text:
Talk:Midland Counties Railway

Additional construction
If you're mentioning additional construction after the MCR's independent existence ended, shouldn't that go under Midland Railway? Arwel 12:05 Feb 27, 2003 (UTC)

Er probably, but I didn't see how it would fit into the Midland Railway article User:G-Man

I have put the information under the Midland Main Line article I though it would fit their better User:G-Man

"To the north, the MCR system linked with the North Midland Railway which linked their system to Sheffield and beyond." Would it better just to put "South Yorkshire" rather than Sheffield, as it gives the impression that the NMR was built to Sheffield, when it bypassed it. The Sheffield to Rotherham Railway was a different project. jjb

"transported coal from the East Midlands to London," Would the BDJR have mainly transported Yorkshire coal via the NMR? jjb

Further Comment 2006
I will returning to these three lines shortly. I note the mention of the NMR and Sheffield has gone. In fact the link was at Chesterfield, but it was originally opposed by the NMR and was only built later by the Midland.

Another line planned by the MCR was a branch from Syston to Peterborough. The merger to form the Midland happened while it was being planned. I'm planning to write a separate article which will be tied to the MCR and the Midland articles and also the present day Birmingham to Peterborough line. Chevin 15:39, 26 January 2007 (UTC)

The Midland Counties Railway : 1839-1989
Chevrin, could I please query your edit of the reference The Midland Counties Railway : 1839-1989. The COPAC search* I undertook lists Mark Higginson as the compiler of the book so that it might be refered to as:
 * Higginson, Mark (comp.) (1989) The Midland ....

rather than merely Anonymous. Do you have a copy of the work? I am open to the possiblility that COPAC might be in error. Best regards Oxonhutch 13:16, 6 August 2007 (UTC)
 * this link might be time sensitive and not work in which case looking up UK / COPAC on the url will regenerate the link, ISBN 1-87219-400-1
 * Um sorry, the ISBN is as shown in the book, which does not give an author Chevin 13:32, 6 August 2007 (UTC)

Note taken. I've resorted the refs so that they're back in alphabetical order. ISBN hyphenation is according to the ISBN number grouping standards with a 6 figure publisher number in group 1 (the first figure), a two figure book number and one check-sum. Oxonhutch 14:04, 6 August 2007 (UTC)
 * Um the arrangement depends on how many numbers have been allocated to a publisher. The first number is the country. The last number is the checksum the penultimate group may be one, two or three digits, the rest of the digits giving the publisher number. 16:31, 6 August 2007 (UTC)

The hyphenation rules are nicely summarised here. For the English speaking world (zones 0 and 1) it really depends on the volumes that the publishing houses produce. Oxford University Press publishes many titles and its ISBNs start with 0-19-######-# giving that house up to 1 million individual volumes. Many small publishers (which includes many specialist railway titles) only buy small blocks of ISBNs. The Platewell Press was allocated only 10 volumes when it bought 0-9511108-#-#. An example I have is ISBN 0-9511108-8-8. Cheers Oxonhutch 17:49, 6 August 2007 (UTC)
 * I have been involved with ISBN's and publishing for some years. I guess its a bit academic as they are now obsolete. They also tend to be used full out without hyphens or spaces for use in data handling systems like Neilsons Booknet Chevin 18:52, 6 August 2007 (UTC)
 * On the subject of references, I have added the book by F S Williams, 1876, reprinted 1968 with an intro by C R Clinker, so still fairly widely available. I am struck by how closely this wiki page resembles chapter 1 of Williams book. I am guessing that many of the refs cited might have got their info from Williams. According to Clinker, the Williams book is pretty accurate. Paul Matthews 14:42, 14 September 2007 (UTC)
 * Well I guess an accurate historical account would be very similar to another accurate historical account. However all the books quoted have been consulted except the one you've added, which I haven't had chance to look at yet, unless someone else has done it. Chevin 08:35, 15 September 2007 (UTC)

Derby Canal diversion - August 1838
E.G. Barnes The Rise of the Midland Railway 1844 - 1874 gives the location as Spondon. The diverted canal was partly in Spondon parish and partly in Ockbrook and Borrowash parish. The parish boundary has since been moved and the diversion is entirely in present day Borrowash, adjacent the site of Borrowash station, hence I have changed the location from Spondon to Borrowash. Pmbarnes (talk) 14:22, 18 October 2010 (UTC)

Long Eaton Junction
I think you'll find that the junction and the Trent crossing lies to the east of Long Eaton and not to the west as shown on the sketch map. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 194.168.89.195 (talk) 14:00, 12 February 2014 (UTC)
 * The sketch shows the poition of the first Long Eaton station. The present Long Eaton was formerly Sawley Junction station built sometime later. Dont take any notice of the chart thing at the top of the page. Chevin (talk) 17:24, 12 February 2014 (UTC)

title: Talk:Midland Counties Railway


text:
Roche lobe

In astronomy, the Roche lobe is the region around a star in a binary system within which orbiting material is gravitationally bound to that star. It is an approximately teardrop-shaped region bounded by a critical gravitational equipotential, with the apex of the teardrop pointing towards the other star (the apex is at the Lagrangian point of the system).

The Roche lobe is different from the Roche sphere, which approximates the gravitational sphere of influence of one astronomical body in the face of perturbations from a more massive body around which it orbits. It is also different from the Roche limit, which is the distance at which an object held together only by gravity begins to break up due to tidal forces. The Roche lobe, Roche limit, and Roche sphere are named after the French astronomer Édouard Roche.

Definition
In a binary system with a circular orbit, it is often useful to describe the system in a coordinate system that rotates along with the objects. In this non-inertial frame, one must consider centrifugal force in addition to gravity. The two together can be described by a potential, so that, for example, the stellar surfaces lie along equipotential surfaces.

Close to each star, surfaces of equal gravitational potential are approximately spherical and concentric with the nearer star. Far from the stellar system, the equipotentials are approximately ellipsoidal and elongated parallel to the axis joining the stellar centers. A critical equipotential intersects itself at the Lagrangian point of the system, forming a two-lobed figure-of-eight with one of the two stars at the center of each lobe. This critical equipotential defines the Roche lobes.

Where matter moves relative to the co-rotating frame it will seem to be acted upon by a Coriolis force. This is not derivable from the Roche lobe model as the Coriolis force is a non-conservative force (i.e. not representable by a scalar potential).

Further analysis
In the gravity potential graphics, L1, L2, L3, L4, L5 are in synchronous rotation with the system. Regions of red, orange, yellow, green, light blue and blue are potential arrays from high to low. Red arrows are rotation of the system and black arrows are relative motions of the debris.

Debris goes faster in the lower potential region and slower in the higher potential region. So, relative motions of the debris in the lower orbit are in the same direction with the system revolution while opposite in the higher orbit.

L1 is the gravitational capture equilibrium point. It is a gravity cut-off point of the binary star system. It is the minimum potential equilibrium among L1, L2, L3, L4 and L5. It is the easiest way for the debris to commute between a Hill sphere (an inner circle of blue and light blue) and communal gravity regions (figure-eights of yellow and green in the inner side).

L2 and L3 are gravitational perturbation equilibria points. Passing through these two equilibrium points, debris can commute between the external region (figure-eights of yellow and green in the outer side) and the communal gravity region of the binary system.

L4 and L5 are the maximum potential points in the system. They are unstable equilibria. If the mass ratio of the two stars becomes larger, then the orange, yellow and green regions will become a horseshoe orbit.

The red region will become the tadpole orbit.

Mass transfer
When a star "exceeds its Roche lobe", its surface extends out beyond its Roche lobe and the material which lies outside the Roche lobe can "fall off" into the other object's Roche lobe via the first Lagrangian point. In binary evolution this is referred to as mass transfer via Roche-lobe overflow.

In principle, mass transfer could lead to the total disintegration of the object, since a reduction of the object's mass causes its Roche lobe to shrink. However, there are several reasons why this does not happen in general. First, a reduction of the mass of the donor star may cause the donor star to shrink as well, possibly preventing such an outcome. Second, with the transfer of mass between the two binary components, angular momentum is transferred as well. While mass transfer from a more massive donor to a less massive accretor generally leads to a shrinking orbit, the reverse causes the orbit to expand (under the assumption of mass and angular-momentum conservation). The expansion of the binary orbit will lead to a less dramatic shrinkage or even expansion of the donor's Roche lobe, often preventing the destruction of the donor.

To determine the stability of the mass transfer and hence exact fate of the donor star, one needs to take into account how the radius of the donor star and that of its Roche lobe react to the mass loss from the donor; if the star expands faster than its Roche lobe or shrinks less rapidly than its Roche lobe for a prolonged time, mass transfer will be unstable and the donor star may disintegrate. If the donor star expands less rapidly or shrinks faster than its Roche lobe, mass transfer will generally be stable and may continue for a long time.

Mass transfer due to Roche-lobe overflow is responsible for a number of astronomical phenomena, including Algol systems, recurring novae (binary stars consisting of a red giant and a white dwarf that are sufficiently close that material from the red giant dribbles down onto the white dwarf), X-ray binaries and millisecond pulsars. Such mass transfer by Roche lobe overflow (RLOF) is further broken down into three distinct cases:

Case A
Case A RLOF occurs when the donor star is hydrogen burning. According to Nelson and Eggleton, there are a number of subclasses which are reproduced here:

AD dynamic
when RLOF happens to a star with a deep convection zone. Mass transfer happens rapidly on the dynamical time scale of the star and may end with a complete merger.

