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Pierre Bourdieu

Pierre Bourdieu (1 August 1930 – 23 January 2002) was a French sociologist and public intellectual. Bourdieu's contributions to the sociology of education, the theory of sociology, and sociology of aesthetics have achieved wide influence in several related academic fields (e.g. anthropology, media and cultural studies, education, popular culture, and the arts). During his academic career he was primarily associated with the School for Advanced Studies in the Social Sciences in Paris and the Collège de France.

Bourdieu's work was primarily concerned with the dynamics of power in society, especially the diverse and subtle ways in which power is transferred and social order is maintained within and across generations. In conscious opposition to the idealist tradition of much of Western philosophy, his work often emphasized the corporeal nature of social life and stressed the role of practice and embodiment in social dynamics. Building upon and criticizing the theories of Karl Marx, Sigmund Freud, Max Weber, Émile Durkheim, Claude Lévi-Strauss, Erwin Panofsky and Marcel Mauss among others, his research pioneered novel investigative frameworks and methods, and introduced such influential concepts as cultural, social, and symbolic forms of capital (as opposed to traditional economic forms of capital), the cultural reproduction, the habitus, the field or location, and symbolic violence. Another notable influence on Bourdieu was Blaise Pascal, after whom Bourdieu titled his Pascalian Meditations.

Bourdieu was a prolific author, producing hundreds of articles and three dozen books, nearly all of which are now available in English. His best-known book is Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste (1979), in which he argues that judgments of taste are related to social position, or more precisely, are themselves acts of social positioning. The argument is put forward by an original combination of social theory and data from quantitative surveys, photographs and interviews, in an attempt to reconcile difficulties such as how to understand the subject within objective structures. In the process, Bourdieu attempts to reconcile the influences of both external social structures and subjective experience on the individual. The book was named "the sixth most important sociological work of the twentieth century" by the International Sociological Association (ISA).

Pierre Bourdieu's work emphasized how social classes, especially the ruling and intellectual classes, preserve their social privileges across generations despite the myth that contemporary post-industrial society boasts equality of opportunity and high social mobility, achieved through formal education.

Life and career
Pierre Bourdieu was born in Denguin (Pyrénées-Atlantiques), in southern France, to a postal worker and his wife. The household spoke Béarnese, a Gascon dialect. In 1962, Bourdieu married Marie-Claire Brizard, and the couple would go on to have three sons, Jérôme, Emmanuel, and Laurent.

Bourdieu was educated at the Lycée Louis-Barthou in Pau before moving to the Lycée Louis-le-Grand in Paris. From there he gained entrance to the École Normale Supérieure (ENS), also in Paris, where he studied philosophy alongside Louis Althusser. After getting his agrégation, Bourdieu worked as a lycée teacher at Moulins for a year before his conscription into the French Army in 1955.

His biographers write that he chose not to enter the Reserve Officer's College like many of his fellow ENS graduates as he wished to stay with people from his own modest social background. Deployed to Algeria in October 1955 during its war of independence from France, Bourdieu served in a unit guarding military installations before being transferred to clerical work.

After his year-long military service, Bourdieu stayed on as a lecturer in Algiers. During the Algerian War in 1958–1962, Bourdieu undertook ethnographic research into the clash through a study of the Kabyle peoples of the Berbers, laying the groundwork for his anthropological reputation. The result was his first book, Sociologie de l'Algérie (1958; The Sociology of Algeria), which became an immediate success in France and was published in America in 1962. He later drew heavily on this fieldwork in his 1972 book Outline of a Theory of Practice, a strong intervention into anthropological theory.

Bourdieu routinely sought to connect theoretical ideas with empirical research and his work can be seen as sociology of culture or, as he described it, a "Theory of Practice". His contributions to sociology were both evidential and theoretical (i.e., calculated through both systems). His key terms would be habitus, capital, and field.

He extended the idea of capital to categories such as social capital, cultural capital, financial capital, and symbolic capital. For Bourdieu each individual occupies a position in a multidimensional social space; a person is not defined only by social class membership, but by every single kind of capital he can articulate through social relations. That capital includes the value of social networks, which Bourdieu showed could be used to produce or reproduce inequality.

In 1960, Bourdieu returned to the University of Paris before gaining a teaching position at the University of Lille, where he remained until 1964. From 1964 onwards Bourdieu held the position of Professor (Directeur d'études) in the VIe section of the École Pratique des Hautes Études (the future École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales), and from 1981 the Chair of Sociology at the Collège de France (held before him by Raymond Aron and Maurice Halbwachs). In 1968, Bourdieu took over the Centre de Sociologie Européenne, founded by Aron, which he directed until his death.

In 1975, with the research group he had formed at the Centre de Sociologie Européenne, he launched the interdisciplinary journal Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales, with which he sought to transform the accepted canons of sociological production while buttressing the scientific rigor of sociology. In 1993 he was honored with the "Médaille d'or du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique" (CNRS). In 1996 he received the Goffman Prize from the University of California, Berkeley and in 2001 the Huxley Medal of the Royal Anthropological Institute. Bourdieu died of cancer at the age of 71.

Thought
Much of Bourdieu's work observes the role of educational and cultural resources in the expression of agency. Bourdieu was in practice both influenced by and sympathetic to the Marxist identification of economic command as a principal component of power and agency within capitalist society.

Bourdieu's anthropological work was dominated by social hierarchy reproduction analysis. Bourdieu criticized the importance given to economic factors in the analysis of social order and change. He stressed, instead, that the capacity of actors to impose their cultural reproductions and symbolic systems plays an essential role in the reproduction of dominant social structures. Symbolic violence is the self-interested capacity to ensure that the arbitrariness of the social order is either ignored, or argued as natural, thereby justifying the legitimacy of existing social structures. This concept plays an essential part in his sociological analysis, which emphasizes the importance of practices in the social world. Bourdieu was opposed to the intellectualist tradition and stressed that social domination and cultural reproduction were primarily focused on bodily know-how and competent practices in the society. Bourdieu fiercely opposed Rational Choice Theory because he believed it was a misunderstanding of how social agents operate.

Influences
Bourdieu's work is influenced by much of traditional anthropology and sociology which he undertook to synthesize into his own theory. From Max Weber he retained an emphasis on the dominance of symbolic systems in social life, as well as the idea of social orders which would ultimately be transformed by Bourdieu from a sociology of religion into a theory of fields.

From Marx he gained his understanding of 'society' as the ensemble of social relationships: "what exist in the social world are relations – not interactions between agents or intersubjective ties between individuals, but objective relations which exist 'independently of individual consciousness and will'." (grounded in the mode and conditions of economic production), and of the need to dialectically develop social theory from social practice. (Arnold Hauser earlier published the orthodox application of Marxist class theory to the fine arts in The Social History of Art (1951).)

From Émile Durkheim, through Marcel Mauss and Claude Lévi-Strauss, Bourdieu inherited a certain structuralist interpretation of the tendency of social structures to reproduce themselves, based on the analysis of symbolic structures and forms of classification. However, Bourdieu critically diverged from Durkheim in emphasizing the role of the social agent in enacting, through the embodiment of social structures, symbolic orders. He furthermore emphasized that the reproduction of social structures does not operate according to a functionalist logic.

Maurice Merleau-Ponty and, through him, the phenomenology of Edmund Husserl played an essential part in the formulation of Bourdieu's focus on the body, action, and practical dispositions (which found their primary manifestation in Bourdieu's theory of habitus).

Bourdieu was also influenced by Wittgenstein (especially with regard to his work on rule-following) stating that "Wittgenstein is probably the philosopher who has helped me most at moments of difficulty. He's a kind of saviour for times of great intellectual distress". Bourdieu's work is built upon an attempt to transcend a series of oppositions which he thought characterized the social sciences (subjectivism/objectivism, micro/macro, freedom/determinism) of his time. His concepts of habitus, capital, and field were conceived with the intention of overcoming such oppositions.

As a public intellectual
During the 1990s, Bourdieu became more and more involved in political debate, becoming one of the most important public faces of intellectual life in France. While a fierce critic of neoliberalism, Bourdieu was also critical of the "total intellectual" role played by Jean-Paul Sartre, and he dismissed Sartre's attempts to intervene in French politics as "irresponsible" and "opportunistic." Bourdieu saw sociology not as a form of "intellectual entertainment" but as a serious discipline of a scientific nature. There is an apparent contradiction between Bourdieu's earlier writings against using sociology for political activism and his later launch into the role of a public intellectual, with some highly "visible political statements." Although much of his early work stressed the importance of treating sociology as a strict scientific discipline,—"La sociologie est un sport de combat" —his later career saw him enter the less academic world of political debate in France, raising the issue of whether the sociologist has political responsibilities extending to the public domain.

Although Bourdieu earlier faulted public intellectuals such as Sartre, he had strong political views which influenced his sociology from the beginning. By the time of his later work, his main concern had become the effect of globalisation and those who benefited least from it. His politics then became more overt and his role as public intellectual was born, from an "urgency to speak out against neoliberal discourse that had become so dominant within political debate."

Bourdieu developed a project to investigate the effects—particularly the harm—of neoliberal reforms in France. The most significant fruit of this project was the 1993 study "The Weight of the World", although his views are perhaps more candidly expressed in his articles. "The Weight of the World" represented a heavyweight scientific challenge to the dominant trends in French politics. Since it was the work of a team of sociologists, it also shows Bourdieu's collaborative character, indicating that he was still in 1993 reluctant to accept being singled out with the category of public intellectual.

