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Josiah Harmar

Josiah Harmar (November 10, 1753 –August 20, 1813) was an officer in the United States Army during the American Revolutionary War and the Northwest Indian War. He was the senior officer in the Army for six years and seven months (August 1784 to March 1791).

Early life
Josiah Harmar was born in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, and educated at a Quaker school.

American Revolution
He started his military career during the American Revolutionary War, receiving a commission as a captain in 1775. In 1775, Harmar first saw action during the American invasion of Canada, fighting in the Battle of Quebec. He served under George Washington and Henry Lee during the war. Harmar was one of the officers of the Continental Army who served under Washington during the winter of 1777–78 at Valley Forge. Washington had a high opinion of Harmar during the Revolutionary War, writing that Harmar was one of the "gentlemen...personally known to me as one of the best officers in the Army". By the end of the war, Harmar was serving as adjutant to General Nathanael Greene, who commanded the Continental Army in the South. A lieutenant colonel at its conclusion, he was chosen by Congress in 1784 to relay the ratified Treaty of Paris to commissioner Benjamin Franklin in Paris. During his time in France, Harmar was received at the Palace of Versailles by King Louis XVI and Queen Marie Antoinette, being introduced to the king and queen by the Marquis de Lafayette. In Paris, Harmar lived lavishly and in the process, went into debt, which required that he continue his military career. Harmar wrote "the expenses which must necessarily be incurred in living in, and in viewing this magnificent city [Paris] demand for the benefit of the United States my speedy embarkation".

Harmar was an original member of the Pennsylvania Society of the Cincinnati when it was founded on October 4, 1783. The same day, he was elected as the Society's first secretary. Harmar served as secretary of the Society for two years. Harmar married Sarah C. Jenkins on 10 October 1784 in Philadelphia.

Service in the Northwest Territory
In the 1780s, many Americans wished to settle the "Old Northwest" as the Midwest was known at the time, which of course meant displacing the Indian tribes living there. Supported by the British who still held fur-trading forts in the Old Northwest, the Indians of the Western Confederacy were resolved to oppose the Americans. In 1784, the newly independent United States had almost no army, as the Continental Army had been disbanded with the Treaty of Paris in 1783. In 1784, the entire United States Army comprised just 55 artillerymen at West Point and 25 more at Fort Pitt (modern Pittsburgh). For defense, the United States relied upon the state militias, who disliked fighting outside of their own states. To enforce American claims upon the Old Northwest, on 3 June 1784, Congress called for a federal regiment, known as the First American Regiment, of about seven hundred men, to be supplied and paid for by Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York and Connecticut.

As the largest contingent (about 260 men) came from Pennsylvania, the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania was allowed to choose the commander of the regiment. Thomas Mifflin, a powerful Pennsylvania politician, successfully pushed for his friend Josiah Harmar to become commander. Harmar was described as a political general with a fondness for alcohol who was only given the position due to his political connections. Harmar's first task was to train the First American Regiment, imposing a rigorous training regime intended to turn the sons of farmers, unemployed urban laborers, and assorted adventurers into professional soldiers. Harmar was known as a strict disciplinarian who would punish his soldiers harshly if their uniforms were dirty or rust appeared on their weapons. Harmar reported to Congress in September 1784 that his emphasis upon Prussian-style drill and discipline was having results as "the troops begin to have a just idea of the noble profession of arms". Shortly afterwards, Harmar was ordered to march to Fort Pitt for his regiment was needed to enforce American claims on the Northwest. Harmar was not impressed with the people of Fort Pitt, writing that they "lived in dirty log cabins and were prone to find joy in liquor and fighting".

As commander of the First American Regiment, Harmar was the senior officer in the United States Army from 1784 to 1791, commanding from Fort McIntosh. Initially, the First American Regiment was to be based in Fort Pitt, but as the Indian chiefs he was to negotiate with did not want to visit Fort Pitt, Harmar relocated his command to Fort McIntosh. Harmar described Fort McIntosh when he found it as having been thoroughly looted by settlers heading for Kentucky, writing the settlers had "destroyed the gates, drawn all the Nails from the roofs, taken off the boards and plundered it of ever article". Harmar was impressed with the richness of the land of the Northwest. In 1785, he wrote to a friend: "I wish you were here to view the beauties of Fort M'Intosh. What think you of pike of 24 lbs, a perch of 15 to 20 lbs, cat-fish of 40 lbs, bass, pickerel, sturgeon &c &c. You would certainly enjoy yourself." Harmar also enjoyed the strawberries growing in the wild, writing: "The earth is most luxuriantly covered with them – we have them in such plenty that I am almost surfeited with them; the addition of fine rich cream is not lacking". He also consumed huge quantities of wine, cognac, whiskey and rum with every meal. In a letter to his patron Mifflin, Harmar stated that stories of "Venison, two or three inches deep cut of fat, turkey at once pence per pound, buffalo in abundance and catfish of one hundred pounds that are by no means exaggerated", going on to write that "cornfields, gardens &c, now appear in places which were lately the habitation of wild beasts. Such are the glories of industry."

Harmar signed the Treaty of Fort McIntosh on 21 January 1785, the same year that he ordered the construction of Fort Harmar near what is now Marietta, Ohio. Harmar did not think the Treaty of Fort McIntosh that he had just signed with the Delaware, Ottawa, Chippewa, and Wyandot ceding what is now southeastern Ohio to the United States to be worth much, writing: "Between you and me, vain and ineffectual all treaties will be, until we take possession of the posts. One treaty held at Detroit would give dignity and consequence to the United States, and answer every purpose".

Until the creation of the Northwest Territory in 1787, the Northwest had no government beyond the U.S. Army, and even after the creation of the Northwest Territory, the area was administered by the War Department for several more years. At this time, hundreds of American settlers, anxious to acquire the rich lands beyond the Ohio River, had begun to illegally settle in the Old Northwest, and in March 1785, Harmar was ordered by Congress to evict the squatters as no land surveys had been performed yet nor had the U.S. government started the work of selling the land. Harmar described the evictions as a painful process as his soldiers had to force the settlers off their newly build homesteads and in his letters to Congress, Harmar asked that the land be surveyed and sold before the entire Northwest was overrun by "lawless bands whose actions are a disgrace to human nature". In May 1785, Thomas Hutchins was appointed Geographer of the United States by Congress and was ordered to go to the Northwest to survey all land of the land, starting with the Seven Ranges. Harmar was ordered by Congress to provide protection for the land surveyors. In September 1785, when Hutchins and his surveyors arrived, Harmar assured him that he "very safely repair with the Surveyors in the intersection of Pennsylvania with the Ohio". In October 1785, Harmar founded Fort Harmar to provide protection for the surveyors. At Fort Harmar, he supplied himself with much luxuries such as Windsor chairs, which led the American historian Wiley Sword to write that Harmar's "considerable urbanity may have rendered him somewhat suspect as an Indian fighter". In November 1785, Harmar reported to Congress that the early arrival of winter together with the fact that soldiers who were guarding the surveyors from Indians and squatters were "barefoot and miserably off for clothing" had ended the surveying for that year.

One Indian people who refused to sign a treaty giving up their lands was the Shawnee, and Harmar was ordered in October 1785 to advance to the Great Miami River in order to persuade the Shawnee to sign away their land. At the time, Congress took the viewpoint that the Indians living in the Old Northwest had by supporting the British in the Revolutionary War forfeited their land, from which they were to be evicted from, and the land handed over to American settlers. The Indians did not share this viewpoint that they were defeated peoples living on a land that rightfully belonged to the Americans, and many began to resist efforts to evict them.

As a commander, Harmar was a stern martinet who was much influenced by Baron Friedrich Wilhelm von Steuben's manual Regulations for the Order and Discipline of the Troops of the United States, better known as the Blue Book for the Prussian-style training of American troops. The American historian William Guthman noted: "Steuben's manual was aimed at combatting British and Hessian forces – not the backwoods guerilla fighting of the highly skilled American Indian warriors the regiment would eventually fight. Short-sightedness on the part of the military was the reason that no preparatory training in guerrilla warfare was ever imposed on the Army... no federal unit under Harmar or St. Clair was ever instructed in the frontiersmen's method of war". Harmar doggedly insisted on Prussian-style training designed for the clash of regular forces in Central Europe, not the frontier style of irregular warfare in the forests of the Old Northwest that his men required. The former Prussian officer Steuben held only a divisional command in the Continental Army, but as the chief trainer of the Continental Army, he had introduced Prussian drill and discipline into the American Army, and thanks to Steuben's training, the Continental Army became a formidable force. It is very unlikely that the Continental Army would have won the Revolutionary War without Steuben's training, and as a result, Steuben was greatly admired by many American officers. One of those officers was Harmar, who at the time of his death in 1813, was still insisting to anyone who would listen that all that was needed for victory was to follow the precepts laid down in Steuben's Blue Book.