AR rapid contact
similar to AD, but as the star onto which matter is rapidly accreting gains mass, it gains physical size enough for it to reach its own Roche-lobe. As such times, the system manifests as a contact binary such as a W Ursae Majoris variable.

AS slow contact
similar to AR, but only a short period of fast mass transfer happens followed by a much longer period of slow mass transfer. Eventually the stars will come into contact, but they have changed substantially by the point this happens. Algol variables are the result of such situations.

AE early overtaking
similar to AS, but the star gaining mass overtakes the star donating mass to evolve past the main sequence. The donor star can shrink so small to stop mass transfer, but eventually mass transfer will start again as stellar evolution continues leading to the cases

AL late overtaking
the case when the star that initially was the donor undergoes a supernova after the other star has undergone its own round of RLOF.

AB binary
the case where the stars switch back and forth between which one is undergoing RLOF at least three times (technically a subclass of the above).

AN no overtaking
the case when the star that initially was the donor undergoes a supernova before the other star reaches a RLOF phase.

AG giant
Mass transfer does not begin until the star reaches the red giant branch but before it has exhausted its hydrogen core (after which the system is described as Case B).

Case B
Case B happens when RLOF starts while the donor is a post-core hydrogen burning/hydrogen shell burning star. This case can be further subdivided into classes Br and Bc according to whether the mass transfer occurs from a star dominated by a radiation zone (Br) and therefore evolves as the situation with most Case A RLOF or a convective zone (Bc) after which a common envelope phase may occur (similar to Case C). An alternative division of cases is Ba, Bb, and Bc which are roughly corresponding to RLOF phases that happen during helium fusion, after helium fusion but before carbon fusion, or after carbon fusion in the highly evolved star.

Case C
Case C happens when RLOF starts when the donor is at or beyond the helium shell burning phase. These systems are the rarest observed, but this may be due to selection bias.

Geometry
The precise shape of the Roche lobe depends on the mass ratio $$q=M_{1}/M_{2}$$, and must be evaluated numerically. However, for many purposes it is useful to approximate the Roche lobe as a sphere of the same volume. An approximate formula for the radius of this sphere is

where $$f_{1}=0.38+0.2\log{q}$$ and $$f_{2}=0.46224 \left(\frac{q}{1+q}\right)^{1/3}$$. Function $$f_{1}$$ is greater than $$f_{2}$$ for $$q\gtrsim 0.5228$$. The length A is the orbital separation of the system and r$1$ is the radius of the sphere whose volume approximates the Roche lobe of mass M$1$. This formula is accurate to within about 2%. Another approximate formula was proposed by Eggleton and reads as follows:

This formula gives results up to 1% accuracy over the entire range of the mass ratio $$q$$.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Roche lobe


text:
Talk:List of Paris Métro stations

Format for Double-Named Stations: Invitation for Discussion
In the course of gradually adding information for individual stations, it has come to my attention that there does not seem to be a consistent rule for representing Métro stations with "double names." In some instances, the two elements of a name are simply separated by a space: Réaumur Sébastopol; in others, they are separated by a hyphen: Denfert-Rochereau; in still others, both a hyphen and spaces are used: Strasbourg - St. Denis. It would seem desirable to standardize the format used for such double-named stations.

However, there may be complications in choosing which format to standardize on because, as I discovered in the course of my research, there are actually several different reasons why a station may have a double name:

 * As noted in the introduction to the article, some originally independent stations become associated into a single interchange station, which thus acquires the names of both "substations." Examples include Marcadet Poissoniers, Reuilly Diderot, Strasbourg St. Denis, and Montparnasse Bienvenüe.

 * Other stations acquire double names because they are located at the intersection of several streets, each of which by itself may be insufficient to characterize the location of the station. This is most obvious when one element of the name is shared between different stations, as in the case of Sèvres Babylone versus Sèvres Lecourbe and Michel-Ange Auteuil versus Michel-Ange Molitor, but it applies to many other instances, such as Censier Daubenton, Faidherbe Chaligny, Lamarck Caulaincourt, or St. Sébastien Froissart.

 * Furthermore, there are a number of instances where an apparent double name actually refers to a single source. Although this is sometimes moderately evident, as with Jacques Bonsergent or Jules Joffrin, many others, such as Denfert Rochereau, Ledru Rollin, Marx Dormoy, or Mouton Duvernet are not as obvious.

Given these complications, the question which format to use for double names might need to be qualified by a second question: Whether it would make sense to distinguish these various possibilities by using slightly different formats. The existing names in the list sometimes give the impression that someone may already have tried to do this, though not consistently. The space-hyphen-space format, for instance, seems to be more commonly used for once-independent interchange stations, such as Marcadet - Poissoniers.

Suggestions and comments would be greatly appreciated Vremya 12:00, 30 December 2005 (UTC)
 * The easier is probably to use the same names as in the French Wikipedia. I just modified fr:Liste des stations du métro de Paris using the official maps of the RATP. The rules are simple: when a station combines several items, use a hyphen surrounded by spaces; when it uses an item which already had hyphens, let it as it is (i.e without spaces). Réaumur - Sébastopol has spaces because only the metro station unites them; Denfert-Rochereau has no space because it is a square and an avenue, and the metro station only takes the name of that square. Thbz 14:11, 30 December 2005 (UTC)

From VfD
Every article by 195.93.xx.xx - List of Paris metro stations and therein (4d/11k)
 * Users from the above IP addresses are adding sub-stubs about the Paris subway. All the article lists is the "Lines serving this station" and a wikilink. I know that Wikipedia is not paper, but do we really need all these sub-stubs? A link does not an article make. —Frecklefoot 17:49, 4 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * I asked in several of his-hers talk pages what was doing, with no response. I agree with deletion. Muriel 17:56, 4 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * If the contributions are real (i.e. not made up or fictional) and verifiable, I see no reason for deletion. msg:stub should be added. Since they include the lines serving a station, they have some useful content. This should go to pages needing attention or cleanup, btw, since I see it mostly as a call for more information rather than deletion. Optim 18:07, 4 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep unless obvious vandalism. Or list the pages here. Or at least give an IP address so I can find them myself. List of stations of the Paris Métro Anthony DiPierro 18:24, 4 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep. Realisticly, what else would you put on those pages? Other than the lines serving, hours of operation and maybe a picture is all I could think of. Unless somthing historical happened at a particular station, and every station isnt going to have that. Its not a large page, but where else would you find that information?  Although it should probably be confirmed that the stations actually do serve those lines, it could easily be vandalismTheon 18:53, Mar 4, 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. Wikipedia is an encyclopædia, not a collection of random useless information. If there is no realistic info to put in those pages, we shouldn't have them from the beginning. The list itself is useful, but all the Station articles without content are worthless. — Sverdrup (talk) 20:35, 4 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * I was annoyed by that as well. In particular, they need introductory sentences "Blah blah is a station on the Paris metro" to even be a stub.  But... with this added, they are indeed stubs.  Lots of work, yes a pain, no do not delete.
 * Keep - they are a lot of work but need more. We've managed to make decent articles about London Underground stations... Secretlondon 18:58, 4 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * Neutral. I left about a dozen "welcome messages" for some of these IP's -- it seems to have made no difference. These could be a good start... -- BCorr ¤ Брайен 19:13, Mar 4, 2004 (UTC)
 * Also neutral. I'm with BCorr, it could be a good start.  Anyways, I added the Dallas rail stations yesterday that could be used as an idea for how to do a starting point for these.  See list of stations at: 1, 2 and 3. RadicalBender 19:32, 4 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * Preferably merge into a single page (or a small number of pages) and only split out the ones which deserve their own article. But keep until someone's willing to do the work of merging them. Anthony DiPierro 19:42, 4 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * I've done all of line 1 - it is a lot of work but I think worth it. We have photos, dates of opening etc on the ones in London. Secretlondon 20:13, 4 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * BTW, totally non-famous. Anthony DiPierro 20:26, 4 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * How non famous? Hundreds of thousands of people will use them every year. I've left the author a note on their French user page btw. Secretlondon 20:27, 4 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * Hundreds of thousands of people will use the Saint-Sébastien Froissart station? It seems no more famous than many of the other topics we've deleted.  Should we have a page for every subway station in the world?  I'd be fine with it, but somehow I doubt others would. Which is more "famous", that station, or the McFly band? How many people have heard of the Saint-Sébastien Froissart subway station?  Now how many people have heard of Colonel Charles Edward Jones?  How many people each year will compete for the William Hill Kelly, Jr. Scholarship?  Anthony DiPierro 20:51, 4 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * Yes, we need an article on every underground station in the world. Why not? Do you have any idea how much history the Greek stations have? come and visit them, and you will see small museums with photos and documents showing how they were contructed etc. every station is unique here and some of them like the Omonoia station are described as historical sites. Optim 21:19, 4 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete - Sverdrup's statement has convinced me - Texture 20:37, 4 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * Of course there is information that can be added to them. That is why they are stubs. Secretlondon 20:42, 4 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * Reading this exchange leads me to believe that the information is useful and accurate as a single list but not in the entries that have no additional content. I read one that didn't even mention what city in the world was being referenced.  I added the city but found no need for the article unless there is additional content. - Texture 20:47, 4 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * Maybe one article per line would make more sense. All as one list would be a rather large page. Anthony DiPierro 20:58, 4 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * I agree. - Texture 21:11, 4 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * Strong preference to keep. This is factual, verfiable, useful information that can be extended (see some of the equivalent London tube stations). It will be a lot of work to trash the lot of work that has already been done. These pages definitely fall into the "if they're not useful to you, ignore them and let them be used by others that do find them useful" category. Pete/Pcb21 (talk) 20:44, 4 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep. -- Decumanus 20:55, 4 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep. These fall in the same category as malls or other locally famous landmarks. Meelar 21:07, 4 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep, by analogy with London Underground and its related pages. -- Cyan 21:09, 4 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep. --Wik 21:16, Mar 4, 2004 (UTC)

