text:
Talk:Great ape personhood

Orang-utan
" plus the non-hominid Orang-utan" ... but Hominid seems to include orang-utans in the gorup -- Tarquin 19:19 Feb 9, 2003 (UTC)

I think what the article meant to say is that orang-utans are not members of the groups Homininae or Hominini, as gorillas, chimpanzees, and humans are. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 24.36.175.248 (talk) 00:26, 21 October 2010 (UTC)

Individuals
The fact of calling them "individuals" has no relevance here, as an individual animal or even plant of any species is an "individual." --Daniel C. Boyer 19:27, 6 Nov 2004 (UTC)

 * Technically, plants aren’t necessarily individuals - they can be divided into multiple viable plants.

 * Besides, this is a reference to Jane Goodall's beliefs, not an attempt at academic encyclopaedia-writing. She clearly uses "individual" in the sense of possessing unique personality and character traits. JF Mephisto 02:42, 11 July 2006 (UTC)

 * ...In other words, she considers each of them a "person". Technical semantics.  --205.201.141.146 19:27, 7 June 2007 (UTC)

POV
This strikes me as rather POV - for instance, it doesn’t mention the problems of assigning personhood to apes, such as the concept of accountability going along with rights. --Ahruman 16:24, 11 April 2006 (UTC)

 * That's a philosophical position. It's a matter of personal opinion whether rights necessarily entail duties. After all, small children and the mentally incapacitated have no concept of responsibilities and they are still granted equal rights to the rest of us. Individuals from non-Western societies have different concepts of rights and responsibilities, yet they are not treated like second-class citizens when in our countries. It might be worthwhile mentioning these philosophical objections in a 'controversy' or 'criticism' section perhaps. JF Mephisto 02:42, 11 July 2006 (UTC)

If we do give other great apes a degree of personhood, perhaps they should have the rights of people under 5 (since most chimps have the intelligence of a 4 year old). Some parents even in modern Western countries keep small children under 5 in playpens so I don't see why it should be illegal for a private caretaker being able to keep them in cages (any captive non-human great ape needs to be caged as they are very dangerous). But yea, I guess we can make it a crime to kill an ape unless it is in self-defence. And obviously killing an ape for food would be illegal as it would be similar to killing and eating a human. I'm not sure whether it would work right now as most people already find it hard to believe that humans are great apes to begin with. I think until then we can't really convince people to make such laws. Zachorious 10:35, 23 August 2006 (UTC)

We dont need to give them any right or add them to our society. All we have to do is leave them to live their lives in peace Warfwar3 16:18, 23 August 2006 (UTC)

 * I think the scientific arguments related to this issue here … Homo Sapiens have this amazing ability of gross over population, environmental unbalance, and expanding their civilization to grandually cover all natural wild spaces. Since we are bringing our society and economic pressures to them (deforestation and habitat destruction, hunting, global climate changes, etc.), the idea of giving them personhood would better allow humans to better take in account the real costs of their destruction (such as the possible destruction of our own species).  :-)  C'est la vie.  Nonprof. Frinkus 22:30, 5 November 2006 (UTC)

Expantion of Personhood in the Future
I have read research proposing personhood not only covering Great Apes, but Whales (including Dolphins), Elephants and possibly even Giant Octopi. Should that be covered in a linked article here, or if one already exists, should it be linked? Nonprof. Frinkus 22:23, 5 November 2006 (UTC)

 * I'd support linking to equivalent articles. --205.201.141.146 19:28, 7 June 2007 (UTC)

Biographies of living persons
I have removed the claimed supporters as all three are living people and there were no sources: "Unsourced or poorly sourced controversial (negative, positive, or just highly questionable) material about living persons should be removed immediately from Wikipedia articles, talk pages, and user pages.[2] These principles also apply to biographical material about living persons in other articles. The responsibility for justifying controversial claims in Wikipedia, of all kinds, but especially for living people's bios, rests firmly on the shoulders of the person making the claim." Biographies_of_living_persons Mdbrownmsw 18:34, 4 December 2006 (UTC)

Original research
I have just removed some material that seems to be related to the topic, but fails under WP:OR: "That is, any facts, opinions, interpretations, definitions, and arguments published by Wikipedia must already have been published by a reliable publication in relation to the topic of the article." The material I removed and the two sources cited do NOT specifically discuss "Great Ape personhood". Mdbrownmsw 18:37, 4 December 2006 (UTC)

Richard Dawkins
It is clear that Richard Dawkins has weighed in to the debate on Great Ape personhood, but I'm not sure it's fair to cite him as one of the three best known advocates. A search for "Richard Dawkins" Great-Ape personhood results almost entirely in Wikipedia mirrors. The support he expresses in is hardly unqualified, being as follows:
 * Nevertheless, it must be conceded that this book's proposal to admit great apes to the charmed circle of human privilege stands square in the discontinuous tradition. Albeit the gap has moved, the fundamental question is still 'Which side of the gap?' Regrettable as this is, as long as our social mores are governed by discontinuously minded lawyers and theologians, it is premature to advocate a quantitative, continuously distributed morality. Accordingly, I support the proposal for which this book stands.

-81.79.242.103 12:50, 7 January 2007 (UTC)

Odd one out
Jane Goodall, Richard Dawkins, Noel Edmonds, Peter Singer. Is it really necessary to have Noel Edmonds in this list? Totnesmartin 18:09, 29 March 2007 (UTC)

Picture
Shouldn't the box on the right have a picture of a great ape, rather than a baboon?Petter Bøckman 06:16, 24 August 2007 (UTC)

 * Yes! Either a bonobo or common chimpanzee. Eperotao (talk) 17:23, 8 January 2008 (UTC)

 * I came to the discussion page to point that out myself. The picture should definiely be of a great ape. Baboons are monkeys, not great apes. *They have tails!* 24.252.142.184 (talk) 12:44, 18 February 2009 (UTC)

Links
One of the links is now owned by a cyber-squatter. Should be removed? 70.252.90.57 21:47, 1 October 2007 (UTC)

Apehood
Perhaps people could elect to become apes (since we share 98% DNS with apes, use language as well - nay better! - as apes, have similar social behaviour use tools like some species of great ape etc etc...), and thereby earn the right/privilege (I'm not sure which - you tell me) of not having to work, but instead could be left alone to themselves in the ape environment of their choice doing whatever comes natural to them as apes. E.g gathering ad perhaps hunting food, grooming, copulatating and generally having a good time. And if anyone fucks with them they can claim to be apes or humans as is convenient... And of course if it turns out that their environment has any economic value they can of course as persons cede it to commercial concerns for a fee... Jason Tan (I'm putting my name here because I thought of it first!! :-)) )  —Preceding unsigned comment added by 123.200.251.55 (talk) 15:32, 31 December 2007 (UTC)

 * Biologically, we already are great apes. We are part of the same lineage, which you will see if you look at our family tree, painstakingly worked out by molecular biologists and others and described at Ape. As to claiming to be one or the other as convenient, you are both already and have been for some time. I'm not sure what idea you are laying claim to.

 * As for having to work hard, we have to work harder than most other apes because we consume so many resources compared to most other animals. If you were content to live on fruits and sleep in the rain, you wouldn't need  a job.There being so many of us and our living so far from our natural habitat, the tropics, plays into this resource consumption problem as well. Eperotao (talk) 17:32, 8 January 2008 (UTC)

 * Actually, as repugnant as it may sound, there's some evidence that early humans and chimps were interbreeding fairly recently and that we're all decended from the resulting hybrids. See the Humanzee article. I know it sounds rediculous but, the evidence is true. I know this also sounds like "original research" but I actually started looking this stuff up on Wikipedia because a geneticist friend of mine told me about it. I'm still not sure what to make of it myself. But still, the original poster here is clearly a little out of his mind. There is no legal status of "ape" and therefore humans cannot attain it. 24.252.142.184 (talk) 12:47, 18 February 2009 (UTC)

 * Just don't call them monkeys. I heard they hate that.Ndriley97 (talk) 22:58, 29 October 2010 (UTC)

Steve Jones
Has anyone pointed out in a reliable source the obvious problems in his rights vs responsibilities claim? It seems a little simplistic since children and people with severe mental impairment or major psychological problems have few responsibilities and those who ignore their responsibilities are still guaranteed certain rights in most circumstances. If not, has anyone came across Steve Jones arguments in other sources? Nil Einne (talk) 22:28, 2 October 2009 (UTC)

