text:
Talk:Class warfare

Untitled
I'm somewhat concerned about these edits made by 12.233.98.161 - the previous version of the article has been completely deleted, and replaced with something which seems very difficult to understand to me. Sentences like "Furthermore, since the mechanisms by which wealthy peoples will increase or maintain their financial status are related and similar to another, they tend to develop similar political needs, and act in concert as a political group to those ends" are not exactly as clear as crystal. It also seems to have a dintinctly anti-something bias - anti-corporation at least - and appears to have some statements that seem to me to require justification ("there is little difference between the class warfare that existed between the Victorian era monarchy and the common public, and a modern Corporation and its workers"). I'm not knowledgable enough about this sort of thing to straighten it out myself, but I thought I'd mention that there appears to be a problem here. --Camembert

 * The new article sounds like a rant. That is, I'm not convinced the new text justifies deletion of the old. Mrwojo 03:11 Oct 10, 2002 (UTC)

I'm on this, but not right now. I have been thinking most of it might be moved to class conflict, as class conflict is always with us while overt class warfare is seldom seen. "Class struggle" has a Marxist tinge, but perhaps we could go with that as an alternative. I find the new writing difficult to understand although the ideas are sound enough if somewhat original. So anyway, the upshot is we need a simple rewrite and maybe a move to a new name (or two). Feel free if you understand this topic. User:Fredbauder

Everybody, when you create links from common words, please CHECK WHERE THEY GO. The article you're linking to doesn't always have anything to do with the subject you're talking about. Thanks.

Heh, but what common word are you talking about? Fredbauder 13:59 Oct 16, 2002 (UTC)

 * He was probably referring to power, for one. Mrwojo

Yes, for one, but also just in general. I see this problem a lot.

---

"Unions are a modern incarnation of public will in class warfare. Representing a political group..." -- I'd call this highly controversial and/or non-NPOV

 * Depends what union. My union has mostly middle class members and is not affiliated to any political party.

Well, trying to move that notion over to class conflict. I think class warfare is still viable and does not require a redirect, but it needs to be limited to rebellions and such not orinary union activity. Fredbauder 13:59 Oct 16, 2002 (UTC)

I was only referrring to the phrasing re unions that I quoted.

--

The article previously was very vague and talked about money, and then at the end mentioned "the working class who live in service of the upper class if we define the upper class meaning those with the means of production and the working class as those who work for the upper class". Here they finally nail down what class is instead of talking about money. Theoretically someone could take their money and bury all of it, and they wouldn't be involved in these class relationships, thus it takes owning capital, or not owning capital and having to work for a wage, to be in a class. -- Lancemurdoch 06:22, 11 Jan 2004 (UTC)

The added material on class warfare in Marxist-Leninist dictatorships is from Milovan Djilas and other, although I'm not sure he actually used the term class warfare or characterized state capitalism as displaying class warfare. Regarding Lancemurdoch's comment, it is definitely about power and its use to aggressively maintain power, money and management status may or may not represent power, consider the current situation in Russia where the owner of the largest oil company can put put into prison by those who hold actual power. Fred Bauder 15:31, 12 Jan 2004 (UTC)

Noting that some people perceive in Marxist-Leninist socialist states a new class among the bureaucrats is fine. Some of these sentences are way over the top though like "All others including Communist party members and other supporters of the regime are subservient to them." Can you imagine if I was allowed to put a line like that in capitalism? "Non-capitalists are subservient to the capitalists in capitalism". Give me a break. That language is way too heavy-handed and non-NPOV, although I left in the notion of a new class creation of bureaucrats in Marxist-Leninist socialist states. -- Lancemurdoch 01:27, 14 Jan 2004 (UTC)

Two months ago, the NPOV dispite header was added to this article without explanation and since that time there hasn't been any discussion or editing done. Unless someone explains what's NPOV here, I'm going to remove the dispute header (I'm assuming that Lancemurdoch doesn't have any remaining problems with the article, since he edited the lines he objected to and nobody's contested those changes). Bryan 00:54, 17 Apr 2004 (UTC)

 * The article still looks way biased to me (for example the paragraph that begins "This is of course, is in direct contradiction to the wants..." ) However, I'll let it slide Lefty 14:44, 2004 Apr 17 (UTC)

This article is POV. The whole article is very pro-socialist and anti-capitalist.

 * I don't think you understand the concept of POV. The article, by the very nature of its subject, presents a pro-socialist and anti-capitalist concept. That's what class warfare is. But the article does not endorse this view. -- Mihnea Tudoreanu
 * I disagree, the article does in fact endorse this view.

This should be made more neutral:

''Thus a socio-political imbalance exists between individuals of extreme wealth or power and those with little or no wealth. The interests of the wealthy will often dramatically conflict with the interests and needs of classes without power.''

This statement is made without any evidence provided to back up the claim:

Fundamentally, there is little difference between the class warfare that existed between the Victorian era monarchy and the common public, and a modern corporation and its workers, even when they own part of the corporation.

This implies that coroprations are immoral:

''Corporations are companies that exist as perpetual entities. Their function is as a vehicle for business enterprise, while transcending the bounds of mortality and liability that accompany an individual-owned enterprise.''

The general tone of the article makes it look like it is written by someone who fully agrees that capitalists are evil and only exploits the working class, to be NPOV it also needs to look more at the arguments from the other side and how this related to the different schools of economic thought. User:Passw0rd (sig added after by Sam [Spade] 19:40, 12 Oct 2004 (UTC))

 * I agree 100%. I suggest you look into the activities, POV's of paramilitaries, Protest warriors, and the class/politics conflict within/between skinheads and other subcultures. Sam [Spade] 19:40, 12 Oct 2004 (UTC)

 * This entry requires a total rewrite. The concept of class-warfare must be explained from both a capitalist and Communist POV, without the entry itself "choosing" which is correct or stating opinion as fact.
 * MSTCrow 12:02, Oct 14, 2004 (UTC)

 * I agree, but go further to say we need to focus on conflict not associated w communist politics, and pay attention to ordinary class conflict also. See Chav for one example, subculture for others. As I suggested above, skinheads are very agressively "working class", but are almost never communist. In summary, I agree w a rewrite, but from many, not one, perspective. Cheers, Sam [Spade] 13:22, 14 Oct 2004 (UTC)

Merge/Redirect
I didn't understand that this article was separate from Class conflict. I think anything salvagable on this paged shoulf be moved there, w this page made a redirect. That article is a better one, w a broader (less POV) focus, and besides it will make both the rewrite easier, and things easier for the reader. Thoughts, etc.., if you will :) Sam [Spade] 13:47, 14 Oct 2004 (UTC)

 * Redirected to Class conflict, please use Talk:Class conflict. Sam [Spade] 15:56, 17 Oct 2004 (UTC)

Class war
This page should probably redirect to the more logical disambiguation page at Class war. (Emperor (talk) 16:41, 17 March 2009 (UTC))

title: Talk:Class warfare


text:
All the President's Men

All the President's Men is a 1974 non-fiction book by Carl Bernstein and Bob Woodward, two of the journalists who investigated the June 1972 break-in at the Watergate Office Building and the resultant political scandal for The Washington Post. The book chronicles the investigative reporting of Woodward and Bernstein from Woodward's initial report on the Watergate break-in through the resignations of Nixon Administration officials H. R. Haldeman and John Ehrlichman in April 1973, and the revelation of the Oval Office Watergate tapes by Alexander Butterfield three months later. It relates the events behind the major stories the duo wrote for the Post, naming some sources who had previously refused to be identified for their initial articles, notably Hugh Sloan. It also gives detailed accounts of Woodward's secret meetings with his source Deep Throat, whose identity was kept hidden for over 30 years. Gene Roberts, the former executive editor of The Philadelphia Inquirer and former managing editor of The New York Times, has called the work of Woodward and Bernstein "maybe the single greatest reporting effort of all time."

A film adaptation, starring Robert Redford and Dustin Hoffman as Woodward and Bernstein respectively, was released in 1976. That same year, a sequel to the book, The Final Days, was published, which chronicled the last months of Richard Nixon's presidency, starting around the time their previous book ended.

Background
Woodward and Bernstein had considered the idea of writing a book about Watergate, but did not commit until actor Robert Redford expressed interest in purchasing the film rights. In Telling the Truth About Lies: The Making of "All the President's Men", Woodward noted that Redford played an important role in changing the book's narrative from a story about the Watergate events to one about their investigations and reportage of the story.

The name of the book alludes to the nursery rhyme about Humpty Dumpty ("All the king's horses and all the king's men / Couldn't put Humpty together again"). An allusion similar to that was made more explicitly a quarter-century earlier in Robert Penn Warren's 1946 novel All the King's Men, which describes the career of a fictional corrupt governor, loosely based on Huey Long.