Is it planned to have articles on separate metro stations? Then we can use

 * La Défense - Grande Arche (near Grande Arche in La Défense)

or

 * La Défense - Grande Arche (Paris Metro) (near Grande Arche in La Défense)

Otherwise we can make it:

 * La Défense - Grande Arche

- Patrick 12:42 Feb 27, 2003 (UTC)

 * I would be rather in favor of the second option, although some stations might be worth an article. So, I suggest that we start using the first option, and convert to the second one if no article emerges over time. olivier 13:29 Feb 27, 2003 (UTC)

 * I agree with your first sentence, but with regard to the 2nd I would say: as long as the link is not needed for the metro station itself it can be used for what the station is named after, in particular if it is a building or a quarter near the station. - Patrick 13:50 Feb 27, 2003 (UTC)

-

We're potentially having articles on every one of the stations in the Paris metro? I'm an unstinting metrophile and even then I think that might be a little much. Should I create articles on every one of the 65 stations of the Montreal metro, then? - Montréalais

 * Well they'd hardly be the most obscure articles on here! Personally I don't see any problem with it, potentially they could contain quite a lot of information; history, nearby buildings, maybe how to get to it by road from certain places etc. I think in comparison to, for example, the thousands of tiny American towns on here it could be quite interesting. Although I guess some stations would be quite hard to write about, some of the London Underground ones are pretty generic. - Ams80 14:15 Feb 27, 2003 (UTC)

 * Well, I was going to create such an article, but then I realized that all the information is already on my website, in a more interesting fashion than I could present it here: http://www.metrodemontreal.com . Surely the same is true of the Paris metro? - Montréalais

 * On the french Wikipedia, we are planning on doing articles for all stations, indeed... history & such
 * After all as pointed out it may give many interesting info
 * Ryo 15:14 Feb 27, 2003 (UTC)

Does anyone care if I move this article to List of stations on the Paris Métro? (Note: "on" instead of "of"). To my native-English-speaking ears, "on" just sounds better. I'll wait a few (probably two) days to see if anyone objects. Moncrief, 4 Mar 2004 (UTC)

 * Try List of Paris Métro stations or List of Paris métro stations (should Metro be capitalised?) -- 217.24.129.50 10:41, 4 Mar 2004 (UTC)

 * List of Paris Métro stations is indeed the best: short and simple and grammatically pleasing. I do think Metro should be capitalized.  I'm going to change it to that if no one objects.  --Moncrief, 4 Mar 2004 (UTC)

 * I believe Métro is a formal name, like the D.C. Metro, and should remain capitalized. ugen64 01:59, Mar 10, 2004 (UTC)

What would really help is a map. -- 217.24.129.50 10:43, 4 Mar 2004 (UTC)

The fact is, most of these stubs will never contain much useful information, nor could. There are a number of stations with a history and interest, and perhaps they deserve articles, but not every single one; the remaining should be mentioned in passing on this page. A similar, but opposite debate occurred with the Topology glossary, in which many terms that otherwise would've been sub-stubs were collected on one page, but many now have articles of their own, while others almost certainly never will.

I don't argue that you can list quite a bit of information about any given subway station; what I argue is the value of such information. Unless it's truly historical or economically central, this information would be useful only to people actually using the subway, who necessarily constitute a tiny minority of Wikipedia's audience, particularly the English Wikipedia's.

In short: delete all the sub-stubs, add short descriptions to this page or a page on the Paris Metro, and leave links to the larger station articles. Derrick Coetzee 13:53, 18 Mar 2004 (UTC)

 * I agree, and I couldn't have stated it better myself. —LarryGilbert 20:30, 2004 Apr 11 (UTC)

 * Wholeheartly agree! There is no sense in hundreds of sub-stubs, that never will contain more than one line - and never be red by anyone. And anyway: No one will keep this information up do date. Collect it on one page. A map would help also (would make more sense, since you could read all informations you need, and it would make it possible to update the page easier).--Thomas 12:01, 23 Apr 2004 (UTC)

360 stubs on one page
See Shortpages/Paris Metro. -- User:Docu

Cleanup instructions
The cleanup instructions on this page:
 * If any station page linked here is just a few lines long, redirect to List of stations of the Paris Métro and remove the link from this page.

were signed by a user. I've removed his sig, since I don't believe users' names should appear on articles. I also corrected the original redirect instruction (containing the character string M%E9tro) since it created redirects that didn't work. - dcljr 05:53, 29 Oct 2004 (UTC)
 * Eh, I can think of enough info for each station to make it more than just a substub, or at least too big to put all the info here. In my opinion, there should be info about configuration (two platforms on each side, one in the middle, or complicated), local attractions (to avoid POV, list ones signed in the station), locations of access points (and history of those if one was added later), whether parking exists, transfers to major bus lines. Maybe some more stuff. --SPUI 23:09, 12 Jan 2005 (UTC)

Links
While working on the double redirect project I ended up here. I noticed that there were multiple links from this article back to the article. I intended to return and clean them up. However, on reading the talk page it appears that's the intent. Is it not a bit confusing for the newcomer? Are they not likly to think that something is "broken" when they click on a link and end up back where they started? I don't want to change them if that is what everybody wants. Cheers. CambridgeBayWeather 05:02, 20 September 2005 (UTC)

 * I've confused things a little by hiving off the RER stations to a separate list, List of stations of the Paris RER. (This is for a good cause, because the RER is simply not the same thing as the Métro.) I propose on the just-cited RER list page to redirect all Métro and RER stubs to the appropriate list page, unless there is more than a stub at the station page. On second thoughts, perhaps it would be a better idea to redirect Metro and RER stubs back to the main Metro and RER pages? Then at least the browser finds substantial information and doesn't get into a link loop. In any case, the stubs can easily be revived as and when proper articles are forthcoming. Thoughts? Rollo 22:14, 21 September 2005 (UTC)

 * The latest. "Best practice" for RER stations is to leave station pages uncreated (ie, appearing as red in List of stations of the Paris RER). When genuinely useful information is forthcoming, the appropriate page can be created with a click. Rollo 22:18, 9 October 2005 (UTC)

Tables added as a new format to display stations
Okay, just a quick word to say that I've changed the list into tables format. Unfortunately, that takes a lot of time and I couldn't add all observations about stations yet. However, this will be done later. I simply hadn't the time now to copy and paste everything. Metropolitan 18:43, 16 March 2006 (CET)

 * Okay I've put back all the past informations. Metropolitan 19:21, 18 March 2006 (CET)

Past and Future Stations
I think it would be great to add a subsection for Past Stations (Ghost Stations), as on the French page. Also interesting is the table of past & future stations that can be seen on the French wiki, as in on the Haxo article. -- hibou 14:20, 11 November 2006 (UTC)

Replace with Translation of French version
Today, I replaced the list by a translation of the French version of the list. I believe that this new version contains better information. In particular, it adds: closed stations, correspondences to non-Métro lines, adds opening dates for each line at each station, and adds passenger counts. It also adds line logos, making the table more colorful. It removes "codes" (it's not clear to me what this is and new stations don't seem to have one, anyway it's probably not interesting for most/all readers), zones (which for the metro are not so important), and nearby tourist attractions. For the images, I went with the photos present in the list just before my update, i.e. I did not move over the pictures as they are in the French version. It is possible that I introduced minor errors in the translation process, but I have been careful. DominikPeters (talk) 19:33, 11 July 2022 (UTC)

Accessbility for each metro station
Would like to propose that an additional column be added to include accessibility info for each metro station. Would include if Elevator and/or Escalator or none of the above is available for a given station. Very helpful and informative bit of info for wiki readers. thanks! 165.1.150.98 (talk) 15:20, 19 May 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:List of Paris Métro stations


text:
Spanish language in the United States

Spanish is the second most spoken language in the United States. Over 42 million people aged five or older speak Spanish at home. Spanish is also the most learned language other than English, with about 8 million students. Estimates count up to 57 million native speakers, heritage language speakers, and second-language speakers. There is an Academy of the Spanish Language located in the United States as well.

In the United States there are more speakers of Spanish than speakers of French, German, Italian, Portuguese, Hawaiian, the various varieties of Chinese, the Indo-Aryan languages, and the Native American languages combined. According to the 2022 American Community Survey conducted by the US Census Bureau, Spanish is spoken at home by 42 million people aged five or older, more than twice as many as in 1990.