Nevertheless, Bourdieu's activities as a critical sociologist prepared him for the public stage, fulfilling his "constructionist view of social life" as it relied upon the idea of social actors making change through collective struggles. His relationship with the media was improved through his very public action of organizing strikes and rallies that raised huge media interest in him and his many books became more popular through this new notoriety. One of the main differences between the critical sociologist and public intellectual is the ability to have a relationship with popular media resources outside the academic realm. It is notable that, in his later writings, Bourdieu sounded cautionary notes about such individuals, describing them as "like the Trojan Horse" for the unwanted elements they may bring to the academic world. Again Bourdieu seems wary of accepting the description 'public intellectual', worrying that it might be difficult to reconcile with science and scholarship. Research is needed on what conditions transform particular intellectuals into public intellectuals.

Theory of habitus
Bourdieu developed a theory of the action, around the concept of habitus, which exerted a considerable influence in the social sciences. This theory seeks to show that social agents develop strategies which are adapted to the structures of the social worlds that they inhabit. These strategies are unconscious and act on the level of a bodily logic.

In Bourdieu's perspective, each relatively autonomous field of modern life (such as economy, politics, arts, journalism, bureaucracy, science or education), ultimately engenders a specific complex of social relations where the agents will engage their everyday practice. Through this practice, they develop a certain disposition for social action that is conditioned by their position on the field. This disposition, combined with every other disposition the individual develops through their engagement with other fields operating within the social world, will eventually come to constitute a system of dispositions, i.e. habitus: lasting, acquired schemes of perception, thought and action.

Habitus is somewhat reminiscent of some preexisting sociological concepts, such as socialization, though it also differs from the more classic concepts in several key ways. Most notably, a central aspect of the habitus is its embodiment: habitus does not only, or even primarily, function at the level of explicit, discursive consciousness. The internal structures become embodied and work in a deeper, practical and often pre-reflexive way. An illustrative example might be the 'muscle memory' cultivated in many areas of physical education. Consider the way we catch a ball—the complex geometric trajectories are not calculated; it is not an intellectual process. Although it is a skill that requires learning, it is more a physical than a mental process and has to be performed physically to be learned. In this sense, the concept has something in common with Anthony Giddens' concept of practical consciousness.

The concept of habitus was inspired by Marcel Mauss's notion of body technique and hexis, as well as Erwin Panofsky's concept of intuitus. The word habitus itself can be found in the works of Mauss, as well as of Norbert Elias, Max Weber, Edmund Husserl, and Alfred Schutz as re-workings of the concept as it emerged in Aristotle's notion of hexis, which would become habitus through Thomas Aquinas's Latin translation.

Disposition
"Disposition"—a key concept in Bourdieu's work—can be defined as a sense of the game; a partly rational but partly intuitive understanding of fields and of social order in general, a practical sense, a practical reason, giving rise to opinions, tastes, tone of voice, typical body movements and mannerisms and so on. The dispositions constitutive of habitus are therefore conditioned responses to the social world, becoming so ingrained that they come to occur spontaneously, rather like 'knee-jerk' opinions. It follows that the habitus developed by an individual will typify his position in the social space. By doing so, social agents will often acknowledge, legitimate, and reproduce the social forms of domination (including prejudices) and the common opinions of each field as self-evident, clouding from conscience and practice even the acknowledgment of other possible means of production (including symbolic production) and power relations.

Though not deterministic, the inculcation of the subjective structures of the habitus can be observed through statistical data, for example, while its selective affinity with the objective structures of the social world explains the continuity of the social order through time. As the individual habitus is always a mix of multiple engagements in the social world through the person's life, while the social fields are put into practice through the agency of the individuals, no social field or order can be completely stable. In other words, if the relation between individual predisposition and social structure is far stronger than common sense tends to believe, it is not a perfect match.

Some examples of his empirical results include showing that, despite the apparent freedom of choice in the arts, people's artistic preferences (e.g. classical music, rock, traditional music) strongly tie in with their social position; and showing that subtleties of language such as accent, grammar, spelling and style—all part of cultural capital—are a major factor in social mobility (e.g. getting a higher-paid, higher-status job).

Sociologists very often look at either social laws (structure) or the individual minds (agency) in which these laws are inscribed. Sociological arguments have raged between those who argue that the former should be sociology's principal interest (structuralists) and those who argue the same for the latter (phenomenologists). When Bourdieu instead asks that dispositions be considered, he is making a very subtle intervention in sociology, asserting a middle ground where social laws and individual minds meet and is arguing that the proper object of sociological analysis should be this middle ground: dispositions.

Field theory
According to Bourdieu, agents do not continuously calculate according to explicit rational and economic criteria. Rather, social agents operate according to an implicit practical logic—a practical sense—and bodily dispositions. Instead of confining his analysis of social relations and change to voluntaristic agency or strictly in terms of class as a structural relation, Bourdieu uses the agency-structure bridging concept of field.

A field can be described as any historical, non-homogeneous social-spatial arena in which people maneuver and struggle in pursuit of desirable resources. In simpler terms, a field refers to any setting in which agents and their social positions are located. Accordingly, the position of each particular agent in the field is a result of interaction between the specific rules of the field, agent's habitus, and agent's capital (social, economic, and cultural). Fields interact with each other, and are hierarchical: most are subordinate to the larger field of power and class relations.

For Bourdieu, social activity differences led to various, relatively autonomous, social spaces in which competition centers around particular capital. These fields are treated on a hierarchical basis—with economic power usually governing—wherein the dynamics of fields arise out of the struggle of social actors trying to occupy the dominant positions within the field. Bourdieu embraces prime elements of conflict theory like Marx. Social struggle also occurs within fields hierarchically nested under the economic antagonisms between social classes. The conflicts which take place in each social field have specific characteristics arising from those fields and that involve many social relationships which are not economic.

Social agents act according to their "feel for the game", in which the "feel" roughly refers to the habitus, and the "game", to the field.

Media and cultural production
Bourdieu's most significant work on cultural production is available in two books: The Field of Cultural Production (1993) and The Rules of Art (1996). Bourdieu builds his theory of cultural production using his own characteristic theoretical vocabulary of habitus, capital and field.

David Hesmondhalgh writes that: "By 'cultural production' Bourdieu intends a very broad understanding of culture, in line with the tradition of classical sociology, including science (which in turn includes social science), law and religion, as well as expressive-aesthetic activities such as art, literature and music. However, his work on cultural production focuses overwhelmingly on two types of field or sub-field of cultural production…: literature and art."According to Bourdieu, "the principal obstacle to a rigorous science of the production of the value of cultural goods" is the "charismatic ideology of 'creation'" which can be easily found in studies of art, literature and other cultural fields. In Bourdieu's opinion, this charismatic ideology "directs the gaze towards the apparent producer and prevents us from asking who has created this 'creator' and the magic power of transubstantiation with which the 'creator' is endowed."

For Bourdieu, a sociologically informed view of an artist ought to describe: (1) their relations to the field of production (e.g. influences, antagonisms, etc.); and (2) their attitudes to their relations to the field of consumption (e.g. their readers, enthusiasts, or detractors). Further, a work of literature, for example, may not adequately be analysed either as the product of the author's life and beliefs (a naively biographical account), or without any reference to the author's intentions (as Barthes argued). In short, "the subject of a work is a habitus in relationship with a 'post', a position, that is, within a field."

According to Bourdieu, cultural revolutions are always dependent on the possibilities present in the positions inscribed in the field.

Objective (field) and subjective (habitus)
For Bourdieu, habitus was essential in resolving a prominent antinomy of the human sciences: objectivism and subjectivism.

As mentioned above, Bourdieu used the methodological and theoretical concepts of habitus and field in order to make an epistemological break with the prominent objective-subjective antinomy of the social sciences. He wanted to effectively unite social phenomenology and structuralism. Habitus and field are proposed to do so.

The individual agent develops these dispositions in response to the objective conditions it encounters. In this way, Bourdieu theorizes the inculcation of objective social structures into the subjective, mental experience of agents. For the objective social field places requirements on its participants for membership, so to speak, within the field. Having thereby absorbed objective social structure into a personal set of cognitive and somatic dispositions, and the subjective structures of action of the agent then being commensurate with the objective structures and extant exigencies of the social field, a doxic relationship emerges.

Habitus and doxa
Doxa refers to the learned, fundamental, deep-founded, unconscious beliefs, and values, taken as self-evident universals, that inform an agent's actions and thoughts within a particular field. Doxa tends to favor the particular social arrangement of the field, thus privileging the dominant and taking their position of dominance as self-evident and universally favorable. Therefore, the categories of understanding and perception that constitute a habitus, being congruous with the objective organization of the field, tend to reproduce the very structures of the field. A doxic situation may be thought of as a situation characterized by a harmony between the objective, external structures and the 'subjective', internal structures of the habitus. In the doxic state, the social world is perceived as natural, taken-for-granted and even commonsensical.

Bourdieu thus sees habitus as an important factor contributing to social reproduction, because it is central to generating and regulating the practices that make up social life. Individuals learn to want what conditions make possible for them, and not to aspire to what is not available to them. The conditions in which the individual lives generate dispositions compatible with these conditions (including tastes in art, literature, food, and music), and in a sense pre-adapted to their demands. The most improbable practices are therefore excluded, as unthinkable, by a kind of immediate submission to order that inclines agents to make a virtue of necessity, that is, to refuse what is categorically denied and to will the inevitable.