Non-human great apes
Hi Lisa, could you say what your objection is to this phrase? It seems fairly straightforward, so I'd be interested in hearing how you see it as mistaken. SlimVirgin (talk) 22:07, 29 August 2012 (UTC)

 * What if we just removed the parenthetical? No information would be lost, and the controversial bit would be gone. carl bunderson (talk) (contributions) 03:36, 30 August 2012 (UTC)

 * There's nothing controversial about the phrase "non-human great apes" that I'm aware of, and we'd be losing the information that bonobos, chimpanzees, gorillas, and orangutans are the non-human great apes (see here, for example). I'd like to hear why Lisa feels it's inaccurate. SlimVirgin (talk) 16:27, 30 August 2012 (UTC)

 * The fact that it was reverted and came to the talk page demonstrates controversy. And because the page is titled 'great ape personhood', it is already clear that bonobos, chimps, gorillas and organutans are great apes; moreover, I'm pretty sure it is known that they aren't humans. So no, nothing is lost. carl bunderson (talk) (contributions) 17:19, 30 August 2012 (UTC)

 * A fact doesn't become controversial because one person keeps removing it without explanation. Per WP:LEAD, the lead is expected to explain the title and the contents of the article. So it makes sense to explain at the start that "great ape personhood" applies to the four non-human great apes: bonobos, chimps, gorillas and organutans. I hope Lisa will come here to explain her objection rather than continuing to revert. SlimVirgin (talk) 18:30, 30 August 2012 (UTC)

 * I've added sources as requested. SlimVirgin (talk) 19:22, 30 August 2012 (UTC)
 * I can't see anything remotely controversial about "non human great apes" and Lisa has offered no explanation for her objections. The sources added by SlimVirgin make the description quite clear.Theroadislong (talk) 20:23, 30 August 2012 (UTC)

All or none
I have removed bonobos from the list in the 1st paragraph, since it's misleading as it seem to state that gorillas and orangutans are species, if people really want to list bonobo, list all species, it will be like this: bonobos, (common) chimpanzees, western gorillas, eastern gorillas, Bornean orangutans, and Sumatran orangutans, but this seems too long. Editor abcdef (talk) 06:13, 21 April 2015 (UTC)

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title: Talk:Great ape personhood


text:
Juan Atkins

Juan Atkins (born September 12, 1962), also known as Model 500 and Infiniti, is an American record producer and DJ from Detroit, Michigan. Mixmag has described him as "the original pioneer of Detroit techno." He has been a member of The Belleville Three, Cybotron, and Borderland.

Early life
Juan Atkins was born in Detroit, Michigan. His father is a concert promoter. At an early age, he played guitar and bass guitar in funk/garage bands with his friends. After his parents split, he moved to Belleville, Michigan. In junior high school, he met Derrick May and Kevin Saunderson. The three would later be known as The Belleville Three. At the age of 15, he bought his first synthesizer, a Korg MS-10.

Career
Juan Atkins formed Cybotron with Richard Davis in 1980. The duo's debut studio album, Enter, was released in 1983. Atkins and Davis split ways in 1985.

In 1985, Atkins founded the record label Metroplex. In that year, he started making solo records under the alias Model 500. As Model 500, he released Deep Space in 1995, Mind and Body in 1999, and Digital Solutions in 2015.

He is also one half of the duo Borderland along with Moritz von Oswald. The duo released Borderland in 2013 and Transport in 2016.

In 2015, to celebrate the 30th anniversary of Metroplex, Juan Atkins collaborated with VAVA Eyewear.

Style and influences
Juan Atkins has stated that George Clinton's bands Parliament and Funkadelic were important to his musical awakening. He grew up listening to The Electrifying Mojo's radio shows. He also acknowledged Kraftwerk as one of the influences on his music. Mixmag has described him as "the original pioneer of Detroit techno." Stylistically, he drew upon dystopian science fiction narratives to construct his sonic landscapes.

Studio albums

 * 3MB Featuring Magic Juan Atkins (1992) (with Thomas Fehlmann and Moritz von Oswald, as 3MB Featuring Magic Juan Atkins)
 * Deep Space (1995) (as Model 500)
 * Skynet (1998) (as Infiniti)
 * Mind and Body (1999) (as Model 500)
 * The Berlin Sessions (2005)
 * Borderland (2013) (with Moritz von Oswald, as Borderland)
 * Digital Solutions (2015) (as Model 500)
 * Transport (2016) (with Moritz von Oswald, as Borderland)
 * Mind Merge LP (2017) (with Orlando Voorn, as Frequency vs Atkins)

Compilation albums

 * Classics (1993) (as Model 500)
 * The Infiniti Collection (1996) (as Infiniti)
 * 20 Years 1985 - 2005 (2005)

EPs

 * The True Techno EP (1992) (as Model 500)
 * The Future Sound EP (1993)

Singles

 * "No UFO's" (1985) (as Model 500)
 * "Night Drive" (1985) (as Model 500)
 * "Testing 1-2" (1986) (as Model 500)
 * "Play It Cool" (1986) (as Model 500)
 * "Technicolor" (1986) (with Doug Craig, as Channel One)
 * "It's Channel One" (1987) (with Doug Craig, as Channel One)
 * "Sound of Stereo" (1987) (as Model 500)
 * "Make Some Noise" (1987) (as Model 500)
 * "Beat Track" (1987)
 * "Interference" (1988) (as Model 500)
 * "The Chase" (1989) (as Model 500)
 * "Ocean to Ocean" (1990) (as Model 500)
 * "Jazz Is the Teacher" (1993) (with Thomas Fehlmann and Moritz von Oswald, as M500 & 3MB)
 * "I See the Light" (1993) (as Model 500)
 * "Sonic Sunset" (1994) (as Model 500)
 * "The Flow" (1995) (as Model 500)
 * "Starlight" (1995) (as Model 500)
 * "I Wanna Be There" (1996) (as Model 500)
 * "Be Brave" (1998) (as Model 500)
 * "Update" (2002) (as Model 600)
 * "Outer Space" (2004) (as Model 500)
 * "OFI" / "Huesca" (2010) (as Model 500)
 * "Control" (2012) (as Model 500)
 * "Riod" (2016) (with Moritz von Oswald, as Borderland)

Feature films

 * High Tech Soul (2006)

Short films

 * Black to Techno (2019)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Juan Atkins


text:
User talk:Asekers

It would be good to adjust the balance of this entry: of course most people know of Trevor Roper because of the Hitler Diary debacle, but that was one error in a lifetime of some real achievement.

BTW, one of the books he did not write, but which I heard him describe in some detail, was the case for the Earl of Oxford as author of the plays and sonnets credited to Shakespeare. Asekers 19:26 Feb 9, 2003 (UTC)

Hello there, welcome to the 'pedia! I hope you like the place and decide to stay. If you need pointers on how we title pages visit Naming conventions or how to format them visit our manual of style. If you have any other questions about the project then check out Help or add a question to the Village pump. Cheers! --maveric149

title: User talk:Asekers


text:
Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1814

The Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1814 (also known as the Convention of London; Verdrag van Londen) was signed by the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the Sovereign Principality of the United Netherlands in London on 13 August 1814.

The treaty restored most of the territories in the Moluccas and Java that Britain had seized in the Napoleonic Wars, but confirmed British possession of the Cape Colony on the southern tip of Africa, as well as portions of Dutch Guiana in South America. It was signed by Robert Stewart, Viscount Castlereagh, on behalf of the British and diplomat Hendrik Fagel, on behalf of the Dutch.

Possessions
The treaty returned the colonial possessions of the Dutch as they were at 1 January 1803, before the outbreak of the Napoleonic Wars in the Americas, Africa, and Asia, with the exception of the Cape of Good Hope and the South American settlements of Demerara, Essequibo and Berbice, where the Dutch retained trading rights.

In addition, the British ceded the island of Banca off the island of Sumatra in exchange for the settlement of Cochin in India and its dependencies on the coast of Malabar. The Dutch also ceded the district of Bernagore, situated close to Calcutta, in exchange for an annual fee.