Spanish has been spoken in what is now the United States since the 15th century, with the arrival of Spanish colonization in North America. Colonizers settled in areas that would later become Florida, Texas, Colorado, New Mexico, Arizona, Nevada, and California as well as in what is now the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico. The Spanish explorers explored areas of 42 of the future US states leaving behind a varying range of Hispanic legacy in North America. Western regions of the Louisiana Territory were also under Spanish rule between 1763 and 1800, after the French and Indian War, which further extended Spanish influences throughout what is now the United States.

After the incorporation of those areas into the United States in the first half of the 19th century, Spanish was later reinforced in the country by the acquisition of Puerto Rico in 1898. Waves of immigration from Mexico, Cuba, Venezuela, El Salvador, and elsewhere in Latin America have strengthened the prominence of Spanish in the country. Today, Hispanics are one of the fastest growing ethnic groups in the United States, which has increased the use and importance of Spanish in the United States. Although, there is a decline in the share use of Spanish among Hispanics in major cities of the United States, there is an annual increase of the total number of Spanish speakers and the use of Spanish at home.

Early Spanish settlements
The Spanish arrived in what would later become the United States in 1493, with the Spanish arrival to Puerto Rico. Ponce de León explored Florida in 1513. In 1565, the Spaniards founded St. Augustine, Florida. The Spanish later left but others moved in and it is the oldest continuously occupied European settlement in the continental United States. Juan Ponce de León founded San Juan, Puerto Rico, in 1508. Historically, the Spanish-speaking population increased because of territorial annexation of lands claimed earlier by the Spanish Empire and by wars with Mexico and by land purchases.

Spanish Louisiana
During the late 18th and early 19th centuries, land claimed by Spain encompassed a large part of the contemporary U.S. territory, including the French colony of Louisiana from 1769 to 1800. In order to further establish and defend Louisiana, Spanish Governor Bernardo de Gálvez recruited Canary Islanders to emigrate to North America. Between November 1778 and July 1779, around 1600 Isleños arrived in New Orleans, and another group of about 300 came in 1783. By 1780, the four Isleño communities were already founded. When Louisiana was sold to the United States, its Spanish, Creole and Cajun inhabitants became U.S. citizens, and continued to speak Spanish or French. In 1813, George Ticknor started a program of Spanish Studies at Harvard University. Spain also founded settlements along the Sabine River, to protect the border with French Louisiana. The towns of Nacogdoches, Texas and Los Adaes were founded as part of this settlement, and the people there spoke a dialect descended from rural Mexican Spanish, which is now almost completely extinct. Although it's commonly thought in Nacogdoches that the Hispanic residents of the Sabine River area are isleños, their Spanish dialect is derived from rural Mexican Spanish, and their ancestors came from Mexico and other parts of Texas.

Annexation of Texas and the Mexican–American War

In 1821, after Mexico's War of Independence from Spain, Texas was part of the United Mexican States as the state of Coahuila y Tejas. A large influx of Americans soon followed, originally with the approval of Mexico's president. In 1836, the now largely "American" Texans fought a war of independence from the central government of Mexico. The arrivals from the US objected to Mexico's abolition of slavery. They declared independence and established the Republic of Texas. In 1846, the Republic dissolved when Texas entered the United States of America as a state. By 1850, fewer than 16,000 or 7.5% of Texans were of Mexican descent, Spanish-speaking people (both Mexicans and non-Spanish European settlers, including German Texans) were outnumbered six to one by English-speaking settlers (both Americans and other immigrant Europeans).

After the Mexican War of Independence from Spain, California, Nevada, Arizona, Utah, western Colorado and southwestern Wyoming also became part of the Mexican territory of Alta California. Most of New Mexico, western Texas, southern Colorado, southwestern Kansas, and the Oklahoma panhandle were part of the territory of Santa Fe de Nuevo México. The geographical isolation and unique political history of this territory led to New Mexican Spanish differing notably from both Spanish spoken in other parts of the United States of America and Spanish spoken in the present-day United Mexican States.

Mexico lost almost half of the northern territory gained from Spain in 1821 to the United States in the Mexican–American War (1846–1848). This included parts of contemporary Texas, and Colorado, Arizona, New Mexico, Wyoming, California, Nevada, and Utah. Although the lost territory was sparsely populated, the thousands of Spanish-speaking Mexicans subsequently became U.S. citizens. The war-ending Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (1848) does not explicitly address language. Although Spanish initially continued to be used in schools and government, the English-speaking American settlers who entered the Southwest established their language, culture, and law as dominant, displacing Spanish in the public sphere.

The California experience is illustrative. The first California constitutional convention in 1849 had eight Californio participants; the resulting state constitution was produced in English and Spanish, and it contained a clause requiring all published laws and regulations to be published in both languages. One of the first acts of the first California Legislature of 1850 was to authorize the appointment of a State Translator, who would be responsible for translating all state laws, decrees, documents, or orders into Spanish.

Such magnanimity did not last very long. As early as February 1850, California adopted the Anglo-American common law as the basis of the new state's legal system. In 1855, California declared that English would be the only medium of instruction in its schools. These policies were one way of ensuring the social and political dominance of Anglos.

The state's second constitutional convention in 1872 had no Spanish-speaking participants; the convention's English-speaking participants felt that the state's remaining minority of Spanish-speakers should simply learn English; and the convention ultimately voted 46–39 to revise the earlier clause so that all official proceedings would henceforth be published only in English.

Despite the displacement of Spanish from the public sphere, much of the border region, including most of Southern California, Arizona, New Mexico, and south Texas, was home to Spanish speaking communities until at least the beginning of the 20th century.

Spanish–American War (1898)
In 1898, consequent to the Spanish–American War, the United States took control of Cuba, Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines as American territories. In 1902, Cuba became independent from the United States, while Puerto Rico remained a U.S. territory. The American government required government services to be bilingual in Spanish and English, and attempted to introduce English-medium education to Puerto Rico, but the latter effort was unsuccessful.

Once Puerto Rico was granted autonomy in 1948, even mainlander officials who came to Puerto Rico were forced to learn Spanish. Only 20% of Puerto Rico's residents understand English, and although the island's government had a policy of official bilingualism, it was repealed in favor of a Spanish-only policy in 1991. This policy was reversed in 1993 when a pro-statehood party ousted a pro-independence party from the commonwealth government.

Hispanics as the largest minority in the United States
The relatively recent but large influx of Spanish-speakers to the United States has increased the overall total of Spanish-speakers in the country. They form majorities and large minorities in many political districts, especially in California, Arizona, New Mexico and Texas (the American states bordering Mexico), and also in South Florida.

Mexicans first moved to the United States as refugees in the turmoil of the Mexican Revolution from 1910 to 1917, but many more emigrated later for economic reasons. The large majority of Mexicans are in the former Mexican-controlled areas in the Southwest. From 1942 to 1962, the Bracero program would provide for mass Mexican migration to the United States.

At over 5 million, Puerto Ricans are easily the second largest Hispanic group. Of all major Hispanic groups, Puerto Ricans are the least likely to be proficient in Spanish, but millions of Puerto Rican Americans living in the U.S. mainland are fluent in Spanish. Puerto Ricans are natural-born U.S. citizens, and many Puerto Ricans have migrated to New York City, Orlando, Philadelphia, and other areas of the Eastern United States, increasing the Spanish-speaking populations and in some areas being the majority of the Hispanophone population, especially in Central Florida. In Hawaii, where Puerto Rican farm laborers and Mexican ranchers have settled since the late 19th century, seven percent of the islands' people are either Hispanic or Hispanophone or both.

The Cuban Revolution of 1959 created a community of Cuban exiles who opposed the Communist revolution, many of whom left for the United States. In 1963, the Ford Foundation established the first bilingual education program in the United States for the children of Cuban exiles in Miami-Dade County, Florida. The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 boosted immigration from Latin American countries, and in 1968, Congress passed the Bilingual Education Act. Most of these one million Cuban Americans settled in southern and central Florida, while other Cubans live in the Northeastern United States; most are fluent in Spanish. In the city of Miami today Spanish is the first language mostly due to Cuban immigration. Likewise, the Nicaraguan Revolution and subsequent Contra War created a migration of Nicaraguans fleeing the Sandinista government and civil war to the United States in the late 1980s. Most of these Nicaraguans migrated to Florida and California.

The exodus of Salvadorans was a result of both economic and political problems. The largest immigration wave occurred as a result of the Salvadoran Civil War in the 1980s, in which 20 to 30 percent of El Salvador's population emigrated. About 50 percent, or up to 500,000 of those who escaped, headed to the United States, which was already home to over 10,000 Salvadorans, making Salvadoran Americans the fourth-largest Hispanic and Latino American group, after the Mexican-American majority, stateside Puerto Ricans, and Cubans.

As civil wars engulfed several Central American countries in the 1980s, hundreds of thousands of Salvadorans fled their country and came to the United States. Between 1980 and 1990, the Salvadoran immigrant population in the United States increased nearly fivefold from 94,000 to 465,000. The number of Salvadoran immigrants in the United States continued to grow in the 1990s and 2000s as a result of family reunification and new arrivals fleeing a series of natural disasters that hit El Salvador, including earthquakes and hurricanes. By 2008, there were about 1.1 million Salvadoran immigrants in the United States.