Reconciling the objective (field) and the subjective (habitus)
Amongst any society of individuals, the constant performance of dispositions, trivial and grand, forms an observable range of preferences and allegiances, points and vectors. This spatial metaphor can be analysed by sociologists and realised in diagrammatic form. Ultimately, conceptualising social relations this way gives rise to an image of society as a web of interrelated spaces. These are the social fields.

For Bourdieu, habitus and field can only exist in relation to each other. Although a field is constituted by the various social agents participating in it (and thus their habitus), a habitus, in effect, represents the transposition of objective structures of the field into the subjective structures of action and thought of the agent.

The relationship between habitus and field is twofold. First, the field exists only insofar as social agents possess the dispositions and set of perceptual schemata that are necessary to constitute that field and imbue it with meaning. Concomitantly, by participating in the field, agents incorporate into their habitus the proper know-how that will allow them to constitute the field. Habitus manifests the structures of the field, and the field mediates between habitus and practice.

Bourdieu attempts to use the concepts of habitus and field to remove the division between the subjective and the objective. Bourdieu asserts that any research must be composed of two "minutes," wherein the first minute is an objective stage of research—where one looks at the relations of the social space and the structures of the field; while the second minute must be a subjective analysis of social agents' dispositions to act and their categories of perception and understanding that result from their inhabiting the field. Proper research, Bourdieu argues, thus cannot do without these two together.

Science and objectivity
Bourdieu contended there is transcendental objectivity, only when certain necessary historical conditions are met. The scientific field is precisely that field in which objectivity may be acquired. Bourdieu's ideal scientific field is one that grants its participants an interest or investment in objectivity. Further, this ideal scientific field is one in which the field's degree of autonomy advances and, in a corresponding process, its "entrance fee" becomes increasingly strict. The scientific field entails rigorous intersubjective scrutinizing of theory and data. This should make it difficult for those within the field to bring in, for example, political influence.

However, the autonomy of the scientific field cannot be taken for granted. An important part of Bourdieu's theory is that the historical development of a scientific field, sufficiently autonomous to be described as such and to produce objective work, is an achievement that requires continual reproduction. Having been achieved, it cannot be assumed to be secure. Bourdieu does not discount the possibility that the scientific field may lose its autonomy and therefore deteriorate, losing its defining characteristic as a producer of objective work. In this way, the conditions of possibility for the production of transcendental objectivity could arise and then disappear.

Reflexivity
Bourdieu insists on the importance of a reflexive sociology in which sociologists must at all times conduct their research with conscious attention to the effects of their own position, their own set of internalized structures, and how these are likely to distort or prejudice their objectivity. The sociologist, according to Bourdieu, must engage in a "sociology of sociology" so as not to unwittingly attribute to the object of observation the characteristics of the subject. They ought to conduct their research with one eye continually reflecting back upon their own habitus, their dispositions learned through long social and institutional training.

It is only by maintaining such a continual vigilance that the sociologists can spot themselves in the act of importing their own biases into their work. Reflexivity is, therefore, a kind of additional stage in the scientific epistemology. It is not enough for the scientist to go through the usual stages (research, hypothesis, falsification, experiment, repetition, peer review, etc.); Bourdieu recommends also that the scientist purge their work of the prejudices likely to derive from their social position. In a good illustration of the process, Bourdieu chastises academics (including himself) for judging their students' work against a rigidly scholastic linguistic register, favouring students whose writing appears 'polished', marking down those guilty of 'vulgarity'. Without a reflexive analysis of the snobbery being deployed under the cover of those subjective terms, the academic will unconsciously reproduce a degree of class prejudice, promoting the student with high linguistic capital and holding back the student who lacks it—not because of the objective quality of the work but simply because of the register in which it is written. Reflexivity should enable the academic to be conscious of their prejudices, e.g. for apparently sophisticated writing, and impel them to take steps to correct for this bias.

Bourdieu also describes how the "scholastic point of view" unconsciously alters how scientists approach their objects of study. Because of the systematicity of their training and their mode of analysis, they tend to exaggerate the systematicity of the things they study. This inclines them to see agents following clear rules where in fact they use less determinate strategies; it makes it hard to theorise the 'fuzzy' logic of the social world, its practical and therefore mutable nature, poorly described by words like 'system', 'structure' and 'logic' which imply mechanisms, rigidity and omnipresence. The scholar can too easily find themselves mistaking "the things of logic for the logic of things"—a phrase of Marx's which Bourdieu is fond of quoting. Again, reflexivity is recommended as the key to discovering and correcting for such errors which would otherwise remain unseen, mistakes produced by an over-application of the virtues that produced also the truths within which the errors are embedded.

Theory of capital and class distinction
Bourdieu introduced the notion of capital, defined as sums of particular assets put to productive use. For Bourdieu, such assets could take various forms, habitually referring to several principal forms of capital: economic, symbolic, cultural and social. Loïc Wacquant would go on to describe Bourdieu's thought further: "Capital comes in 3 principal species: economic, cultural and social. A fourth species, symbolic capital, designates the effects of any form of capital when people do not perceive them as such."Bourdieu developed theories of social stratification based on aesthetic taste in his 1979 work Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste (in La Distinction), published by Harvard University Press. Bourdieu claims that how one chooses to present one's social space to the world—one's aesthetic dispositions—depicts one's status and distances oneself from lower groups. Specifically, Bourdieu hypothesizes that children internalize these dispositions at an early age and that such dispositions guide the young towards their appropriate social positions, towards the behaviors that are suitable for them, and foster an aversion towards other behaviors.

Bourdieu theorizes that class fractions teach aesthetic preferences to their young. Class fractions are determined by a combination of the varying degrees of social, economic, and cultural capital. Society incorporates "symbolic goods, especially those regarded as the attributes of excellence…[as] the ideal weapon in strategies of distinction." Those attributes deemed excellent are shaped by the interests of the dominating class. He emphasizes the dominance of cultural capital early on by stating that "differences in cultural capital mark the differences between the classes."

The development of aesthetic dispositions are very largely determined by social origin rather than accumulated capital and experience over time. The acquisition of cultural capital depends heavily on "total, early, imperceptible learning, performed within the family from the earliest days of life." Bourdieu argues that, in the main, people inherit their cultural attitudes, the accepted "definitions that their elders offer them."

He asserts the primacy of social origin and cultural capital by claiming that social capital and economic capital, though acquired cumulatively over time, depend upon it. Bourdieu claims that "one has to take account of all the characteristics of social condition which are (statistically) associated from earliest childhood with possession of high or low income and which tend to shape tastes adjusted to these conditions."

According to Bourdieu, tastes in food, culture and presentation are indicators of class because trends in their consumption seemingly correlate with an individual's place in society. Each fraction of the dominant class develops its own aesthetic criteria. The multitude of consumer interests based on differing social positions necessitates that each fraction "has its own artists and philosophers, newspapers and critics, just as it has its hairdresser, interior decorator, or tailor."

However, Bourdieu does not disregard the importance of social capital and economic capital in the formation of cultural capital. For example, the production of art and the ability to play an instrument "presuppose not only dispositions associated with long establishment in the world of art and culture but also economic means...and spare time." However, regardless of one's ability to act upon one's preferences, Bourdieu specifies that "respondents are only required to express a status-induced familiarity with legitimate…culture." "[Taste] functions as a sort of social orientation, a 'sense of one's place,' guiding the occupants of a given...social space towards the social positions adjusted to their properties, and towards the practices or goods which befit the occupants of that position."Thus, different modes of acquisition yield differences in the nature of preferences. These "cognitive structures…are internalized, 'embodied' social structures," becoming a natural entity to the individual. Different tastes are thus seen as unnatural and rejected, resulting in "disgust provoked by horror or visceral intolerance ('feeling sick') of the tastes of others."

Bourdieu himself believes class distinction and preferences are:"most marked in the ordinary choices of everyday existence, such as furniture, clothing, or cooking, which are particularly revealing of deep-rooted and long-standing dispositions because, lying outside the scope of the educational system, they have to be confronted, as it were, by naked taste."Indeed, Bourdieu believes that "the strongest and most indelible mark of infant learning" would probably be in the tastes of food. Bourdieu thinks that meals served on special occasions are "an interesting indicator of the mode of self-presentation adopted in 'showing off' a life-style (in which furniture also plays a part)." The idea is that their likes and dislikes should mirror those of their associated class fractions.

Children from the lower end of the social hierarchy are predicted to choose "heavy, fatty fattening foods, which are also cheap" in their dinner layouts, opting for "plentiful and good" meals as opposed to foods that are "original and exotic." These potential outcomes would reinforce Bourdieu's "ethic of sobriety for the sake of slimness, which is most recognized at the highest levels of the social hierarchy," that contrasts the "convivial indulgence" characteristic of the lower classes. Demonstrations of the tastes of luxury (or freedom) and the tastes of necessity reveal a distinction among the social classes.

The degree to which social origin affects these preferences surpasses both educational and economic capital. Demonstrably, at equivalent levels of educational capital, social origin remains an influential factor in determining these dispositions. How one describes one's social environment relates closely to social origin because the instinctive narrative springs from early stages of development. Also, across the divisions of labor, "economic constraints tend to relax without any fundamental change in the pattern of spending." This observation reinforces the idea that social origin, more than economic capital, produces aesthetic preferences because regardless of economic capability, consumption patterns remain stable.

