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Omdurman

Omdurmán (أم درمان) is a major city in Sudan. It is the second most populous city in the country, and thus also in the State of Khartoum. Omdurman lies on the west bank of the River Nile, opposite and northwest of the capital city of Khartoum. It is on the Nile river and acts as an important road hub, with the Nile boosting transportation even further.

Etymology
The name Omdurman (Umm Durmān) literally translates as "Mother of Durmān", but who she was or might have been is unknown.

History
After the siege of Khartoum, followed by the building there of the tomb of the Mahdi after his death from typhus, the city grew rapidly. However, in the Battle of Omdurman in 1898 (which actually took place in the nearby village of Kerreri), Lord Kitchener decisively defeated the Mahdist forces. The following year British forces defeated Abdallahi ibn Muhammad, the Khalifa, as the Battle of Umm Diwaykarat; ensuring British control over the Sudan.

In September 1898, the British army of twenty thousand well drilled men equipped with the latest arms, Maxim guns and Martini-Henry rifles under the command of General Horatio Herbert Kitchener invaded Sudan. In the battle of Omdurman, the British Army faced Sudanese defenders consisting of over 52,000 poorly armed desert tribesmen dervishes; in the space of five hours the battle was over. The Sudanese defenders suffered many casualties, with at least 10,000 killed. By contrast there were fewer than four hundred casualties on the British side with forty-eight British soldiers losing their lives. Then, General Kitchener proceeded to order the desecration of the Mahdi's tomb and in the words of Winston Churchill, "carried off the Mahdi's head in a kerosene can as a trophy".

Kitchener restored Khartoum as the capital and, from 1899 until 1956 Sudan was jointly governed by Great Britain and Egypt. Although most of the city was destroyed in the battle, the Mahdi's tomb was restored and refurbished.

On 10 May 2008, the Darfur rebel group of the Justice and Equality Movement moved into the city where they engaged in heavy fighting with Sudanese government forces. Their goal was to topple Omar Hassan al-Bashir's government.

During the 2023 Sudan conflict the Battle of Omdurman broke out.

Neighbourhoods

 * Ombadda

Climate
Omdurman features a hot arid climate, with only the summer months seeing noticeable precipitation. The city averages a little over 155 mm of precipitation per year. Based on annual mean temperatures, the city is one of the hottest major cities in the world. Temperatures routinely exceed 40 °C in mid-summer.

Its average annual high temperature is 37.1 °C, with six months of the year seeing an average monthly high temperature of at least 38 °C. Furthermore, throughout the year, none of its monthly average high temperatures falls below 30 °C. During the months of January and February, while daytime temperatures are generally very warm, nights are relatively cool, with average low temperatures just above 15 °C.

Education
Public universities are:
 * Karary University
 * Omdurman Islamic University
 * University of the Holy Quran and Islamic Sciences

Private universities are:
 * Ahfad University for Women
 * Omdurman Ahlia University
 * University of Science and Technology - Omdurman

Airport

Khartoum Airport serves Omdurman.

New Khartoum International Airport
According to Sudanese officials, in 2005 a new airport facility had been proposed 30 mi south of Omdurman. Arguably speaking to be within the non-defined boundaries of Omdurman, the project was estimated to be completed by 2012 with an estimated budget of $530 million. Construction began in 2019 but as of 2021 had been suspended.

title: Omdurman


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User:GreenPen

I am a student of Germanic languages (specifically English, German and Dutch), and am currently working on a doctorate in Modern Languages. I chose GreenPen as my user name because I make proofreading marks (on both my work and on that of those who ask for help) in green ink. I also correct papers in green ink. People seem less shocked and dismayed when they get a paper back with green ink on it than a paper "dripping" with red-blood ink--and the edits and corrections are meant to be constructive, not destructive.

I'll probably hang out at the Germanic language and literature pages for a while and see what I can learn and what I can help with. I'm trying not to spend my entire day here, as I do have a dissertation to write...

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: User:GreenPen


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Lynching

Lynching is an extrajudicial killing by a group. It is most often used to characterize informal public executions by a mob in order to punish an alleged transgressor, punish a convicted transgressor, or intimidate people. It can also be an extreme form of informal group social control, and it is often conducted with the display of a public spectacle (often in the form of a hanging) for maximum intimidation. Instances of lynchings and similar mob violence can be found in all societies.

In the United States, where the word for "lynching" likely originated, lynchings of African Americans became frequent in the South during the period after the Reconstruction era, especially during the nadir of American race relations.

Etymology
The origins of the word lynch are obscure, but it likely originated during the American Revolution. The verb comes from the phrase Lynch Law, a term for a punishment without trial. Two Americans during this era are generally credited for coining the phrase: Charles Lynch (1736–1796) and William Lynch (1742–1820), both of whom lived in Virginia in the 1780s. Charles Lynch is more likely to have coined the phrase, as he was known to have used the term in 1782, while William Lynch is not known to have used the term until much later. There is no evidence that death was imposed as a punishment by either of the two men. In 1782, Charles Lynch wrote that his assistant had administered Lynch's law to Tories "for Dealing with the negroes &c".

Charles Lynch was a Virginia Quaker, planter, and Patriot who headed a county court in Virginia which imprisoned Loyalists during the American Revolutionary War, occasionally imprisoning them for up to a year. Although he lacked proper jurisdiction for detaining these persons, he claimed this right by arguing wartime necessity. Lynch was concerned that he might face legal action from one or more of those whom he had imprisoned, notwithstanding that the Patriots had won the war. This action by the Congress provoked controversy, and it was in connection with this that the term Lynch law, meaning the assumption of extrajudicial authority, came into common parlance in the United States. Lynch was not accused of racist bias. He acquitted Black people accused of murder on three occasions. He was accused, however, of ethnic prejudice in his handling of Welsh miners.

William Lynch from Virginia claimed that the phrase was first used in a 1780 compact signed by him and his neighbors in Pittsylvania County.

A 17th-century legend of James Lynch fitz Stephen, who was Mayor of Galway in Ireland in 1493, says that when his son was convicted of murder, the mayor hanged him from his own house. The story was proposed by 1904 as the origin of the word "lynch". It is dismissed by etymologists, both because of the distance in time and place from the alleged event to the word's later emergence, and because the incident did not constitute a lynching in the modern sense.

The archaic verb linch, to beat severely with a pliable instrument, to chastise or to maltreat, has been proposed as the etymological source; but there is no evidence that the word has survived into modern times, so this claim is also considered implausible.

Since the 1970s, and especially since the 1990s, there has been a false etymology claiming that the word lynching comes from a fictitious William Lynch speech that was given by an especially brutal slaveholder to other slaveholders to explain how to control their slaves. Although a real person named William Lynch might have been the origin of the word lynching, the real life William Lynch definitely did not give this speech, and it is unknown whether the real William Lynch even owned slaves at all.

By country and region
Lynchings took place in many parts of the world over the centuries.

United States
Lynchings took place in the United States both before and after the American Civil War, most commonly in Southern states and Western frontier settlements and most frequently in the late 19th century. They were often performed by self-appointed commissions, mobs, or vigilantes as a form of punishment for presumed criminal offences. From 1883 to 1941 there were 4,467 victims of lynching. Of these, 4,027 were male, and 99 female. 341 were of unknown sex but are assumed to be likely male. In terms of ethnicity, 3,265 were black, 1,082 were white, 71 were Mexican or of Mexican descent, 38 were American Indian, ten were Chinese, and one was Japanese. At the first recorded lynching, in St. Louis in 1835, a Black man named McIntosh who killed a deputy sheriff while being taken to jail was captured, chained to a tree, and burned to death on a corner lot downtown in front of a crowd of over 1,000 people.

Mob violence arose as a means of enforcing White supremacy and it frequently verged on systematic political terrorism. After the American Civil War, secret white supremacist terrorist groups such as the Ku Klux Klan instigated extrajudicial assaults and killings due to a perceived loss of white power in America. Mobs usually alleged crimes for which they lynched Black people in order to instil fear. In the late 19th century, however, journalist Ida B. Wells showed that many presumed crimes were either exaggerated or had not even occurred. The magnitude of the extralegal violence which occurred during election campaigns, to prevent blacks from voting, reached epidemic proportions. The ideology behind lynching, directly connected to the denial of political and social equality, was stated forthrightly in 1900 by United States Senator Benjamin Tillman, who was previously governor of South Carolina: "We of the South have never recognized the right of the negro to govern white men, and we never will. We have never believed him to be the equal of the white man, and we will not submit to his gratifying his lust on our wives and daughters without lynching him."

Members of mobs that participated in lynchings often took photographs of what they had done to their victims. Souvenir taking, such as the taking of pieces of rope, clothing, branches and sometimes body parts was not uncommon. Some of those photographs were published and sold as postcards.

Anti-lynching legislation and the civil rights movement
The Dyer Anti-Lynching Bill was first introduced to the United States Congress in 1918 by Republican Congressman Leonidas C. Dyer of St. Louis, Missouri. The bill was passed by the United States House of Representatives in 1922, and in the same year it was given a favorable report by the United States Senate Committee. Its passage was blocked by White Democratic senators from the Solid South, the only representatives elected since the southern states had disenfranchised African Americans around the start of the 20th century. The Dyer Bill influenced later anti-lynching legislation, including the Costigan-Wagner Bill, which was also defeated in the US Senate.

The song "Strange Fruit" was composed by Abel Meeropol in 1937, inspired by the photograph of a lynching in Marion, Indiana. Meeropol said that the photograph "haunted me for days". It was published as a poem in the New York Teacher and later in the magazine New Masses, in both cases under the pseudonym Lewis Allan. The poem was set to music, also by Meeropol, and the song was performed and popularized by Billie Holiday. The song has been performed by many other singers, including Nina Simone.

By the 1950s, the civil rights movement was gaining new momentum. It was spurred by the lynching of Emmett Till, a 14-year-old youth from Chicago who was killed while visiting an uncle in Mississippi. His mother insisted on having an open-casket funeral so that people could see how badly her son had been beaten. The Black community throughout the U.S. became mobilized. Vann R. Newkirk wrote "the trial of his killers became a pageant illuminating the tyranny of white supremacy". The state of Mississippi tried two defendants, but they were acquitted by an all-White jury. David Jackson writes that it was the photograph of the "child's ravaged body, that forced the world to reckon with the brutality of American racism."