Until the 20th century, there was no clear record of the number of Venezuelans who emigrated to the United States. Between the 18th and early 19th centuries, there were many European immigrants who went to Venezuela, only to later migrate to the United States along with their children and grandchildren who were born and/or grew up in Venezuela speaking Spanish. From 1910 to 1930, it is estimated that over 4,000 South Americans each year emigrated to the United States; however, there are few specific figures indicating these statistics. Many Venezuelans settled in the United States with hopes of receiving a better education, only to remain there following graduation. They are frequently joined by relatives. However, since the early 1980s, the reasons for Venezuelan emigration have changed to include hopes of earning a higher salary and due to the economic fluctuations in Venezuela which also promoted an important migration of Venezuelan professionals to the US. In the 2000s, dissident Venezuelans migrated to South Florida, especially the suburbs of Doral and Weston. Other main states with Venezuelan American populations are, according to the 1990 census, New York, California, Texas (adding to their existing Hispanic populations), New Jersey, Massachusetts and Maryland.

Refugees from Spain also migrated to the U.S. due to the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) and political instability under the regime of Francisco Franco that lasted until 1975. The majority of Spaniards settled in Florida, Texas, California, New Jersey, New York City, Chicago, and Puerto Rico.

The publication of data by the United States Census Bureau in 2003 revealed that Hispanics were the largest minority in the United States and caused a flurry of press speculation in Spain about the position of Spanish in the United States. That year, the Instituto Cervantes, an organization created by the Spanish government in 1991 to promote Spanish language around the globe, established a branch in New York.

Historical demographics
In total, there were 36,995,602 people aged five or older in the United States who spoke Spanish at home (12.8% of the total U.S. population) according to the 2010 census.

Current status
Although the United States has no de jure official language, English is the dominant language of business, education, government, religion, media, culture, and the public sphere. Virtually all state and federal government agencies and large corporations use English as their internal working language, especially at the management level. Some states, such as Arizona, California, Florida, New Mexico, and Texas provide bilingual legislated notices and official documents in Spanish and English and in other commonly-used languages. English is the home language of most Americans, including a growing proportion of Hispanics. Between 2000 and 2015, the proportion of Hispanics who spoke Spanish at home decreased from 78 to 73 percent. As noted above, the only major exception is the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico in which Spanish is the official and the most commonly-used language.

Throughout the history of the Southwest United States, the controversial issue of language as part of cultural rights and bilingual state government representation has caused sociocultural friction between Anglophones and Hispanophones. Spanish is now the most widely-taught second language in the United States.

Possibly at least partially as a result of a language barrier, children from Spanish-speaking households in the United States experience 50% higher rates of obesity than those in English-speaking households, according to the U.S. National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey. Families may not have access to health education materials or resources in Spanish, and food labels are typically in English only.

California
California's first constitution recognized Spanish-language rights:

"All laws, decrees, regulations, and provisions emanating from any of the three supreme powers of this State, which from their nature require publication, shall be published in English and Spanish."

By 1870, English-speakers were a majority in California; in 1879, the state promulgated a new constitution with a clause under which all official proceedings were to be conducted exclusively in English, which remained in effect until 1966. In 1986, California voters added a new constitutional clause by referendum:

"English is the official language of the State of California."

Spanish remains widely spoken throughout the state, and many government forms, documents, and services are bilingual in English and Spanish. Although all official proceedings are to be conducted in English:

"A person unable to understand English who is charged with a crime has a right to an interpreter throughout the proceedings."

Arizona
The state, like its neighbors in the Southwest, has had close linguistic and cultural ties with Mexico. The state, except for the 1853 Gadsden Purchase, was part of the New Mexico Territory until 1863, when the western half was made into Arizona Territory. The area of the former Gadsden Purchase spoke mostly Spanish until the 1940s although the Tucson area had a higher ratio of anglophones (including Mexican Americans who were fluent in English). The continuous arrival of Mexican settlers increases the number of Spanish-speakers.

Florida
During the 1990s and 2000s, Miami emerged as a global city with a majority Hispanic bilingual population. Today, most of the residents of the Miami metropolitan area speak Spanish at home, and the influence of Spanish can even be seen in many features of the local dialect of English. Miami is considered the "capital of Latin US" for its many bilingual corporations, banks, and media outlets that cater to international business. In addition, there are several other major cities in Florida with a sizable percentage of the population able to speak Spanish, most notably Tampa (18%) and Orlando (16.6%). Ybor City, a historical neighborhood close to Downtown Tampa, was founded and is populated chiefly by Spanish and Cuban immigrants. Most Latinos in Florida are of Cuban (especially in Miami and Tampa) ancestry followed by Puerto Rican (Miami and Orlando) and Mexican (Tampa and Fort Myers/Naples) ancestry.

New Mexico
New Mexico is commonly thought to have Spanish as an official language alongside English because of its wide usage and legal promotion of Spanish in the state; however, the state has no official language. New Mexico's laws are promulgated in both Spanish and English. English is the state government's paper working language, but government business is often conducted in Spanish, particularly at the local level. Spanish has been spoken in New Mexico since the 16th century.

Because of its relative isolation from other Spanish-speaking areas over most of its 400-year existence, New Mexico Spanish, particularly the Spanish of northern New Mexico and Colorado has retained many elements of 16th- and 17th-century Spanish lost in other varieties and has developed its own vocabulary. In addition, it contains many words from Nahuatl, the language that is still spoken by the Nahua people in Mexico. New Mexican Spanish also contains loanwords from the Pueblo languages of the upper Rio Grande Valley, Mexican-Spanish words (mexicanismos), and borrowings from English. Grammatical changes include the loss of the second-person plural verb form, changes in verb endings, particularly in the preterite, and the partial merger of the second and third conjugations.

Texas
In Texas, English is the state's de facto official language and is used in government, although it lacks de jure status. However, the longstanding presence of Spanish Speaking Texans (see: Tejanos and Mexican Americans), in addition to the ebb and flow of Spanish-speaking people across the border since the Texas Revolution, has resulted in large significance of Spanish as a minority language in Texas. Texas's counties close to the Mexican border are mostly Hispanic and so Spanish is commonly spoken in the region. The Texas government, in Section 2054.116 of the Government Code, mandates providing by state agencies of information on their websites in Spanish to assist residents who have limited English proficiency.

Kansas
Spanish has been spoken in the state of Kansas since at least the early 1900s, primarily because of several waves of immigration from Mexico. That began with refugees fleeing the Mexican Revolution (c. 1910–1920). There are now several towns in Kansas with significant Spanish-speaking populations: Liberal, Garden City, and Dodge City all have Latino populations over 40%. Recently, linguists working with the Kansas Speaks Project have shown how high numbers of Spanish-speaking residents have influenced the dialect of English spoken in areas like Liberal and in other parts of southwest Kansas. There are many Spanish-language radio stations throughout Kansas, like KYYS in the Kansas City area as well as various Spanish-language newspapers and television stations throughout the state. Several towns in Kansas boast Spanish-English dual language immersion schools in which students are instructed in both languages for varying amounts of time. Examples include Horace Mann Elementary in Wichita, named after the famous educational reformer, and Buffalo Jones Elementary in Garden City, named after Charles "Buffalo" Jones, a frontiersman, bison preservationist, and cofounder of Garden City.

Puerto Rico
The Commonwealth of Puerto Rico recognizes Spanish and English as official languages, but Spanish is the dominant first language. This is largely due to the fact that the territory was under Spanish control for 400 years, and was inhabited by mainly Spanish-speaking settlers prior to being ceded to the United States in 1898.

Place names
Because much of the US was once under Spanish, and later Mexican sovereignty, many places have Spanish names dating to these times. These include the names of several states and major cities. Some of these names preserve older features of Spanish orthography, such as San Ysidro, which would be Isidro in modern Spanish. Later, many other names were created in the American period by non-Spanish speakers, often violating Spanish syntax. This includes names such as Sierra Vista.

Learning trends
In 1917, the American Association of Teachers of Spanish and Portuguese was founded, and the academic study of Spanish literature was helped by negative attitudes towards German due to World War I.

Spanish is currently the most widely taught language after English in American secondary schools and higher education. More than 790,000 university students were enrolled in Spanish courses in the autumn of 2013, with Spanish the most widely taught foreign language in American colleges and universities. Some 50.6% of the over 1.5 million U.S. students enrolled in foreign-language courses took Spanish, followed by French (12.7%), American Sign Language (7%), German (5.5%), Italian (4.6%), Japanese (4.3%), Chinese (3.9%), Arabic (2.1%), and Latin (1.7%). These totals remain relatively small in relation to the total U.S. population.

Radio and media
Spanish language radio is the largest non-English broadcasting media. While foreign language broadcasting declined steadily, Spanish broadcasting grew steadily from the 1920s to the 1970s.

The 1930s were boom years. The early success depended on the concentrated geographical audience in Texas and the Southwest. American stations were close to Mexico, which enabled a steady circular flow of entertainers, executives and technicians and stimulated the creative initiatives of Hispanic radio executives, brokers, and advertisers. Ownership was increasingly concentrated in the 1960s and 1970s. The industry sponsored the now-defunct trade publication Sponsor from the late 1940s to 1968. Spanish-language radio has influenced American and Latino discourse on key current affairs issues such as citizenship and immigration.

