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Werner Erhard

Werner Hans Erhard (born John Paul Rosenberg; September 5, 1935) is an American lecturer known for founding est (offered from 1971 to 1984). In 1985, he replaced the est Training with a newly designed program, the Forum. Since 1991, the Forum has been kept up to date and offered by Landmark Education. Erhard has written, lectured, and taught on self-improvement.

In 1977, Erhard co-founded The Hunger Project, an NGO. In 1991, he retired from business and sold his existing intellectual property to his employees, who then adopted the name Landmark Education, renamed Landmark Worldwide in 2013.

Early life
John Paul Rosenberg was born in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, on September 5, 1935. His father was a small-restaurant owner who left Judaism for a Baptist mission and then joined his wife in the Episcopalian denomination. where she taught Sunday School. They agreed that their son should choose his religion when he was old enough. He chose to be baptized in the Episcopal Church, served there for eight years as an acolyte, and has been an Episcopalian since.

Rosenberg attended Norristown High School in Norristown, Pennsylvania, where he received the English award in his senior year. He graduated in June 1953, along with his future wife Patricia Fry, whom he married on September 26, 1953;  they had four children.

From the early mid-1950s until 1960, Rosenberg worked in various automobile dealerships, with a stint managing a medium-duty industrial equipment firm.

In 1960, Rosenberg deserted his wife and their children in Philadelphia. Rosenberg and June Bryde assumed false identities and traveled to Indianapolis. He chose the name "Werner Hans Erhard" from Esquire magazine articles he had read about West German economics minister Ludwig Erhard and physicist Werner Heisenberg. Bryde changed her name to Ellen Virginia Erhard. The Erhards moved to St. Louis, where Werner took a job as a car salesman.

Patricia Rosenberg and their four children initially relied on welfare and help from family and friends. After five years without contact, Patricia Rosenberg divorced Erhard for desertion and remarried.

In October 1972, a year after creating Erhard Seminars Training, Erhard contacted his first wife and family, arranged to provide support and college education for the children, and repaid Patricia's parents for their financial support. Between 1973 and 1975, members of his extended family took the est training, and Patricia and his younger siblings took jobs in the est organization.

Parents Magazine Cultural Institute
In 1961, Erhard began selling correspondence courses in the Midwest. He then moved to Spokane, Washington, where he worked at Encyclopædia Britannica's "Great Books" program as an area training manager. In January 1962, he began working at Parents Magazine Cultural Institute, a division of W. R. Grace & Co. In the summer of 1962, he became territorial manager for California, Nevada, and Arizona, and moved to San Francisco, and in the spring of 1963 moved to Los Angeles. In January 1964, Parents transferred him to Arlington, Virginia as the southeast division manager; but after a dispute with the company's president, he returned to his previous position as west coast division manager in San Francisco. Over the next few years, Erhard brought on as Parents staff many people who later became important in est, including Elaine Cronin, Gonneke Spits, and Laurel Scheaf.

Influences
During his time in St. Louis, Erhard read two books that had a marked effect on him: Napoleon Hill's Think and Grow Rich (1937) and Maxwell Maltz's Psycho-Cybernetics (1960). When a member of his staff at Parents Magazine introduced him to the ideas of Abraham Maslow and Carl Rogers, both key figures in the Human Potential Movement, he became more interested in personal fulfillment than sales success.

After moving to Sausalito, he attended seminars by Alan Watts, a Western interpreter of Zen Buddhism, who introduced him to the distinction between mind and self; Erhard subsequently became close friends with Watts. Erhard also studied in Japan with Zen rōshi Yamada Mumon. In Bartley's biography, Werner Erhard: The Transformation of a Man, the Founding of est (1978), Bartley quotes Erhard as acknowledging Zen as an essential contribution that "created the space for" est.

Erhard attended the Dale Carnegie Course in 1967. He was sufficiently impressed by it to make his staff attend the course, and began to think about developing a course of his own. Over the following years, he investigated a wide range of movements, including Encounter, Transactional Analysis, Enlightenment Intensive, Subud and Scientology.

In 1970, Erhard became involved in Mind Dynamics and began teaching his own version of Mind Dynamics classes in San Francisco and Los Angeles. The directors of Mind Dynamics eventually invited him into their partnership, but Erhard rejected the offer, saying he would rather develop his own seminar program—est, the first program of which he conducted in October 1971. John Hanley, who later founded Lifespring, was also involved at this time. In their 1992 book Perspectives on the New Age, James R. Lewis and J. Gordon Melton write that Mind Dynamics, est, and LifeSpring have "striking" similarities, as all used "authoritarian trainers who enforce numerous rules," require applause from participants, and deemphasize reason in favor of emotion. The authors also describe graduates recruiting heavily on behalf of the companies, thereby eliminating marketing expenses.

est (1971–1984)
Starting in 1971, est, short for Erhard Seminars Training and Latin for "it is", offered in-depth personal and professional development workshops, the initial program of which was called "The est Training". The est Training's purpose was to transform the way one sees and makes sense of life so that the situations one had been trying to change or tolerating clear up in the process of living itself. The point was to leave participants free to be, while increasing their effectiveness and the quality of their lives. The est Training was experiential and transformational in nature.

The workshops were offered until 1984, when the est training was replaced by the Forum. As of 1984, 700,000 people had completed the est training. American ethicist, philosopher, and historian Jonathan D. Moreno has described the est training as "the most important cultural event after the human potential movement itself seemed exhausted" and a form of "Socratic interrogation". Erhard challenged participants to be themselves and live in the present instead of playing a role imposed on them by their past, and to move beyond their current points of view into a perspective from which they could observe their own positionality. The author Robert Hargrove said "you're going to notice that things do begin to clear up, just in the process of life itself".

The first est course was held in San Francisco, California, in October 1971. By the mid-1970s Erhard had trained 10 others to lead est courses. Between 1972 and 1974 est centers opened in Los Angeles, Aspen, Honolulu, and New York City.

Werner Erhard Foundation (1973–1991)
In the early 1970s, the est Foundation became the Werner Erhard Foundation, with the aim of "providing financial and organizational support to individuals and groups engaged in charitable and educational pursuits—research, communication, education, and scholarly endeavors in the fields of individual and social transformation and human well-being." The Foundation supported projects launched by people committed to altering what is possible for humanity, such as The Hunger Project, The Mastery Foundation, The Holiday Project, and the Youth at Risk Program, programs that continue to be active. It also organized presentations by scholars and humanitarians such as the Dalai Lama and Buckminster Fuller and hosted an annual conference in theoretical physics, a science in which Erhard was especially interested. The annual conference was designed to give physicists an opportunity to work with their colleagues on what they were developing before they published, and was attended by such physicists as Richard Feynman, Stephen Hawking, and Leonard Susskind.

The Hunger Project
In 1977, with the support of John Denver, former Oberlin College president Robert W. Fuller, and others, Erhard founded The Hunger Project, a nonprofit NGO. In 1991 the organization severed its ties to Werner Erhard, Erhard Seminars Training, and its philosophies. The origin of the Hunger Project can be seen in the 1977 source document "The End of Starvation: Creating an Idea Whose Time Has Come", written by Erhard.

Werner Erhard and Associates (1981–1991) and "The Forum"
In the 1980s, Erhard created a new program called the Forum, which began in January 1985. Also during that period he developed and presented a series of seminars, broadcast via satellite, that included interviews with contemporary thinkers in science, economics, sports, and the arts on topics such as creativity, performance, and money.

In October 1987, Erhard hosted a televised broadcast with sports coaches John Wooden, Red Auerbach, Tim Gallwey and George Allen to discuss principles of coaching across all disciplines. They sought to identify distinctions found in coaching regardless of the subject being coached. Jim Selman moderated the discussion and, in 1989, documented the outcome in the article "Coaching and the Art of Management."

Landmark Education
In 1991, the group that later formed Landmark Education purchased Erhard's intellectual property. In 1998, Time magazine published an article about Landmark Education and its historical connection to Erhard. The article stated: "In 1991, before he left the U.S., Erhard sold the 'technology' behind his seminars to his employees, who formed a new company called the Landmark Education Corp., with Erhard's brother Harry Rosenberg at the helm." According to Landmark Education, its programs have as their basis ideas originally developed by Erhard, but Erhard has no financial interest, ownership, or management role in Landmark Education. In Stephanie Ney v. Landmark Education Corporation (1994), a court ruled that Landmark Education Corporation did not have successor-liability to Werner Erhard & Associates, the corporation whose assets it purchased.

