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Arturo Merino Benítez International Airport

Arturo Merino Benítez International Airport, also known as Santiago International Airport and Nuevo Pudahuel Airport, located in Pudahuel, 15 km north-west of central Santiago, is Chile's largest aviation facility and busiest international airport.

The airport has domestic and international services to destinations in Europe, Oceania, Africa (cargo only), Asia and the Americas. In 2011, it was the ninth busiest airport in Latin America and the sixth busiest in South America by passenger traffic. It was the seventh busiest airport in Latin America by aircraft movements, serving 124,799 operations. Its location in Chile's most populated area, as well as in the central part of the country, makes it an ideal main hub and maintenance center for most local airlines such as LATAM and Sky Airline. LATAM Airlines accounts for approximately 82% of the airport's total commercial operations.

The airport is owned by the Chilean government and has been operated since October 2015 by Nuevo Pudahuel, a consortium of companies formed by Aéroports de Paris (France), Vinci Airports (France) and Astaldi (Italy). Air traffic control is handled by the Directorate General of Civil Aviation. Its ICAO category is 4F. The airport functions as a joint civil-military facility. It is the headquarters of the Chilean Air Force 2nd Air Brigade and where its 10th Aviation Group is based. Santiago International is the longest non-stop destination for most European carriers including Iberia, Air France, and British Airways from their respective hubs in Madrid–Barajas Airport, Paris–Charles de Gaulle, and London–Heathrow Airport.

The airport is also Latin America's main gateway to Oceania, with scheduled flights to Sydney, Melbourne, Auckland, and Easter Island.

Early years
The demands of the growing metropolitan area of Santiago and the need for modern, jet-era airport facilities, which could safely accommodate both domestic and intercontinental flights, drove the need to relocate the Chilean capital's principal airport from Los Cerrillos Airport (ICAO: SCTI; IATA: ULC) in the denser southwest metropolitan region of Santiago to the more rural northwest metropolitan area.

Construction of the original terminal building, the eastern runway (17L/35R), control tower, east apron and cargo facilities commenced in 1961. On February 2, 1967, the airport was commissioned Aeropuerto Internacional de Pudahuel, due to its location in the municipality of Pudahuel. On March 19, 1980, the airport was rechristened Arturo Merino Benítez International Airport in honour of the founder of the Chilean Air Force and Chilean carrier LATAM Chile (Formerly Linea Aerea Nacional, LAN Chile).

1994 expansion
The facility was expanded in 1994 with a new international terminal that covered 90,000 square meters, inspired by the architecture of Marseille Provence Airport in France. The building is located between the two parallel runways. This expansion added a new control tower, jetways, a duty-free zone, hotel, and greater parking area. The old terminal was used for domestic flights until 2001, when all passenger operations were merged into the same building.

In 2000, Lan Chile joined Oneworld, making of Arturo Merino Benitez Airport a main hub for the alliance, its first one in Latin America and its second in the Southern Hemisphere (after Qantas' Sydney Kingsford Smith International Airport in Australia). As of April 2014, 71% of international and 75% of domestic passengers were carried by Oneworld member airlines. During the 2010 Chile earthquake, the passenger terminal building suffered internal damages and the collapse of a pedestrian bridge between the vehicle ramp and the departures area. Nevertheless, both runways and control tower were unharmed, allowing the realization of a massive humanitarian air-bridge held by the Chilean Air Force to Concepción, Chile (Carriel Sur International Airport), close to the most damaged area by this earthquake and subsequent tsunami. The airport authority had closed off all commercial flight operations after around 1200 UTC on February 27, resuming full operations on March 3, 2010.

In 2011, IATA recognized the DGAC (Chile's provider of air navigation services) and SCL (Santiago Airport) with the Exceptional Recognition Award to the cooperative efforts of SCL and DGAC Chile that facilitated a quick recovery from the devastation that followed the Chilean earthquake on 27 February 2010. "Both airport and air navigation services were restored quickly with no impact on rates or charges for passengers or airlines. DGAC Chile and SCL are widely regarded as leaders in Latin America for efficiency, quality, and customer focus. In June 2011, Santiago International Airport received the Air Cargo Excellence Award, as the best Latin American Cargo Airport.

Second runway
Construction on Runway 17R/35L began in 2004 and opened to traffic in September 2005. However, within months defects were discovered and the runway required repairing, completed in January 2006. Unfortunately further study of the problem discovered that the initial repairs were insufficient, needing additional work. Finally, 17R/35L reopened for traffic in March 2007.

2020 master plan and expansion
In 2008, the airport terminal reached its maximum design capacity of 9.5 million annual passengers, two years earlier than forecast, and with the repairs needed after the 2010 Chile earthquake, the Ministry of Public Works announced in 2012 that it would call for proposals for the expansion and administration of the airport, two years prior to the end of the contract with the current operator.

The ministry decided to investigate a new airport master plan instead of an expansion of the single passenger terminal building, as initially proposed by the current operator. The feasibility studies for this master plan cost 4,560 million Chilean pesos (US$9.4 million) considered in the 2011 fiscal budget.

For this new master plan, the Government hired the consultancy services of Aéroports de Paris Ingeniérie (ADP-I), the architecture, engineering and technical branch of the French airport corporation.

The master plan took into account a capacity growth to 14 million annual passengers by 2014, thirty-four million by year 2034 and 50 million passengers by 2045. New detached passenger terminal buildings for international and domestic flights, additional commercial areas and the construction of a light railway connecting the airport with the Santiago Metro network were considered.

In June 2013, the Chilean Ministry of Public Works started Phase 1 of the airport expansion.

On February 4, 2015, the consortium "Nuevo Pudahuel", formed by French companies Aéroports de Paris (45%), Vinci Airports (40%) and Italian infrastructure company Astaldi (15%) won the bidding process to manage and develop the airport for 20 years since October 1, 2015. The main missions of the new administration will be "the renovation of existing installations with the redesign and extension of the current terminal; the funding, design and construction of a new 175,000-square-meter terminal which will increase the airport's capacity to 30 million passengers, with potential for expansion beyond 45 million; the operation and commercial development for the duration of the concession (20 years) of the main infrastructures: existing terminal and new terminals, car parks and future property developments. Building works will be executed by Astaldi (50% of conception-construction pool) and Vinci Construction Grands Projets (50%)".

Terminal 1 – domestic flights
The terminal building, originally built for both domestic and international operations until 2021, has four levels:
 * Ground floor: Arrivals, duty-free shop, baggage claim, transport services, parking areas, hotel access.
 * First floor: Administrative offices, VIP lounges (access through the second floor).
 * Second floor: Departures, check-in & baggage drop off hall, shops, restaurants, boarding gates.
 * Third floor: Restaurants and VIP check-in areas (LATAM).

Terminal 1 hosts a bank office, Chilean Automobile Club, telecommunication companies (Claro, Movistar and Entel PCS), pharmacy, travel agencies, airlines offices, insurance offices and a police station (Carabineros de Chile).

Terminal 2 – international flights
The new international terminal covers more than 200,000 square meters. It involved an investment of $900 million USD. Construction started in August 2016 and ended in March 2021, increasing the total airport capacity from 16 to 30 million passengers per year. The core of the new terminal consists of a central processor (T2M) where passengers undertake arrivals and departures procedures as well as four piers where the departure lounges are located.

Pier C
Pier C is a structure that has 10 boarding bridges, on a surface of more than 23,700 square metres of serviceable area, and 27,600 square metres of constructed area. It opened its doors in December 2018. Its internal design and green colour are inspired by Easter Island (Rapa Nui). The pier has more than 1,900 square metres dedicated to retail space, of which 250 square metres are allocated to Duty Free areas. The structure also has PRM assistance zones.

Pier D
Pier D features 10 loading bridges covering an area of over 22,000 square meters and opened its doors in July 2021. Passengers are able to reach Pier D directly from the "Main Unit" (T2M) and it is a place for both domestic and international flights. The building also features commercial and gastronomic premises, a playground, an area for art and culture and aid stations for passengers with reduced mobility. The space is inspired by the Atacama region, mirrored in its range of warm colors and panels inspired by the light, energy and strength of northern Chile.

Pier E
Pier E has 12 passenger boarding bridges on a surface of more than 26,700 square metres and opened during the second half of 2019. The pier has more than 1,600 square metres dedicated to retail space, of which 250 square metres are allocated to Duty Free areas. The structure will also have PRM assistance zones. It has been inspired by the region of Los Lagos (Lake District), and this is reflected in the structure's blue palette and decorative panels.

Pier F
Pier F has 10 loading bridges in an area of over 21,000 square meters and was opened in July 2021. Passengers reach pier F directly from the "Main Unit" (T2M) and it is entirely used for international flights. The building also features commercial and gastronomic premises, a playground, an art and culture area and aid stations for passengers with reduced mobility. The space is based on Patagonia, mirrored in its range of cold colors and panels inspired by the freshness, cleanliness and calm of southern Chile.

Airline lounges
In the international terminal, the operators are:
 * LATAM Airlines Lounge: Access for LATAM's Premium Business Class travellers, LATAM Pass or LATAM Fidelidade Platinum, Black and Black Signature frequent flyers.
 * Delta Air Lines Sky Club: Access for Delta Sky Club Members, Delta's passengers travelling in the Delta One cabin or on SkyTeam alliance Premium cabin and SkyTeam Elite Plus tier status members.
 * Avianca Sala VIP: Access for Avianca's International Business Class passengers, Lifemiles Elite Members (Silver, Gold & Diamond Levels), as well as Star Alliance Silver & Gold tier status frequent flyers.
 * Pacific Club (Priority Pass)

Hotels

 * Holiday Inn Hotels finished the construction of a five-floor building in July 2007, internally connected to both terminals (international and domestic). The hotel has 112 rooms, restaurants, bars, room-service, a conference hall for 170 people, gym, covered swimming pool, spa and wi-fi internet access.
 * Hotel Diego de Almagro is located 2 km outside the airport area.
 * The Hilton Garden Inn Santiago Airport Hotel is located 2.8 km from the Santiago International Airport within the ENEA, one of the largest business complexes in Santiago de Chile which hosts offices, industry and entertainment. The hotel has 144 rooms, a fitness center, indoor swimming pool, sauna, seven meeting spaces including a ballroom and business center.
 * The LQ Hotel Santiago Airport (La Quinta Inns & Suites) is under construction and will be the newest hotel near the airport and the first LQ Hotel in Chile. The hotel is located 2.8 km from Santiago International Airport. The hotel will have a restaurant, indoor swimming pool, fitness center, wifi, business center and meeting space.

