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Tanacross, Alaska

Tanacross (Taats’altęy in Tanacross Athabascan) is a census-designated place (CDP) in Southeast Fairbanks Census Area, Alaska, United States. At the 2010 census the population was 136, down from 140 in 2000. It hosts an air tanker base.

History
Tanacross, initially founded as a telegraph station called Tanana Crossing (also known as St. Timothy's). The name was shortened to Tanacross before 1940. The village was initially located on the north bank of the Tanana River. An airstrip was built on the south bank during the mid-1930s and upgraded for military use during World War II in 1941–42. Thousands of troops deployed through Tanacross during the period. The airfield was closed after the war. In 1972, the town itself relocated south across the river due to water contamination. In 1979, the old village burned due to an uncontrolled grass fire.

Geography
Tanacross is located at 63.37611°N, -143.35694°W (63.376206, -143.356991).

According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP has a total area of 81.2 sqmi, of which, 80.0 sqmi of it is land and 1.1 sqmi of it (1.38%) is water.

Climate
Tanacross has a dry-winter continental subarctic climate (Köppen Dwc).

Demographics
Tanacross first appeared on the 1920 U.S. Census as the unincorporated village of "Tanana Crossing." In 1940, the name was combined to form "Tanacross." It was made a census-designated place (CDP) in 1980.

As of the census of 2000, there were 140 people, 42 households, and 28 families residing in the CDP. The population density was 1.7 PD/sqmi. There were 53 housing units at an average density of 0.7 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the CDP was 8.57% White, 88.57% Native American, 1.43% from other races, and 1.43% from two or more races. 1.43% of the population were Hispanic or Latino of any race.

Of the 42 households, 33.3% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 40.5% were married couples living together, 11.9% had a female householder with no husband present, and 31.0% were non-families. 28.6% of all households were made up of individuals, and none had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 3.33 and the average family size was 3.93.

In the CDP, the age distribution of the population shows 30.7% under the age of 18, 10.7% from 18 to 24, 25.0% from 25 to 44, 27.1% from 45 to 64, and 6.4% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 33 years. For every 100 females, there were 112.1 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 110.9 males.

The median income for a household in the CDP was $22,083, and the median income for a family was $31,250. Males had a median income of $71,250 versus $24,583 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $9,429. There were 22.6% of families and 33.3% of the population living below the poverty line, including 43.6% of under eighteens and none of those over 64.

Education
Tanacross is part of the Alaska Gateway School District. Tanacross School, a K-8 campus, and serves community students.

title: Tanacross, Alaska


text:
Tetlin, Alaska

Tetlin (Teełąy in Upper Tanana Athabascan) is a census-designated place (CDP) in Southeast Fairbanks Census Area, Alaska, United States. At the 2010 census the population was 127, up from 117 in 2000.

Geography
Tetlin is located at 63.13778°N, -142.52444°W (63.137840, -142.524451). Tetlin is located along the Tetlin River, between Tetlin Lake and the Tanana River, about 20 mi southeast of Tok. It lies in the Tetlin National Wildlife Refuge. The village is connected by a dirt road to the Alaska Highway. The community is located in the Fairbanks Recording District.

According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP has a total area of 72.0 sqmi, of which, 70.4 sqmi of it is land and 1.5 sqmi of it (2.14%) is water.

Tetlin National Wildlife Refuge
Tetlin National Wildlife Refuge was established in 1980 to conserve and manage habitat critical to migratory and resident wildlife for benefit of present and future generations. The Refuge 730000 acre includes snowcapped mountains and glacier-fed rivers, forests and treeless tundra, and an abundance of wetlands. Tetlin Wildlife Refuge produces up to 1,000,000 ducklings a year, and it is home to 186 or more species of birds. This upper Tanana Valley has been called the "Tetlin Passage" because it serves as a major migratory route for birds traveling to and from Canada, the Lower 48 and both Central and South America. Many of these birds breed and nest in the refuge. Migrants, including ducks, geese, swans, cranes, raptors, and songbirds begin arriving in the valley in early April and continue into early June.

Tetlin also supports a variety of large mammals. Dall Sheep dot the higher slopes while moose feed upon the tender new growth that springs up in the wake of frequent lightning-caused fires. Wolves, grizzly, black bears and many members of three different caribou herds range over the refuge.

Two of the six known humpback whitefish spawning areas of the Yukon River drainage are located within the refuge. Along with caribou and moose, these fish are important subsistence resources for area residents. Arctic Grayling, Northern Pike and burbot are also found in the refuge's many streams and lakes.

History
The semi-nomadic Athabascan Indians have historically lived in this area, moving with the seasons between several hunting and fishing camps. In 1885, Lt.H.T. Allen found small groups of people living in Tetlin and Last Tetlin, to the south. The residents of Last Tetlin had made numerous to trading posts on the Yukon River. In 1912, the villagers from Tetlin would trade at the Tanana Crossing Trading Post. During the Chisana gold stampede in 1913, a trading post was established across the river from Tetlin. When two trading posts were opened in the village during the 1920s by John Hajdukovich and W.H. Newton, residents from Last Tetlin relocated to Tetlin. A school was constructed in 1929, and a post office was opened in 1932. The 786000 acre Tetlin Indian Reserve was established in 1930. An airstrip was constructed in 1946. When the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act(ANCSA) was passed in 1971, the reserve was revoked. Tetlin opted for surface and subsurface title to the 743000 acre of land in the former Reserve.

Demographics
Tetlin first appeared on the 1940 U.S. Census as an unincorporated village. It was made a census-designated place (CDP) in 1980.

As of the census of 2000, there were 117 people, 42 households, and 25 families residing in the CDP. The population density was 1.7 PD/sqmi. There were 55 housing units at an average density of 0.8 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the CDP was 2.56% White, 94.87% Native American, and 2.56% from two or more races.

Of the 42 households, 26.2% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 19.0% were married couples living together, 23.8% had a female householder with no husband present, and 38.1% were non-families. 28.6% of all households were made up of individuals, and 4.8% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.79 and the average family size was 3.46.

In the CDP, the age distribution of the population shows 27.4% under the age of 18, 15.4% from 18 to 24, 29.1% from 25 to 44, 19.7% from 45 to 64, and 8.5% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 30 years. For every 100 females, there were 178.6 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 203.6 males.

The median income for a household in the CDP was $12,250, and the median income for a family was $18,750. Males had a median income of $0 versus $0 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $7,372. There were 40.0% of families and 48.4% of the population living below the poverty line, including 61.3% of under eighteens and 28.6% of those over 64.

Education
Tetlin is part of the Alaska Gateway School District. Tetlin School, a K-12 campus, serves community students.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Tetlin, Alaska


text:
Tok, Alaska

Tok is a census-designated place (CDP) in Southeast Fairbanks Census Area, Alaska, United States. The population was 1,243 at the 2020 census, slightly down from 1,258 in 2010.

Geography
Tok lies on a large, flat alluvial plain of the Tanana Valley between the Tanana River and the Alaska Range at an important junction of the Alaska Highway (Alaska Route 2) with the Glenn Highway (Alaska Route 1). According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP has a total area of 132.3 sqmi, all of it land.

Climate
Tok has a dry-winter continental subarctic climate (Köppen Dwc) with generally warm summers and severely cold winters. The weather station is at 1620 feet above sea level.

Demographics
Tok first appeared on the 1950 U.S. Census as the unincorporated village of "Tok Junction." The name was shortened to Tok as of the 1960 census. It was made a census-designated place (CDP) in 1980.

2000 Census data
As of the census of 2000, there were 1,393 people, 534 households, and 372 families residing in the census designated place (CDP). The population density was 10.5 PD/sqmi. There were 748 housing units at an average density of 5.7 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the CDP was 78.03% White, 0.14% Black or African American, 12.85% Native American, 0.43% Asian, 0.93% from other races, and 7.61% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 2.08% of the population.

There were 534 households, out of which 39.7% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 53.7% were married couples living together, 11.0% had a female householder with no husband present, and 30.3% were non-families. 24.7% of all households were made up of individuals, and 5.4% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.61 and the average family size was 3.12.

In the CDP, the age distribution of the population shows 32.5% under the age of 18, 5.1% from 18 to 24, 29.5% from 25 to 44, 27.1% from 45 to 64, and 5.8% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 36 years. For every 100 females, there were 102.2 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 102.6 males.

The median income for a household in the CDP was $37,941, and the median income for a family was $49,219. Males had a median income of $45,375 versus $30,268 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $18,521. About 9.5% of families and 10.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including 10.4% of those under age 18 and 7.7% of those age 65 or over.

History

There have been Athabascan settlements in the region of what is now Tok for many centuries.

The town at the present location of Tok began in 1942 as an Alaska Road Commission camp used for construction and maintenance of the Alaska Highway. So much money was spent in the camp's construction and maintenance that it earned the nickname "Million Dollar Camp" from those working on the highway. In 1947 the first school opened, and in 1958 a larger school was built to accommodate the many newcomers. In 1995 a new school was opened to provide for the larger community. A U.S. Customs Office was located in Tok between 1947 and 1971, when it was moved to the Canada–US border.

Between 1954 and 1979, an 8-inch U.S. Army fuel pipeline operated from the port of Haines to Fairbanks, with a pump station in Tok.

In July 1990 Tok faced extinction when a lightning-caused forest fire jumped two rivers and the Alaska Highway, putting both residents and buildings in peril. The town was evacuated and even the efforts of over a thousand firefighters could not stop the fire. At the last minute a "miracle wind" (so labeled by Tok's residents) came up, diverting the fire just short of the first building. The fire continued to burn the remainder of the summer, eventually burning more than 100,000 acre.

On January 10, 2009, Tok made headlines with an unconfirmed temperature reading of -80 F.

Etymology
In one version, the name Tok is derived from the Athabascan word for "peaceful crossing." The U.S. Geological Survey notes that the name "Tok River" was in use for the nearby river around 1901, and the Athabascan name of "Tokai" had been reported for the same river by Lt. Allen in 1887. In another version the name is derived from the English words "Tokyo camp", although the major war benefit was supporting the transfer of airplanes to the Soviet Union. Another version claims the name was derived from the canine mascot for one of the Engineer units that built the highways. The name has no connection to the western Alaskan community of Newtok.

Another version comes from the proposed road construction of the highway to Richardson Highway. In the 1940s and 1950s, another highway, the Tok Cut-Off was constructed and connected Tok with the Richardson Highway at Glennallen. It was a "cut-off" because it allowed motor travelers from the lower United States to travel to Valdez and Anchorage in south-central Alaska without going further north to Delta Junction and then traveling south on the Richardson Highway. When originally being surveyed from the air, the map marking showed the "T" intersection, and the letters "OK" to confirm the location was suitable.