Symbolic capital
Bourdieu sees symbolic capital (e.g., prestige, honor, attention) as a crucial source of power. Symbolic capital is any species of capital that is, in Loïc Wacquant's terms "not perceived as such," but which is instead perceived through socially inculcated classificatory schemes. When a holder of symbolic capital uses the power this confers against an agent who holds less, and seeks thereby to alter their actions, they exercise symbolic violence. Research published in Organization Science shows that symbolic capital can be divided along two dimensions – reputability and respectability – and can be transferred by association.

Symbolic violence is fundamentally the imposition of categories of thought and perception upon dominated social agents who then take the social order to be just. It is the incorporation of unconscious structures that tend to perpetuate the structures of action of the dominant. The dominated then take their position to be "right." Symbolic violence is in some senses much more powerful than physical violence in that it is embedded in the very modes of action and structures of cognition of individuals, and imposes the spectre of legitimacy of the social order.

In his theoretical writings, Bourdieu employs some terminology used in economics to analyze the processes of social and cultural reproduction, of how the various forms of capital tend to transfer from one generation to the next. For Bourdieu, formal education represents the key example of this process. Educational success, according to Bourdieu, entails a whole range of cultural behaviour, extending to ostensibly non-academic features like gait, dress, or accent. Privileged children have learned this behaviour, as have their teachers. Children of unprivileged backgrounds have not. The children of privilege therefore fit the pattern of their teachers' expectations with apparent 'ease'; they are 'docile'. The unprivileged are found to be 'difficult', to present 'challenges'. Yet both behave as their upbringing dictates. Bourdieu regards this 'ease', or 'natural' ability—distinction—as in fact the product of a great social labour, largely on the part of the parents. It equips their children with the dispositions of manner as well as thought which ensure they are able to succeed within the educational system and can then reproduce their parents' class position in the wider social system.

Cultural capital
Cultural capital refers to assets, e.g., competencies, skills, qualifications, which enable holders to mobilise cultural authority and can also be a source of misrecognition and symbolic violence. For example, working class children can come to see the educational success of their middle-class peers as always legitimate, seeing what is often class-based inequality as instead the result of hard work or even 'natural' ability. A key part of this process is the transformation of people's symbolic or economic inheritance (e.g., accent or property) into cultural capital (e.g., university qualifications).

Bourdieu argues that cultural capital has developed in opposition to economic capital. Moreover, the conflict between those who mostly hold cultural capital and those who mostly hold economic capital finds expression in the opposed social fields of art and business. The field of art and related cultural fields are seen to have striven historically for autonomy, which in different times and places has been more or less achieved. The autonomous field of art is summed up as "an economic world turned upside down," highlighting the opposition between economic and cultural capital.

Social capital
For Bourdieu, "social capital is the sum of the resources, actual or virtual, that accrue to an individual or a group by virtue of possessing a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition." In order for individuals to gain such capital, they must work for it constantly and it takes time according to Bourdieu. For some families, cultural capital is accumulated over a period of generations as they adopt cultural investment strategies and pass them on to their children. This gives children an opportunity to realize their potential through education and they pass on those same values to their children. Over time, individuals in such families gain cultural currency which gives them an inherent advantage over other groups of people, which is why there is such variation in academic achievement in children of different social classes. Having such cultural currency enables people to compensate for a lack of financial capital by giving them a certain level of respect and status in society. Bourdieu believes that cultural capital may play a role when individuals pursue power and status in society through politics or other means. Social and cultural capital along with economic capital contribute to the inequality we see in the world, according to Bourdieu's argument.

Language
Bourdieu takes language to be not merely a method of communication, but also a mechanism of power. The language one uses is designated by one's relational position in a field or social space. Different uses of language tend to reiterate the respective positions of each participant. Linguistic interactions are manifestations of the participants' respective positions in social space and categories of understanding, and thus tend to reproduce the objective structures of the social field. This determines who has a "right" to be listened to, to interrupt, to ask questions, and to lecture, and to what degree.

The representation of identity in forms of language can be subdivided into language, dialect, and accent. For example, the use of different dialects in an area can represent a varied social status for individuals. For example, until the French Revolution, the differences in dialect directly reflected a person's presumed social status. Peasants and the lower classes spoke local dialects, while only nobles and the upper classes were fluent in the official French language. Accents can reflect an area's inner conflict with classifications and authority within a population.

Because language characteristics are acknowledged and noticed as signifiers of power they become mechanisms of power.

Bourdieu discusses language in his earlier work on education with sociologists Jean-Claude Passeron and Monique de Saint-Martin. This book, Rapport pédagogique et communication (1965) was translated into English in 1994. In their work, the authors argue that "Academic language is a dead language for the great majority of French people, and is no one's mother tongue [...]". This statement is widely cited by scholars working on second language acquisition, particularly in the context of teaching English academic writing to speakers of languages other than English.

Legacy
Bourdieu "was, for many, the leading intellectual of present-day France…a thinker in the same rank as Foucault, Barthes and Lacan." His works have been translated into two dozen languages and have affected the whole gamut of disciplines in the social sciences and the humanities. They have also been used in pedagogy. Several works of his are considered classics, not only in sociology, but also in anthropology, education, and cultural studies. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste (La Distinction) was named as one of the 20th century's ten most important works of sociology by the International Sociological Association. The Rules of Art has significantly affected sociology, history, literature and aesthetics.

In France, Bourdieu was seen not as an ivory tower academic or "cloistered don" but as a passionate activist for those he believed to be subordinated by society. In 2001, a documentary film about Bourdieu—Sociology is a Martial Art—"became an unexpected hit in Paris. Its very title stressed how much of a politically engaged intellectual Bourdieu was, taking on the mantle of Émile Zola and Jean-Paul Sartre in French public life and slugging it out with politicians because he thought that was what people like him should do."

For Bourdieu, sociology was a combative effort that sought to expose the un-thought structures that lie beneath the physical (somatic) and thought practices of social agents. He saw sociology as a means of confronting symbolic violence and of exposing those unseen areas in which one could be free.

Bourdieu's work continues to be influential. His work is widely cited, and many sociologists and other social scientists work explicitly in a Bourdieusian framework. One example is Loïc Wacquant, who persistently applies the Bourdieusian theoretical and methodological principles to subjects such as boxing, employing what Bourdieu termed participant objectivation (objectivation participante), or what Wacquant calls "carnal sociology." In addition to publishing a book on Bourdieu's lasting influence, novelist Édouard Louis uses the legacy of Pierre Bourdieu as a literary device.

Bourdieu also played a crucial role in the popularisation of correspondence analysis and particularly multiple correspondence analysis. Bourdieu held that these geometric techniques of data analysis are, like his sociology, inherently relational. "I use Correspondence Analysis very much, because I think that it is essentially a relational procedure whose philosophy fully expresses what in my view constitutes social reality. It is a procedure that 'thinks' in relations, as I try to do it with the concept of field," Bourdieu said, in the preface to The Craft of Sociology.

title: Pierre Bourdieu


text:
Campbellton, Florida

Campbellton is a town in Jackson County, Florida, United States. The town is part of the Florida Panhandle in North Florida, and has a predominately African American majority. The population was 191 at the 2020 census.

History
Campbellton was established as a community around 1840 or possibly earlier, and may have been named for Judge R.L. Campbell (who resided in Jackson County), or derived from two families who camped in the area.

It was the site of a small skirmish on September 26, 1864, during the waning days of the Civil War. Local Confederate cavalry under the command of Captain Alexander Goodwin unsuccessfully contested the advance of a Federal column led by Brigadier General Alexander Asboth during the preliminary phase of what would become the Battle of Marianna.

The nearby Forks of the Creek Swamp, along the border with Alabama, was a refuge for many Unionist and Confederate deserters during the war. Joseph Sanders, a former Confederate officer who had switched sides and taken a commission as a lieutenant in the Union army, hid out in the swamp for four months during the winter and spring of 1864; he emerged in March of that year to mount an unsuccessful attack on Newton, Alabama, which resulted in the loss of three of his men. Repeated Southern efforts to dislodge the Unionists in the swamp proved unsuccessful.

The Town of Campbellton was officially incorporated as a municipality in 1925, despite being a settlement since at least 1840.

Geography
Campbellton is located in northwestern Jackson County at 30.94861°N, -85.39639°W (30.948587, –85.396472).

It sits on a small hill at the junction of U.S. Route 231 and Florida State Road 2. US-231 leads north 19 mi to Dothan, Alabama, and south 63 mi to Panama City. Marianna, the Jackson County seat, is 17 mi to the southeast of Campbellton via US-231 and Florida State Road 73. SR 2 leads east from Campbellton 15 mi to Malone and west 6 mi to Graceville. SR 273 leads southwest from Campbellton 15 mi to Chipley.

According to the United States Census Bureau, Campbellton has a total area of 6.7 km2, of which 6.5 km2 are land and 0.2 sqkm, or 2.48%, are water.

Climate
The climate in this area is characterized by hot, humid summers and generally mild winters. According to the Köppen climate classification, the Town of Campbellton has a humid subtropical climate zone (Cfa).

2010 and 2020 census
As of the 2020 United States census, there were 191 people, 95 households, and 61 families residing in the town.

As of the 2010 United States census, there were 230 people, 74 households, and 48 families residing in the town.

2000 census
As of the census of 2000, there were 212 people, 90 households, and 65 families residing in the town. The population density was 238.3 PD/sqmi. There were 111 housing units at an average density of 124.8 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the town was 39.62% White, 59.91% African American, 0.47% from other races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 0.47% of the population.