Maintenance facilities
American Airlines operates a widebody aircraft maintenance facility at the airport, opened in November 2018. The facility holds maintenance hangars, a classroom, offices, parts storage, and tarmac space for two Boeing 777s/787s.

Military functions
The airport is the headquarters of the Chilean Air Force II Air Brigade and hosts the 10th Aviation Group facilities. The 10th Aviation Group provides Strategic Air Transportation, air transportation of the President of Chile, emergency medical air transport, and supervises the Airborne Early Warning & Control Squadron. Some of its units are C-130 Hercules, Boeing 767-300, Boeing 737 Classic, Gulfstream IV, CASA C-212 Aviocar, F-16 Fighting Falcon, AEW&C Condor and Boeing E-3 Sentry.

The FIDAE (Feria Internacional del Aire y del Espacio), Latin America's most important air show, takes place in the 10th Aviation Group facilities.

Roads

Arturo Merino Benitez is about 17 km by car from Santiago's city center. The airport is well served by the six-lane expressway Costanera Norte (Exit # 31), which crosses through the city from West to East bordering the Mapocho river, while it is also well connected to the West, North and North-East of Santiago by the Vespucio Norte Express Ring motorway (Exit # 18).

Taxi and shuttle services
There are two official airport taxi services: Taxi Oficial and Taxi Vip. TransVip shuttle services reach most of Santiago's hotels, business and residential districts.

Bus

Centropuerto buses connect the airport with Los Héroes station of Santiago Metro. Their frequency is every 10 minutes during weekdays and 15 minutes during weekends. Turbus offers a similar service to its Alameda terminal. Both these services stop at the Pajaritos metro station/bus terminal on the way.

Two public line buses connect the airport to Santiago, Linea 555 to Pajaritos metro station on the northern part of the city and Linea 444 to the south part of the city. Both lines connect with Metro Santiago on different stations.

Rental services
Car rental services are available from the airport.

Accidents and incidents

 * On 28 April 1969 LAN Chile Flight 160, a Boeing 727 arriving from Buenos Aires, Argentina, Ministro Pistarini International Airport, crashed short of runway, 24 km north of Colina, Chile (50 km north of Arturo Merino Benítez Airport). None of the 60 passengers and crew was injured in the accident, but the aircraft was written off.


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Ethnicity

An ethnicity or ethnic group is a group of people who identify with each other on the basis of perceived shared attributes that distinguish them from other groups. Those attributes can include a common nation of origin, or common sets of ancestry, traditions, language, history, society, religion, or social treatment. The term ethnicity is often used interchangeably with the term nation, particularly in cases of ethnic nationalism.

Ethnicity may be construed as an inherited or societally imposed construct. Ethnic membership tends to be defined by a shared cultural heritage, ancestry, origin myth, history, homeland, language, dialect, religion, mythology, folklore, ritual, cuisine, dressing style, art, or physical appearance. Ethnic groups may share a narrow or broad spectrum of genetic ancestry, depending on group identification, with some groups having mixed genetic ancestry.

By way of language shift, intermarriage, acculturation, adoption, and religious conversion, individuals or groups may over time shift from one ethnic group to another. Ethnic groups may be divided into subgroups or tribes, which over time may become separate ethnic groups themselves due to endogamy or physical isolation from the parent group. Conversely, formerly separate ethnicities can merge to form a pan-ethnicity and may eventually merge into one single ethnicity. Whether through division or amalgamation, the formation of a separate ethnic identity is referred to as ethnogenesis.

Although both organic and performative criteria characterise ethnic groups, debate in the past has dichotomised between primordialism and constructivism. Earlier 20th-century "Primordialists" viewed ethnic groups as real phenomena whose distinct characteristics have endured since the distant past. Perspectives that developed after the 1960s increasingly viewed ethnic groups as social constructs, with identity assigned by societal rules.

Terminology
The term ethnic is derived from the Greek word ἔθνος ethnos (more precisely, from the adjective ἐθνικός ethnikos, which was loaned into Latin as ethnicus). The inherited English language term for this concept is folk, used alongside the latinate people since the late Middle English period.

In Early Modern English and until the mid-19th century, ethnic was used to mean heathen or pagan (in the sense of disparate "nations" which did not yet participate in the Christian oikumene), as the Septuagint used ta ethne ("the nations") to translate the Hebrew goyim "the foreign nations, non-Hebrews, non-Jews". The Greek term in early antiquity (Homeric Greek) could refer to any large group, a host of men, a band of comrades as well as a swarm or flock of animals. In Classical Greek, the term took on a meaning comparable to the concept now expressed by "ethnic group", mostly translated as "nation, tribe, a unique people group"; only in Hellenistic Greek did the term tend to become further narrowed to refer to "foreign" or "barbarous" nations in particular (whence the later meaning "heathen, pagan"). In the 19th century, the term came to be used in the sense of "peculiar to a tribe, race, people or nation", in a return to the original Greek meaning. The sense of "different cultural groups", and in American English "tribal, racial, cultural or national minority group" arises in the 1930s to 1940s, serving as a replacement of the term race which had earlier taken this sense but was now becoming deprecated due to its association with ideological racism. The abstract ethnicity had been used as a stand-in for "paganism" in the 18th century, but now came to express the meaning of an "ethnic character" (first recorded 1953). The term ethnic group was first recorded in 1935 and entered the Oxford English Dictionary in 1972. Depending on context, the term nationality may be used either synonymously with ethnicity or synonymously with citizenship (in a sovereign state). The process that results in emergence of an ethnicity is called ethnogenesis, a term in use in ethnological literature since about 1950. The term may also be used with the connotation of something unique and unusually exotic (cf. "an ethnic restaurant", etc.), generally related to cultures of more recent immigrants, who arrived after the dominant population of an area was established.

Depending on which source of group identity is emphasized to define membership, the following types of (often mutually overlapping) groups can be identified:
 * Ethno-linguistic, emphasizing shared language, dialect (and possibly script) – example: French Canadians
 * Ethno-national, emphasizing a shared polity or sense of national identity – example: Austrians
 * Ethno-racial, emphasizing shared physical appearance based on phenotype – example: African Americans
 * Ethno-regional, emphasizing a distinct local sense of belonging stemming from relative geographic isolation – example: South Islanders of New Zealand
 * Ethno-religious, emphasizing shared affiliation with a particular religion, denomination or sect – example: Mormons, Sikhs
 * Ethno-cultural, emphasizing shared culture or tradition, often overlapping with other forms of ethnicity – example: Travellers

In many cases, more than one aspect determines membership: for instance, Armenian ethnicity can be defined by Armenian citizenship, having Armenian heritage, native use of the Armenian language, or membership of the Armenian Apostolic Church.

Definitions and conceptual history
Ethnography begins in classical antiquity; after early authors like Anaximander and Hecataeus of Miletus, Herodotus laid the foundation of both historiography and ethnography of the ancient world c. 480 BC. The Greeks had developed a concept of their own ethnicity, which they grouped under the name of Hellenes. Herodotus (8.144.2) gave a famous account of what defined Greek (Hellenic) ethnic identity in his day, enumerating
 * 1) shared descent (ὅμαιμον – homaimon, "of the same blood"),
 * 2) shared language (ὁμόγλωσσον – homoglōsson, "speaking the same language"),
 * 3) shared sanctuaries and sacrifices (Greek: θεῶν ἱδρύματά τε κοινὰ καὶ θυσίαι – theōn hidrumata te koina kai thusiai),
 * 4) shared customs (Greek: ἤθεα ὁμότροπα – ēthea homotropa, "customs of like fashion").

Whether ethnicity qualifies as a cultural universal is to some extent dependent on the exact definition used. Many social scientists, such as anthropologists Fredrik Barth and Eric Wolf, do not consider ethnic identity to be universal. They regard ethnicity as a product of specific kinds of inter-group interactions, rather than an essential quality inherent to human groups.

According to Thomas Hylland Eriksen, the study of ethnicity was dominated by two distinct debates until recently.
 * One is between "primordialism" and "instrumentalism". In the primordialist view, the participant perceives ethnic ties collectively, as an externally given, even coercive, social bond. The instrumentalist approach, on the other hand, treats ethnicity primarily as an ad hoc element of a political strategy, used as a resource for interest groups for achieving secondary goals such as, for instance, an increase in wealth, power, or status. This debate is still an important point of reference in Political science, although most scholars' approaches fall between the two poles.
 * The second debate is between "constructivism" and "essentialism". Constructivists view national and ethnic identities as the product of historical forces, often recent, even when the identities are presented as old. Essentialists view such identities as ontological categories defining social actors.

According to Eriksen, these debates have been superseded, especially in anthropology, by scholars' attempts to respond to increasingly politicized forms of self-representation by members of different ethnic groups and nations. This is in the context of debates over multiculturalism in countries, such as the United States and Canada, which have large immigrant populations from many different cultures, and post-colonialism in the Caribbean and South Asia.

Max Weber maintained that ethnic groups were künstlich (artificial, i.e. a social construct) because they were based on a subjective belief in shared Gemeinschaft (community). Secondly, this belief in shared Gemeinschaft did not create the group; the group created the belief. Third, group formation resulted from the drive to monopolize power and status. This was contrary to the prevailing naturalist belief of the time, which held that socio-cultural and behavioral differences between peoples stemmed from inherited traits and tendencies derived from common descent, then called "race".

Another influential theoretician of ethnicity was Fredrik Barth, whose "Ethnic Groups and Boundaries" from 1969 has been described as instrumental in spreading the usage of the term in social studies in the 1980s and 1990s. Barth went further than Weber in stressing the constructed nature of ethnicity. To Barth, ethnicity was perpetually negotiated and renegotiated by both external ascription and internal self-identification. Barth's view is that ethnic groups are not discontinuous cultural isolates or logical a priori to which people naturally belong. He wanted to part with anthropological notions of cultures as bounded entities, and ethnicity as primordialist bonds, replacing it with a focus on the interface between groups. "Ethnic Groups and Boundaries", therefore, is a focus on the interconnectedness of ethnic identities. Barth writes: "...categorical ethnic distinctions do not depend on an absence of mobility, contact, and information, but do entail social processes of exclusion and incorporation whereby discrete categories are maintained despite changing participation and membership in the course of individual life histories."