Cooperation
The treaty also noted a declaration of 15 June 1814 by the Dutch, that ships for the slave trade were no longer permitted in British ports. That restriction would be extended to a ban on involvement in the slave trade by Dutch citizens. Britain also agreed to pay £1,000,000 to Sweden to resolve a claim to the Caribbean island of Guadeloupe.

The British and the Dutch agreed to spend £2,000,000 each on improving the defences of the Low Countries. More funds, of up to £3,000,000, are mentioned for the "final and satisfactory settlement of the Low Countries in union with Holland."

Disputes arising from the treaty were the subject of the Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1824.

title: Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1814


text:
Anglo-Dutch Treaty

Anglo-Dutch Treaty may refer to:

 * Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1814, also known as the Convention of London
 * Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1824, also known as the Treaty of London
 * Anglo-Dutch Treaties of 1870–1871, three related treaties

title: Anglo-Dutch Treaty


text:
Talk:Juan Atkins

Untitled
Re: Juan Atkins coining "Techno"

The techno music article as it stands suggests that techno is an offshoot of Chicago House. I find no evidence that this is true. I'd be interested to see whether reliable, researched web pages make this claim. A number of personal web pages muddle the distinctions between techno, house, trance, and other music, but articles appearing in magazines and interviews with Atkins are consistent in their depiction of the history of techno.

I plan to expand the Atkins discography and fill out the article a bit. Additional information and material from print-only sources would be welcome.--Rethunk

Origin of "Techno"
The term was definitely coined by Atkins. It came IIRC, from Alvin Toffler's phrase "Techno rebels". Techno isnt an offshoot of house.

He's not from Detriot
Juan lived in Belleville, MI and attended Belleville High School when he met the other founders of techno.--The Sess 21:54, 28 September 2006 (UTC)

 * He was born in Detroit and lived there until his teens, when both his, Kevin Saunderson and Derrick May's mothers moved to Belleville to avoid sending their kids to inner city schools. They returned after high school.  He said that Belleville is a tiny town and that they were the only black, inner city kids there, which was a bonding experience among the three.  He has said that the "Belleville three" tag is really a complete misnomer in terms of cultural influence on their music/identity.

Musical style
"Atkins' earlier works are generally considered electro. Over the years, his sound matured and grew in complexity, and many of his more recent works are heavily layered rhythmic soundscapes. Today, this techno is considered its own genre."

As a techno-bass/detroit electro fan I basically dispute the assertion here that his electro is less complex or "mature" than his techno.. What is the measure of "maturity"? Aesthetically refined? But so were his electro works; profoundly so.. or does this just mean more advanced towards conformity with some dated 90s IDM/minimal fashion where subtle timralities and ambiences are favoured above funk melody and syncopated rhythm - well that's POV...

If anything his techno is more minimal (ie. uncomplex) than his electro and electro-techno.. as he once said himself, he started infiniti to pursue a more minimalistic version of model 500. I will come back and try to rewrite this into a bit less of a POV form at some point.. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 78.148.187.192 (talk) 00:59, 10 September 2008 (UTC)

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Birth name ?
I was looking at copyright registrations to get the dates of some of his stuff, and I noticed in 1985 and 1986 he was registering his music under the name of Juan Harvell, and listing Juan Atkins as a pseudonym. I also noticed that in January 1985 he registered a sound cassette titled "Techno Structure", "all tunes written by Juan Harvell and Richard Davis. words & music: Juan Harvell, whose pseud. is One or Juan Atkins & Richard Davis, whose pseud. is 3070" PatConolly (talk) 05:46, 15 March 2022 (UTC)

title: Talk:Juan Atkins


text:
Pennsylvania Dutch language

Pennsylvania Dutch (Deitsch, or Pennsilfaanisch) or Pennsylvania German, is a variation of Palatine German spoken by the Pennsylvania Dutch, including the Amish, Mennonites, Fancy Dutch, and other related groups in the United States and Canada. There are approximately 300,000 native speakers of Pennsylvania Dutch in the United States and Canada.

The language traditionally has been spoken by the Pennsylvania Dutch, who are descendants of late 17th- and early to late 18th-century immigrants to Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, West Virginia, and North Carolina, who arrived primarily from Southern Germany and, to a lesser degree, the regions of Alsace and Lorraine in eastern France, and parts of Switzerland.

Differing explanations exist on why the Pennsylvania Dutch are referred to as “Dutch”, which typically refers to the inhabitants of the Netherlands or the Dutch language, which is only distantly related to Pennsylvania German. Several authors and etymological publications consider the word “Dutch” in “Pennsylvania Dutch”, which in medieval times could also be used to refer to speakers of various German dialects, to be an archaism particular to 19th-century American English, particularly in its colloquial form. An alternative and commonly found theory is that the “Dutch” in “Pennsylvania Dutch” is a anglicization or corruption of the Pennsylvania German autonym “deitsch”, which in the Pennsylvania German language refers to the Pennsylvania Dutch or Germans in general. , though some authors have described this hypothesis as a misapprehension.

Speakers of the dialect today are primarily found in Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and other Midwestern states, as well as parts of the Southern states such as in Kentucky and Tennessee, in the United States, and in Ontario in Canada. The dialect historically was also spoken in other regions where its use has largely or entirely faded. The practice of Pennsylvania Dutch as a street language in urban areas of Pennsylvania, including Allentown, Reading, Lancaster, and York, was declining by the beginning of the 20th century. But in more rural Pennsylvania areas, it continued in widespread use until World War II. Since that time, its use in Pennsylvania rural areas has greatly declined. It is best preserved in the Old Order Amish and Old Order Mennonite communities, and presently the members of both groups make up the majority of Pennsylvania Dutch speakers.

European origins
The ancestors of Pennsylvania Dutch speakers came from various parts of the southwestern regions of German-speaking Europe, including Palatinate, Electoral Palatinate (Kurpfalz), the Duchy of Baden, Hesse, Saxony, Swabia, Württemberg, Alsace (German Elsass), German Lorraine, and Switzerland. Most of the people in these areas spoke Rhine Franconian, especially Palatine German and, to a lesser degree, Alemannic dialects; it is believed that in the first generations after the settlers arrived, the dialects merged. The result of that dialect levelling was a dialect very close to the eastern dialects of Palatine German, especially the rural dialects around Mannheim/Ludwigshafen.

Pennsylvania Dutch is mainly derived from Palatine German, spoken by 2,400,000 Germans in the Rhine-Neckar Metropolitan Region, a region almost identical to the historical Palatinate. There are similarities between the German dialect that is still spoken in this small part of southwestern Germany and Pennsylvania Dutch. When individuals from the Palatinate (Pfalz) region of Germany today encounter Pennsylvania Dutch speakers, conversation is often possible to a limited degree.

Comparison with Standard German
Pennsylvania Dutch for the most part does not reflect the diverse origins of the early speakers from regions along the upper Rhine River (Rhineland, Württemberg, Baden, Saarland, Switzerland and the Elsass/Alsace) but almost exclusively the strong immigrant group from the Palatine.

Pennsylvania Dutch is not a corrupted form of Standard German, since Standard German originally developed as a written standard based on the various spoken German dialects in a very long process that started in the time of classical Middle High German (1170–1250). Pennsylvania Dutch instead reflects the independent development of Palatine German, especially from the region that is called Vorderpfalz in German.

Since Pennsylvania Dutch is largely derived from Palatine German, which did not fully undergo the High German consonant shift, several vowels and consonants in Pennsylvania Dutch differ when compared with Standard German or Upper German dialects such as Alemannic and Bavarian.

The American English influence is most significant on vocabulary and to a much lesser degree on pronunciation; the English influence on grammar is relatively small. The question of whether the large loss of the dative case—the most significant difference compared with Palatine German—is due to English influence or reflects an inner development is disputed.

Grammar

As in Standard German, Pennsylvania Dutch uses three genders (masculine, feminine, and neuter). Pennsylvania Dutch has three cases for personal pronouns: the accusative, nominative, and dative, and two cases for nouns: the common case, with both accusative and nominative functions, and the dative case. There is no genitive case in Pennsylvania Dutch. The historical genitive case has been replaced by the dative, and possession is indicated with a special construction using the dative and the possessive pronoun: 'the man's dog' becomes em Mann sei Hund (literally: 'to the man his dog'). Studies have shown variability in the use of the dative case in both sectarian and non-sectarian communities. The trend is towards use of the common case for nouns and the accusative case for pronouns, instead of the dative. Thus, em Mann sei Hund, for example, has frequently become der Mann sei Hund.