Most lynchings ceased by the 1960s, but even in 2021 there were claims that racist lynchings still happen in the United States, being covered up as suicides.

In 2018, the National Memorial for Peace and Justice was opened in Montgomery, Alabama, a memorial that commemorates the victims of lynchings in the United States.

On March 29, 2022, President Joe Biden signed the Emmett Till Antilynching Act of 2022 into law, which classified lynching as a federal hate crime.

Europe

In Liverpool, a series of race riots broke out in 1919 after the end of the First World War between White and Black sailors, many of whom had been demobilized. After a Black sailor had been stabbed by two White sailors in a pub for refusing to give them a cigarette, his friends attacked them the next day in revenge, wounding a policeman in the process. The police responded by launching raids on lodging houses in primarily Black neighborhoods, with casualties on both sides. A White lynch mob gathered outside the houses during the raids and chased a Black sailor, Charles Wootton, into the Mersey River where he drowned. The Charles Wootton College in Liverpool has been named in his memory.

In 1944, Wolfgang Rosterg, a German prisoner of war known to be unsympathetic to the Nazi regime, was lynched by other German prisoners of war in Cultybraggan Camp, a prisoner-of-war camp in Comrie, Scotland. At the end of the Second World War, five of the perpetrators were hanged at Pentonville Prison – the largest multiple execution in 20th-century Britain.

The situation is less clear with regards to reported "lynchings" in Germany. Nazi propaganda sometimes tried to depict state-sponsored violence as spontaneous lynchings. The most notorious instance of this was "Kristallnacht", which the government portrayed as the result of "popular wrath" against Jews, but it was carried out in an organised and planned manner, mainly by SA and SS men. Similarly, the approximately 150 confirmed murders of surviving crew members of crashed Allied aircraft in revenge for what Nazi propaganda called "Anglo-American bombing terror" were chiefly conducted by German officials and members of the police or the Gestapo, although civilians sometimes took part in them. The execution of enemy aircrew without trial in some cases had been ordered by Hitler personally in May 1944. It was publicly announced that enemy pilots would no longer be protected from "public wrath". There were secret orders issued that prohibited policemen and soldiers from interfering in favor of the enemy in conflicts between civilians and Allied forces, or prosecuting civilians who engaged in such acts. In summary:

 * ...the assaults on crashed allied aviators were not typically acts of revenge for the bombing raids which immediately preceded them. [...] The perpetrators of these assaults were usually National Socialist officials, who did not hesitate to get their own hands dirty. The lynching murder in the sense of self-mobilizing communities or urban quarters was the exception.

On March 19, 1988, two plain-clothes British soldiers drove straight towards a Provisional IRA funeral procession near Milltown Cemetery in Andersonstown, Belfast. The men were mistaken for Special Air Service members, surrounded by the crowd, dragged out, beaten, kicked, stabbed and eventually shot dead at a waste ground.

Lynching of members of the Turkish Armed Forces occurred in the aftermath of the 2016 Turkish coup d'état attempt.

Mexico
Lynchings have been present since the colonial period. Lynchings are a persistent form of extralegal violence in post-Revolutionary Mexico. A number of them have involved religious motivations. During and following the period of the Cristero War.

On September 14, 1968, five employees from the Autonomous University of Puebla were lynched in the village of San Miguel Canoa, in the state of Puebla, after Enrique Meza Pérez, the local priest, incited the villagers to murder the employees, who he believed were communists. The five victims intended to enjoy their holiday climbing La Malinche, a nearby mountain, but they had to stay in the village due to adverse weather conditions. Two of the employees, and the owner of the house where they were staying for the night, were killed; the three survivors sustained serious injuries, including finger amputations. The alleged main instigators were not prosecuted. The few arrested were released after no evidence was found against them.

On November 23, 2004, in the Tláhuac lynching, three Mexican undercover federal agents investigating a narcotics-related crime were lynched in the town of San Juan Ixtayopan (Mexico City) by an angry crowd who saw them taking photographs and suspected that they were trying to abduct children from a primary school. The agents immediately identified themselves, but they were held and beaten for several hours before two of them were killed and set on fire. The incident was covered by the media almost from the beginning, including their pleas for help and their murder.

By the time police rescue units arrived, two of the agents were reduced to charred corpses and the third was seriously injured. Authorities suspect that the lynching was provoked by the persons who were being investigated. Both local and federal authorities had abandoned the agents, saying that the town was too far away for them to try to intervene. Some officials said they would provoke a massacre if the authorities tried to rescue the men from the mob.

Brazil
According to The Wall Street Journal, "Over the past 60 years, as many as 1.5 million Brazilians have taken part in lynchings...In Brazil, mobs now kill—or try to kill—more than one suspected lawbreaker a day, according to University of São Paulo sociologist José de Souza Martins, Brazil's leading expert on lynchings."

Dominican Republic
Extrajudicial punishment, including lynching, of alleged criminals who committed various crimes, ranging from theft to murder, has some endorsement in Dominican society. According to a 2014 Latinobarómetro survey, the Dominican Republic had the highest rate of acceptance in Latin America of such unlawful measures. These issues are particularly evident in the Northern Region.

Haiti
After the 2010 earthquake the slow distribution of relief supplies and the large number of affected people created concerns about civil unrest, marked by looting and mob justice against suspected looters. In a 2010 news story, CNN reported, "At least 45 people, most of them Vodou priests, have been lynched in Haiti since the beginning of the cholera epidemic by angry mobs blaming them for the spread of the disease, officials said.

South Africa
The practice of whipping and necklacing offenders and political opponents evolved in the 1980s during the apartheid era in South Africa. Residents of Black townships formed "people's courts" and used whip lashings and deaths by necklacing in order to terrorize fellow Blacks who were seen as collaborators with the government. Necklacing is the torture and execution of a victim by igniting a kerosene-filled rubber tire that has been forced around the victim's chest and arms. Necklacing was used to punish victims who were alleged to be traitors to the Black liberation movement along with their relatives and associates. Sometimes the "people's courts" made mistakes, or they used the system to punish those whom the anti-Apartheid movement's leaders opposed. A tremendous controversy arose when the practice was endorsed by Winnie Mandela, then the wife of the then-imprisoned Nelson Mandela and a senior member of the African National Congress.

More recently, drug dealers and other gang members have been lynched by People Against Gangsterism and Drugs, a vigilante organization.

Nigeria
The practice of extrajudicial punishments, including lynching, is referred to as 'jungle justice' in Nigeria. The practice is widespread and "an established part of Nigerian society", predating the existence of the police. Exacted punishments vary between a "muddy treatment", that is, being made to roll in the mud for hours and severe beatings followed by necklacing. The case of the Aluu four sparked national outrage. The absence of a functioning judicial system and law enforcement, coupled with corruption are blamed for the continuing existence of the practice.

Kenya
There are frequent lynchings in Kenya, often as a mob executes a person they feel is guilty. McKee (2024) is written largely with reference to a Kenya Lynchings Database that includes reports of over 3,100 lynched persons for Kenya for the years ca. 1980–2024. That number, however, is just a fraction of the total for that period, which may well exceed 10,000.

Palestine and Israel
Palestinian lynch mobs have murdered Palestinians suspected of collaborating with Israel. According to a Human Rights Watch report from 2001: "During the First Intifada, before the PA was established, hundreds of alleged collaborators were lynched, tortured or killed, at times with the implied support of the PLO. Street killings of alleged collaborators continue into the current intifada ... but at much fewer numbers."

On October 12, 2000, the Ramallah lynching took place. This happened at the el-Bireh police station, where a Palestinian crowd killed and mutilated the bodies of two Israel Defense Forces reservists, Vadim Norzhich (Nurzhitz) and Yosef "Yossi" Avrahami, who had accidentally entered the Palestinian Authority-controlled city of Ramallah in the West Bank and were taken into custody by Palestinian Authority policemen. The Israeli reservists were beaten and stabbed. At this point, a Palestinian (later identified as Aziz Salha), appeared at the window, displaying his blood-soaked hands to the crowd, which erupted into cheers. The crowd clapped and cheered as one of the soldier's bodies was then thrown out the window and stamped and beaten by the frenzied crowd. One of the two was shot, set on fire, and his head beaten to a pulp. Soon after, the crowd dragged the two mutilated bodies to Al-Manara Square in the city center and began an impromptu victory celebration. Police officers proceeded to try and confiscate footage from reporters.

On October 18, 2015, an Eritrean asylum seeker, Haftom Zarhum, was lynched by a mob of vengeful Israeli soldiers in Be'er Sheva's central bus station. Israeli security forces misidentified Haftom as the person who shot an Israeli police bus and shot him. Moments after, other security forces joined shooting Haftom when he was bleeding on the ground. Then, a soldier hit him with a bench nearby when two other soldiers approached the victim then forcefully kicked his head and upper body. Another soldier threw a bench over him to prevent his movement. At that moment a bystander pushed the bench away, but the security forces put back the chair and kicked the victim again and pushed the stopper away. Israeli medical forces did not evacuate the victim until eighteen minutes after the first shooting although the victim received 8 shots. In January 2016 four security forces were charged in connection with the lynching. The Israeli civilian who was involved in lynching the Eritrean civilian was sentenced to 100 days community service and 2,000 shekels.

In August 2012, seven Israeli youths were arrested in Jerusalem for what several witnesses described as an attempted lynching of several Palestinian teenagers. The Palestinians received medical treatment and judicial support from Israeli facilities.

India

In India, lynchings may reflect internal tensions between ethnic communities. Communities sometimes lynch individuals who are accused or suspected of committing crimes. Sociologists and social scientists reject attributing racial discrimination to the caste system and attributed such events to intra-racial ethno-cultural conflicts.

There have been numerous lynchings in relation to cow vigilante violence in India since 2014, mainly involving Hindu mobs lynching Indian Muslims and Dalits. Some notable examples of such attacks include the 2015 Dadri mob lynching, the 2016 Jharkhand mob lynching,  2017 Alwar mob lynching. and the 2019 Jharkhand mob lynching. Mob lynching was reported for the third time in Alwar in July 2018, when a group of cow vigilantes killed a 31-year-old Muslim man named Rakbar Khan.