In 1978, anthropologist Ronald Cohen claimed that the identification of "ethnic groups" in the usage of social scientists often reflected inaccurate labels more than indigenous realities: "... the named ethnic identities we accept, often unthinkingly, as basic givens in the literature are often arbitrarily, or even worse inaccurately, imposed."

In this way, he pointed to the fact that identification of an ethnic group by outsiders, e.g. anthropologists, may not coincide with the self-identification of the members of that group. He also described that in the first decades of usage, the term ethnicity had often been used in lieu of older terms such as "cultural" or "tribal" when referring to smaller groups with shared cultural systems and shared heritage, but that "ethnicity" had the added value of being able to describe the commonalities between systems of group identity in both tribal and modern societies. Cohen also suggested that claims concerning "ethnic" identity (like earlier claims concerning "tribal" identity) are often colonialist practices and effects of the relations between colonized peoples and nation-states.

According to Paul James, formations of identity were often changed and distorted by colonization, but identities are not made out of nothing: "Categorizations about identity, even when codified and hardened into clear typologies by processes of colonization, state formation or general modernizing processes, are always full of tensions and contradictions. Sometimes these contradictions are destructive, but they can also be creative and positive."

Social scientists have thus focused on how, when, and why different markers of ethnic identity become salient. Thus, anthropologist Joan Vincent observed that ethnic boundaries often have a mercurial character. Ronald Cohen concluded that ethnicity is "a series of nesting dichotomizations of inclusiveness and exclusiveness". He agrees with Joan Vincent's observation that (in Cohen's paraphrase) "Ethnicity... can be narrowed or broadened in boundary terms in relation to the specific needs of political mobilization. This may be why descent is sometimes a marker of ethnicity, and sometimes not: which diacritic of ethnicity is salient depends on whether people are scaling ethnic boundaries up or down, and whether they are scaling them up or down depends generally on the political situation.

Kanchan Chandra rejects the expansive definitions of ethnic identity (such as those that include common culture, common language, common history and common territory), choosing instead to define ethnic identity narrowly as a subset of identity categories determined by the belief of common descent. Jóhanna Birnir similarly defines ethnicity as "group self-identification around a characteristic that is very difficult or even impossible to change, such as language, race, or location."

Approaches to understanding ethnicity
Different approaches to understanding ethnicity have been used by different social scientists when trying to understand the nature of ethnicity as a factor in human life and society. As Jonathan M. Hall observes, World War II was a turning point in ethnic studies. The consequences of Nazi racism discouraged essentialist interpretations of ethnic groups and race. Ethnic groups came to be defined as social rather than biological entities. Their coherence was attributed to shared myths, descent, kinship, a common place of origin, language, religion, customs, and national character. So, ethnic groups are conceived as mutable rather than stable, constructed in discursive practices rather than written in the genes.

Examples of various approaches are primordialism, essentialism, perennialism, constructivism, modernism, and instrumentalism.
 * "Primordialism", holds that ethnicity has existed at all times of human history and that modern ethnic groups have historical continuity into the far past. For them, the idea of ethnicity is closely linked to the idea of nations and is rooted in the pre-Weber understanding of humanity as being divided into primordially existing groups rooted by kinship and biological heritage.
 * "Essentialist primordialism" further holds that ethnicity is an a priori fact of human existence, that ethnicity precedes any human social interaction and that it is unchanged by it. This theory sees ethnic groups as natural, not just as historical. It also has problems dealing with the consequences of intermarriage, migration and colonization for the composition of modern-day multi-ethnic societies.
 * "Kinship primordialism" holds that ethnic communities are extensions of kinship units, basically being derived by kinship or clan ties where the choices of cultural signs (language, religion, traditions) are made exactly to show this biological affinity. In this way, the myths of common biological ancestry that are a defining feature of ethnic communities are to be understood as representing actual biological history. A problem with this view on ethnicity is that it is more often than not the case that mythic origins of specific ethnic groups directly contradict the known biological history of an ethnic community.
 * "Geertz's primordialism", notably espoused by anthropologist Clifford Geertz, argues that humans in general attribute an overwhelming power to primordial human "givens" such as blood ties, language, territory, and cultural differences. In Geertz' opinion, ethnicity is not in itself primordial but humans perceive it as such because it is embedded in their experience of the world.
 * "Perennialism", an approach that is primarily concerned with nationhood but tends to see nations and ethnic communities as basically the same phenomenon holds that the nation, as a type of social and political organization, is of an immemorial or "perennial" character. Smith (1999) distinguishes two variants: "continuous perennialism", which claims that particular nations have existed for very long periods, and "recurrent perennialism", which focuses on the emergence, dissolution and reappearance of nations as a recurring aspect of human history.
 * "Perpetual perennialism" holds that specific ethnic groups have existed continuously throughout history.
 * "Situational perennialism" holds that nations and ethnic groups emerge, change and vanish through the course of history. This view holds that the concept of ethnicity is a tool used by political groups to manipulate resources such as wealth, power, territory or status in their particular groups' interests. Accordingly, ethnicity emerges when it is relevant as a means of furthering emergent collective interests and changes according to political changes in society. Examples of a perennialist interpretation of ethnicity are also found in Barth and Seidner who see ethnicity as ever-changing boundaries between groups of people established through ongoing social negotiation and interaction.
 * "Instrumentalist perennialism", while seeing ethnicity primarily as a versatile tool that identified different ethnics groups and limits through time, explains ethnicity as a mechanism of social stratification, meaning that ethnicity is the basis for a hierarchical arrangement of individuals. According to Donald Noel, a sociologist who developed a theory on the origin of ethnic stratification, ethnic stratification is a "system of stratification wherein some relatively fixed group membership (e.g., race, religion, or nationality) is used as a major criterion for assigning social positions". Ethnic stratification is one of many different types of social stratification, including stratification based on socio-economic status, race, or gender. According to Donald Noel, ethnic stratification will emerge only when specific ethnic groups are brought into contact with one another, and only when those groups are characterized by a high degree of ethnocentrism, competition, and differential power. Ethnocentrism is the tendency to look at the world primarily from the perspective of one's own culture, and to downgrade all other groups outside one's own culture. Some sociologists, such as Lawrence Bobo and Vincent Hutchings, say the origin of ethnic stratification lies in individual dispositions of ethnic prejudice, which relates to the theory of ethnocentrism. Continuing with Noel's theory, some degree of differential power must be present for the emergence of ethnic stratification. In other words, an inequality of power among ethnic groups means "they are of such unequal power that one is able to impose its will upon another". In addition to differential power, a degree of competition structured along ethnic lines is a prerequisite to ethnic stratification as well. The different ethnic groups must be competing for some common goal, such as power or influence, or a material interest, such as wealth or territory. Lawrence Bobo and Vincent Hutchings propose that competition is driven by self-interest and hostility, and results in inevitable stratification and conflict.
 * "Constructivism" sees both primordialist and perennialist views as basically flawed, and rejects the notion of ethnicity as a basic human condition. It holds that ethnic groups are only products of human social interaction, maintained only in so far as they are maintained as valid social constructs in societies.
 * "Modernist constructivism" correlates the emergence of ethnicity with the movement towards nation states beginning in the early modern period. Proponents of this theory, such as Eric Hobsbawm, argue that ethnicity and notions of ethnic pride, such as nationalism, are purely modern inventions, appearing only in the modern period of world history. They hold that prior to this ethnic homogeneity was not considered an ideal or necessary factor in the forging of large-scale societies.

Ethnicity is an important means by which people may identify with a larger group. Many social scientists, such as anthropologists Fredrik Barth and Eric Wolf, do not consider ethnic identity to be universal. They regard ethnicity as a product of specific kinds of inter-group interactions, rather than an essential quality inherent to human groups. The process that results in emergence of such identification is called ethnogenesis. Members of an ethnic group, on the whole, claim cultural continuities over time, although historians and cultural anthropologists have documented that many of the values, practices, and norms that imply continuity with the past are of relatively recent invention.

Ethnic groups can form a cultural mosaic in a society. That could be in a city like New York City or Trieste, but also the fallen monarchy of the Austro-Hungarian Empire or the United States. Current topics are in particular social and cultural differentiation, multilingualism, competing identity offers, multiple cultural identities and the formation of Salad bowl and melting pot. Ethnic groups differ from other social groups, such as subcultures, interest groups or social classes, because they emerge and change over historical periods (centuries) in a process known as ethnogenesis, a period of several generations of endogamy resulting in common ancestry (which is then sometimes cast in terms of a mythological narrative of a founding figure); ethnic identity is reinforced by reference to "boundary markers" – characteristics said to be unique to the group which set it apart from other groups.

Ethnicity theory in the United States
Ethnicity theory argues that race is a social category and is only one of several factors in determining ethnicity. Other criteria include "religion, language, 'customs', nationality, and political identification". This theory was put forward by sociologist Robert E. Park in the 1920s. It is based on the notion of "culture".

This theory was preceded by more than 100 years during which biological essentialism was the dominant paradigm on race. Biological essentialism is the belief that some races, specifically white Europeans in western versions of the paradigm, are biologically superior and other races, specifically non-white races in western debates, are inherently inferior. This view arose as a way to justify enslavement of African Americans and genocide of Native Americans in a society that was officially founded on freedom for all. This was a notion that developed slowly and came to be a preoccupation with scientists, theologians, and the public. Religious institutions asked questions about whether there had been multiple creations of races (polygenesis) and whether God had created lesser races. Many of the foremost scientists of the time took up the idea of racial difference and found that white Europeans were superior.

The ethnicity theory was based on the assimilation model. Park outlined four steps to assimilation: contact, conflict, accommodation, and assimilation. Instead of attributing the marginalized status of people of color in the United States to their inherent biological inferiority, he attributed it to their failure to assimilate into American culture. They could become equal if they abandoned their inferior cultures.