Education
Tok is part of the Alaska Gateway School District. Tok School, a K–12 campus, currently serves approximately 200 community students. There is also a small University of Alaska office that provides distance and even some local classes for the small community.

Health care
Residents are primarily served by the Tok Clinic and EMS. Roads connect Tok to both Fairbanks and Anchorage (Alaska's two most populous cities), but the drive is approximately 3 hours 40 minutes or 6 hours 30 minutes, respectively. Therefore, once patients with serious medical conditions are stabilized, they are often airlifted to a hospital/medical center in Fairbanks (an approximately 1 hour 30 minute flight) if further treatment is needed.

Economy
The most common occupations in Tok are in the construction, healthcare, and accommodation industries. The unemployment rate is 8%. Tok's economy is supported largely by tourism.

Protected areas
There are a number of state parks in the vicinity of Tok.

The Tok River State Recreation Site is a small, 9 acre park, 4.5 miles east of Tok; it has a small campground, trails, and river access for small boats. The area directly across the river from the park is part of the burned-over area still recovering from the 1990 wildfire.

The Eagle Trail State Recreation Site is a 280 acres park, about 19 miles south of Tok, on the Tok Cutoff. The park has a campground and picnic areas, hiking trails, access to the historic Valdez-Eagle Trail and the high country of the Alaska Range.

The Moon Lake State Recreation Site is a small, 22 acre park off the Alaska Highway, 15 miles northwest of Tok. It has a small campground, beach, boat launch for smaller boats, and is an active landing spot for floatplanes.

title: Tok, Alaska


text:
Talk:Aztecs

Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment
This article is or was the subject of a Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment. Further details are available on the course page. Student editor(s): Ramon027.

Above undated message substituted from Template:Dashboard.wikiedu.org assignment by PrimeBOT (talk) 15:08, 16 January 2022 (UTC)

Talk archives

 * Talk:Aztecs/2002-2004
 * Talk:Aztecs/2005
 * Talk:Aztecs/2006-1 (Jan-May)
 * Talk:Aztecs/2006-2 (May-Dec)
 * Talk:Aztecs/2007-1 (Jan-May)
 * Talk:Aztecs/Slavery
 * Talk:Aztecs/Cannibalism
 * Talk:Aztecs/Sacrifice
 * Talk:Aztecs/Terminology-1 (Aztec vs Mexica vs Nahua etc)
 * Talk:Aztecs/Terminology-2 (more of the same)
 * Talk:Aztecs/2007-2017

Some of the older entries in Talk:Aztecs have been moved to archival subpages. The organization of these archival subpages is both chronological AND topical. This means that entries are extracted from this page and moved to an appropriate subpage according to topic AND to an appropriate subpage according to year.

Some entries have been copied to WikiProject Aztec/Terminology.

It is suggested that all current discussion be restricted to this page. Please do not conduct discussion on an archival subpage as many people will watch only this page (Talk:Aztecs) for new entries.

From time to time, editors may choose to move old entries from this page to an archival subpage at their discretion. It is suggested that you let entries age here for at least a month or more before moving them to the archival subpage.

If you are a new editor of the Aztecs article, please review this Talk page and any relevant subpages before making edits.

In particular, you may find the WikiProject Aztec/Terminology page useful as it covers a number of issues of usage such as capitalization, spelling, pronunciation, etc.

references format check (testing script)

 * Inconsistent use of Location (36 with; 6 without):
 * Bright, W. (1990); Burkhart, Louise M. (1997); Hirth, Kenneth G. (2016) [oh it's CUP]; Matos Moctezuma, Eduardo (1987); Matthew, Laura E; Oudijk, Michel R. (2007) [city name isn't in uni name so needs location]; Smith, Michael E. (2008).
 * Bright, W. (1990). Missing Publisher; Missing ISBN;
 * Burkhart, Louise M. (1997). Missing Publisher; Missing ISBN;
 * Hirth, Kenneth G. (2016). Missing ISBN;
 * Matos Moctezuma, Eduardo (1987). Missing ISBN;
 * Matthew, Laura E; Oudijk, Michel R. (2007). Missing ISBN;
 * Smith, Michael E. (2008). Missing ISBN; Lingzhi ♦ (talk) 14:27, 12 February 2018 (UTC)

source review tips
To check as many errors as possible in the references and/or notes, I recommend using User:Lingzhi/reviewsourcecheck in conjunction with two other scripts. You can install them as follows: When you've added all those, go to an article to check for various messages in its notes and references. (You may need to clear your browser's cache first). The output of User:Lingzhi/reviewsourcecheck is not foolproof and can be verbose. Use common sense when interpreting output (especially with respect to sorting errors). Reading the explanatory page will help more than a little. The least urgent message of all is probably Missing archive link; archiving weblinks is good practice but lack of archiving will probably not be mentioned in any content review. Lingzhi ♦ (talk) 03:45, 16 February 2018 (UTC)
 * First, copy/paste  to Special:MyPage/common.js.
 * On the same page and below that script add . Save that page.
 * Finally go to to Special:MyPage/common.css and add.

5-8 million people is a ridiculous figure ...
As usual the population of pre-European invasion North and South America is wildly exaggerated. I sometimes wonder if most people realize just how many people this is - or the "100 million in N.A." etc., etc. There is no way such a population could even begin to have been fed by agriculture techniques of the time. The dearth of the Aztec people is a tragic, maddening event that saddens any thinking human being, but the scale of it should be realistically reflected. There are a lot of nationalist, revisionist 'historians' out there re-writing history to their own socio-political viewpoints. Let's use rational scientific RS's for this and other articles on this portion of native American history. The percentage of the population that died should be tragic enough - over-inflated numbers are just attempts to further tug at the heartstrings. The death of hundreds of thousands is no less awful than that of millions. 104.169.16.173 (talk) 08:33, 17 February 2018 (UTC)
 * I will revise that using the recent Oxford Handbook of the Aztecs which has a chapter on demography. I do find your attempt to label unnamed historians as "nationalists" because your personal opinion doesn't fit theirs to be a poor form of argument.·maunus · snunɐɯ· 17:00, 17 February 2018 (UTC)

Article title
Is there some reason why this article isn't titled "Aztec culture" or "Aztec civilization"? Just having the title "Aztec" doesn't seem to be comply with the precision criterion for Wikipedia article titles: "Precision – The title unambiguously identifies the article's subject and distinguishes it from other subjects." Rreagan007 (talk) 04:10, 18 April 2018 (UTC)
 * GAN in progress: I have no opinion on the matter (all the alternative titles work fine as search terms and will naturally lead to this article), but no move must be made until the current GAN process has completed. Thanks. Chiswick Chap (talk) 04:49, 18 April 2018 (UTC)
 * Aztec civilization is not a phrasing that is commonly found in the literature, which tends to see the Aztecs as one ethnic and cultural tradition within the broader Mesoamerican civilization. That is basically the reason we don't have that title. Aztec culture lends itself to be narrowly interpreted to mean something like "the art and religion of the Aztecs", but the scope is broader, including the history, social organization etc. The typical title of books on this topic is simple "The Aztecs", which could probably be a reasonable title.·maunus · snunɐɯ· 07:04, 18 April 2018 (UTC)
 * "Aztec" also seems to be an adjective and not a noun, and article titles are supposed to be nouns. "The Aztecs" would be problematic as an article title, as using "The" to start a title is generally avoided ("Americas" rather than "The Americas"). It also implies that the article is about the people themselves rather than the culture or civilization. Rreagan007 (talk) 15:35, 18 April 2018 (UTC)
 * No. "He is an Aztec" and "the Aztecs" both make it a noun, so it can be either noun or adjective. Chiswick Chap (talk) 15:39, 18 April 2018 (UTC)
 * Actually, in "He is an Aztec", "Aztec" is a predicate adjective. I agree that "Aztecs" would be a noun, but without the "s" it's an adjective. Rreagan007 (talk) 15:41, 18 April 2018 (UTC)
 * Of course Aztec is a noun both in the singular and in the plural. But I would not be opposed to naming the article Aztecs, or Aztec culture - or perhaps even Aztec civilization (but that would take some evidence of specialist sources using it).·maunus · snunɐɯ· 15:48, 18 April 2018 (UTC)
 * "Aztec civilization" would be my preference as it would conform better to WP:Article titles "Naturalness – The title is one that readers are likely to look or search for and that editors would naturally use to link to the article from other articles. Such a title usually conveys what the subject is actually called in English." and "Precision – The title unambiguously identifies the article's subject and distinguishes it from other subjects." Rreagan007 (talk) 15:54, 18 April 2018 (UTC)
 * Yeah, all that doesn't matter if it is noyt the way sources refer to it. Also it is decidedly less precise to call it Aztec civilization, because we are talking about a culture that flourished fairly locally in a fairly short period and which was merely one culture among others in the larger civilizational complex of Mesoamerica. But I found some uses of the phrase in serious sources - though most uses are clearly from non-specialist sources. ·maunus · snunɐɯ· 16:24, 18 April 2018 (UTC)
 * As WP:Article Titles states: "There is often more than one appropriate title for an article. In that case, editors choose the best title." The best title is usually going to be the one that helps the reader the most in quickly identifying the article they are looking for and knowing that they have found the correct article. After doing a quick Google books search, "The Aztecs" does seem to be more prevalent than "Aztec civilization", but "Aztec Civilization" seems to be used quite often in publications. Rreagan007 (talk) 16:38, 18 April 2018 (UTC)

There have been similar discussions such as Viking vs Vikings. For what it's worth, Encyclopedia Brittanica also uses the singular form, Aztec. Laszlo Panaflex (talk) 16:46, 18 April 2018 (UTC)
 * The plural form seems like more natural to use as an article title to me. Americans rather than "American". Rreagan007 (talk) 17:24, 18 April 2018 (UTC)
 * See below on Americans. Johnbod (talk) 15:38, 19 April 2018 (UTC)

Chiswick Chap (talk) 18:00, 18 April 2018 (UTC)
 * Are you filtering out results of "Aztec" as an adjective as in "Aztec culture" or "Aztec people" or "Aztec civilization"? If not, then you're picking up a lot of false positives for "Aztec". Rreagan007 (talk) 18:06, 18 April 2018 (UTC)
 * Worth checking. I've looked at those terms and adjusted accordingly. Chiswick Chap (talk) 18:17, 18 April 2018 (UTC)

 * All in all, the discussion above illustrates why the title is what it is, and where it should probably remain. Johnbod (talk) 18:13, 18 April 2018 (UTC)