In 2006, four members of a Dalit family were slaughtered by Kunbi caste members in khairlanji, a village in the Bhandara district of Maharashtra.

In the 2015 Dimapur mob lynching, a mob in Dimapur, Nagaland, broke into a jail and lynched an accused rapist on March 5, 2015, while he was awaiting trial.

Since May 2017, when seven people were lynched in Jharkhand, India has experienced another spate of mob-related violence and killings known as the Indian WhatsApp lynchings following the spread of fake news, primarily relating to child-abduction and organ harvesting, via the WhatsApp message service.

In 2018 Junior civil aviation minister of India had garlanded and honoured eight men who had been convicted in the lynching of trader Alimuddin Ansari in Ramgarh in June 2017 in a case of alleged cow vigilantism.

In June 2019, the Jharkhand mob lynching triggered widespread protests. The victim was a Muslim man named Tabrez Ansari and was forced to chant Hindu slogans, including "Jai Shri Ram".

In July 2019, three men were beaten to death and lynched by mobs in Chhapra district of Bihar, on a minor case of theft of cattle.

Also in 2019, villagers in Jharkhand lynched four people on witchcraft suspicion, after panchayat decided that they were practicing black magic.

Afghanistan
On March 19, 2015, in Kabul, Afghanistan a large crowd beat a young woman, Farkhunda, after she was accused by a local mullah of burning a copy of the Quran, Islam's holy book. Shortly afterwards, a crowd attacked her and beat her to death. They set the young woman's body on fire on the shore of the Kabul River. Although it was unclear whether the woman had burned the Quran, police officials and the clerics in the city defended the lynching, saying that the crowd had a right to defend their faith at all costs. They warned the government against taking action against those who had participated in the lynching. The event was filmed and shared on social media. The day after the incident six men were arrested on accusations of lynching, and Afghanistan's government promised to continue the investigation. On March 22, 2015, Farkhunda's burial was attended by a large crowd of Kabul residents; many demanded that she receive justice. A group of Afghan women carried her coffin, chanted slogans and demanded justice.

Papua New Guinea
A series of high-profile lynchings took place in Papua New Guinea in the late 1970s, in the period following independence. In September 1978, Morris Modeda, a 30-year-old man on trial for dangerous driving causing death, was lynched by a mob of 100 people near the town of Bereina. The lynching took place in front of William Prentice, the Chief Justice of Papua New Guinea, who had adjourned the trial to allow the court to view the site of the accident. Modeda was "battered to death with stones, sticks and a bushknife", while Prentice, his wife, and the court party – including barristers, court officials, witnesses and policemen – were "roughly handled but were not injured". Another prisoner was lynched in the same month in Kainantu while being escorted from a courthouse, receiving axe wounds in the head and chest. Days later, the police station at Banz in the Western Highlands was raided by a mob which freed 50 prisoners and bludgeoned to death a man who had been involved in a fatal car accident.

In 1979, Prentice and his fellow Supreme Court judges delivered the Special Report on the Developing State of Lawlessness to the National Parliament of Papua New Guinea. The report called on "urgent action to end police and prison staff inefficiency, ignorance and lack of discipline" and called for further support from traditional leaders.

title: Lynching


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SS7

SS7 or SS-7 may refer to:

 * Signalling System No. 7, to set up and tear down telephone calls
 * SS-7 Saddler, the NATO reporting name of R-16 missile
 * China Railways SS7, an electric locomotive model in China
 * Super Socket 7, a chip socket introduced by AMD

title: SS7


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Casamance

Casamance (Casamance ; Wolof: Kasamansa; Kasamansa; Casamansa or Casamança ) is the area of Senegal south of the Gambia, including the Casamance River. It consists of the Lower Casamance (Basse Casamance, Baixa Casamança—i.e. Ziguinchor Region) and the Upper Casamance (Haute Casamance, Alta Casamança—i.e. Kolda and Sédhiou Regions). The largest city of Casamance is Ziguinchor.

Etymology
Because this southern region of Senegal boasts a coastline that was early visited by Portuguese navigators, there has long been speculation about a Lusophone influence in its name. In his Wolof-French Dictionary published in 1923 by the Catholic Mission of Dakar, Aloyse Kobès provides the following definition: "Kasamansa (Casamance), derived from 'casa' (Portuguese), meaning house, dwelling, and 'mansa' (Mandingo), meaning king, chief."

Peoples
Casamance is mainly inhabited by the Jola and Bainuk. Significant minority populations include the Balanta, Mande and Fulani. Casamance is religiously diverse, with the inhabitants practicing Islam, Christianity, and traditional African religions.

History
According to local legends, the Jola and Bainuk people are said to have inhabited Casamance for over a thousand years. Jola leaders ruled portions of Casamance, frequently under the nominal rule of Wolof and Serer kingdoms to the north. From the 15th to 18th century, the Bainuk Kasa kingdom located in the Lower Casamance was the dominant state in the south. In the 15th century, Portuguese slave traders and navigators established a trading station in the area. They also formed trade relations with local Jola chiefs and the king of Kasa.

The Casamance was subject to both French and Portuguese colonial efforts before a border was negotiated in 1888 between the French colony of Senegal and Portuguese Guinea (now Guinea-Bissau) to the south. Portugal lost possession of Casamance, then the commercial hub of its colony. Casamance, to this day, has preserved the local variant of Upper Guinea Creole known as Casamance Creole, and the members of the deep-rooted Creole community carry Portuguese surnames like Da Silva, Carvalho and Fonseca. The historical ties to Portugal were a factor in Senegal's decision to seek membership of the Community of Portuguese Language Countries (CPLP), becoming an associate observer in 2008. Interest in Portuguese heritage has been revived in order to exert a distinct identity, particularly in Baixa Casamança.

Bissau-Guineans are also present in the region, as expatriates, immigrants, and refugees from the poverty and instability that since long affects the neighbouring country, including the 1998–1999 Guinea-Bissau Civil War.

Separatist movement
Though the Jola are the dominant ethnic group in the Casamance, they represent only 4% of the total population of Senegal. The Jola's sense of economic disenfranchisement within greater Senegal contributed to the founding of a separatist movement advocating the independence or autonomous administrative division of the Casamance, the Movement of Democratic Forces of Casamance (MFDC), in 1982.

The MFDC's armed wing was established in 1985, and in 1990 the Casamance conflict began: a low-level insurgency led by the MFDC against the government of Senegal. The conflict has been characterized by sporadic violence and frequent but unstable ceasefire agreements. An illegal shipment of weapons hailing from Iran was seized in Lagos, Nigeria in October 2010, and the Senegalese government suspected the MFDC of having been the intended recipient of the weapons. Senegal recalled its ambassador to Tehran over the incident.

Geography and climate
The region is low-lying and hot, with some hills to the southeast. The entire Casamance region experiences a tropical savanna climate, with average rainfall greater than the rest of Senegal. The region is like the rest of Senegal: rainless from November to May, but during the rainy season from June to October, most areas receive over 50 in, and the furthest southwest as much as 70 in.

Economy
The economy of the Casamance relies largely on rice cultivation and tourism. It also has excellent beaches along its coastline, particularly at Cap Skirring.

Ecology
Tree cover in Casamance is severely threatened by illegal logging.

title: Casamance


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Profumo affair

The Profumo affair was a major scandal in British politics during the early 1960s. John Profumo, the 46-year-old Secretary of State for War in Harold Macmillan's Conservative government, had an extramarital affair with the 19-year-old model Christine Keeler beginning in 1961. Profumo denied the affair in a statement to the House of Commons in 1963; weeks later, a police investigation proved that he had lied. The scandal severely damaged the credibility of Macmillan's government, and Macmillan resigned as Prime Minister in October 1963, citing ill health. The fallout contributed to the Conservative government's defeat by the Labour Party in the 1964 general election.

When the Profumo affair was revealed, public interest was heightened by reports that Keeler may have been simultaneously involved with Captain Yevgeny Ivanov, a Soviet naval attaché, thereby creating a possible national security risk. Keeler knew both Profumo and Ivanov through her friendship with Stephen Ward, an osteopath and socialite who had taken her under his wing. The exposure of the affair generated rumours of other sex scandals and drew official attention to the activities of Ward, who was charged with a series of immorality offences. Perceiving himself as a scapegoat for the misdeeds of others, Ward took a fatal overdose during the final stages of his trial, which found him guilty of living off the immoral earnings of Keeler and her friend Mandy Rice-Davies.

An inquiry into the Profumo affair by a senior judge, Lord Denning, assisted by a senior civil servant, T. A. Critchley, concluded that there had been no breaches of security arising from the Ivanov connection. Denning's report was later described as superficial and unsatisfactory. Profumo subsequently worked as a volunteer at Toynbee Hall, an East London charitable trust. By 1975 he had been officially rehabilitated, although he did not return to public life. He died, honoured and respected, in 2006. By contrast, Keeler found it difficult to escape the negative image attached to her by press, law, and parliament throughout the scandal. In various, sometimes contradictory, accounts, she challenged Denning's conclusions relating to security issues. Ward's conviction has been described by analysts as an act of establishment revenge, rather than serving justice. In the 2010s the Criminal Cases Review Commission reviewed his case but decided against referring it to the Court of Appeal. Dramatisations of the Profumo affair have been shown on stage and screen.

Government and press
In the early 1960s, the British news media were dominated by several high-profile spying stories: the breaking of the Portland spy ring in 1961, the capture and sentencing of George Blake in the same year and, in 1962, the case of John Vassall, a homosexual Admiralty clerk who had been blackmailed into spying by the Soviet Union. Vassall was subsequently sentenced to eighteen years in prison. After suggestions in the press that Vassall had been shielded by his political masters, the responsible minister, Thomas Galbraith, resigned from the government pending inquiries. Galbraith was later exonerated by the Vassall Tribunal, after which judge Lord Radcliffe sent two newspaper journalists to prison for refusing to reveal their sources for sensational and uncorroborated stories about Vassall's private life. The imprisonment severely damaged relations between the press and the Conservative government of Prime Minister Harold Macmillan; columnist Paul Johnson of the New Statesman warned, "any Tory minister or MP ... who gets involved in a scandal during the next year or so must expect—I regret to say—the full treatment".