Harmar also supervised the construction of Fort Steuben near present-day Steubenville, Ohio. In June 1787, he reported to Congress that the Seven Ranges had been surveyed, and the white settlers could finally legally move in. He was brevetted as a brigadier general in July 1787. On 17 July 1787, Harmar visited Vincennes, at the time a mostly French-Canadian town, where he was welcomed by the "principle French inhabitants" and where he informed them that the area was now part of the United States. The people of Vincennes' previous encounters with the Americans had been with the lawless Kentucky militia, who had not impressed them, which led Harmar in a letter to the people of Vincennes to tell them the men they met before were "not real Americans". During his time at Vincennes, several Indian chiefs came to visit him, where Harmar sought to "impress upon them as much as possible the majesty of the United States" and the wish of the U.S. government "to live in peace with them". Harmar then visited Cahokia and Kaskaskia whose inhabitants had not seen any representatives of the U.S. government since the Revolutionary War, and who Harmar reported had shown "decent submission & respect" for the U.S. government. Harmar was finally received at St. Louis by Major Francisco Cruzat of the Spanish Army where Harmar reported he was "politely entertained" while noting that the entire Spanish garrison at St. Louis numbered only 20 men.

In April 1788, Harmar greeted Rufus Putnam of the Ohio Land Company, who had promoted "Putnam's Paradise" in New England, and he founded the village of Marietta next to Fort Harmar. Harmar reported in June 1788 that between December 1787-June 1788 at least 6, 000 settlers had passed through Fort Harmar on their way to found settlements beyond the Ohio river, writing "The Emigration is almost incredible". At the new village of Marietta, Harmar celebrated the Fourth of July in 1788 with Putnam, having his regiment march down the street in a parade. At Fort Harmar, he built a "commodious fine house...an elegant building for this wooden part of the world", where his wife and his son Charles joined him.

As more and more settlers moved into the Northwest, more and more reports of violence between the settlers and the Indians reached Fort Harmar. Harmar complained that the government was tardy with paying his men, to which he was informed that because fewer than the requisite nine states were represented in Congress because some states were boycotting Congress, it was impossible to pass a budget. For this reason, Harmar welcomed the constitution of 1787, which replaced the Articles of Confederation, expressing the hope with a newly strong federal government that "Anarchy and Confusion will now leave and that a vigorous government will take its place".

With low-level warfare in the Northwest between the Indians and the settlers now the norm, Harmar together with the governor of the Northwest Territory, General Arthur St. Clair started talks in January 1789 with Indian leaders representing the remaining Iroquois, the Ottawa, Chippewa, Wyandot, Potawatomi, Sauk, and Lenape peoples, where the Indians were informed that they could either sell their land for a set price or face war. Both St. Clair and Harmar refused the Indian demand that no more white settlement be allowed beyond the Ohio River, and the resulting Treaty of Fort Harmar saw more land ceded to the United States. None of the Indian peoples living on the Wabash River attended the conference having not been invited, and Harmar predicted that this would mean war with the Miami, the Shawnee and those Potawatomi living on the Wabash. One of Harmar's aides called the Treaty of Fort Harmar a "farce" done to amuse Congress which had the notion the Northwest could be colonized peacefully and predicted the Western Confederacy would fight.

He directed the construction in 1789 of Fort Washington on the Ohio River (located in modern-day Cincinnati), which was built to protect the southern settlements in the Northwest Territory. The fort was named in honor of President Washington. Harmar arrived at the fort on December 28, 1789, and welcomed Governor St. Clair there three days later.

By August 1789, enough reports had reached President Washington of widespread violence in the Northwest that he argued that the situation required the "immediate intervention of the General Government".

Harmar's relations with his superiors were not good. President Washington's War Secretary, Henry Knox, was a firm believer that the nation's first line of defense should be the state militias and was hostile to the very idea of a standing army. Knox was a Revolutionary War veteran with a distinguished record, but as War Secretary, he proved to be an unsavory character whose principal interest was engaging in land speculation. As Secretary of War, Knox confiscated land belonging to the Indians, and then sold it at rock-bottom prices to land companies (in which he happened to be a shareholder), which then marked up the land and sold it to American settlers. At the time, the rules on conflicts of interest did not exist and these transactions were legal, through widely viewed as unethical and morally dishonest. To make good these land sales required that the Indians living on the land that Knox was planning to sell be displaced, which made Knox one of the leading hawks in New York (which at the time was the U.S. capital), forever urging that all of the Indians be cleared off the land, so he could sell it all. At the same time, Knox's dislike of the U.S. Army and his preference for using the state militias made the task of displacing the Indians more difficult than it otherwise would have been. The American journalist James Perry wrote that "even Harmar" saw the "danger" of Washington's and Knox's attempts to fight war in the Northwest on the cheap by mobilizing the state militias of Pennsylvania and Kentucky instead of raising more U.S. Army troops.

For his part, Harmar wrote: "No person can hold a more contemptible opinion of the militia in general than I do... It is lamentable... that the government is so feeble as not to afford three or four regiments of national troops properly organized that would soon settle the business with these perfidious villains upon the Wabash." One of Harmar's subordinates, Major Ebenezer Denny, called the Kentucky militia out to assist with conquering the Old Northwest "raw and unused to the gun or the woods; indeed, many are without guns". Harmar complained that the men of the Pennsylvania militia were "hardly able to bear arms - such as old, infirm men and young boys". There were so many sickly, underage and old men in the Pennsylvania contingent sent out to serve under him that Harmar refused to commit them to action in the coming campaign. Very few men wanted to serve in the militia, let alone in a dangerous expedition to the frontier of the Northwest, and so the militiamen sent to serve under Harmar tended not to be the best caliber of troops. The American historian Michael S. Warner described the Kentucky and Pennsylvania militiamen as lacking "discipline, experience and in many cases even muskets".

Campaign against the Miamis
In 1790, Harmar was sent on expeditions against Native Americans and the remaining British in the Northwest Territory. The British who held fur trading forts in the Northwest kept the Indians well supplied with guns and ammunition to keep the Americans out of the area. Furthermore, the Montreal-based North West Company had taken over the old French fur trading routes together with the services of the French-Canadian Voyageurs, and thus had a vested interest in keeping the Northwest for the Indians who sold them the furs that were the source of such profit to them. Knox in a letter on 7 June 1790 ordered Harmar "to extirpate, utterly, if possible, the said Indian banditti". At the same time, Knox sent a letter to Major Patrick Murray commanding the British garrison at Fort Detroit, telling him of the coming expedition. The British response was to inform all of the Indian tribes of the expedition and to release a huge number of rifles and ammunition to the Indians.

Knox, who stood to greatly profit if the Indians were cleared out of the Northwest, seemed to have ordered the expedition in a moment of rage at the obstinate resistance of the Miami, Shawnee and Potawatomi peoples who resisted his attempts to evict them, leading Warnar to comment that anger is not the best emotion when making command decisions. Knox, in his letters to Harmar, repeatedly advised him to move fast, strike hard, and avoid drinking, saying that sober generals were victorious generals. The frequency of the last warning indicated that Knox did not have much confidence in Harmar, which led Warner to question just why he was given the command in the first place given the evident doubts that both Washington and Knox had about him.

Preparations
Harmar's reputation had preceded him, because of which, many of the militiamen from Kentucky and Pennsylvania were "substitutes" (men paid to take the place of the men who were called to serve) and many of the experienced Indian fighters did not want to serve under Harmar. The state militias were paid $3/day, which led Warner to note that for a typical farmer, this would mean neglecting his farm and leaving his family and friends behind to go on a dangerous mission on the Northwest frontier for 60 days, during which time he would earn a total of $60 for his troubles. Most farmers would not willingly go if called up, and when called, many farmers hired substitutes, who came from the lowest elements in American society in their place. Warner wrote that the soldiers of the U.S. Army were also recruited from the lowest elements of American society, but they served on a long-term basis and were well trained. By contrast, Harmar had only two weeks to train his Kentucky militia and only a few days to train the Pennsylvania militia before departing on 1 October 1790.