Michael Omi and Howard Winant's theory of racial formation directly confronts both the premises and the practices of ethnicity theory. They argue in Racial Formation in the United States that the ethnicity theory was exclusively based on the immigration patterns of the white population and did take into account the unique experiences of non-whites in the United States. While Park's theory identified different stages in the immigration process – contact, conflict, struggle, and as the last and best response, assimilation – it did so only for white communities. The ethnicity paradigm neglected the ways in which race can complicate a community's interactions with social and political structures, especially upon contact.

Assimilation – shedding the particular qualities of a native culture for the purpose of blending in with a host culture – did not work for some groups as a response to racism and discrimination, though it did for others. Once the legal barriers to achieving equality had been dismantled, the problem of racism became the sole responsibility of already disadvantaged communities. It was assumed that if a Black or Latino community was not "making it" by the standards that had been set by whites, it was because that community did not hold the right values or beliefs, or were stubbornly resisting dominant norms because they did not want to fit in. Omi and Winant's critique of ethnicity theory explains how looking to cultural defect as the source of inequality ignores the "concrete sociopolitical dynamics within which racial phenomena operate in the U.S." It prevents critical examination of the structural components of racism and encourages a "benign neglect" of social inequality.

Ethnicity and nationality
In some cases, especially those involving transnational migration or colonial expansion, ethnicity is linked to nationality. Anthropologists and historians, following the modernist understanding of ethnicity as proposed by Ernest Gellner and Benedict Anderson see nations and nationalism as developing with the rise of the modern state system in the 17th century. They culminated in the rise of "nation-states" in which the presumptive boundaries of the nation coincided (or ideally coincided) with state boundaries. Thus, in the West, the notion of ethnicity, like race and nation, developed in the context of European colonial expansion, when mercantilism and capitalism were promoting global movements of populations at the same time that state boundaries were being more clearly and rigidly defined.

In the 19th century, modern states generally sought legitimacy through their claim to represent "nations". Nation-states, however, invariably include populations who have been excluded from national life for one reason or another. Members of excluded groups, consequently, will either demand inclusion based on equality or seek autonomy, sometimes even to the extent of complete political separation in their nation-state. Under these conditionswhen people moved from one state to another, or one state conquered or colonized peoples beyond its national boundaries – ethnic groups were formed by people who identified with one nation, but lived in another state.

In the 1920s Estonia introduced a flexible system of ethnicity/nationality self-choice for its citizens, which included Estonians Russians, Baltic Germans and Jews.

Multi-ethnic states can be the result of two opposite events, either the recent creation of state borders at variance with traditional tribal territories, or the recent immigration of ethnic minorities into a former nation-state. Examples for the first case are found throughout Africa, where countries created during decolonization inherited arbitrary colonial borders, but also in European countries such as Belgium or United Kingdom. Examples for the second case are countries such as Netherlands, which were relatively ethnically homogeneous when they attained statehood but have received significant immigration in the 17th century and even more so in the second half of the 20th century. States such as the United Kingdom, France and Switzerland comprised distinct ethnic groups from their formation and have likewise experienced substantial immigration, resulting in what has been termed "multicultural" societies, especially in large cities.

The states of the New World were multi-ethnic from the onset, as they were formed as colonies imposed on existing indigenous populations.

In recent decades, feminist scholars (most notably Nira Yuval-Davis) have drawn attention to the fundamental ways in which women participate in the creation and reproduction of ethnic and national categories. Though these categories are usually discussed as belonging to the public, political sphere, they are upheld within the private, family sphere to a great extent. It is here that women act not just as biological reproducers but also as "cultural carriers", transmitting knowledge and enforcing behaviors that belong to a specific collectivity. Women also often play a significant symbolic role in conceptions of nation or ethnicity, for example in the notion that "women and children" constitute the kernel of a nation which must be defended in times of conflict, or in iconic figures such as Britannia or Marianne.

Ethnicity and race

Ethnicity is used as a matter of cultural identity of a group, often based on shared ancestry, language, and cultural traditions, while race is applied as a taxonomic grouping, based on physical similarities among groups. Race is a more controversial subject than ethnicity, due to common political use of the term. Ramón Grosfoguel (University of California, Berkeley) argues that "racial/ethnic identity" is one concept and concepts of race and ethnicity cannot be used as separate and autonomous categories.

Before Weber (1864–1920), race and ethnicity were primarily seen as two aspects of the same thing. Around 1900 and before, the primordialist understanding of ethnicity predominated: cultural differences between peoples were seen as being the result of inherited traits and tendencies. With Weber's introduction of the idea of ethnicity as a social construct, race and ethnicity became more divided from each other.

In 1950, the UNESCO statement "The Race Question", signed by some of the internationally renowned scholars of the time (including Ashley Montagu, Claude Lévi-Strauss, Gunnar Myrdal, Julian Huxley, etc.), said: "National, religious, geographic, linguistic and cultural groups do not necessarily coincide with racial groups: and the cultural traits of such groups have no demonstrated genetic connection with racial traits. Because serious errors of this kind are habitually committed when the term 'race' is used in popular parlance, it would be better when speaking of human races to drop the term 'race' altogether and speak of 'ethnic groups'."

In 1982, anthropologist David Craig Griffith summed up forty years of ethnographic research, arguing that racial and ethnic categories are symbolic markers for different ways people from different parts of the world have been incorporated into a global economy: "The opposing interests that divide the working classes are further reinforced through appeals to 'racial' and 'ethnic' distinctions. Such appeals serve to allocate different categories of workers to rungs on the scale of labor markets, relegating stigmatized populations to the lower levels and insulating the higher echelons from competition from below. Capitalism did not create all the distinctions of ethnicity and race that function to set off categories of workers from one another. It is, nevertheless, the process of labor mobilization under capitalism that imparts to these distinctions their effective values."

According to Wolf, racial categories were constructed and incorporated during the period of European mercantile expansion, and ethnic groupings during the period of capitalist expansion.

Writing in 1977 about the usage of the term "ethnic" in the ordinary language of Great Britain and the United States, Wallman noted "The term 'ethnic' popularly connotes '[race]' in Britain, only less precisely, and with a lighter value load. In North America, by contrast, '[race]' most commonly means color, and 'ethnics' are the descendants of relatively recent immigrants from non-English-speaking countries. '[Ethnic]' is not a noun in Britain. In effect there are no 'ethnics'; there are only 'ethnic relations'."

In the U.S., the OMB says the definition of race as used for the purposes of the US Census is not "scientific or anthropological" and takes into account "social and cultural characteristics as well as ancestry", using "appropriate scientific methodologies" that are not "primarily biological or genetic in reference".

Ethno-national conflict
Sometimes ethnic groups are subject to prejudicial attitudes and actions by the state or its constituents. In the 20th century, people began to argue that conflicts among ethnic groups or between members of an ethnic group and the state can and should be resolved in one of two ways. Some, like Jürgen Habermas and Bruce Barry, have argued that the legitimacy of modern states must be based on a notion of political rights of autonomous individual subjects. According to this view, the state should not acknowledge ethnic, national or racial identity but rather instead enforce political and legal equality of all individuals. Others, like Charles Taylor and Will Kymlicka, argue that the notion of the autonomous individual is itself a cultural construct. According to this view, states must recognize ethnic identity and develop processes through which the particular needs of ethnic groups can be accommodated within the boundaries of the nation-state.

The 19th century saw the development of the political ideology of ethnic nationalism, when the concept of race was tied to nationalism, first by German theorists including Johann Gottfried von Herder. Instances of societies focusing on ethnic ties, arguably to the exclusion of history or historical context, have resulted in the justification of nationalist goals. Two periods frequently cited as examples of this are the 19th-century consolidation and expansion of the German Empire and the 20th century Nazi Germany. Each promoted the pan-ethnic idea that these governments were acquiring only lands that had always been inhabited by ethnic Germans. The history of late-comers to the nation-state model, such as those arising in the Near East and south-eastern Europe out of the dissolution of the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian Empires, as well as those arising out of the USSR, is marked by inter-ethnic conflicts. Such conflicts usually occur within multi-ethnic states, as opposed to between them, as in other regions of the world. Thus, the conflicts are often misleadingly labeled and characterized as civil wars when they are inter-ethnic conflicts in a multi-ethnic state.

Africa
Ethnic groups in Africa number in the hundreds, each generally having its own language (or dialect of a language) and culture.

Asia

Ethnic groups are abundant throughout Asia, with adaptations to the climate zones of Asia, which can be the Arctic, subarctic, temperate, subtropical or tropical. The ethnic groups have adapted to mountains, deserts, grasslands, and forests.

On the coasts of Asia, the ethnic groups have adopted various methods of harvest and transport. Some groups are primarily hunter-gatherers, some practice transhumance (nomadic lifestyle), others have been agrarian/rural for millennia and others becoming industrial/urban. Some groups/countries of Asia are completely urban, such as those in Hong Kong, Shanghai, and Singapore. The colonization of Asia was largely ended in the 20th century, with national drives for independence and self-determination across the continent.

In Indonesia alone, there are more than 1,300 ethnic groups recognized by the government, which are located on 17,000 islands in the Indonesian archipelago

Russia has more than 185 recognized ethnic groups besides the eighty percent ethnic Russian majority. The largest group is the Tatars, 3.8 percent. Many of the smaller groups are found in the Asian part of Russia (see Indigenous peoples of Siberia).

Europe

Europe has a large number of ethnic groups; Pan and Pfeil (2004) count 87 distinct "peoples of Europe", of which 33 form the majority population in at least one sovereign state, while the remaining 54 constitute ethnic minorities within every state they inhabit (although they may form local regional majorities within a sub-national entity). The total number of national minority populations in Europe is estimated at 105 million people or 14% of 770 million Europeans.

A number of European countries, including France and Switzerland, do not collect information on the ethnicity of their resident population.

An example of a largely nomadic ethnic group in Europe is the Roma, pejoratively known as Gypsies. They originated from India and speak the Romani language.

The Serbian province of Vojvodina is recognizable for its multi-ethnic and multi-cultural identity. There are some 26 ethnic groups in the province, and six languages are in official use by the provincial administration.

