the implementation of policies that undermined the authority of traditional chiefs. The French wished to create a protectorate operating, ideally, through single chieftains. It was proposed that French support for the chieftains would result in them becoming loyal adherents of the colonial authority, and the authority would interact with the Tuareg only through the chieftains. One of the consequences of this policy was that the French authorities did little or nothing to improve the status of the servile portion of Tuareg society, believing that the noble caste, on whom their policy relied, would not survive without slaves.

Post-colonial era
When African countries achieved widespread independence in the 1960s, the traditional Tuareg territory was divided among a number of modern states: Niger, Mali, Algeria, Libya, and Burkina Faso. Competition for resources in the Sahel has since led to conflicts between the Tuareg and neighboring African groups, especially after political disruption following French colonization and independence. There have been tight restrictions placed on nomadization because of high population growth. Desertification is exacerbated by human activity i.e.; exploitation of resources and the increased firewood needs of growing cities. Some Tuareg are therefore experimenting with farming; some have been forced to abandon herding and seek jobs in towns and cities.

In Mali, a Tuareg uprising resurfaced in the Adrar N'Fughas mountains in the 1960s, following Mali's independence. Several Tuareg joined, including some from the Adrar des Iforas in northeastern Mali. The 1960s' rebellion was a fight between a group of Tuareg and the newly independent state of Mali. The Malian Army suppressed the revolt. Resentment among the Tuareg fueled the second uprising.

This second (or third) uprising was in May 1990. At this time, in the aftermath of a clash between government soldiers and Tuareg outside a prison in Tchin-Tabaraden, Niger, Tuareg in both Mali and Niger claimed autonomy for their traditional homeland: Ténéré, capital Agadez, in Niger and the Azawad and Kidal regions of Mali.

Deadly clashes between Tuareg fighters, with leaders such as Mano Dayak, and the military of both countries followed, with deaths numbering well into the thousands. Negotiations initiated by France and Algeria led to peace agreements in January 1992 in Mali and in 1995 in Niger. Both agreements called for decentralization of national power and guaranteed the integration of Tuareg resistance fighters into the countries' respective national armies.

Major fighting between the Tuareg resistance and government security forces ended after the 1995 and 1996 agreements. As of 2004, sporadic fighting continued in Niger between government forces and Tuareg groups struggling for independence. In 2007, a new surge in violence occurred.

Since the development of Berberism in North Africa in the 1990s, there has also been a Tuareg ethnic revival.

Since 1998, three different flags have been designed to represent the Tuareg. In Niger, the Tuareg people remain diplomatically and economically marginalized, remaining poor and not being represented in Niger's central government.

Religion
The Tuareg traditionally adhered to the Berber mythology. Archaeological excavations of prehistoric tombs in the Maghreb have yielded skeletal remains that were painted with ochre. Although this ritual practice was known to the Iberomaurusians, the custom seems instead to have been primarily derived from the ensuing Capsian culture. Megalithic tombs, such as the jedar sepulchres, were erected for religious and funerary practices. In 1926, one such tomb was discovered south of Casablanca. The monument was engraved with funerary inscriptions in the ancient Libyco-Berber writing script known as Tifinagh, which the Tuareg still use.

During the medieval period, the Tuareg adopted Islam after its arrival with the Umayyad Caliphate in the 7th century. In the 16th century, under the tutelage of El Maghili, the Tuareg embraced the Maliki school of the Sunni, which they now primarily follow. The Tuareg helped spread Islam further into the Western Sudan. While Islam is the religion of the contemporary Tuareg, historical documents suggest that they initially resisted the Islamization efforts in their traditional strongholds.

According to the anthropologist Susan Rasmussen, after the Tuareg had adopted the religion, they were reputedly lax in their prayers and observances of other Muslim precepts. Some of their ancient beliefs still exist today subtly within their culture and tradition, such as elements of pre-Islamic cosmology and rituals, particularly among Tuareg women, or the widespread "cult of the dead", which is a form of ancestor veneration. For example, Tuareg religious ceremonies contain allusions to matrilineal spirits, as well as to fertility, menstruation, the earth and ancestresses. Norris (1976) suggests that this apparent syncretism may stem from the influence of Sufi Muslim preachers on the Tuareg.

The Tuaregs have been one of the influential ethnic groups who have helped spread Islam and its legacy in North Africa and the adjacent Sahel region. Timbuktu, an important Islamic center famed for its ulama, was established by Imasheghen Tuareg at the start of the 12th century. It flourished under the protection and rule of a Tuareg confederation. However, modern scholars believe that there is insufficient evidence to pinpoint the exact time of origin and founders of Timbuktu, although it is archeologically clear that the city originated from a local trade mainly between the Middle Niger Delta, on the one hand, and between the pastoralists of the Sahara, long before the first hijra. Monroe asserts, based on archaeological evidence, that Timbuktu emerged from an urban-rural dynamic, that is, aiming to provide services to its immediate rural hinterland.

In 1449, a Tuareg ruling house founded the Tenere Sultanate of Aïr (Sultanate of Agadez) in the city of Agadez in the Aïr Mountains.

18th century Tuareg Islamic scholars, such as Jibril ibn 'Umar, later preached the value of revolutionary jihad. Inspired by these teachings, Ibn 'Umar's student Usman dan Fodio lead the Sokoto jihads and establish the Sokoto Caliphate.

Society
The Tuareg society has traditionally featured clan membership, social status and caste hierarchies within each political confederation.