Harmar was to take 1,300 militiamen and 353 regulars to sack and destroy Kekionga (modern Fort Wayne, Indiana), the capital of the Miami Indians, while the Kentucky militia under Major Jean François Hamtramck was to create a distraction by burning down villages on the Wabash river. Before going out on his expedition, Harmar was faced with quarrels among the various militia commanders as to who was to command whom, with Colonel James Trotter and Colonel John Hardin of the Kentucky militia openly feuding with one another. Shortly before the expedition began in September 1790, Knox sent Harmar a letter accusing him of alcoholism, writing he had heard rumors that "you are too apt to indulge yourself in a convivial glass" to the extent that Harmar's "self-possession" was now in doubt.

Campaign
Harmar, who was much influenced by the Blue Book for the Prussian style training of troops, marched his men out in a formation that would have been appropriate for Central Europe or the Atlantic seaboard of the United States, but not in the wildness of the Northwest. This led to his men getting bogged down, averaging about ten miles per day. Harmar had hoped to reach Kekionga in order to capture the British and French-Canadian fur traders, whom he called the "real villains" of the war because they provided the Miami with guns and ammunition, but his sluggish advance precluded this. Much to Harmar's surprise, Little Turtle refused to give battle, instead retreating and everywhere the Indians burned their villages. On 13 October 1790, Harmar sent out a light company commanded by Hardin to hunt down the retreating Indians. The arrogant Harmar, who held the Indians in complete contempt for racial reasons, believed that the Indians refused to engage him in battle because they were cowards, and that he would soon win the war without even fighting.

After getting lost in the woods and failing to find any Indians, Hardin finally reached Kekionga on 15 October to discover the town was empty and burning. The Kentucky militia promptly spread out far and wide as the militiamen went looking for loot to take home with them. Harmar reached Kekionga on 17 October 1790, and wrote to President Washington that same day to tell him that he had won the war without firing a shot. Harmar got his first inkling of trouble later that night, when the Miami staged a raid that stole about hundred packhorses and cavalry horses, which greatly reduced the mobility of Harmar's force.

The next day, Harmar ordered Trotter to take about 300 Kentucky militiamen out to hunt down the Miami hiding in the woods with the stolen horses. Trotter marched into the woods, encountered one Indian riding a horse whom his party promptly killed, and then another Indian whom they chased and killed. Afterwards, Trotter received reports from a scout that he had seen at least 50 Miami out in the woods, which caused Trotter to immediately return to the camp. Hardin, who loathed Trotter, denounced him openly as a rank coward, and told anyone who would listen that he would have stayed and fought the Miami if he was in Trotter's position. Denny wrote in his diary that Hardin "showed displeasure at Trotter's return without executing the orders he had received, and desired the General to give him command of the detachment". Harmar sent Hardin out early the next morning, 19 October, with 180 men, including 30 U.S. Army soldiers. Denny wrote in his diary: "I saw that the men moved off with great reluctance, and am satisfied that when three miles from the camp he [Hardin] had not more than two-thirds of his command; they dropped out of the ranks and returned to the camp." Hardin managed to lose one company of Kentucky militia under Captain William Faulkner, which was left behind accidentally after his men stopped for a break. This led him to send Major James Fontaine and his cavalry to go find Faulkner to tell him to rejoin the main force. In the meantime, Hardin stretched a column out over half a mile in the woods with 30 U.S. Army troops led by Captain John Armstrong in the lead. At a meadow close to the Eel River, Hardin discovered the ground was covered with countless trinkets, with a fire burning at one end. The Kentucky militiamen immediately dispersed to collect as much as of the loot as they could, despite warnings from Armstrong to stay in formation. Once the militiamen were spread out far and wide, Little Turtle, who had been watching from a hill, gave the order for the Indians hiding in the woods to open fire on the Americans. Denny who questioned survivors wrote in his diary: "The Indians commenced a fire at the distance of 150 yards and advanced. The greatest number of militia fled without firing a shot; the 30 regulars that were part of the detachment stood and were cut to pieces". While the Kentucky militia fled in terror, shouting that it was every man for himself, the U.S. Army regulars joined by nine brave militiamen stood their ground, and returned fire at the unseen enemy in the woods. While the U.S. Army soldiers were reloading their muskets, a force of Miami, Shawnee and Potawatomi Indians emerged from the woods, armed with tomahawks.

In the ensuring battle, with the bayonets of the Americans vs. the tomahawks of the Indians, the Americans fought bravely, but were annihilated with nearly every American in the meadow being cut down and killed. Armstrong, who escaped into a swamp and feigned death, reported that "They fought and died hard". Afterwards, the bodies of the Americans slain on the field were all scalped and hacked to pieces as was normal with the Indians. As the rest of the Kentucky militiamen were running away, they ran into Fontaine and Faulkner coming up to join the main force, leading one militiaman to shout: "For God's sake, retreat! You will all be killed. There are Indians enough to eat you all up!". Harmar was deeply shocked when Hardin and what was left of his force stumbled into the camp to report their defeat. A furious Armstrong arrived at the camp the next day, cursing the "dastardly" behavior of the Kentucky militia and vowed never to fight with them again. Harmar for his part threatened to bring down cannon fire on the Kentucky militia if he should ever see them retreating back to camp in disorder and defeat again. Unknown to Harmar, his camp was being closely watched by the Indians, who were well armed with British muskets, but at a war council, it was decided that it would cause the lives of too many men if they tried to attack the American camp.

On 20 October, Denny wrote in his diary that: "The army all engaged burning and destroying everything that could be of use: corn, beans, pumpkins, stacks of hay, fencing and cabins, &c". Despite Hardin's defeat, Harmar believed he inflicted enough damage on the crops around Kekionga to impair the ability of the Miami to resist the Americans. On 21 October, Harmar ordered his men to return to Fort Washington, much to the general relief of his men as by now the majority of the Americans were highly nervous to be out in the wilderness surrounded by hostile Indians. After leaving Kekionga, Hardin suggested to Harmar that the Americans return to Kekionga to surprise the Miami who he expected would now come out of the woods to dig up their buried possessions. Hamar initially rejected this suggestion, but Hardin insisted that the "honor" of the Kentucky militia demanded such a gesture; it is likely that Hardin was more concerned with his reputation after the inglorious performance of the militiamen in the battle by the Eel River, and was seeking a personal triumph. Harmar finally agreed and in Denny's words "ordered out four hundred choice men, to be under the command of Major John Wyllys, to return to the towns, intending to surprise any parities that might be assembled there". Major Wyllys in his last letter complained: "We are about agoing forth to war in this part of the world. I expect to have not a very agreeable campaign... Tis probable the Indians will fight us in earnest, the greater part of our force will consist of militia; therefore there is some reason to apprehend trouble."

Harmar's Defeat
Harmar's force of Federal troops and militia from Pennsylvania and Kentucky were badly defeated by a tribal coalition led by Little Turtle, in an engagement known as "Harmar's Defeat", "the Battle of the Maumee", "the Battle of Kekionga", or "the Battle of the Miami Towns". Under the sky free of clouds and a full moon, Harmar sent out 60 U.S. Army soldiers and 340 militiamen under Wyllys with Hardin in second in command on the evening of October 21 back to Kekionga.