The President

 * Richard Nixon

The President's Men
They are listed with their 1972 positions in either the president's executive staff or in his re-election committee, where applicable.

White House

 * Alexander Butterfield, Deputy Assistant to the President
 * Dwight Chapin, Deputy Assistant to the President
 * Ken W. Clawson, Deputy Director of Communications for the President
 * Charles Colson, Chief Counsel for the President
 * John Dean, White House Counsel
 * John Ehrlichman, Counsel and Assistant to the President for Domestic Affairs
 * H. R. Haldeman, White House Chief of Staff
 * E. Howard Hunt Jr., President's Special Investigations Unit ("White House Plumbers")
 * Henry Kissinger, National Security Advisor
 * Egil Krogh, head of the President's Special Investigations Unit ("White House Plumbers")
 * Gerald Warren, White House Press Secretary, succeeding Ziegler
 * David R. Young, special assistant at the National Security Council
 * Ron Ziegler, White House Press Secretary

Committee to Re-elect the President (CRP)

 * Kenneth H. Dahlberg, CRP's Midwest finance chairman
 * Herbert W. Kalmbach, personal attorney to President Richard Nixon and Deputy Finance Chairman of CRP
 * G. Gordon Liddy, CRP employee
 * Clark MacGregor, CRP Chairman
 * Jeb Stuart Magruder, Deputy Director, and assistant to the Director of CRP
 * Robert Mardian, CRP political coordinator
 * John N. Mitchell, Attorney General, and CRP campaign director
 * Robert Odle, Director of Administration ("office manager") for CRP
 * Kenneth Parkinson, CRP counsel
 * Herbert Porter, CRP organizer and former White House aide
 * Donald Segretti, political operative for CRP
 * Hugh W. Sloan Jr., CRP treasurer
 * Judy Hoback Miller, CRP bookkeeper
 * Maurice Stans, CRP finance chairman
 * Gordon C. Strachan, staff assistant to Herbert G. Klein but was assigned to be H. R. Haldeman's liaison to CRP

Rest of the President's Men

 * Alfred C. Baldwin III
 * Jack Caulfield
 * L. Patrick Gray, acting Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation
 * Richard Kleindienst, Attorney General (succeeding John Mitchell)
 * Fred LaRue, no rank, title, salary or even listing in the White House directory
 * Powell A. Moore
 * Kenneth Rietz
 * DeVan L. Shumway

The Burglars

 * Bernard L. Barker
 * Virgilio R. Gonzalez
 * Eugenio R. Martinez
 * James W. McCord, Jr.
 * Frank A. Sturgis

The Prosecutors

 * Henry E. Petersen, United States Assistant Attorney General
 * Earl J. Silbert, United States Attorney for the District of Columbia
 * Donald E. Campbell, Assistant U.S. Attorney
 * Seymour Glanzer, Assistant United States Attorney for the District of Columbia

The Judge

 * John J. Sirica, District Judge for the United States District Court for the District of Columbia

The Washington Post

 * Carl Bernstein, Reporter
 * Bob Woodward, Reporter
 * Benjamin C. Bradlee, Executive Editor
 * Katharine Graham, Publisher
 * Harry M. Rosenfeld, Metropolitan Editor
 * Howard Simons, Managing Editor
 * Barry Sussman, City Desk Editor
 * Brett Gurganious, Local News Reporter

The Senator

 * Sam Ervin (D–NC), chair of the Senate Watergate Committee

The Informant

 * Deep Throat (revealed in 2005 to be Mark Felt)

Publication
Dick Snyder of Simon & Schuster purchased the right to publish the book through the agent David Obst. The authors received an advance of $55,000. In his memoir, Michael Korda said of the book's publication that it "transformed book publishing into a red-hot part of media" and books became "news" instead of history.

Because the book was embargoed until publication day, there were no advance copies for reviewers. Simon & Schuster became known as the "Watergate" publisher by following up All the President's Men with books by John Dean, Maureen Dean, John Ehrlichman and John Mitchell.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: All the President's Men


text:
Talk:Mayonnaise

Semi-protected edit request on 23 June 2024
Change “Origin: Spain, France” for “Origin: Spain” The whole article says so. Either from Mahon or from Valencia, it’s origin is demonstrated to be in Spain. France may have adopted and exported it, but the origin is Spain. It’s like saying than Pizza is American instead of Italian because it’s widely eaten in the US. 2804:7F0:B500:2925:3891:1E4D:2591:38E6 (talk) 21:11, 23 June 2024 (UTC)

 * Red information icon with gradient background.svg Not done for now: please establish a consensus for this alteration before using the template. I object this change as per the references here.  Maybe try seeking consensus? ABG (Talk/Report any mistakes here) 02:26, 24 June 2024 (UTC)
 * ABG (Talk/Report any mistakes here) 02:26, 24 June 2024 (UTC)

Origin
It’s origin is in Spain, not “Spain and France” 2804:7F0:B500:2925:3891:1E4D:2591:38E6 (talk) 21:12, 23 June 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:Mayonnaise


text:
Talk:The Sweet Children

Green Day - The Sweet Children (1988)

This is Green Day's first demo EP.

1. Sweet Children (Green Day) - 1:41 2. Best Thing in Town (Green Day) - 2:03 3. Strangeland (Green Day) - 2:08 4. My Generation (The Who) - 2:19

B-Side version: 5. 2000 Light Years Away (Green Day) - 2:24

The whole EP was recorded in 1987 and including the B-side track "2000 Light Years Away."

The US/UK version was released in 1988 on Skene Records. The European version was released in 1989 on Lookout! Records.

Track 1 to 4 and the b-side track 5 was released on 1992's Kerplunk! Well, that's it...

10-related 1988 albums to, Sweet Children By Green Day: 1. Bad Religion - Suffer 2. D.R.I. - 4 Of A Kind 3. Social Distortion - Prison Bound 4. Jane's Addiction - Nothing's Shocking 5. Red Hot Chili Peppers - Abbey Road EP 6. Sonic Youth - Daydream Nation 7. The Butthole Surfers - Hairway To Steven 8. Pixies - Surfer Rosa 9. Lemonheads - Creator 10. Dinosaur Jr. - Bug

Band and EP name
According to the official Green Day web-site and some other sources, the band and the EP were both called Sweet Children rather than The Sweet Children. Does anyone have a copy of the EP that would give a definitive answer? --Theo (Talk) 21:24, 17 May 2005 (UTC)

None of this is true
The band was called Sweet Children, no "The". Also the music you're referring to is from a 1990 Green Day EP titled Sweet Children. There was a Sweet Children demo recorded in 1989, however the only track you mentioned that's actually on it is Sweet Children, and 2,000 Light Years Away was not on it. Jf0880 (talk) 01:20, 10 June 2018 (UTC)

title: Talk:The Sweet Children


text:
Bound for Glory (1976 film)

Bound for Glory is a 1976 American biographical film directed by Hal Ashby and loosely adapted by Robert Getchell from Woody Guthrie's 1943 partly fictionalized autobiography Bound for Glory. The film stars David Carradine as folk singer Woody Guthrie, with Ronny Cox, Melinda Dillon, Gail Strickland, John Lehne, Ji-Tu Cumbuka and Randy Quaid. Much of the film is based on Guthrie's attempt to humanize the desperate Okie Dust Bowl refugees in California during the Great Depression.

Bound for Glory was the first motion picture in which inventor/operator Garrett Brown used his new Steadicam for filming moving scenes. Director of photography Haskell Wexler won the Academy Award for Best Cinematography at the 49th Academy Awards.

All of the main events and characters, except for Guthrie and his first wife, Mary, are entirely fictional. The film ends with Guthrie singing his most famous song, "God Blessed America for Me" (subsequently retitled "This Land Is Your Land"), on his way to New York, but, in fact, the song was composed in New York in 1940 and forgotten by him until five years later.

Plot
In 1936, Great Depression, Woody Guthrie sits at a gas station, playing guitar as other men talk about leaving town for California or the Texas Gulf Coast. When a customer named Collister offers $1 to anyone who can tell him something Woody wins the dollar by figuring out Collister's worries about the future. Later, as Woody paints a store sign, his wife, Mary, encourages him to keep painting because it is his only skill that makes money, but he annoys her by putting down his brushes and picking up his guitar. Two ladies take Woody to a despondent woman who refuses to drink, and he uses psychology to get her to swallow a glass of water. At the dinner table, Mary complains that Woody should look for work, so he walks around town, offering to paint signs. When a store owner hires him to paint a white-on-black sign, Woody paints it white-on-red instead, so the owner refuses to pay him.