Clans
Clans have been a historic part of the Tuaregs. The 7th century invasion of North Africa from the Middle East triggered an extensive migration of Tuaregs such as the Lemta and the Zarawa, along with other fellow pastoral Berbers. Further invasions of Banu Hilal and Banu Sulaym Arab tribes into Tuareg regions in the 11th century moved the Tuareg southward into seven clans, which the oral tradition of Tuaregs claims to be descendants of the same mother.

Each Tuareg clan (tawshet) is made up of family groups constituting a tribe, each led by its chief, the amghar. A series of tawsheten (plural of tawshet) may bond together under an Amenokal, forming a Kel clan confederation. Tuareg self-identification is related only to their specific Kel, which means "those of". For example, Kel Dinnig (those of the east), Kel Ataram (those of the west).

The position of amghar is hereditary through a matrilineal principle, it is usual for the son of a sister of the incumbent chieftain to succeed to his position. The amenokal is elected in a ritual which differs between groups, the individual amghar who lead the clans making up the confederation usually have the deciding voice. The matrilineal inheritance and mythology among Tuareg clans, states Susan Rasmussen, is a cultural vestige from the pre-Islamic era of the Tuareg society.

According to Rasmussen, Tuareg society exhibits a blend of pre-Islamic and Islamic practices. As such, patrilineal Muslim values are believed to have been superimposed upon the Tuareg's traditional matrilineal society. Other, apparently newer customs include the practice of close-cousin endogamous marriages and polygyny in conformity with Islamic tenets. Polygyny, which has been witnessed among Tuareg chiefs and Islamic scholars, is in turn thought to be contrary to the pre-Islamic monogamous tradition of the nomadic Tuareg.

Social stratification
Tuareg society has featured caste hierarchies within each clan and political confederation. These hierarchical systems have included nobles, clerics, craftsmen and unfree strata of people including widespread slavery.

Nobility, vassals and clerics
Traditionally, Tuareg society is hierarchical, with nobility and vassals. The linguist Karl-Gottfried Prasse (1995) indicates that the nobles constitute the highest caste. They are known in the Tuareg language as imušaɣ/imuhaɣ/imajăɣăn the proud and free".

The nobles originally had a monopoly on carrying arms and owning camels, and were the warriors of the Tuareg regions. They may have achieved their social status by subjugating other Tuareg castes, keeping arms to defend their properties and vassals. They have collected tribute from their vassals. This warrior nobility has traditionally married within their caste, not to individuals in strata below their own.

A collection of tribes, each led by a noble, forms a confederation whose chieftain, the amănokal, is elected from among the nobles by the tribal chiefs. The chieftain is the overlord during times of war, and receives tribute and taxes from tribes as a sign of their submission to his authority.

The vassal-herdsmen are the second free stratum within Tuareg society, occupying a position just below that of the nobles. They are known as ímɣad (Imghad, singular Amghid) in the Tuareg language. Although the vassals were free, they did not own camels but instead kept donkeys and herds of goats, sheep and oxen. They pastured and tended their own herds as well those owned by the nobles of the confederation. The vassal strata have traditionally paid an annual tiwse, or tribute to the nobles as a part of their status obligations, and hosted any noble who was traveling through their territory.

In the late Medieval era, states Prasse, the previously existing weapon monopoly of the nobility broke down after regional wars took a heavy toll on the noble warrior strata, and thereafter the vassals carried weapons as well and were recruited as warriors. After the start of the French colonial rule, which deprived the nobles of their powers over war and taxation, the Tuaregs belonging to the noble strata disdained tending cattle and tilling the land, seeking instead soldiering or intellectual work.

A semi-noble stratum of the Tuareg people has been the endogamous religious clerics, the marabouts (Tuareg: Ineslemen, a loan word that means Muslim in Arabic). After the adoption of Islam, they became integral to the Tuareg social structure. According to Norris (1976), this stratum of Muslim clerics has been a sacerdotal caste, which propagated Islam in North Africa and the Sahel between the 7th and 17th centuries. Adherence to the faith was initially centered around this caste, but later spread to the wider Tuareg community. The marabouts have traditionally been the judges (qadi) and religious leaders (imam) of a Tuareg community.

Castes
According to the anthropologist Jeffrey Heath, Tuareg artisans belong to separate endogamous castes known as the Inhăḍăn (Inadan). These have included the blacksmith, jewelers, wood workers and leather artisan castes. They produced and repaired the saddles, tools, household items and other items for the Tuareg community. In Niger and Mali, where the largest Tuareg populations are found, the artisan castes were attached as clients to a family of nobles or vassals, carried messages over distances for their patron family, and traditionally sacrificed animals during Islamic festivals.

These social strata, like caste systems found in many parts of West Africa, included singers, musicians and story tellers of the Tuareg, who kept their oral traditions. They are called Agguta by Tuareg, have been called upon to sing during ceremonies such as weddings or funerals. The origins of the artisanal castes are unclear. One theory posits a Jewish derivation, a proposal that Prasse calls "a much vexed question". Their association with fire, iron and precious metals and their reputation for being cunning tradesmen has led others to treat them with a mix of admiration and distrust.

According to Rasmussen, the Tuareg castes are not only hierarchical, as each caste differs in mutual perception, food and eating behaviors. For example, she relates an explanation by a smith on why there is endogamy among Tuareg castes in Niger. The smith explained, "nobles are like rice, smiths are like millet, slaves are like corn".