 * I am joining this discussion late, but I have published in the field and would like to join this exchange. I am in favor of use "The Aztecs" as the article title. A classic work in the field is Charles Gibson's The Aztecs Under Spanish Rule (Stanford UP 1964). A recent reference work, The Oxford Handbook of the Aztecs, (Oxford U Press 2017) likewise uses that phrase.  IMHO "Aztec" is an adjective, modifying a noun, "Aztec culture," "Aztec warfare," "Aztec commerce," etc. "The Aztecs" is succinct and clear.Amuseclio (talk) 00:36, 19 April 2018 (UTC)Amuseclio
 * There is a strong convention, described at Naming conventions (definite or indefinite article at beginning of name) against beginning articles with "the", for various reasons, including searching and indexing. All sorts of subjects where any monograph would naturally have a title beginning with "the" don't have it in the WP title - Sistine Chapel for example. Johnbod (talk) 10:27, 19 April 2018 (UTC)
 * Yes, I agree that "The Aztecs" is not really an option, but simply "Aztecs" may do well, and perhaps preferable to the current title that it sort of not sure whether it wants to be a noun or an adjective.·maunus · snunɐɯ· 10:48, 19 April 2018 (UTC)
 * By another convention, such titles are normally reserved for articles on "peoples", like Americans, Germans etc, often redirecting to "Foo people(s)". We don't have Aztec people (redirects here), unlike say Maya peoples, for reasons you will understand. And the article has relatively little on an ethnological approach. Johnbod (talk) 15:35, 19 April 2018 (UTC)
 * We have Nahua people for the contemporary ethnic group. Aztec is more of what archeologists would call a "cultural horizon" in late postclassic central Mexico. Some current scholars use Aztec for pre-contact Nahuatl speakers and Nahua people for colonial and postcolonial Nahuatl speakers. It is a very complicated terminology unfortunately, and there is no standard solution to the problem in the literature.·maunus · snunɐɯ· 17:21, 19 April 2018 (UTC)
 * I note the article lead has the stutter start "The Aztecs." I am in favor of renaming the article "Aztecs," since "The Aztecs" is outside of Wikipedia article naming conventions. "Aztecs" has the great virtue of having high name-recognition for the general reader in a way that "Nahuas" does not. James Lockhart could title his major monograph The Nahuas after the Conquest thirty years after Charles Gibson's pioneering and classic The Aztecs under Spanish Rule because a great number ethnohistorians helped make "Nahuas" have name recognition at least among scholars. "Aztecs" has continuing recognition and staying power for the general reader. Amuseclio (talk) 04:53, 20 April 2018 (UTC)Amuseclio

Requested move 21 April 2018

 * The following is a closed discussion of a requested move. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made in a new section on the talk page. Editors desiring to contest the closing decision should consider a move review. No further edits should be made to this section.

The result of the move request was: moved. See enough support in this debate to rename with a following "s". Although both forms are plural, "Aztecs" may be more precise since it cannot also work as an adjective, as can "Aztec". Editors have made a good choice here. Have a Great Day and Happy Publishing! (closed by page mover)  Paine Ellsworth   put'r there 20:54, 6 May 2018 (UTC)

Aztec → Aztecs – For the reasons stated in the talk page discussion, including conformity with other article titles such as Vikings or Germans, and to make it clearly a noun and not an adjective. Rreagan007 (talk) 02:13, 21 April 2018 (UTC) --Relisting. Dekimasu よ! 04:05, 28 April 2018 (UTC)
 * Note There are two whole archives devoted to this issue Talk:Aztecs/Terminology-1 and Talk:Aztecs/Terminology-2, as well as other sections in earlier archives, and WikiProject Aztec/Terminology. Please look at these before commenting. Johnbod (talk) 03:46, 21 April 2018 (UTC)
 * Oppose best kept as it is, as explained above. Vikings, Germans and Americans are "peoples" articles, which this is not, and by convention "Foos" articles are reserved for ethnology. "Aztec" is not ideal, but there is no better alternative. In the past Aztec Empire (now its own article) has usually been the favourite alternative - see the very extensive discussions in the archives. Btw, History of the Aztecs seems redundant, given the considerably longer coverage of the history in Aztec Empire. Johnbod (talk) 03:46, 21 April 2018 (UTC)
 * Support I think either is fine, per my second and third rule of thumb.·maunus · snunɐɯ· 07:35, 21 April 2018 (UTC)
 * Pro. I realize that readers will be redirected to "Aztec" if they are searching for "The Aztecs," but why not make this relatively minor change? I would not go to the barricades over the matter, but "Aztecs" is unambiguously a noun, the way "Aztec" is not. And "Aztecs" has high recognition for the general reader. Amuseclio (talk) 02:41, 22 April 2018 (UTC)Amuseclio

 * per WP:NOUN. NB also the discussion of the title above.  —  AjaxSmack  00:51, 23 April 2018 (UTC)

 * Addendum to my Pro statement. The WP article on Nahua peoples is in fact titled Nahuas, not "Nahua," so the proposed change to Aztecs is logical and consistent. Amuseclio (talk) 01:36, 24 April 2018 (UTC)Amuseclio
 * Exactly! Nahuas is a "peoples" article, in fact covering the Aztecs. But this is not a people/ethnology article. If it is moved to anything, it should probably be Aztec culture, which better fits the material here, leaving Aztec Empire, not to mention History of the Aztecs, with the politics. Johnbod (talk) 01:41, 24 April 2018 (UTC)
 * "Aztec culture" seems too narrow, as it's also not just a culture article. I would support moving the article to "Aztec civilization" (which already redirects here). It would match similar articles like Maya civilization. Regardless, they're all better alternatives than the current title. Rreagan007 (talk) 04:07, 24 April 2018 (UTC)
 * All these arguments about matching existing naming patterns are irrelevant unless the suggestions are supported by sources. As Amuseclio notes almost all works about Aztec culture, society and history are titled "The Aztecs". None of them are titled "Aztec civilization" - because the Aztecs do not fit the standard ideas of what is a civilization, a word that implies a much deeper cultural tradition. If anything the Aztecs were simply the last stage in a millenial Western Mesoamerican civilization that started with Tlatilco and Tlapacoya and eached its maturity with Teotihuacan. In archeology and prehistory "a culture" refers to a shorter and more localized tradition than a civilization, which is why that would be a better description than "civilization" - but again that is not what the sources do. The article should of course include both the "culture" (in the narrow sense) and the politics and the history- just as the sources do.·maunus · snunɐɯ· 08:06, 24 April 2018 (UTC)
 * There are sources that refer to "Aztec Civilization". Rreagan007 (talk) 16:11, 24 April 2018 (UTC)
 * Not any sources that have weight.·maunus · snunɐɯ· 16:16, 24 April 2018 (UTC)

 * Comment. The relevant guideline is WP:ETHNICGROUP which encourages plural demonyms. In this case, either "Aztecs" or "Aztec" are acceptable plurals. The article just needs to be consistent.--Cúchullain t/ c 18:39, 24 April 2018 (UTC)
 * Except that Aztecs are not exactly an ethnic group.·maunus · snunɐɯ· 19:26, 24 April 2018 (UTC)
 * I think that's a semantic distinction. They were certainly a "group of people" and that's covered by the guideline.--Cúchullain t/ c 15:35, 25 April 2018 (UTC)
 * It is not a semantic distinction, it is an empirical distinctin that people have written books about.·maunus · snunɐɯ· 16:18, 26 April 2018 (UTC)
 * Thanks for that link! So "Aztec" is a "Mass noun demonym" and ok, which I hope will allay the grammatical concerns some have. Who knew! The examples the policy gives include "Navaho" and "British Chinese". Johnbod (talk) 16:10, 25 April 2018 (UTC)

 * Support. Absolutely no reason not to have this in the plural as with every other people. -- Necrothesp (talk) 14:04, 26 April 2018 (UTC)
 * Except for all the ones that aren't, like "Navaho" and "British Chinese", and this not being a "people" article. Johnbod (talk) 14:30, 26 April 2018 (UTC)
 * Navajo and Chinese are used in the plural as well as singular (I'm not aware of any use of Chineses, and while Navajos is used, it's almost certainly minority usage), so that's pretty irrelevant. And yes, it is basically a people article. The Aztecs are generally looked upon by all except the most pedantic as a people. -- Necrothesp (talk) 14:35, 26 April 2018 (UTC)
 * Well, that's put ·maunus in his place - see above! Johnbod (talk) 15:10, 26 April 2018 (UTC)
 * It's merely a case of WP:COMMONNAME. -- Necrothesp (talk) 15:23, 26 April 2018 (UTC)
 * Well, oddly most people who are experts enough to write books about the aztecs are pedantic enough to note that Aztecs are not "a people", but a label covering a set of culturally and linguistically related peoples with separate ethnic identities and separate political organizations. But yes, why should a Wikipedias article names pay attention to the experts who write the literature on which we base our articles.·maunus · snunɐɯ· 16:17, 26 April 2018 (UTC)
 * I don't like the idea that a named, productive Wikipedian is "put in his place" in a talk discussion, especially since he has expertise in the field. This is not what we should be about. Please, let's do better! Amuseclio (talk) 17:37, 26 April 2018 (UTC)Amuseclio
 * The first sentence of the article reads, "The Aztecs (/ˈæztɛk/) were a Mesoamerican people who spoke the Nahuatl language and flourished in central Mexico in the post-classic period from 1300 to 1521, when the Spanish conquered central Mexico." If the Aztecs are not a people, as Maunus states, why does the article read as it does? Can't have it both ways. FreeKnowledgeCreator (talk) 00:38, 27 April 2018 (UTC)
 * Maybe it shouldn't - but one expects a "people" to last longer than c. 221 years anyway. Johnbod (talk) 01:36, 27 April 2018 (UTC)
 * It didn't say that when the article was passed as GA last week, and not it shouldn't because it is inaccurate. There were Aztecs who were not Nahuatl speakers, and the groups that shared in Aztec culture had no single ethnic affiliation. All works note that "Aztec" is a problematic term because it is used variously to refer to the Mexica, to the triple alliance, and to Nahua peoples, and to Central Mexican culture in the late postclassic. The definition has to be vague enough to include all of those usages.·maunus · snunɐɯ· 06:54, 27 April 2018 (UTC)
 * I can't see anyone being "put in their place". But the fact remains that article naming is always about most commonly recognised names, not about names that may be used by "experts" (although it's clear from the literature that many experts do use the term in the plural) but by few others. That is a long-accepted policy on Wikipedia. Alternative names and academic usages can be explained within the article. -- Necrothesp (talk) 09:50, 27 April 2018 (UTC)
 * So, presumably all those academics who have written books and articles with "Aztecs" in the title and used the term "Aztecs" within don't know what they're talking about then? Okay then, as long as that's settled... I would also note that there are 73 instances of the word "Aztecs" even within this article. You simply cannot get away from the fact that this is their common name and that's how we always title our articles. I see no reason to make an exception here. -- Necrothesp (talk) 09:37, 27 April 2018 (UTC)
 * I am not arguing against the move to Aztecs. I am arguing that you guys' rationales are invalid and unhelpful attempts to enforce a misguided consistency based on not understanding the topic or having read the literature. Yes, it could be moved to Aztecs which is another perfectly fine title just as the current oneis - but that is not because it is a "peoples article" (because it is not), it is because it is the common usage in the sources. ·maunus · snunɐɯ· 09:50, 27 April 2018 (UTC)
 * I don't think it's unreasonable to argue that most would regard the Aztecs as a people and that the article should be titled accordingly. But since we seem to agree on the title I don't think the rationale makes much difference. -- Necrothesp (talk) 09:55, 27 April 2018 (UTC)
 * What you think is reasonable or unreasonable does not become a valid argument untill it is based on knowledge of the relevant literature. And yes, it makes a fairly significant difference, when you are the person who is actually writing the article, whether a group of people suddenly show up out of the blue and start to redefine its scope and topic in ways that do not reflect the literature.·maunus · snunɐɯ· 09:57, 27 April 2018 (UTC)