The American force was divided into three with Major Horatio Hall to lead 150 Kentucky militiamen across the St. Mary's River to strike from the east while Major James McMillian of the Kentucky militia would attack from the west while Wyllys and the U.S. Army would strike frontally at Kekionga. October 22 was a warm, sunny October day and the mood among the American forces was an upbeat one at the beginning of the day. It was known that the Indians would usually avoid combat except on the most advantageous terms with the only exception being when their women and children were in danger, which would force the Indian warriors to stand and fight, and where superior firepower would overwhelm them. It would be believed when the Indian women and children emerged from hiding in the woods to return to Kekionga that this would force Little Turtle to finally engage in battle. Warner described the concept behind the plan as sound, but noted its execution left too much unplanned with for example no co-ordination between the three wings advancing on Kekionga, no thought paid to how the Americans were to cross into dense forest without being noticed by Indian scouts and no contingency plans if surprise was lost. The Kentucky militia under Hall and McMillian opened fire with everything they had when they both ran into small parties of Indians, instead of using their knives to kill them, thereby alerting the Indians to the American presence. At the same time, the militiamen sent out to pursue the Indians who were fleeing down the St. Joseph's River, leaving Wyllys to lead his attack unsupported. As the militiamen broke up into small groups to pursue the retreating Indians, in effect McMiillian's command had disintegrated. One officer testifying at Harmar's court-martial in 1791 stated the shooting caused Indian women and children to go "flying in all directions" from Kekionga, and stated in his opinion the attack should have been abandoned as it both alerted the Indians and by causing the women and children to flee, ensured the Indians would not stand and fight in the open as they had been hoping. Little Turtle concentrated his main force at a ford in the Maumee River, where they lay waiting to ambush the Americans. As the Americans were crossing the Maumee, one American, Private John Smith, later recalled that he saw "the opposite riverbank erupt in sheets of flame. Horse and riders were struck down as if by some whirlwind force." Soon, the Maumee ran red with American blood, which led Jean Baptiste Richardville, a half-French, half-Miami chief, to later remark that he could have walked against the Maumee dry-footed as the river was clogged with American bodies. Major Fontaine of the U.S. cavalry drew his sword and charged forward at the opposite bank, shouting "Stick with me!". Upon reaching the banks, all of the Americans were cut down by Indian fire and Fontaine himself was badly wounded. He later bled to death. Hearing the shooting, McMillian and his militiamen came up and forded the Maumee, intending to out-flank Little Turtle.

At that point, the Indians departed in good order, with the Americans in hot pursuit. The Indians went past the ruins of Kekionga and headed towards the St. Joseph's River. The Kentucky militiamen led the pursuit, giving enthusiastic war whoops while Wyllys led the U.S. Army regulars behind them. The Americans believed that Little Turtle was retreating, and failed to recognize that he had merely laid another ambush.

Upon entering spread out helter-skelter in a cornfield, the Americans were astonished to hear what one veteran later recalled was a "hideous yell" as a huge number of Miami emerged from the underbrush. In the "Battle of the Pumpkin Field", the Americans fired off one disorganized volley before they were forced to engage in desperate hand-to-hand fighting with their steel bayonets, swords and knives against the tomahawks, spears and knives of the Miami. The "Battle of the Pumpkin Field" which saw the Indians engage in hand-to-hand combat with the Americans was unusual as normally the Indians preferred to avoid this type of combat. Wyllys together with 50 U.S. Army soldiers and 68 militiamen all fell on the field, and their bodies were all scalped. The Indians called the field a "pumpkin field" not because they were pumpkins growing in it, but rather because the bloody heads of the Americans lying out on the field reminded them of pumpkins.

One of the survivors was Hardin, who upon reaching Harmar's camp reported that the Kentucky militia had fought "charmingly" and claimed he had won a great victory. Harmar considered marching out, but soon learned of the terrible defeat. Harmar first learned of the defeat at about 11 am, when a horsemen rode in to report. Harmar ordered Major James Ray to head out with some volunteers, but only 30 men volunteered, and he turned back only marching three miles. Harmar decided to retreat without making any effort to retrieve and bury the American dead, which was contrary to the normal practice in the U.S. Army. Little Turtle could have finished off Harmar's force, which was saved only by a lunar eclipse, which the Indians regarded as a bad omen. Harmar complained that the militia was "ungovernable" and close to mutiny, ordering that his U.S. Army regulars keep fixed bayonets on the militia to keep them marching in formation.

Aftermath
When Harmar reached Fort Washington on 3 November 1790, American public opinion was outraged to learn of his defeat. Upon returning, Harmar reported that he won a great victory to Knox, but the truth soon came out with militiamen giving interviews to the press accusing Harmar of alcoholism, cowardice and incompetence. The fact that Harmar had never exposed himself to fire led to rumours appearing in the newspapers that he had spent the campaign drunk in his tent. When the news reached New York, President Washington wrote to a friend: "I expected little from the moment I heard he was a drunkard". Warner wrote the expedition was in fact poorly planned as its aim was to "chastise" the Indians of the Northwest by burning down their crops and homes without necessarily bringing Little Turtle to battle, through Harmar was do so if possible; the ambiguity on this point helps to explain Harmar's confusion about what he was supposed to do.

Warner argued that, though Harmar did not have the best troops under his command, it was his lack of familiarity with frontier warfare caused him to make mistakes. In particular, Harmar should have known that the Indians preferred model of war was the ambush, and that the battle by the Eel river could have been avoided as Harmar should have known that Little Turtle would never engage his forces in the open. The fact that Harmar did not attempt to return to bury the men slain by the Eel river was disastrous for morale as it persuaded his men that he was both a coward and indifferent to their lives. Harmar's refusal to bury the American dead was something that the newspapers kept returning to, and gave him such a reputation for cowardice as to finish off his career. The American dead of Kekionga were not finally buried until 1794 when General "Mad Anthony" Wayne finally defeated Little Turtle.

In the national rage caused by the debacle, bashing Harmar become a favorite pastime of the newspapers, but Perry wrote that Harmar was a scapegoat, and the ultimate responsibility rested with President Washington. Perry wrote:

"Harmar, in fact, became something of a scapegoat. Washington was just as culpable. He could have insisted on a more experienced, more able officer to lead the expedition. He didn't. He could have demanded the troops be trained in frontier fighting, for he, more than anyone else, knew all about that. He didn't. He could, in fact, have done his best to build a decent little army for a nasty little war. He didn't do that, either. And now he made an even bigger blunder. He named Arthur St. Clair, governor of the territory, as Harmar's replacement, with the rank of major general, and asked him to try again. Harmar was a calamity; St. Clair would be a catastrophe."

Consequently, Harmar was relieved of command and replaced by General Arthur St. Clair, who subsequently suffered, in 1791, an even greater defeat than Harmar had.

Court martial
Harmar was subsequently court-martialed, at his own request, on various charges of negligence, and exonerated by a court of inquiry. Harmar had a run-in with fellow soldier John Robert Shaw, who wrote about the general in his John Robert Shaw: An Autobiography of Thirty Years 1777–1807.

Later life
With the appointment of Major General Arthur St. Clair as commander of the U.S. Army in March 1791, Harmar was no longer the Army's senior officer. After resigning from the Army on January 1, 1792, Harmar returned to Pennsylvania and served as the state's adjutant general from 1793 to 1799. Harmar was popular in Philadelphia during his last years, being described as well "regarded by all who knew him, for he was of genial manner". Harmar was described as "tall and well-built, with a manly port, blue eyes, and keen martial glance. He was very bald, wore a cocked hat, and his powdered hair in a cue".

Death and legacy
Harmar died in what was then near Philadelphia (but now considered South Philadelphia) at his estate, "The Retreat near Gray's Ferry and the Schuylkill River. He is buried at the Episcopal Church of St. James Kingsessing, in West Philadelphia. His widow was the former Sarah Jenkins (1760–1848). In addition to one son and a daughter who died as children, Harmar had a daughter, Eliza Harmar Thomas (1787–1869), and sons Josiah Harmar (1802–1848); who would, in turn, have a son and grandson with the same name, but who lived in Connecticut) and William Harmar (1803–1878).

Dates of rank

 * Captain, Thompson's Pennsylvania Rifle Battalion - October 27, 1775
 * Captain, 1st Continental Infantry Regiment - January 1, 1776
 * Major, 3rd Pennsylvania Infantry Regiment - October 1, 1776
 * Lieutenant Colonel, 6th Pennsylvania Infantry Regiment - June 6, 1777
 * Lieutenant Colonel Commandant, 7th Pennsylvania Infantry Regiment - August 9, 1780
 * Lieutenant Colonel, 3rd Pennsylvania Infantry Regiment - January 17, 1781
 * Lieutenant Colonel, 1st Pennsylvania Infantry Regiment - January 1, 1783
 * Brevet Colonel, Continental Army - September 30, 1783
 * Discharged - November 3, 1783
 * Lieutenant Colonel Commandant, First American Regiment - August 12, 1784
 * Brevet Brigadier General - July 31, 1787
 * Resigned - January 1, 1792

Note - General Harmar was the senior officer and commander of the United States Army from August 12, 1784, to March 4, 1791.

title: Josiah Harmar


text:
Talk:9/11 (2002 film)