Variation
There is a great diversity of accents of Spanish in the United States. The influence of English on American Spanish is very important. In many Latino (also called Hispanic) youth subcultures, it is common to mix Spanish and English to produce Spanglish, a term for code-switching between English and Spanish, or for Spanish with heavy English influence.

The Academia Norteamericana de la Lengua Española (North American Academy of the Spanish Language) tracks the developments of the Spanish spoken in the United States and the influences of English.

Varieties
Linguists distinguish the following varieties of the Spanish spoken in the United States:
 * Mexican Spanish: the US–Mexico border, throughout the Southwest from California to Texas, as well as in Chicago, but becoming ubiquitous throughout the Continental United States. Standard Mexican Spanish is often used and taught as the standard dialect of Spanish in the Continental United States.
 * Caribbean Spanish: Spanish as spoken by Puerto Ricans, Cubans, and Dominicans. It is largely heard throughout the Northeast and Florida, especially New York City and Miami, and in other cities in the East.
 * Central American Spanish: Spanish as spoken by Hispanics with origins in Central American countries such as El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Panama. It is largely heard in major cities throughout California and Texas, as well as Washington, DC; New York; and Miami.
 * Spanish language in South America: Spanish as spoken by Hispanics with origins in South American countries such as Venezuela, Colombia, Peru, Ecuador, Chile, and Bolivia. It is largely heard in major cities throughout New York State, California, Texas, and Florida.
 * Colonial Spanish: Spanish as spoken by descendants of Spanish colonists and early Mexicans before the United States expanded and annexed the Southwest and other areas.
 * Californian Spanish (1769–present): California, especially the Central Coast
 * Isleño Spanish (1783–present): St. Bernard Parish, Louisiana
 * Sabine River Spanish: Parts of Sabine and Natchitoches Parishes, Louisiana, and the Moral community west of Nacogdoches. Moribund, originated from rural Mexican Spanish.
 * New Mexican Spanish: Central and north-central New Mexico and south-central Colorado and the border regions of Arizona, Texas, and New Mexico, and southeastern Colorado

Many Spanish speakers in the US speak it as a heritage language. Many of these heritage speakers are semi-speakers, or transitional bilinguals, which means they spoke Spanish in early childhood but largely switched to an English-speaking environment. They typically have a strong passive command of the language, but never fully acquired it. Other, fluent heritage speakers have not undergone such a total shift from Spanish to English in their immediate family.

Transitional bilinguals often produce errors which are rarely found among native Spanish speakers but which are common among second-language learners. Transitional bilinguals often face difficulties in Spanish classrooms since teaching materials designed for English monolinguals and those designed for fluent heritage speakers are both inadequate.

Heritage speakers in general have a native or near-native phonology.

Dialect contact
Spanish in the US shows mixing and dialect leveling between different varieties of Spanish in large cities with Hispanics of different origins. For example, Salvadorans in Houston show a shift towards lowered rates of /s/ reduction, due to contact with the larger number of Mexican speakers and the low prestige of Salvadoran Spanish.

Los Angeles has its own vernacular Spanish variety, the result of dialect leveling between speakers of different, mainly central Mexican varieties. The children of Salvadoran parents who grow up in Los Angeles typically grow up speaking this variety. Other cities may have their own vernacular Spanish varieties as well.

Voseo, the use of the second person pronoun vos instead of or alongside the more widespread tú, is widespread among Honduran and Salvadoran immigrants to the US. The children of these immigrants tend to accommodate to more widespread use of tú, although at the same time they maintain occasional use of vos as a symbol of Central American identity. Second-generation Salvadoran-Americans often engage in verbal voseo, using voseo-related verb forms alongside tú due to linguistic insecurity in contact situations. On the other hand, third-generation Salvadoran-Americans have begun using pronominal voseo, with vos being used alongside the verb forms associated with tú.

Common English words derived from Spanish
Many standard American English words are of Spanish etymology, or originate from third languages but entered English via Spanish.

 * Admiral (originally from Arabic)
 * Avocado (aguacate from Nahuatl aguacatl)
 * Aficionado
 * Banana (originally from Wolof)
 * Buckaroo (vaquero)
 * Cafeteria (cafetería)
 * Chili (from Nahuatl chīlli)
 * Chocolate (from Nahuatl xocolatl)
 * Cigar (cigarro)
 * Corral
 * Coyote (from Nahuatl coyotl)
 * Desperado (desesperado)
 * Guerrilla
 * Guitar (guitarra)
 * Hurricane (huracán from the Taíno storm god Juracán)
 * Junta
 * Lasso (lazo)
 * Patio
 * Potato (patata; see Etymology of "potato")
 * Ranch (rancho)
 * Rodeo
 * Siesta
 * Tomato (tomate from Nahuatl tomatl)
 * Tornado
 * Vanilla (vainilla)

Phonology
Spanish in the US often has some phonological influence from English. For example, bilinguals who grew up in the Mesilla Valley in southern New Mexico most often merge the two rhotic consonants and  as. The use of a trill is even less frequent in northern New Mexico, where contact with monolingual Mexican Spanish is lesser.

has been reported as an allophone of in Chicano Spanish in the Southwest, both when spelled $⟨b⟩$ and when spelled $⟨v⟩$. This is primarily due to English influence. Although Mexican Spanish generally pronounces as a velar fricative, Chicano Spanish often realizes it as a glottal, like English's h sound. In addition, may occasionally be realized as a fricative in initial position.

The vowel system of Spanish speakers in the US may also be affected by English influence. For example, can be fronted.

Much of the variation in US Spanish pronunciation reflects the differences between other Spanish dialects and varieties:

 * As in most of Hispanic America, $\langlez\rangle$ and $\langlec\rangle$ (before and ) are pronounced as, the same way as $\langles\rangle$. Note that seseo (the act of not distinguishing  from ) is not only typical of the speech of Latino Americans but is also typical among Hispanic Americans of Andalusian and Canarian descent.
 * Spanish in Spain, particularly the regions with a distinctive phoneme, pronounces  with the tip of tongue against the alveolar ridge. Phonetically, that is an "apico-alveolar" "grave" sibilant, with a weak "hushing" sound that is reminiscent of  fricatives. In the Americas and in Andalusia and the Canary Islands, both in Spain, Standard European Spanish  may sound similar to  like English sh as in she. However, that apico-alveolar realization of  is common in some Latin American Spanish dialects which lack . Some inland Colombian Spanish, particularly Antioquia, and Andean regions of Peru and Bolivia also have an apico-alveolar.
 * Spanish in the Americas usually features yeísmo, with no distinction being made between $⟨ll⟩$ and $⟨y⟩$ as both are pronounced . Yeísmo is an expanding and now dominant feature of European Spanish as well, particularly in urban speech (Madrid, Toledo) and in Andalusia and the Canary Islands, but is still preserved in some rural areas of northern Spain. Speakers of Rioplatense Spanish pronounce both $⟨ll⟩$ and $⟨y⟩$ as  or . The traditional pronunciation of the digraph $⟨ll⟩$,, is preserved in some dialects along the Andes range, especially in inland Peru and the highlands of Colombia highlands, northern Argentina, and all of Bolivia and Paraguay.
 * Most speakers with ancestors born in the coastal regions may debuccalize or aspirate syllable-final to  or entirely drop; this, está  ("s/he is") sounds like  or, as in southern Spain (Andalusia, Murcia, Castile–La Mancha (except the northeastern part), Canary Islands, Ceuta, and Melilla).
 * $\langleg\rangle$ (before or ) and $\langlej\rangle$ are usually aspirated to  in Caribbean and other coastal dialects as well as in Colombia, southern Mexico, and most of southern Spain. While it may be  in other dialects of the Americas and often  in Peru, that is a common feature of Castilian Spanish. It is usually aspirated to, like in most of southwestern Spain. Very often, especially in Argentina and Chile,  becomes more fronted  before high vowels  and then approaches  the realization of German $⟨ch⟩$ in ich. In other phonological environments, it is realized as either  or.
 * In many Caribbean dialects, the phonemes and  can be exchanged or sound alike at the end of a syllable: caldo > ca[r]do, cardo > ca[l]do. At the end of words,  becomes silent, which gives Caribbean Spanish a partial non-rhoticity. That occurs left often happens as well in Ecuador and Chile and is a feature brought from Extremadura and westernmost Andalusia, in Spain.
 * In many Andean regions, the alveolar trill of rata and carro is realized as an alveolar approximant or even a voiced apico-alveolar . The alveolar approximant is particularly associated with an indigenous substrate and is quite common in Andean regions, especially in inland Ecuador, Peru, most of Bolivia, and parts of northern Argentina and Paraguay.
 * In Puerto Rico, besides, , and , syllable-final can be realized as , an influence of American English: "verso"' (verse) can become , besides , , or ; "invierno" (winter) can become , aside from , , or ; and "escarlata" (scarlet) can become , aside from , , or []. Word-finally,  is usually one of the following:
 * a trill, a tap, an approximant,, or silent before a consonant or a pause, as in amo paterno ('paternal love');
 * a tap, an approximant, or before a vowel-initial word, as in amo eterno ('eternal love').
 * Voiced consonants, , and are pronounced as plosives after and sometimes before any consonant in most Colombian Spanish dialects (rather than the fricative or approximant characteristic of most other dialects), as in pardo , barba , algo , peligro , desde , rather than , , , , . A notable exception is the Nariño Department and most Costeño speech (Atlantic coastal dialects), which feature the soft fricatives that are common to all other Hispanic American and European dialects.
 * Word-finally, is frequently velar  in Latin American Spanish and pan (bread) is often pronounced . To an English-speaker, the  makes pan sound like pang. Velarization of word-final  is so widespread in the Americas that only a few regions maintain the alveolar,, as in Europe: most of Mexico, Colombia (except for coastal dialects), and Argentina (except for some northern regions). Elsewhere, velarization is common although alveolar word-final  appears among some educated speakers, especially in the media or in singing. Velar word-final  is also frequent in Spain, especially in the South (Andalusia and the Canary Islands) and in the Northwest: Galicia, Asturias, and León.