According to Steven Pressman's 1993 book Outrageous Betrayal, Landmark Education agreed to pay Erhard a long-term licensing fee for the material used in the Forum and other courses: "Erhard stood to earn up to $15 million over the next 18 years." But Arthur Schreiber's declaration of May 3, 2005 states: "Landmark Education has never paid Erhard under the license agreements (he assigned his rights to others)."

In 2001, New York Magazine reported that Landmark Education CEO Harry Rosenberg said that the company had bought Erhard's license outright and his rights to the business in Japan and Mexico. From time to time, Erhard acts as a consultant to Landmark Education.

Critics and disputes
Erhard became the object of popular fascination and criticism, with the media tending to vilify him over several decades. Moreno has written, "Allegations of all sorts of personal and financial wrongdoing were hurled at him, none of which were borne out and some [of which] were even publicly retracted by major media organizations." Various skeptics have questioned or criticized the validity of Erhard's work and his motivations. Psychiatrist Marc Galanter called Erhard "a man with no formal experience in mental health, self-help, or religious revivalism, but a background in retail sales". Michael E. Zimmerman, chair of the philosophy department at Tulane University, wrote "A Philosophical Assessment of the est Training", in which he calls Erhard "a kind of artist, a thinker, an inventor, who has big debts to others, borrowed from others, but then put the whole thing together in a way that no one else had ever done." Sacramento City College philosophy professor Robert Todd Carroll has called est a "hodge-podge of philosophical bits and pieces culled from the carcasses of existential philosophy, [and] motivational psychology." Social critic John Bassett MacCleary called Erhard "a former used-car salesman" and est "just another moneymaking scam." NYU psychology professor Paul Vitz called est "primarily a business" and said its "style of operation has been labeled as fascist."

In 1991, Erhard "vanished amid reports of tax fraud (which proved false and won him $200,000 from the IRS ) and allegations of incest (which were later recanted)." The March 3, 1991, episode of 60 Minutes covered these allegations and was later removed by CBS due to factual inaccuracies. On March 3, 1992, Erhard sued CBS, San Jose Mercury News reporter John Hubner and approximately 20 other defendants for libel, defamation, slander, invasion of privacy, and conspiracy. On May 20, 1992, he filed for dismissal of his own case and sent each of the defendants $100 to cover their filing fees in the case. Erhard told Larry King in an interview that he dropped the suit after receiving legal advice telling him that in order to win it, he would have to prove not just that CBS knew the allegations were false but that CBS acted with malice. Erhard told King that his family members had since retracted their allegations, which according to Erhard had been made under pressure from the 60 Minutes producer.

Erhard's daughters retracted the allegations of sexual abuse they had made against him. Celeste Erhard, one of the daughters featured on 60 Minutes, sued Hubner and the San Jose Mercury News for $2 million, accusing the newspaper of having "defrauded her and invaded her privacy", saying she had exaggerated information, been promised a $2 million book deal, and appeared on 60 Minutes to get publicity for the book. Celeste claimed that her quotes in the Mercury News article were deceitfully obtained. The case was dismissed in August 1993, the judge ruling that the statute of limitations had expired, that Celeste "had suffered no monetary damages or physical harm and that she failed to present legal evidence that Hubner had deliberately misled her", which is legally required for damages.

CBS subsequently withdrew the video of the 60 Minutes program from the market. A disclaimer said, "this segment has been deleted at the request of CBS News for legal or copyright reasons".

In 1992, a court entered a default judgment of $380,000 against Erhard in absentia in a case alleging negligent injury. The appellate court stated that he had not been personally served and was not present at the trial.

In 1993, Erhard filed a wrongful disclosure lawsuit against the IRS, asserting that IRS agents had incorrectly and illegally revealed details of his tax returns to the media. In April 1991, IRS spokesmen were widely quoted alleging that "Erhard owed millions of dollars in back taxes, that he was transferring assets out of the country, and that the agency was suing Erhard", branding Erhard a "tax cheat". On April 15, the IRS was reported to have placed a lien of $6.7 million on Erhard's personal property. In his suit, Erhard stated that he had never refused to pay taxes that were lawfully due, and in September 1996 he won the suit. The IRS paid him $200,000 in damages. While admitting that the media reports quoting the IRS on Erhard's tax liabilities had been false, the IRS took no action to have the media correct those statements.

A private investigator quoted in the Los Angeles Times stated that, by October 1989, Scientology had collected five filing cabinets' worth of materials about Erhard, many from certain graduates of est who had joined Scientology, and that Scientology was clearly in the process of organizing a "media blitz" aimed at discrediting him. According to Erhard's brother Harry Rosenberg, "Werner made some very, very powerful enemies. They really got him."

Works

 * |Creating Leaders: An Ontological/Phenomenological Model with Michael C. Jensen, Chapter 16 in Handbook For Teaching Leadership: Knowing, Doing, and Being, edited by Scott A. Snook, Rakesh Khurana, and Nitin Nohria, Harvard Business School. SAGE Publications, 2012

 * |Four Ways of Being that Create the Foundations of A Great Personal Life, Great Leadership and A Great Organization with Michael C. Jensen, Jesse Isidor Straus Professor of Business Administration, Emeritus Harvard Business School, 2013

 * The Hunger Project Source Document, The End of Starvation: Creating an Idea Whose Time Has Come 1977

 * |Integrity: A Positive Model that Incorporates the Normative Phenomena of Morality, Ethics and Legality with Michael C. Jensen, and Steve Zaffron. Harvard Business School NOM Working Paper No. 06-11; Barbados Group Working Paper No. 06-03; Simon School Working Paper No. FR 08-05.

 * |Putting Integrity Into Finance: A Purely Positive Approach with Michael C. Jensen. Journal: Capitalism and Society, Issue 12, Volume 1, May 2017; National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER) #19986, March 2014;[82] European Corporate Governance Institute (ECGI) Finance Working Paper No. 417/2014; and Harvard Law School Forum on Corporate Governance and Financial Regulation.

title: Werner Erhard


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Estuary English

Estuary English is an English accent, continuum of accents, or continuum of accent features associated with the area along the River Thames and its estuary, including London, since the late 20th century. Phonetician John C. Wells proposed a definition of Estuary English as "Standard English spoken with the accent of the southeast of England". He views Estuary English as an emerging standard accent of England, while also acknowledging that it is a social construct rather than a technically well-defined linguistic phenomenon. He describes it as "intermediate" between the 20th-century higher-class non-regional standard accent, Received Pronunciation (RP), and the 20th-century lower-class local London accent, Cockney. There is much debate among linguists as to where Cockney and RP end and where Estuary English begins, or whether Estuary English is even a single cohesive accent.

Name
Cruttenden uses the term London Regional General British in preference to the popular term 'Estuary English'.

The names listed above may be abbreviated:
 * Estuary English → EE
 * London Regional General British → London RGB

Wells has used different names for an accent closer to Cockney (Popular London) or closer to Received Pronunciation (London Regional Standard or South-Eastern Regional Standard). Cruttenden uses the name Popular London to refer to Cockney pronunciation itself.

Status as accent of English
The boundaries between RP (Received Pronunciation), Estuary English and Cockney are far from clear-cut. Wells cites David Rosewarne as locating EE in the middle of "a continuum that has RP and London speech at either end". Several writers have argued that Estuary English is not a discrete accent distinct from the accents of the London area. The sociolinguist Peter Trudgill has written that the term "Estuary English" is inappropriate because "it suggests that we are talking about a new variety, which we are not; and because it suggests that it is a variety of English confined to the banks of the Thames estuary, which it is not. The label actually refers to the lower middle-class accents, as opposed to working-class accents, of the Home Counties Modern Dialect area". Roach comments, "In reality there is no such accent and the term should be used with care. The idea originates from the sociolinguistic observation that some people in public life who would previously have been expected to speak with an RP accent now find it acceptable to speak with some characteristics of the London area... such as glottal stops, which would in earlier times have caused comment or disapproval".

state "All of its [EE's] features can be located on a sociolinguistic and geographical continuum between RP and Cockney, and are spreading not because Estuary English is a coherent and identifiable influence, but because the features represent neither the standard nor the extreme non-standard poles of the continuum". In order to tackle these problems put forward by expert linguists, argues that Estuary English should be viewed as a folk category rather than an expert linguistic category. As such it takes the form of a perceptual prototype category that does not require discrete boundaries in order to function in the eyes (and ears) of lay observers of language variation and change.