John Profumo
John Profumo was born in 1915 and was of Italian descent. He first entered Parliament in 1940 as the Conservative member for Kettering while serving with the Northamptonshire Yeomanry, and combined his political and military duties through the Second World War. Profumo lost his seat in the 1945 general election but was elected again in 1950 for Stratford-on-Avon. From 1951 he held junior ministerial office in successive Conservative administrations.

In 1960, Macmillan promoted Profumo to Secretary of State for War, a senior post outside the Cabinet. After his marriage in 1954 to Valerie Hobson, one of Britain's leading film actresses, Profumo may have conducted casual affairs, using late-night parliamentary sittings as his cover. His tenure as war minister coincided with a period of transition in the armed forces, involving the end of conscription and the development of a wholly professional army. Profumo's performance was watched with a critical eye by his opposition counterpart George Wigg, a former regular soldier.

Christine Keeler, Mandy Rice-Davies, and Lord Astor
Christine Keeler, born in Uxbridge in 1942, left school at age 15 with no qualifications and took a series of short-lived jobs in shops, offices and cafés. She aspired to be a model, and at age 16 had a photograph published in Tit-Bits magazine. In August 1959, Keeler found work as a topless showgirl at Murray's Cabaret Club in Beak Street, Soho. This long-established club attracted a distinguished clientèle of whom, Keeler wrote, they "could look but could not touch".

Shortly after starting at Murray's, Keeler was introduced to a client, the society osteopath Stephen Ward. Captivated by Ward's charm, she agreed to move into his flat, in a relationship she has described as "like brother and sister"—affectionate but not sexual. Keeler left Ward after a few months to become the mistress of the property dealer Peter Rachman, and later shared lodgings with Mandy Rice-Davies, a fellow Murray's dancer two and a half years her junior. The two girls left Murray's and attempted without success to pursue careers as freelance models. Keeler also lived for short periods with various boyfriends, but regularly returned to Ward, who had acquired a house in Wimpole Mews, Marylebone. There she met many of Ward's friends, among them Lord Astor, a long-time patient who was also a political ally of Profumo. She often spent weekends at a riverside cottage that Ward rented on Astor's country estate, Cliveden, in Buckinghamshire.

Stephen Ward and Yevgeny Ivanov
Stephen Ward, born in Hertfordshire in 1912, qualified as an osteopath in the United States. After the Second World War he began practising in Cavendish Square, London, where he rapidly established a good reputation and attracted many distinguished patients. These connections, together with his personal charm, brought him considerable social success. In his spare time, Ward attended art classes at the Slade school, and developed a profitable sideline in portrait sketches. In 1960 he was commissioned by The Illustrated London News to provide a series of portraits of national and international figures. These included members of the Royal Family, among them Prince Philip and Princess Margaret.

Ward hoped to visit the Soviet Union to draw portraits of Russian leaders. To help him, one of his patients, the Daily Telegraph editor Sir Colin Coote, arranged an introduction to Captain Yevgeny Ivanov (anglicised as "Eugene"), listed as a naval attaché at the Soviet Embassy. British Intelligence (MI5) knew from the double agent Oleg Penkovsky that Ivanov was an intelligence officer in the Soviet GRU. Ward and Ivanov became firm friends. Ivanov frequently visited Ward at Wimpole Mews, where he met Keeler and Rice-Davies, and sometimes joined Ward's weekend parties at Cliveden.

MI5 considered Ivanov a potential defector and sought Ward's help to this end, providing him with a case officer known as "Woods". Ward was later used by the Foreign Office as a backchannel, through Ivanov, to the Soviet Union, and was involved in unofficial diplomacy during the Cuban Missile Crisis in October 1962. Ward's closeness to Ivanov raised concerns about his loyalty; according to Lord Denning's September 1963 report, Ivanov often asked Ward questions about British foreign policy, and Ward did his best to provide answers.

Cliveden, July 1961
During the weekend of 8–9 July 1961, Keeler was among several guests of Ward at the Spring Cottage at Cliveden. That same weekend, at the main house, Profumo and his wife Valerie were among the large gathering from the worlds of politics and the arts which Astor was hosting in honour of Pakistani President Ayub Khan. On the Saturday evening, Ward's and Astor's parties mingled at the Cliveden swimming pool, which Ward and his guests had permission to use. Keeler, who had been swimming naked, was introduced to Profumo while trying to cover herself with a skimpy towel. She was, Profumo informed his son many years later, "a very pretty girl and very sweet". Keeler did not initially know who Profumo was, but was impressed that he was the husband of a famous film star and was prepared to have "a bit of fun" with him.

The next afternoon the two parties reconvened at the pool and were joined by Ivanov, who had arrived that morning. There followed what Lord Denning described as "a light-hearted and frolicsome bathing party, where everyone was in bathing costumes and nothing indecent took place at all". Profumo was greatly attracted to Keeler, and promised to be in touch with her. Ward asked Ivanov to accompany Keeler back to London where, according to Keeler, they had sex. Some commentators doubt this—Keeler was generally outspoken about her sexual relationships yet said nothing openly about sex with Ivanov until she informed a newspaper eighteen months later.

On 12 July 1961, Ward reported on the weekend's events to MI5. He told Woods that Ivanov and Profumo had met and that the latter had shown considerable interest in Keeler. Ward also stated that he had been asked by Ivanov for information about the future arming of West Germany with nuclear weapons. This request for military information did not greatly disturb MI5, who expected a GRU officer to ask such questions. Profumo's interest in Keeler was an unwelcome complication in MI5's plans to use her in a honey trap operation against Ivanov, to help secure his defection. Woods therefore referred the issue to MI5's director-general, Sir Roger Hollis.

Affair
A few days after the Cliveden weekend, Profumo contacted Keeler. The affair that ensued was brief; some commentators have suggested that it ended after a few weeks, while others believe that it continued, with decreasing fervour, until December 1961. The relationship was characterised by Keeler as an unromantic relationship without expectations, a "screw of convenience", although she also states that Profumo hoped for a longer-term commitment and that he offered to set her up in a flat. More than twenty years later, Profumo described Keeler in conversation with his son as someone who "seem[ed] to like sexual intercourse", but who was "completely uneducated", with no conversation beyond make-up, hair and gramophone records.

The couple usually met at Wimpole Mews, when Ward was absent, although once, when Hobson was away, Profumo took Keeler to his home at Chester Terrace in Regent's Park. On one occasion he borrowed a Bentley from his ministerial colleague John Hare and took Keeler for a drive around London, and another time the couple had a drink with Viscount Ward, the former Secretary of State for Air. During their time together, Profumo gave Keeler a few small presents, and once, a sum of £20 as a gift for her mother. Keeler maintains that although Ward asked her to obtain information from Profumo about the deployment of nuclear weapons, she did not do so. Profumo was equally adamant that no such discussions took place.

On 9 August, Profumo was interviewed informally by Sir Norman Brook, the Cabinet Secretary, who had been advised by Hollis of Profumo's involvement with Ward's group. Brook warned the minister of the dangers of being entangled with Ward since MI5 were at this stage unsure of his dependability. It is possible that Brook asked Profumo to help MI5 in its efforts to secure Ivanov's defection—a request which Profumo declined. Although Brook did not indicate knowledge of the relationship with Keeler, Profumo may have suspected that he knew. That same day, Profumo wrote Keeler a letter, beginning "Darling ...", cancelling an assignation they had made for the following day. Some commentators have assumed that this letter ended the association; Keeler insisted that the affair ended later, after her persistent refusals to stop living with Ward.

Gordon and Edgecombe
In October 1961 Keeler accompanied Ward to Notting Hill, then a run-down district of London replete with West Indian music clubs and cannabis dealers. At the Rio Café they encountered Aloysius "Lucky" Gordon, a Jamaican jazz singer with a history of violence and petty crime. Gordon and Keeler embarked on an affair which, in her own accounts, was marked by equal measures of violence and tenderness on his part. Gordon became very possessive, jealous of Keeler's other social contacts. He began confronting her friends and often telephoned her at unsocial hours. In November Keeler left Wimpole Mews and moved to a flat in Dolphin Square, overlooking the Thames at Pimlico, where she entertained friends. When Gordon continued to harass Keeler he was arrested by the police and charged with assault. Keeler later agreed to drop the charge.

In July 1962 the first inklings of a possible Profumo-Keeler-Ivanov triangle had been hinted at, in coded terms, in the gossip column of the society magazine Queen. Under the heading, "Sentences I'd like to hear the end of" appeared the wording: "... called in MI5 because every time the chauffeur-driven Zils drew up at her front door, out of her back door into a chauffeur-driven Humber slipped..." Keeler was then in New York City with Rice-Davies, in an abortive attempt to launch their modelling careers there. On her return, to counter Gordon's threats, Keeler formed a relationship with Johnny Edgecombe, an ex-merchant seaman from Antigua, with whom she lived for a while in Brentford, just west of London. Edgecombe became similarly possessive himself after he and Gordon clashed violently on 27 October 1962, when Edgecombe slashed his rival with a knife. Keeler broke up with Edgecombe shortly afterwards because of his domineering behaviour.

On 14 December 1962, Keeler and Rice-Davies were together at 17 Wimpole Mews when Edgecombe arrived, demanding to see Keeler. When he was not allowed in, he fired several shots at the front door. Shortly afterwards, Edgecombe was arrested and charged with attempted murder and other offences. In brief press accounts, Keeler was described as "a free-lance model" and "Miss Marilyn Davies" as "an actress". In the wake of the incident, Keeler began to talk indiscreetly about Ward, Profumo, Ivanov and the Edgecombe shooting. Among those to whom she told her story was John Lewis, a former Labour MP whom she had met by chance in a night club. Lewis, a long-standing enemy of Ward, passed the information to Wigg, his one-time parliamentary colleague, who began his own investigation.