North America
The indigenous people in North America are Native Americans. During European colonization, Europeans arrived in North America. Most Native Americans died due to Spanish diseases and other European diseases such as smallpox during the European colonization of the Americas. The largest pan-ethnic group in the United States is White Americans. Hispanic and Latino Americans (Mexican Americans in particular) and Asian Americans have immigrated to the United States recently. In Mexico, most Mexicans are mestizo, a mixture of Spanish and Native American ancestry. Some Hispanic and Latino Americans living in the United States are not mestizos.

African slaves were brought to North America from the 16th to 19th centuries during the Atlantic slave trade. Many of them were sent to the Caribbean. Ethnic groups that live in the Caribbean are: indigenous peoples, Africans, Indians, white Europeans, Chinese and Portuguese. The first white Europeans to arrive in the Dominican Republic were the Spanish in 1492. The Caribbean was also colonized and discovered by the Portuguese, English, Dutch and French.

A sizeable number of people in the United States have mixed-race identities. In 2021, the number of Americans who identified as non-Hispanic and more than one race was 13.5 million. The number of Hispanic Americans who identified as multiracial was 20.3 million. Over the course of the 2010s decade, there was a 127% increase in non-Hispanic Americans who identified as multiracial.

The largest ethnic groups in the United States are Germans, African Americans, Mexicans, Irish, English, Americans, Italians, Poles, French, Scottish, Native Americans, Puerto Ricans, Norwegians, Dutch people, Swedish people, Chinese people, West Indians, Russians and Filipinos.

In Canada, European Canadians are the largest ethnic group. In Canada, the indigenous population is growing faster than the non-indigenous population. Most immigrants in Canada come from Asia.

South America
In South America, although highly varying between regions, people are commonly mixed-race, indigenous, European, black African, and to a lesser extent also Asian.

Oceania
Nearly all states in Oceania have majority indigenous populations, with notable exceptions being Australia, New Zealand and Norfolk Island, who have majority European populations. States with smaller European populations include Guam, Hawaii and New Caledonia (whose Europeans are known as Caldoche). Indigenous peoples of Oceania are Australian Aboriginals, Austronesians and Papuans, and they originated from Asia. The Austronesians of Oceania are further broken up into three distinct groups; Melanesians, Micronesians and Polynesians.

Oceanic South Pacific islands nearing Latin America were uninhabited when discovered by Europeans in the 16th century, with nothing to indicate prehistoric human activity by Indigenous peoples of the Americas or Oceania. Contemporary residents are mainly mestizos and Europeans from the Latin American countries whom administer them, although none of these islands have extensive populations. Easter Island are the only oceanic island politically associated with Latin America to have an indigenous population, the Polynesian Rapa Nui people. Their current inhabitants include indigenous Polynesians and mestizo settlers from political administrators Chile, in addition to mixed-race individuals with Polynesian and mestizo/European ancestry. The British overseas territory of Pitcairn Islands, to the west of Easter Island, have a population of approximately 50 people. They are mixed-race Euronesians who descended from an initial group of British and Tahitian settlers in the 18th century. The islands were previously inhabited by Polynesians; they had long abandoned Pitcairn by the time the settlers had arrived. Norfolk Island, now an external territory of Australia, is also believed to have been inhabited by Polynesians prior to its initial European discovery in the 18th century. Some of their residents are descended from mixed-race Pitcairn Islanders that were relocated onto Norfolk due to overpopulation in 1856.

The once uninhabited Bonin Islands, later politically integrated into Japan, have a small population consisting of Japanese mainlanders and descendants of early European settlers. Archeological findings from the 1990s suggested there was possible prehistoric human activity by Micronesians prior to European discovery in the 16th century.

Several political entities associated with Oceania are still uninhabited, including Baker Island, Clipperton Island, Howland Island and Jarvis Island. There were brief attempts to settle Clipperton with Mexicans and Jarvis with Native Hawaiians in the early 20th century. The Jarvis settlers were relocated from the island due to Japanese advancements during World War II, while most of the settlers on Clipperton ended up dying from starvation and murdering one and other.

Australia
The first evident ethnic group to live in Australia were the Australian Aboriginals, a group considered related to the Melanesian Torres Strait Islander people. Europeans, primarily from England arrived first in 1770.

The 2016 Census shows England and New Zealand are the next most common countries of birth after Australia, the proportion of people born in China and India has increased since 2011 (from 6.0 per cent to 8.3 per cent, and 5.6 per cent to 7.4 per cent, respectively).

The proportion of people identifying as being of Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander origin increased from 2.5 per cent of the Australian population in 2011 to 2.8 per cent in 2016.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Ethnicity


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Undressed

Undressed is an American anthology series that aired on MTV from July 26, 1999, to September 5, 2002. The series was created and executive produced by British director Roland Joffé.

Synopsis
The series follows the relationships (both romantic and sexual) of young people, often high schoolers, college students, and twenty-somethings in the Los Angeles area. The series was controversial for its frank discussions about sex, including depictions of promiscuous behavior between teens, as well as same-sex relationships.

Each season had several recurring characters with each episode focused on two or three specific characters with plotlines presented as interwoven vignettes. Some stories concluded at each season's end while others continued with variable duration. Undressed ran for six seasons, from July 26, 1999, to September 5, 2002.

The series featured early performances by actors who went on to more popular roles in television and cinema.

Season 1 (1999)
Season 1 ran from July to September 1999, and had 30 episodes.

Cast members included:
 * Dante Basco (Jake)
 * Marc Blucas (Billy)
 * Sam Doumit (Jana)
 * Reagan Gomez-Preston (Jackie)
 * Nicholas Gonzalez (Andy)
 * Christina Hendricks (Rhiannon)
 * Erica Hubbard (Jenny)
 * Jon Huertas (Evan)
 * Frankie Ingrassia (Samantha)
 * Bryce Johnson (Cliff)
 * Brandon Keener (Theo)
 * Trevor Lissauer (Z)
 * Sarah Lancaster (Liz)
 * Thad Luckinbill (Kyle)
 * Peter Paige (Kirk)
 * Pedro Pascal (Greg)
 * Christopher Pettiet (Dean)
 * Eyal Podell (Joel)
 * Nick Stabile (Dave)
 * Bree Turner (Tina)

Season 2 (2000)
Season 2 ran from February to March 2000, and had 30 episodes.

Notable cast members included:
 * Rukiya Bernard (Talia)
 * Anastasia Horne (Lori)
 * Sara Downing (Terry)
 * Rose Freymuth-Frazier (Joy)
 * Jay Hernandez (Eddie)
 * Travis Wester (Burke)
 * Ali Hillis (Kim)
 * Chad Michael Murray (Dan)
 * Katee Sackhoff (Annie)
 * Darryl Stephens (Rudy)
 * Jason Thompson (Miles)
 * Jerry Trainor (Eric)
 * Cerina Vincent (Kitty)
 * Lauren Woodland (Anika)
 * J. August Richards (Bryce)

Season 3 (2000)
Season 3 lasted from July to August 2000, and had 30 episodes.

Notable cast members included:
 * Aimee Allen (Molly)
 * Kristina Anapau (Roxy)
 * Adam Brody (Lucas)
 * Marcus Coloma (Charlie)
 * Kelly Donovan (Jacob)
 * Stephane Eitel
 * Jason David Frank (Carl)
 * Lauren German (Kimmy)
 * Max Greenfield (Victor)
 * Bret Harrison (Skeet)
 * Alyson Kiperman (Janice)
 * Iyari Limon (Cindy)
 * Diane Mizota (Katy)
 * Sam Page (Sam)
 * Jason Ritter (Allan)
 * Brandon Routh (Wade)

Season 4 (2001)
Season 4 ran from January to March 2001, and had 40 episodes.

Notable cast members included:
 * Brandon Beemer (Lucas)
 * Johnny Lewis (Ray)
 * Sarah Jane Morris (Paula)
 * Alisan Porter (Belinda)
 * Beth Riesgraf (Loretta)
 * Michelle Ongkingco (Trudi)

Season 5 (2001)
Season 5 ran from July to September 2001, and had 40 episodes.

Notable cast members included:
 * Katie Aselton (Kim)
 * Scott Clifton (Caleb)
 * Mike Erwin (Lyle)
 * Autumn Reeser (Erica)
 * Adrienne Wilkinson (Lois)
 * Jennifer Tisdale (Betsy)

Season 6 (2002)
Season 6 ran from June to September 2002, and had 52 episodes. It was produced in Canada, utilizing mainly Canadian actors.

Notable cast members included:
 * Natalie Brown (Brianne)
 * Karen Cliche (Marissa)
 * Rachelle Lefevre (Annie)
 * Kim Poirier (Holly)
 * Victoria Sanchez (Frannie)
 * Anna Silk (Becca)
 * Sarah Smyth (Julie)
 * Michael Urie (Justin)
 * Elizabeth Whitmere (Jasmine)

Production notes
Michael Grodner and Swith Bell were the show's head writers, whereas Neil Landau served as the co-head writer. Jennifer M. Johnson was a writer for the series.

Undressed was filmed in Los Angeles for the first five seasons, and in Montreal, Quebec, Canada for the sixth and final season.

Syndication
In January 2010, episodes briefly ran on Logo.

Future
In November 2018, it was reported that a reboot of the series was in the works at MTV Studios with original series creator Roland Joffé as executive producer. Said Pamela Post (Head of Scripted Programming for MTV Studios, MTV, VH1 and Logo): "Undressed was ahead of its time and we're looking forward to developing the series for a whole new generation. Much has changed in the dating/relationship world since the series first premiered and we're excited to showcase how both have evolved."

title: Undressed


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Ricardian

Ricardian may refer to:

 * A follower of Ricardian economics, named after economist David Ricardo (1772–1823)
 * Ricardian (Richard III), a defender of the reputation of King Richard III of England

title: Ricardian


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User talk:Stekess

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title: User talk:Stekess


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Sprinter (computer)

The Sprinter (also called Peters Plus Sprinter or PPS ) is a microcomputer made by the Russian firm Peters Plus, Ltd. It was the last ZX Spectrum clone produced in a factory.

It was built using what the company called a "Flex architecture", using an Altera PLD as part of the core logic. This allows the machine's hardware to be reconfigured on the fly for different ZX-Spectrum models compatibility or its own enhanced native mode (set by default on boot and running the Estex operating system).

Specifications
The computer is built on a standard computer tower configuration, using standard floppy discs, CD-ROM and hard disk drives.