At a bar, Woody sings a song for a young woman named Sue Ann, then goes home with her. Later, as Woody sits on his porch, Heavy Chandler, recently released from the state hospital, stops to talk to him about being crazy and having pictures in his head. Woody gives him paint brushes and paint and tells him to put his thoughts on paper. As Woody plays fiddle with a local band at a square dance, children rush in to warn about a dust storm. Huge clouds of dust roll in, blinding and choking everyone, forcing them into their houses. Lying in bed with Mary, Woody hints that it is time for him to go elsewhere for work. Later, Woody leaves a note for Mary, puts on his coat and hat, and hails a ride with a passing truck driver. After hitchhiking for several days, he climbs aboard a train with a couple of African American hobos, including Slim Snedeger, but when a brawl breaks out inside their crowded boxcar, Woody and Slim jump off and grab onto a ladder leading to the top of another freight car. Later, the train stops for a group of railroad men hired to round up vagrants, force those with money to pay for a passenger train, and send the rest walking. Slim has money for the train, but Woody is broke, so they agree halfheartedly to meet someday in California.

Woody hitches a ride with a middle-class couple, but insults them and they stop to let him out. At a bar, he gets a free meal by playing the piano and singing his songs, then spends the night with a waitress. Heading west, he gets a steady ride with a family in a truck packed with furniture, but police stop them, along with dozens of other destitute people, at the California border. The police require that families have $50 before they are allowed to proceed, so Woody leaves the caravan and walks to a nearby camp, where a hobo shares his blanket. Later, Woody hops a train with another hobo, but a train guard shoots the man off the top of a boxcar and Woody hides between two cars until the train reaches the outskirts of Los Angeles. There, he works for his dinner at a chili café, and meets Luther and Liz Johnson, a young migrant couple with children, looking for work picking fruit. They drive from camp to camp, but find the camps have more workers than they need, and the few jobs open pay only four cents a bushel. Woody goes to town and stops at a soup kitchen, offering to paint a sign in exchange for soup. The server, Pauline, says they only have soup, but she would accept a painted sign as a favor.

The next day, a fruit company hires only a few extra day workers, leaving hundreds of people without work. Luther tells Woody all the camps are the same, so there is no sense leaving. Woody returns to the soup kitchen, paints a professional sign, and asks Pauline for dinner at her place, but she refuses. Back at the camp, a popular union organizer and radio entertainer, Ozark Bule, drives in with his guitar, stands on his car, and sings union songs. As night falls, Ozark's impromptu show turns into a hoedown, as Woody and other musicians join in, singing folk songs. Company goons break up the hoedown and start a brawl, Woody jumps into Ozark's car and escapes with him. Ozark takes Woody to the radio station where he works and introduces him to the owner, Mr. Locke. Locke hires Woody at $20 a week to play on Ozark's Thursday program, and Woody becomes popular by singing personal songs that relate to Depression woes. He drives to the fields with Ozark to preach about the union, but company thugs chase them off. The two also sing at union halls, where provocateurs start fights. When Pauline finally invites Woody for a home-cooked meal, he learns she is a rich widow living in luxury, and he asks if she is embarrassed about having so much while others have nothing. He tells her about the down-and-out people he met on the road, and how generous they are, whereas people with money are defensive.

Still, he says, Pauline is the only rich person who ever looked back at him. He spends a few nights with her, but when she expresses her happiness, he confesses that he has a wife and kids in Pampa, Texas, then leaves. With stacks of fan mail arriving at the radio station, Woody and singer Memphis Sue get a show of their own, with a higher salary, but Locke insists that new sponsors want Woody to refrain from singing about unions and down-trodden workers. Though Woody resists, Ozark tells him his radio job is to entertain and stay popular, not to preach. At first Woody goes along, but soon performs his hard-edged songs, and Locke demands a song list ahead of time. In the meantime, Woody brings Mary and their children to Los Angeles, where he has rented a house, but he feels uncomfortable with the greed and wealth around him and says it was easier when everybody was poor back in Texas. Mary is worried about his rebelliousness because she does not want to go back to Luther, bruised from a beating, visits Woody at the station to tell him how much his songs inspire people in the field, and asks him to keep it up.

After delivering a list of safe songs to Locke, Woody tears up a studio room in frustration. Carrying his guitar, he hops a train, leaves Los Angeles, and visits migrant camps, factories, and packing houses, singing protest songs. At a fruit packing plant, company men beat him and smash his guitar. Woody lives in boxcar riding, talking to people he meets, including a runaway boy. When Woody returns to Los Angeles, Locke gives him one last chance, then fires him for dedicating a song to farm workers. As Woody leaves, Ozark tells him that Baker, an agent, booked him on a coast-to-coast CBS radio show and at an audition for the Ambassador Hotel's Coconut Grove. Woody buys toys for his children, but when he gets home, Mary and the girls are gone. At the hotel audition, the owner likes Woody but wants to dress him in overalls and put him in a hillbilly band. Woody walks out, telling Ozark he does not want to sing for the rich and lose touch with real people. He goes to the railroad yard, jumps on a train, and sings his songs from the top of a boxcar.

Cast

 * David Carradine as Woody Guthrie
 * Ronny Cox as Ozark Bule
 * Melinda Dillon as Mary / Memphis Sue
 * Gail Strickland as Pauline
 * Randy Quaid as Luther Johnson
 * John Lehne as Locke
 * Ji-Tu Cumbuka as Slim Snedeger
 * Elizabeth Macey as Liz Johnson
 * Susan Vaill as Gwen Guthrie
 * Wendy Schaal as Mary Jo Guthrie - Woody's Sister
 * Guthrie Thomas as George Guthrie, Woody's Brother

with appearances by
 * Bernie Kopell as Woody's Agent
 * Mary Kay Place as Sue Ann, Girl in Bar
 * M. Emmet Walsh as the Trailer Driver
 * Brion James as the Truck Driver at the California Border
 * James Hong as the diner owner

Production
Arthur Krim of United Artists agreed to finance the film on the basis of Ashby's reputation, even before a star had signed on.

Dustin Hoffman and Jack Nicholson both turned down the role. Richard Dreyfuss was considered. Tim Buckley was going to be offered the part but died of a drug overdose. Ashby interviewed David Carradine but turned him down, in part because he felt Carradine was too tall. However over time he reconsidered. "He had the right rural look and the musicianship," said Ashby. "And he had a ‘to hell with you’ attitude."

Ashby later said Carradine's "to hell with you" attitude did cause him some problems during filming. "Once, when we were doing a scene, some migrant workers marched by. David started marching with them. By the time we found him, he was two miles away; and he had held up shooting for three hours.”

The railroad scenes were filmed on the Sierra Railroad. Ashby wanted a "big" freight train for the movie, as opposed to the shorter trains commonly used in filmmaking. The railroad assembled a train of 34 freight cars. Scenes taking place on the Texas panhandle that did not include views of a locomotive were filmed near Stockton, California, using diesel locomotives. Scenes showing locomotives utilized three steam locomotives owned by the Sierra Railroad, and were filmed in and around Oakdale, California, and the roundhouse scenes were filmed at what is now Railtown 1897 in Jamestown, California.

Reception
As of January 2024, Bound for Glory holds a rating of 81% on Rotten Tomatoes based on 26 reviews. The consensus summarizes: "Bound for Glory brings the Dust Bowl era to authentic life thanks to Haskell Wexler's opulent cinematography and Woody Guthrie's resonant music, capturing the American mood at the time as much as it does the folk singer's life." On Metacritic, the film has a weighted average score of 70 out of 100 based on reviews from 4 critics, indicating "generally favorable reviews".

Film critic Roger Ebert praised the film, calling it "one of the best-looking films ever made." However, Ebert claimed the beauty of the film was often achieved at the cost of the tone.

American Film Institute

 * AFI's 100 Years...100 Songs:
 * 2004: "This Land Is Your Land" – Nominated

Soundtrack
The Academy Award-winning score was released internationally in 1976 by United Artists Records, in an album containing Leonard Rosenman's music and Woody Guthrie's songs with David Carradine in the vocals. In 2012, it was also released as a CD by Intrada Records, with some of the incidental cues remixed into four orchestral suites.

Home media
On February 29, 2000 "Bound for Glory" was released on DVD by MGM. It included dialog dubbed in French, and subtitles in French and Spanish, but no English subtitles.