In 2000, there were 90 households, out of which 27.8% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 48.9% were married couples living together, 22.2% had a female householder with no husband present, and 26.7% were non-families. 26.7% of all households were made up of individuals, and 15.6% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.36 and the average family size was 2.83.

In 2000, in the town, the population was spread out, with 23.6% under the age of 18, 4.7% from 18 to 24, 26.4% from 25 to 44, 28.3% from 45 to 64, and 17.0% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 41 years. For every 100 females, there were 96.3 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 80.0 males.

In 2000, the median income for a household in the town was $22,212, and the median income for a family was $26,875. Males had a median income of $31,250 versus $19,792 for females. The per capita income for the town was $12,139. About 20.0% of families and 16.6% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.9% of those under the age of eighteen and 17.1% of those 65 or over.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Campbellton, Florida


text:
Cottondale, Florida

Cottondale is a city in Jackson County, Florida, United States. It is part of the Florida Panhandle and North Florida. The population was 848 at the 2020 census, down from 933 at the 2010 census.

The City of Cottondale was one of several Florida Panhandle communities devastated by Hurricane Michael in 2018.

Geography
The approximate coordinates for the City of Cottondale is located in western Jackson County at 30.79694°N, -85.37611°W (30.796810, –85.376031).

U.S. Route 90 passes through the south side of town on Levy Street. US-90 leads east 9 mi to Marianna, the Jackson county seat, and west 10 mi to Chipley. U.S. Route 231 runs through the center of Cottondale as Main Street, leading north 31 mi to Dothan, Alabama, and south 51 mi to Panama City. US-231 crosses Interstate 10 3 mi south of Cottondale; I-10 leads east 72 mi to Tallahassee and west 120 mi to Pensacola.

According to the United States Census Bureau, the town has a total area of 9.0 km2, of which 8.6 km2 are land and 0.3 km2, or 3.87%, are water.

Climate
The climate in this area is characterized by hot, humid summers and generally mild winters. According to the Köppen climate classification, the City of Cottondale has a humid subtropical climate zone (Cfa).

2010 and 2020 census
As of the 2020 United States census, there were 848 people, 353 households, and 220 families residing in the city.

As of the 2010 United States census, there were 933 people, 321 households, and 209 families residing in the city.

2000 census
As of the census of 2000, there were 869 people, 376 households, and 239 families residing in the city. The population density was 573.2 PD/sqmi. There were 445 housing units at an average density of 293.5 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the town was 76.41% White, 18.64% African American, 0.35% Native American, 0.58% Asian, 0.58% from other races, and 3.45% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 4.14% of the population.

In 2000, there were 376 households, out of which 31.1% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 41.0% were married couples living together, 19.4% had a female householder with no husband present, and 36.2% were non-families. 34.6% of all households were made up of individuals, and 17.3% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.31 and the average family size was 2.94.

In 2000, in the city, the population was spread out, with 27.7% under the age of 18, 9.8% from 18 to 24, 24.3% from 25 to 44, 22.8% from 45 to 64, and 15.4% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 36 years. For every 100 females, there were 83.7 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 78.9 males.

In 2000, the median income for a household in the town was $20,509, and the median income for a family was $26,667. Males had a median income of $24,545 versus $18,571 for females. The per capita income for the town was $11,266. About 24.8% of families and 27.4% of the population were below the poverty line, including 34.3% of those under age 18 and 23.6% of those age 65 or over.

Education
The public schools located within Cottondale are served by the Jackson County School Board.
 * Cottondale Elementary School
 * Cottondale High School

Police department
Cottondale has a police force of four to five sworn officers; the police chief is Willam Watford.

title: Cottondale, Florida


text:
Graceville, Florida

Graceville is a city in Jackson County, Florida, United States. It is near the Alabama state line. The population was 2,153 at the 2020 census.

Geography
The City of Graceville is located at 30.95917°N, -85.51333°W (30.959044, −85.513280).

Florida State Road 2 and Florida State Road 77 are the two main highways through the city. FL SR 2 runs from west to east through the center of town, leading east 7 mi to Campbellton and west 10 mi to Esto. FL SR 77 runs from south to north through the center of town, leading northeast 22 mi to Dothan, Alabama via a connection with Alabama State Route 109, and south 12 mi to Chipley.

Jackson County is a rural community primarily composed of business in agriculture, manufacturing, service, and retail trade. In addition, many government facilities are located within the county, including a federal prison and three state correctional institutions. Elevation ranges from 50 to 330 ft above sea level. Marianna is 185 ft above sea level.

Soil composition ranges from sandy to clay base. The most typical soil is sandy loam. Jackson County has a vast deposit of nearly pure limestone. The county abounds in lakes including Lake Seminole, Compass Lake, Merritt's Mill Pond and Ocheessee Pond. The Chattahoochee River-Apalachicola River, which is navigable and has a nine-foot channel depth, forms the county's eastern border. The Chipola River flows south through the center of the county.

Climate
The climate in this area is characterized by hot, humid summers and generally mild winters. According to the Köppen climate classification, the City of Graceville has a humid subtropical climate zone (Cfa).

 * Land area:                 916 sqmi.
 * Region of the country:     Southeast
 * Average temperature:       67.2°F
 * Average high temperature:  79.0°F
 * Average low temperature:   55.0°F
 * Annual rain:               66.0 inches
 * Annual snowfall:           0.0 inches
 * Earthquake index:          0.0

2010 and 2020 census
As of the 2020 United States census, there were 2,153 people, 814 households, and 451 families residing in the city.

As of the 2010 United States census, there were 2,278 people, 1,012 households, and 530 families residing in the city.

2000 census
As of the census of 2000, there were 2,402 people, 933 households, and 572 families residing in the city. The population density was 559.0 PD/sqmi. There were 1,076 housing units at an average density of 250.4 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the city was 73.48% White, 23.90% African American, 0.92% Native American, 0.17% Asian, 0.25% from other races, and 1.29% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 1.46% of the population.

In 2000, there were 933 households, out of which 26.8% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 44.3% were married couples living together, 13.8% had a female householder with no husband present, and 38.6% were non-families. 33.9% of all households were made up of individuals, and 17.3% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.35 and the average family size was 3.08.

In 2000, in the city, the population was spread out, with 23.4% under the age of 18, 13.3% from 18 to 24, 23.1% from 25 to 44, 19.7% from 45 to 64, and 20.6% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 37 years. For every 100 females, there were 84.3 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 80.0 males.

In 2000, the median income for a household in the city was $23,031, and the median income for a family was $32,778. Males had a median income of $25,969 versus $20,109 for females. The per capita income for the city was $14,245. About 15.1% of families and 20.7% of the population were below the poverty line, including 25.0% of those under age 18 and 18.9% of those age 65 or over.

Education

 * Graceville Elementary School
 * Graceville High School
 * Poplar Springs High School
 * Baptist College of Florida

Notable people

 * Neal Anderson, former professional NFL football player
 * John Wayne Mixson, former Lieutenant Governor of Florida, and former Governor of Florida
 * Ricky Polston, Chief Justice of the Florida Supreme Court
 * Bob Snyder, musician
 * Colston Weatherington, former professional NFL football player

Transportation
Graceville was served by the Louisville and Nashville Railroad at the end of the stub Georgiana Branch which reached the town on July 16, 1902, and, later, by the Seaboard System from 1983, and then by the Alabama and Florida Railroad, when the line was spun off as a shortline. The line was freight-only, the last L&N passenger local having come off circa late 1950. Train 27 departed Georgiana, Alabama, at 7:15 a.m., arriving at Graceville at 10:40 a.m. Returning train 28 departed Graceville at 11:05 a.m. and arrived at Georgiana at 2:35 p.m. Following World War II, with the improvement of local roads and the availability of private vehicles, the railroad petitioned the Alabama Public Service Commission to discontinue daily except Sunday trains between Georgiana and Graceville on November 6, 1947. "Passenger travel on trains 27 and 28 is now, and has been for several years, at a very low ebb, there being times when the train crew exceeds the number of passengers on the train," explained the railroad company in court documents dated October 31, 1950, appealing the commission's refusal to allow discontinuance. The operating deficit averaged ~$188 per day.

The A&F abandoned the line between Geneva and Graceville on January 16, 1984. The Atlanta and St. Andrews Bay Railroad also built a seven-mile connection into town from the east from their Dothan-Panama City mainline at Campbellton, completed July 14, 1971, but this, too, was abandoned by 1996 after the possible bridge traffic from the A&F disappeared. The "Bay Line" would buy the small yard and wye in town from the A&F. Only a few rails embedded in former town grade crossings mark the abandoned right of ways.

title: Graceville, Florida


text:
Grand Ridge, Florida

Grand Ridge is a town in Jackson County, Florida, United States. It is part of the Florida Panhandle and North Florida. The population was 882 at the 2020 census.

History
In 1860, Judge John Thomas Porter and his wife Phoebe J. Porter (née Finley) moved from New Salem, Fayette County, Pennsylvania to Illinois with their son Ebenezer F. Porter (born 1859), close to Grand Ridge, Illinois in LaSalle County, Illinois, where they lived on a farm until 1872. Porter was at first a farmer, and afterward a lumberman and grain dealer. In 1872, he moved into Grand Ridge, Illinois proper, and built and operated two grain elevators. In 1882, he moved to Florida and engaged in the lumber business. He founded the Town of Grand Ridge, Florida, naming it in honor of his old Illinois home.