Collins et al. state that "In the 1990s and the first few years of the 2000s, this putative new variety was fiercely debated both in the media and academia, but since then interest in Estuary English has waned and been replaced by discussion of the capital's latest linguistic innovation – Multicultural London English".

Features
Published accounts of EE describe it mainly in terms of differences from contemporary RP and from Cockney. Wells (1994) states that "Estuary English (EE) is like RP, but unlike Cockney, in being associated with standard grammar and usage". Differences are found at phonemic and allophonic levels.

Features distinguishing EE from RP
Wells identifies a small number of key features that may distinguish EE from RP; these features may be summarized as follows:

 * /l/-vocalization
 * /t/-glottalization
 * Diphthong shift
 * Yod-coalescence

Other distinguishing features have been suggested by other studies:

 * Th-fronting
 * Other vowel differences

/l/-vocalization
It has been widely observed that EE exhibits vocalization of preconsonantal/final /l/, perhaps with various vowel mergers before it (an informal example being miwk-bottoo 'milk-bottle'). Wells cites the specific case of allophony in GOAT (> [ɒʊ] before dark /l/ or its reflex), leading perhaps to a phonemic split ('wholly' vs. 'holy'). This topic is usually referred to as L-vocalization. There is said to be alternation between the vocalized, dark non-vocalized and clear non-vocalized , depending on the word. These alternations happen in final positions or in a final consonant cluster, e.g. sold (pronounced ). In London, that may even occur before a vowel: girl out. In all phonetic environments, male London speakers were at least twice as likely to vocalize the dark l as female London speakers. According to, the vocalized dark l is sometimes an unoccluded lateral approximant, which differs from the RP only by the lack of the alveolar contact.

/l/-vocalization can lead to loss of distinctions between some vowels and diphthongs. Examples of vowel mergers before historic found in EE are:

 * (as in ) merges with (as in ).
 * (as in ) merges with (as in ).
 * (as in ) merges with (as in ).
 * Other possible mergers include the following:
 * (as in ) can merge with (as in ). Since  merges with, it also participates in this merger.
 * (as in ) can merge with both (as in ) and  (as in ).
 * (as in ) can merge with both (as in ) and  (as in ).
 * (as in ) can merge with (as in ).
 * (as in ) can merge with (as in ).
 * (as in ) can merge with (as in ).

found coda pronounced as clear, as in most accents of Irish English, in some speakers: she notes that in her study, "all four Essex speakers have a clear  in pull."

/l/-vocalization appears to be spreading into RP (or GB, the similar accent referred to by some writers). Collins et al say "Traditional RP speakers tend to stigmatize this feature, which is nevertheless one of the most striking changes going on in present-day GB English".

/t/-glottalization
The term glottalization has several different meanings: the most important are glottal reinforcement (or pre-glottalization), where a glottal closure accompanies an oral closure, and glottal replacement, where a glottal closure is substituted for an oral consonant.

Although glottalization of /t/ has been singled out for attention in discussion of EE features, pre-glottalization of /p/, /k/ and /tʃ/ is also widespread in RP, particularly when another consonant follows. Examples are 'popcorn' ['pɒʔpkɔːn], 'electric' [ɪ'leʔktrɪk], 'butcher' ['bʊʔtʃə]. Wells proposes that in transcribing EE, the glottal stop symbol [ʔ] could be used in contexts where the consonant in question is preceded by a vowel and followed by a consonant or the end of a word: examples are 'bit' [bɪʔ],	'football' [ˈfʊʔbɔo], 'belt' [beoʔ], 'Cheltenham' [ˈtʃeoʔnəm], 'bent' [benʔ], 'Bentley'	[ˈbenʔli]. Pre-glottalization of /t/ therefore appears to be present both in RP and in EE.

Glottal replacement of /t/ may be found when /t/ occurs before another consonant. Examples from RP where /t/ is replaced by a glottal stop are: 'that table' [ðæʔ 'teɪbəl], 'Scotland' ['skɒʔlənd], 'witness' ['wɪʔnəs]. The most extreme case of glottal replacement is when a glottal stop takes the place of /t/ between vowels (normally when the preceding vowel is stressed). Examples are 'not on' [ˌnɒʔ 'ɒn], 'bottle' ['bɒʔo]. Wells says "glottalling word-internally before a vowel is well-known as a 'rough' pronunciation variant: thus EE water ˈwɔːtə, but Cockney ˈwɔʊʔə". However, in work published twenty years later, Cruttenden (p 184) remarks that such glottal replacement "was until recently stigmatized as non-GB but all except [ʔl̩] are now acceptable in London RGB" (i.e. EE). He continues "Use of [ʔ] for /t/ word-medially intervocalically, as in water, still remains stigmatized in GB".

Diphthong shift
EE is said to exhibit diphthong shift, particularly of the FACE, PRICE, MOUTH and GOAT vowels (informal example: "nime" for "name").
 * (as in ) may be realised in a couple of different ways. According to, it is any of the following: , , or . The last two are more often used by females. She also notes a fully rounded diphthong  (found in some speakers from Essex), as well as two rare monophthongal realizations, namely  and.
 * (as in ), can be realised as, , or , with  and  being predominant. it can also be realised as ,  or.
 * (as in ) can be realised as, , , , or.
 * (as in ) can be realised as, , , or .  denotes a front onset , not a central one.
 * Board may be pronounced differently from bored .  (phonetically  or ) appears before consonants, and  (phonetically  or ) appears at a morpheme boundary. However,  states that both  and  may have the same monophthongal quality.

Yod-coalescence
Yod-coalescence is found in EE: the use of the affricates and  instead of the clusters  and  in words like dune and Tuesday results in the words sounding like June and choose day, respectively. Although at the time when most studies of EE were carried out, yod-coalescence was not common in RP, it has now become so widely accepted that RP-based pronunciation dictionaries include it. Thus the latest edition of the Cambridge English Pronouncing Dictionary gives /dʒuːn/ and /tʃuːz.deɪ/ as the preferred pronunciations; the Longman Pronunciation Dictionary and the Oxford Dictionary of Pronunciation give /djuːn/ and /tjuːzdeɪ/ as their first preference, but give /dʒuːn/ and /tʃuːz.deɪ/ as second preference. It cannot be said that the presence of yod-coalescence distinguishes EE from RP.

th-fronting
It has been suggested that th-fronting is "currently making its way" into Estuary English, for example those from the Isle of Thanet often refer to Thanet as "Plannit Fannit" (Planet Thanet). However, this feature was also present in the traditional dialect of Essex before the spread of Estuary English.

Other vowel differences

 * (as in ) can be realised as, or , with the first two variants predominating. Before the dark l, it is sometimes a center diphthong.
 * (as in ) can be realised in many different ways, such as monophthongs, , , , , and diphthongs , ,  and . Front pronunciations (, ,  and ) are more often encountered in female speakers. Before the l, it is always back.
 * /ʊ/ (as in FOOT) can be realised as [ ʉ], [ ɨ],   [ ʏ] or [ ʊ], as in RP. Only the last variant appears before a dark l.
 * (as in ), according to, can be pronounced in two different ways: diphthongal in closed syllables and  or  in open syllables and monophthongal . According to , it is either  or  before consonants, and either  or  at a morpheme boundary.
 * (as in ) can be realised as, , , or , with  being predominant. The first two variants occur mostly before . The last two variants are more often used by females.
 * (as in ) can be realised as, , , or.

Features distinguishing EE from Cockney
Wells suggests that EE differs from Cockney in a few key features.
 * EE differs from Cockney in usually not being characterized by h-dropping before stressed vowels (informal example: " 'and on 'eart" for "hand on heart")
 * Th-fronting (e.g. "I fink" for "I think", but see above)
 * Cockney may have monophthongal realization of the MOUTH vowel ("Sahfend" for "Southend").