In January 2016, Bound for Glory was released in Blu-ray format, in a limited edition, by Twilight Time. In April 2022, another Blu-ray was released by Sandpiper Pictures. Both versions have English subtitles.

title: Bound for Glory (1976 film)


text:
Talk:Bound for Glory (1976 film)

Untitled
Can somebody help me? I linked [Academy Award for Original Music Score|Best Music, Original Song Score and Its Adaptation or Best Adaptation Score]. It's hard to tell from THAT terminology if it's Original Score or Adapted Score. -- Zoe
 * Yikes. Well, I haven't seen the film but I'll hazard a guess that it's an adaptation score because of using Guthrie's music.  http://www.oscar.com/legacy/pastwin/score3.html shows that sometimes it's given for original songs, and other times for adapting an older piece (e.g. Mozart in A Little Night Music) so I think it's probably an award for either an original song or an adaptation, but not a completely original score.  Which is really kind of silly, but that's the only explanation I can think of.  Does that make any sense?  Do you suppose the Oscars people would answer an email about it?  --KQ 03:17 Oct 10, 2002 (UTC)

 * They might. Want to send one off? -- Zoe

 * The terminology has changed over the decades as has virtually every AMPAS catagory. This one is essentially Best Musical Score adapted from a previously recorded musical work or works. Which is as I recall exactly the wording used in one year. Since David Carradine sings Guthrie's songs and they are not Guthrie's own voice that is adaptation. So your link is correct.--Ffocuser 01:26, 24 January 2007 (UTC)

Removal
I edited this page to remove the reference to the Rotten Tomatoes rating. It is irrelevant to the articles informative quality, it is simply opinion of some other website's users rather than a relevant fact to the film its production or the participants in it. The external link to Rotten Tomatoes page remains.--Ffocuser 01:31, 24 January 2007 (UTC)

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title: Talk:Bound for Glory (1976 film)


text:
1,000 Hours

1,000 Hours is the debut EP by American rock band Green Day, released in April 1989 through Lookout Records. Through a shared interest in music, school friends Billie Joe Armstrong and Mike Dirnt formed the band Sweet Children. With the addition of drummer John Kiffmeyer, the played at the local punk club 924 Gilman Street in Berkeley, California, where they started attracting a following. After playing a show with the Lookouts, one of their members, Larry Livermore, signed Sweet Children to his label Lookout Records. They co-produced their debut EP, 1,000 Hours, with Andy Ernst at the Art of Ears Studio in San Francisco, California, in early 1989.

Critics praised the production quality of the 1,000 Hours EP. Before its release, Sweet Children changed their name to Green Day, which Livermore said would make it difficult to shift copies of the EP. They played their last show as Sweet Children in April 1989, and played their first show as Green Day in May 1989, supporting Operation Ivy at Gilman. They subsequently played a show in July 1989 with Necromancy, before the members participated in other bands. 1,000 Hours was later included in the 1,039/Smoothed Out Slappy Hours (1991) compilation alongside their other early releases.

Background
Billie Joe Armstrong and Mike Dirnt became school friends in 1983. After a shared interest in music, and learning that Armstrong played guitar, Dirnt himself got a guitar. With Armstrong taking to writing his own material, the pair started a band. Sean Hughes played with them on bass; he joined for fun, while Armstrong was serious about creating music. Though they had other members, Raj Punjabi was the most frequent drummer in the line-up. They went through several names before sticking with Sweet Children. Armstrong and Dirnt worked security at punk club 924 Gilman Street in Berkeley, California, a position they used to analyse the various punk bands that performed there. Despite having jobs at the venue, they were unable to play there as Sweet Children as owner Tim Yohannan did not think the band sounded punk enough.

Around this time, Dirnt moved in with Armstrong's family, allowing the pair to spend further time on the band. One day, they invited John Kiffmeyer, drummer of Gilman performers Isocracy, to jam with them. Kiffmeyer helped refine their sound, and give them a work ethic of recording music as cheaply and quickly as possible, in homage to the acts that influenced them, such the Buzzcocks and Ramones. Further inspiration was drawn from bands that performed at Gilman, where Armstrong mostly saw shows. Sweet Children played their first show at Gilman in November 1988, supporting Neurosis. They started gaining a following at Gilman in addition to playing house parties. During this time, Hughes left and Dirnt moved to the bass role. The latter latched on to the instrument quicker than he did guitar, practicing it at school during break periods and lunchtime.

Signing and recording
During one house party, Sweet Children were brought to the attention of Larry Livermore, who operated the local zine Lookout. Lookout Records spun off from the publication, though originally planned to only release material from Livermore's band the Lookouts. Sometime later, he signed Sweet Children after they played a show with the Lookouts. Livermore was confident that before they ended the first track of their set that he wanted to make an album with them.

Livermore acknowledged that they were poppier than their contemporaries acts from Gilman: "But I thought the songs and the performances were so good that they deserved to be captured on vinyl ..." Sweet Children recorded their debut EP, 1,000 Hours, at the Art of Ears Studio in San Francisco, California, in early 1989. Andy Ernst co-produced the proceedings with the band; he worked with fellow Lookout act Corrupted Morals prior to the session. Reportedly recorded in seven hours, the songs were done live with a few overdubs added afterwards.

Composition and lyrics
Gaar called the sound of 1,000 Hours EP as up-tempo power pop, with AllMusic reviewer Ned Raggett adding that he could hear hints of heavy metal in the music. The former suggested that if a listener did not know anything about Sweet Children beforehand, they could infer influences from British Invasion bands or 1980s power pop in the style of the Romantics. The songs, as Gaar writes, are sung near "breathlessly, as if Billie Joe wants to hurry through the numbers before losing his nerve in confessing his love ..." The only thematic elements of the EP revolved around love and girls; Gaar proposed that thwarted love' would be a more accurate description," citing that "1,000 Hours", "Dry Ice" and "The One I Want" has the narrator lamenting the distance between themselves and the person they desire.

Myers said the title track, "1,000 Hours" was a forceful, "fuzzed-up pop song with infectious harmonies, lyrically unsophisticated perhaps, but then so is most pop music about girls". Armstrong was dismissive of the track: "Not only was it not for a band to play or to play as a band, it's just the sappiest song about a girl, to the point where it's like a bad John Hughes movie!" Myers felt that "Dry Ice" would not be amiss on the band's later releases, such as on their third studio album Dookie (1994) or their sixth studio album Warning (2000). He found "Only of You" and "The One I Want" to be "big surprise listen[s]", comparing them to popstar Tiffany. He explained that the latter's 1988 track "I Think We're Alone Now" shared the similar lyrical topics of "teen confusion, alienation and lost love, and the same sense of melody, as Billie Joe's first release[d] song[s]."

Release and reception
The record deal with Lookout Records made Sweet Children realise that they needed a new name, settling on Green Day. Livermore theorized that one reason for altering their name was that there was a band with the similar-sounding name of Sweet Baby, something that Gaar also noted. As Lookout were preparing to release the upcoming EP, he was furious: "I was like, 'Everybody knows you as Sweet Children. How am I supposed to sell a record by a band called Green Day? Sweet Children played their last show under this old moniker on April 1, 1989 at Gilman for a benefit show alongside Samiam and Stikky.

1,000 Hours EP released in April 1989 through Lookout Records on seven-inch vinyl. The artwork had the band's name and the EP's title in black ink against a green sleeve, which was swapped for pink when Livermore used up all the green paper when xeroxing the covers. The back of the EP sleeve, taken by Murray Bowles, had a picture of the band; additional roles were listed for each member, such as Armstrong with "hat", Dirnt with "hair" and Kiffmeyer with "bus". Gaar suggested that the extra credits alluded to back cover, which had Armstrong wearing a baseball cap on backwards and Dirnt hanging off a railing upside as his hair reaches the floor below. The second pressing of the EP included a lyric sheet, offering credits for the songs.

Dirnt said the members of Green Day went into Lookout's office when the EP arrived from the pressing planet to help staff fold the sleeve for each record. Livermore commented that due to the poppy nature of the release that it would be difficult to sell to Lookout Records-inclined record buyers. It subsequent took around six months for the EP to start attracting attention from the public. According to Myers, the 1,000 Hours EP became a consistent-selling release for Lookout Records. He mentioned that while it did not have a unique musical direction amongst their peers, the EP helped to place Green Day as well as Berkeley "on the map." Green Day performed for the first time since the name change supporting Operation Ivy on May 28, 1989, at Gilman. They then supported Necromancy for a show in Davis, California, 50 miles away from where they were located. Around this time, Armstrong and Dirnt were preoccupied with appearing in other bands: Blazt and Corrupted Morals for the former, and Crummy Musicians for the latter.

Critics latched on to the production of EP. Raggett focused on "how polished, even downright professional, everything sounds ... clearly recorded and instantly engaging." Akin to their other early work, Raggett found the four tracks to be "engaging rather than flat-out fantastic." Spitz was also impressed with "how ready the band sounds"; Myers, similarly, commented that what he heard to be alarming was "not the relatively cheap-sounding production ... but the ability of three school kids who have been lucky enough – or talented, or a bit of both – to find their own unique voice early on."