 * Oppose Aztec works; singularly, as a plural and culturally; it's fine as is...Modernist (talk) 01:44, 27 April 2018 (UTC)
 * Neutral. As I said above I am not going to the barricades for the name change. I am changing my position from Pro to Neutral. I've added some items to the Bibliography that point to usages of Aztec. Offner's book has "Aztec Texcoco" in the title. Lopez Austin's article in The Oxford Encyclopedia of Mesoamerican Culture is entitled "Aztec." I am now going to focus on other WP issues. Amuseclio (talk) 20:38, 27 April 2018 (UTC)Amuseclio
 * Support I dont see a reason for Aztec to be singular when other peoples and groups are plural. Nobody says "The Aztec" except if referring like the SDSU newspaper or something. Wikiman5676 (talk) 20:20, 5 May 2018 (UTC)

 * The above discussion is preserved as an archive of a requested move. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made in a new section on this talk page or in a move review. No further edits should be made to this section.

Merge History of the Aztecs with Aztec or Aztec Empire?
Please discuss this proposal at Talk:History_of_the_Aztecs Johnbod (talk) 19:01, 28 April 2018 (UTC)

Carlos de Siguenza y Gongora
There should be an article on Carlos de Siguenza y Gongora. 2601:586:C701:4135:6C6C:AB19:F8D3:B825 (talk) 04:43, 8 July 2018 (UTC)

Penitential palace in the Templo Mayor?
"The center of Tenochtitlan was the sacred precinct, a walled-off square area which housed the Great Temple, temples for other deities, the ballcourt, the calmecac (a school for nobles), a skull rack tzompantli, displaying the skulls of sacrificial victims, houses of the warrior orders, a penitential palace of the tlatoani and a merchants palace. Around the sacred precinct were the royal palaces built by the tlatoanis"

Anybody knows what is meant by "penitential palace"? Mimihitam (talk) 18:25, 9 November 2018 (UTC)
 * it should be a bad reference to Sahagún or Durán's description of the Coateocalli/Coacalco (see Emily Umberger, Jeb J. Card and Benítez, then Gran Diccionario Náhuatl for the exact quote, and Miguel León-Portilla for the explanation, p.182-183). It's the temple 15 on the image below. El Comandante (talk) 03:20, 26 November 2018 (UTC)
 * Templo Mayor model with numbers.jpg

King Ahuitzotl
In the paragraph about king Ahuitzotl there is a campaign date of 1521. He was already dead then, so it should be removed. Szkokt (talk) 08:34, 12 April 2020 (UTC)

parentheses
"The Nahuatl words (aztecatl [asˈtekat͡ɬ], singular)[9] and (aztecah [asˈtekaʔ], plural)[9] mean "people from Aztlan,"[10] a mythical place of origin for several ethnic groups in central Mexico. "

Why are there parentheses around the words "aztecatl" and "aztecah" ? - 129.242.218.55 (talk)

Semi-protected
This article was semi-protected due to vandalism in 2011. Is that still necessary? - 129.242.218.55 (talk) 14:02, 21 September 2020 (UTC)
 * Hopefully not. I have lowered protection to pending changes.  Ϣere Spiel  Chequers  08:26, 26 July 2022 (UTC)

Gender and Family: RETRACTIONS or CORRECTIONS NEEDED ASAP
There is a part of this section that is erroneously cited and therefore is inaccurate.

"While the Aztecs did have gender roles associated with “men” and “women” it should also be noted that they did not live in a two-gendered society. In fact, there were multiple “third gender” identities that existed throughout their society and came with their own gender roles. The term “third gender” isn’t the most precise term that can be used. Rather, their native Nahuatl words such as patlache and cuiloni are more accurate since “third gender” is more of a Western concept. The names for these gender identities are deeply connected to the religious customs of the Aztecs, and as such, did play a large role in Aztec society."

First off, it is asserted as true that the Aztec had a "third gender" and that this alleged gender even had tasks specific to their identity yet without specifying what such tasks may have been or how they'd be descriptively distinct from either male or female gender roles. But there's an even worse problem here...

The above passage cites Peter Sigal (2005) as its sole source material for such a broad claim, which, I might add, is already problematic. However, here's the real issue, the person who cited the source did not even cite accurately. Here's a direct quote I extracted from the noted source:

“The conclusion must be that the woman is actually a cross-dressing male. Whether this male was viewed as a woman, a man, a berdache, or a third gender we cannot know (Sigal 2005, 588).”

There's two problems here. The first is that the description of the alleged "third gender appears more like an amalgam of male and female, even being described as mere "cross dresser", which would not signal a third gender. Secondly, the cited source does not even make the grand claim for which they are being cited. I find this erroneous claim to be yet another example of people attempting to baptize, or really Westernize/Northernize, the Aztec as being somehow post-structuralist/critical theorists. It's rather disgusting, really. Please stop it. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 72.241.11.184 (talk) 17:40, 13 December 2020 (UTC)

UPDATE: I just finished the cited article, and its relevance to the noted erroneous citations gets even worse. First off, I am under the impression that the person that cited the article did NOT read it, at least not in its entirety. The article in question begins making bold statements about mistaken past readings of Pre-conquest Aztec thought on themes such as homosexuality, intersexuality, and gender identity. However, Sigal, the author of the noted paper, concludes with nothing but speculation and questions, never once providing anything of substance on the matters he sets out to address. The paper underscores pretty much that the Pre-conquest Aztec held similar views to the European conquerors. However, Sigal merely speculates how this could not be the case based on what is merely a hypothesis (conjecture, really) of collective acquiescence. This hypothesis is weak in light of what much historical and anthropological analysis has gleaned about the Aztec's stubborn adherence to gender equality for much of Post-conquest. And, to be sure, Sigal admits that we cannot be sure about the status of so-called "third gender". — Preceding unsigned comment added by 72.241.11.184 (talk) 19:08, 13 December 2020 (UTC)

 * I just read the paper and while I generally have not seen a reason to think Sigal is a problematic source as you indicate, I agree that his paper's attempt to tie the textual evidence toward the Aztecs having a "third gender" class is extremely tenuous at best, and the WP article paragraph in question completely misreads the entire thing. It's removed now, and there would have to be an evidence of a building mass of scholarly recognition of a Nahua third gender for something like that to be suitable to re-add – one paper isn't sufficient. SamuelRiv (talk) 01:40, 28 July 2022 (UTC)

Family and gender
What is WITH all the comma splices? — Preceding unsigned comment added by 2607:FEA8:BD20:1B9A:5AC:DE18:F19B:A926 (talk) 21:36, 13 January 2021 (UTC)

Semi-protected edit request on 9 March 2021
Aztec is not the correct for one of the last civilizations of central Mexico. Is Mexica. In the article it should be explained that Aztec is a newer denomination but that it is incorrect because it refers to many groups and besides that the Mexica never called themselves Aztecs and they are just called Mexica or even Mexican in Spanish documents that time. 201.110.98.221 (talk) 17:44, 9 March 2021 (UTC)
 * Please provide sources for this, and exactly what text you would like removed, and what text added. Thanks. ScottishFinnishRadish (talk) 17:58, 9 March 2021 (UTC)

creating floating gardens to farm extensively
Quote: "The Aztecs once fed 200k people in inarable swampy land by creating floating gardens they farmed extensively"

Quote: "When Hernan Cortez discovered the Aztec Empire in 1519, he found 200,000 people living on an island in the middle of a lake. Tenochtitlan, now Mexico City, was one of the biggest and best-fed cities in the world. The city was completely surrounded by water.

To feed their enormous population, the Aztecs built chinampas, or floating gardens, to convert the marshy wetlands of Lake Texcoco into arable farmland. Each garden was 300 feet by 30 feet. To make a garden, workers weaved sticks together to form a giant raft, and then then piled mud from the bottom of the lake on top of the raft to create a layer of soil three feet thick."

Sources (until now) only https://www.facebook.com/worldhistory100/posts/1744709559046209 By the way: Is there a column ´Ancient farming, gardening´ ? --Visionhelp (talk) 12:25, 26 September 2021 (UTC)
 * https://www.facebook.com/Integrated.Organic.Farming/posts/4409399729110648
 * https://www.facebook.com/savethebeesau/posts/3022145474733337

Adding the topic of Bathing and Cleanliness habits?
Should we add the topic of how the Aztecs bathed (personal hygiene) and cleaned their cities with their aqueducts? I went ahead and added some of that stuff to the Aztec Society wiki page, but it still isn't very detailed. I don't know if its allowed on this specific page, and if anyone else can do a more detailed job than I did. I find the subject important, but I don't know what everyone else thinks about this. 68.62.155.13 (talk) 21:38, 21 July 2022 (UTC)

Academic consensus on religion
I didn't realize there was another separate article, but we had this discussion already at Talk:Aztec Empire. Long story short, this article is over 50 years out of date in its framing of Aztec/Nahua religion. I updated Aztec Empire already so you can kind of see what the reframing looks like, and Aztec religion, which I notified long ago, is next. New comments should probably go to the original thread. I'd recommend reading the entire thread first, and if you only have time to read one (long) source it should be Maffie's IEP article, which cites a broad range of the literature. SamuelRiv (talk) 01:07, 23 July 2022 (UTC)

Sex
I have the strong impression when reading this article that the Aztecs died out because they didn't have sex. Damorbel (talk) 15:53, 14 August 2023 (UTC)

 * Looking through the books saved on my laptop, you make an excellent point! The archaeology and writing and myths for both the Aztecs and Classical Maya seem to be disturbingly chaste. Check out the imagery of the pre-Conquest Aztec goddesses of sex: Xōchiquetzal and Tlazolteotl. Hawt. Of course just because it's not preserved doesn't mean it didn't exist (especially for considering anything of the Classical Maya), and there's some good recent scholarship exploring what we can gleam about sex from the early post-Conquest period. The sorta deification of La Malinche (wife of Cortes) is discussed in terms of sexuality by Matthew Restall (2003) Seven Myths of the Spanish Conquest, ch. 5 (a great read in general).
 * In addition, I can sorta recommend reading Sigal (2005) "The Cuiloni, the Patlache, and the Abominable Sin: Homosexualities in Early Colonial Nahua Society" as discussed previously. It's not usable for this article until there's more scholarship on that subject in particular, but it's an interesting read and probably has some useful citations to check out on sex in general. SamuelRiv (talk) 03:20, 17 August 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:Aztecs


text:
William Sealy Gosset

William Sealy Gosset (13 June 1876 – 16 October 1937) was an English statistician, chemist and brewer who served as Head Brewer of Guinness and Head Experimental Brewer of Guinness and was a pioneer of modern statistics. He pioneered small sample experimental design and analysis with an economic approach to the logic of uncertainty. Gosset published under the pen name Student and developed most famously Student's t-distribution – originally called Student's "z" – and "Student's test of statistical significance".