The dative case in Pennsylvania German is used to express possession, to mark objects of prepositions, to mark indirect objects, and to indicate the direct objects of certain verbs. It is expressed, as in Standard German, through the use of dative forms of personal pronouns and through certain inflections of articles and adjectives modifying nouns. In non-sectarian speech in central Pennsylvania, the dative is widely used among the older generations who are fluent in Pennsylvania German, whereas younger semi-speakers tend not to use the dative as much. Many semi-speakers used the English possessive -'s.

In contrast, Anabaptists in central Pennsylvania had almost completely replaced the dative with the accusative case. Meanwhile, members of the entirely Pennsylvania Dutch-speaking community in Kalona, all of whom were Amish or Mennonite, showed strong age-related variation. Speakers under the age of 40 never used the dative, while older speakers showed strongly variable behavior. There was little difference between members of the different religious denominations in the Kalona.

Many verbs of English origin are used in Pennsylvania Dutch. Most English-origin verbs are treated as German weak verbs, receiving a past participle with a ge- prefix and a -t suffix, thus for example the past participle of 'change' is usually ge-change-t. Verbs with unstressed first syllables generally do not take the ge- prefix, so the past participle of 'adopt' is adopted, as in English. This follows the pattern of words with inseparable prefixes in German. However, English-origin verbs which are stressed on the first syllable may also appear without the ge- prefix. Thus, 'realize' is conjugated simply as realized, and 'farm' may be conjugated as farmed or ge-farm-t. Some German-origin verbs may also appear without the ge- prefix. Schwetze 'talk, speak', may be conjugated as geschwetzt or simply as schwetzt. Both English influence and overall simplification may be at work in the dropping of the ge- prefix.

Pennsylvania Dutch, like Standard German, has many separable verbs composed of a root verb and a prefix. Some of these in Standard German are completely semantically transparent, such as mit-gehen 'to go with', from mit- 'with' and gehen 'go'. Others, like mit-teilen lit. 'with-share' which means 'to inform' and not the sharing of concrete entities, are not semantically transparent. That is, their meaning is not the sum of their parts. Separable verbs are used widely in Pennsylvania Dutch, and separable verbs can even be formed with English roots and prefixes. Virtually all separable verbs in Pennsylvania Dutch are semantically transparent. Many semantically opaque separable verbs such as um-ziehe lit. 'pull around', meaning, 'to move house', has been replaced by the English word move.

Adjectival endings exist but appear simplified compared to Standard German. As in all other South German dialects, the past tense is generally expressed using the perfect: Ich bin ins Feld glaafe ('I have run into the field') and not the simple past (Ich lief ins Feld ['I ran into the field']), which is retained only in the verb "to be", as war or ware, corresponding to English was and were. The subjunctive mood is extant only as Konjunktiv I (Konjunktiv II is totally lost) in a limited number of verbs. In all other verbs it is expressed through the form of Konjunktiv I of the verbs 'to do' (du) and 'to have' (hawwe/have) combined with the infinitive or the past participle, e.g., ich daet esse ('I would eat'), ich hett gesse ('I would have eaten').

Several Pennsylvania Dutch grammars have been published over the years. Two examples are A Simple Grammar of Pennsylvania Dutch by J. William Frey and A Pennsylvania German Reader and Grammar by Earl C. Haag.

Pronunciation
The tables below use IPA symbols to compare sounds used in Standard German (to the left) with sounds that correspond to them in their Pennsylvania Dutch cognates, reflecting their respective evolutions since they diverged from a common origin.

Consonants
In Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, there have been numerous other shifts that can make their Pennsylvania Dutch particularly difficult for modern High German speakers to understand. A word beginning in $\langlegs\rangle$ generally becomes $\langlets\rangle$, which is more easily pronounced, and so German gesund > gsund > tsund and German gesagt > gsaat > tsaat. Likewise, German gescheid > gscheid > tscheid. German zurück > zrick > tsrick. The shift is rather common with German children learning to speak.

The softened $\langlew\rangle$ after guttural consonants has mixed with the guttural $\langler\rangle$ of earlier generations and also turned into an American $\langler\rangle$ and so German gewesen > gwest > grest and German geschwind > gschwind > tschrind. The changes in pronunciation, combined with the general disappearance of declensions as described above, result in a form of the dialect that has evolved somewhat from its early Pennsylvania origins nearly 300 years ago and is still rather easy to understand by German dialect speakers of the Rhineland-Palatinate area.

Interaction with English
The people from southern Germany, eastern France and Switzerland, where the Pennsylvania Dutch culture and dialect sprung, started to arrive in North America in the late 17th and the early 18th centuries, before the beginning of the Industrial Revolution. To a more limited extent, that is also true of a second wave of immigration in the mid-19th century, which came from the same regions, but settled more frequently in Ohio, Indiana, and other parts of the Midwest. Thus, an entire industrial vocabulary relating to electricity, machinery and modern farming implements has naturally been borrowed from the English. For Pennsylvania Dutch speakers who work in a modern trade or in an industrial environment, this could potentially increase the challenge of maintaining their mother tongue.

Numerous English words have been borrowed and adapted for use in Pennsylvania Dutch since the first generations of Pennsylvania German habitation of southeastern Pennsylvania. Examples of English loan words that are relatively common are bet (Ich bet, du kannscht Deitsch schwetze 'I bet you can speak Pennsylvania Dutch'), depend (Es dependt en wennig, waer du bischt 'it depends somewhat on who you are'); tschaepp for 'chap' or 'guy'; and tschumbe for 'to jump'. Today, many speakers will use Pennsylvania Dutch words for the smaller numerals and English for larger and more complicated numbers, like $27,599.

Conversely, although many among the earlier generations of Pennsylvania Dutch could speak English, they were known for speaking it with a strong and distinctive accent. Such Pennsylvania Dutch English can still sometimes be heard. Although the more-recently coined term is being used in the context of this and related articles to describe this Pennsylvania Dutch-influenced English, it has traditionally been referred to as "Dutchy" or "Dutchified" English.

Written language
Pennsylvania Dutch has primarily been a spoken dialect throughout its history, with very few of its speakers making much of an attempt to read or write it. Writing in Pennsylvania Dutch can be a difficult task, and there is no spelling standard for the dialect. There are currently two primary competing models upon which numerous orthographic (i.e., spelling) systems have been based by individuals who attempt to write in the Pennsylvania Dutch dialect. One 'school' tends to follow the rules of American English orthography, the other the rules of Standard German orthography (developed by Preston Barba and Buffington). The choice of writing system is not meant to imply any difference in pronunciation. For comparison, a translation into Pennsylvania Dutch, using two spelling systems, of the Lord's Prayer, as found in the common traditional language English translation, is presented below. The text in the second column illustrates a system based on American English orthography. The text in the third column uses, on the other hand, a system based on Standard German. The English original is found in the first column, and a Standard German version appears in the fifth column. (Note: The German version(s) of the Lord's Prayer most likely to have been used by Pennsylvania Germans would have been derived in most cases from Martin Luther's translation of the New Testament.)

Pennsylvania High German
Pennsylvania High German is a literary form of Palatine written in Pennsylvania, the Palatinate, and other Palatine states (e.g. the Hessian Palatinate), used between the 1700s and early 1900s. In Pennsylvania, this literary form helped maintain German education and instruction, and was spoken in schools and churches. It is often seen in Fraktur art and script.

Immediately after the American Civil War, the federal government replaced Pennsylvania German schools with English-only schools. Literary German disappeared from Pennsylvania Dutch life little by little, starting with schools, and then to churches and newspapers. With the decline of German instruction, Pennsylvania High German became a dead language.

Publications
Since 1997, the Pennsylvania Dutch newspaper Hiwwe wie Driwwe allows dialect authors (of whom there are still about 100) to publish Pennsylvania Dutch poetry and prose. Hiwwe wie Driwwe was founded by Michael Werner. It is published twice a year (2,400 copies per issue)—since 2013 in cooperation with the Pennsylvania German Cultural Heritage Center at Kutztown University. Since 2002, the newspaper is published both online and in print.

In 2006, the German publishing house Edition Tintenfaß started to print books in Pennsylvania Dutch.