The people who farm oases in some Tuareg-dominated areas form a distinct group known as izeggaghan (or hartani in Arabic). Their origins are unclear but they often speak both Tuareg dialects and Arabic, though a few communities are Songhay speakers. Traditionally, these local peasants were subservient to the warrior nobles who owned the oasis and the land. The peasants tilled these fields, whose output they gave to the nobles after keeping a fifth part of the produce. Their Tuareg patrons were usually responsible for supplying agricultural tools, seed and clothing. The peasants' origins are also unclear. One theory postulates that they are descendants of ancient people who lived in the Sahara before they were dominated by invading groups. In contemporary times, these peasant strata have blended in with freed slaves and farm arable lands together.

Slaves
The Tuareg confederations acquired slaves, often of Nilotic origin, as well as tribute paying states by conducting raids on surrounding communities. They also secured captives as war booty or purchased slaves in markets. The slaves or servile communities are locally called Ikelan (or Iklan, Eklan), and slavery was inherited, with the descendants of the slaves known as irewelen.

They often live in communities separated from other castes. The Ikelan's Nilotic extraction is denoted via the Ahaggar Berber word Ibenheren (sing. Ébenher).

The word ikelan itself is plural form of "slave", an allusion to most of the slaves. In the post-colonial literature, the alternate terms for Ikelan include "Bellah-iklan" or just "Bellah" derived from a Songhay word.

According to the historian Starratt (1981), the Tuareg evolved a system of slavery that was highly differentiated. They established strata among their slaves, which determined rules as to the slave's expected behavior, marriageability, inheritance rights if any, and occupation. The Ikelan later became a bonded caste within Tuareg society, and they now speak the same Tamasheq language as the Tuareg nobles and share many customs. According to Heath, the Bella in the Tuareg society were the slave caste whose occupation was rearing and herding livestock such as sheep and goats.

When French colonial governments were established, they stopped acquisition of new slaves and slave trading in markets, but they did not remove or free domestic slaves from the Tuareg owners who had acquired their slaves before the French rule started. In the Tuareg society, like with many other ethnic groups in West Africa, slave status was inherited, and the upper strata used slave children for domestic work, at camps and as a dowry gift of servants to the newlyweds.

According to Bernus (1972), Brusberg (1985) and Mortimore (1972), French colonial interests in the Tuareg region were primarily economic, with no intention of ending the slave-owning institution. The historian Martin A. Klein (1998) states instead that, although French colonial rule indeed did not end domestic slavery within Tuareg society, the French reportedly attempted to impress upon the nobles the equality of the Imrad and Bella and to encourage the slaves to claim their rights.

He suggests that there was a large scale attempt by French West African authorities to liberate slaves and other bonded castes in Tuareg areas following the 1914–1916 Firouan revolt. Despite this, French officials following the Second World War reported that there were some 50,000 "Bella" under direct control of Tuareg masters in the Gao–Timbuktu areas of French Soudan alone. This was at least four decades after French declarations of mass freedom had happened in other areas of the colony.

In 1946, a series of mass desertions of Tuareg slaves and bonded communities began in Nioro and later in Ménaka, quickly spreading along the Niger River valley. In the first decade of the 20th century, French administrators in southern Tuareg areas of the French Sudan estimated that "free" to "servile" groups within Tuareg society existed at ratios of 1 to 8 or 9. At the same time, the servile "rimaibe" population of the Masina Fulbe, roughly equivalent to the Bella, constituted between 70% and 80% of the Fulbe population, while servile Songhay groups around Gao made up some 2/3 to 3/4 of the total Songhay population. Klein concludes that approximately 50% of the population of French Soudan at the beginning of the 20th century was in some servile or slave relationship.

While post-independence states have sought to outlaw slavery, results have been mixed. Certain Tuareg communities still uphold the institution. Traditional caste relationships have continued in many places, including slaveholding. In Niger, where the practice of slavery was outlawed in 2003, according to ABC News, almost 8% of the population are still enslaved. The Washington Post reported that many slaves held by the Tuareg in Mali were liberated during 2013–14 when French troops intervened on behalf of the Malian government against Islamic radicals.

Chronology
The Tuareg social stratification involving noble, clerical and artisanal castes likely emerged after the 10th century, as a corollary of the rising slavery system. Similar caste institutions are found among various other communities in Africa. According to the anthropologist Tal Tamari, linguistic evidence suggests that the Tuareg blacksmith and bard endogamous castes evolved under foreign contact with Sudanic peoples since the Tuareg terms for blacksmith and bard are of non-Berber origin. Correspondingly, the designation for the endogamous blacksmiths among the southern Tuareg is gargassa, a cognate of the Songhay garaasa and Fulani garkasaa6e, whereas it is enaden among the northern Tuareg, meaning "the other".

Archaeological work by Rod McIntosh and Susan Keech McIntosh indicates that long-distance trade and specialized economies existed in the Western Sudan at an early date. During the 9th and 10th centuries, Berbers and Arabs built upon these pre-existing trade routes and quickly developed trans-Saharan and sub-Saharan transport networks. The successive local Muslim kingdoms developed increasing sophistication as states, their martial capacity, slave raiding, holding and trading systems. Among these Islamic states were the Ghana Empire (11th century), the Mali Empire (13th and 14th centuries), and the Songhay Empire (16th century). Slavery created a template for servile relationships, which developed into more complex castes and social stratification.

Culture
Tuareg culture is largely matrilineal. Other distinctive aspects of Tuareg culture include clothing, food, language, religion, arts, astronomy, nomadic architecture, traditional weapons, music, films, games, and economic activities.

Clothing
In Tuareg society women do not traditionally wear the face veil, whereas men do. The most famous Tuareg symbol is the tagelmust (also called éghéwed and, in Arabic, litham), sometimes referred to as a cheche (pronounced "shesh"), a combined turban and veil, often indigo-blue colored. The men's facial covering originates from the belief that such action wards off evil spirits. It may have related instrumentally from the need for protection from the harsh desert sands as well.