Mounting pressures
On 22 January 1963 the Soviet government, sensing a possible scandal, recalled Ivanov. Aware of increasing public interest, Keeler attempted to sell her story to the national newspapers. The Radcliffe tribunal's ongoing inquiry into press behaviour during the Vassall case was making newspapers nervous, and only two showed interest in Keeler's story: the Sunday Pictorial and the News of the World. As the latter would not join an auction, Keeler accepted the Pictorial's offer of a £200 down payment and a further £800 when the story was published. The Pictorial retained a copy of the "Darling" letter. Meanwhile, the News of the World alerted Ward and Astor—whose names had been mentioned by Keeler—and they in turn informed Profumo. When Profumo's lawyers tried to persuade Keeler not to publish, the compensation she demanded was so large that they considered charges of extortion. Ward informed the Pictorial that Keeler's story was largely false and threatened to sue if it was printed, whereupon the paper withdrew its offer, although Keeler kept the £200.

Keeler then gave details of her affair with Profumo to a police officer, who did not pass on this information to MI5 or the legal authorities. By this time, many of Profumo's political colleagues had heard rumours of his entanglement, and of the existence of a potentially incriminating letter. Nevertheless, his denials were accepted by the government's principal law officers and the Conservative Chief Whip, although with some private scepticism. Macmillan, mindful of the injustice done to Galbraith on the basis of rumours, was determined to support his minister and took no action.

Edgecombe's trial began on 14 March but Keeler, one of the Crown's key witnesses, was missing. She had, without informing the court, gone to Spain, although at this stage her whereabouts were unknown. Her unexplained absence caused a press sensation. Every newspaper knew the rumours linking Keeler with Profumo, but refrained from reporting any direct connection; in the wake of the Radcliffe inquiry they were, in Wigg's later words, "willing to wound but afraid to strike". They could only hint, by front-page juxtapositions of stories and photographs, that Profumo might be connected to Keeler's disappearance. Despite Keeler's absence the judge proceeded with the case; Edgecombe was found guilty on a lesser charge of possessing a firearm with intent to endanger life, and sentenced to seven years' imprisonment. A few days after the trial, on 21 March, the satirical magazine Private Eye printed the most detailed summary so far of the rumours, with the main characters lightly disguised: "Mr James Montesi", "Miss Gaye Funloving", "Dr Spook" and "Vladimir Bolokhov".

Personal statement
The newly elected leader of the opposition Labour Party, Harold Wilson, was initially advised by his colleagues to have nothing to do with Wigg's private dossier on the Profumo rumours. On 21 March, with the press furore over the "missing witness" at its height, the party changed its stance. During a House of Commons debate, Wigg used parliamentary privilege to ask the Home Secretary to categorically deny the truth of rumours connecting "a minister" to Keeler, Rice-Davies and the Edgecombe shooting. He did not name Profumo, who was not in the House. Later in the debate Barbara Castle, the Labour MP for Blackburn, referred to the "missing witness" and hinted at a possible perversion of justice. The Home Secretary, Henry Brooke, refused to comment, adding that Wigg and Castle should "seek other means of making these insinuations if they are prepared to substantiate them".

At the conclusion of the debate, the government's law officers and Chief Whip agreed that Profumo should assert his innocence in a personal statement to the House. Such statements are, by long-standing tradition, made on the particular honour of the member and are accepted by the House without question. In the early hours of 22 March Profumo and his lawyers met with ministers and together agreed on an appropriate wording. Later that morning Profumo made his statement to a crowded House. He acknowledged friendships with Keeler and Ward, the former of whom, he said, he had last seen in December 1961. He had met "a Mr Ivanov" twice, also in 1961. He stated: "There was no impropriety whatsoever in my acquaintanceship with Miss Keeler", and added: "I shall not hesitate to issue writs for libel and slander if scandalous allegations are made or repeated outside the House." That afternoon, Profumo was photographed at Sandown Park Racecourse in the company of the Queen Mother.

While the matter was officially considered closed, many individual MPs had doubts, although none openly expressed disbelief at this stage. Wigg later said that he left the House that morning "with black rage in my heart because I knew what the facts were. I knew the truth." Most newspapers were editorially non-committal; only The Guardian, under the headline "Mr Profumo clears the air", stated openly that the statement should be taken at its face value. Within a few days press attention was distracted by the re-emergence of Keeler in Madrid. She expressed astonishment at the fuss her absence had caused, adding that her friendship with Profumo and his wife was entirely innocent and that she had many friends in important positions. Keeler claimed that she had not deliberately missed the Edgecombe trial but had been confused about the date. She was required to forfeit her recognizance of £40, but no other action was taken against her.

Investigation and resignation
Shortly after Profumo's Commons statement, Ward appeared on Independent Television News, where he endorsed Profumo's version and dismissed all rumours and insinuations as "baseless". Ward's own activities had become a matter of official concern, and on 1 April 1963 the Metropolitan Police began to investigate his affairs. They interviewed 140 of Ward's friends, associates and patients, maintained a 24-hour watch on his home, and tapped his telephone—this last action requiring direct authorisation from Brooke. Among those who gave statements was Keeler, who contradicted her earlier assurances and confirmed her sexual relationship with Profumo, providing corroborative details of the interior of the Chester Terrace house. The police put pressure on reluctant witnesses; Rice-Davies was remanded to Holloway Prison for a driving licence offence and held there for eight days until she agreed to testify against Ward. Meanwhile, Profumo was awarded costs and £50 damages against the British distributors of an Italian magazine that had printed a story hinting at his guilt. He donated the proceeds to an army charity. This did not deter Private Eye from including "Sextus Profano" in their parody of Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire.

On 18 April 1963 Keeler was attacked at the home of a friend. She accused Gordon, who was arrested and held. According to Knightley and Kennedy's account, the police offered to drop the charges if Gordon would testify against Ward, but he refused. The effects of the police inquiry were proving ruinous to Ward, whose practice was collapsing rapidly. On 7 May he met Macmillan's private secretary, Timothy Bligh, to ask that the police inquiry into his affairs be halted. He added that he had been covering for Profumo, whose Commons statement was substantially false. Bligh took notes but failed to take action. On 19 May Ward wrote to Brooke, with essentially the same request as that to Bligh, only to be told that the Home Secretary had no power to interfere with the police inquiry. Ward then gave details to the press, but no paper would print the story. He also wrote to Wilson, who showed the letter to Macmillan. Although privately disdainful of Wilson's motives, after discussions with Hollis, the prime minister was sufficiently concerned about Ward's general activities to ask the Lord Chancellor, Lord Dilhorne, to inquire into possible security breaches.

On 31 May 1963 at the start of the parliamentary Whitsun recess, Profumo and his wife flew to Venice for a short holiday. At their hotel, they received a message asking Profumo to return as soon as possible. Believing that his bluff had been called, Profumo then told his wife the truth, and they decided to return immediately. They found that Macmillan was on holiday in Scotland. On Tuesday 4 June, Profumo confessed the truth to Bligh, confirming that he had lied, resigned from the government, and applied for the office of steward of the Chiltern Hundreds in order to give up his House of Commons seat. Bligh informed Macmillan of these events by telephone. The resignation was announced on 5 June, when the formal exchange of letters between Profumo and Macmillan was published. The Times called Profumo's lies "a great tragedy for the probity of public life in Britain"; while the Daily Mirror hinted that not all the truth had been told and referred to "skeletons in many cupboards".

Retribution
Gordon's trial for the attack on Keeler began on the day Profumo's resignation was made public. He maintained that his innocence would be established by two witnesses who, the police told the court, could not be found. On 7 June, principally on the evidence of Keeler, Gordon was found guilty and sentenced to three years' imprisonment. The following day, Ward was arrested and charged with immorality offences.

On 9 June, freed from Profumo's libel threats, the News of the World published "The Confessions of Christine", an account which helped to fashion the public image of Ward as a sexual predator and probable tool of the Soviets. The Sunday Mirror (formerly the Sunday Pictorial) printed Profumo's "Darling" letter.

In advance of the House of Commons debate on Profumo's resignation, due 17 June, David Watt in The Spectator defined Macmillan's position as "an intolerable dilemma from which he can only escape by being proved either ludicrously naïve or incompetent or deceitful—or all three". Meanwhile, the press speculated about possible Cabinet resignations, and several ministers felt it necessary to demonstrate their loyalty to the prime minister. In a BBC interview on 13 June Lord Hailsham, holder of several ministerial offices, denounced Profumo in a manner which, according to The Observer, "had to be seen to be believed". Hailsham said that "a great party is not to be brought down because of a squalid affair between a woman of easy virtue and a proven liar".

In the debate, Wilson concentrated almost exclusively on the extent to which Macmillan and his colleagues had been dilatory in not identifying a clear security risk arising from Profumo's association with Ward and his circle. Macmillan responded that he should not be held culpable for believing a colleague who had repeatedly asserted his innocence. He mentioned the false allegations against Galbraith, and the failure of the security services to share their detailed information with him. In the general debate the sexual aspects of the scandal were fully discussed; Nigel Birch, the Conservative MP for West Flintshire, referred to Keeler as a "professional prostitute" and asked rhetorically: "What are whores about?" Keeler was otherwise branded a "tart" and a "poor little slut". Ward was vilified throughout as a likely Soviet agent; one Conservative referred to "the treason of Dr Ward". Most Conservatives, whatever their reservations, were supportive of Macmillan, with only Birch suggesting that he should consider retirement. In the subsequent vote on the government's handling of the affair, 27 Conservatives abstained, reducing the government's majority to 69. Most newspapers considered the extent of the defection significant, and several forecast that Macmillan would soon resign.

After the parliamentary debate, newspapers published further sensational stories, hinting at widespread immorality within Britain's governing class. A story emanating from Rice-Davies concerned a naked masked man, who acted as a waiter at sex parties; rumours suggested that he was a cabinet minister, or possibly a member of the Royal Family. Malcolm Muggeridge in the Sunday Mirror wrote of "The Slow, Sure Death of the Upper Classes". On 21 June Macmillan instructed Lord Denning, the Master of the Rolls, to investigate and report on the growing range of rumours. Ward's committal proceedings began a week later, at Marylebone magistrates' court, where the Crown's evidence was fully reported in the press. Ward was committed for trial on charges of "living off the earnings of prostitution" and "procuration of girl under twenty-one", and released on bail.