Untitled comments
Should CBS's airing of the documentary on March 10th be mentioned? It was hosted by Robert Deniro and was rerun, I believe, on the first anniversary. Notheruser
 * Sure, go ahead. I missed it on TV, actually--part of a deliberate choice to miss almost everything on TV--so I can't do much except add what you just wrote.  Maybe you'd be the better person to add it.  :-)  Koyaanis Qatsi
 * I added information about the broadcasts and the release of the DVD. If you watched one thing that week--there was plenty to choose from--this should have been it. (that is if you specifically missed TV just that week) Notheruser

 * I've specifically missed TV since I discovered years ago that I can sit in front of it all day watching Discover and TLC and then feel tired, as if I had actually done something. Koyaanis Qatsi 13:53 Feb 19, 2003 (UTC)

I've just taken out "the rookie and"... from the line about the call-out to the gas leak -- if you look at the video you'll see that the rookie wasn't on that call-out and, indeed, after the crashes he was left alone to look after the firehouse with one of the producers. Arwel 01:56 Feb 20, 2003 (UTC)

 * Right. Chalk that one up to sloppy writing late at night.  I remember him jittery, watching TV and cursing a lot.  Koyaanis Qatsi 02:09 Feb 20, 2003 (UTC)

Was the March 10 show the first time the public had seen the footage of the first plane hitting the building? I seem to remember viewing just that clip starting a day or two after it happened. --Bluejay Young (talk) 18:45, 10 December 2013 (UTC)

Name
Shouldn't the article be named "9|11", with an upper slash? I have the film, and it's 9|11, not 9/11. Just look up a picture of the cover somewhere. Gold Stur 06:22, 5 September 2005 (UTC)

Re: Name
The mentioned cover can be seen here LIllIi 23:03, 2 January 2007 (UTC)
 * Pipe characters in Wikipedia article titles are problematic.--Rosicrucian 06:30, 1 June 2006 (UTC)

Rookie?
I think he was on probation for a year or something... Didn't they call him a probie (as opposed to a rookie)?
 * Tony Benetatos was in a nine month probationary period. And they do call those guys "probie", short of Probationary Firefighter The Banner talk 18:11, 10 September 2012 (UTC)

site of gas leak
Edited to show where reported gas leak was (and thus, where footage of the first plane impact was filmed from). You can view it on Google Maps, and can even see the grate where the BC was holding the little instrument. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 74.192.58.206 (talk) 06:19, 2 May 2011 (UTC)

Something missing...
The article says:
 * At the time of its broadcast, the FCC took no action against the network for violating indecency rules because doing so would have a negative connotation and would be interpreted as sanitizing history.
 * However, a recent ruling by a federal appeals court had successfully granted a "temporary halt"[4] to the FCC's enforcement of its indecency rules.

I'm assuming since the original broadcast the FFC asked them to censor it. The article isn't clear. 2001:8003:600B:1201:ECFB:D286:5561:4426 (talk) 15:40, 20 October 2014 (UTC)

9/11: Fifteen Years Later
What is the relation between this films and "9/11: Fifteen Years Later" of James Hanlon, not mentioned in this article? 85.168.113.56 (talk) 17:57, 25 December 2023 (UTC)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Talk:9/11 (2002 film)


text:
Chinook Jargon

Chinook Jargon (Chinuk Wawa or Chinook Wawa, also known simply as Chinook or Jargon) is a language originating as a pidgin trade language in the Pacific Northwest. It spread during the 19th century from the lower Columbia River, first to other areas in modern Oregon and Washington, then to British Columbia and parts of Alaska, Northern California, Idaho and Montana. It sometimes took on the characteristics of a creole language. It is partly descended from the Chinook language, upon which much of its vocabulary is based.

Reflecting its origins in early trade transactions, approximately 15 percent of its lexicon is French. It also makes use of English loan words and those of other language systems. Its entire written form is in the Duployan shorthand developed by French priest Émile Duployé.

Many words from Chinook Jargon remain in common use in the Western United States and British Columbia. It has been described as part of a multicultural heritage shared by the modern inhabitants of the Pacific Northwest. The total number of Jargon words in published lexicons is in the hundreds. It has a simple grammatical system. In Chinook Jargon, the consonant is rare. Such English and French loan words as rice and merci, for instance, have changed after being adopted to the Jargon, to lays and mahsi, respectively.

Name
Most books written in English still use the term Chinook Jargon, but some linguists working with the preservation of a creolized form of the language used in Grand Ronde, Oregon, prefer the term Chinuk Wawa (with the spelling 'Chinuk' instead of 'Chinook'). Historical speakers did not use the name Chinook Wawa, but rather "the Wawa" or "Lelang" (from Fr. la langue, the language, or tongue). Wawa also means speech or words; "have a wawa" means "hold a parley", even in modern idiomatic English, Lelang also means the physical bodypart, the tongue.

The name for the Jargon varied throughout the territory in which it was used. For example: skokum hiyu in the Boston Bar-Lytton area of the Fraser Canyon. In many areas it was simply "the old trade language" or "the Hudson Bay language".

Origins
Whether Jargon was a post-contact or pre-contact language has been the subject of debate among scholars. In 2016, linguist John Lyon studied the word lists collected by Francis Drake and his crew on the 1579 voyage that took them to the Oregon coast. Lyon compared the seven words and phrases found on the Native vocabulary list recorded by Drake and his men with the vocabularies of Native languages on the west coast (Lyon 2016).

Of the five single words on the list, Lyon found that the word petáh, which was the Native word for a root that can be eaten raw or made into cakes called cheepe, were meaning matches for the Jargon words 'wapato' (a root that tastes like a potato) and 'chaplill', the word for the bread cakes made from this root (Lyon 2016:41). The word recorded for 'king' by Drake was 'hióh' (recorded also as 'hioghe'). Lyon thought it was a match for the Wawa word hi-yú, meaning a gathering, or much, plenty. Lyon was not able to conclude whether Drake encountered people of the Northwest Coast.

In 2021, Melissa Darby studied the ethnographic records and the records left by Francis Drake's expedition. She found new evidence that the people Drake met were speaking some Jargon words to Drake and his men.

The pre-contact hypothesis states that the language developed prior to European settlement as an intra-indigenous contact language in a region marked by divisive geography and intense linguistic diversity. It eventually expanded to incorporate elements of European languages, with approximately 15 percent of its lexicon derived from French. The Jargon also acquired English loanwords, and its written form is entirely in the Duployan shorthand created by French priest Émile Duployé.

The post-contact hypothesis suggests the language originated in Nootka Sound after the arrival of Russian and Spanish traders as a means of communicating between them and indigenous peoples. It eventually spread further south due to commercial use. University of Ottawa linguist David Lang has argued for this conclusion.

Linguist Barbara Harris suggests a dual genesis, positing that both origins probably have some legitimacy and that the two varieties eventually blended together.

By 1840, Chinook Jargon had creolized into a native language for some speakers.

Use
In the Diocese of Kamloops, British Columbia, hundreds of speakers learned to read and write the Jargon using Duployan shorthand via the publication Kamloops Wawa. As a result, the Jargon had the beginnings of its own literature, mostly translated scripture and classical works, some local and episcopal news, community gossip and events, and diaries. Marah Ellis Ryan (c. 1860–1934), an early Native American activist and novelist,  used Chinook words and phrases in her writing.

In Oregon, Chinook Jargon was widely used by natives, trappers, traders, employees of the Hudson's Bay Company, missionaries, and pioneers who came across the Oregon Trail from the 1830s to the 1870s. In Portland's first half century (1840s–1890s), there were frequent trade interactions between pioneers and Native Americans. Many Oregonians used Jargon in casual conversation. Jones estimates that in pioneer times in the 1860s there were about 100,000 speakers of Chinook Jargon. It peaked in usage from approximately 1858 to 1900, and declined as a result of widespread deaths from the Spanish flu and World War I.

As late as the 1940s, native children were born in Tiller, Oregon, who grew up speaking Chinook Jargon as their first language. But by 1962, the Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL) estimated that only 100 speakers were left.

In the 2000s, Lane Community College in Eugene, Oregon, started a three-semester university program teaching Chinook Jargon.

In 2013, it was reported that there was one native speaker of Chinook Jargon (specifically the Grand Ronde variety). An estimated 1,000 people had oral or written knowledge of Chinook Jargon as a second language. In 2015, the U.S. Census Bureau estimated based on the self-reported American Community Survey that around 45 people (with a margin of error of 25) spoke Chinook Jargon at home in the period 2009–2013.