Vocabulary and grammar
The vocabulary and grammar of US Spanish reflect English influence, accelerated change, and the Latin American roots of most US Spanish. One example of English influence is that the usage of Spanish words by American bilinguals shows a convergence of semantics between English and Spanish cognates. For example, the Spanish words atender ("to pay attention to") and éxito ("success") have acquired a similar semantic range in American Spanish to the English words "attend" and "exit." In some cases, loanwords from English turn existing Spanish words into homonyms: coche has come to acquire the additional meaning of "coach" in the United States, it retains its older meaning of "car." Other phenomena include:

 * Loan translations such as correr para 'to run for', aplicar para 'to apply for', and soñar de instead of soñar con 'to dream of' frequently occur.
 * Expressions with patrás, such as llamar patrás, are widespread. Though these appear to be calques, they likely represent a semantic extension.
 * Spanish speakers in the US tend to use estar more often instead of ser. This is an extension of an ongoing trend within Spanish, since historically estar was used far less often. For more information, see Spanish copulas.
 * Spanish speakers in the southwest tend to use the morphological future tense exclusively to express grammatical mood. The periphrastic construction 'ir + a + infinitive' is used for speaking about events that will occur in the future.
 * In Chicano Spanish varieties, the word has acquired a very wide range of meanings, much like the English word "get".
 * While varieties of Spanish in the US have traditionally not used voseo, this feature has been introduced by Central American immigrants. While the children of these immigrants use voseo much less often than their parents, the pronoun vos remains as a symbol of identity. Verbal voseo is often found among linguistically insecure second-generation Salvadoran-Americans in contact with speakers of other varieties, while pronominal voseo is often found among third-generation Salvadoran-Americans who have adopted the tú-related verb forms but maintain the pronoun vos as a symbol of identity.
 * Spanish-speakers who are more proficient in English tend to use the subjunctive mood less often. This same preference for the indicative also correlates independently with lower education in Spanish, reflecting variation in monolingual Spanish.
 * Disappearance of de (of) in certain expressions, as is the case with Canarian Spanish: esposo Rosa for esposo de Rosa, gofio millo for gofio de millo, etc.
 * Doublets of Arabic-Latin synonyms, with the Arabic form being more common in American Spanish, which derives from Latin American Spanish and so is influenced by Andalusian Spanish, like Andalusian and Latin American alcoba for standard peninsular habitación or dormitorio ('bedroom') or alhaja for standard joya ('jewel').
 * See List of words having different meanings in Spain and Hispanic America.

Future
Spanish is the most commonly spoken non-English language in the United States. Continued immigration is a key reason for the continued presence and use of Spanish, since the descendants of early immigrants and those incorporated into the United States as a result of annexation have largely undergone language shift to English. The economic importance and social vitality of Spanish sustain its use in US public life, especially in commerce, education and mass media.

Spanish-language mass media (such as Univisión, Telemundo, and the former Azteca América) support the use of Spanish, although they increasingly serve bilingual audiences. In addition, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) makes many American manufacturers use multilingual product labeling in English, French, and Spanish, three of the four official languages of the Organization of American States (OAS).

Besides the specialized businesses that have long catered to Hispanophone immigrants, a small but increasing number of mainstream American retailers also now advertise bilingually in Spanish-speaking areas and offer bilingual customer services. One common indicator of such businesses is Se Habla Español, which means "Spanish Is Spoken".

The annual State of the Union Address and other presidential speeches are translated into Spanish, following the precedent set by the Clinton administration in the 1990s. Moreover, non-Hispanic American origin politicians fluent in Spanish speak in Spanish to Hispanic-majority constituencies. There are 500 Spanish newspapers, 152 magazines, and 205 publishers in the United States. Magazine and local television advertising expenditures for the Hispanic market have increased substantially from 1999 to 2003, with growth of 58 percent and 43 percent, respectively.

Historically, immigrants' languages tend to disappear or to be reduced by generational assimilation, with English monolingualism predominant by the third generation. This pattern has largely held steady among more recent immigrants—including Spanish-speakers—and their descendants.

Spanish disappeared in several countries and US territories during the 20th century, notably in the Philippines and in the Pacific Island countries of Guam, Micronesia, Palau, the Northern Marianas islands, and the Marshall Islands.

The English-only movement seeks to establish English as the sole official language of the United States. Generally, they exert political public pressure upon Hispanophone immigrants to learn English and speak it publicly. As universities, business, and the professions use English, there is much social pressure to learn English for upward socio-economic mobility. These social pressures and policies contribute to the loss of Spanish and the shift to English.

Generally, Hispanics (13.4% of the 2002 US population) are bilingual to a degree. A Simmons Market Research survey recorded that 19 percent of Hispanics speak only Spanish, 9 percent speak only English, 55 percent have limited English proficiency, and 17 percent are fully English-Spanish bilingual.

Intergenerational transmission of Spanish is a more accurate indicator of Spanish's future in the United States than raw statistical numbers of Hispanophones. Although Hispanics hold varying English proficiency levels, almost all second-generation Hispanics speak English, but about 50 percent speak Spanish at home. Two thirds of third-generation Mexican Americans speak only English at home. Calvin Veltman undertook in 1988, for the National Center for Education Statistics and for the Hispanic Policy Development Project, the most complete study of Anglicization by Hispanophone immigrants. Veltman's language shift studies document abandonment of Spanish at rates of 40 percent for immigrants who arrived in the US before the age of 14, and 70 percent for immigrants who arrived before the age of 10. The complete set of the studies' demographic projections postulates the near-complete assimilation of a given Hispanophone immigrant cohort within two generations. Although his study based itself upon a large 1976 sample from the Bureau of the Census, which has not been repeated, data from the 1990 census tend to confirm the great Anglicization of the Hispanic population.

Literature
American literature in Spanish dates back to 1610 when a Spanish explorer Gaspar Pérez de Villagrá first published his epic poem History of New Mexico. However, it was not until the late 20th century that Spanish, Spanglish, and bilingual poetry, plays, novels, and essays were readily available on the market through independent, trade, and commercial publishing houses and theaters. Cultural theorist Christopher González identifies Latina/o authors—such as Oscar “Zeta” Acosta, Gloria Anzaldúa, Piri Thomas, Gilbert Hernandez, Sandra Cisneros, and Junot Díaz—as having written innovative works that created new audiences for Hispanic Literature in the United States.

title: Spanish language in the United States


text:
Welsh Language Society

The Welsh Language Society (Cymdeithas yr Iaith Gymraeg, also often abbreviated to Cymdeithas yr Iaith or just Cymdeithas in English) is a direct action pressure group in Wales campaigning for the right of Welsh people to use the Welsh language in every aspect of their lives. The chair of the Welsh Language Society since October 2023 is Joseff Gnagbo.

1960s
The Society was established in name on 4 August 1962 at Pontarddulais in South Wales, but did not have a constitution until 18 May 1963. The formation was at least partly inspired by the annual BBC Wales Radio Lecture given on 13 February 1962 by Saunders Lewis and entitled Tynged yr iaith (The fate of the language). Historian John Davies has said that the lecture was "the catalyst" for the formation of the Welsh Language Society, and the start of a period of direct-action agitation to enhance the status of the Welsh language. Its direct effect on the formation of the Society is described in a history of that society.

The Society's first public protest took place in February 1963 in Aberystwyth town centre, where members pasted posters on the post office in an attempt to be arrested and go to trial. When it became apparent that they would not be arrested for the posters, they then moved to Pont Trefechan in Aberystwyth, where around seventy members and supporters held a sit-in blocking road traffic for half an hour.

The first campaigns were for official status for the language, with a call for Welsh-language tax returns, schools, electoral forms, post office signs, birth certificates and so on. This was done through the formation of 'cells', the first operating in Bangor in April 1963 by Owain Owain who also founded and edited the Society's only publication, Tafod y Ddraig ('The Dragon's Tongue') and designed the logo.

In 1968 a sit-in was held at the news and television studio and the newsroom department of the BBC at Broadway, Cardiff, by members of the Society. The sit-in was calling for the BBC to use more Welsh.

1970s and 1980s

The society believes in direct action, and in the course of its campaigns over a thousand people have appeared before the courts for their part in various campaigns, many receiving prison sentences, making it Britain's largest protest group since the suffragettes – in terms of fines and the numbers sent to prison. Typical actions include painting slogans on buildings owned by businesses, and other minor criminal damage.