It is a firmly established tradition, as is the wearing of amulets containing sacred objects and, recently, verses from the Qur'an. Taking on the veil is associated with the rite of passage to manhood. Men begin wearing a veil when they reach maturity. The veil usually conceals their face, excluding their eyes and the top of the nose.

Names for traditional clothing include: The traditional indigo turban is still preferred for celebrations, and generally Tuareg wear clothing and turbans in a variety of colors.
 * tagelmust: turban – men
 * bukar: black cotton turban – men
 * tasuwart: women's veil
 * takatkat: shirt – women and men
 * takarbast: short shirt – women and men
 * akarbey: pants worn by men
 * afetek: loose shirt worn by women
 * afer: women's pagne
 * tari: large black pagne for winter season
 * bernuz: long woolen cloth for winter
 * akhebay: loose bright green or blue cloth for women
 * ighateman: shoes
 * iragazan: red leather sandals
 * ibuzagan: leather shoes

Food
Tagella is a flatbread made from wheat flour and cooked on a charcoal fire; the flat disk-shaped bread is buried under the hot sand. The bread is broken into small pieces and eaten with a meat sauce. Millet porridge called a cink or a liwa is a staple much like ugali and fufu. Millet is boiled with water to make a pap and eaten with milk or a heavy sauce. Common dairy foods are goat's and camel's milk called akh, as well as cheese ta komart, and Tona a thick yogurt made from them. Eghajira is a beverage drunk with a ladle. It is made by pounding millet, goat cheese, dates, milk, and sugar and is served on festivals.

Just like in Morocco, the local popular tea, called atay or ashay, is made from Gunpowder Green Tea with much sugar added. After steeping, it is poured three times in and out of the teapot over the tea, mint leaves and sugar and served by pouring from a height of over a foot into small tea glasses with a froth on top.

Language
The Tuareg natively speak the Tuareg languages. A dialect cluster, it belongs to the Berber branch of the Afroasiatic family. Tuareg is known as Tamasheq by western Tuareg in Mali, as Tamahaq among Algerian and Libyan Tuareg, and as Tamajeq in the Azawagh and Aïr regions of Niger. French missionary Charles de Foucauld compiled perhaps the earliest dictionary of the Tuareg language. The Tuaregs compose a great deal of poetry often elegiac, epigrammatic, and amatory. Charles de Foucauld, and other ethnographers, have preserved thousands of these poems, many of which Foucauld translated into French.

Arts
Similar to other rural Berber traditions, jewellery made of silver, coloured glass or iron is also a special artform of the Tuareg people. While jewellery of other Berber cultures in the Maghreb was mainly worn by women, Tuareg men also use necklaces, amulets, rings and other jewellery.

These traditional handicrafts are made by the inadan wan-tizol (makers of weapons and jewelry). Among their products are tanaghilt or zakkat (the 'Agadez Cross' or 'Croix d'Agadez'); the Tuareg sword (takoba), gold and silver-made necklaces called 'takaza' as well as earrings called 'tizabaten'. Pilgrimage boxes have intricate iron and brass decorations and are used for carrying items. Tahatint are made of goat skin. Other such artifacts are made of leather and include metalwork for saddle decorations, called trik.

Most forms of the Cross of Agadez are worn as pendants with varied shapes that either resemble a cross or have the shape of a plate or shield. Historically, the oldest known specimens were made of stone or copper, but subsequently the Tuareg blacksmiths also used iron and silver made in the lost-wax casting technique. According to the article "The cross of Agadez" by Seligman and Loughran (2006), this piece has become a national and African symbol for Tuareg culture and political rights. Today, these pieces of jewellery are often made for tourists or as items of ethnic-style fashion for customers in other countries, with certain modern changes.

Astronomy
The clear desert skies allowed the Tuareg to be keen observers. Tuareg celestial objects include:
 * Azzag Willi (Venus), which indicates the time for milking the goats
 * Shet Ahad (Pleiades), the seven sisters of the night
 * Amanar (Orion), the warrior of the desert
 * Talemt (Ursa Major), the she-camel wakes up
 * Awara (Ursa Minor), the baby camel goes to sleep

Nomadic architecture
While living quarters are progressively changing to adapt to a more sedentary lifestyle, Tuareg groups are well known for their nomadic architecture (tents). There are several documented styles, some covered with animal skin, some with mats. The style tends to vary by location or subgroup. The tent is traditionally constructed for the first time during the marriage ceremony and is considered an extension of the union, to the extent that the phrase "making a tent" is a metaphor for becoming married.

Because the tent is considered to be under the ownership of a married woman, sedentary dwellings generally belong to men, reflecting a patriarchal shift in power dynamics. Current documentation suggests a negotiation of common practice in which a woman's tent is set up in the courtyard of her husband's house. It has been suggested that the traditional tent construction and arrangement of living space within it represent a microcosm of the greater world as an aide in the organization of lived experiences so much so that movement away from the tent can cause changes in character for both men and women as its stabilizing force becomes faint.

An old legend says the Tuareg once lived in grottoes, akazam, and they lived in foliage beds on the top acacia trees, tasagesaget. Other kinds of traditional housing include: ahaket (Tuareg goatskin red tent), tafala (a shade made of millet sticks), akarban also called takabart (temporary hut for winter), ategham (summer hut), taghazamt (adobe house for long stay), and ahaket (a dome-shaped house made of mats for the dry season and square shaped roof with holes to prevent hot air).