Use
Estuary English is widely encountered throughout southeast England, particularly among the young. It is considered to be a working-class accent, although often used by the lower middle classes too. In the debate that surrounded a 1993 article about Estuary English, a London businessman claimed that RP was perceived as unfriendly, so Estuary English was now preferred for commercial purposes. Some adopt the accent as a means of "blending in" to appear to be more working class or in an attempt to appear to be "a common man". That affectation of the accent is sometimes derisively referred to as "Mockney". A move away from traditional RP accents is almost universal among middle-class young people in the South-East of England.

19th-century Rural Estuary English
Older rural dialects of the Estuary region survived longest in areas like Kent and the east of Essex, which early on showed features of, as well as some features distinct from, the modern Estuary dialect that has since become regionally widespread. Notably, rhoticity was a feature of older rural English in most of the Estuary counties, now largely replaced by non-rhoticity.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Estuary English


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Calw

Calw (previously pronounced and sometimes spelled Kalb accordingly; Swabian: Calb) is a town in the middle of Baden-Württemberg in the south of Germany, capital and largest town of the district Calw. It is located in the Northern Black Forest and is approximately 18 km south of Pforzheim and 33 km west of Stuttgart. It has the status of a große Kreisstadt.

Location
Calw is located in the valley of the Nagold in the Northern Black Forest at an altitude between 330 and(-) above sea level. The historic centre lies west of the river. The newer parts of town have developed on the surrounding slopes. The following streams also exist within the town: the Tälesbach, Ziegelbach, Wurstbrunnenbach, Schießbach, Schlittenbach und Schweinbach. In the northern part of the town, on the western slope of the Nagold valley is the cave known as the Bruderhöhle.

Neighbouring Communities
The following towns and communities (Gemeinden) border on the town of Calw (clockwise, from the north): Bad Liebenzell, Althengstett, Gechingen, Wildberg, Neubulach, Bad Teinach-Zavelstein, Neuweiler, Bad Wildbad and Oberreichenbach (all in the Calw district).

Subdivisions
Calw has 13 subdivisions known as Stadtteile (quarters or neighborhoods): Altburg, Oberriedt, Speßhardt, Spindlershof, Weltenschwann, Calw, Alzenberg, Heumaden, Wimberg, Hirsau, Ernstmühl, Holzbronn und Stammheim. The subdivision known as Calw corresponds to the historic town centre. The following subdivisions are centered on historic villages: Altburg, Alzenberg, Hirsau, Holzbronn, and Stammheim.

History
Calw was first mentioned in records in 1037. In the 11th century, the town grew around the older castle of the Grafen (Counts/Earls) of Calw. In the Middle Ages, Calw was an important commercial town, especially in the cloth and leather trades. In 1345, Calw became part of Württemberg, and by the 16th century, it had become the summer residence of the Dukes of Württemberg. In the 18th century, Calw flourished from the lumber trade and rafting of timber on the river Nagold.

In 1945, a small subcamp of Natzweiler-Struthof concentration camp, where parts for aircraft were assembled by female Jewish forced laborers, was located here.

After the World War II, Calw fell into the French zone of occupation and thus came to the newly founded state of Württemberg-Hohenzollern in 1947. In 1952, the provisional post-war state in the administrative region of South Württemberg-Hohenzollern merged and has since belonged to the new state of Baden-Württemberg.

The most prominent resident of Calw was the author and Nobel prize winner Hermann Hesse.

The district reform of 1 January 1973 gave the district of Calw its current size. It became a part of the newly founded Northern Black Forest Region, which itself was assigned to the administrative region of Karlsruhe. On 1 January 1975, Calw was combined with the communities of Altburg, Hirsau and Stammheim into the town of Calw-Hirsau. On 1 January 1976, the combined municipality was renamed as Calw.

Religious History
Calw was originally part of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Speyer. From 1534, in Calw as in the rest of the Duchy of Württemberg, the Reformation took force. In 1555, Calw became the seat of a deanery, which still exists today. The Deanery of Calw encompasses 43 congregations of the Evangelical-Lutheran Church in Württemberg. In the town of Calw there is the greater congregation of Calw, comprising the town-centre congregation (Calw Stadtkirche), the Bergkirche congregation of Wimberg/Alzenberg, and the Versöhnungskirche congregation of Heumaden, of which the last two came into existence only after the arrival of Heimatvertriebene after World War II. There are also congregations in the villages of Altburg, Hirsau, Holzbronn und Stammheim.

There is also a congregation of the United Methodist Church, an independent Protestant church, in Calw.

In the 19th century, Catholics returned to Calw. In 1885–1886, they founded the parish of St. Josef, which later became the seat of a deanery within the diocese of Rottenburg (today Rottenburg-Stuttgart). The parish of St. Josef covers the entire territory of the town as well as several surrounding communities.

The New Apostolic Church is represented in Calw and in the villages or hamlets of Heumaden, Holzbronn, and. A congregation of Seventh-day Adventists was founded in Calw in 1914.

Population
Populations within the town limits of Calw as defined for each date; the numbers are estimates or census results of the respective statistical agencies (by primary residence):

Data sources: census results (¹) or data from statistical offices

Municipal council
Since the municipal elections of 7 June 2009 the municipal council of Calw has had a total of thirty members (previously there were only twenty-seven). The Lord Mayor (in German "Oberbürgermeister") has a votes and acts as the chairperson of the council. The municipal election of 25 May 2014 yielded these results:

Mayor
By the 15th century, Calw had an electoral system that chose a new mayor (Bürgermeister) every two years. Proof exists for a council as far back as 1453. Since its elevation to the rank of a große Kreisstadt in 1976, the mayor has carried the title of Oberbürgermeister (Lord Mayor). An elected deputy mayor carries the title Bürgermeister.

Mayors and Lord Mayors

 * 1799–1802: Ernst Friedrich Wagner
 * 1802–1809: Ernst Bernhard Wagner
 * 1809–1817: Johann Gottfried Konrad und Johann Naschold
 * 1817–1820: Carl Friedrich von Gärtner
 * 1820–1826: Johann Jakob Hess
 * 1826–1835: Johann Friedrich Dreiß
 * 1835–1884: Christian Friedrich Schuldt
 * 1884–1902: Hermann Haffner
 * 1902–1918: Eduard Conz
 * 1918–1946: Otto Göhner
 * 1946–1948: Oskar Blessing
 * 1948–1965: Reinhold Seeber
 * 1965–1991: Karl-Heinz Lehmann
 * 1991–1998: Herbert Karl
 * 1999–2003: Werner Spec (no party)
 * 2003–2011: Manfred Dunst (Free Voters)
 * 2011–2019: Ralf Eggert (no party)
 * since 2019: Florian Kling (SPD)

Coat of arms
The coat of arms of the town of Calw shows a red lion with a blue tongue and blue crown standing atop a blue hill with three ridges, all against a golden background. The town flag is red-gold. The lion on the three-ridged hill is the coat of arms of the counts of Calw, the former lords of the town. The coat of arms has been used for centuries and was reapproved for use by the state government when the town was expanded in 1976.

Economy
More than 8,000 people are employed in Calw, of which more than 5,200 work in the service sector and around 2,700 in the goods-producing sector.

Transport
Calw is served by Bundesstraßen (federal highways) 295, 296 und 463. Climbing out of the Nagold valley toward Stuttgart, Bundesstraße 296 has two lanes. This 2.7 km section thereby makes it possible to pass slower vehicles in two switchbacks.

The Nagold Valley Railway, which runs from Pforzheim to Hochdorf in Nagold, has two stops in Calw: the new Calw Station, which is adjacent to the central bus station, as well as a stop in Hirsau. The former Calw Station, which stood outside the town centre, was removed from service. The imposing station hall has been converted to other uses. It was formerly a connecting station for the Black Forest Railway to Stuttgart, whose western extension to Calw was closed in 1988. Since the purchase by Calw District in 1994 of the closed railway section to Weil der Stadt, the district has been pushing for a restoration of service as part of the Hermann Hesse Railway project.

Several bus lines provide public transportation. Buses of the agencies Regional Bus Stuttgart, Däuble Reisen, Bolz Reisen, and SüdwestBus offer connections to Unterreichenbach, Böblingen, Sindelfingen and Weil der Stadt (Regional Bus Stuttgart) as well as to Herrenberg (Däuble Reisen).