With the Ward case now sub judice, the press pursued related stories. The People reported that Scotland Yard had begun an inquiry, in parallel with Denning's, into "homosexual practices as well as sexual laxity" among civil servants, military officers and MPs. On 24 June the Daily Mirror, under a banner heading "Prince Philip and the Profumo Scandal", dismissed what it termed the "foul rumour" that the prince had been involved in the affair, without disclosing the nature of the rumour.

Ward's trial began at the Old Bailey on 28 July. He was charged with living off the earnings of Keeler, Rice-Davies and two other prostitutes, and with procuring women under 21 to have sex with other persons. The thrust of the prosecution's case related to Keeler and Rice-Davies, and turned on whether the small contributions to household expenses or loan repayments they had given to Ward while living with him amounted to his living off their prostitution. Ward's approximate income at the time, from his practice and from his portraiture, had been around £5,500 a year, a substantial sum at that time. In his speeches and examination of witnesses, the prosecuting counsel Mervyn Griffith-Jones portrayed Ward as representing "the very depths of lechery and depravity". The judge, Sir Archie Marshall, was equally hostile, drawing particular attention to the fact that none of Ward's supposed society friends had been prepared to speak up for him. Towards the end of the trial, news came that Gordon's conviction for assault had been overturned; Marshall did not disclose to the jury that Gordon's witnesses had turned up and testified that Keeler, a key prosecution witness against Ward, had given false evidence at Gordon's trial.

After listening to Marshall's damning summing-up, on the evening of 30 July Ward took an overdose of sleeping tablets and was taken to hospital. On the next day, he was found guilty in absentia on the charges relating to Keeler and Rice-Davies, and acquitted on the other counts. Sentence was postponed until Ward was fit to appear, but on 3 August he died without regaining consciousness. On 9 August, a coroner's jury ruled Ward's death as suicide by barbiturate poisoning, though some biographers consider the possibility that he was murdered.

Aftermath
Lord Denning's report was awaited with great anticipation by the public. Published on 26 September 1963, it concluded that there had been no security leaks in the Profumo affair and that the security services and government ministers had acted appropriately. Profumo had been guilty of an "indiscretion", but no one could doubt his loyalty. Denning also found no evidence to link members of the government with associated scandals such as the "man in the mask". He laid most of the blame for the affair on Ward, an "utterly immoral" man whose diplomatic activities were "misconceived and misdirected". Although The Spectator considered that the report marked the end of the affair, many commentators were disappointed with its content. Young found many questions unanswered and some of the reasoning defective, while Davenport-Hines, writing long after the event, condemns the report as disgraceful, slipshod and prurient.

After the Denning Report, in defiance of general expectations that he would resign shortly, Macmillan announced his intention to stay on. On the eve of the Conservative Party's annual conference in October 1963 he fell ill; his condition was less serious than he imagined and his life was not in danger but, convinced he had cancer, he resigned abruptly. Macmillan's successor as prime minister was Lord Home, who renounced his peerage and served as Sir Alec Douglas-Home. In the October 1964 general election the Conservative Party was narrowly defeated, and Wilson became prime minister. A later commentator opined that the Profumo affair had destroyed the old, aristocratic Conservative Party: "It wouldn't be too much to say that the Profumo scandal was the necessary prelude to the new Toryism, based on meritocracy, which would eventually emerge under Margaret Thatcher". The Economist suggested that the scandal had effected a fundamental and permanent change in relations between politicians and press. Davenport-Hines posits a longer-term consequence of the affair—the gradual ending of traditional notions of deference: "Authority, however disinterested, well-qualified and experienced, was [after June 1963] increasingly greeted with suspicion rather than trust".

After expressing his "deep remorse" to the prime minister, to his constituents and to the Conservative Party, Profumo disappeared from public view. In April 1964 he began working as a volunteer at the Toynbee Hall settlement, a charitable organisation based in Spitalfields which supports the most deprived residents in the East End of London. Profumo continued his association with the settlement for the remainder of his life, at first in a menial capacity, then as administrator, fund-raiser, council member, chairman and finally president. Profumo's charitable work was recognised when he was appointed a Companion of the Order of the British Empire (CBE) in 1975. He was later described by Thatcher as a national hero and was a guest at her 80th birthday celebrations in 2005. His marriage to Valerie Hobson lasted until her death on 13 November 1998, aged 81; Profumo died, aged 91, on 9 March 2006.

In December 1963 Keeler pleaded guilty to committing perjury at Gordon's June trial, and she was sentenced to nine months' imprisonment, of which she served six months. After two brief marriages in 1965–66 to James Levermore and in 1971–72 to Anthony Platt that produced a child each, the elder of whom was largely raised by Keeler's mother, Keeler largely lived alone from the mid-1990s until her death. Most of the considerable amount of money that she made from newspaper stories was dissipated by legal fees; during the 1970s, she said, "I was not living, I was surviving". Keeler published several inconsistent accounts of her life, in which Ward has been variously represented as a "gentleman", her truest love, a Soviet spy, and a traitor ranking alongside the Cambridge Five. Keeler also claimed that Profumo impregnated her and that she subsequently underwent a painful abortion. Keeler died on 4 December 2017, aged 75.

Rice-Davies enjoyed a more successful post-scandal career as a nightclub owner, businesswoman, minor actress and novelist. She was married three times, in what she described as her "slow descent into respectability". Of adverse press publicity she observed: "Like royalty, I simply do not complain". Rice-Davies died on 18 December 2014, aged 70.

Ward's role on behalf of MI5 was confirmed in 1982, when The Sunday Times located his former contact "Woods". Although Denning always asserted that Ward's trial and conviction were fair and proper, most commentators believe that it was deeply flawed—an "historical injustice" according to Davenport-Hines, who argues that the trial was an act of political revenge. One High Court judge said privately that he would have stopped the trial before it reached the jury. The human rights lawyer Geoffrey Robertson has campaigned for the case to be reopened on several grounds, including the premature scheduling of the trial, lack of evidence to support the main charges, and various misdirections by the trial judge in his summing-up. The Criminal Cases Review Commission, which has the power to investigate suspected miscarriages of justice, reviewed Ward's case starting in early 2014, but in 2017 decided not to refer it to the Court of Appeal after failing to find the original transcript of the judge's summing-up.

After his recall in January 1963, Ivanov disappeared for several decades. In 1992 his memoirs, The Naked Spy, were serialised in The Sunday Times. When this account was challenged by Profumo's lawyers, the publishers removed the offending material. In August 2015 The Independent newspaper published a preview of a forthcoming history of Soviet intelligence activities, by Jonathan Haslam. This book suggests that the relationship between Ivanov and Profumo was closer than the latter admitted, alleging that Ivanov visited Profumo's home and that such was the slackness of security arrangements that he was able to photograph sensitive documents left lying about in the minister's study.

Keeler describes a 1993 meeting with Ivanov in Moscow; she also records that he died the following year, aged 68. Astor was deeply upset at finding himself under police investigation, and by the social ostracism that followed the Ward trial. After his death in 1966, Cliveden was sold. It became first the property of Stanford University and later a luxury hotel. Rachman, who had first come to public notice as a sometime-boyfriend of both Keeler and Rice-Davies, was revealed as an unscrupulous slum landlord; the word "Rachmanism" entered English dictionaries as the standard term for landlords who exploit or intimidate their tenants.

In popular culture

There have been several dramatised versions of the Profumo affair. The 1989 film Scandal featured Ian McKellen as Profumo and John Hurt as Ward. It was favourably reviewed, but the revival of interest in the affair upset the Profumo family. The focus of Hugh Whitemore's play A Letter of Resignation, first staged at the Comedy Theatre in October 1997, was Macmillan's reactions to Profumo's resignation letter, which he received while on holiday in Scotland. The pilot episode of the ITV series Endeavour makes reference to the scandal and uses similar elements in its plot. The BBC commissioned a 6-part drama The Trial of Christine Keeler from Ecosse Films which was broadcast in the UK at the end of 2019. Andrew Lloyd Webber's musical Stephen Ward opened at London's Aldwych Theatre on 3 December 2013. Among generally favourable reviews, the Daily Telegraph's critic recommended the production as "sharp, funny – and, at times, genuinely touching". Robertson records that the script is "remarkably faithful to the facts". In his song, "We Didn't Start the Fire", Billy Joel refers to the scandal with the line "British politician sex". Scottish folk musician Al Stewart also refers to the scandal in his song "Post World War II Blues" on the album Past Present Future.

title: Profumo affair


text:
Number 13

Number 13 can refer to:

 * 13 (number)
 * Number 13 (comics) a comic strip in The Beano
 * Number 13 (1922 film), a film by Alfred Hitchcock and starring Ernest Thesiger which was shot but never completed and is believed to be lost
 * "Number 13" (2006 film), an adaptation of the M. R. James ghost story
 * Number 13-class battleship
 * "Number 13" (short story), by M. R. James
 * "Number Thirteen", a song by Red Fang from the album Murder the Mountains

title: Number 13


text:
Biffeche

Biffeche or Bifeche is an area of Senegal centred on the town of Savoigne, around 30 kilometres north-east of the major coastal city of Saint-Louis.

Low-lying and largely flat, the region is populated by Fula,, Serer-Ndut, Wolof and Moor ethnic groups. The inhabitants' primary economic activities include animal herding and irrigation-based farming. Savoigne is the region's largest town, twinned with La Ferté Macé; its SOCAS tomato-paste factory imports and dilutes tomato paste for re-shipment within Senegal. The population is primarily Muslim, but also contains Catholics and animists. The Djoudj National Bird Sanctuary is located to the north.

History
The Serer-Ndut were the earliest known inhabitants of Biffeche. Strong adherents to their native Serer religion,  they were persecuted and killed by the Muslims communities of Senegal, and suffered further persecution under French colonial rule.

Early European accounts described a medium-sized island (Isle de Bifeche) in the delta of the Senegal River, some two miles upstream from the island of N'Dar on which Saint-Louis was founded. The Penny Cyclopædia of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge described the island in 1843 as being "entirely covered with wood, and in the wet season a great portion of them is laid under water."