Traditional weapons

 * takoba: 1 meter long straight sword
 * sheru: long dagger
 * telek: short dagger kept in a sheath attached to the left forearm.
 * allagh: 2 meter long lance
 * tagheda: small and sharp assegai
 * taganze: leather covered-wooden bow
 * amur: wooden arrow
 * taburek: wooden stick
 * alakkud or abartak: riding crop
 * agher: 1.50 meter high shield

In 2007, Stanford's Cantor Arts Center opened an exhibition, "Art of Being Tuareg: Sahara Nomads in a Modern World", the first such exhibit in the United States. It was curated by Tom Seligman, director of the center. He had first spent time with the Tuareg in 1971 when he traveled through the Sahara after serving in the Peace Corps. The exhibition included crafted and adorned functional objects such as camel saddles, tents, bags, swords, amulets, cushions, dresses, earrings, spoons and drums. The exhibition also was shown at the University of California, Los Angeles Fowler Museum in Angeles and the Smithsonian's National Museum of African Art in Washington, D.C.

Throughout history, the Tuareg were renowned and respected warriors. Their decline as a military might came with the introduction of firearms, weapons which the Tuareg did not possess. The Tuareg warrior equipment consisted of a takoba (sword), allagh (lance), and aghar (shield) made of antelope hide.

Music
Traditional Tuareg music has two major components: the monochord violin anzad played often during night parties and a small tambour covered with goatskin called tende, performed during camel and horse races, and other festivities. Traditional songs called Asak and Tisiway (poems) are sung by women and men during feasts and social occasions. Another popular Tuareg musical genre is Takamba, characteristic for its Afro percussions.

Vocal music
 * tisiway: poems
 * tasikisikit: songs performed by women, accompanied by tende (drum); the men, on camel-back, circle the women as they sing.
 * asak: songs accompanied by anzad monocord violin.
 * tahengemmit: slow songs sung by elder men

Children and youth music
 * Bellulla: songs made by children playing with the lips
 * Fadangama: small monocord instrument for children
 * Odili flute: made from trunk of sorghum
 * Gidga small: wooden instrument with irons sticks to make strident sounds

Dance
 * Tagest: dance made while seated, moving the head, the hands and the shoulders
 * Ewegh: strong dance performed by men, in couples and groups
 * Agabas: dance for modern ishumar guitars: women and men in groups

In the 1980s rebel fighters founded Tinariwen, a Tuareg band that fuses electric guitars and indigenous musical styles. Especially in areas that were cut off during the Tuareg rebellion (e.g., Adrar des Iforas), they were practically the only music available, which helped them to regional success. They released their first CD in 2000, and toured in Europe and the United States in 2004. Tuareg guitar groups that followed in their path include Group Inerane and Group Bombino. The Niger-based band Etran Finatawa combines Tuareg and Wodaabe members, playing a combination of traditional instruments and electric guitars.

Music genres, groups and artists
Traditional music
 * Majila Ag Khamed Ahmad: asak singer, of Aduk, Niger
 * Almuntaha: anzad player, of Aduk, Niger
 * Ajju: anzad player, of Agadez, Niger
 * Islaman: asak singer, of Abalagh, Niger
 * Tambatan: asak singer, of Tchin-Tabaraden, Niger
 * Alghadawiat: anzad player, of Akoubounou, Niger
 * Taghdu: anzad player, of Aduk, Niger

Ishumar music also known as Teshumara or al guitarra music style
 * Abdallah Oumbadougou, the "godfather" of the ishumar genre
 * In Tayaden, singer and guitar player, Adagh
 * Abareybon, singer and guitar player, Tinariwen group, Adagh
 * Kiddu Ag Hossad, singer and guitar player, Adagh
 * Baly Othmani singer, luth player, Djanet, Azjar
 * Abdalla Ag Umbadugu, singer, Takrist N'Akal group, Ayr
 * Hasso Ag Akotey, singer, Ayr

World Music
 * Tinariwen, exemplar of the tishoumaren genre
 * Bombino, guitarist
 * Imarhan
 * Les Filles de Illighadad, Niger

Music and culture festivals
The Desert Festival in Mali's Timbuktu provides one opportunity to see Tuareg culture and dance and hear their music. Other festivals include:
 * Cure Salee Festival in the oasis of In-Gall, Niger
 * Sabeiba Festival in Ganat (Djanet), Algeria
 * Shiriken Festival in Akabinu (Akoubounou), Niger
 * Takubelt Tuareg Festival in Mali
 * Ghat Festival in Aghat (Ghat), Libya
 * Le Festival au Désert in Mali
 * Ghadames Tuareg Festival in Libya

Films

 * A Love Apart, was released in 2004 by Bettina Haasen.
 * Akounak Tedalat Taha Tazoughai, was released in 2014 and stars the musician Mdou Moctar.
 * Zerzura is a Tamashek-language film released in 2017 by Sahel Sounds based on the Northern African fable of Zerzura