Life and career
Born in Canterbury, England the eldest son of Agnes Sealy Vidal and Colonel Frederic Gosset, R.E. Royal Engineers, Gosset attended Winchester College before matriculating as Winchester Scholar in natural sciences and mathematics at New College, Oxford. Upon graduating in 1899, he joined the brewery of Arthur Guinness & Son in Dublin, Ireland; he spent the rest of his 38-year career at Guinness.

Gosset had three children with Marjory Gosset (née Phillpotts). Harry Gosset (1907–1965) was a consultant paediatrician; Bertha Marian Gosset (1909–2004) was a geographer and nurse; the youngest, Ruth Gosset (1911–1953) married the Oxford mathematician Douglas Roaf and had five children.

In his job as Head Experimental Brewer at Guinness, the self-trained Gosset developed new statistical methods – both in the brewery and on the farm – now central to the design of experiments, to proper use of significance testing on repeated trials, and to analysis of economic significance (an early instance of decision theory interpretation of statistics) and more, such as his small-sample, stratified, and repeated balanced experiments on barley for proving the best yielding varieties. Gosset acquired that knowledge by study, by trial and error, by cooperating with others, and by spending two terms in 1906–1907 in the Biometrics laboratory of Karl Pearson. Gosset and Pearson had a good relationship. Pearson helped Gosset with the mathematics of his papers, including the 1908 papers, but had little appreciation of their importance. The papers addressed the brewer's concern with small samples; biometricians like Pearson, on the other hand, typically had hundreds of observations and saw no urgency in developing small-sample methods.

Gosset's first publication came in 1907, "On the Error of Counting with a Haemacytometer," in which – unbeknownst to Gosset aka "Student" – he rediscovered the Poisson distribution. Another researcher at Guinness had previously published a paper containing trade secrets of the Guinness brewery. The economic historian Stephen Ziliak discovered in the Guinness Archives that to prevent further disclosure of confidential information, the Guinness Board of Directors allowed its scientists to publish research on condition that they do not mention "1) beer, 2) Guinness, or 3) their own surname". To Ziliak, Gosset seems to have gotten his pen name "Student" from his 1906–1907 notebook on counting yeast cells with a haemacytometer, "The Student's Science Notebook" Thus his most noteworthy achievement is now called Student's, rather than Gosset's, t-distribution and test of statistical significance.

Gosset published most of his 21 academic papers, including The probable error of a mean, in Pearson's journal Biometrika under the pseudonym Student. It was, however, not Pearson but Ronald A. Fisher who appreciated the understudied importance of Gosset's small-sample work. Fisher wrote to Gosset in 1912 explaining that Student's z-distribution should be divided by degrees of freedom not total sample size. From 1912 to 1934 Gosset and Fisher would exchange more than 150 letters. In 1924, Gosset wrote in a letter to Fisher, "I am sending you a copy of Student's Tables as you are the only man that's ever likely to use them!" Fisher believed that Gosset had effected a "logical revolution". In a special issue of Metron in 1925 Student published the corrected tables, now called Student's t $z=\frac{t}{\sqrt{n-1}}$. In the same volume Fisher contributed applications of Student's t-distribution to regression analysis.

Although introduced by others, Studentized residuals are named in Student's honour because, like the problem that led to Student's t-distribution, the idea of adjusting for estimated standard deviations is central to that concept.

Gosset's interest in the cultivation of barley led him to speculate that the design of experiments should aim not only at improving the average yield but also at breeding varieties whose yield was insensitive to variation in soil and climate (that is, "robust"). Gosset called his innovation "balanced layout", because treatments and controls are allocated in a balanced fashion to stratified growing conditions, such as differential soil fertility. Gosset's balanced principle was challenged by Ronald Fisher, who preferred randomized designs. The Bayesian Harold Jeffreys, and Gosset's close associates Jerzy Neyman and Egon S. Pearson sided with Gosset's balanced designs of experiments; however, as Ziliak (2014) has shown, Gosset and Fisher would strongly disagree for the rest of their lives about the meaning and interpretation of balanced versus randomized experiments, as they had earlier clashed on the role of bright-line rules of statistical significance.

In 1935, at the age of 59, Gosset left Dublin to take up the position of Head Brewer at a new (and second) Guinness brewery at Park Royal in northwestern London. In September 1937 Gosset was promoted to Head Brewer of all Guinness. He died one month later, aged 61, in Beaconsfield, England, of a heart attack.

Gosset was a friend of both Pearson and Fisher, a noteworthy achievement, for each had a massive ego and a loathing for the other. He was a modest man who once cut short an admirer with this comment: "Fisher would have discovered it all anyway."

title: William Sealy Gosset


text:
Eric Frank Russell

Eric Frank Russell (January 6, 1905 – February 28, 1978) was a British writer best known for his science fiction novels and short stories. Much of his work was first published in the United States, in John W. Campbell's Astounding Science Fiction and other pulp magazines. Russell also wrote horror fiction for Weird Tales and non-fiction articles on Fortean topics. Up to 1955 several of his stories were published under pseudonyms, at least Duncan H. Munro and Niall(e) Wilde.

Biography
Russell was born in 1905 near Sandhurst in Berkshire, where his father was an instructor at the Royal Military College. Russell became a fan of science fiction and in 1934, while living near Liverpool, he saw a letter in Amazing Stories from Leslie J. Johnson, another reader from the same area. Russell met with Johnson, who encouraged him to embark on a writing career. Together, the two men wrote a novella, "Seeker of Tomorrow", that was published by F. Orlin Tremaine in the July 1937 number of Astounding Stories. Both Russell and Johnson became members of the British Interplanetary Society.

Russell's first novel was Sinister Barrier, cover story for the inaugural, May 1939 issue of Unknown —Astoundings sister magazine devoted to fantasy. It is explicitly a Fortean tale, based on Charles Fort's famous speculation "I think we're property", Russell explains in the foreword. An often-repeated legend has it that Campbell, on receiving the manuscript for Sinister Barrier, created Unknown primarily as a vehicle for the short novel (pp. 9–94). There is no real evidence for this, despite a statement to that effect in the first volume of Isaac Asimov's autobiography, In Memory Yet Green.

His second novel, Dreadful Sanctuary (serialized in Astounding during 1948) is an early example of conspiracy fiction, in which a paranoid delusion of global proportions is perpetuated by a small but powerful secret society.

There are two incompatible accounts of Russell's military service during World War II. The official, well-documented version is that he served with the Royal Air Force, with whom he saw active service in Europe as a member of a Mobile Signals Unit. However, in the introduction to the 1986 Del Rey Books edition of Russell's novel Wasp, Jack L. Chalker states that Russell was too old for active service, and instead worked for Military Intelligence in London, where he "spent the war dreaming up nasty tricks to play against the Germans and Japanese", including Operation Mincemeat. Russell's biographer John L. Ingham states however that "there is nothing, absolutely nothing, in his R.A.F. record to show that he was anything more than a wireless mechanic and radio operator".

Russell took up writing full-time in the late 1940s. He became an active member of British science fiction fandom and the British representative of the Fortean Society. He won the first annual Hugo Award for Best Short Story in 1955 recognizing his humorous "Allamagoosa" as the year's best science fiction.

The 1962 novel The Great Explosion won a Prometheus Hall of Fame Award in 1985 —the third naming of two works to the libertarian science fiction hall of fame. The 1957 novel Wasp has been a finalist for the honor, which is now limited to one work per year.

The Science Fiction and Fantasy Hall of Fame inducted Russell in 2000, its fifth class of two deceased and two living writers.

Into Your Tent, a thorough and detailed biography of Russell by John L. Ingham, was published in 2010 by Plantech (UK).

Writings
Russell's full-length fiction includes the following:
 * Sinister Barrier (1939)
 * Dreadful Sanctuary (1948)
 * Sentinels From Space (1953), based on the earlier magazine story The Star Watchers (1951)
 * Three to Conquer (1956), based on the earlier magazine serial Call Him Dead (1955)
 * Men, Martians and Machines (1955), containing four related novellas
 * Wasp (1958)
 * Next of Kin (1959), published earlier as The Space Willies (1958)
 * The Great Explosion (1962)
 * With a Strange Device (1964), also published as The Mindwarpers.

Russell also wrote a large number of shorter works, many of which have been reprinted in collections such as Deep Space (1954), Six Worlds Yonder (1958), Far Stars (1961), Dark Tides (1962) and Somewhere a Voice (1965). His short story "Allamagoosa" (1955) won the Hugo Award for Best Short Story.

Russell wrote numerous non-fiction essays on Fortean themes, some of which were collected in a compendium of Forteana entitled Great World Mysteries (1957). His second non-fiction book was The Rabble Rousers (1963), a sardonic look at human folly including the Dreyfus affair and the Florida land boom. He also wrote Lern Yerself Scouse: The ABZ of Scouse (1966) under the pseudonym "Linacre Lane".

Two omnibus collections of Russell's science fiction are available from NESFA Press: Major Ingredients (2000), containing 30 of his short stories, and Entities (2001) containing five novels. John Pelan's Midnight House published Dark Tides, a collection of Russell's horror and weird fiction, in 2006.

The 1995 novel Design for Great-Day, published as by Alan Dean Foster and Eric Frank Russell, is an expansion by Foster of a 1953 short story of the same name by Russell.