According to Nard Jones, Chinook Jargon was still in use in Seattle until roughly the eve of World War II, especially among the members of the Arctic Club. Seattle was the last city where the language was widely used. Writing in 1972, Jones remarked that "Only a few can speak it fully, men of ninety or a hundred years old, like Henry Broderick, the realtor, and Joshua Green, the banker."

Evolution
There is some controversy about the origin of the Jargon, but the consensus is that the pidgin peaked in use during the 19th century. During this era, many dictionaries were published to help settlers interact with the First Nations people living in the Pacific Northwest. Local settler families exchanged communiqués that were stylishly composed entirely in "the Chinook." Many residents of the British Columbia city of Vancouver spoke Chinook Jargon as their first language, even using it at home in preference to English. Among the first Europeans to use Chinook Jargon were traders, trappers, voyageurs, coureurs des bois, and Catholic missionaries.

The original Jargon was a pidgin, originally used as a second language by speakers of other Native American languages in the area. It had sentence-initial negation, which is atypical of regional languages, and also didn't have typical complex morphology. It had an SVO structure, while Chinookan and Salishan languages were VSO. However, local Athabaskan languages were SOV, so this was probably a result of contact — a cross-language compromise. Only later did Chinook Jargon acquire significant English and French lexical items.

The Jargon is influenced by individuals' accents and terms from their native languages; as Kanakas married into First Nations and non-native families, their particular mode of the Jargon is believed to have contained Hawaiian words or Hawaiian styles of pronunciation. In some areas, the adoption of further non-aboriginal words has been observed. During the gold rush, Chinook Jargon was used in British Columbia at first by gold prospectors and Royal Engineers; as industry developed, Chinook Jargon was often used by cannery workers, hop pickers, loggers, fishermen, and ranchers. It is possible that, at one point, the population of British Columbia spoke Chinook Jargon more than any other language, even English. Historian Jane Barman wrote: "The persistence of everyday relationships between Natives and Europeans is embodied in Chinook. Emerging out of early contact and the fur trade, the Chinook jargon possesses at most 700 words derived in approximately equal proportions from the powerful Chinook Indians of the lower Columbia, from the Nootka people of Vancouver Island, and from French and English... jargon provided 'an important vehicle of communication for trading & ordinary purposes.' ... Chinook was the language of instruction in the school for Indian children that Hills established near Victoria in 1860. ... Chinook entered the mainstream. ... It was only after mid-century, when almost all Indian adults had learned basic English in school, that everyday use of Chinook died out in British Columbia."

A heavily creolized form of Chinook Jargon is still spoken as a first language by some residents of Oregon, much as the Métis language Michif is spoken in Canada. Hence, Chinuk Wawa, as it is known in Oregon, is now a creole language, distinct from the varied pronunciation of the Chinook Jargon. There is evidence that in some communities (e.g., around Fort Vancouver) the Jargon had become creolized by the early 19th century, and that would have been among the mixed French/Métis, Algonkian, Scots and Hawaiian populations, as well as among the natives around the Fort. At Grand Ronde, the resettlement of tribes from all over Oregon in a multi-tribal agency led to the use of Chinuk Wawa as a common tongue among the linguistically diverse population. These circumstances led to the creolization of Chinuk Wawa at Grand Ronde. There is also evidence that creolization occurred at the Confederated Tribes of Siletz reservation paralleling Grand Ronde, although, due to language revitalization efforts being focused on the Tolowa language, Chinuk fell out of use.

No studies of British Columbia versions of the Jargon have demonstrated creolization. The range of varying usages and vocabulary in different regions suggests that localization did occur—although not on the pattern of Grand Ronde where Wasco, Klickitat and other peoples adopted and added to the version of the Jargon that developed there. First-language speakers of the Chinook Jargon were common in BC (native and non-native), until the mid-20th century. After 1850, the Wawa was still used in the United States portion of the Chinook-speaking world, especially in wilderness areas and work environments. Local creolization's probably did occur in British Columbia, but recorded materials have not been studied as they were made due to the focus on the traditional aboriginal languages.

There is a belief that something similar to the Jargon existed before European contact—without European words in its vocabulary. There is some evidence for a Chinookan-Nuu-chah-nulth lingua franca in the writings of John Jewitt and in what is known as the Barclay Sound word-list, from the area of Ucluelet and Alberni. Others believe that the Jargon was formed during contact.

Current scholarly opinion holds that a trade language probably existed before European contact, which began "morphing" into the more familiar Chinook Jargon in the late 1790s, notably at a dinner party at Nootka Sound where Capts Vancouver and Bodega y Quadra were entertained by Chief Maquinna and his brother Callicum performing a theatrical using mock English and mock Spanish words and mimicry of European dress and mannerisms. There evidently was Jargon in use in Queen Charlotte, but this "Haida Jargon" is not known to have shared anything in common with Chinook Jargon or with the Nootkan-Chinookan "proto-jargon", which is its main foundation.

Orthographies
There are a few main spelling variations of Chinook Jargon but each individual writer also had their own spelling variations.

 * 1. English, French and German-Based spelling
 * In a general sense, when words were derived from English or French, the original English/French spellings were used. Words not derived from English/French were written in an approximate spelling based on mainstream English, French or German spelling. This would mean, for example, "kloochman" (from Nootka łuucmaa) for "woman, wife", "house" (English origin) for "house", and "le clou" (French origin) for "nail, claw". This spelling doesn't take into account the actual mainstream pronunciation of the words in Chinook Jargon.

 * 2. Approximate sound-based spelling
 * With every writer having their own variation of a fairly standardized spelling based on their own dialect, the same examples above could be "tlotchmin, haws, leklo".

 * 3. IPA-based spelling for use on smartphones and early computers
 * This was used on the Chinook Jargon Listserve in the 1990s and other places where it was difficult or impossible to type using actual IPA symbols. Compare X-SAMPA, another ASCII transcription of IPA.

 * 4. IPA-based Grand Ronde spelling
 * This is only used by speakers of the Grand Ronde dialect in Oregon.

Jargon Chinook Alphabet (Grande Ronde): a · ch · c’h · ə · h · i · k · kʰ · kw · kʰw · k’ · k’w · l · ɬ · m · n · p · pʰ · p’ · q · qʰ · qw · qʰw · q’ · q’w · s · sh · t · tʰ · t’ · tɬ · t’ɬ · ts · t’s · u · w · x · xw · x̣ · x̣w · y · ʔ

Contemporary status
Many words are still used throughout Oregon, Washington, British Columbia, the Yukon, and Alaska. It was the working language in canneries on the British Columbia Coast. Place names throughout this region bear Jargon names and words that are preserved in various rural industries such as logging and fishing. Linguist David Douglas Robertson and others have described Chinook Jargon as part of the shared cultural heritage of modern inhabitants of the Pacific Northwest.

, the Confederated Tribes of the Grand Ronde Community of Oregon was taking steps to preserve Chinook Jargon use through a full immersion head start/preschool that was conducted in Chinuk Wawa. The Confederated Tribes also offer Chinuk Wawa lessons at their offices in Eugene and Portland. In addition, Lane Community College offers two years of Chinuk Wawa study that satisfy the second-language graduation requirements of Oregon public universities. In March 2012, the tribe published a Chinuk Wawa dictionary through University of Washington Press.

At her swearing-in as lieutenant governor in 2001, Iona Campagnolo concluded her speech in Chinook, saying "konoway tillicums klatawa kunamokst klaska mamook okoke huloima chee illahie" – Chinook for "everyone was thrown together to make this strange new country [British Columbia]", lit. 'All people go together they make this strange new land'.

An art installation featuring Chinook Jargon, "Welcome to the Land of Light" by Henry Tsang, can be viewed on the Seawall along False Creek in downtown Vancouver, British Columbia, between Davie and Drake streets. Translation into Chinook Jargon was done by Duane Pasco.

A short film using Chinook Jargon, Small Pleasures by Karin Lee, explores intercultural dialogue between three women of different cultural and linguistic backgrounds in 1890s Barkerville in northern British Columbia.

Grand Ronde
In 1997, the Grand Ronde reservation in Northern Oregon hired Tony Johnson, a Chinook linguist, to head its language program. Chinuk Wawa was chosen due to its strong connection to native identity on the reservation as well as being the only indigenous language still spoken at Grand Ronde. Prior to this, there were formal Chinuk Wawa classes taught by Eula Holmes from 1978 until her death in 1986. Eula Holmes' sister, Ila, held informal and sporadic classes to teach the language to the public. Henry Zenk was brought onto the project in 1998 after having previous experience with the language, documenting it in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Community classes were started in the summer of 1998, and a dictionary was released in 2012. This dictionary was compiled from the Chinuk Wawa of Grand Ronde elders, chiefly from the Hudson, Wacheno and Riggs families. The dictionary features a section on Chinuk Wawa recorded by natives of the lower Columbia but not used by the elders at Grand Ronde. In 2014, the tribe made an app spanning traditional and modern vocabulary.