John T. Porter also owned the West Florida Echo, a newspaper in Grande Ridge. He was a Republican and it is reported as the only Republican newspaper in the northwestern panhandle of Florida at the start of the 20th century. His son Ebenezer F. Porter became a state legislator in Kansas.

The town was officially incorporated as a municipality in 1951, despite being founded and settled in 1882.

Geography
The approximate coordinates for the Town of Grand Ridge is located in southeastern Jackson County at 30.71194°N, -85.01806°W (30.711977, –85.018091).

U.S. Route 90 travels through the northern side of the town, leading east 11 mi to Chattahoochee and northwest 13 mi to Marianna, the county seat. Florida State Road 69 runs through the center of town as Porter Avenue, leading north 10 mi to Two Egg and south 4 mi to Interstate 10 at Exit 152.

According to the United States Census Bureau, Grand Ridge has a total area of 4.42 sqmi, of which 4.25 sqmi are land and 0.17 sqmi, or 3.85%, are water.

Climate
The climate in this area is characterized by hot, humid summers and generally mild winters. According to the Köppen climate classification, the Town of Grand Ridge has a humid subtropical climate zone (Cfa).

2010 and 2020 census
As of the 2020 United States census, there were 882 people, 359 households, and 229 families residing in the town.

As of the 2010 United States census, there were 892 people, 277 households, and 203 families residing in the town.

2000 census
As of the census of 2000, there were 792 people, 309 households, and 232 families residing in the town. The population density was 364.8 PD/sqmi. There were 344 housing units at an average density of 158.4 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the town was 93.56% White, 2.53% African American, 2.27% Native American, 0.13% Pacific Islander, 0.76% from other races, and 0.76% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 1.26% of the population.

In 2000, there were 309 households, out of which 35.9% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 59.9% were married couples living together, 13.6% had a female householder with no husband present, and 24.6% were non-families. 22.0% of all households were made up of individuals, and 8.1% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.56 and the average family size was 2.95.

In 2000, in the town, the population was spread out, with 26.3% under the age of 18, 7.6% from 18 to 24, 31.2% from 25 to 44, 23.5% from 45 to 64, and 11.5% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 36 years. For every 100 females, there were 91.8 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 85.4 males.

In 2000, the median income for a household in the town was $31,083, and the median income for a family was $36,875. Males had a median income of $24,722 versus $20,125 for females. The per capita income for the town was $14,556. About 9.6% of families and 16.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including 26.5% of those under age 18 and 11.2% of those age 65 or over.

title: Grand Ridge, Florida


text:
Greenwood, Florida

Greenwood is a town in Jackson County, Florida, United States. It is part of the Florida Panhandle and located in North Florida, specifically Northwest Florida. The population was 539 at the 2020 census.

History
The Town of Greenwood was settled in 1824, and was officially incorporated as a municipality in 1927.

Geography
The exact coordinates for the Town of Greenwood are 30.87361°N, -85.1625°W (30.873517, –85.162431).

According to the United States Census Bureau, the town has a total area of 4.8 sqmi, all land. Greenwood is ten miles from the county seat, Marianna, and the town of Malone. Both are much larger than Greenwood, and most residents of the area go to school or work in either of those two towns.

Climate
The climate in this area is characterized by hot, humid summers and generally mild winters. According to the Köppen climate classification, the Town of Greenwood has a humid subtropical climate zone (Cfa).

2010 and 2020 census
As of the 2020 United States census, there were 539 people, 213 households, and 154 families residing in the town.

As of the 2010 United States census, there were 686 people, 260 households, and 181 families residing in the town.

2000 census
As of the census of 2000, there were 735 people, 296 households, and 200 families residing in the town. The population density was 153.3 PD/sqmi. There were 335 housing units at an average density of 69.9 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the town was 66.67% White, 26.94% African American, 1.22% Native American, 0.95% Asian, 1.90% from other races, and 2.31% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 2.72% of the population.

In 2000, there were 300 households, out of which 29.1% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 52.4% were married couples living together, 11.8% had a female householder with no husband present, and 32.1% were non-families. 29.4% of all households were made up of individuals, and 13.5% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.44 and the average family size was 2.99.

In 2000, in the town, the population was spread out, with 26.4% under the age of 18, 7.2% from 18 to 24, 24.6% from 25 to 44, 25.0% from 45 to 64, and 16.7% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 38 years. For every 100 females, there were 87.0 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 89.8 males.

In 2000, the median income for a household in the town was $28,750, and the median income for a family was $35,750. Males had a median income of $24,583 versus $22,083 for females. The per capita income for the town was $14,243. About 9.1% of families and 17.8% of the population were below the poverty line, including 21.6% of those under age 18 and 11.6% of those age 65 or over.

Transportation

 * Florida 71.svg State Road 71

title: Greenwood, Florida


text:
Jacob City, Florida

Jacob City is a city in Jackson County, Florida, United States. The city is population is predominantly African American, and located on the Florida Panhandle in North Florida. The population was 217 at the 2020 census.

History
Jacob City's history begins in the early 19th century, when many formerly enslaved people moved from Webbville to isolate themselves from harassment from the white people there, most of whose residents moved to Marianna in 1882. Webbville no longer exists, but was located around the current location of U.S. 231 and State Road 73. Marianna was known as the rich man's town and no Black people were welcome. The first known settlement of Jacob City was by a white man named Jacob Jones, who accepted Black people to be housed on his property. That is where Jacob City got its name, as they would tell their friends, "Let's go to Jacob's." As Black people arrived to escape oppression, they moved farther down and made horse wagon trails into dirt roads, forming a small community.

By the mid-19th century, Jacob was Jackson County's first Black community. Black people started their own store, but the owner was murdered and the store was never re-opened. By the late 19th century, St. Mary Missionary Baptist Church was built on what is now Main Street. It is commemorated by a Jacob City historical marker. By the early 20th century, Jacob's dirt roads were improved and its population rose, but the poverty level was high due to the lack of education, as there was no school for Black children.

St. Mary's Church provided a school, but many of its students never made it past seventh grade because they had to help with farm work at home with their parents. In 1953, St. Paul's school was established near Campbellton as an elementary and high school where Jacob children could get a better education. The Campbellton school lasted until 1972. In the late 20th century, Jacob modernized and joined the Florida League of Cities. In 1983, Jacob became Jacob City and built a city hall.

Geography
The approximate coordinates for the City of Jacob City is located at 30.89444°N, -85.40972°W (30.894334, –85.409802).

According to the United States Census Bureau, the city has a total area of 3.2 sqmi, of which 3.1 sqmi is land and 0.1 sqmi (4.02%) is water.

Climate
The climate in this area is characterized by hot, humid summers and generally mild winters. According to the Köppen climate classification, the City of Jacob City has a humid subtropical climate zone (Cfa).

2010 and 2020 census
As of the 2020 United States census, there were 250 people, 122 households, and 65 families residing in the city.

As of the 2010 United States census, there were 217 people, 130 households, and 91 families residing in the city.

2000 census
As of the census of 2000, there were 281 people, 99 households, and 73 families residing in the city. The population density was 90.7 inhabitants per square mile (35.0/km2). There were 116 housing units at an average density of 37.4 per square mile (14.4/km2). The racial makeup of the city was 4.98% White and 95.02% African American.

In 2000, there were 99 households, out of which 31.3% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 41.4% were married couples living together, 28.3% had a female householder with no husband present, and 25.3% were non-families. 22.2% of all households were made up of individuals, and 11.1% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.84 and the average family size was 3.36.

In 2000, in the city, the population was spread out, with 30.6% under the age of 18, 7.8% from 18 to 24, 27.0% from 25 to 44, 20.6% from 45 to 64, and 13.9% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 35 years. For every 100 females, there were 84.9 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 66.7 males.

In 2000, the median income for a household in the city was $24,583, and the median income for a family was $22,292. Males had a median income of $25,481 versus $21,875 for females. The per capita income for the city was $11,037. About 24.7% of families and 26.0% of the population were below the poverty line, including 42.9% of those under the age of eighteen and 7.7% of those 65 or over.

Highways
(Jacob Road)

title: Jacob City, Florida


text:
Malone, Florida

Malone is a town in Jackson County, Florida, United States. The population was 1,959 at the 2020 census.

Geography
Malone is located in northern Jackson County at 30.95716°N, -85.16123°W.

Florida State Road 2 runs through the center of town as 8th Avenue, leading east 9 mi to the Georgia border at the Chattahoochee River, and west 15 mi to Campbellton. State Road 71 passes through Malone as 10th Street, crossing FL-SR 2 in the center of town. FL-SR 71 leads north 4 mi to the Alabama border and south 15 mi to Marianna, the Jackson County seat.

According to the United States Census Bureau, Malone has a total area of 8.1 km2, all land.

Climate
The climate in this area is characterized by hot, humid summers and generally mild winters. According to the Köppen climate classification, the Town of Malone has a humid subtropical climate zone (Cfa).

2010 and 2020 census
As of the 2020 United States census, there were 1,959 people, 279 households, and 150 families residing in the town.

As of the 2010 United States census, there were 2,088 people, 429 households, and 316 families residing in the town.

2000 census
As of the census of 2000, there were 2,009 people, 311 households, and 199 families residing in the town. The population density was 641.4 PD/sqmi. There were 377 housing units at an average density of 120.5 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the town was 50.77% White, 43.50% African American, 0.85% Native American, 0.10% Asian, 1.64% from other races, and 3.14% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 7.13% of the population.