Wycliffe Bible Translators, Inc., using American English orthography (see Written language), has translated the Bible into Pennsylvania Dutch. The New Testament with Psalms and Proverbs was published in 2002 by the Bible League. The entire Bible, Di Heilich Shrift, was completed and published in 2013 by TGS International. Deitsh Books has published a dictionary (2013) and a grammar book (2014) by D Miller using the same American English orthography.

In 2014, Jehovah's Witnesses began to publish literature in Pennsylvania Dutch.

Survival
Pennsylvania Dutch, which is now in its fourth century on North American soil, had more than 250,000 speakers in 2012. It has shifted its center to the West with approximately 160,000 speakers in Ohio, Indiana, Wisconsin, Iowa and other Midwest states. There is even a small but growing number of Pennsylvania Dutch speakers in Upper Barton Creek and Springfield in Belize among Old Order Mennonites of the Noah Hoover group. The dialect is used vigorously by the horse and buggy Old Order Mennonites in the northern part of the Regional Municipality of Waterloo in Ontario, Canada.

Speakers without an Anabaptist background in general do not pass the dialect to their children today, but the Old Order Amish and horse-and-buggy Old Order Mennonites do so in the current generation, and there are no signs that the practice will end in the future. There are only two car driving Anabaptist groups who have preserved the dialect: The Old Beachy Amish and the Kauffman Amish Mennonites, also called Sleeping Preacher Churches. Even though Amish and Old Order Mennonites were originally a minority group within the Pennsylvania Dutch-speaking population, today they form the vast majority. According to sociologist John A. Hostetler, less than 10 percent of the original Pennsylvania Dutch population was Amish or Mennonite.

As of 1989, non-sectarian, or non-Amish and non-Mennonite, native Pennsylvania-Dutch speaking parents have generally spoken to their children exclusively in English. The reasons they cited were preventing their children from developing a "Dutch" accent and preparing them for school. Older speakers generally did not see a reason for young people to speak it. Many of their children learned the language from hearing their parents using it and from interactions with the generation older than their parents. Among the first natively English speaking generation, oldest siblings typically speak Pennsylvania Dutch better than younger ones.

There have been efforts to advance the use of the dialect. Kutztown University offers a complete minor program in Pennsylvania German Studies. The program includes two full semesters of the Pennsylvania Dutch dialect. In the 2007–2008 school year, the classes were being taught by Professor Edward Quinter. In 2008–2009, Professor Robert Lusch served as the instructor.

According to one scholar, "today, almost all Amish are functionally bilingual in Pennsylvania Dutch and English; however, domains of usage are sharply separated. Pennsylvania Dutch dominates in most in-group settings, such as the dinner table and preaching in church services. In contrast, English is used for most reading and writing. English is also the medium of instruction in schools and is used in business transactions and often, out of politeness, in situations involving interactions with non-Amish. Finally, the Amish read prayers and sing in Standard, or High, German (Hoch Deitsch) at church services. The distinctive use of three different languages serves as a powerful conveyor of Amish identity." Although "the English language is being used in more and more situations," nonetheless Pennsylvania Dutch is "one of a handful of minority languages in the United States that is neither endangered nor supported by continual arrivals of immigrants."

Because it is an isolated dialect and almost all native speakers are bilingual in English, the biggest threat to the dialect is gradual decay of the traditional vocabulary, which is then replaced by English loan words or words corrupted from English.

Speaker population
In the United States, most Old Order Amish and all "horse and buggy" Old Order Mennonite groups speak Pennsylvania Dutch, except the Old Order Mennonites of Virginia, where German was already mostly replaced at the end of the 19th century. There are several Old Order Amish communities (especially in Indiana) where Bernese German, a form of Swiss German and Low Alemannic Alsatian, not Pennsylvania Dutch, are spoken. Additionally, English has mostly replaced Pennsylvania Dutch among the car driving Old Order Horning and the Wisler Mennonites.

Other religious groups among whose members the Pennsylvania Dutch dialect would have once been predominant, include: Lutheran and German Reformed congregations of Pennsylvania Dutch background, Schwenkfelders, and Schwarzenau (German Baptist) Brethren. Until fairly recent times, the speaking of Pennsylvania Dutch had absolutely no religious connotations.

In Ontario, Canada, the Old Order Amish, the members of the Ontario Old Order Mennonite Conference, the David Martin Old Order Mennonites, the Orthodox Mennonites and smaller pockets of others (regardless of religious affiliation) speak Pennsylvania Dutch. The members of the car driving Old Order Markham-Waterloo Mennonite Conference have mostly switched to English. In 2017, there were about 10,000 speakers of Pennsylvania Dutch in Canada, far fewer than in the United States.

There are also attempts being made in a few communities to teach the dialect in a classroom setting; however, as every year passes by, fewer and fewer in those particular communities speak the dialect. There is still a weekly radio program in the dialect whose audience is made up mostly of the diverse groups, and many Lutheran and Reformed congregations in Pennsylvania that formerly used German have a yearly service in Pennsylvania Dutch. Other non-native speakers of the dialect include those persons that regularly do business with native speakers.

Among them, the Old Order Amish population was probably around 227,000 in 2008. Additionally, the Old Order Mennonite population, a sizable percentage of which is Pennsylvania Dutch-speaking, numbers several tens of thousands. There are also thousands of other Mennonites who speak the dialect, as well as thousands more older Pennsylvania Dutch speakers of non-Amish and non-Mennonite background. The Grundsau Lodge, which is an organization in southeastern Pennsylvania of Pennsylvania Dutch speakers, is said to have 6,000 members. Therefore, a fair estimate of the speaker population in 2008 might be close to 300,000, although many, including some academic publications, may report much lower numbers, uninformed of those diverse speaker groups.

There are no formal statistics on the size of the Amish population, and most who speak Pennsylvania Dutch on the Canadian and U.S. censuses would report that they speak German, since it is the closest option available. Pennsylvania Dutch was reported under ethnicity in the 2000 census.

There are also some Pennsylvania Dutch speakers who belong to traditional Anabaptist groups in Latin America. Even though most Mennonite communities in Belize speak Plautdietsch, some few hundreds who came to Belize mostly around 1970 and who belong to the Noah Hoover Mennonites speak Pennsylvania Dutch. There are also some recent New Order Amish immigrants in Bolivia, Argentina, and Belize who speak Pennsylvania Dutch while the great majority of conservative Mennionites in those countries speak Plautdietsch.

Examples

 * In Mario Pei's book Language, a popular poem in the dialect (with significant English influence in the form of loanwords) is printed; the free-translation is, in the main, by J. Cooper.

 * This link contains an example of spoken Pennsylvania Dutch: Bisht du en Christ gebore? ('Are you born as a Christian?').
 * More example of spoken Pennsylvania Dutch can be found at the page "American Languages – our nation's many languages online" of the University of Wisconsin.

In popular culture
Orange is the New Black character Leanne Taylor and family are featured speaking Pennsylvania Dutch in flashbacks showing her Amish background before ending up in prison.

Science-fiction writer Michael Flynn wrote the novella The Forest of Time, depicting an alternate history in which the United States was never established, but each of the Thirteen Colonies went its own way as an independent nation. In that history, Pennsylvania adopted the Pennsylvania Dutch language as its national language and developed into a German-speaking nation, with its own specific culture, very distinct from both its English-speaking neighbors and European Germany.

Notable authors and translators

 * Preston Barba
 * C. Richard Beam
 * John Birmelin
 * David B. Brunner
 * Solomon DeLong
 * Moses Dissinger
 * Richard Druckenbrod
 * H. L. Fischer
 * Arthur D. Graeff
 * Ezra Light Grumbine
 * Lee Light Grumbine
 * Earl C. Haag
 * Henry Harbaugh
 * Abraham R. Horne
 * Harry Hess Reichard
 * Clarence G. Reitnauer
 * Emmanuel Rondthaler
 * G. Gilbert Snyder
 * Pierce E. Swope
 * William S. Troxell
 * Louise Adeline Weitzel
 * Michael Werner
 * Louis August Wollenweber
 * Astor C. Wuchter
 * Thomas C. Zimmerman

title: Pennsylvania Dutch language


text:
Organizational commitment

In organizational behavior and industrial and organizational psychology, organizational commitment is an individual's psychological attachment to the organization. Organizational scientists have also developed many nuanced definitions of organizational commitment, and numerous scales to measure them. Exemplary of this work is Meyer and Allen's model of commitment, which was developed to integrate numerous definitions of commitment that had been proliferated in the literature. Meyer and Allen's model has also been critiqued because the model is not consistent with empirical findings. It may also not be fully applicable in domains such as customer behavior. There has also been debate surrounding what Meyers and Allen's model was trying to achieve.