The 1,000 Hours EP was included in its entirety alongside 39/Smooth and the Slappy (1990) EP as part of the 1,039/Smoothed Out Slappy Hours (1991) compilation. In late 2005, citing a royalty dispute, the band took control of their Lookout Records-era releases, including 1,039/Smoothed Out Slappy Hours, second studio album Kerplunk, and the 1,000 Hours and Slappy (1990) EPs.

Track listing
All lyrics written by Billie Joe Armstrong, except "The One I Want" by Armstrong and Mike Dirnt; all music written by Green Day.

Side A
 * "1,000 Hours" – 2:24
 * 1) "Dry Ice" – 3:43

Side B
 * 1) "Only of You" – 2:44
 * 2) "The One I Want" – 2:59

Personnel
Band personnel per insert with the seven-inch vinyl record, and Gaar.

Green Day
 * Billie Joe Armstrong — lead vocals, guitar
 * Mike Dirnt — bass
 * John Kiffmeyer — drums

Production and artwork
 * Andy Ernst — producer
 * Green Day — producer
 * Murray Bowles — photography

title: 1,000 Hours


text:
Talk:1,000 Hours

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Comment copied from comments subpage
If you read the last page to 1039,smoothed,out,slapy,hours cd it shows the real reason of why Bille Joe armstrong wrote the song Why do want him? - dated 2009

title: Talk:1,000 Hours


text:
Network (1976 film)

Network is a 1976 American satirical black comedy-drama film directed by Sidney Lumet and written by Paddy Chayefsky. It is about a fictional television network and its struggle with poor ratings. The film stars Faye Dunaway, William Holden, Peter Finch (in his final film role), Robert Duvall, Wesley Addy, Ned Beatty, and Beatrice Straight.

Produced by Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer and released by United Artists on November 27, 1976, Network was a commercial success, earning $23.7 million on a $3.8 million production budget. It also received widespread critical acclaim, with particular praise for its screenplay and performances. At the 49th Academy Awards, it received ten nominations, including Best Picture, and won four: Best Actor for Finch (posthumously), Best Actress for Dunaway, Best Supporting Actress for Straight, and Best Original Screenplay for Chayefsky.

In 2000, Network was selected for preservation in the National Film Registry by the Library of Congress as being "culturally, historically, or aesthetically significant". In 2002, it was inducted into the Producers Guild of America Hall of Fame as a film that has "set an enduring standard for American entertainment". In 2005 the Writers Guilds of America voted Chayefsky's screenplay one of the 10 greatest in history. In 2007, the film was 64th among the 100 greatest American films as chosen by the American Film Institute.

Plot
In September 1975, Howard Beale, the longtime anchor for the UBS Evening News, the flagship evening news program of the Union Broadcasting System (UBS), learns from friend and news division president Max Schumacher that he has just two more weeks on the air because of declining ratings. The following night, Beale announces to his audience that he will commit suicide on next Tuesday's newscast. UBS tries to immediately fire Beale, but Schumacher intervenes so that he can have a dignified farewell. Beale promises to apologize for his outburst, but once on the air, he launches into a rant about life being "bullshit". Beale's outburst causes ratings to spike, and much to Schumacher's dismay, UBS executives decide to exploit the situation. When Beale's ratings soon top out, programming chief Diana Christensen reaches out to Schumacher with an offer to help "develop" Beale's show. He declines the professional proposal but accepts her more personal pitch; the two begin an affair.

When Schumacher decides to end Beale's "angry man" format, Christensen persuades her boss, Frank Hackett, to slot the evening news show under the entertainment division so she can develop it. Hackett bullies UBS executives to consent and fire Schumacher. In one impassioned diatribe, Beale galvanizes the nation, persuading viewers to shout, "I'm as mad as hell, and I'm not going to take this anymore!" from their windows. He is soon hosting a new program called The Howard Beale Show, top-billed as "the mad prophet of the airwaves". The show becomes the most highly rated program on television, and Beale finds new celebrity preaching his angry populist message in front of a live studio audience that, on cue, chants his signature catchphrase: "We're as mad as hell, and we're not going to take this anymore!" Schumacher and Christensen's romance withers as the show flourishes, but in the flush of high ratings, the two ultimately find their way back together; Schumacher separates from his wife of over 25 years for Christensen.

Seeking another hit, Christensen cuts a deal with a terrorist group called the Ecumenical Liberation Army (ELA) for a new docudrama series, The Mao Tse-Tung Hour, for which the ELA will provide exclusive footage of their activities. Meanwhile, Beale discovers that Communications Corporation of America (CCA), the parent company of UBS, will be bought out by a larger Saudi conglomerate. He urges his audience to pressure the White House to quash the deal. This panics UBS because the network's debt load has made the merger essential for its survival. CCA chairman Arthur Jensen arranges a meeting with Beale, describing the interrelatedness of the participants in the international economy and the illusory nature of nationality distinctions. Jensen scolds Beale and persuades him to abandon his message and preach his new "evangel".

Christensen's fanatical devotion to her job and emotional emptiness ultimately drive Schumacher away, warning her that she will self-destruct if she continues on her current path. Audiences find Beale's new sermons on the dehumanization of society depressing and ratings start to slip, yet Jensen refuses to fire him. Seeing its two-for-the-price-of-one value – solving the Beale problem while at the same time sparking a boost in season-opener ratings – Christensen, Hackett and the other executives decide to hire the ELA to assassinate Beale on the air. The assassination succeeds, putting an end to The Howard Beale Show and kicking off the second season of The Mao Tse-Tung Hour. A voice-over proclaims, "This was the story of Howard Beale: the first known instance of a man who was killed because he had lousy ratings."

Cast
In addition, Lee Richardson provides various moments of narration advancing additional plot details.

Development and writing
Network came only two years after the first on-screen suicide in television history, of television news reporter Christine Chubbuck in Sarasota, Florida. The anchorwoman was suffering from depression and loneliness, was often emotionally distant from her co-workers, and shot herself on camera as stunned viewers watched on July 15, 1974. Chayefsky used the idea of a live death as his film's terminating focal point, to say later in an interview, "Television will do anything for a rating... anything!" However, Dave Itzkoff's book (Mad as Hell: The Making of Network and the Fateful Vision of the Angriest Man in Movies) allows that whether Chayefsky was inspired by the Chubbuck case remains unclear, that Chayefsky's screenplay notes on the week of the live death have nothing about the incident in them, and grants it is an eerie parallel. It was to be months later that actual direct reference was made, Chayefsky writing for Beale to bray that he "will blow my brains out right on the air ... like that girl in Florida", which met with a delete. Sidney Lumet made the categorical statement that the character of Howard Beale was never based on any real-life person.

Before beginning his screenplay, Chayefsky visited network TV offices. He was surprised to learn that television executives did not watch much television. "The programs they put on 'had to' be bad, had to be something they wouldn't watch," he remarked. "Imagine having to work like that all your life." According to Dave Itzkoff, what Chayefsky saw while writing the screenplay during the midst of Watergate and the Vietnam War was the entirety of America's anger being broadcast in everything from sitcoms to news reports. He concluded that Americans "don't want jolly, happy family type shows like Eye Witness News" ... "the American people are angry and want angry shows." When he began writing his script he had intended on a comedy, but instead directed his frustration at the content being broadcast on television—which he described as "an indestructible and terrifying giant that is stronger than the government"—into the screenplay. It became a "dark satire about an unstable news anchor and a broadcasting company and a viewing public all too happy to follow him over the brink of sanity." The character of network executive Diana Christiansen was based on NBC daytime television programming executive Lin Bolen, which Bolen disputed.

Chayefsky and producer Howard Gottfried had just come off a lawsuit against United Artists, challenging the studio's right to lease their previous film, The Hospital, to ABC in a package with a less successful film. Despite this recent legal action, Chayefsky and Gottfried signed a deal with UA to finance Network, until UA found the subject matter too controversial and backed out. Undeterred, Chayefsky and Gottfried shopped the script around to other studios, and eventually found an interested party in Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer. Soon afterward, United Artists reversed itself and looked to co-finance the film with MGM, since the latter had an ongoing distribution arrangement with UA in North America. Since MGM agreed to let UA back on board, the former (through United Artists as per the arrangement) controlled North American/Caribbean rights, with UA opting for overseas distribution.

Casting
In his notes, Chayefsky jotted down his ideas about casting. For Howard Beale, who would eventually be played by Peter Finch, he envisioned Henry Fonda, Cary Grant, James Stewart and Paul Newman. He went so far as to write Newman, telling him that "You and a very small handful of other actors are the only ones I can think of with the range for this part." Lumet wanted Fonda, with whom he had worked several times, but Fonda declined the role, finding it too "hysterical" for his taste. Stewart also found the script unsuitable, objecting to the strong language. Early consideration was given to real-life newscasters Walter Cronkite and John Chancellor, but neither was open to the idea. Although not mentioned in Chayefsky's notes, George C. Scott, Glenn Ford and William Holden reportedly also turned down the opportunity to play Beale, with Holden instead playing Max Schumacher: For that role, Chayefsky had initially listed Walter Matthau and Gene Hackman. Ford was under consideration for this part as well, and was said to be one of two final contenders. Holden finally got the edge because of his recent box-office success with The Towering Inferno.