Government and military
Calw is the seat of the district council of Calw District. There is also a tax office a local court, which belongs to the judicial districts of the state court Tübingen and of the superior state court of Stuttgart.

The Kommando Spezialkräfte (Special Operations Forces) of the German Army has been stationed since 1996 in the Graf Zeppelin barracks (Graf-Zeppelin-Kaserne) near Heumaden in Calw.

Culture, art, and tourism
Calw has a small historic centre that was largely untouched by the last war. Many guests visit the town's marketplace and the Nikolausbrücke (a historic bridge). Calw has begun catering to the tourist trade, with numerous shops, restaurants, bistros and ice-cream parlours.

In the 1970s part of the historic centre was replaced with a shopping centre. Soon after, the town centre was closed off and established as a pedestrian zone. Buildings with exposed concrete (bus station, parking garage) have marked the part of the town centre facing the Nagold for years. A shopping centre built around 2000 borders the historic centre to the north.

One of the cultural high points of the calendar in Calw is the Calw Hermann Hesse Prize. Every other year it honors literary journals and translators that have focused on the work of Hermann Hesse. In the Hermann Hesse Colloquium, current issues having to do with Hermann Hesse are discussed in Calw by international experts. Every year in the Benedictine ruins of the Monastery of St. Peter und Paul the theatre festival "Calwer Klostersommer in Hirsau" (Calw Monastery Summer in Hirsau) takes place. This replaced the Klosterspiele Hirsau (Monastery Plays of Hirsau), which were rich in tradition. Hermann Hesse's Gerbersau stories provide the material for the yearly "Gerbersauer Lesesommer“ (Gerbersau Reading Summer). Stories and anecdotes are read from more than three dozen stories and reflections of Hermann Hesse about life in Gerbersau, his literary pseudonym for Calw. A feature of the reading series is the frequent use of settings from Hesse's life. A cultural strength of the Hesse Town is music; worth mentioning are the Aurelius-Sängerknaben (Aurelius Boys' Choir), whose fame extends far beyond the borders of Baden-Württemberg. Further musical features include concert series in the Evangelical Lutheran Stadtkirche (Town Church) and in the St. Aurelius Church.

Notable people

 * Johannes Valentinus Andreae (1586–1654), clergyman
 * Friedrich Bauer (public servant) (1906–1990), district administrator in Öhringen
 * Joseph Gärtner (1732–1791), botanist
 * August Friedrich Gfrörer (1803–1861), historian and deputy of the Frankfurt National Assembly
 * Hermann Gundert (1814-1893), prominent Indologist & translator of Malayalam bible, Grandfather of Hermann Hesse
 * Chantal Hagel (born 1998), footballer
 * Martin Haug (1895–1983), Protestant theologian and regional bishop of the Evangelical Landeskirche in Württemberg
 * Hermann Hesse (1877–1962), German-born Swiss author, Nobel Prize in Literature 1946
 * Frank Hölzle (born 1968), professor of oral, maxillofacial and facial surgery
 * Peter Lehmann (born 1950), social scientist, honorary doctor of the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece, Knight of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany
 * Jörg Lutz (born 1963), mayor of Lörrach
 * Hans Mohr (born 1930), biologist and science philosopher
 * Konrad Rieger (1855–1939), psychiatrist
 * Rudolf Schlichter (1890–1955), painter
 * Heinz-Wolfgang Schnaufer (1922–1950), Luftwaffe night fighter pilot of World War II
 * Ulrich Rülein von Calw (1465–1523), doctor, mathematician, mining engineer, town planner and mayor of Freiberg
 * Sascha Goc (born 1979), NHL player who played for the New Jersey Devils and the Tampa Bay Lightning
 * Marcel Goc (born 1983), NHL player who played for the San Jose Sharks and Florida Panthers

Twinnings

 * Weida, Thuringia
 * 🇮🇹 Latsch, South Tyrol, Italy

title: Calw


text:
Rubber-tyred metro

A rubber-tyred metro or rubber-tired metro is a form of rapid transit system that uses a mix of road and rail technology. The vehicles have wheels with rubber tires that run on rolling pads inside guide bars for traction, as well as traditional railway steel wheels with deep flanges on steel tracks for guidance through conventional switches as well as guidance in case a tyre fails. Most rubber-tyred trains are purpose-built and designed for the system on which they operate. Guided buses are sometimes referred to as 'trams on tyres', and compared to rubber-tyred metros.

History
The first idea for rubber-tyred railway vehicles was the work of Scotsman Robert William Thomson, the original inventor of the pneumatic tyre. In his patent of 1846 he describes his 'Aerial Wheels' as being equally suitable for, "the ground or rail or track on which they run". The patent also included a drawing of such a railway, with the weight carried by pneumatic main wheels running on a flat board track and guidance provided by small horizontal steel wheels running on the sides of a central vertical guide rail. A similar arrangement was patented by Alejandro Goicoechea, inventor of Talgo, in February 1936, patent ES 141056; in 1973, he built a development of this patent: 'Tren Vertebrado', Patent DE1755198; at Avenida Marítima, in Las Palmas de Gran Canaria.

During the World War II German occupation of Paris, the Metro system was used to capacity, with relatively little maintenance performed. At the end of the war, the system was so worn that thought was given as to how to renovate it. Rubber-tyred metro technology was first applied to the Paris Métro, developed by Michelin, who provided the tyres and guidance system, in collaboration with Renault, who provided the vehicles. Starting in 1951, an experimental vehicle, the MP 51, operated on a test track between Porte des Lilas and Pré Saint Gervais, a section of line not open to the public.

Line 11 Châtelet – Mairie des Lilas was the first line to be converted, in 1956, chosen because of its steep grades. This was followed by Line 1 Château de Vincennes – Pont de Neuilly in 1964, and Line 4 Porte d'Orléans – Porte de Clignancourt in 1967, converted because they had the heaviest traffic load of all Paris Métro lines. Finally, Line 6 Charles de Gaulle – Étoile – Nation was converted in 1974 to reduce train noise on its many elevated sections. Because of the high cost of converting existing rail-based lines, this is no longer done in Paris, or elsewhere. Now, rubber-tyred metros are used in new systems or lines only, including the new Paris Métro Line 14.

The first completely rubber-tyred metro system was built in Montreal, Quebec, Canada, in 1966. The trains of the Santiago and Mexico City Metros are based on those of the Paris Métro. A few more recent rubber-tyred systems have used automated, driverless trains; one of the first such systems, developed by Matra, opened in 1983 in Lille, and others have since been built in Toulouse and Rennes. Paris Metro Line 14 was automated from its beginning (1998), and Line 1 was converted to automatic in 2007–2011. The first automated rubber-tyred system opened in Kobe, Japan, in February 1981. It is the Port Liner linking Sannomiya railway station with Port Island.

Overview
Trains are usually in the form of electric multiple units. Just as on a conventional railway, the driver does not have to steer, with the system relying on some sort of guideway to direct the train. The type of guideway varies between networks. Most use two parallel roll ways, each the width of a tyre, which are made of various materials. The Montreal Metro, Lille Metro, Toulouse Metro, and most parts of Santiago Metro, use concrete. The Busan Subway Line 4 employs a concrete slab. The Paris Métro, Mexico City Metro, and the non-underground section of Santiago Metro, use H-Shaped hot rolled steel, and the Sapporo Municipal Subway uses flat steel. The Sapporo system and Lille Metro use a single central guide rail only.

On some systems, such those in Paris, Montreal, and Mexico City, there is a conventional railway track between the roll ways. The bogies of the train include railway wheels with longer flanges than normal. These conventional wheels are normally just above the rails, but come into use in the case of a flat tyre, or at switches (points) and crossings. In Paris these rails were also used to enable mixed traffic, with rubber-tyred and steel-wheeled trains using the same track, particularly during conversion from normal railway track. The VAL system, used in Lille and Toulouse, has other sorts of flat-tyre compensation and switching methods.

On most systems, the electric power is supplied from one of the guide bars, which serves as a third rail. The current is picked up by a separate lateral pickup shoe. The return current passes via a return shoe to one or both of the conventional railway tracks, which are part of most systems, or to the other guide bar.

Rubber tyres have higher rolling resistance than traditional steel railway wheels. There are some advantages and disadvantages to increased rolling resistance, causing them to not be used in certain countries.