 * CPU: Z84C15 at 21 MHz or 3.5 MHz, Altera PLD
 * Video output: SECAM TV or CGA monitor
 * Graphic modes: 320 x 256 with 256 colors, 640 x 256 with 16 colors, text mode 80 x 32 with 16 colors, 16 million color palette, 256/512 Kb video RAM
 * Sound: Beeper, AY-3-8910, 16-bit DAC
 * IDE & FDD onboard controllers
 * Two ISA-8 slots

title: Sprinter (computer)


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User:Stekess

hi to all!

title: User:Stekess


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Talk:General Motors

Asüna
Should Asüna, which I'd never heard of until five minutes ago, be in the table of former GM brands? Mr Larrington (talk) 09:44, 21 June 2022 (UTC)

 * Because you never heard of it before is no reason to remove something from Wikipedia. Asüna was a brand used for captive imports in Canada, much like how Geo was used in the US.  Even if it was short lived, I don't see why it shouldn't be included in the list. --Vossanova o< 14:06, 13 September 2022 (UTC)

history section is too long
It's a novel 207.162.132.74 (talk) 18:25, 4 August 2022 (UTC)

 * True, it is long. But GM is one of the oldest surviving brands, so that's expected. Chopping it down would be a disservice. Better to split the history section off into it's own article and leave just a 1 or 2 paragraph summary here.  Stepho  talk 23:46, 4 August 2022 (UTC)

 * There already is a History of General Motors article though, so we just need to move more of this into there. The "Post-reorganization" section is definitely getting out of hand.  WP:NOTNEWS, this is not a place to dump a new line and reference every time a news story about General Motors is released.  See also WP:PROSELINE and WP:ANNOUNCED (not policies, but they show how easily a well-written article can turn into a timeline of indiscriminate announcements with unnecessary emphasis on dates). --Vossanova o< 18:41, 8 September 2022 (UTC)

Gm employee discount
Do I still get the employees discount even if my father who worked for gm passed away? 2600:1700:2120:BB40:89D3:1D39:FE8D:B474 (talk) 21:39, 20 August 2022 (UTC)

 * Sorry, but that is not a suitable question for this talk page. A Wikipedia talk page are about improving the Wikipedia article. You will have to ask somewhere else.  Stepho  talk 00:35, 21 August 2022 (UTC)

Engineering summary is totally missing
The article is missing any summary description of the engineering of GM products, and company initiatives to engineer their products. It is missing the role of major engineering efforts of previous decades. But it is also missing things like the commitment GM made in 2019 to design an electric vehicle platform (which they seem to call "Altium") for many EVs across their brands.

This would seem to be important because new products during major technology shifts are critical to a company continuing to exist or the company missing a societal technology shift, and potentially failing or consolidating/shrinking later on. See any Tesla article and you won't find the design, development, & engineering going on missing from an encyclopedic treatment of the company. Cheers. — 17:15, 17 April 2023 (UTC) N2e (talk) 17:15, 17 April 2023 (UTC)

 * Sure. If you have suitable references then feel free to add such a section. If it is more than a few paragraphs long then consider creating a new article and leaving just a summary and link to it from this article.
 * Beware that almost all big manufacturers have promised to go all electric at some future date. Corporations are also known to change their mind at the drop of a hat. Promises are cheap and non-binding.  Stepho  talk 10:25, 18 April 2023 (UTC)

Acquisition of Ford
In 1909, General Motors attempted to buy Ford but failed. Is it possible within the following years for General Motors to acquire Ford, as Durant attempted 114 years ago? General Motors would need to buy the Ford Motor Company, to be able to re-take its title as the world's largest automaker, and come close to Toyota with around 10 million produced vehicles a year. GM, would then grow from just four car brands to six or five (depending on if GMC will be discontinued and replaced by Chevrolet): Buick, Chevrolet, Cadillac, GMC (the current four); Ford, Lincoln (two new brands if acquiring the FMC). 90.231.234.93 (talk) 21:44, 24 July 2023 (UTC)

 * This page is for discussion about improving the article. It is not for general discussion about Ford (or GM) and certainly not for speculation on what Ford or GM could do in the future. Stick to reported facts. See WP:CRYSTALBALL and WP:NOTFORUM.  Stepho  talk 21:47, 24 July 2023 (UTC)

Weight given to individual strikes
Is there a reason to have individual subsections for recent strikes? I mean auto worker strikes are hardly new yet we have as many sections talking about post 2000 strikes as we do for strikes in the all of the 1900s. The impact of individual strikes is probably due in the labor section but this article suggests the strikes in the 70s, 80s and 90s aren't important while the strike which just started is very important. Are editors opposed to some type of consolidation? We could list major strikes without going into detail in this article. Springee (talk) 19:26, 19 September 2023 (UTC)

 * Beware of WP:RECENTISM.  Stepho  talk 10:23, 20 September 2023 (UTC)

Fined $145.8 million and perhaps worse to come
See | this recent story. Andrewa (talk) 01:58, 5 July 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:General Motors


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Solvable group

In mathematics, more specifically in the field of group theory, a solvable group or soluble group is a group that can be constructed from abelian groups using extensions. Equivalently, a solvable group is a group whose derived series terminates in the trivial subgroup.

Motivation
Historically, the word "solvable" arose from Galois theory and the proof of the general unsolvability of quintic equations. Specifically, a polynomial equation is solvable in radicals if and only if the corresponding Galois group is solvable (note this theorem holds only in characteristic 0). This means associated to a polynomial $$f \in F[x]$$ there is a tower of field extensions"$F = F_0 \subseteq F_1 \subseteq F_2 \subseteq \cdots \subseteq F_m=K$"such that

 * 1) $$F_i = F_{i-1}[\alpha_i]$$ where $$\alpha_i^{m_i} \in F_{i-1}$$, so $$\alpha_i$$ is a solution to the equation $$x^{m_i} - a$$ where $$a \in F_{i-1}$$
 * 2) $$F_m$$ contains a splitting field for $$f(x)$$

Example
For example, the smallest Galois field extension of $$\mathbb{Q}$$ containing the element"$a = \sqrt[5]{\sqrt{2} + \sqrt{3}}$|undefined"gives a solvable group. It has associated field extensions $$\mathbb{Q} \subseteq \mathbb{Q}(\sqrt{2}) \subseteq \mathbb{Q}(\sqrt{2}, \sqrt{3}) \subseteq \mathbb{Q}(\sqrt{2}, \sqrt{3})\left(e^{2i\pi/ 5}\right) \subseteq \mathbb{Q}(\sqrt{2}, \sqrt{3})\left(e^{2i\pi/ 5}, a\right)$$ giving a solvable group of Galois extensions containing the following composition factors:

\mathbb{Q}(\sqrt{2}, \sqrt{3})\left(e^{2i\pi/ 5}\right)/ \mathbb{Q}(\sqrt{2}, \sqrt{3}) \right) \cong \mathbb{Z}/4 $$ with group action $$h^n\left(e^{2im\pi/5}\right) = e^{2(n+1)mi\pi/5}, \ 0 \leq n \leq 3, \ h^4 = 1$$, and minimal polynomial $$x^4 + x^3+x^2+x+1 = (x^5 - 1)/(x-1)$$ containing the 5th roots of unity excluding $$1$$. \mathbb{Q}(\sqrt{2}, \sqrt{3})\left(e^{2i\pi/ 5}, a\right)/ \mathbb{Q}(\sqrt{2}, \sqrt{3})\left(e^{2i\pi/ 5}\right) \right) \cong \mathbb{Z}/5 $$ with group action $$j^l(a) = e^{2li\pi/5}a, \ j^5 = 1$$, and minimal polynomial $$x^5 - \left(\sqrt{2} + \sqrt{3}\right)$$.
 * $$\mathrm{Aut}\left(\mathbb{Q(\sqrt{2})}\right/\mathbb{Q}) \cong \mathbb{Z}/2 $$ with group action $$f\left(\pm\sqrt{2}\right) = \mp\sqrt{2}, \ f^2 = 1$$, and minimal polynomial $$x^2 - 2$$.
 * $$\mathrm{Aut}\left(\mathbb{Q(\sqrt{2},\sqrt{3})}\right/\mathbb{Q(\sqrt{2})}) \cong \mathbb{Z}/2 $$ with group action $$g\left(\pm\sqrt{3}\right) = \mp\sqrt{3} ,\ g^2 = 1$$, and minimal polynomial $$x^2 - 3$$.
 * $$\mathrm{Aut}\left(
 * $$\mathrm{Aut}\left(

, where $$1$$ is the identity permutation. All of the defining group actions change a single extension while keeping all of the other extensions fixed. For example, an element of this group is the group action $$fgh^3j^4 $$. A general element in the group can be written as $$f^ag^bh^nj^l,\ 0 \leq a, b \leq 1,\ 0 \leq n \leq 3,\ 0 \leq l \leq 4 $$ for a total of 80 elements.

It is worthwhile to note that this group is not abelian itself. For example:

$$hj(a) = h(e^{2i\pi/5}a) = e^{4i\pi/5}a $$

$$jh(a) = j(a) = e^{2i\pi/5}a $$

In fact, in this group, $$jh = hj^3 $$. The solvable group is isometric to $$(\mathbb{C}_5 \rtimes_\varphi \mathbb{C}_4) \times (\mathbb{C}_2 \times \mathbb{C}_2),\ \mathrm{where}\ \varphi_h(j) = hjh^{-1} = j^2 $$, defined using the semidirect product and direct product of the cyclic groups. In the solvable group, $$\mathbb{C}_4 $$ is not a normal subgroup.

Definition
A group G is called solvable if it has a subnormal series whose factor groups (quotient groups) are all abelian, that is, if there are subgroups
 * $$1 = G_0\triangleleft G_1 \triangleleft \cdots \triangleleft G_k=G$$

meaning that Gj−1 is normal in Gj, such that Gj /Gj−1 is an abelian group, for j = 1, 2, ..., k.

Or equivalently, if its derived series, the descending normal series
 * $$G\triangleright G^{(1)}\triangleright G^{(2)} \triangleright \cdots,$$

where every subgroup is the commutator subgroup of the previous one, eventually reaches the trivial subgroup of G. These two definitions are equivalent, since for every group H and every normal subgroup N of H, the quotient H/N is abelian if and only if N includes the commutator subgroup of H. The least n such that G(n) = 1 is called the derived length of the solvable group G.