Games
Tuareg traditional games and plays include:
 * Tiddas, played with small stones and sticks.
 * Kelmutan: consists of singing and touching each person's leg, where the ends, that person is out: the last person loses the game.
 * Temse: comic game try to make the other team laugh and you win.
 * Izagag, played with small stones or dried fruits.
 * Iswa, played by picking up stones while throwing another stone.
 * Melghas, children hide themselves and another tries to find and touch them before they reach the well and drink.
 * Tabillant, traditional Tuareg wrestling
 * Alamom, wrestling while running
 * Solagh, another type of wrestling
 * Tammazaga or Tammalagha, race on camel back
 * Takket, singing and playing all night.
 * Sellenduq one person to be a jackal and try to touch the others who escape running (tag).
 * Takadant, children try to imagine what the others are thinking.
 * Tabakoni: clown with a goatskin mask to amuse children.
 * Abarad Iqquran: small dressed wooden puppet that tells stories and makes people laugh.
 * Maja Gel Gel: one person tries to touch all people standing, to avoid this sit down.
 * Bellus: everyone runs not to be touched by the one who plays (tag).
 * Tamammalt: pass a burning stick, when it is blown off in one's hands tells who is the lover.
 * Ideblan: game with girls, prepare food and go search for water and milk and fruits.
 * Seqqetu: play with girls to learn how to build tents, look after babies made of clay.
 * Mifa Mifa: beauty contest, girls and boys best dressed.
 * Taghmart: children pass from house to house singing to get presents: dates, sugar, etc.
 * Melan Melan: try to find a riddle
 * Tawaya: play with the round fruit calotropis or a piece of cloth.
 * Abanaban: try to find people while eyes are shut (blind man's bluff).
 * Shishagheren, writing the name of one's lover to see if this person brings good luck.
 * Taqqanen, telling devinettes and enigmas.
 * Maru Maru, young people mime how the tribe works.

Economy

Tuareg are distinguished in their native language as the Imouhar, meaning the free people; the overlap of meaning has increased local cultural nationalism. Many Tuareg today are either settled agriculturalists or nomadic cattle breeders, while others are blacksmiths or caravan leaders. The Tuareg are a pastoral people, having an economy based on livestock breeding, trading, and agriculture.

Caravan trade
Since prehistoric times, Tuareg peoples have been organising caravans for trading across the Sahara desert. The caravan in Niger from around Agadez to Fachi and Bilma is called Tarakaft or Taghlamt in Tamashek, and that in Mali from Timbuktu to Taoudenni, Azalay. These caravans used first oxen, horses and later camels as a means of transportation.

Salt mines or salines in the desert. A contemporary variant is occurring in northern Niger, in a traditionally Tuareg territory that comprises most of the uranium-rich land of the country. The central government in Niamey has shown itself unwilling to cede control of the highly profitable mining to indigenous clans. The Tuareg are determined not to relinquish the prospect of substantial economic benefit. The French government has independently tried to defend a French firm, Areva, established in Niger for fifty years and now mining the massive uranium deposit.
 * Tin Garaban near Ghat in Azjar, Libya
 * Amadghor in Ahaggar, Algeria
 * Taoudenni in far northern Mali
 * Tagidda N Tesemt in Azawagh, Niger
 * Fachi in Ténéré desert, Niger
 * Bilma in Kawar, eastern Niger

Additional complaints against Areva are that it is: "...plundering...the natural resources and [draining] the fossil deposits. It is undoubtedly an ecological catastrophe". These mines yield uranium ores, which are then processed to produce yellowcake, crucial to the nuclear power industry, as well as aspirational nuclear powers. In 2007, some Tuareg people in Niger allied themselves with the Niger Movement for Justice (MNJ), a rebel group operating in the north of the country.

In 2004–2007, U.S. Special Forces teams trained Tuareg units of the Nigerien Army in the Sahel region as part of the Trans-Sahara Counter-Terrorism Partnership. Some of these trainees are reported to have fought in the 2007 rebellion within the MNJ. The goal of these Tuareg appears to be economic and political control of ancestral lands, rather than operating from religious and political ideologies.

Despite the Sahara's erratic and unpredictable rainfall patterns, the Tuareg have managed to survive in the hostile desert environment for centuries. Over recent years however, depletion of water by the uranium exploitation process combined with the effects of climate change are threatening their ability to subsist. Uranium mining has diminished and degraded Tuareg grazing lands. The mining industry produces radioactive waste that can contaminate crucial sources of ground water resulting in cancer, stillbirths, and genetic defects, and uses up huge quantities of water in a region where water is already scarce.

This is exacerbated by the increased rate of desertification thought to be the result of global warming. Lack of water forces the Tuareg to compete with southern farming communities for scarce resources and this has led to tensions and clashes between these communities. The precise levels of environmental and social impact of the mining industry have proved difficult to monitor due to governmental obstruction.

Y-chromosome DNA
Y-Dna haplogroups, passed on exclusively through the paternal line, were found at the following frequencies in Tuaregs:

E1b1b is the most common paternal haplogroup among the Tuareg. Most belong to its E1b1b1b (E-M81) subclade, which is colloquially referred to as the Berber marker due to its prevalence among Mozabite, Middle Atlas, Kabyle and other Berber groups. It reaches frequencies of up to 100 percent in some parts of the Maghreb, and is dominated by its sub-clade E-M183. M81 is thought to have originated in North Africa up to 14,000 years ago, but a single 2200-year-old branch M183-PF2546 dominates Northern and Eastern Berbers. Its parent haplogroup E1b1b is associated with Afro-Asiatic-speaking populations, and is thought to have arisen in the Horn of Africa.