Advantages
Compared to steel wheel on steel rail, the advantages of rubber-tyred metro systems are:
 * Faster acceleration, along with the ability to climb or descend steeper slopes (approximately a gradient of 13%) than would be feasible with conventional rail tracks, which would likely need a rack instead.
 * For example, the rubber-tyred Line 2 of the Lausanne Metro has grades of up to 12%.
 * Shorter braking distances, allowing trains to be signalled closer together.
 * Quieter rides in open air (both inside and outside the train).
 * Greatly reduced rail wear with resulting reduced maintenance costs of those parts.

Disadvantages
The higher friction and increased rolling resistance cause disadvantages (compared to steel wheel on steel rail):
 * Higher energy consumption.
 * Worse ride, when compared with well-maintained steel-on-steel systems.
 * Possibility of tyre blow-outs - not possible in railway wheels.
 * Higher cost of maintenance and manufacture.
 * Normal operation generates more heat (from friction).
 * Weather variance. (Applicable only to above-ground installations)
 * Loss of the traction-advantage in inclement weather (snow and ice).
 * Same expense of steel rails for switching purposes, to provide electricity or grounding to the trains and as a safety backup.
 * Tyres that frequently need to be replaced, contrary to rails using steel wheels, which need to be replaced less often.
 * Tyres break down during use and turn into particulate matter (dust), which can be hazardous air pollution, also coating surrounding surfaces in dirty rubber dust.

Although it is a more complex technology, most rubber-tyred metro systems use quite simple techniques, in contrast to guided buses. Heat dissipation is an issue as eventually all traction energy consumed by the train — except the electric energy regenerated back into the substation during electrodynamic braking — will end up in losses (mostly heat). In frequently operated tunnels (typical metro operation) the extra heat from rubber tyres is a widespread problem, necessitating ventilation of the tunnels. As a result, some rubber-tyred metro systems do not have air-conditioned trains, as air conditioning would heat the tunnels to temperatures where operation is not possible.

Similar technologies
Automated driverless systems are not exclusively rubber-tyred; many have since been built using conventional rail technology, such as London's Docklands Light Railway, the Copenhagen metro and Vancouver's SkyTrain, the Hong Kong Disneyland Resort line, which uses converted rolling stocks from non-driverless trains, as well as AirTrain JFK, which links JFK Airport in New York City with local subway and commuter trains. Most monorail manufacturers prefer rubber tyres.

title: Rubber-tyred metro


text:
Talk:Mysticism

Pseudo-science
This edit changed

into

Apart from put at the wrong place (is Perennialism pseudo-science?), it also doesn't summarise the article, but adds a new statement, without providing any context, and ignoring any and all explanations in the Wiki-article. The statement seems to target another topic, namely the paranormal. NB: Pseudoscience and Extraordinary Claims of the Paranormal doesn't even mention the term "mysticism." Joshua Jonathan - Let's talk!  08:51, 1 January 2019 (UTC)
 * No no no it's not like that.. lemme ping some skeptics and scholars who knew that mysticism is a pseudoscience ie not dependent upon scientific methods or research that really satisfies it as a "science".

 * Where in the article is there any statement that mysticism is a science?!? I think you're referring to this:

 * So, at best you could change
 * into
 * into

 * And them I'm still not sure that your references support this in an unambiguous way. But here are some of the sources that I found:   .  Joshua Jonathan  - Let's talk!  05:21, 5 January 2019 (UTC)

 * The definition of pseudoscience is “statements, beliefs, or practices that are claimed to be both scientific and factual” and “something is being presented as science inaccurately or even deceptively.” Mysticism has never claimed to be science or scientific. So by definition, mysticism in not pseudoscience. There have been fake mystics, but they have never presented their claims as science. - Epinoia (talk) 05:28, 5 January 2019 (UTC)

Fair enough for this.. per talk I can change it to the given modified statement given there, seems neutral and consistent to WP:FRINGE and WP:PSCI 182.58.254.0 (talk) 06:25, 5 January 2019 (UTC)
 * Okay. I'll check and copy-edit your sources another time. Joshua Jonathan  - Let's talk!  07:53, 5 January 2019 (UTC)

Perennialism
Constructionism versus Perennialism is a well-known debate; see the piblications of Katz and Forman. Regarding the references: Joshua Jonathan - Let's talk!  06:58, 2 January 2019 (UTC)
 * McMahan gives an expose of Perennialism on p.71, and then applies this specifically to Buddhism; it is not limited to Buddhism.
 * Horne p.9: The discussion centres on the question of whether mysticism is a human experience that is the same in all times and all places but explained in many ways, or a family of similar experiences that includes many different kinds, as represented by the many kinds of religious and secular mystical reports. - that's about Perennialism.

 * - Horne does not mention perennialism or constructionism - to say he does is an interpretation of his work, not what he actually says - the definition of perennialism is "each of the world's religious traditions as sharing a single, metaphysical truth or origin" - the operative words being "religious traditions" - mystical experiences may include a sense of universality or oneness, but they are not necessarily religious experiences, although often in a religious context - so to equate mysticism and perennialism is incorrect - perennialism is specifically about religion, mysitcism may be outside religion - cheers - Epinoia (talk) 16:55, 2 January 2019 (UTC)

Suggestion for New WikiProject
I have made a proposal at WikiProject Council for a new WikiProject  -  WikiProject Mysticism. Would any one like to join me in helping this project to get off the ground? This article would obviously be rated as Top Importance for this WikiProject. Vorbee (talk) 18:28, 25 April 2020 (UTC) It looks as if WikiProject Mysticism has been created now, so I wonder whether any one who knows more about these things than me be able to say at the top of the talk page it would be of interest to this WikiProject? Many thanks, Vorbee (talk) 18:13, 22 June 2020 (UTC)

Article issues and classification
Greeting, There is more than one issue. The article is included in a category "Articles with unsourced statements from December 2013" which fails the B-class criteria. The extensive "References" with 12 subsections might be a little overboard. I am not sure the common practice of using such an extensive "Notes" subsection but it is close to being an article within an article. The six subsections from "Religious and spiritual traditions" to the "Classical" subsection does not seem to follow any layout I have observed. -- Otr500 (talk) 02:35, 16 February 2023 (UTC)

Has anyone started defining Mystic Sciene itself?
The study of the Mystics is already acknowledged under the science wikipedia page.

I was wondering if we have started to define Mystic Sciene, the study of mystics under science just to start the validation, and defense. Confidently defining what is being studied as a science is a step to getting our minds validated in the truth we live without changing what we learn. Supernova004 (talk) 19:01, 21 December 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:Mysticism


text:
Jameson Raid

The Jameson Raid (Afrikaans: Jameson-inval, lit. Jameson's Invasion, 29 December 1895 – 2 January 1896) was a botched raid against the South African Republic (commonly known as the Transvaal) carried out by British colonial administrator Leander Starr Jameson, under the employment of Cecil Rhodes. It involved 500 British South Africa Company police launched from Rhodesia over the New Year weekend of 1895–96. Paul Kruger, for whom Rhodes had great personal hatred, was president of the South African Republic at the time. The raid was intended to trigger an uprising by the primarily British expatriate workers (known as Uitlanders) in the Transvaal but it failed.

The workers were referred to as The Johannesburg Conspirators. They were expected to recruit an army and prepare for an insurrection; however, the raid was ineffective, and no uprising took place. The results included embarrassment of the British government; the replacement of Cecil Rhodes as prime minister of the Cape Colony; and the strengthening of Boer dominance of the Transvaal and its gold mines. Also, the withdrawal of so many fighting men left Rhodesia vulnerable, one factor that led just a couple of months later to the Second Matabele War. The raid was a contributory cause of the Second Boer War.

Background
What later became the nation of South Africa was not politically unified in the late nineteenth century. The territory had four distinct entities: the two British colonies of Cape Colony and Natal; and the two Boer republics of the Orange Free State and the South African Republic, more commonly referred to as the Transvaal.

Foundation of the colonies and republics
The Cape, more specifically the small area around present day Cape Town, was the first part of South Africa to be settled by Europeans. The arrival of Portuguese explorer Vasco da Gama at Calicut, India, in 1498 opened a gateway of free access to Asia from Western Europe around the Cape of Good Hope; however, it also necessitated the founding and safeguarding of trade stations in the East. The Portuguese landed in Mossel Bay in 1500, explored Table Bay two years later, and by 1510 had started raiding inland. Shortly afterwards, the Dutch Republic sent merchant vessels to India and, in 1602, founded the Dutch East India Company (Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie; VOC). As the volume of traffic rounding the Cape increased, the VOC recognised its natural harbour as an ideal watering point for the long voyage around Africa to the Orient and established a victualling station there in 1652.