Producers were wary that Finch, an Australian, would not be able to sound authentically American; they demanded an audition before his casting could be considered. An actor of considerable prominence, Finch reportedly responded, "Bugger pride. Put the script in the mail." Immediately realizing that the role was a plum, he even agreed to pay his own fare to New York for a screen test. He prepared for the audition by listening to hours of broadcasts by American newscasters, and by weeks of reading the international editions of The New York Times and the Herald Tribune into a tape recorder, then listening to playbacks with a critical ear. Gottfried recalled that Finch "was nervous as hell at that first meeting over lunch and just like a kid auditioning. Once we'd heard him, Sidney Lumet, Paddy, and I were ecstatic because we knew it was a hell of a part to cast." Finch cinched the deal with Lumet by playing him the tapes of his newspaper readings.

Faye Dunaway wanted Robert Mitchum to play Max Schumacher, but Lumet refused, believing that Mitchum was not sufficiently urbane. For the role of Diana Christensen, Chayefsky thought of Candice Bergen, Ellen Burstyn, and Natalie Wood, while the studio suggested Jane Fonda, with alternate candidates Kay Lenz, Diane Keaton, Marsha Mason and Jill Clayburgh. Lumet wanted to cast Vanessa Redgrave in the film, but Chayefsky did not want her. Lumet argued that he thought she was the greatest English-speaking actress in the world, while Chayefsky, a proud Jew and supporter of Israel, objected on the basis of her support of the PLO. Lumet, also a Jew, said "Paddy, that's blacklisting!", to which Chayefsky replied, "Not when a Jew does it to a Gentile."

Dunaway was cast as Diana in September 1975. Lumet told her that he would edit any attempts on her part to make her character sympathetic and insisted on presenting her without any vulnerability. Lumet cast Robert Duvall as Frank Hackett. Duvall saw Hackett as a "vicious president Ford". On Duvall, Lumet said: "What's fascinating about Duvall is how funny he is." Ned Beatty was cast as Arthur Jensen on the recommendation of director Robert Altman after the original actor failed to live up to Lumet's standards. Beatty had one night to prepare a four-page speech, and was finished after one day's shooting. Beatrice Straight played Louise Schumacher, Max's wife, on whom he cheats with Diana. Straight had won a Tony Award in 1953 for playing an anguished wife who is similarly cheated on in Arthur Miller's The Crucible.

Filming
After two weeks of rehearsals, filming started in Toronto in January 1976. Lumet recalled that Chayefsky was usually on set during filming, and sometimes offered advice about how certain scenes should be played. Lumet allowed that his old friend had the better comic instincts of the two, but when it came to the domestic confrontation between Holden and Straight, the four-times-married director had the upper hand: "Paddy, please, I know more about divorce than you!" Finch, who had suffered from heart problems for many years, became physically and psychologically exhausted by the demands of playing Beale.

There was some concern that the combination of Holden and Dunaway might create conflict on the set, since the two had sparred during an earlier co-starring stint in The Towering Inferno. According to biographer Bob Thomas, Holden had been incensed by Dunaway's behavior during the filming of the disaster epic, especially her habit of leaving him fuming on the set while she attended to her hair, makeup and telephone calls. One day, after a two-hour wait, Holden reportedly grabbed Dunaway by the shoulders, pushed her against a soundstage wall and snapped, "You do that to me once more, and I'll push you through that wall!"

Lumet and cinematographer Owen Roizman worked out a complicated lighting scheme that in Lumet's words would "corrupt the camera". Lumet recalled: "We started with an almost naturalistic look. For the first scene between Peter Finch and Bill Holden, on Sixth Avenue at night, we added only enough light to get an exposure. As the movie progressed, camera setups became more rigid, more formal. The lighting became more and more artificial. The next-to-final scene—where Faye Dunaway, Robert Duvall, and the three network gray suits decide to kill Peter Finch—is lit like a commercial. The camera setups are static and framed like still pictures. The camera had also become a victim of television."

Release and reception
Network premiered in New York City on November 27, 1976, and went into wide release shortly afterward. The film opened to widespread critical acclaim, and became one of the big hits of 1976–77, earning $23.7 million at the box office.

Vincent Canby of The New York Times called Network "outrageous ... brilliantly, cruelly funny, a topical American comedy that confirms Paddy Chayefsky's position as a major new American satirist" and a film whose "wickedly distorted views of the way television looks, sounds, and, indeed, is, are the satirist's cardiogram of the hidden heart, not just of television but also of the society that supports it and is, in turn, supported." Gene Siskel of the Chicago Tribune gave Network four stars out of four, calling it "a very funny movie that takes an easy target and giddily beats it to death." In a review written after Network received its Academy Awards, Roger Ebert called it a "supremely well-acted, intelligent film that tries for too much, that attacks not only television but also most of the other ills of the 1970s," though "what it does accomplish is done so well, is seen so sharply, is presented so unforgivingly, that Network will outlive a lot of tidier movies."

Not all reviews were positive: Pauline Kael in The New Yorker criticized the film's abundance of long, preachy speeches; Chayefsky's self-righteous contempt for not only television itself but also television viewers; and the fact that almost everyone in the movie, particularly Robert Duvall, has a shouting rant: "The cast of this messianic farce takes turns yelling at us soulless masses." Gary Arnold of The Washington Post declared that "the movie is too sternly, monotonously preachy for either persuasion or casual amusement." Michael Billington wrote, "Too much of this film has the hectoring stridency of tabloid headlines", while Chris Petit in Time Out described it as "slick, 'adult', self-congratulatory, and almost entirely hollow", adding that "most of the interest comes in watching such a lavishly mounted vehicle leaving the rails so spectacularly."

Jack Shaheen, an American writer and lecturer who specialized in addressing racial and ethnic stereotypes, was critical of the film in his book, Reel Bad Arabs. He put it on his worst list, noting that Arabs were portrayed as "medieval fanatics," and criticized Chayefsky's "prejudicial Arab colloquies." He also asked whether Chayefsky would label Israelis as "medieval fanatics" and wondered why the producer, Howard Gottfried, and director, Sidney Lumet, sanctioned Chayefsky's "anti-Arab diatribe," as he described it, in the film. He additionally described the film's focus on Arabs not only to be "racist," but also nonfactual, and noted that Chayefsky condemned Vanessa Redgrave after she described demonstrators, protesting her pro-Palestinian views, as "a small bunch of Zionist hoodlums" at the 1978 Academy Awards ceremony.

On Rotten Tomatoes the film has an approval rating of 91% based on 76 reviews, with an average rating of 8.50/10. The site's critics consensus states, "Driven by populist fury and elevated by strong direction, powerful acting, and an intelligent script, Network's searing satire of ratings-driven news remains sadly relevant more than four decades later." On Metacritic it has a weighted average score of 83 out of 100, based on 16 critics, indicating "universal acclaim".

Legacy
In 2000 Roger Ebert added the film to his Great Movies list and said it was "like prophecy. When Chayefsky created Howard Beale, could he have imagined Jerry Springer, Howard Stern, and the World Wrestling Federation?"; he credits Lumet and Chayefsky for knowing "just when to pull out all the stops." Screenwriter Aaron Sorkin wrote in 2011 that "no predictor of the future—not even Orwell—has ever been as right as Chayefsky was when he wrote Network." The film ranks at number 100 in Empire magazine's list of the 500 Greatest Films of All Time.

Stage adaptation
A stage adaptation by Lee Hall premiered in the Lyttleton Theatre at the National Theatre in London in November 2017. The play was directed by Ivo Van Hove featuring Bryan Cranston making his UK stage debut as Howard Beale, and Michelle Dockery as Diana. It opened on Broadway on December 6, 2018, with Cranston reprising his role as Beale, and with Tatiana Maslany as Diana and Tony Goldwyn as Max Schumacher.

Awards and honors
At the Academy Awards, Network won three of the four acting awards. As of 2023, it is the second of only three films which have accomplished this feat, preceded by A Streetcar Named Desire (1951) and followed by Everything Everywhere All at Once (2022).

Peter Finch died before the 1977 ceremony and was the only performer to win a posthumous acting Academy Award (until 2009 when Heath Ledger won Best Supporting Actor). The statuette itself was collected by Finch's widow, Eletha Finch, after Chayefsky invited her onstage.