For finite groups, an equivalent definition is that a solvable group is a group with a composition series all of whose factors are cyclic groups of prime order. This is equivalent because a finite group has finite composition length, and every simple abelian group is cyclic of prime order. The Jordan–Hölder theorem guarantees that if one composition series has this property, then all composition series will have this property as well. For the Galois group of a polynomial, these cyclic groups correspond to nth roots (radicals) over some field. The equivalence does not necessarily hold for infinite groups: for example, since every nontrivial subgroup of the group Z of integers under addition is isomorphic to Z itself, it has no composition series, but the normal series {0, Z}, with its only factor group isomorphic to Z, proves that it is in fact solvable.

Abelian groups
The basic example of solvable groups are abelian groups. They are trivially solvable since a subnormal series is formed by just the group itself and the trivial group. But non-abelian groups may or may not be solvable.

Nilpotent groups
More generally, all nilpotent groups are solvable. In particular, finite p-groups are solvable, as all finite p-groups are nilpotent.

Quaternion groups
In particular, the quaternion group is a solvable group given by the group extension"$1 \to \mathbb{Z}/2 \to Q \to \mathbb{Z}/2 \times \mathbb{Z}/2 \to 1$"where the kernel $$\mathbb{Z}/2$$ is the subgroup generated by $$-1$$.

Group extensions
Group extensions form the prototypical examples of solvable groups. That is, if $$G$$ and $$G'$$ are solvable groups, then any extension"$1 \to G \to G \to G' \to 1$"defines a solvable group $$G$$. In fact, all solvable groups can be formed from such group extensions.

Non-abelian group which is non-nilpotent
A small example of a solvable, non-nilpotent group is the symmetric group S3. In fact, as the smallest simple non-abelian group is A5, (the alternating group of degree 5) it follows that every group with order less than 60 is solvable.

Finite groups of odd order
The Feit–Thompson theorem states that every finite group of odd order is solvable. In particular this implies that if a finite group is simple, it is either a prime cyclic or of even order.

Non-example
The group S5 is not solvable — it has a composition series {E, A5, S5} (and the Jordan–Hölder theorem states that every other composition series is equivalent to that one), giving factor groups isomorphic to A5 and C2; and A5 is not abelian. Generalizing this argument, coupled with the fact that An is a normal, maximal, non-abelian simple subgroup of Sn for n > 4, we see that Sn is not solvable for n > 4. This is a key step in the proof that for every n > 4 there are polynomials of degree n which are not solvable by radicals (Abel–Ruffini theorem). This property is also used in complexity theory in the proof of Barrington's theorem.

Subgroups of GL2
Consider the subgroups $$B = \left\{ \begin{bmatrix} 0 & * \end{bmatrix} \right\} \text{, } U = \left\{ \begin{bmatrix} 1 & * \\ 0 & 1 \end{bmatrix} \right\}$$ of $$GL_2(\mathbb{F})$$ for some field $$\mathbb{F}$$. Then, the group quotient $$B/U$$ can be found by taking arbitrary elements in $$B,U$$, multiplying them together, and figuring out what structure this gives. So $$\begin{bmatrix} a & b \\ 0 & c \end{bmatrix} \cdot \begin{bmatrix} 1 & d \\ 0 & 1 \end{bmatrix} = \begin{bmatrix} a & ad + b \\ 0 & c \end{bmatrix}

$$ Note the determinant condition on $$GL_2

$$ implies $$ac \neq 0

$$, hence $$\mathbb{F}^\times \times \mathbb{F}^\times \subset B

$$ is a subgroup (which are the matrices where $$b=0

$$). For fixed $$a,b

$$, the linear equation $$ad + b = 0

$$ implies $$d = -b/a

$$, which is an arbitrary element in $$\mathbb{F}

$$ since $$b \in \mathbb{F}

$$. Since we can take any matrix in $$B

$$ and multiply it by the matrix $$\begin{bmatrix} 1 & d \\ 0 & 1 \end{bmatrix}

$$ with $$d = -b/a

$$, we can get a diagonal matrix in $$B

$$. This shows the quotient group $$B/U \cong \mathbb{F}^\times \times \mathbb{F}^\times$$.

Remark
Notice that this description gives the decomposition of $$B

$$ as $$\mathbb{F} \rtimes (\mathbb{F}^\times \times \mathbb{F}^\times)

$$ where $$(a,c)

$$ acts on $$b

$$ by $$(a,c)(b) = ab

$$. This implies $$(a,c)(b + b') = (a,c)(b) + (a,c)(b') = ab + ab'

$$. Also, a matrix of the form $$\begin{bmatrix} a & b \\ 0 & c \end{bmatrix}$$ corresponds to the element $$(b) \times (a,c)$$ in the group.

Borel subgroups
For a linear algebraic group $$G$$, a Borel subgroup is defined as a subgroup which is closed, connected, and solvable in $$G$$, and is a maximal possible subgroup with these properties (note the first two are topological properties). For example, in $$GL_n$$ and $$SL_n$$ the groups of upper-triangular, or lower-triangular matrices are two of the Borel subgroups. The example given above, the subgroup $$B$$ in $$GL_2$$, is a Borel subgroup.

Borel subgroup in GL3
In $$GL_3$$ there are the subgroups $$B = \left\{ \begin{bmatrix} 0 & * & * \\ 0 & 0 & * \end{bmatrix} \right\}, \text{ } U_1 = \left\{ \begin{bmatrix} 1 & * & * \\ 0 & 1 & * \\ 0 & 0 & 1 \end{bmatrix} \right\}$$ Notice $$B/U_1 \cong \mathbb{F}^\times \times \mathbb{F}^\times \times \mathbb{F}^\times$$, hence the Borel group has the form $$U\rtimes (\mathbb{F}^\times \times \mathbb{F}^\times \times \mathbb{F}^\times)

$$

Borel subgroup in product of simple linear algebraic groups
In the product group $$GL_n \times GL_m$$ the Borel subgroup can be represented by matrices of the form $$\begin{bmatrix} T & 0 \\ 0 & S \end{bmatrix}$$ where $$T$$ is an $$n\times n$$ upper triangular matrix and $$S$$ is a $$m\times m$$ upper triangular matrix.

Z-groups
Any finite group whose p-Sylow subgroups are cyclic is a semidirect product of two cyclic groups, in particular solvable. Such groups are called Z-groups.

OEIS values
Numbers of solvable groups with order n are (start with n = 0)
 * 0, 1, 1, 1, 2, 1, 2, 1, 5, 2, 2, 1, 5, 1, 2, 1, 14, 1, 5, 1, 5, 2, 2, 1, 15, 2, 2, 5, 4, 1, 4, 1, 51, 1, 2, 1, 14, 1, 2, 2, 14, 1, 6, 1, 4, 2, 2, 1, 52, 2, 5, 1, 5, 1, 15, 2, 13, 2, 2, 1, 12, 1, 2, 4, 267, 1, 4, 1, 5, 1, 4, 1, 50, ...

Orders of non-solvable groups are
 * 60, 120, 168, 180, 240, 300, 336, 360, 420, 480, 504, 540, 600, 660, 672, 720, 780, 840, 900, 960, 1008, 1020, 1080, 1092, 1140, 1176, 1200, 1260, 1320, 1344, 1380, 1440, 1500, ...

Properties
Solvability is closed under a number of operations.

 * If G is solvable, and H is a subgroup of G, then H is solvable.
 * If G is solvable, and there is a homomorphism from G onto H, then H is solvable; equivalently (by the first isomorphism theorem), if G is solvable, and N is a normal subgroup of G, then G/N is solvable.
 * The previous properties can be expanded into the following "three for the price of two" property: G is solvable if and only if both N and G/N are solvable.
 * In particular, if G and H are solvable, the direct product G × H is solvable.

Solvability is closed under group extension:
 * If H and G/H are solvable, then so is G; in particular, if N and H are solvable, their semidirect product is also solvable.

It is also closed under wreath product:
 * If G and H are solvable, and X is a G-set, then the wreath product of G and H with respect to X is also solvable.

For any positive integer N, the solvable groups of derived length at most N form a subvariety of the variety of groups, as they are closed under the taking of homomorphic images, subalgebras, and (direct) products. The direct product of a sequence of solvable groups with unbounded derived length is not solvable, so the class of all solvable groups is not a variety.

Burnside's theorem
Burnside's theorem states that if G is a finite group of order paqb where p and q are prime numbers, and a and b  are non-negative integers, then G is solvable.

Supersolvable groups
As a strengthening of solvability, a group G is called supersolvable (or supersoluble) if it has an invariant normal series whose factors are all cyclic. Since a normal series has finite length by definition, uncountable groups are not supersolvable. In fact, all supersolvable groups are finitely generated, and an abelian group is supersolvable if and only if it is finitely generated. The alternating group A4 is an example of a finite solvable group that is not supersolvable.

If we restrict ourselves to finitely generated groups, we can consider the following arrangement of classes of groups:

 * cyclic < abelian < nilpotent < supersolvable < polycyclic < solvable < finitely generated group.

Virtually solvable groups
A group G is called virtually solvable if it has a solvable subgroup of finite index. This is similar to virtually abelian. Clearly all solvable groups are virtually solvable, since one can just choose the group itself, which has index 1.

Hypoabelian
A solvable group is one whose derived series reaches the trivial subgroup at a finite stage. For an infinite group, the finite derived series may not stabilize, but the transfinite derived series always stabilizes. A group whose transfinite derived series reaches the trivial group is called a hypoabelian group, and every solvable group is a hypoabelian group. The first ordinal α such that G(α) = G(α+1) is called the (transfinite) derived length of the group G, and it has been shown that every ordinal is the derived length of some group.

p-solvable
A finite group is p-solvable for some prime p if every factor in the composition series is a p-group or has order prime to p. A finite group is solvable iff it is p-solvable for every p.

title: Solvable group


text:
Langton's ant

Langton's ant is a two-dimensional Turing machine with a very simple set of rules but complex emergent behavior. It was invented by Chris Langton in 1986 and runs on a square lattice of black and white cells. The idea has been generalized in several different ways, such as turmites which add more colors and more states.