VOC officials did not favour the permanent settlement of Europeans in their trading empire, although during the 140 years of Dutch rule many VOC servants retired or were discharged and remained as private citizens. A small number of longtime VOC employees, however, expressed interest in applying for grants of land with the objective of retiring at the Cape as farmers. In time, they came to form a class of former VOC employees, vrijlieden, also known as vrijburgers (free citizens) who stayed in Dutch territories overseas after serving their contracts. From 1688 onward, the Cape also attracted some French Huguenots, most of them refugees from the protracted conflict between Protestants and Catholics in France, as well as smaller numbers of Flemish, French Huguenot, German, Danish, Norwegian, and Swedish immigrants. Over generations, this settled European population came to form a distinct identity as Afrikaners (formerly sometimes Afrikaander or Afrikaaner, from the Dutch Africaander ) or Boers (farmers).

In 1806, the Cape was colonised by the British Empire. Initially British control was aimed to protect the trade route to the East from Napoleon, however, the British soon realised the potential to develop the Cape colony further. Antipathy towards British control and the introduction of new systems and institutions grew amongst a substantial portion of the Afrikaner/Boer community. Between 1834 and 1840 about 15 000 Boers left the Cape Colony in parties of ox-wagons, in seek of sovereignty beyond British-claimed territories. These emigrants primarily consisted Trekboers, frontier farmers in the East who had been at the front of the colony's eastward expansion. The emigration became known as the Great Trek and the emigrants Voortrekkers. Details on the various motives behind the Great Trek are laid out in the Voortrekker leader, Piet Retief's 1837 manifesto.

The Voortrekkers first moved east into the territory later known as Natal. In 1839, they founded the Natalia Republic as a new Boer homeland. Other Voortrekker parties moved north, settling beyond the Orange and Vaal rivers.

Disregarding the Voortrekkers' effortful attempt to claim independence, Britain annexed the Natalia Republic in 1843, which became the Crown colony of Natal. After 1843, British government policy turned strongly against further expansion in South Africa. Although there were some abortive attempts to annex more territories to the north, Britain formally recognised their independence by the Sand River Convention of 1852 and the Orange River Convention of 1854, for the Transvaal and the Orange Free State, respectively.

After the First Anglo-Boer War, Gladstone's government restored the Transvaal's independence in 1884 by signing the London Convention, not knowing that the colossal gold deposits of the Witwatersrand would be struck two years later by Jan Gerrit Bantjes (1843-1911).

Economics
In spite of the political divisions, the four territories were strongly linked. Each was populated by European-African emigrants from the Cape; many citizens had relatives or friends in other territories. As the largest and oldest state in Southern Africa, the Cape was economically, culturally, and socially dominant; the population of Natal and the two Boer republics were mostly subsistence farmers.

The fairly simple agricultural dynamic was upset in 1870, when vast diamond fields were discovered in Griqualand West, around modern-day Kimberley. Although the territory had historically come under the authority of the Orange Free State, the Cape government, with the assistance of the British government, annexed the area.

Discovery of gold
In June 1884, Jan Gerrit Bantjes (1843–1914) discovered signs of gold at Vogelstruisfontein (the first gold sold directly to Cecil Rhodes at Bantjes's camp for £3,000) followed in September by the Struben brothers at Wilgespruit near Roodepoort which started the Witwatersrand Gold Rush and modern-day Johannesburg. The first gold mines of the Witwatersrand were the Bantjes Consolidated Mines. By 1886 it was clear that there were massive deposits of gold in the main reef. The huge inflow of Uitlanders (foreigners), mainly from Britain, had come to the region in search of employment and fortune. The discovery of gold made the Transvaal overnight the richest and potentially the most powerful nation in southern Africa, but it attracted so many Uitlanders (in 1896 approximately 60,000) that they quickly outnumbered the Boers (approximately 30,000 white male Boers).

Fearful of the Transvaal's losing independence and becoming a British colony, the Boer government adopted policies of protectionism and exclusion, to include restrictions requiring Uitlanders to be resident for at least four years in the Transvaal to obtain the franchise, or right to vote. They heavily taxed the growing gold mining industry which was predominantly British and American. Due to this taxation, the Uitlanders became increasingly resentful and aggrieved about the lack of representation. President Paul Kruger called a closed council, including Jan Gerrit Bantjes, to discuss the growing problem and it was decided to put a heavy tax on the sale of dynamite to non-Boer residents. Jan G. Bantjes, fluent in both spoken and written Dutch and English, was a close confidant of Paul Kruger with their link dating to the Great Trek days. Jan's father, Jan Gerritze Bantjes, had given Paul Kruger his elementary education during the trek and Jan Gerritse was part of his inner core of associates. This closed council would be the committee which set the Transvaal Republic on a collision course with Great Britain and the Anglo-Boer War 1899-1902 and which set German feelings toward Britain at boiling point by siding with the Boers. Because of this applied dynamite tax, considerable discontent and tensions began to rise. As Johannesburg was largely an Uitlander city, non-boer leaders there began to discuss the proposals for an insurrection.

Cecil Rhodes, Prime Minister of the Cape Colony, had a desire to incorporate the Transvaal and the Orange Free State in a federation under British control. Having combined his commercial mining interests with Alfred Beit to form the De Beers Mining Corporation, the two men also wanted to control the Johannesburg gold mining industry. They played a major role in fomenting Uitlander grievances.

Rhodes later told the journalist W.T. Stead that he feared that a Uitlander rebellion would cause trouble for Britain if not controlled by him:

"It seemed to me quite certain that if I did not take a hand in the game the forces on the spot would soon make short work of President Kruger. Then I should be face to face with an American Republic—American in the sense of being intensely hostile to and jealous of Britain—an American Republic largely manned by Americans and Sydney Bulletin Australians who cared nothing for the [Union Jack]. They would have all the Rand at their disposal. The drawing power of the Outlander Republic would have collected round it all the other Colonies. They would have federated with it as a centre, and we should have lost South Africa. To avert this catastrophe, to rope in the Outlanders before it was too late, I did what I did."

In mid-1895, Rhodes planned a raid by an armed column from Rhodesia, the British colony to the north, to support an uprising of Uitlanders with the goal of taking control. The raid soon ran into difficulties, beginning with hesitation by the Uitlander leaders.

Drifts Crisis
In September and October 1895, a dispute between the Transvaal and Cape Colony governments arose over Boer trade protectionism. The Cape Colony had refused to pay the high rates charged by the Transvaal government for use of the Transvaal portion of the railway line to Johannesburg, instead opting to send its goods by wagon train directly across the Vaal River, over a set of fords (known as 'drifts' in South Africa). Transvaal president Paul Kruger responded by closing the drifts, angering the Cape Colony government. While Transvaal eventually relented, relations between the nation and Cape Colony remained strained.

Jameson force and the initiation of the raid

As part of the planning, a force had been placed at Pitsani, on the border of the Transvaal, by the order of Rhodes so as to be able to quickly offer support to the Uitlanders in the uprising. The force was placed under the control of Leander Starr Jameson, the administrator general of the chartered company (of which Cecil Rhodes was the chairman) for Matabeleland. Among the other commanders was Raleigh Grey. The force was around 600 men, about 400 from the Matabeleland Mounted Police and the remainder other volunteers. It was equipped with rifles, somewhere between eight and sixteen Maxim machine guns, and between three and eleven light artillery pieces.

The plan was that Johannesburg would revolt and seize the Boer armoury in Pretoria. Jameson and his force would dash across the border to Johannesburg to "restore order" and with control of Johannesburg would control the gold fields.