The basis behind many of these studies was to find ways to improve how workers feel about their jobs so that these workers would become more committed to their organizations.

Organizational commitment predicts work variables such as turnover, organizational citizenship behavior, and job performance. Some of the factors such as role stress, empowerment, job insecurity and employability, and distribution of leadership have been shown to be connected to a worker's sense of organizational commitment.

Model of commitment
Meyer and Allen's (1991) three-component model of commitment was created to argue that commitment has three different components that correspond with different psychological states. Meyer and Allen created this model for two reasons: first "aid in the interpretation of existing research" and second "to serve as a framework for future research". Their study was based mainly around previous studies of organizational commitment.

Meyer and Allen's research indicated that there are three "mind sets" which can characterize an employee's commitment to the organization. Mercurio (2015) extended this model by reviewing the empirical and theoretical studies on organizational commitment. Mercurio posits that emotional, or affective commitment is the core essence of organizational commitment.

Affective commitment
Affective Commitment is defined as the employee's positive emotional attachment to the organization. Meyer and Allen pegged AC as the "desire" component of organizational commitment. An employee who is affectively committed strongly identifies with the goals of the organization and desires to remain a part of the organization. This employee commits to the organization because they "want to".

This commitment can be influenced by many different demographic characteristics: age, tenure, sex, and education but these influences are neither strong nor consistent. The problem with these characteristics is that while they can be seen, they cannot be clearly defined. Meyer and Allen gave this example that "positive relationships between tenure and commitment maybe due to tenure-related differences in job status and quality" In developing this concept, Meyer and Allen drew largely on Mowday, Porter, and Steers's (2006) concept of commitment, which in turn drew on earlier work by Kanter (1968). Mercurio (2015) stated that..."affective commitment was found to be an enduring, demonstrably indispensable, and central characteristic of organizational commitment".

Continuance commitment
Continuance commitment is the "need" component or the gains versus losses of working in an organization.

"Side bets", or investments, are the gains and losses that may occur should an individual stay or leave an organization. An individual may commit to the organization because he/she perceives a high cost of losing organizational membership (cf. Becker's 1960 "side bet theory").

Things like economic costs (such as pension accruals) and social costs (friendship ties with co-workers) would be costs of losing organizational membership. But an individual doesn't see the positive costs as enough to stay with an organization they must also take into account the availability of alternatives (such as another organization), disrupt personal relationships, and other "side bets" that would be incurred from leaving their organization. The problem with this is that these "side bets" don't occur at once but that they "accumulate with age and tenure".

Normative commitment
The individual commits to and remains with an organization because of feelings of obligation, the last component of organizational commitment. These feelings may derive from a strain on an individual before and after joining an organization. For example, the organization may have invested resources in training an employee who then feels a 'moral' obligation to put forth effort on the job and stay with the organization to 'repay the debt.' It may also reflect an internalized norm, developed before the person joins the organization through family or other socialization processes, that one should be loyal to one's organization. The employee stays with the organization because he/she "ought to". But generally if an individual invest a great deal they will receive "advanced rewards".

Normative commitment is higher in organizations that value loyalty and systematically communicate the fact to employees with rewards, incentives and other strategies. Normative commitment in employees is also high where employees regularly see visible examples of the employer being committed to employee well-being. An employee with greater organizational commitment has a greater chance of contributing to organizational success and will also experience higher levels of job satisfaction. High levels of job satisfaction, in turn, reduces employee turnover and increases the organization's ability to recruit and retain talent. Meyer and Allen based their research in this area more on theoretical evidence rather than empirical, which may explain the lack of depth in this section of their study compared to the others. They drew off Wiener's (2005) research for this commitment component.

Critique to the three-component model
Since the model was made, there has been conceptual critique to what the model is trying to achieve. Specifically from three psychologists, Omar Solinger, Woody Olffen, and Robert Roe. To date, the three-component conceptual model has been regarded as the leading model for organizational commitment because it ties together three aspects of earlier commitment research (Becker, 2005; Buchanan, 2005; Kanter, 1968; Mathieu & Zajac, 1990; Mowday, Porter, & Steers, 1982; Salancik, 2004; Weiner, 2004; Weiner & Vardi, 2005). However, a collection of studies have shown that the model is not consistent with empirical findings. Solinger, Olffen, and Roe use a later model by Alice Eagly and Shelly Chaiken, Attitude-behavior Model (2004), to present that TCM combines different attitude phenomena. They have come to the conclusion that TCM is a model for predicting turnover. In a sense the model describes why people should stay with the organization whether it is because they want to, need to, or ought to. The model appears to mix together an attitude toward a target, that being the organization, with an attitude toward a behavior, which is leaving or staying. They believe the studies should return to the original understanding of organizational commitment as an attitude toward the organization and measure it accordingly. Although the TCM is a good way to predict turnover, these psychologists do not believe it should be the general model. Because Eagly and Chaiken's model is so general, it seems that the TCM can be described as a specific subdivision of their model when looking at a general sense of organizational commitment. It becomes clear that affective commitment equals an attitude toward a target, while continuance and normative commitment are representing different concepts referring to anticipated behavioral outcomes, specifically staying or leaving. This observation backs up their conclusion that organizational commitment is perceived by TCM as combining different target attitudes and behavioral attitudes, which they believe to be both confusing and logically incorrect. The attitude-behavioral model can demonstrate explanations for something that would seem contradictory in the TCM. That is that affective commitment has stronger associations with relevant behavior and a wider range of behaviors, compared to normative and continuance commitment. Attitude toward a target (the organization) is obviously applicable to a wider range of behaviors than an attitude toward a specific behavior (staying). After their research, Sollinger, Olffen, and Roe believe Eagly and Chaiken's attitude-behavior model from 1993 would be a good alternative model to look at as a general organizational commitment predictor because of its approach at organizational commitment as a singular construct, which in turn would help predicting various behaviors beyond turnover.

A five component commitment model
More recently, scholars have proposed a five component model of commitment, though it has been developed in the context of product and service consumption. This model proposes habitual and forced commitment as two additional dimensions which are very germane in consumption settings. It seems, however, that habitual commitment or inertial may also become relevant in many job settings. People get habituated to a job—the routine, the processes, the cognitive schemas associated with a job can make people develop a latent commitment to the job—just as it may occur in a consumption setting. The paper—by Keiningham and colleagues also compared applications of the TCM in job settings and in consumption settings to develop additional insights.

Job satisfaction
Job satisfaction is commonly defined as the extent to which employees like their work. Researchers have examined Job satisfaction for the past several decades. Studies have been devoted to figuring out the dimensions of job satisfaction, antecedents of job satisfaction, and the relationship between satisfaction and commitment. Satisfaction has also been examined under various demographics of gender, age, race, education, and work experience. Most research on job satisfaction has been aimed towards the person-environment fit paradigm. Job satisfaction has been found to be an important area of research because one of the top reasons individuals give for leaving a job is dissatisfaction.

Much of the literature on the relationship between commitment and satisfaction with one's job indicates that if employees are satisfied they develop stronger commitment to their work. Kalleberg (1990) studied work attitudes of workers in the US and Japan and found a correlation of 0.73 between job satisfaction and organizational commitment of workers in Japan and a higher significant correlation of 0.81 among Americans. A study conducted by Dirani and Kuchinke produced results indicating a strong correlation between job commitment and job satisfaction and that satisfaction was a reliable predictor of commitment. Job satisfaction among employees—at least in retail settings—can also strengthen the association between customer satisfaction and customer loyalty.

 * Perceiving a "Calling": A study at the University of Florida found a positive correlation between the individual's perception of their career being a "calling" and the level of commitment to the job. This study looked at the relation between work commitment and participant's perception of meaning in their job. Participants were tested in the areas of; perceiving a calling, job satisfaction, and job commitment. Results showed a moderate correlation between participants perceiving a calling and job commitment and a weak correlation between perceiving a calling and job satisfaction.