In 2001, with funding from the Administration for Native Americans, the tribe started an immersion preschool. A kindergarten was started in 2004 by Kathy Cole, a tribal member and certified teacher, which has since expanded to a half-day immersion K–4 with slots for 25 students at Willamina Elementary School. Cole also started Chinuk Wawa elective classes at Willamina High School in 2011. Students there and at Willamina Middle School can earn high school and college credit for completion of the course. Lane Community College also teaches a two-year course of Chinuk Wawa.

British Columbia
By 2012, it was discovered that there was only one person left in British Columbia who had learned Chinook Jargon from Elders. That person was Jay Powell, a University of British Columbia anthropological linguist who had dedicated himself to the revitalization of Indigenous languages. A small group led by Sam Sullivan formed around him, organizing learning sessions and starting the BC Chinook Jargon initiative website. Sullivan's efforts to expand public awareness of Chinook Jargon have included an interview with Powell conducted entirely in that language. The interview was organized through Kumtuks, a British Columbia focused educational video series whose name comes from the Chinook word for knowledge.

The online magazine Kaltash Wawa was founded in November 2020 using BC Chinook Jargon and written in Chinuk Pipa, the alphabet based on Dupoyan shorthand.

Influence on English
British Columbian English and Pacific Northwest English have several words still in current use which are loanwords from the Chinook Jargon, which was widely spoken throughout the Pacific Northwest by all ethnicities well into the middle of the 20th century. These words tend to be shared with, but are not as common in, the states of Oregon, Washington, Alaska and, to a lesser degree, Idaho and western Montana.

Chinook Jargon words used by English-language speakers

 * Cheechako – 'newcomer'; the word is formed from chee ('new') + chako ('come') and was used to refer to non-native people.
 * Chuck – 'water'; and thus saltchuck 'salt water'. Colchuck Peak and Colchuck Glacier in the Alpine Lakes Wilderness take their name from Colchuck Lake, 'cold water'. The name of the Skookum-chuck river means 'strong-water', 'rapids'.
 * Cultus – 'bad, worthless, useless', 'ordinary', or 'evil, taboo'. Cultus iktus means 'worthless junk'.
 * Hiyu – less common nowadays, but still heard in some places to mean 'party' or 'gathering'.  From the Chinook for 'many, several, lots of'. The Big Hiyu (also known as "The July") was a week-long joint celebration of the July 1 Dominion Day and July 4 Independence Day holidays in the Fraser Canyon town of Lillooet, featuring horse races, gambling, a rodeo and other festivities. A tenas hiyu ('small gathering') was on a much smaller scale. The community of West Seattle has celebrated the month of July for more than 75 years with the HiYu Summer Festival.
 * Iktus – 'stuff'; also pronounced itkus with t and k reversed.
 * Klootchman or klootch – in the Jargon meaning simply 'a woman' or 'female" (of anything) – klootchman kiuatan ('mare'), klootchman lecosho ('sow'), tenas klootchman or klootchman tenas ('girl, female child'). Still in use in English in some areas and with people of an older background to mean a First Nations woman, or to refer to the wives/women attached to a certain group in a joking way e.g. "we sent all the klootchman to the kitchen while we played cards". Unlike its male equivalent siwash, klootchman does not generally have a derisive tone nowadays (when used).
 * Masi – 'thank you'. In northern British Columbia and the Yukon, and used in broadcast English in those areas, the Chinook Jargon adaption of the French merci remains common, i.e. mahsi or masi, with the accent on the first syllable (unlike in French).
 * It is possible that the slang term moolah, meaning 'money' in American slang, comes from the Jargon word moolah meaning 'mill' in Chinook (lumber mills were a source of wealth in the PNW).
 * Mucky muck or muckamuck – in the Jargon means 'plenty of food' and came to connote one who lived well, thus in colloquial English an important or officious person. On long-distance journeys such as for trade the "muckamuck" of the expedition referred to an experienced trustworthy person (but not necessarily wealthy) chosen to lead the expedition and among other duties was tasked with portioning out and protecting the food supply. Related to this is high muckety muck, or Chinook hyas muckamuck.
 * Potlatch – in Chinook Jargon is a ceremony among certain tribes involving food and exchange of gifts, nowadays sometimes used to refer to a potluck dinner or sometimes the giving away of personal items to friends.
 * Quiggly, quiggly hole – refers to the remains of an old Indian pit-house, or underground house, from kickwillie or kekuli, which in the Jargon means 'down' or 'underneath, beneath'.
 * Siwash – properly a First Nations man, but sometimes used for women as well.  The origins and meaning may be considered pejorative and derogatory French sauvage.  When pronounced , with the rhythm of the original French, it is used by modern speakers of the Chinook Jargon in Grand Ronde, Oregon, with the context of meaning a Native American, or as an adjective connoting connection thereto, such as in Siwash Rock or Siwash Sweaters. The  pronunciation is considered offensive in Grand Ronde.
 * Skookum – The most versatile is skookum, which was used in the Jargon either as a verb auxiliary for 'to be able' or an adjective for 'able, strong, big', 'genuine', 'reliable' – which sums up its use in British Columbian English, although there is a wide range of possible usages: skookum house is 'jail', prison' (house in the Jargon could mean anything from a building to a room). "He's a skookum guy" means that the person is solid and reliable, while "we need somebody who's skookum" means that a strong and large person is needed. A carpenter, after banging a stud into place, might check it and decide, "Yeah, that's skookum". Asking for affirmation, someone might say "is that skookum" or "is that skookum with you?" Skookum can also be translated simply as 'O.K.', but it means something a bit more emphatic.
 * Tenas – 'small'.
 * Tillicum – 'people/person', 'family', and 'people'.
 * Tolo – used in Western Washington to mean a semi-formal dance, analogous to the homecoming ball, to which girls ask boys. From the Chinook for 'to win'.
 * Tyee – 'leader, chief, boss'. Also Big Tyee in the context of 'boss' or well-known person. In Campbell River and in the sport-fishing business, a really big chinook salmon is a Tyee. In the Jargon Tyee meant chief, and could also be an adjective denoting 'big', as with tyee salmon or tyee lamel ('boss mule'). A hyas tyee means 'important/big ruler/leader', and is also sometimes used in English in the same way as Big Tyee. e.g. "He was the undisputed hyas tyee of all the country between the Johnstone Strait and Comox". This was also the common title used for the famous chiefs of the early era, such as Maquinna, for whom it was applied by Captain Vancouver and others in the context of 'king'. The Hyas Klootchman Tyee – 'Great Woman Ruler', roughly 'Her Majesty' – was the historical term for Queen Victoria. The word tyee was commonly used and still occurs in some local English usages meaning 'boss' or 'someone in charge'. Business and local political and community figures of a certain stature from some areas are sometimes referred to in the British Columbia papers and histories by the old chiefly name worn by Maquinna, Concomly and Nicola. A man called hyas tyee would have been a senator, a longtime MP or MLA, or a business magnate with a strong local powerbase, long-time connections, and wealth from and because of the area. There is a popular British Columbia news site named The Tyee. Beginning in 1900, Tyee was also the title of the University of Washington yearbook.

Notable non-natives known to speak Chinook Jargon

 * Francis Jones Barnard
 * Francis Stillman Barnard
 * Sir Matthew Baillie Begbie
 * Franz Boas
 * Sir James Douglas
 * Joshua Green
 * Phoebe Goodell Judson
 * Father Jean-Marie-Raphaël Le Jeune
 * Sir Richard McBride
 * John McLoughlin
 * Morley Roberts
 * Robert William Service
 * Sam Sullivan
 * Theodore Winthrop

Archives

 * Thomas Wickham Prosch papers. 1775–1915. 1 linear foot (3 boxes). Includes dictionary of Chinook jargon. At the University of Washington Libraries, Special Collections.

Dictionaries online

 * Directory to on-line Jargon dictionaries
 * Abridged Chinook Dictionary
 * Chinook Jargon history, dictionary and phrasebook—includes annotated version of Shaw's dictionary, augmented by content from other word lists.