In the 17th century a chief known as the Petit Brak or Little King ruled over a region known variously as Biffeche or Gangueul with its capital at Maka. The Grand Brak or Big King ruled the kingdom of Waalo, whose capital was originally at Ndiourbel on the north bank of the river. The area was nearly depopulated by repeated slaving raids by Moors from the north. At times, the Petit Brak was tributary to Waalo, at other times allied with Bethio. In the 1720s, the Brak of Waalo was Erim M'Bagnick and Béquio Malicouri, king of the Royaume d'Oral (Bethio), was his vassal.

General

 * Barry, Boubacar. Le royaume du Waalo - Le Senegal avant la conquete. Karthala, 1985.
 * Becker, Charles and Martin, Victor. Journal Historique et Suitte du Journal Historique (1729-1731) 39.2 (1977): 223–289.   Wayback Machine
 * Cultru, Prosper. Premier voyage du Sieur de la Courbe.... Paris: Larose, 1913.
 * Encyclopedie, dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, par une société de gens de lettres, mis en ordre et publié par Mr. * * *, tome quinzieme. Neufchastel, France: Samuel Faulche, 1765. Facsimile page
 * Knight, Charles. The Penny Cyclopædia of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, Vol. XXI. London, 1843: 231. Public domain copy
 * Labat, Jean-Baptiste. Nouvelle Relation de l’Afrique occidentale.  Paris: Cavelier, 1727. t. 2, p. 174.
 * Thésée, Françoise. Actes du colloque de Nantes, tome I. 1988. 223–245. population afrique.
 * Thilmans, Guy. Bull. Les planches sénégalaises et mauritaniennes des “Atlas Vingboons” , G. IFAN, B. t. 37.1 (1975): 106–109.
 * Gravrand, Henry, "La civilisation Sereer - Cosaan : les origines, vol.1, pp 140-146, Nouvelles Editions Africaines, 1983, ISBN 2-7236-0877-8
 * Echenberg, Myron J, "Black death, white medicine: bubonic plague and the politics of public health in colonial Senegal, 1914-1945", pp 141–146, Heinemann (2002), ISBN 0-325-07017-2
 * Klein, Martin A., "Islam and Imperialism in Senegal, Sine-Saloum", pp VII-5, Edinburgh University Press, (1968), ISBN 0-85224-029-5
 * Dupire, Marguerite, "Sagesse sereer: Essais sur la pensée sereer ndut", Sagesse sereer: essais sur la pensée sereer ndut
 * Becker, Charles, "Les Serer Ndut: Études sur les mutations sociales et religieuses", Microéditions Hachette (1974)

Historical maps

 * Cours de la rivière de Sanaga ou Sénégal depuis son embouchure jusqu'à l'île de Bilbas / Suite du cours de la rivière de Sénégal depuis l'isle de Bilbas jusqu'au sault du Rocherde Govina / levé par un ingénieur francois, 1718. Online at BNF
 * Carte de la rivière du Sénégal depuis la Barre jusqu'au Panier Foule des petites rivières et marigots qui en dérivent avec les noms des villages qui sont au bord, fait au Sénégal, 1720. Online at BNF
 * Anville, Jean-Baptiste Bourguignon, Carte manuscrite de la côte d'Afrique aux environs de Gorée et de la rivière du Sénégal depuis Cagneux jusqu'à son embouchure. 1724. Online at BNF

title: Biffeche


text:
Wikipedia talk:Wikipedians/Archive 1

It might make sense to have your own personal page be a subpage of Wikipedians, in order to hilite one's status as a Wikipedian, however, in practice, it is more convenient to sign one's name _without_ the subpage mechanism in the way. Subpages are intended to be used only for "meta" pages such as /talk and /chat.

If we want to have geographical information about contributors, which I think is desirable, then the current scheme is not very helpful: it doesn't quickly allow me to determine where Mr. X is located. I would have to check all the geographical subpages. I suggest we abandon the subpages and organize everything in a big table as follows:

 * Germany
 * Mr X -- Mr Y

 * U.S.A. - Minnesota
 * AxelBoldt -- Ms Z

 * U.S.A. - Nevada
 * Whoever -- Ms ZZZ

 * U.S.A. - unspecified
 * Larry Sanger

etc., all geographical listings being alphabetical. This also avoids the need for people double listing themselves. --AxelBoldt

Why do you feel geographical location is desirable? What does it add?
 * It adds information and information is good. For instance you could organize a meeting of local Wikipedians, or you could check whether somebody with a typically left-leaning European slant is actually from Europe. --AxelBoldt

 * nice bias, Axel. But yes, location is extremely important, since whatever people read in the wikipedia, they are applying in an ecoregion and culture that has constraints and balances of its own.  Personally I would like to know a bare minimum about people who announce themselves, and might even provide that information if there was a universal standard.  I also think that bioregional democracy (even forks per ecoregion) would be good for it in the long run.  But we can talk about that in meta.

I actually tend to agree, let's list by country of residence, rather than nationality. But, you know, in this day of mobility, I think nationality is at least as important as location. Let's instruct people to list themselves both under their nationality and under their country of residence.

 * you know, latitude/longitude or ecoregion is more neutral as a way to say where you are.

Sound OK? I think the subpages are going to be necessary because eventually the list is probably going to be too long for one page (the complete listing will have to be separate subpages such as Wikipedians/A). Besides, they can conveniently talk to each other on those pages (as the Aussies have been doing). --LMS

Shouldn't this topic be Wikipedian rather than Wikipedians? --AV

No, lists are usually in the plural. Roman emperors lists all the Roman emperors, Roman emperor would have particular details about the office. Make sense?

Doesn't make enough sense. I think lists should be under "XYZ listing" or "listing of XYZs" or something like that; "XYZ" and "XYZs" are just too easy to confuse. (Someone who is here to use Wikipedia wouldn't know where to find info on XYZs in general--"XYZ" or "XYZs." --LMS

Moreover, it's a nuisance to link. I asked the question after seeing some reference Wikipedian in a sentence (before a proper name), and being surprised that the topic doesn't exist.

Maybe it should be: singular - definition plus lists if these aren't very long; if they are long, they go to /List. In case of Wikipedians, I think it makes sense to rename it to Wikipedian. --AV
 * Well, that's simple enough. We just need a redirect at Wikipedian. In fact, I'll do it now... --Stephen Gilbert

Having spent 5 minutes looking for a Wikipedian place to post the following, I apologize if this is not the right place -- but as a 100% newcomer, I can't figure out where else to post it:   I just tried to do a Google.com search for the exact string "List of UN Secretaries-General" -- and Google came up empty-handed. The when I tried the other spelling of the plural "List of UN Secretary-Generals" -- Google came up with the following Wikipedia URL: http://www.wikipedia.com/wiki.fcgi?action=browse&id=United_Nations&oldid=UN. But this page has a link which reads PRECISELY as the ORIGINAL search string: "List of UN Secretaries-General". So why did Google.com not find this page? (Note: It was not on the list of recently- changed things.)

 * It is on the list of recent changes. It was changed on 21 Sep 2001. Also, you can look at the cached copy on Google to see how old it is - it was last edited on 12 Sep 2001. --Zundark, 2001 Oct 13

Can anyone tell me how we arrived at 400 for the number of Wikipedians? As Jzcool has pointed out, there's less than 200 listed on this page. --Stephen Gilbert

The wikipedian counter-person counts up all the people who sign their changes. Malcolm Farmer says on his page: "I have a list of those signing their contributions, and any page with one of those names gets excluded from the count as a Wikipedian." -- Dreamyshade

Many of these Wikipedians no longer contribute, and their pages are still in the main namespace. Is it worth it to redirect all of their pages to the User namespace? Can this be done automatically or should I just begin to redirect them? -- Dreamyshade

I removed,
 * Just as arguably, there is no legitimate community without shared risk, especially shared bodily harm.

because it's my understanding that only terms and concepts in general use are included here - one person's opinion is not considered to be worthy of inclusion in an encyclopedia. I am open to reverting this if and only if some sources can be provided where this link between community and "bodily harm" is stated - enough to show that it's an opinion held by a group rather than just an individual. -- April

 * your party is welcome to its opinion. The "arguably this is a community" statement is not attributed, and I refuse to therefore provide attribution for mine.  Your ideological requirement that your party's preference be the standard is noted, as a bias of yours, and to find groups that believe that taking risks together and potentially suffering harm together is important as a way to build solidarity, I suggest you consult any member of indigenous peoples or the anti-globalization movement.

 * also, I note that your party was not elected to run the wikipedia, therefore, "arguably" ought to have exactly the same standard for both. At least there were articles *explaining* risk and bodily harm so that the user could judge for themselves - a courtesy missing in the file as it is.

 * I also agree, on principle, that only views shared by at least two people ought to be reflected in any wiki file, that unilateral editing based on some inner urge is a bad idea, and ask you who it was in your party that agreed with you that that line ought to be removed, or ought to require attribution?

 * I actually don't agree with the two-persons-per-change idea, which seems to me to be a very fast way to reduce the participation here enormously.

 * it can be managed by disciplined people with a few good simple tools - for instance publishing can be "pending" for say 24 hours until a second person approves and says why - on a special one-line comment field near the top. Removal, the same... a clear link at the top could ask if you want to see the most recent N versions unravelled.  Easiest if we can track factions/parties making changes, e.g. I consider April, Axel Boldt, and LDC to be engaged in the same party agenda, and would like to know when they damage something so I can fix it.

But I can provide sources, and you should in fact remember from earlier discussions on the topic: http://www.dictionary.com/search?q=community shows that several dictionaries give meanings that would include Wikipedia, and dictionaries in turn gather their meanings from common usage.

 * no, that is in dispute between your party (claiming "common usage") and mine (claiming "ecological and cultural affinity" moderated by common usage) - were I to adopt your standard I would give up all ecology and culture in favor of what is popular, and I simply can't and won't do that. Also, the use of "arguably" suggests that whoever wrote the original comment knew that there was another view.  Which I simply provided with links for those who were wondering what community was, for themselves.