Role Stress

 * Dysfunctions in role performance have been associated with a large number of consequences, almost always negative, which affect the well being of workers and functioning of organizations. An individual's experience of receiving incompatible or conflicting requests (role conflict) and/or the lack of enough information to carry out his/her job (role ambiguity) are causes of role stress. Role ambiguity and conflict decrease worker's performance and are positively related to the probability of the workers leaving the organization. Role conflict and ambiguity have been proposed as determining factors of workers' job satisfaction and organizational commitment.

Empowerment

 * Empowerment in the workplace has had several different definitions over the years. It has been considered 'energizing followers through leadership, enhancing self efficacy by reducing powerlessness and increasing intrinsic task motivation.' A psychological view of empowerment describes it as 'a process of intrinsic motivation, perceived control, competence, and energizing towards achieving goals.' There are two prominent concepts of empowerment. The first is Structural Empowerment which comes from the Organizational/Management Theory and is described as the ability to get things done and to mobilize resources. The second is Psychological Empowerment which comes from Social Psychological models and is described as psychological perceptions/attitudes of employees about their work and their organizational roles. A study done by Ahmad et al. found support for the relationship between empowerment and job satisfaction and job commitment. The study looked at nurses working in England and nurses working in Malaysia. Taking cultural context into consideration, the study still showed a positive correlation between empowerment and job satisfaction/commitment.

Job Insecurity and Employability

 * In a study conducted by De Cuyper research found that workers who were on fixed-term contracts or considered "temporary workers" reported higher levels of job insecurity than permanent workers. Job insecurity was found to negatively correlate with job satisfaction and affective organizational commitment in permanent workers. The study also found that job satisfaction and organizational commitment were highly correlated with being a permanent worker.

Distribution of Leadership
A study conducted by Hulpia et al. focused on the impact of the distribution of leadership and leadership support among teachers and how that affected job satisfaction and commitment. The study found that there was a strong relationship between organizational commitment and the cohesion of the leadership team and the amount of leadership support. Previously held beliefs about job satisfaction and commitment among teachers was that they were negatively correlated with absenteeism and turnover and positively correlated with job effort and job performance. This study examined how one leader (usually a principal) effected the job satisfaction and commitment of teachers. The study found that when leadership was distributed by the 'leader' out to the teachers as well workers reported higher job satisfaction and organizational commitment than when most of the leadership fell to one person. Even when it was only the perception of distributed leadership roles workers still reported high levels of job satisfaction/commitment.

Shift to organizational change commitment
By the end of the 1990s, leaders did not find the value in understanding whether or not their people were more or less committed to the organization. It was particularly frustrating that leaders could see that people committed to the organization were not as committed to strategic change initiatives, the majority of which failed to live up to expectations. John Meyer responded to this gap by proposing a model of organizational change commitment.

The new model includes the same 3-components, but also includes a behavioral commitment scale: resistance, passive resistance, compliance, cooperation, and championing. Though Meyer does not cite him, a peer reviewed source for behavioral commitment comes from Leon Coetsee in South Africa. Coetsee brought the resistance-to-commitment model of Harvard consultant Arnold Judson to academic research and has continued developing the model as late as 2011.

Guidelines to enhance
Five rules help to enhance organizational commitment:
 * Commit to people-first values: Put it in writing, hire the right-kind managers, and walk the talk.
 * Clarify and communicate your mission: Clarify the mission and ideology; make it charismatic; use value-based hiring practices; stress values-based orientation and training; build tradition.
 * Guarantee organizational justice: Have a comprehensive grievance procedure; provide for extensive two-way communications.
 * Community of practice: Build value-based homogeneity; share and share alike; emphasize barnraising, cross-utilization, and teamwork; getting people to work together.
 * Support employee development: Commit to actualizing; provide first-year job challenge; enrich and empower; promote from within; provide developmental  activities; provide employee security without guarantees.

title: Organizational commitment


text:
Lorne Greene

Lorne Hyman Greene (born Lyon Himan Green; 12 February 1915 – 11 September 1987) was a Canadian actor, musician, singer and radio personality. His notable television roles include Ben Cartwright on the Western Bonanza and Commander Adama in the original science-fiction television series Battlestar Galactica and Galactica 1980. He also worked on the Canadian television nature documentary series Lorne Greene's New Wilderness and in television commercials.

Early life and career in Canada
Greene was born Lyon Himan Green in Ottawa, Ontario, to Jewish immigrants from the Russian Empire, Dora (née Grinovsky) and Daniel Green, a shoemaker. He was called "Chaim" by his mother, and his name is shown as "Hyman" on his school report cards. In a biography of him, written by his daughter, she wrote that it was unknown when he began using the name Lorne, nor when he added an "e" to Green.

Greene was the drama instructor at Camp Arowhon, a summer camp in Algonquin Park, Ontario, Canada, where he developed his talents.

Greene began acting while attending Queen's University in Kingston, where he acquired a knack for broadcasting with the Radio Workshop of the university's Drama Guild on the campus radio station CFRC.

He gave up on a career in chemical engineering, and upon graduation, found a job as a radio broadcaster for the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC).

During World War II, Greene served as a Flying officer in the Royal Canadian Air Force.

Afterward, he was assigned as the principal newsreader on the CBC National News, with CBC gave him the nickname "The Voice of Canada". However, following Canada's entry into World War II in 1939, his role in delivering distressing war news in sonorous tones with his deep, resonant voice caused many listeners to call him "The Voice of Doom", especially as he was delegated the dreaded list of soldiers killed in the war.

During his radio days, Greene invented a stopwatch which ran backwards (i.e. it would start from a given number and count down to zero); this helped radio announcers gauge how much time was left while speaking.

During his CBC radio career, Greene also narrated documentary films, such as the National Film Board of Canada's Fighting Norway (1943).

Greene left the CBC and became a freelancer after the war when the network ordered staff announcers to turn over a large percentage of any income they earned from film narration. Greene continued to appear on CBC on a freelance basis while becoming the newsreader for private radio station CKEY in Toronto, while also returning to acting work both on stage and in radio plays.

After closing his Academy of Radio Arts in 1952, Greene relocated to the United States. Katharine Cornell cast him twice in her Broadway productions. In 1953, he was cast in The Prescott Proposals. In that same year, she cast him in a verse drama by Christopher Fry, The Dark is Light Enough. Greene likewise began appearing in isolated episodes on live television in the 1950s. In 1953, he was seen in the title role of a one-hour adaptation of Shakespeare's Othello. In 1954, he made his Hollywood debut as Saint Peter in The Silver Chalice and made several more films and appearances on American television. In 1955, he starred in the British Canadian TV series Sailor of Fortune. In 1955, he was Ludwig van Beethoven in an episode of the TV version of You Are There, and also appeared as Marcus Brutus in Julius Caesar at the Stratford Festival. In 1957, Greene played the prosecutor in Peyton Place.

American television
The first of his continuing TV roles was as the patriarch Ben "Pa" Cartwright in Bonanza, the first one-hour Western series filmed in colour (1959–1973), making Greene a household name. He garnered the role after his performance as O'Brien in the CBS production of Nineteen Eighty-Four.

In the 1960s, Greene capitalized on his image as Ben Cartwright by recording several albums of country-western/folk songs, which Greene performed in a mixture of spoken word and singing. In 1964, Greene had a number-one single on the music charts with his spoken-word ballad, "Ringo" (which referred to the real-life Old West outlaw Johnny Ringo), and got play time from "Saga of the Ponderosa", which detailed the Cartwright founding of the famous ranch.

In 1973, after the cancellation of Bonanza following a 14-year run, Greene joined Ben Murphy in the ABC crime drama, Griff, about a Los Angeles, California, police officer, Wade "Griff" Griffin, who retires to become a private detective. When it failed to gain sufficient ratings and was cancelled after 13 episodes, Greene thereafter hosted the syndicated nature documentary series Last of the Wild from 1974 to 1975.

In the 1977 miniseries Roots, he played the first master of Kunta Kinte, John Reynolds. Through the 1970s, Greene was the spokesman for Alpo Beef Chunks dog food commercials, one of the possible origins of the phrase "Eating your own dog food".