News and newsletters

 * Tenas Wawa—Archive of early 1990s newsletter about Chinook Jargon, also includes audio of a song in the Jargon.
 * Can We Still Speak Chinook? from B.C.'s The Tyee, January 2006

Other links

 * First People's Language Map: Chinuk Wawa
 * First People's Language Map: Chinuk Wawa Resources Resources

title: Chinook Jargon


text:
Pontiff

A pontiff was, in Roman antiquity, a member of the most illustrious of the colleges of priests of the Roman religion, the College of Pontiffs. The term pontiff was later applied to any high or chief priest and, in Roman Catholic ecclesiastical usage, to bishops, especially the Pope, who is sometimes referred to as the Roman Pontiff or the Supreme Pontiff.

Etymology
The English term derives through Old French pontif from Latin pontifex, a word commonly held to come from the Latin root words pons, pont- (bridge) + facere (to do, to make), and so to have the literal meaning of "bridge-builder", presumably between mankind and the deity/deities. The role of bridges in ancient religions, associated with resurrection, redemption and the Judgement Day is already well known. Uncertainty prevailing, this may be only a folk etymology, but it may also recall ancient tasks and magic rites associated with bridges. The term may also be an allusion to Ancient Roman Religious rituals for placating the gods and spirits associated with the Tiber River, for instance. Also, Varro cites this position as meaning "able to do".

Ancient Rome
There were four chief colleges of priests in ancient Rome, the most illustrious of which was that of the pontifices. The others were those of the augures, the quindecimviri sacris faciundis, and the epulones. The same person could be a member of more than one of these groups. Including the pontifex maximus, who was president of the college, there were originally three or five pontifices, but the number increased over the centuries, finally becoming 16 under Julius Caesar. By the third century BC the pontiffs had assumed control of the state religious system.

Biblical usage
Inspiration for the Catholic use of the name pontiff for a bishop comes from the use of the same word for the Jewish High Priest in the original Latin translation of the Bible, the Vulgate, where it appears 59 times. For example at, "pontifices" (plural) is the Latin term used for "The Chief Priests". And in the Vulgate version of the Letter to the Hebrews, "pontifex" (singular) is repeatedly used with reference to the then still extant High Priesthood in Judaism, and analogously suggesting Jesus Christ as the ultimate high priest.

Catholicism
The word "pontiff", though now most often used in relation to a pope, technically refers to any Catholic bishop. The phrase "Roman pontiff" is therefore not tautological, but means "Bishop of Rome". In the same way, a Pontifical Mass is a mass celebrated by a bishop, not necessarily a pope. Note also the Roman Pontifical (the liturgical book containing the prayers and ceremonies for rites used by a bishop) and "pontificals", the insignia of his order that a bishop uses when celebrating Pontifical Mass. While the pontificals primarily belong to bishops, they have also been granted by papal favour or legally established Church custom to certain presbyters (e.g., abbots).

Other religions
The word has been employed in English also for caliphs (Islam) and swamis and jagadgurus (Hinduism).

title: Pontiff


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Network model

In computing, the network model is a database model conceived as a flexible way of representing objects and their relationships. Its distinguishing feature is that the schema, viewed as a graph in which object types are nodes and relationship types are arcs, is not restricted to being a hierarchy or lattice.

The network model was adopted by the CODASYL Data Base Task Group in 1969 and underwent a major update in 1971. It is sometimes known as the CODASYL model for this reason. A number of network database systems became popular on mainframe and minicomputers through the 1970s before being widely replaced by relational databases in the 1980s.

Overview
While the hierarchical database model structures data as a tree of records, with each record having one parent record and many children, the network model allows each record to have multiple parent and child records, forming a generalized graph structure. This property applies at two levels: the schema is a generalized graph of record types connected by relationship types (called "set types" in CODASYL), and the database itself is a generalized graph of record occurrences connected by relationships (CODASYL "sets"). Cycles are permitted at both levels.

The chief argument in favour of the network model, in comparison to the hierarchical model, was that it allowed a more natural modeling of relationships between entities. Although the model was widely implemented and used, it failed to become dominant for two main reasons. Firstly, IBM chose to stick to the hierarchical model with semi-network extensions in their established products such as IMS and DL/I. Secondly, it was eventually displaced by the relational model, which offered a higher-level, more declarative interface. Until the early 1980s the performance benefits of the low-level navigational interfaces offered by hierarchical and network databases were persuasive for many large-scale applications, but as hardware became faster, the extra productivity and flexibility of the relational model led to the gradual obsolescence of the network model in corporate enterprise usage.

History
The network model's original inventor was Charles Bachman, and it was developed into a standard specification published in 1969 by the Conference on Data Systems Languages (CODASYL) Consortium. This was followed by a second publication in 1971, which became the basis for most implementations. Subsequent work continued into the early 1980s, culminating in an ISO specification, but this had little influence on products.

Bachman's influence is recognized in the term Bachman diagram, a diagrammatic notation that represents a database schema expressed using the network model. In a Bachman diagram, named rectangles represent record types, and arrows represent one-to-many relationship types between records (CODASYL set types).

Database systems
Some well-known database systems that use the network model include:
 * IMAGE for HP 3000
 * Integrated Data Store (IDS)
 * IDMS (Integrated Database Management System)
 * Univac DMS-1100
 * Norsk Data SIBAS
 * Oracle CODASYL DBMS for OpenVMS (originally known as DEC VAX DBMS)

title: Network model


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Physiographic regions of the United States

The physiographic regions of the contiguous United States comprise 8 divisions, 25 provinces, and 85 sections. The system dates to Nevin Fenneman's report Physiographic Divisions of the United States, published in 1916. The map was updated and republished by the Association of American Geographers in 1928. The map was adopted by the United States Geological Survey by publication in 1946.

The classification hierarchy used in the 1916 publication of the American Association of Geographers was division/province/section/subsection. The use of province in this hierarchy undoubtedly confounded the effort to develop a physiographical map consistent across the North American continent since Canada used province as the term for its first-level political subdivision. Province in Canada is a loose analogy for state in the US, and obviously would create great confusion if the same word was used in two vastly different geographical classifications. As late as 1914, the terminology used by an AAG publication used the term "natural region" as the basic denomination of physiography. That work showed 22 examples of how geographers had published works classifying North America into what had been defined as natural regions. Most included all of North America without regard to political subdivision.

Fenneman expanded and presented a derivative of this system more fully in two books, Physiography of western United States (1931), and Physiography of eastern United States (1938).


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Standard data model

A standard data model is a data model that is widely used in a particular industry. The use of standard data models gives heterogeneous organizations a standard vocabulary and pre-negotiated semantics, format, and quality standards for data, which allows easier and faster information exchange. Standards are often defined by standards bodies or technology companies.

Typically these use the popular relational model of database management, but some use the hierarchical model, especially those used in manufacturing or mandated by governments, e.g., the DIN codes specified by Germany.

Industry applications
Effective standard models have developed in the banking, insurance, pharmaceutical and automotive industries. These models reflect stringent standards required in these industries for customer information gathering, customer privacy, consumer safety, or just in time manufacturing.

The most complex data models known are in military use. Consortia such as NATO tend to require strict standards for their members' equipment and supply databases. While standards for commercial software are usually open to view and implement, military data standards are often private and internal.

Issues
The format of the standard may have implementation trade-offs. Standardization affects software architecture development, as new solutions that vary from a standard may cause data sharing issues.

Examples

 * ISO 10303 CAE Data Exchange Standard - includes its own data modelling language, EXPRESS
 * ISO 15926 Process Plants including Oil and Gas facilities Life-Cycle data
 * IDEAS Group Foundation Ontology agreed by defence departments of Australia, Canada, France, Sweden, UK and USA
 * EN12896 CEN Reference Data Model For Public Transport. covering public transport scheduling, fare management, operations and passenger information
 * Common Education Data Standards (CEDS) is a data dictionary standard model sponsored by the U.S. government that is used widely in the United States education system
 * SIF is an interoperability specification used as a standard data model in Australia, the UK, and the US.

title: Standard data model


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User talk:Ig

There are indeed native speakers of Chinook Jargon, living in Washington.

Hello there, welcome to the 'pedia! I hope you like the place and decide to stay. If you need pointers on how we title pages visit Naming conventions or how to format them visit our manual of style. If you have any other questions about the project then check out Help or add a question to the Village pump. Cheers! --maveric149

title: User talk:Ig