Besides E1b1b, Pereira et al. (2011) and Ottoni et al. (2011) observed that certain Tuareg inhabiting Niger and Libya carry the E1b1a1-M2 haplogroup (see table above). This clade is today primarily found among Niger-Congo-speaking populations, which suggests that some Tuareg tribes in parts of Libya and Niger may have assimilated many persons of West African origin into their communities. To wit, around 50% of individuals among the Al Awaynat Tuareg in Libya are E1b1a carriers compared to only 11% of the adjacent Tahala Tuareg. 89% of the Tahala belong instead to the E1b1b-M81 Berber founding lineage.

mtDNA
According to mtDNA analysis by Ottoni et al. (2010) in a study of 47 individuals, the Tuareg inhabiting the Fezzan region in Libya predominantly carry the H1 haplogroup (61%). This is the highest global frequency found so far of the maternal clade. The haplogroup peaks among Berber populations. The remaining Libyan Tuareg mainly belong to two other West Eurasian mtDNA lineages, M1 and V. M1 is today most common among other Afro-Asiatic speakers inhabiting East Africa, and is believed to have arrived on the continent along with the U6 haplogroup from the Near East around 40,000 years ago. In 2009, based on 129 individuals, Libyan Tuareg were shown to have a maternal genetic pool with a "European" component similar to other Berbers, as well as a south Saharan contribution linked to Eastern Africa and Near Eastern populations.

Pereira et al. (2010) in a study of 90 unrelated individuals observed greater matrilineal heterogeneity among the Tuareg inhabiting more southerly areas in the Sahel. The Tuareg in the Gossi environs in Mali largely bear the H1 haplogroup (52%), with the M1 lineage (19%), and various Sub-Saharan L2 subclades (19%) next most common. Similarly, most of the Tuareg inhabiting Gorom-Gorom in Burkina Faso carry the H1 haplogroup (24%), followed by various L2 subclades (24%), the V lineage (21%), and haplogroup M1 (18%).

The Tuareg in the vicinity of Tanout in Maradi Region and westward to villages of Loube and Djibale in Tahoua Region in Niger are different from the other Tuareg populations in that a majority carry Sub-Saharan mtDNA lineages. In fact, the name for these mixed Tuareg-Haussa people is "Djibalawaa" named after the village of Djibale in Bouza Department, Tahoua Region of Niger. This points to significant assimilation of local West African females into this community. The most common maternal haplogroups found among the Tanout Tuareg are various L2 subclades (39%), followed by L3 (26%), various L1 sublineages (13%), V (10%), H1 (3%), M1 (3%), U3a (3%), and L0a1a (3%).

Autosomal DNA
Based on classical genetic markers, according to Cavalli-Sforza LL, Menozzi P, Piazza A. (1994), the Tuareg have genetic affinities with the Beja people, a minority ethnic group inhabiting parts of Sudan, Egypt, and Eritrea. The inferred ethnogenesis of the Tuareg people happened within a time period of 9,000 to 3,000 years ago, and most likely took place somewhere in Northern Africa.

A 2017 study by Arauna et al. which analyzed existing genetic data obtained from Northern African populations, such as Berbers, described them as a mosaic of local Northern African (Taforalt), Middle Eastern, European (Early European Farmers), and Sub-Saharan African-related ancestries.

title: Tuareg people


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Sesquicentennial Exposition

The Sesqui-Centennial International Exposition of 1926 was a world's fair in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Its purpose was to celebrate the 150th anniversary of the signing of the United States Declaration of Independence, and the 50th anniversary of the 1876 Centennial Exposition.

Planning
In 1916, the idea for a Sesquicentennial Exposition stemmed from the mind of John Wanamaker, who was the only living member of the Centennial Exposition's Finance Committee. At the time Philadelphia was a booming city, in terms of size and opportunity; however, it suffered from corruption on political and financial fronts. Wanamaker was well aware of the city's corruption, and believed a fair could redeem Philadelphia's reputation. He believed by hosting another world's fair, the restoration of the city's integrity, patriotism, and industry would emerge. By the end of August 1916, Wanamaker received the support of Howard French, the president of the Philadelphia Chamber of Commerce. In October, plans were underway, and French assigned a committee responsible for planning the "Great International Exposition of Philadelphia in 1926". The Fairmount Parkway, which was under construction, would be the official site of the exposition. In 1917 the United States found itself involved in World War I, which caused the planning for the Sesquicentennial Exposition to be placed on hold.

After World War I, Philadelphia suffered because of losses in the war, the spread of Spanish Influenza, and the hardships of Prohibition. These circumstances combined made the city's atmosphere bleak, even with the election of the new mayor J. Hampton Moore. Through these hardships, Wanamaker's hope and vision for a celebration of Philadelphia continued. Wanamaker took advantage of an interview on July 11, 1919, by using the opportunity to discuss his ideas for a 1926 world's fair. From this interview, he received the support of other notable Philadelphians as well as the Franklin Institute and Philadelphia Chamber of Commerce, who encouraged Mayor Moore to participate in immediate planning. By November 1920, Moore hosted an event to discuss and develop plans for the Sesquicentennial Exposition, resulting in the establishment of the Committee of 100. The committee's first meeting was held on January 24, 1921, renaming itself the Sesqui-Centennial Exhibition Association (SCEA). Mayor Moore had been elected as the SCEA's president, while Wanamaker was appointed honorary chairman to its board.

The honor of hosting this celebration was awarded to Philadelphia in 1921. Initial grand plans were scaled down tremendously by the time the fair opened. The original director of the exposition, Colonel David C. Collier, resigned in protest over these budget cuts. His replacement, Captain Asher C. Baker, retired due to illness days before the festival opened, leaving things in the hands of E. L. Austin. Baker died less than two weeks later.