In 2007, TV Guide listed Ben Cartwright as the nation's second-most popular TV father (behind Cliff Huxtable). Greene was also known for his role as Commander Adama, another patriarchal figure, in the science-fiction television series Battlestar Galactica (1978–1979) and Galactica 1980 (1980). Greene's typecasting as a wise father character continued with the 1981 series Code Red as a fire-department chief, whose command includes his children as subordinates. Greene appeared with his former Bonanza co-star Michael Landon on an episode of Highway to Heaven. Greene also appeared with his former Bonanza co-star Pernell Roberts on a two-part episode of Vega$.

He appeared in the HBO mockumentary The Canadian Conspiracy, about the supposed subversion of the United States by Canadian-born media personalities. For nearly a decade, Greene co-hosted the Macy's Thanksgiving Day Parade on NBC with Betty White.

Back on Canadian television
In the 1980s, Greene devoted his energies to wildlife and environmental issues, including hosting and narrating the CTV's nature series Lorne Greene's New Wilderness, a show which promoted environmental awareness.

Personal life
Greene was married twice, first to Rita Hands of Toronto (1938–1960, divorced). Some reports list the start of their marriage as 1940. They had two children, twins born in 1944. His second wife was Nancy Deale (1961–1987, Greene's death), with whom he had one child.

The Ponderosa II House was built by Greene in 1960 in Mesa, Arizona. It is located at 602 S. Edgewater Drive. It is a replica of the Bonanza set house from the former Ponderosa Ranch in Incline Village, Nevada. It is listed in the Mesa Historic Property Register.

Death
Greene died on 11 September 1987, aged 72, from complications from pneumonia, following ulcer surgery, at Saint Johns' Hospital in Santa Monica, California. He was interred at Hillside Memorial Park Cemetery in Culver City.

Honours and awards
Greene was made an Officer of the Order of Canada on 28 October 1969, "for services to the Performing Arts and to the community."

Greene was awarded an honorary doctor of laws degree by his alma mater, Queen's University, in 1971. He was the 1987 recipient of the Earle Grey Award for Lifetime Achievement at the Canadian Gemini Awards. He has a star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame at 1559 N. Vine Street.

In 1974, Greene received the Golden Plate Award of the American Academy of Achievement.

In February 1985, Greene was the Krewe of Bacchus King of Mardi Gras.

In May 2006, Greene became one of the first of four entertainers to ever be honoured by Canada Post by being featured on a 51-cent postage stamp.

Greene was inducted into Canada's Walk of Fame, found on King Street and Simcoe Street in Toronto, in 2015.

Lorne Greene Academy of Radio Arts
Greene founded and the Lorne Greene Academy of Radio Arts in Toronto in 1945 and was its dean. The school trained a number of future broadcasters and actors including Leslie Nielsen, James Doohan, Les Rubie, Gordie Tapp, Fred Davis, Billie Mae Richards, William Davidson, Alfie Scopp, Murray Chercover, Jonathan Frid, Cec Linder, Les Lye, Bill Luxton, and Roy Currie. The school was located on Jarvis Street across from what was then the CBC Radio building. Its faculty included many CBC staff such as Mavor Moore, Fletcher Markle, Lister Sinclair, Andrew Allan, and Esse Ljungh, and graduated a total of 381 students in seven years, 90% of whom found work in the industry. Though successful academically, the school continually lost money, resulting in Greene closing the school in 1952, allowing him to sell the building to recoup his losses.

Filmography

 * Churchill's Island (1941) as narrator
 * Warclouds in the Pacific (1941) as narrator
 * Inside Fighting China (1941) as narrator
 * Flight 6 (1944) as narrator
 * Othello (1953) (television) as Othello
 * 1984 (short film, 1953) as O'Brien
 * The Philip Morris Playhouse (one episode, 1953) as Joe
 * Omnibus (one episode, 1953) as Ed Bailey
 * Danger (one episode, 1954) as Stranger
 * The Silver Chalice (1954) as Saint Peter
 * Justice (one episode, 1954, "The Desperate One")
 * You Are There (three episodes, 1954–1955) as Ludwig van Beethoven / Charles Stewart Parnell
 * Tight Spot (1955) as Benjamin Costain
 * Climax! (one episode, 1955) as Dr. Charles Saunders
 * The Elgin Hour (one episode, 1955) as Vernon Dyall
 * Studio 57 (one episode, 1955) as Gentry Morton
 * Alfred Hitchcock Presents (Season 1 Episode 27 "Help Wanted", 1956) as Mr. X
 * Autumn Leaves (1956) as Mr. Hanson
 * The Alcoa Hour (one episode, 1956) as Sheriff Gash
 * Armstrong Circle Theatre (one episode, 1956) as Angelina
 * The United States Steel Hour (one episode, 1956) as Dallas
 * Kraft Television Theatre (one episode, 1957) as Colonel Matthews
 * Playhouse 90 (one episode, 1957) as Lowell Williams
 * Studio One (five episodes, 1953–1957)
 * Peyton Place (1957) as Prosecutor
 * The Hard Man (1957) as Rice Martin
 * The Gift of Love (1958) as Grant Allan
 * Suspicion (one episode, 1958) as Monty
 * The Last of the Fast Guns (1958) as Michael O'Reilly
 * Shirley Temple's Storybook (one episode, 1958) as King Bertrand
 * The Buccaneer (1958) as Mercier
 * The Trap (1959) as Davis
 * Bonanza (417 episodes, 1959–1973) as Ben Cartwright
 * The Third Man (one episode, 1959)
 * The Gale Storm Show (one episode, 1959) as Constable Barnaby
 * The Hangman (1959) as Marshal Clum Cummings
 * Mike Hammer (two episodes, 1959) as Carl Kunard, Emmett Gates
 * Bronco (one episode, 1959) as Capt. Amos Carr
 * Wagon Train (one episode, 1959) as Christopher Webb
 * Cheyenne (two episodes, 1960) as Colonel Bell
 * The Errand Boy (1961) as Ben Cartwright – Cameo (uncredited)
 * The Legend of Amaluk: An Arctic Odyssey (1972) as narrator
 * Griff (12 episodes, 1973–1974) as Wade Griffin
 * 'Earthquake' (1974) as Sam Royce
 * Tidal Wave (1973) as Ambassador Warren Richards (1975 US Version only)
 * Nevada Smith (1975) as Jonas Cord
 * The Moneychangers (1976) as George Quartermain
 * Roots (two episodes, 1977) as John Reynolds
 * SST: Death Flight (1977) as Marshall Cole
 * The Hardy Boys/Nancy Drew Mysteries (two episodes, 1977) as Inspector Hans Stavlin
 * The Trial of Lee Harvey Oswald (1977) as Matthew Arnold Watson
 * Yabba Dabba Doo! The Happy World of Hanna-Barbera (1977) as Special Guest
 * Happy Days (1977) as Special Guest Cameo
 * The Bastard (1978) as Bishop Francis
 * Battlestar Galactica (21 episodes, 1978–1979) as Commander Adama
 * The Love Boat (three episodes, 1979–1982) as Buck Hamilton S6 E7 (1982)/ Buddy Bowers
 * Klondike Fever (1980) as Sam Steele
 * Galactica 1980 (10 episodes, 1980) as Commander Adama
 * Living Legend: The King of Rock and Roll (1980)
 * Pink Lady (one episode, 1980) as himself
 * Vega$ (two episodes, 1980) as Emil Remick
 * A Time for Miracles (1980) as Bishop John Carroll
 * Aloha Paradise (one episode, 1981) as Businessman
 * The Wizard of Oz (1982) as The Wizard (voice)
 * Code Red (12 episodes, 1981–1982) as Battalion Chief Joe Rorchek
 * Police Squad! (one episode, 1982) as Stabbed Man
 * Heidi's Song (1982) as Grandfather (voice)
 * Lorne Greene's New Wilderness (104 episodes, 1982–1987) as Host / Narrator
 * The Nutcracker: A Fantasy on Ice (1983) as himself / narrator
 * Highway to Heaven (one episode, 1985) as Fred Fusco
 * The Greatest Adventure: Stories from the Bible (1986) as Noah (voice)
 * Vasectomy: A Delicate Matter (1986) as Theo Marshall
 * The Alamo: Thirteen Days to Glory (1987) as General Sam Houston (final film role)

title: Lorne Greene