However, while Jameson waited for the insurrection to begin, differences arose within the Reform Committee and between Johannesburg Uitlander reformers regarding the form of government to be adopted after the coup. At a point, certain reformers contacted Jameson to inform him of the difficulties and advised him to stand down. Jameson, with 600 restless men and other pressures, became frustrated by the delays and, believing that he could spur the reluctant Johannesburg reformers to act, decided to go ahead. He sent a telegram on 28 December 1895 to Rhodes warning him of his intentions – "Unless I hear definitely to the contrary, shall leave to-morrow evening" – and on the very next day sent a further message, "Shall leave to-night for the Transvaal". However, the transmission of the first telegram was delayed, so that both arrived at the same time on the morning of 29 December, and by then Jameson's men had cut the telegraph wires and there was no way of recalling him.

On 29 December 1895, Jameson's armed column crossed into the Transvaal and headed for Johannesburg. They hoped that this would be a three-day dash to Johannesburg before the Boer commandos could mobilise, and would trigger an uprising by the Uitlanders.

The British Colonial Secretary, Joseph Chamberlain, though sympathetic to the ultimate goals of the raid, realized it would be a mistake since the uitlanders were not supportive. He immediately tried to stop it, remarking that "if this succeeds it will ruin me. I'm going up to London to crush it". He rushed back to London and ordered Sir Hercules Robinson, governor of the Cape Colony, to repudiate the actions of Jameson and warned Rhodes that the company's charter would be in danger if it were discovered the Cape Prime Minister was involved in the raid. Chamberlain therefore instructed local British representatives to call on British colonists not to offer any aid to the raiders.

Although Jameson's men had cut the telegraph wires to Cape Town, they had failed to cut the telegraph wires to Pretoria (cutting a fence by mistake). Accordingly, news of his incursion quickly reached Pretoria and Jameson's armed column was tracked by Transvaal forces from the moment that it crossed the border. The Jameson armed column first encountered resistance very early on 1 January when there was a very brief exchange of fire with a Boer outpost. Around noon the Jameson armed column was around twenty miles further on, at Krugersdorp, where a small force of Boer soldiers had blocked the road to Johannesburg and dug in and prepared defensive positions. Jameson's force spent some hours exchanging fire with the Boers, losing several men and many horses in the skirmish. Towards evening the Jameson armed column withdrew and turned south-east attempting to flank the Boer force. The Boers tracked the move overnight and on 2 January, as the light improved, a substantial Boer force with some artillery was waiting for Jameson at Doornkop. The tired raiders initially exchanged fire with the Boers, losing around thirty men before Jameson realized the position was hopeless and surrendered to Commandant Piet Cronjé. The raiders were taken to Pretoria and jailed.

Aftermath
The Boer government later handed the men over to the British for trial and the British prisoners were returned to London. A few days after the raid, the Kaiser of Germany sent a telegram (the "Kruger telegram") congratulating President Kruger and the Transvaal government on their success "without the help of friendly powers", alluding to potential support by Germany. When this was disclosed in the British press, it raised a storm of anti-German feeling. Dr. Jameson was lionised by the press and London society, inflamed by anti-Boer and anti-German feeling and in a frenzy of jingoism. Jameson was sentenced to 15 months for leading the raid, which he served in Holloway. The Transvaal government was paid almost £1 million in compensation by the British South Africa Company.

For conspiring with Jameson, the members of the Reform Committee (Transvaal), including Colonel Frank Rhodes and John Hays Hammond, were jailed in deplorable conditions, found guilty of high treason, and sentenced to death by hanging. This sentence was later commuted to 15 years' imprisonment, and in June 1896, all surviving members of the committee were released on payment of stiff fines. As further punishment for his support of Jameson, the highly decorated Col. Rhodes was placed on the retired list by the British Army and barred from active involvement in army business. After his release from jail, Colonel Rhodes immediately joined his brother Cecil and the British South Africa Company in the Second Matabele War taking place just north of the Transvaal in Matabeleland. Cecil Rhodes was forced to resign as Prime Minister of Cape Colony in 1896 due to his apparent involvement in planning and assisting in the raid; he also, along with Alfred Beit, resigned as a director of the British South Africa Company.

Jameson's raid had depleted Matabeleland of many of its troops and left the whole territory vulnerable. Seizing on this weakness, and a discontent with the British South Africa Company, the Ndebele revolted during March 1896 in what is now celebrated in Zimbabwe as the First War of Independence, the First Chimurenga, but it is better known to most of the world as the Second Matabele War. The Shona joined them soon thereafter. Hundreds of European settlers were killed within the first few weeks of the revolt and many more would die over the next year and a half. With few troops to support them, the settlers had to quickly build a laager in the centre of Bulawayo on their own. Against over 50,000 Ndebele held up in their stronghold of the Matobo Hills the settlers mounted patrols under such people as Burnham, Baden-Powell, and Selous. It would not be until October 1897 that the Ndebele and Shona would finally lay down their arms.

Political impact
In Britain the Liberal Party objected to, and later opposed, the Boer War. Later, Jameson became Prime Minister of the Cape Colony (1904–08) and one of the founders of the Union of South Africa. He was made a baronet in 1911 and returned to England in 1912. On his death in 1917, he was buried next to Cecil Rhodes and the 34 BSAC soldiers of the Shangani Patrol (killed in 1893 in the First Matabele War) in the Matobos Hills, near Bulawayo.

Effect on Anglo-Boer relations
The affair brought Anglo-Boer relations to a dangerous low. Tensions were further exacerbated by the "Kruger telegram" from the German, Kaiser Wilhelm II congratulating Kruger on defeating the "raiders". The German telegram came to be widely interpreted as an offer of military aid to the Boers. Wilhelm was already perceived by many as anti-British after initiating a costly naval arms race between Germany and Britain. As tensions quickly mounted, the Transvaal began importing large quantities of arms and signed an alliance with the Orange Free State in 1897. Jan C. Smuts wrote in 1906 of the Raid, "The Jameson Raid was the real declaration of war... And that is so in spite of the four years of truce that followed... [the] aggressors consolidated their alliance... the defenders on the other hand silently and grimly prepared for the inevitable."

Joseph Chamberlain condemned the raid despite previously having approved Rhodes' plans to send armed assistance in the case of a Johannesburg uprising. In London, despite some condemnation by the print-media, most newspapers used the episode as an opportunity to whip-up anti-Boer feelings. Though they faced criminal charges in London for their actions in South Africa, Jameson and his raiders were treated as heroes by much of the popular public. Chamberlain welcomed the escalation by Transvaal as an opportunity to annex the Boer states.

Modern reactions
To this day, Jameson's involvement in the Jameson Raid remains something of an enigma, being somewhat out-of-character with his prior history, the rest of his life and successful later political career. In 2002, The Van Riebeeck Society published Sir Graham Bower's Secret History of the Jameson Raid and the South African Crisis, 1895–1902 (edited by Deryck Schreuder and Jeffrey Butler, Van Riebeeck Society, Cape Town, Second Series No. 33), adding to growing historical evidence that the imprisonment and judgement upon the Raiders at the time of their trial was unjust, in view of what has appeared, in later historical analysis, to have been the calculated political manoeuvres by Joseph Chamberlain and his staff to hide his own involvement and knowledge of the Raid.

In a 2004 review of Sir Graham Bower's account, Alan Cousins commented that "A number of major themes and concerns emerge" from Bower's history, "perhaps the most poignant being Bower’s accounts of his being made a scapegoat in the aftermath of the raid: 'since a scapegoat was wanted I was willing to serve my country in that capacity'."

Cousins writes of Bower that: "a very clear sense of his rigid code of honour is plain, and a conviction that not only unity, peace and happiness in South Africa, but also the peace of Europe would be endangered if he told the truth. He believed that, as he had given Rhodes his word not to divulge certain private conversations, he had to abide by that, while at the same time he was convinced that it would be very damaging to Britain if he said anything to the parliamentary committee to show the close involvement of Sir Hercules Robinson and Joseph Chamberlain in their disreputable encouragement of those plotting an uprising in Johannesburg."

Finally, Cousins states that "in his reflections, Bower has a particularly damning judgement on Chamberlain, whom he accuses of 'brazen lying' to parliament, and of what amounted to forgery in the documents made public for the inquiry. In the report of the committee, Bower was found culpable of complicity, while no blame was attached to Joseph Chamberlain or Robinson. His name was never cleared during his lifetime, and Bower was never reinstated to what he believed should be his proper position in the colonial service: he was, in effect, demoted to the post of Colonial Secretary in Mauritius. The bitterness and sense of betrayal he felt come through very clearly in his comments."

title: Jameson Raid