Rules

Squares on a plane are colored variously either black or white. We arbitrarily identify one square as the "ant". The ant can travel in any of the four cardinal directions at each step it takes. The "ant" moves according to the rules below:
 * At a white square, turn 90° clockwise, flip the color of the square, move forward one unit
 * At a black square, turn 90° counter-clockwise, flip the color of the square, move forward one unit

Langton's ant can also be described as a cellular automaton, where the grid is colored black or white and the "ant" square has one of eight different colors assigned to encode the combination of black/white state and the current direction of motion of the ant.

Modes of behavior
These simple rules lead to complex behavior. Three distinct modes of behavior are apparent, when starting on a completely white grid.

 * 1) Simplicity. During the first few hundred moves it creates very simple patterns which are often symmetric.
 * 2) Chaos. After a few hundred moves, a large, irregular pattern of black and white squares appears. The ant traces a pseudo-random path until around 10,000 steps.
 * 3) Emergent order. Finally the ant starts building a recurrent "highway" pattern of 104 steps that repeats indefinitely.

All finite initial configurations tested eventually converge to the same repetitive pattern, suggesting that the "highway" is an attractor of Langton's ant, but no one has been able to prove that this is true for all such initial configurations. It is only known that the ant's trajectory is always unbounded regardless of the initial configuration – this is known as the Cohen-Kong theorem.

Computational properties
In 2000, Gajardo et al. showed a construction that calculates any boolean circuit using the trajectory of a single instance of Langton's ant.

Extension to multiple colors
Greg Turk and Jim Propp considered a simple extension to Langton's ant where instead of just two colors, more colors are used. The colors are modified in a cyclic fashion. A simple naming scheme is used: for each of the successive colors, a letter "L" or "R" is used to indicate whether a left or right turn should be taken. Langton's ant has the name "RL" in this naming scheme.

Some of these extended Langton's ants produce patterns that become symmetric over and over again. One of the simplest examples is the ant "RLLR". One sufficient condition for this to happen is that the ant's name, seen as a cyclic list, consists of consecutive pairs of identical letters "LL" or "RR". (the term "cyclic list" indicates that the last letter may pair with the first one) The proof involves Truchet tiles.

The hexagonal grid permits up to six different rotations, which are notated here as N (no change), R1 (60° clockwise), R2 (120° clockwise), U (180°), L2 (120° counter-clockwise), L1 (60° counter-clockwise).

Extension to multiple states
A further extension of Langton's ants is to consider multiple states of the Turing machine – as if the ant itself has a color that can change. These ants are called turmites, a contraction of "Turing machine termites". Common behaviours include the production of highways, chaotic growth and spiral growth.

Extension to multiple ants

Multiple Langton's ants can co-exist on the 2D plane, and their interactions give rise to complex, higher-order automata that collectively build a wide variety of organized structures.

There are different ways of modelling their interaction and the results of the simulation may strongly depend on the choices made.

Multiple turmites can co-exist on the 2D plane as long as there is a rule that defines what happens when they meet. Ed Pegg, Jr. considered ants that can turn for example both left and right, splitting in two and annihilating each other when they meet.

title: Langton's ant


text:
Upton

Upton may refer to:

England

 * Upton, Slough, Berkshire (in Buckinghamshire until 1974)
 * Upton, Buckinghamshire, a hamlet near Aylesbury
 * Upton, Huntingdonshire, Cambridgeshire
 * Upton, Peterborough, Cambridgeshire
 * Upton, Halton, a location in Cheshire
 * Upton-by-Chester, Cheshire
 * Upton, Cornwall, Linkinhorne
 * Upton, Bude–Stratton, a location in Cornwall
 * Upton, Cumbria
 * Upton, East Devon
 * Upton, South Hams, Devon
 * Upton, Torquay, Devon
 * Upton Hellions, Devon
 * Upton Pyne, Devon
 * Upton, Dorset
 * Upton, East Riding of Yorkshire, a location
 * Tetbury Upton, Gloucestershire, former name Upton
 * Hawkesbury Upton, Gloucestershire
 * Upton Cheyney, Gloucestershire
 * Upton, north Test Valley, Hampshire, a hamlet approximately 7 miles north of Andover
 * Upton, south Test Valley, Hampshire, a hamlet near Southampton, towards the northern end of the M271 motorway
 * Upton Grey, Hampshire, a village and civil parish near Basingstoke
 * Upton, Isle of Wight, a location
 * Upton, Thanet, a location in Broadstairs, Kent
 * Upton, Leicestershire
 * Upton, Lincolnshire
 * Upton, Bexley, London
 * Upton, Merseyside
 * Upton (Wirral ward), an electoral ward of Wirral Council
 * Upton, Newham, in the London Borough of Newham
 * Upton (UK Parliament constituency), a former parliamentary constituency that existed from 1918 to 1950
 * Upton (Newham ward), a former electoral ward of Newham London Borough Council that existed from 1964 to 2002
 * Upton, Norfolk
 * Upton Fen, Norfolk
 * Upton with Fishley, a civil parish in Norfolk
 * Upton, Northamptonshire
 * Upton, Bassetlaw, Nottinghamshire
 * Upton, Newark and Sherwood, Nottinghamshire
 * Upton, Vale of White Horse, Oxfordshire (in Berkshire until 1974)
 * Upton, West Oxfordshire, Oxfordshire
 * Upton Magna, Shropshire
 * Upton, Somerset, Somerset West and Taunton
 * Upton, South Somerset, a location in Somerset
 * Upton Noble, Somerset
 * Upton, Warwickshire
 * Upton, West Yorkshire
 * Upton, Wiltshire, near East Knoyle
 * Upton Lovell, Wiltshire
 * Upton Scudamore, Wiltshire
 * Upton-upon-Severn, Worcestershire

Wales

 * Upton, Pembrokeshire

United States

 * Upton, Indiana
 * Upton, Kentucky
 * Upton, Maine
 * Upton, Baltimore, Maryland, a neighborhood
 * Upton (Baltimore, Maryland), a historic house
 * Upton, Massachusetts, a New England town
 * Upton (CDP), Massachusetts, the main village in the town
 * Upton, Missouri
 * Upton, New York, home of Brookhaven National Laboratory
 * Upton County, Texas
 * Upton, Wyoming

Elsewhere

 * Upton, Cork, Ireland
 * Upton, Quebec, Canada

Other uses

 * Upton (name), including a list of people with the name
 * Upton (automobile), an American car produced 1904–1907

title: Upton


text:
Acle

Acle is a market town on the River Bure on the Norfolk Broads in Norfolk, located halfway between Norwich and Great Yarmouth. It has the only bridge across the River Bure between Wroxham and Great Yarmouth.

The civil parish has an area of 9.46 km2 and in 2001 had a population of 2,732 in 1,214 households, increasing to a population of 2,824 in 1,285 households at the Census 2011. For the purposes of local government, the parish falls within the area of the district of Broadland.

The name "Acle" means "oaks lea", that is, a clearing in an oak forest. In Tudor times, hundreds of oaks were felled here for timber to construct Elizabeth I's warships.

History
In Roman times, Acle was a port at the head of a large estuary named Gariensis. Acle is mentioned in the Domesday Book, and in 1253 it was granted a market charter. The livestock and local farmers' market existed until into the 1970s, as did a nearby auction site; the latter is now a new housing estate and the former is part-occupied by a branch of CO-OP, with the other part remaining a market, although essentially for tourist purposes: no livestock is now bought or sold there.

In 1382, Acle received the right for a "turbary", that is, the right to dig peat. Acle still has a boatyard and Boat Dyke and walks along the Bure to Upton and beyond are possible.

The Acle Straight is a turnpike road connecting Acle to Great Yarmouth. It opened in 1831. Acle railway station, which was built in 1883, lies on the Wherry Line from Norwich to Great Yarmouth. In 1892 a foundry was constructed that specialised in building windpumps for land drainage, including the last windpump built for the Broads, at Ash Tree Farm. The three-mile (5 km) £7.1m dual-carriageway A47 bypass opened in March 1989; local campaigners are still pressing for the dualling of the Acle Straight, the portion of the A47 running from Acle to Great Yarmouth, which has a relatively high accident rate.

Since the turn of the century, a walkway running from the station to the Boat Dyke has been constructed by local volunteers; this walk (known as Damgate) offers an opportunity to view indigenous flora, some of which are rare. Also on the Damgate walk, there have been repeated sightings of a kingfisher, locally known as Henry, which is said to fly under the abandoned railway bridge around mid afternoon.

Between 2009 - 2014 a series of archaeological test pits were dug in the village. The report was published in 2017

There is a high school (Acle Academy) in the town.

Parish church of St Edmund

The church of St Edmund is one of 124 existing round-tower churches in Norfolk. The round stage of the tower is the oldest part of the church, thought to be Saxon in origin and of a date between 850 and 950 AD. The octagonal stage was added in the 13th century, probably when the roof was raised. The battlements are from 1472. The tower houses six bells, five of which were cast in Norwich and date from 1623. The tower is reinforced with a metal frame to enable the bells to be rung safely. Entry to the church is by a porch on the north side, built in 1495. The dressed flints are in contrast with most of the walls which appear to be made of rubble.

The main body of the church, the nave, is thought on the evidence of the measurements and wall thickness to be Norman in origin. This is not immediately obvious as no Norman doorways or arches remain. In 1927, when ivy was being stripped from the outside walls, one of the buttresses collapsed revealing a find of Norman-worked stones, which were later reassembled for safekeeping in the roof stair space. It is probable that all the Norman doors and archways were demolished when the floor level was raised, perhaps to prevent flooding, in the 13th century. It is reasonable to assume that at least the foundations of the nave are Norman.

The main nave windows are 14th-century, and one near the pulpit is Tudor. The walls were probably painted at one time – a very small fragment of a dragon or a serpent-like creature still exists on the wall of the old rood staircase. The stone font in the nave is dated 1410.

A 15th-century wooden screen separates the nave from the chancel. It was not made for Acle church, and may have been brought from St Benet's Abbey or the Augustinian priory at Weybridge. The 14th-century chancel probably replaced an apse; the windows are of 14th-century design apart from the east window which holds Victorian stained glass.

title: Acle