Writing style and themes
Russell had an easy-going, colloquial writing style that was influenced in part by American "hard-boiled" detective fiction of the kind popularized by Black Mask magazine. Although British, Russell wrote predominantly for an American audience, and was often assumed to be American by readers.

Much of Russell's science fiction is based on what might be described as Fortean themes, with Sinister Barrier and Dreadful Sanctuary the most notable examples. Another common theme is the single resourceful human pitted against a ponderous alien bureaucracy, as in the novels Wasp and Next of Kin, as well as several shorter works.

Russell is sometimes categorized as a humorous writer, and Brian Aldiss describes him as John W. Campbell's "licensed jester". However, Russell's humour generally has a satirical edge, often aimed at authority and bureaucracy in its various forms. On other occasions, for example in the short stories "Somewhere a Voice" and "The Army Comes to Venus", his work has a deeper and more serious tone, in which the spiritual aspects of humanity's endeavours and aspirations shine through.

Critical reception
Scott Connors, reviewing Russell's book Darker Tides, stated that "Russell's prose displays a rare sense of irony and wit...and does the reader the compliment of presenting the story in an indirect fashion so that he has an  investment in the tale." Carl Sagan wrote that Russell's stories were examples of "desperately need[ed] exploration of alternative futures, both experimental and conceptual".

Cultural influences
Russell's short story "Jay Score" (1941) is unusual amongst the pulp fiction of its time in presenting a black character, the ship's doctor, without any racial stereotyping. Indeed, this story and its sequels (collected in Men, Martians and Machines) may be considered an early example of the science fiction subgenre in which a spaceship is crewed by a multi-ethnic, mixed human/non-human, complement (cf. the much later Star Trek).

In 1970, Russell was paid £4689 by the Beatles's company Apple Corps for the motion picture rights to his novel Wasp, the contract being signed on behalf of Apple by Ringo Starr. The film was never made, but it remained one of the most lucrative deals Russell ever made.

title: Eric Frank Russell


text:
Pyrophosphate

In chemistry, pyrophosphates are phosphorus oxyanions that contain two phosphorus atoms in a P\sO\sP linkage. A number of pyrophosphate salts exist, such as disodium pyrophosphate (Na2H2P2O7) and tetrasodium pyrophosphate (Na4P2O7), among others. Often pyrophosphates are called diphosphates. The parent pyrophosphates are derived from partial or complete neutralization of pyrophosphoric acid. The pyrophosphate bond is also sometimes referred to as a phosphoanhydride bond, a naming convention which emphasizes the loss of water that occurs when two phosphates form a new P\sO\sP bond, and which mirrors the nomenclature for anhydrides of carboxylic acids. Pyrophosphates are found in ATP and other nucleotide triphosphates, which are important in biochemistry. The term pyrophosphate is also the name of esters formed by the condensation of a phosphorylated biological compound with inorganic phosphate, as for dimethylallyl pyrophosphate. This bond is also referred to as a high-energy phosphate bond.

Acidity
Pyrophosphoric acid is a tetraprotic acid, with four distinct pKa's:
 * H4P2O7 ⇌ [H3P2O7]− + H+, pKa1 = 0.85
 * [H3P2O7]− ⇌ [H2P2O7](2−) + H+, pKa2 = 1.96
 * [H2P2O7](2−) ⇌ [HP2O7](3−) + H+, pKa3 = 6.60
 * [HP2O7](3−) ⇌ [P2O7](4−) + H+, pKa4 = 9.41

The pKa's occur in two distinct ranges because deprotonations occur on separate phosphate groups. For comparison with the pKa's for phosphoric acid are 2.14, 7.20, and 12.37.

At physiological pH's, pyrophosphate exists as a mixture of doubly and singly protonated forms.

Preparation
Disodium pyrophosphate is prepared by thermal condensation of sodium dihydrogen phosphate or by partial deprotonation of pyrophosphoric acid.

Pyrophosphates are generally white or colorless. The alkali metal salts are water-soluble. They are good complexing agents for metal ions (such as calcium and many transition metals) and have many uses in industrial chemistry. Pyrophosphate is the first member of an entire series of polyphosphates.

In biochemistry
The anion P2O7(4−) is abbreviated PPi, standing for inorganic pyrophosphate. It is formed by the hydrolysis of ATP into AMP in cells.
 * ATP → AMP + PPi

For example, when a nucleotide is incorporated into a growing DNA or RNA strand by a polymerase, pyrophosphate (PPi) is released. Pyrophosphorolysis is the reverse of the polymerization reaction in which pyrophosphate reacts with the 3′-nucleosidemonophosphate (NMP or dNMP), which is removed from the oligonucleotide to release the corresponding triphosphate (dNTP from DNA, or NTP from RNA).

The pyrophosphate anion has the structure P2O7(4−), and is an acid anhydride of phosphate. It is unstable in aqueous solution and hydrolyzes into inorganic phosphate:
 * P2O7(4−) + H2O → 2 HPO4(2−)

or in biologists' shorthand notation:
 * PP_{i} + H2O → 2 P_{i} + 2 H+

In the absence of enzymic catalysis, hydrolysis reactions of simple polyphosphates such as pyrophosphate, linear triphosphate, ADP, and ATP normally proceed extremely slowly in all but highly acidic media.

(The reverse of this reaction is a method of preparing pyrophosphates by heating phosphates.)

This hydrolysis to inorganic phosphate effectively renders the cleavage of ATP to AMP and PPi irreversible, and biochemical reactions coupled to this hydrolysis are irreversible as well.

PPi occurs in synovial fluid, blood plasma, and urine at levels sufficient to block calcification and may be a natural inhibitor of hydroxyapatite formation in extracellular fluid (ECF). Cells may channel intracellular PPi into ECF. ANK is a nonenzymatic plasma-membrane PPi channel that supports extracellular PPi levels. Defective function of the membrane PPi channel ANK is associated with low extracellular PPi and elevated intracellular PPi. Ectonucleotide pyrophosphatase/phosphodiesterase (ENPP) may function to raise extracellular PPi.

From the standpoint of high energy phosphate accounting, the hydrolysis of ATP to AMP and PPi requires two high-energy phosphates, as to reconstitute AMP into ATP requires two phosphorylation reactions.
 * AMP + ATP → 2 ADP
 * 2 ADP + 2 Pi → 2 ATP

The plasma concentration of inorganic pyrophosphate has a reference range of 0.58–3.78 μM (95% prediction interval).

Terpenes
Isopentenyl pyrophosphate converts to geranyl pyrophosphate, the precursor to tens of thousands of terpeness and terpenoids.

As a food additive
Various diphosphates are used as emulsifiers, stabilisers, acidity regulators, raising agents, sequestrants, and water retention agents in food processing. They are classified in the E number scheme under E450:

 * E450(a): disodium dihydrogen diphosphate; trisodium diphosphate; tetrasodium diphosphate (TSPP); tetrapotassium diphosphate
 * E450(b): pentasodium and pentapotassium triphosphate
 * E450(c): sodium and potassium polyphosphates

In particular, various formulations of diphosphates are used to stabilize whipped cream.

title: Pyrophosphate


text:
Upwelling

Upwelling is an oceanographic phenomenon that involves wind-driven motion of dense, cooler, and usually nutrient-rich water from deep water towards the ocean surface. It replaces the warmer and usually nutrient-depleted surface water. The nutrient-rich upwelled water stimulates the growth and reproduction of primary producers such as phytoplankton. The biomass of phytoplankton and the presence of cool water in those regions allow upwelling zones to be identified by cool sea surface temperatures (SST) and high concentrations of chlorophyll a.

The increased availability of nutrients in upwelling regions results in high levels of primary production and thus fishery production. Approximately 25% of the total global marine fish catches come from five upwellings, which occupy only 5% of the total ocean area. Upwellings that are driven by coastal currents or diverging open ocean have the greatest impact on nutrient-enriched waters and global fishery yields.

Mechanisms
The three main drivers that work together to cause upwelling are wind, Coriolis effect, and Ekman transport. They operate differently for different types of upwelling, but the general effects are the same. In the overall process of upwelling, winds blow across the sea surface at a particular direction, which causes a wind-water interaction. As a result of the wind, the water has transported a net of 90 degrees from the direction of the wind due to Coriolis forces and Ekman transport. Ekman transport causes the surface layer of water to move at about a 45-degree angle from the direction of the wind, and the friction between that layer and the layer beneath it causes the successive layers to move in the same direction. This results in a spiral of water moving down the water column. Then, it is the Coriolis forces that dictate which way the water will move; in the Northern hemisphere, the water is transported to the right of the direction of the wind. In the Southern Hemisphere, the water is transported to the left of the wind. If this net movement of water is divergent, then upwelling of deep water occurs to replace the water that was lost.

Types
The major upwellings in the ocean are associated with the divergence of currents that bring deeper, colder, nutrient rich waters to the surface. There are at least five types of upwelling: coastal upwelling, large-scale wind-driven upwelling in the ocean interior, upwelling associated with eddies, topographically-associated upwelling, and broad-diffusive upwelling in the ocean interior.

Coastal
Coastal upwelling is the best known type of upwelling, and the most closely related to human activities as it supports some of the most productive fisheries in the world. Coastal upwelling will occur if the wind direction is parallel to the coastline and generates wind-driven currents. The wind-driven currents are diverted to the right of the winds in the Northern Hemisphere and to the left in the Southern Hemisphere due to the Coriolis effect. The result is a net movement of surface water at right angles to the direction of the wind, known as the Ekman transport (See also Ekman Spiral). When Ekman transport is occurring away from the coast, surface waters moving away are replaced by deeper, colder, and denser water. Normally, this upwelling process occurs at a rate of about 5–10 meters per day, but the rate and proximity of upwelling to the coast can be changed due to the strength and distance of the wind.

Deep waters are rich in nutrients, including nitrate, phosphate and silicic acid, themselves the result of decomposition of sinking organic matter (dead/detrital plankton) from surface waters. When brought to the surface, these nutrients are utilized by phytoplankton, along with dissolved CO2 (carbon dioxide) and light energy from the sun, to produce organic compounds, through the process of photosynthesis. Upwelling regions therefore result in very high levels of primary production (the amount of carbon fixed by phytoplankton) in comparison to other areas of the ocean. They account for about 50% of global marine productivity. High primary production propagates up the food chain because phytoplankton are at the base of the oceanic food chain.

The food chain follows the course of:

 * Phytoplankton → Zooplankton → Predatory zooplankton → Filter feeders → Predatory fish → Marine birds, marine mammals

Coastal upwelling exists year-round in some regions, known as major coastal upwelling systems, and only in certain months of the year in other regions, known as seasonal coastal upwelling systems. Many of these upwelling systems are associated with relatively high carbon productivity and hence are classified as Large Marine Ecosystems.