 * also, your sources back me too - you can find many dictionaries that prove the word community is overused, yes, but as *you* should in fact remember we acknowledged that "a group of people sharing bodily risk" was much closer to the original meaning of the word.  I submit that I have just as much of a right to ask for specific respect for the ancient meaning in a new community like this one that is getting it's legs, and that "common usage" among overly complex societies confusing and killing themselves ought to have less weight.

Also consider anyone who refers to "the scientific community" or whatnot; they also constitute a large group in agreement with this usage. -- April

 * I am not interested in the opinion of "the scientific community" more than that of the "three billionth user" or even "one billionth user". But that, too, is a question of party and morality, and you must decide for yourself whether to withdraw your condition, or find a fair way to assess both the "community" and "not a community" claims.

 * I suggest such a fair way would be to outline some worst cases of what might happen if community were always used my way, or opened up your way, and see what you really think about this, and what it does to planet and people. Then add your own line about the counter-case, or remove "arguably" from the line before "community" and await my response.

 * I, on the other hand, will simply put my case to the Wikipedia community and accept the resulting consensus. -- April

 * the question is how you do that, whether one person undoing it constitutes a broken consensus, i.e. is "consensus" the same as "unanimity"?

If its not obvious: words in Wikipedia are used in their standard senses. AxelBoldt

 * at present, that would be Axel-speak for *your* standard senses. But as I say, no one elected you, and your conception of "standard" (as in the usurpation of "Standard Model" to mean particle physics not automobiles which is the "standard sense" in which the population uses it), will soon be overturned by whatever consensus process arises from this.  You see, it is *my* concept of "standard" that arises from such a consensus process, rather than from a particle accelerator as does yours.

Guys, I've come to the comclusion that this "24" guy is something like Cunc used to be--he's just stirring up shit here to hear himself talk, and engaging in dialog with him just encourages him. If we just delete his nonsense when it's posted (with a brief explanation of why--usually something like "removed uncredited personal opinion" or "this is not an encyclopedia article"), and just ignore his diatribes, he will eventually notice that no one is coming to his defense, and maybe get a clue. --LDC

 * now party lines are absolutely rigid - and the claim is made here, as is typical for LDC that "no one" (as opposed to the more important "no body") can withstand this "Gang Of Three": April, Axel Boldt, and LDC himself.  I agree that you should use a small set of standard excuses for ignoring the political opposition - and that you should agree on this dismissive excuses amongst yourselves.  Eventually, one of you may read Heidegger and understand what's actually going on, but if not, you will simply lose quicker.

Wikipedians: if you have a problem with the coup by the LDC/Axel/April party, by all means, speak up now, it gets marginally more difficult as time goes on, and stopping it early might save a few kids, a few apes, and a few types of undiscovered bugs and plants even.

Let them go on as they are, and, well, there are significant "worst cases" that arise.
 * What a thrilling vision of Wikipedians mounting the parapets, flashing sabres of truth and wisdom in the face of one who, like Mrs. Slocum, is unanimous in his opinions. Eclecticology

 * Heh! I adore that image, Eclecticology, not to mention the Slocumry. :)  I think, though, that LDC's right  - on reflection, and further reading, I have the distinct feeling of my chain being yanked. So my image is more like that of the French Knights to the English in Monty Python and the Holy Grail. ;)  -- April

--

Might it be an idea to move the above wranglings to Meta? They seem obsolete to me. I presume "24" is the unsigning party; it's hard to tell when reading pages after the event. At the risk of feeding him, there is shared risk in Wikipedia: the risk that our text is hacked by wikivandals and that our statements are dissected by trolls such as himself. Tarquin

title: Wikipedia talk:Wikipedians/Archive 1


text:
Bethio

The Principality of Bethio (also spelled Bequio, Bekio, Bitio, Bétio or Beetyo) was a small monarchy located for centuries along the lower Senegal River valley, on the border between modern Mauritania and Senegal, in the northeast of Biffeche. In the 18th century it was also called the "Royaume d'Oral." Its capital was at Poum, then moved to N'Dombo, and finally moved to Ross, Senegal in the 19th century (called Ross Béthio since then). The original, fertile farmlands of Bethio are in a region just east of the Djoudj National Bird Sanctuary.

In the 1720s, the Brak (king) of Waalo was Erim M'Bagnick (Yérim Mbañik) and Béquio Malicouri, king of the Royaume d'Oral was his vassal. Maalixuri (Malichouri) (Malikhuri Diop ) played a vital intermiediary role between the Kingdom of Waalo and the French at Saint-Louis, Senegal, accumulating power and influence. He attempted to secede from Waalo in 1724 and burned Rosso, but was defeated and driven into exile in Cayor, where he died. He was succeeded by Fara Coro.

Today, Abdoulaye Diop, the current Prince Bethio, lives at Ross-Bethio where he is a Senegalese political leader.

title: Bethio


text:
T0

T0 or T00 may refer to:

Science and technology

 * T0 space, a Kolmogorov space
 * T0, a level on the tornado TORRO scale

Other uses

 * Avianca Perú (former IATA code: T0), a former airline
 * Chambers County Airport (FAA LID: T00), Texas, US
 * HMNZS Wakakura (T00), a First World War Royal New Zealand Navy Castle class naval trawler
 * Same-day affirmation, of a trade in finance

title: T0


text:
T2

T2, T-2, T2, T2 may refer to:

Computing

 * Apple T2, a SoC from Apple for security and hardware management within Intel based Macs
 * Palm Tungsten T2, a Palm OS-based personal digital assistant
 * T2 or T-2, a 6.312 Mbit/s T-carrier in telecommunications
 * T2, a German keyboard layout
 * T2 Temporal Prover, an automated program analyzer by Microsoft Research
 * UltraSPARC T2, a Sun Microsystem microprocessor
 * T2 SDE, a Linux distribution kit
 * T2 (social), later Pebble, a social platform

Medicine and physiology

 * T-2 mycotoxin, a type of trichothecene mycotoxin, a naturally occurring mold byproduct of certain species of Fusarium fungi
 * T2 or diiodothyronine, a metabolite of thyroid hormone
 * T2 hyperintensity, an area of high intensity on types of MRI scans of the brain that reflect lesions produced largely by demyelination and axonal loss
 * T2, the second highest (closest to the neck) of the thoracic vertebrae, the bones of the spine of the upper back
 * T2, the thoracic spinal nerve 2
 * T2, a small-to-moderate size cancerous tumor in the TNM staging system

Books

 * T2 (novel series), a literary trilogy that continues after Terminator 2: Judgment Day

Films

 * Terminator 2: Judgment Day, a 1991 science fiction film
 * T2 (2009 film), a 2009 Filipino film
 * T2 Trainspotting, a 2017 sequel to Trainspotting

Games

 * Tak 2: The Staff of Dreams, a 2004 video game
 * Take-Two Interactive, American multinational publisher distributor of video games
 * Tekken 2, a 1995 fighting game
 * Thief II: The Metal Age, a 2000 video game
 * Tribes 2, a 2001 video game
 * Tsquared (born 1987), American e-sports gamer
 * Turok 2: Seeds of Evil, a 1998 video game

Music

 * T2 (band), a British progressive rock band
 * T2 (producer), British producer most notable for the track "Heartbroken", which reached No. 2 in the UK Singles Chart

Sport

 * Portland Timbers 2, an American soccer club in the United Soccer League
 * T2 (classification), a para-cycling classification
 * Terrell Thomas (born 1985), American football player who plays for the New York Giants

Science and specifications

 * T-mount, a Tamron lens thread specification
 * T-2, the second Jupiter Trojan survey, a subproject of the Palomar–Leiden survey
 * T2, a fluorescent tube diameter designation
 * T2, a mathematical concept used in topology, see Hausdorff space
 * T2 or spin-spin relaxation time, a time constant in radiology
 * T2, a temperature classification, also referred to as a T-code, on electrical equipment labeled for hazardous locations
 * T2 (Torx size), a six-sided screw, bolt or driver size
 * T2 or Treadmill 2, on board the International Space Station

Air

 * ACAZ T.2, a Belgian monoplane designed in 1924
 * Antonov T-2M Maverick, ultralight trike aircraft
 * Fokker F.IV, aircraft designated T-2 when used by the United States Army Air Service
 * Perry Beadle T.2, a 1914 British biplane
 * Mitsubishi T-2, a 1971 Japanese jet trainer aircraft
 * T-2 Buckeye (aircraft)
 * Thai Air Cargo, IATA airline designator

Rail

 * Inner West & Leppington Line, a rail service in Sydney numbered T2
 * Paris Tramway Line 2
 * Tatra T2, a 1955 Czechoslovakian tramcar
 * T2, a model of the OS T1000 train of the Oslo Metro

Road

 * Estonian national road 2, officially T2, connecting Tallinn, Tartu, Võru and Luhamaa
 * T2 road (Tanzania), a road in Tanzania
 * T2 road (Zambia), a road in Zambia
 * Great North Road, Zambia

Other

 * Ford T2 platform
 * Soyuz T-2, a 1980 Soviet mission to the Salyut 6 space station.
 * Heathrow Terminal 2
 * T2, a type of transit lane in Australia
 * T2 tank, a tank prototype that evolved into the M2 light tank
 * T2 tank recovery vehicle, another name for the M31 variant of the M3 Lee tank
 * T2 tanker, a mass-produced tanker used during and after World War II
 * Volkswagen Type 2, Volkswagen car model
 * Mercedes-Benz T2, a light commercial vehicle manufactured by Daimler-Benz

Other uses

 * T2 (Australian company), Australian retail chain of tea stores
 * T2 (real-time gross settlement system), real-time gross settlement system owned and operated by Eurosystem
 * T2, a bedside television unit used by Hospedia
 * T2 or T2 Corporation Income Tax Return, a corporate tax form in Canada
 * T2, the nickname for the now-defunct weekday supplement, times2, in The Times of London
 * T2, a FAST (free ad-supported streaming television) channel owned by the Tennis Channel
 * T2 (roller coaster), a roller coaster at Six Flags Kentucky Kingdom
 * T-2 (ISP), an Internet Service Provider in Slovenia
 * T-2, a second partial float of the formerly government-owned Telstra telecommunications provider in Australia
 * T+2, "trade date plus two days" in financial markets

title: T2