Beatrice Straight's performance as Louise Schumacher occupied only five minutes and two seconds of screen time, making it the shortest performance to win an Oscar (breaking Gloria Grahame's nine minute and 32 second screen time record for The Bad and the Beautiful in 1953). Additionally, Ned Beatty's performance of Arthur Jensen occupied only six minutes of screen time, also making it the shortest performance by an actor to be nominated for an Oscar.

American Film Institute

 * AFI's 100 Years...100 Movies – #66
 * AFI's 100 Years...100 Laughs – Nominated
 * AFI's 100 Years...100 Heroes & Villains:
 * Diana Christensen – Nominated Villain
 * AFI's 100 Years...100 Movie Quotes:
 * "I'm as mad as hell, and I'm not going to take this anymore!" – #19
 * AFI's 100 Years...100 Movies (10th Anniversary Edition) – #64

title: Network (1976 film)


text:
Fourth Anglo-Dutch War

The Fourth Anglo-Dutch War (Vierde Engels-Nederlandse Oorlog; 1780–1784) was a conflict between the Kingdom of Great Britain and the Dutch Republic. The war, contemporary with the War of American Independence (1775–1783), broke out over British and Dutch disagreements on the legality and conduct of Dutch trade with Britain's enemies in that war.

Although the Dutch Republic did not enter into a formal alliance with the rebelling American colonies and their allies, American ambassador (and future president) John Adams managed to establish diplomatic relations with the Dutch Republic, making it the second European country to diplomatically recognise the Continental Congress in April 1782. In October 1782, a treaty of amity and commerce was concluded as well.

Most of the war consisted of a series of British operations against Dutch colonial economic interests, although British and Dutch naval forces also met once off the Dutch coast. The war ended disastrously for the Dutch and exposed the weakness of the political and economic foundations of the republic.

The war settled the decline of the Dutch Empire and further cemented Great Britain as the leading commercial power.

Background
Although Great Britain and the Dutch Republic had been allies since the Glorious Revolution of 1688, the Dutch had become very much the junior partner in the alliance and had slowly lost their former dominance of world trade to the British. During the Second Stadtholderless Period, the Dutch Republic had more or less abdicated its pretences as a major power and this became painfully evident to the rest of Europe during the War of the Austrian Succession. Near the end of that war in 1747, an Orangist revolution restored the stadtholderate with vastly increased powers for the stadtholder and made the stadtholderate hereditary. This did not lead to a resurgence of the republic as a major power because of what many in the republic saw as the mismanagement of the stadtholderian regency during the minority of stadtholder William V, and subsequently during his own reign. Instead, the republic remained stubbornly neutral during the Seven Years' War, which enabled it to greatly neglect both its army and navy. The stadtholderian regime was pro-British, with the stadtholder being a grandson of King George II of Great Britain, but his opponents for this reason favoured France, and those opponents were strong enough in the States General of the Netherlands (the governing body of the Republic whose "first servant" the stadtholder was) to keep Dutch foreign policy neutral.

Initially, the British considered the Dutch allies in their attempt to stamp out the rebellion in their North American Thirteen Colonies. They attempted to "borrow" the mercenary Scots Brigade of the Dutch States Army for use in the Americas, in a similar manner to the Hessian and Brunswicker contingents they hired and deployed. This was strongly opposed by the Dutch sympathizers of the American Revolution, led by Baron Joan van der Capellen tot den Pol, who managed to convince the States General to refuse the British request.

More importantly, Dutch merchants, especially those from Amsterdam, became involved in the supply of arms and munitions to the American rebels soon after the outbreak of American Revolutionary War. This trade was mainly conducted via the Caribbean entrepôt of St. Eustatius, an island colony of the Dutch West India Company. There, American colonial wares, such as tobacco and indigo, were imported (in contravention of the British Navigation Acts) and re-exported to Europe. For their return cargo, the Americans purchased arms, munitions, and naval stores brought to the island by Dutch and French merchants. In 1776 the governor of the island, Johannes de Graeff, was the first to salute the flag of the United States, leading to growing British suspicions of the Dutch. In 1778, the Dutch refused take Britain's side in the war against France. The British invoked a number of old treaties (1678, 1689, 1716) to have the republic support them militarily, but as in the Seven Years' War, the Dutch government refused.

After the French declared war on Britain, Amsterdam merchants also became heavily involved in the trade in naval stores with France. The French needed those supplies for their naval construction, but were prevented from obtaining those themselves, due to the blockade by the Royal Navy (France being the weaker naval power in that conflict). The Dutch were privileged by a concession obtained after their victory in the Second Anglo-Dutch War, known as the principle of "free ship, free goods", which was enshrined in the Anglo-Dutch Commercial Treaty of 1668, reconfirmed in the Treaty of Westminster (1674). This early formulation of the principle of Freedom of Navigation exempted all but narrowly defined "contraband" goods carried in Dutch ships from confiscation by the British prize courts, in wars in which the Dutch remained neutral. According to the treaty naval stores, including ship's timbers, masts, spars, canvas, tar, rope, and pitch, were not contraband and the Dutch, therefore, were free to continue their trade with France in these goods. Because of the still-important role of the Dutch in the European carrying trade, this opened up a large loophole in the British embargo. The British then unilaterally declared naval stores to be contraband and enforced their embargo by arresting Dutch and other neutral ships on the high seas.

This led to strong protests by the affected Dutch merchants, who demanded institution of convoys escorted by the Dutch States Navy, to protect them against the Royal Navy and British privateers. According to customary international law, such convoys were (and still are) exempt from the right of Visit and Search by belligerents. Initially, the stadtholder managed to prevent this, but strong diplomatic pressure by France, that selectively applied economic sanctions to Dutch cities supporting the stadtholder in this policy, forced his hand in November 1779. The States General now ordered him to provide the escorts and the first convoy, under command of Rear Admiral Lodewijk van Bylandt, sailed in December. This led to the humiliating Affair of Fielding and Bylandt on 31 December, which enraged Dutch public opinion and further undermined the position of the stadtholder. The incident motivated the Dutch to seek admission to the First League of Armed Neutrality, which espoused the principle of "free ship, free goods", especially after Britain formally abrogated the Commercial Treaty of 1668. The Dutch hoped to gain the armed support of the other members of the league to maintain their neutral status.

Declaration of war
The British government saw the danger of this move (it might embroil Great Britain in war with Russia and the Nordic powers Sweden and Denmark–Norway also), so declared war on the republic shortly after it announced its intentions in December 1780. To forestall Russia from coming to the aid of the Dutch (something Empress Catharine II of Russia was not keen on, either), the British government cited a number of grievances that were ostensibly unrelated to the Dutch accession to the league. One of these was the shelter the Dutch had (reluctantly) given to the American privateer John Paul Jones in 1779. More importantly, much was made of a draft treaty of commerce, secretly negotiated between the Amsterdam banker Jean de Neufville and the American agent in Aix-la-Chapelle, William Lee, with the connivance of the Amsterdam pensionary Van Berckel, and found among the effects of Henry Laurens, an American diplomat who had been apprehended by the British cruiser HMS Vestal in September 1780, on the high seas. He had been sent by the Continental Congress to establish diplomatic relations with the Dutch Republic. The draft treaty was cited as proof by the British of the non-neutral conduct of the Dutch.

Progress of the war
Dutch naval power had been in decline since 1712. The fleet had been long neglected, and the Dutch navy, having only 20 ships of the line at the start of the conflict, was no match for the British Royal Navy. Although the States General had decided on a substantial expansion of the fleet in 1779, just before the fateful decision to offer limited convoys, and had even voted the funds for such a naval-construction program, it progressed but slowly. Another reason for the slow expansion of the Dutch fleet was a lack of suitable recruits—the Dutch navy paid lower wages than the merchant marine and did not use impressment like the Royal Navy. The number of available ships was diminished even more at the start of the war when several ships were captured by the British in the West Indies because they were unaware the war had started. A convoy under Rear Admiral Willem Krul was lost this way near St. Eustatius in February 1781, and the admiral was killed in the short action; in a different action, Captain Bylandt (a nephew of the admiral of the same name) surrendered his ship.

The pronounced inferiority of the Dutch fleet, and its state of "unreadiness" was a frequently reiterated excuse for the Dutch naval commanders, especially Vice Admiral Andries Hartsinck, who commanded the Texel squadron, to keep the fleet at anchor, thereby ceding dominance of the North Sea to the blockading British fleet. Within a few weeks of the beginning of the war, more than 200 Dutch merchantmen, with cargo to the amount of 15 million guilders, had been captured by the British and 300 more were locked up in foreign ports.

Another reason for the lack of activity of the Dutch navy was the fact that diplomatic activity never ceased and gave the Dutch government the illusion that the war would be of only short duration. Empress Catharine, though she refused to come to the aid of the Dutch, was very active in offering her services to mediate the dispute. Both the British and the Dutch, with varying amounts of sincerity, cooperated in these diplomatic manoeuvres, which came to nothing, but helped to keep military activities at a low level while they lasted.