In 2000, there were 311 households, out of which 28.0% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 42.8% were married couples living together, 19.0% had a female householder with no husband present, and 36.0% were non-families. 34.4% of all households were made up of individuals, and 20.3% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.32 and the average family size was 3.01.

In 2000, in the town, the population was spread out, with 9.2% under the age of 18, 9.0% from 18 to 24, 49.6% from 25 to 44, 25.5% from 45 to 64, and 6.7% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 37 years. For every 100 females, there were 401.8 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 482.1 males. (The reason for the extraordinarily high ratio of males to females is due to the presence of an all-male state prison within the city limits.)

In 2000, the median income for a household in the town was $28,611, and the median income for a family was $38,281. Males had a median income of $31,979 versus $19,345 for females. The per capita income for the town was $5,701. About 7.9% of families and 10.8% of the population were below the poverty line, including 12.3% of those under age 18 and 17.5% of those age 65 or over.

Education
Malone public schools are served by the Jackson County School Board.

Malone School houses grades K–12 with approximately 600 students. Malone School earned an "A" on the last FCAT scores.

Malone High School boys basketball program has won 14 state championships. The girls basketball program has won 1 state championship.

Points of interest

 * LORAN-C transmitter Malone

Notable people

 * Frank Smith, former MLB baseball player who was a resident of Malone at the time of his death

title: Malone, Florida


text:
Marianna, Florida

Marianna is a city in and the county seat of Jackson County, Florida, United States, and it is home to Chipola College. The official nickname of Marianna is "The City of Southern Charm". The population was 6,245 at the 2020 census.

History
Marianna was founded in 1828 by Scottish entrepreneur Scott Beverege, who named the town after his daughters Mary and Anna. The following year, it was designated as the county seat, superseding the earlier settlement of Webbville, which soon after dissolved and no longer exists. Marianna was platted along the Chipola River. Many planters from North Carolina relocated to Jackson County to develop new plantations to take advantage of the fertile soil. They relied on the labor of enslaved African Americans brought from the Upper South in the domestic slave trade.

Civil War era
Governor John Milton, a major planter who owned the Sylvania Plantation and hundreds of slaves, was a grandson of Revolutionary War hero John Millton, and a descendant of Sir Christopher Milton, the brother of the famous English poet, John Milton. However, Milton did not have to rely solely on a distinguished American founding family name. A Marianna resident, he was elected as governor of Florida, serving during the Civil War years. Governor Milton opposed the Confederate States of America rejoining the United States.

As federal troops were preparing to take control of Tallahassee, Governor Milton received word that the Civil War had ended and that Florida would again be part of the United States. On April 1, 1865, as the Southern cause was collapsing, Milton died of a gunshot wound from his gun at Sylvania. A New York Times article, written in polemic style, attributed Governor Milton's sudden death to suicide, which conflicted with local reporting from Florida. The Governor's words, likely political oratorical hyperbole, that he "would rather die" than suffer the humiliation of Federal invasion, were linked to his sudden death by the New York Times. The West Florida News reported the sudden death of Florida's fifth Governor as a hunting accident. Governor Milton was buried in the St. Luke's Episcopal churchyard at Marianna. The New York Times article's account persisted in the difficult days of Reconstruction.

Marianna was the site of a Civil War battle in 1864 between a small home guard of about 150 boys, older men, and wounded soldiers, and a contingent of approximately 700 Federal troops.

Reconstruction period
During the early years after the Civil War, violence flared in Marianna and Jackson County, where 150 to 200 Republicans, some black, were assassinated in what was known as the Jackson County War by members of the Ku Klux Klan in an effort to secure white supremacy. Locals claimed this was the work of "ruffians" from border states and carpetbaggers. Bishop Charles H. Pearce of Massachusetts, an AME minister who became a state senator in Florida, had first-hand knowledge of the situation. He placed the blame on the planters of Jackson County, who supported action against black Republicans. Disputes over farm land caused much of the disorder, as poor whites objected to negro ownership of choice farms.

Post-Reconstruction to mid-20th century
Violence continued in the state after Reconstruction, reaching a peak in most areas at the turn of the 20th century. This was the period in which southern states also disenfranchised most blacks and thousands of poor whites by raising barriers to voter registration. From 1900 to 1930, Florida had the highest rate of lynchings per capita in the South and the nation. Refusing to accept the violence, thousands of African Americans left the state during the Great Migration of the early 20th century, going to northern and midwestern industrial cities for work and other opportunities.

Lynchings in Marianna
In 1934 Claude Neal, a local African-American man, was accused of the rape and murder of a young white woman. He was moved between jails, but a lynch mob found him in Brewton, Alabama. The mob abducted him and brought him back to Florida, killing him near the Chattahoochee River and Greenwood. The men brought his body to the Cannady farm, where a larger mob of an estimated 2,000 persons was waiting; people shot and mutilated the body. Neal's body was hanged from a tree at the Marianna courthouse square. The next day, whites rioted in town, attacking blacks and destroying some of their houses. The governor ordered more than 100 troops of the National Guard to Marianna to suppress the violence. About 200 blacks and two police were injured. The six white vigilantes who led the lynching remain unidentified.

In 1943 Cellos Harrison was taken from the county jail at Marianna by a white mob and hanged (lynched) near Greenwood. His case had been in the courts for two years in appeals after the African-American man was arrested and twice convicted by all-white juries and sentenced to death for the 1940 murder of a white man. He had confessed without benefit of counsel, and his convictions were overturned by the Florida Supreme Court as a result. But whites were tired of waiting for the case to be resolved, and lynched him. President Franklin D. Roosevelt directed the Department of Justice to investigate Harrison's lynching; he felt it was unjust that blacks were getting lynched at home while the U.S. was ostensibly fighting for freedom in Europe. No one was ever prosecuted for Harrison's death.

Florida School for Boys

The Florida School for Boys, a large state reform school, operated in Marianna from January 1, 1900, to June 30, 2011. For a time, it was the largest juvenile reform institution in the United States. Throughout its 111-year history, the school gained a reputation for abuse, beatings, rapes, and torture of students by staff. It was rumored that students had died there as a result of injuries. Despite periodic investigations, changes of leadership, and promises by the state to improve conditions, the allegations of cruelty and abuse continued.

Many of the allegations were confirmed by separate investigations by the Florida Department of Law Enforcement in 2010 and the Civil Rights Division of the United States Department of Justice in 2011. State authorities closed the school permanently in June 2011. In 2015, a multi-year investigation of the cemetery and grounds by the University of South Florida (USF), which was attempting to find undocumented burials on the grounds, revealed details of a secret "rape dungeon", where boys younger than 12 were sexually abused. It positively identified five bodies from remains recovered on the grounds. By January 2016, the end of the USF's studies of the grounds and exhumation of remains, it had identified 55 previously unknown burials, made a match for seven bodies through DNA, and presumptively identified another 14 sets of remains of 51 found. Twenty-seven more graves were discovered in 2019. The team created a website containing documentation of their investigation and will continue to work with state agencies and families of former students to identify more remains.

Hurricane Michael
The city was one of several Florida Panhandle communities devastated by Category 5 Hurricane Michael on October 10, 2018. The downtown area was heavily hit, with several historic buildings collapsing and blocking Lafayette Street, which is the main road. The city was without power for three weeks, which caused extensive school cancellations. More than 80% of homes and businesses in Marianna were heavily damaged or destroyed due to Michael's extreme winds. Millions of dollars in insurance claims were filed and the area also suffered millions of dollars in economic losses. This hurricane is the worst natural disaster to ever strike Marianna, surpassing the damages caused by a F-3 tornado spawned by Hurricane Ivan in September 2004.

Geography
Marianna is located in central Jackson County at 30.77639°N, -85.23806°W (30.776370, –85.238149). U.S. Route 90 passes through the center of town as Lafayette Street, leading east 14 mi to Grand Ridge and west 9 mi to Cottondale. Interstate 10 passes through the southern end of the city, leading east 65 mi to Tallahassee, the state capital, and west 130 mi to Pensacola. Access to Marianna is at Exit 136, Florida State Road 276.

According to the United States Census Bureau, the city has a total area of 43.6 km2, of which 0.1 km2, or 0.29%, are water. The Chipola River, which forms the eastern border of the city, is part of the Apalachicola River watershed.

Demographics
Marianna first appeared in the 1850 U.S. Census with a recorded population of 377.

2010 and 2020 census
As of the 2020 United States census, there were 6,245 people, 2,908 households, and 1,662 families residing in the city.

As of the 2010 United States census, there were 6,102 people, 1,924 households, and 1,189 families residing in the city.

2000 census
As of the census of 2000, there were 6,230 people, 2,398 households, and 1,395 families residing in the city. The population density was 776.1 PD/sqmi. There were 2,764 housing units at an average density of 344.3 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the city was 56.8% White, 40.2% African American, 0.3% Native American, 0.7% Asian, 0.9% from other races, and 1.1% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 2.6% of the population.

In 2000, there were 2,398 households, out of which 28.8% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 34.3% were married couples living together, 20.7% had a female householder with no husband present, and 41.8% were non-families. 38.0% of all households were made up of individuals, and 19.3% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.22 and the average family size was 2.96.

In 2000, in the city, the population was spread out, with 26.7% under the age of 18, 11.8% from 18 to 24, 22.3% from 25 to 44, 18.4% from 45 to 64, and 20.8% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 36 years. For every 100 females, there were 88.9 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 76.7 males.