Worldwide, there are five major coastal currents associated with upwelling areas: the Canary Current (off Northwest Africa), the Benguela Current (off southern Africa), the California Current (off California and Oregon), the Humboldt Current (off Peru and Chile), and the Somali Current (off Somalia and Oman). All of these currents support major fisheries. The four major eastern boundary currents in which coastal upwelling primarily occurs are the Canary Current, Benguela Current, California Current, and Humboldt Current. The Benguela Current is the eastern boundary of the South Atlantic subtropical gyre and can be divided into a northern and southern sub-system with upwelling occurring in both areas. The subsystems are divided by an area of permanent upwelling off of Luderitz, which is the strongest upwelling zone in the world. The California Current System (CCS) is an eastern boundary current of the North Pacific that is also characterized by a north and south split. The split in this system occurs at Point Conception, California due to weak upwelling in the South and strong upwelling in the north. The Canary Current is an eastern boundary current of the North Atlantic Gyre and is also separated due to the presence of the Canary Islands. Finally, the Humboldt Current or the Peru Current flows west along the coast of South America from Peru to Chile and extends up to 1,000 kilometers offshore. These four eastern boundary currents comprise the majority of coastal upwelling zones in the oceans.

Equatorial

Upwelling at the equator is associated with the Intertropical Convergence Zone (ITCZ) which actually moves, and consequently, is often located just north or south of the equator. Easterly (westward) trade winds blow from the Northeast and Southeast and converge along the equator blowing West to form the ITCZ. Although there are no Coriolis forces present along the equator, upwelling still occurs just north and south of the equator. This results in a divergence, with denser, nutrient-rich water being upwelled from below, and results in the remarkable fact that the equatorial region in the Pacific can be detected from space as a broad line of high phytoplankton concentration.

Southern Ocean
Large-scale upwelling is also found in the Southern Ocean. Here, strong westerly (eastward) winds blow around Antarctica, driving a significant flow of water northwards. This is actually a type of coastal upwelling. Since there are no continents in a band of open latitudes between South America and the tip of the Antarctic Peninsula, some of this water is drawn up from great depths. In many numerical models and observational syntheses, the Southern Ocean upwelling represents the primary means by which deep dense water is brought to the surface. In some regions of Antarctica, wind-driven upwelling near the coast pulls relatively warm Circumpolar deep water onto the continental shelf, where it can enhance ice shelf melt and influence ice sheet stability. Shallower, wind-driven upwelling is also found in off the west coasts of North and South America, northwest and southwest Africa, and southwest and south Australia, all associated with oceanic subtropical high pressure circulations (see coastal upwelling above).

Some models of the ocean circulation suggest that broad-scale upwelling occurs in the tropics, as pressure driven flows converge water toward the low latitudes where it is diffusively warmed from above. The required diffusion coefficients, however, appear to be larger than are observed in the real ocean. Nonetheless, some diffusive upwelling does probably occur.

Other sources

 * Local and intermittent upwellings may occur when offshore islands, ridges, or seamounts cause a deflection of deep currents, providing a nutrient rich area in otherwise low productivity ocean areas. Examples include upwellings around the Galapagos Islands and the Seychelles Islands, which have major pelagic fisheries.
 * Upwelling could occur anywhere as long as there is an adequate shear in the horizontal wind field. For example when a tropical cyclone transits an area, usually when moving at speeds of less than 5 mph (8 km/h). The cyclonic winds cause a divergence in the surface water in the Ekman layer, that turn requires upwelling of deeper water to maintain continuity.
 * Artificial upwelling is produced by devices that use ocean wave energy or ocean thermal energy conversion to pump water to the surface. Ocean wind turbines are also known to produce upwellings. Ocean wave devices have been shown to produce plankton blooms.

Variations

Upwelling intensity depends on wind strength and seasonal variability, as well as the vertical structure of the water, variations in the bottom bathymetry, and instabilities in the currents.

In some areas, upwelling is a seasonal event leading to periodic bursts of productivity similar to spring blooms in coastal waters. Wind-induced upwelling is generated by temperature differences between the warm, light air above the land and the cooler denser air over the sea. In temperate latitudes, the temperature contrast is greatly seasonably variable, creating periods of strong upwelling in the spring and summer, to weak or no upwelling in the winter. For example, off the coast of Oregon, there are four or five strong upwelling events separated by periods of little to no upwelling during the six-month season of upwelling. In contrast, tropical latitudes have a more constant temperature contrast, creating constant upwelling throughout the year. The Peruvian upwelling, for instance, occurs throughout most of the year, resulting in one of the world's largest marine fisheries for sardines and anchovies.

In anomalous years when the trade winds weaken or reverse, the water that is upwelled is much warmer and low in nutrients, resulting in a sharp reduction in the biomass and phytoplankton productivity. This event is known as the El Nino-Southern Oscillation (ENSO) event. The Peruvian upwelling system is particularly vulnerable to ENSO events, and can cause extreme interannual variability in productivity.

Changes in bathymetry can affect the strength of an upwelling. For example, a submarine ridge that extends out from the coast will produce more favorable upwelling conditions than neighboring regions. Upwelling typically begins at such ridges and remains strongest at the ridge even after developing in other locations.

High productivity
The most productive and fertile ocean areas, upwelling regions are important sources of marine productivity. They attract hundreds of species throughout the trophic levels; these systems' diversity has been a focal point for marine research. While studying the trophic levels and patterns typical of upwelling regions, researchers have discovered that upwelling systems exhibit a wasp-waist richness pattern. In this type of pattern, the high and low trophic levels are well-represented by high species diversity. However, the intermediate trophic level is only represented by one or two species. This trophic layer, which consists of small, pelagic fish usually makes up about only three to four percent of the species diversity of all fish species present. The lower trophic layers are very well-represented with about 500 species of copepods, 2500 species of gastropods, and 2500 species of crustaceans on average. At the apex and near-apex trophic levels, there are usually about 100 species of marine mammals and about 50 species of marine birds. The vital intermediate trophic species however are small pelagic fish that usually feed on phytoplankton. In most upwelling systems, these species are either anchovies or sardines, and usually only one is present, although two or three species may be present occasionally. These fish are an important food source for predators, such as large pelagic fish, marine mammals, and marine birds. Although they are not at the base of the trophic pyramid, they are the vital species that connect the entire marine ecosystem and keep the productivity of upwelling zones so high

Threats to upwelling ecosystems
A major threat to both this crucial intermediate trophic level and the entire upwelling trophic ecosystem is the problem of commercial fishing. Since upwelling regions are the most productive and species rich areas in the world, they attract a high number of commercial fishers and fisheries. On one hand, this is another benefit of the upwelling process as it serves as a viable source of food and income for so many people and nations besides marine animals. However, just as in any ecosystem, the consequences of over-fishing from a population could be detrimental to that population and the ecosystem as a whole. In upwelling ecosystems, every species present plays a vital role in the functioning of that ecosystem. If one species is significantly depleted, that will have an effect throughout the rest of the trophic levels. For example, if a popular prey species is targeted by fisheries, fishermen may collect hundreds of thousands of individuals of this species just by casting their nets into the upwelling waters. As these fish are depleted, the food source for those who preyed on these fish is depleted. Therefore, the predators of the targeted fish will begin to die off, and there will not be as many of them to feed the predators above them. This system continues throughout the entire food chain, resulting in a possible collapse of the ecosystem. It is possible that the ecosystem may be restored over time, but not all species can recover from events such as these. Even if the species can adapt, there may be a delay in the reconstruction of this upwelling community.

The possibility of such an ecosystem collapse is the very danger of fisheries in upwelling regions. Fisheries may target a variety of different species, and therefore they are a direct threat to many species in the ecosystem, however they pose the highest threat to the intermediate pelagic fish. Since these fish form the crux of the entire trophic process of upwelling ecosystems, they are highly represented throughout the ecosystem (even if there is only one species present). Unfortunately, these fish tend to be the most popular targets of fisheries as about 64 percent of their entire catch consists of pelagic fish. Among those, the six main species that usually form the intermediate trophic layer represent over half of the catch.

Besides directly causing the collapse of the ecosystem due to their absence, this can create problems in the ecosystem through a variety of other methods as well. The animals higher in the trophic levels may not completely starve to death and die off, but the decreased food supply could still hurt the populations. If animals do not get enough food, it will decrease their reproductive viability meaning that they will not breed as often or as successfully as usual. This can lead to a decreasing population, especially in species that do not breed often under normal circumstances or become reproductively mature late in life. Another problem is that the decrease in the population of a species due to fisheries can lead to a decrease in genetic diversity, resulting in a decrease in biodiversity of a species. If the species diversity is decreased significantly, this could cause problems for the species in an environment that is so variable and quick-changing; they may not be able to adapt, which could result in a collapse of the population or ecosystem.

Another threat to the productivity and ecosystems of upwelling regions is El Niño-Southern Oscillation (ENSO) system, or more specifically El Niño events. During the normal period and La Niña events, the easterly trade winds are still strong, which continues to drive the process of upwelling. However, during El Niño events, trade winds are weaker, causing decreased upwelling in the equatorial regions as the divergence of water north and south of the equator is not as strong or as prevalent. The coastal upwelling zones diminish as well since they are wind driven systems, and the wind is no longer a very strong driving force in these areas. As a result, global upwelling drastically decreases, causing a decrease in productivity as the waters are no longer receiving nutrient-rich water. Without these nutrients, the rest of the trophic pyramid cannot be sustained, and the rich upwelling ecosystem will collapse.

Effect on climate
Coastal upwelling has a major influence over the affected region's local climate. This effect is magnified if the ocean current is already cool. As the cold, nutrient-rich water moves upwards and the sea surface temperature gets cooler, the air immediately above it also cools down and is likely to condensate, forming sea fog and stratus clouds. This also inhibits the formation of higher altitude clouds, showers and thunderstorms and results in rainfall over the ocean leaving the land dry. In year-round upwelling systems (like that of the western coasts of Southern Africa and South America), temperatures are generally cooler and precipitation scarce. Seasonal upwelling systems are often paired with seasonal downwelling systems (like that of the western coasts of the United States and Iberian Peninsula), resulting in cooler, drier than average summers and milder, wetter than average winters. Permanent upwelling locations typically have semi-arid/desert climates while seasonal upwelling locations usually have Mediterranean/semi-arid climates, oceanic in some cases. Some worldwide cities affected by strong upwelling regimes include: San Francisco, Antofagasta, Sines, Essaouira, Walvis Bay, among others.

title: Upwelling


text:
Rudy Wiedoeft

Rudolph Cornelius Wiedoeft (January 3, 1893 – February 18, 1940) was an American saxophonist whose compositions and solos on recordings helped popularize the instrument.