The British government also made overtures to the Dutch to come to a speedy conclusion of hostilities, especially after the cabinet of Lord North had been replaced by that of Rockingham and Fox in March 1782. Fox immediately proposed a separate peace on favourable conditions to the Dutch government. Unfortunately for the Dutch, they had just bound themselves closer to France by agreeing to act "in concert" with France in naval actions, so a separate peace was no longer an option. A real military alliance with France was, however, still blocked by the stadtholder, despite the fact that many in the republic favoured it.

The war, as far as it went, was fought in three main theatres. Britain blockaded Dutch ports in Europe, and embarked on expeditions to seize Dutch colonial properties throughout the world. These were almost entirely successful; only an attempt to capture the Dutch Elmina Castle on the Africa's Gold Coast (modern Ghana) failed. While many Dutch territories in the West Indies were taken by the British, some, like Curaçao, were not attacked due to their defensive strength.

West Indies

As far as the Dutch were concerned, the war in the West Indies was over almost before it had begun. Admiral Rodney, the commander of the Leeward Islands station of the Royal Navy, attacked the Dutch colonies in that part of the Caribbean: St. Eustatius, Saba, and Saint Martin, as soon as he had received word of the declaration of war, in the process surprising a number of Dutch naval and merchant ships, which were still unaware of the start of hostilities. St. Eustatius (captured on 3 February 1781), that had played such a large role in the supply of the American rebels with arms, was completely devastated by him. He proved himself especially vengeful against the Jewish merchants on the island. All goods on the island were confiscated and all merchants, Dutch, American, French, even British, deported. Part of the loot was auctioned off on the spot, but an appreciable amount was put on a convoy destined for Britain. However, much of the convoy was captured in the English Channel by a French squadron under Admiral Picquet de la Motte. The French did not return the goods to the Dutch, however.

Though an attempt was made to likewise capture the Dutch Leeward Antilles, these remained in Dutch hands, as did Suriname, though neighbouring Berbice, Demerara, and Essequibo were rapidly taken by the British early in 1781. These were retaken by the French captain Armand de Kersaint in 1782, and restored to the Dutch after the war.

European waters
Admiral Hartsinck at first proved himself highly reluctant to risk his fleet. However, political pressure to venture outside the safety of the Texel roadstead mounted and several cautious attempts were made to capture British convoys, or escort Dutch convoys. In one of those forays, an unusually strong squadron, under Admiral Johan Zoutman and his second-in-command, Rear Admiral Jan Hendrik van Kinsbergen, encountered in August 1781 a British squadron of about equal strength under Admiral Hyde Parker in the Battle of Dogger Bank, which ended in a tactical draw.

Another promising venture seemed to be what has become known as the Brest Affair. In September 1782, after the Dutch politicians had hesitantly agreed to coordinate their actions with the French, acting "in concert", an opportunity seemed to exist to combine a Dutch squadron of 10 ships of the line with the French squadron at Brest, as the British fleet in the channel had suddenly sailed south. However, Hartsinck, as usual, made objections, based on intelligence that British ships lay in ambush. When this proved false, the stadtholder ordered him to send the squadron, under command of Vice Admiral Count Lodewijk van Bylandt to Brest. However, as had happened countless times before, Bylandt, after having inspected the ships, declared them "unready" to put out to sea. In this refusal, he was supported by the other flag officers. The incident caused a political storm that threatened to engulf the stadtholder himself, as he was responsible as commander-in-chief for both the state of readiness of the fleet and its strategic decisions (though the officers were tactically and operationally responsible, and could not decline responsibility for the alleged state of "unreadiness" themselves). The opponents of the stadtholder demanded an investigation that was, however, very long drawn out, and quietly terminated after the stadtholder was restored in his full powers after 1787, long after the end of the war.

Though, except for the Dogger-Bank skirmish, no major battles were fought in European waters, and the British blockade encountered little opposition from the Dutch fleet, the blockade itself exacted its toll on the British seamen, who were at sea for long times at a stretch (which even exposed them to the danger of scurvy) and the ships that suffered from severe wear and tear. Also, because an appreciable number of ships had to be detached to maintain naval superiority in the North Sea, the already overstretched Royal Navy was even more strained after 1781. Ships that were needed to blockade the Dutch coast could not be used against the French, Americans, and Spaniards in other theatres of war. This may have contributed to a number of the naval defeats the British suffered after 1781.

Asian waters

The Dutch East India Company (VOC) had been responsible for defending its own colonies east of the Cape Colony, but for the first time, had to request assistance from the Dutch navy. However, ships were lacking at first and what naval forces were available were unable to prevent Britain from taking full control of Dutch India. In early 1782 British Admiral Sir Edward Hughes captured Trincomalee on the eastern coast of Dutch Ceylon, considered to be the finest harbour in the Bay of Bengal.

In March 1781, British Admiral George Johnstone was sent to capture the Cape Colony. France, which had already planned to send a fleet to India, received intelligence of this, and directed its commander, the Bailli de Suffren, to try to reach the Cape before Johnstone. After Johnstone and Suffren met in a happenstance battle in the Cape Verde Islands, Suffren was able to arrive before Johnstone, and the strength of French troops he left dissuaded Johnstone from attacking the colony. After capturing a number of VOC ships in the nearby Saldanha Bay, he returned to North Atlantic waters.

Suffren had continued on to Isle de France (now Mauritius) and then India. There, he arrived and fought a number of actions against Hughes. Suffren attempted to take the Dutch port of Negapatam (taken by the British in 1781), but was frustrated by Hughes. In August, the French recaptured Trincomalee, and Suffren fought Hughes to a standstill in a naval battle several days later. The two fleets withdrew and the British repaired in Bombay while the French refitted in the Dutch colony of Sumatra. Hughes and Suffren met again in 1783, but news of preliminary peace between France and Britain ended hostilities in India.

In August 1781, word of the war reached Sumatra, where both the Dutch and British companies had trading outposts. The directors of the British company at Fort Marlborough received instructions from Bombay to destroy all of the Dutch outposts on the west coast of Sumatra. Quite fortuitously, a fleet of five East Indiamen arrived not long after, and the directors seized the opportunity for action. Henry Botham, one of the directors, commandeered the fleet, and with 100 company soldiers sailed for Padang. On 18 August, Jacob van Heemskerk, the VOC chief resident at Padang, surrendered all of the west coast outposts without a fight, unaware that Botham's force was relatively weak. The capture netted the British 500,000 florins in goods and money. The fortress at Padang was destroyed before the town was returned to VOC control in 1784.

Ceasefire and Treaty of Paris
The republic did not form a formal military alliance with France and her allies before the end of the war. A treaty of amity and commerce was, however, concluded with the Americans in October 1782, after John Adams, who succeeded Henry Laurens, had managed to obtain diplomatic recognition of the American republic from the States General in April 1782. The republic was the second European power (after France, but before Spain) to recognise the United States. Adams also succeeded in raising a substantial loan for the Americans on the still-significant Dutch capital market.

The republic involved itself in the peace congress that the French foreign minister, Vergennes, organised, negotiating separately with the British commissioners. The Dutch demands were not supported by the French, and this put them into an untenable position when the French and their allies went ahead with the signing of the general peace. The Dutch, therefore, were forced to sign a preliminary peace just before that general treaty was signed. The republic joined the armistice between Britain and France in January 1783. The signing of the Treaty of Paris (1783–1784) made Negapatnam, in India, a British colony. Ceylon was restored to Dutch control. The British gained the right of free trade with part of the Dutch East Indies, which had been a major war aim for British merchants. The French also returned the other Dutch colonies they had recaptured from the British, including the ones in the West Indies (like St. Eustatius that had been taken by Admiral Rodney in February 1781, but was retaken by the French Admiral De Grasse on 27 November 1781).

Aftermath
The war proved a disaster for the Netherlands, particularly economically. It also proved to be confirmation of the weakening of Dutch power in the 18th century. In the immediate aftermath of the war, the bad result was blamed on the stadholder's mismanagement (if not worse) by his opponents, who coalesced into the Patriot party. These managed for a while to roll back a number of the reforms of the revolution of 1747, strongly diminishing his powers. However, this Patriot revolt was suppressed in 1787 by Prussian and British intervention. The Patriots were driven abroad, but returned in 1795 with the help of the French revolutionary armies and established a Batavian Republic in place of the old Dutch Republic. The Low Countries remained central to British strategic thinking, and they sent expeditionary forces to the Netherlands in 1793, 1799, and 1809. The war caused severe damage to the VOC, which already in a severe crisis, was to go bankrupt just a few years later.

title: Fourth Anglo-Dutch War