In 2000, the median income for a household in the city was $23,861, and the median income for a family was $29,590. Males had a median income of $28,500 versus $21,530 for females. The per capita income for the city was $14,021. About 20.9% of families and 28.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including 41.7% of those under age 18 and 34.6% of those age 65 or over.

Education
Jackson County School Board operates public K–12 schools. Marianna has four schools, all of which usually perform in the high C-low B range in the state's FCAT grade scale. Marianna K-8 School for grades Pre-K to 8th grade, and Marianna High School for grades 9–12, Jackson Alternative School for grades 4-12, and Hope School for grades PK-12.

Chipola College, home of the Chipola Indians, is the choice for many residents and offers dual-enrollment classes for high school students. The college is a four-year state institution offering bachelor's degrees in nine programs. Additionally, students can earn masters and doctoral degrees on the Chipola Campus through Troy State University, University of Florida, University of West Florida, and Florida State University. From 1961 to 1966, a junior college, Jackson Junior College, served African-American students. It closed in 1966 after passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the opening of Chipola Junior College (today Chipola College) to all students.

Highways

 * I-10.svg Interstate 10
 * Florida 71.svg State Road 71
 * Florida 73.svg State Road 73

Railroads
Freight service is provided by the Florida Gulf & Atlantic Railroad, which acquired most of the former CSX main line from Pensacola to Jacksonville on June 1, 2019.

Airports
Marianna Municipal Airport was developed at a former World War II Army Air Corps base that was transferred to the city. It is a public-use airport located 4 mi northeast of the central business district.

Attractions
Marianna is an official Florida Main Street town. The downtown area has been restored to look as it did many years ago, to encourage heritage tourism and emphasize its unique character and a pedestrian-friendly neighborhood. The downtown area includes the Marianna Historic District, which has a number of antebellum homes.

Florida Caverns State Park is located 2 mi north of town. There is also cave diving in underwater Blue Springs. St. Luke's Episcopal Church and cemetery are state landmarks, as they had a principal role in the U.S. Civil War battle of Marianna in 1864.

The Chipola River is a source of recreation during all but the winter months.

Notable people

 * Kelly J. Baker, writer and editor
 * Tim Davis, former pitcher for the Seattle Mariners
 * Cliff Ellis, basketball head coach, Coastal Carolina University, born in Marianna
 * Timothy Thomas Fortune, civil rights leader, writer, born in Marianna
 * Bobby Goldsboro, pop and country singer-songwriter, born in Marianna
 * Alex Hamilton (born 1993), basketball player for Hapoel Eilat in the Israeli Basketball Premier League
 * David Hart, actor, TV series In the Heat of the Night
 * George Sydney Hawkins, politician and justice
 * Caroline Lee Hentz, novelist and author
 * Danny Lipford, home improvement expert
 * Moss Mabry, Academy Award-nominated costume designer
 * Jeff Mathis, professional baseball player
 * John Milton, governor of Florida during the Civil War
 * William Hall Milton, U.S. senator
 * Claude Neal, African-American victim of torture and spectacle lynching in 1934 after being accused of rape
 * Sam E. Parish, 8th Chief Master Sergeant of the Air Force
 * Rick Pearson, professional golfer
 * Pete Peterson, American politician and diplomat
 * Wankard Pooser, politician
 * Edd Sorenson, professional cave diver
 * Jim Sorey, professional football player
 * Ret Turner, Emmy Award-winning costume designer
 * Doug Woodlief, professional football player

title: Marianna, Florida


text:
Sneads, Florida

Sneads is a town in Jackson County, Florida, United States. The population was 1,849 at the 2020 census.

The Town of Sneads was officially incorporated as a municipality on October 26, 1894,  and is the fourth largest municipality in Jackson County, following Marianna (the county seat), Graceville and Malone.

Geography
The approximate coordinates for the Town of Sneads is located in the Florida Panhandle at 30.70972°N, -84.92583°W.

According to the United States Census Bureau, the town has a total area of 4.6 sqmi, of which 4.4 sqmi is land and 0.2 sqmi (4.54%) is water.

Climate
The climate in this area is characterized by hot, humid summers and generally mild winters. According to the Köppen climate classification, the Town of Sneads has a humid subtropical climate zone (Cfa).

2010 and 2020 census
As of the 2020 United States census, there were 1,699 people, 944 households, and 584 families residing in the town.

As of the 2010 United States census, there were 1,849 people, 862 households, and 512 families residing in the town.

2000 census
As of the census of 2000, there were 1,919 people, 796 households, and 554 families residing in the town. The population density was 434.0 PD/sqmi. There were 887 housing units at an average density of 200.6 /sqmi. The racial makeup of the town was 79.05% White, 16.78% African American, 0.89% Native American, 0.10% Asian, 1.93% from other races, and 1.25% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 3.34% of the population.

In 2000, there were 796 households, out of which 31.7% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 50.6% were married couples living together, 13.6% had a female householder with no husband present, and 30.4% were non-families. 27.3% of all households were made up of individuals, and 12.6% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.41 and the average family size was 2.90.

In 2000, in the town, the population was spread out, with 25.5% under the age of 18, 9.0% from 18 to 24, 26.5% from 25 to 44, 24.5% from 45 to 64, and 14.5% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 37 years. For every 100 females, there were 95.8 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 90.9 males.

In 2000, the median income for a household in the town was $30,690, and the median income for a family was $37,162. Males had a median income of $25,917 versus $23,674 for females. The per capita income for the town was $15,113. About 11.2% of families and 17.2% of the population were below the poverty line, including 27.1% of those under age 18 and 11.0% of those age 65 or over.

Government
Sneads is governed by a five-member town council and a city manager. It also has an all-volunteer fire rescue department, and its own police force of eight sworn officers: six full-time officers, an Administrative Assistant, and three part-time dispatchers. The largest employer in the Sneads area is the Florida Department of Corrections, which operates Appalachee Correctional Institution, outside the city proper.

Education
The public schools for the Town of Sneads are served by the Jackson County School Board.

Sneads has two schools in the Jackson County School Board district, Sneads High School and Sneads Elementary School. The middle school for Sneads is Grand Ridge Middle School, and located outside the Town of Sneads in the Town of Grand Ridge.

As of 2021, the Sneads High School Girls Varsity Volleyball team have won the last nine FHSAA state 1A championships.

title: Sneads, Florida


text:
Monticello, Florida

Monticello is the only city and the county seat of  Jefferson County, Florida, United States. The city is named after Monticello, the estate of the county's namesake, Thomas Jefferson, on which the Jefferson County Courthouse was modeled. The population was 2,589 at the 2020 census, up from 2,506 at the 2010 census. It is part of the Tallahassee, Florida Metropolitan Statistical Area.

Monticello is home to Indian mounds and many historic buildings, including the Perkins Opera House and Monticello Old Jail Museum.

History and culture
The Perkins Opera House is a 19th-century mercantile building that was adapted for use as a theater. It hosts regular musical performances, as well as theater productions and musicals. The first floor ballroom also holds receptions on a regular basis.

Howard Academy built in 1936 served African American students. It is on Mamie B. Scott Drive, named for Mamie B. Scott. In 1960 a school for African American students was built in southeastern Monticello. It was later also named Howard Academy. Schools in Monticello we integrated in 1967. Old Howard Academy is listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 2021.

Historic sites

 * Bethel School
 * Christ Episcopal Church
 * Denham-Lacy House
 * Jefferson County Courthouse (Florida)
 * Letchworth Mounds
 * Lyndhurst Plantation
 * Monticello High School (Florida)
 * Monticello Historic District
 * Monticello Old Jail Museum
 * Palmer House
 * Palmer-Perkins House
 * Perkins Opera House
 * Wirick-Simmons House

Geography
Monticello is located in northern Jefferson County at 30.54461°N, -83.86732°W.

U.S. Route 90 runs through the center of the city as Washington Street, leading east 16 mi to Greenville and west 26 mi to Tallahassee. U.S. Route 19 passes through the city center on Jefferson Street, leading south 10 mi to Capps and north 22 mi to Thomasville, Georgia. The two highways meet in the center of Monticello at Courthouse Circle, which surrounds the Jefferson County Courthouse. US-19 leads south from the courthouse 5 mi to Interstate 10 at Exit 225. I-10 leads west 25 mi to Tallahassee and east 82 mi to Lake City.

According to the United States Census Bureau, the city has a total area of 10.3 km2, all land.

Climate
The climate in this area is characterized by hot, humid summers and generally mild winters. According to the Köppen climate classification, the City of Monticello has a humid subtropical climate (Cfa). Monticello is the site of the highest temperature recorded in Florida, 109 F on June 29, 1931.

Demographics
As of the 2020 United States census, there were 2,589 people, 1,120 households, and 711 families residing in the city.

In 2020, the median household income was $43,780. 27.3% of the population 25 years and older had a Bachelor’s Degree or higher. There was a 49.2% employment rate. There were 1,323 housing units.

As of the 2010 United States census, there were 2,506 people, 770 households, and 559 families residing in the city.

Notable people

 * James Patton Anderson, commander of the 1st Florida Infantry Regiment during the American Civil War, lived in Monticello.
 * Allen Boyd, politician
 * Bobby Thigpen, Major League Baseball relief pitcher, set record for most saves in a season (57) in 1990, a record which stood for 18 years
 * Willie "Chicken" Thompson, celebrated mid-late 20th century Chicago White Sox clubhouse manager and chef
 * Jack Youngblood, professional football player

Education
Jefferson County Schools operates public schools, including Jefferson County Middle / High School.

title: Monticello, Florida