Opening
The fair opened on May 31, 1926, and ran through November on grounds bounded by 10th Street, Packer Avenue, 23rd Street, and the U.S. Navy Yard (Terminal Avenue) in South Philadelphia. Originally known as League Island Park, these grounds are now occupied by FDR Park, Marconi Plaza, Packer Park Residential Neighborhood, the three stadiums of Philadelphia's massive South Philadelphia Sports Complex: Wells Fargo Center, Lincoln Financial Field, and Citizens Bank Park, and the Philadelphia Eagles training complex which now occupy that portion of the grounds which from 1933 to 1993 were the site of Philadelphia Naval Hospital that was demolished 2001.

The senior draftsman for the design of the exposition buildings was a young Louis Kahn, later a world-renowned architect, then working under City Architect John Molitor. Sculptor Charles Tefft was chosen as the director of sculpture for the fair while noted Philadelphia sculptor and artist Albert Laessle created the fair's Medals of Award.

Highlights
Organizers constructed an 80 ft replica of the Exposition's symbol, the Liberty Bell, covered in 26,000 light bulbs, at the gateway to the festival. Sesqui-Centennial Stadium (later known as Philadelphia Municipal Stadium and, after 1964, John F. Kennedy Stadium) was built in conjunction with the fair. The stadium had been a significant aspect of the fair, due to several events being held there. These events include religious ceremonies, the patriotic pageant known as "Freedom," and numerous sporting events. One of the most infamous events was the September 23rd championship boxing match between Gene Tunney and Jack Dempsey, which drew a crowd of 125,000 people standing in the rain to witness the occasion. Also on display at the exposition was the Curtis Organ, still one of the largest pipe organs in the world. In 1926 the first bridge (later renamed Benjamin Franklin Bridge) spanning the Delaware River between center city Philadelphia and Camden, New Jersey, was built in anticipation of the attending crowds.

Key speakers at the opening ceremonies were Secretary of State Frank B. Kellogg, Secretary of Commerce and future President Herbert Hoover, and Philadelphia Mayor W. Freeland Kendrick. At the center of the exposition along the main thoroughfare on a segment of south Broad Street known as the Southern Boulevard Parkway was the Forum of Founders consisting of the Court of Honor, the Liberal Arts and Agriculture Buildings, a group of sculptures and the Stairway of Nations facing on the opposing side the spectacular Tower of Light. Another highlight for fair goers, revolved around the recreation of Philadelphia's High Street during the city's colonial period. This area consisted of over twenty buildings, along with guides dressed in period clothing to interact with people.

The Exposition also included an amusement area, located within League Island Park. The area was designated as "Treasure Island." It occupied over five acres and was referred to as a children's paradise. A variety of amusements and entertainment were available. Included were a replica of the Canadian Rockies, a miniature railroad, mountain slide, Robinson Crusoe's Beach, a pirate's lair, boat rides and Noah's Ark complete with animals. The exposition had a number of roller coasters. These included The Cyclone, a prototype of Harry Traver's Giant Cyclone Safety Coasters and an installation of his Jazz Railway model of coaster.

Naval Air Facility Mustin Field was dedicated at the Philadelphia Navy Yard on September 17, 1926, in honor of Captain Henry C. Mustin, Navy Air Pilot No.3, and Naval Aviator No. 11, who recorded the first catapult launch from a moving vessel on November 5, 1915, when he flew off of USS North Carolina in a Curtiss Model AB-2. "It was a major event that drew 1,500 spectators, among them Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Theodore Douglas Robinson, Brig. Gen. Douglas MacArthur, Rear Adm. William Moffett, and Philadelphia Mayor W. Freeland Kendrick, who had been a childhood friend of Capt. Mustin. The dedication took place toward the end of the six-month Philadelphia Sesquicentennial Exposition, whose president was John Wanamaker. Thirty foreign nations attended the Sesqui, and all the planes from the exhibition flew in formation with aircraft of the Army, Navy, and Marine Corps to honor Mustin."

Among the foreign nations that attended the Sesquicentennial was China, represented by H. H. Kung.

Reception and legacy
From its opening day on May 31, the exposition already faced challenges to its success. The fair opened with a heavy downpour of rain, causing many fair goers to leave. However, one man, Jacob J. Henderson had been proud to be the first person to enter the fairgrounds at the 9:00 A.M. opening. He stated that he had been to the Centennial with his parents, and did not want to miss opening day of the Sesqui. Within the first hour, it is believed that less than 250 entered the gates of the fairgrounds. The fair drew a much smaller crowd than anticipated (about 10 million people). Variety dubbed it "America's Greatest Flop" with a loss of $20 million by August 1926. The exposition ended up unable to cover its debts and was placed into receivership in 1927, at which point its assets were sold at auction.

Benito Mussolini commemorated the Sesquicentennial by giving a $800,000 replica of Bernini's Fountain of Sea Horses to the city, which arrived after the fair closed. Installed in Fairmount Park, it was neglected for many years before being restored in 2013. A commemorative stamp, showing the Liberty Bell (Scott catalogue number 627) was printed, and two early United States commemorative coins were minted. Known as the United States Sesquicentennial coinage, they included a silver half dollar and a gold Quarter eagle. The fifty cent coin shows the heads of George Washington and Calvin Coolidge on the obverse, and the Liberty Bell on the reverse. The $2 1/2 coin has on the obverse Liberty holding a torch and the Declaration of Independence while standing on a globe; the reverse depicts Independence Hall. The stamp was issued in large numbers and is very inexpensive. The coins sold only moderately well, although both remain more common than many commemorative issues of this period.

Possible 2026 revival
A group called USA250 is looking to hold another world's fair-type exhibition in Philadelphia in 2026 to commemorate America's 250th birthday. In April 2015, the Philadelphia City Council unanimously passed a resolution to study the matter.

title: Sesquicentennial Exposition