Biography
Born in Detroit, Michigan, the son of German immigrants, at a young age Wiedoeft started playing with his family orchestra, first using a violin, then a clarinet. He relocated to New York City and, after a series of successful clarinet recordings with his Frisco Jass Band, switched to saxophone, then still an unusual instrument. He became known as a virtuoso saxophonist during the 1910s, made more than 300 recordings for many different record companies, and did much to popularize the saxophone as an instrument in both the U.S. and overseas. His main instrument was the C melody saxophone, a variety which was immensely popular from the 1910s until about 1930. He also played and recorded sometimes using E-flat alto and B-flat soprano saxophones as well.

His style was noted for very rapid runs of well-articulated notes in between long legato phrases in a ragtime influenced style. The rapidly articulated notes were made possible by the advanced techniques of double-tonguing and triple-tonguing, similar to those used by brass (trumpet, trombone, etc.) players and flutists. He was also known for his style of vibrato, which was very wide during the later years of his playing. During his earlier years, Wiedoeft's use of vibrato was quite spare. Wiedoeft employed several other 'sound effects,' such as slap tonguing and "laughing" (altering/bending the pitch of the note) through his horn, and alongside his very distinguishable vibrato, became a part of his musical repertoire. While he incorporated some elements of early jazz into his playing, he remained stylistically a pre-jazz artist. Some of his original compositions were successes, notably Valse Erica, Valse Llewellyn, Saxema, Saxophobia, and Sax-o-Phun.

He remained a very popular entertainer into the 1920s and performed regularly by radio, but his style started to sound more and more dated to the public as his career continued into the 1930s. He worked for a while in Rudy Vallee's band, then for a while in France. From the mid-1930s on, he essentially stopped playing and was involved in several mining investments that were not successful.

Rudy and his wife Mary Wiedoeft had a difficult relationship partially due to difficulties of maintaining their rather flamboyant lifestyle and alcohol abuse. During 1937, he was nearly killed when he was stabbed by his wife. The couple reconciled, however, and during the same year, Rudy made his last radio performance.

He died in Flushing, New York, on February 18, 1940, from cirrhosis of the liver.

Legacy
Before 1920, the Holton Instrument Company adapted features from existing production model saxophones and marketed them as the "Rudy Wiedoeft Model". However, it is doubtful Wiedoeft actually performed with such instruments.

Several of Wiedoeft's siblings also became professional musicians, the most famous being West coast bandleader Herb Wiedoeft (1886–1928).

title: Rudy Wiedoeft


text:
Chenega, Alaska

Chenega (Alutiiq: Caniqaq) is a census-designated place (CDP) on Evans Island in the Chugach Census Area in the U.S. state of Alaska. Located in Prince William Sound, the CDP consists of the Chugach Alutiiq village of Chenega Bay, which was established only after the Good Friday earthquake destroyed the original community on Chenega Island to the north. As of the 2020 census, the population of the CDP was 59, largely Alaska Natives; as of 2021, the population of Chenega is estimated at 49. Chenega Bay is in the Chugach School District and has one school, Chenega Bay Community School, serving approximately 16 students from preschool through high school.

Original Chenega
The original village of Chenega, located on Chenega Island, was inhabited by the Chenega tribe, a subgroup of the Chugach Alutiiq. The name Chenega derives from "Beneath the Mountain". The village was a fishing village that was settled before Russian arrival in the area. A post office operated there from 1946 until the destruction of the town in 1964.

Destruction of Chenega
The original village of Chenega was destroyed in 1964 by a tsunami from the Good Friday earthquake, which killed 26 residents, a third of the 68 people who lived there at the time, and leveled all the buildings in the town except for the school and a singular house. Immediately following the tsunami, survivors were taken to Cordova, and the Bureau of Indian Affairs later permanently resettled them at Tatitlek.

Construction of Chenega Bay
After the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act was passed, former residents of Chenega formed the Chenega Corporation, which acquired the right to select 76,093 acres of land near the site of the old Chenega Village Township. In 1977, following research into the landscape and the needs of villagers, a new town location was chosen at Crab Bay on Evans Island. Following the acquisition of funding for infrastructure, the new village, named Chenega Bay, was first occupied in 1984.

Former and current Chenega residents gathered each Good Friday to remember the dead of Chenega. On the 25th Good Friday after the earthquake, in 1989, the oil tanker Exxon Valdez ran aground in Prince William Sound, causing an oil spill that again devastated Chenega and other places around the area economically.

Geography
Chenega is located at 60.06639°N, -148.01111°W (60.066327, -148.010991). According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP has a total area of 29.1 sqmi, of which, 28.8 sqmi of it is land and 0.3 sqmi of it (1.17%) is water. The village location is isolated, only accessible by boat or by plane.

Old Chenega (1880–1964)
The original Chenega, then located on the south end of Chenega Island at 60.27972°N, -148.07667°W, first appeared on the 1880 U.S. Census as an unincorporated Sugpiaq village (all 80 residents were Sugpiaq/Alutiiq). It reported on the 1890 census as "Ingamatsha." 71 of the residents were Native Alaskans and 2 were "Creole" (mixed Russian/Caucasian and Native Alaskan).

It returned in 1900 as Chenega. It did not appear on the 1910 & 1920 censuses. It appeared as "Chanega" in 1930 & 1940 and lastly as Chenega in 1950 and 1960. It was largely destroyed in the Good Friday Earthquake of 1964 and its residents relocated. The old village has not been reported on the census since. Some buildings remain as of 2019.

New Chenega (Chenega Bay) (1990–)
The new Chenega (or Chenega Bay) first appeared on the 1990 U.S. Census as a census-designated place (CDP). It was founded in 1982 by former residents from the Old Chenega and is located on the east side of Evans Island, named for the old village and island.

As of the census of 2000, there were 86 people, 22 households, and 17 families residing in the CDP. The population density was 3.0 PD/sqmi. There were 27 housing units at an average density of 0.9 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the CDP was 22.09% White, 73.26% Native American, and 4.65% from two or more races.

Of the 22 households, 40.9% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 63.6% were married couples living together, 9.1% had a female householder with no husband present, and 18.2% were non-families. 13.6% of all households were made up of individuals, and none had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 3.55 and the average family size was 3.83.

In the CDP, the population was spread out, with 33.7% under the age of 18, 7.0% from 18 to 24, 32.6% from 25 to 44, 20.9% from 45 to 64, and 5.8% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 30 years. For every 100 females, there were 132.4 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 119.2 males.

The median income for a household in the CDP was $53,750, and the median income for a family was $58,750. Males had a median income of $75,938 versus $32,500 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $13,382. There were 16.7% of families and 15.6% of the population living below the poverty line, including no under eighteens and none of those over 64.

title: Chenega, Alaska


text:
Chisana, Alaska

Chisana (also Shushanna) (Tsetsaan' Na in Ahtna) is a census-designated place (CDP) in the Copper River Census Area in the U.S. state of Alaska. As of the 2010 Census, the population of the CDP was 0. The English name Chisana derives from the Ahtna Athabascan name Tsetsaan' Na, meaning literally 'copper river' (not to be confused with the river known in English as the Copper River). The Chisana River joins the Nabesna River just north of Northway Junction, Alaska, to form the Tanana River, a major tributary of the Yukon River. The Chisana Airport consists of a turf and gravel runway which is largely serviced by flights from Tok, Alaska.

In 1985, the community was listed as Chisana Historic District on the National Register of Historic Places as a historic district. In 1998 the Chisana Historic Mining Landscape historic district, comprising the community and a wide 27000 acre area located partly in Copper River Census Area and partly in Southeast Fairbanks Census Area, was listed on the National Register of Historic Places.

Geography
According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP has a total area of 86.7 sqmi, of which 86.7 sqmi of it is land and 0.1 sqmi of it is water. The total area is 0.10% water.

Climate
According to the Köppen Climate Classification system, Chisana has a subarctic climate, abbreviated "Dfc" on climate maps. The hottest temperature recorded in Chisana was 90 F on June 19–20, 2004, while the coldest temperature recorded was -53 F on January 7, 2013.

Demographics
Chisana first appeared on the 1920 U.S. Census as an unincorporated community. It appeared twice more in 1930 and 1940. It would not appear again until 2000, when it was made a census-designated place (CDP). However, in both 2000 and 2010, it reported no residents.

title: Chisana, Alaska


text:
Chistochina, Alaska

Chistochina (Tsiis Tl’edze’ Caegge in Ahtna Athabascan) is a census-designated place (CDP) in Copper River Census Area, Alaska, United States. At the 2020 census the population was 60, down from 93 in 2010.

Geography
Chistochina is located at 62.57778°N, -144.66972°W (62.577713, -144.669613).

Located between mile 31 and 37 on the Tok Cutoff Highway, Chistochina is a midway point between the Canada–US border and Anchorage, or midway between Tok and Glennallen.

According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP has a total area of 359.8 sqmi, of which, 359.4 sqmi of it is land and 0.4 sqmi of it (0.11%) is water.

History
Chistochina began as an Ahtna Athabascan fish camp and a stopover place for traders and trappers. The village access road later became part of the Valdez-Eagle Trail, constructed by miners during the gold rush to the Eagle area in 1897. Chistochina Lodge was built as a roadhouse for prospectors. Gold was mined along the upper Chistochina River and its runoff creeks. The area was settled by homesteaders, although it has remained the most traditional of all Ahtna Athabascan villages.

Ahtna Athabascans
Chistochina is the most traditional Ahtna village and is home to the Cheesh Na' Tribe. The Ahtna name for Mt. Sanford is Kelt'aeni.

Demographics
Chistochina first appeared on the 1940 U.S. Census as the unincorporated village of "Chestochina." It was returned in 1950 and every successive census as Chistochina. It was made a census-designated area in 1980.

There were 37 households, out of which 29.7% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 43.2% were married couples living together, 13.5% had a female householder with no husband present, and 29.7% were non-families. 27.0% of all households were made up of individuals, and 13.5% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.51 and the average family size was 2.92.

In the CDP, the population was spread out, with 25.8% under the age of 18, 7.5% from 18 to 24, 28.0% from 25 to 44, 22.6% from 45 to 64, and 16.1% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 38 years. For every 100 females, there were 121.4 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 122.6 males.

The median income for a household in the CDP was $24,107, and the median income for a family was $41,250. Males had a median income of $41,250 versus $0 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $12,362. There were 29.6% of families and 28.6% of the population living below the poverty line, including 18.2% of under eighteens and 27.3% of those over 64.

Education
The Copper River School District previously operated the Chistochina School.

title: Chistochina, Alaska