At the beginning of the 1970s, the society began to campaign for a Welsh-language radio and television service. Radio Cymru was established in 1977, but in 1979 the Conservative government under Margaret Thatcher announced that it would not keep its election promise to establish a separate Welsh-language television channel. Some protesters refused to buy television licences and others climbed up television masts and invaded television studios.

There was much damage to radio and television transmitters:
 * Blaenplwyf transmitter was damaged on Monday 7 February 1977, costing £25,000, Dyfed–Powys Police arrested the leader at his home at Cenarth; there was another break-in on Monday 19 November 1979, which included John Rowlands and Geraint H. Jenkins
 * Waltham was turned off from 10pm on Thursday 2 November 1978; the group had broken into The Wrekin on the same night, but had turned off the wrong switch
 * Midhurst was damaged on Thursday 8 February 1979, BBC1 restored by Friday but BBC2 took three more days; it caused £15,700 of damage; 23 year old Hywel Pennar, a student at St David's Lampeter, was jailed for 9 months; he was the son of Pennar Davies, the Principal from 1959 to 1979 of Swansea Theological College
 * Sudbury in Suffolk was damaged on Thursday 15 March 1979 with £20,000 of damage

The government reversed its position and a Welsh-language TV channel, S4C, was launched in 1982.

2000s
On 24 July 2004 (five weeks after launching), Radio Carmarthenshire's studios in Narberth were invaded by eleven activists from the Welsh Language Society. They were protesting against Radio Carmarthenshire's decision to limit the amount of its Welsh-language programming. The offices and studios were stormed during a live broadcast, taking Radio Carmarthenshire and Pembrokeshire off-air for fifteen minutes. According to Keri Jones (who later branded the members of the group as "terrorists"), his head of sales was injured, and needed hospital treatment for a fractured wrist sustained during the scuffles which ensued. Police arrested eleven activists, and subsequently released them pending further enquiries. The chair of the movement Steffan Cravos was later found not guilty of causing grievous bodily harm.

The society claimed that 50% of the population in Carmarthenshire speak Welsh as a first language, but less than 5% of Radio Carmarthenshire's output was in Welsh. As a result of complaints and pressure from the society and individuals, the United Kingdom's broadcasting watchdog Ofcom issued Radio Carmarthenshire with a 'yellow card' warning in late 2004; any further claims of the station not conforming to its licence agreement would result in the station being severely reprimanded by Ofcom.

Response to the 2011 Census results
Following the 2011 Census results, the group held a series of rallies across Wales. In the first rally in Caernarfon in December 2012, the group published its Maniffesto Byw (Living Manifesto) which outlined tens of policies designed to strengthen the language. The society launched the "Dwi eisiau byw yn Gymraeg" (I want to live in Welsh) slogan at the same rally.

On 6 February 2013 and 4 July 2013, deputations of the society met First Minister Carwyn Jones to press for urgent policy changes in light of the Census results.

A revised version of the Maniffesto Byw was published in July 2013, following a public consultation and an extraordinary general meeting when a number of amendments to the manifesto were adopted.

In August 2013, the group wrote to the First Minister Carwyn Jones, giving him six months to state his intention to deliver six policy changes for the benefit of the language:
 * 1) Addysg Gymraeg i Bawb (Welsh-medium Education for All)
 * 2) Tegwch Ariannol i'r Gymraeg (Financial Fairness for the Welsh language)
 * 3) Gweinyddu'n fewnol yn Gymraeg  (Internal Government in Welsh)
 * 4) Safonau Iaith i Greu Hawliau Clir (Language Standards to Create Clear Rights)
 * 5) Trefn Cynllunio er budd ein Cymunedau (A Planning System for the benefit of our Communities)
 * 6) Y Gymraeg yn greiddiol i Ddatblygu Cynaliadwy (Welsh as central to Sustainable Development)

Carwyn Jones had made no such statement of intent by 1 February 2014, and the group started a direct action campaign and held a series of protests across the country.

Ongoing campaigns

 * In 2015, the society began calling for Welsh medium education to be extended to every school pupil in Wales, to 'give them the ability to communicate and work' in the language. This call was supported by the linguist David Crystal and academic Christine James. These calls include a call for an Education Act for Welsh language education for all.
 * Sustainable communities; a property act to help tackle the housing crisis and second home issue.
 * The devolution of broadcasting to Wales.

Successful campaigns
According to the language group's website, its campaigns have contributed to securing the following policy changes for the language:

 * 1960s – Bilingual road signs
 * 1970s – Welsh-language television channel campaign and establishment of S4C, the world's only Welsh-language television channel, in 1982.
 * 1993 – Welsh Language Act 1993 enacted, requiring public bodies to offer limited Welsh-language services
 * 2000s – Campaign for new Welsh Language Act and official status for the language under the Welsh Language (Wales) Measure 2011
 * 2011 – Welsh-medium higher education college, Coleg Cymraeg Cenedlaethol, established

Campaign areas
The principal campaigns can be divided into four major areas:

Hawliau i'r Gymraeg (Rights to the Welsh language)
At the beginning of the 21st century, the society started a campaign for a new Welsh Language Act. The Welsh Language Act 1993 declared that Welsh should be treated on an equal basis with English, but the society argued that this fell short of what is needed.

In 2007, the society published its own Welsh Language Measure, draft legislation which would amongst other things establish official status for the Welsh language and rights to use it, and establish the office of the Welsh Language Commissioner.

In 2011, based in large part on the society's proposals, the National Assembly for Wales passed the Welsh Language (Wales) Measure 2011, which established the Welsh language as an official language of Wales, and introduced the Welsh Language Commissioner.

Cymunedau Cynaliadwy (Sustainable Communities)
This group leads on a number of matters, including housing and planning policy. Since the 1980s the group has called for a Property Act to increase the number of communities where Welsh is the main language of the area as well as tackling income inequality and environmental problems.

On 11 March 2014, the group published its own draft "Property and Planning Bill for the benefit of our communities (Wales) 2014" which would enshrine the six main principles of its proposal for a Property Act as well as establishing the Welsh language as a statutory material consideration in the planning system.

Dyfodol Digidol (Digital Future)
This group campaigns for rights to see and hear the language. This includes campaigns for investment in Radio Cymru and S4C, as well as the presence of the Welsh language online.

Grŵp Addysg (Education Group)
Welsh medium education is available in most areas of Wales in the primary and secondary stages of school education. Welsh second-language GCSEs are compulsory in English medium education. This group demands improvements and also massive expansion in further (college) and higher (university) education. This mainly includes a Welsh language federal college, which would be a multi-sited college that provides courses and resources in the medium of Welsh.

Current volunteers and staff
Current board of movement- Chair- Robat Idris

Vice-chairperson of campaigns- Ifan Jones

Vice-chairperson of communication- Osian Rhys

Vice-chairperson of administrative duties-  Mai Roberts

Treasurer-  Danny Grehan

Officer of raising money and Membership-  Bethan Ruth

Officer of commercial and goods-  Mirain Owen

Officer of Digital-  Llinos Anwyl

Officer of design-  Carwyn Hedd

Editor of Y Tafod-  Mared Llywelyn Williams

Officer of learners – Heledd Owen

International deputy-  Joseff Gnagbo

Chair of education- Mabli Siriol

Vice-chairperson of education-

Chair of the Sustainable Communities Group-  Jeff Smith

Vice-chairperson of the Sustainable Communities Group-

Chair of the Digital Futures Group-  Carl Morris

Vice-chairperson of the Digital Futures Group-  Mirain Owen

Chair of Right to the Welsh Language – Aled Powell

Vice-chairperson of Right to the Welsh Language

Chair of Health and Well Being Group-  Gwerfyl Roberts

The society is a largely voluntary movement, which also employs five full-time members of staff, one at its head office in Aberystwyth, Ceredigion, one in its Caernarfon office, two in its Cardiff office and one in the Llanfihangel-ar-Arth office.

List of chairpersons

 * 1962–1963 – Tedi Millward and John Davies (secretaries)
 * 1963–1965 – John Daniel
 * 1965–1966 – Cynog Dafis
 * 1966–1967 – Emyr Llywelyn first and then Gareth Miles
 * 1967–1968 – Gareth Miles
 * 1968–1971 – Dafydd Iwan
 * 1971–1973 – Gronw ab Islwyn
 * 1973–1974 – Emyr Hywel
 * 1974–1975 – Ffred Ffransis
 * 1975–1977 – Wynfford James
 * 1977–1979 – Rhodri Williams
 * 1979–1981 – Wayne Williams
 * 1981–1982 – Meri Huws
 * 1982–1984 – Angharad Tomos
 * 1984–1985 – Karl Davies
 * 1985–1987 – Toni Schiavone
 * 1987–1989 – Helen Prosser
 * 1989–1990 – Sian Howys
 * 1990–1993 – Alun Llwyd
 * 1993–1994 – Aled Davies
 * 1994–1996 – Rocet Arwel Jones
 * 1996–1998 – Gareth Kiff
 * 1998–1999 – Branwen Niclas
 * 1999–2001 –
 * 2001–2002 – Branwen Brian Evans and Aled Davies (co-chairs)
 * 2002–2004 – Huw Lewis
 * 2004–2006 – Steffan Cravos
 * 2006–2007 – Steffan Cravos
 * 2007–2008 – Hywel Griffiths
 * 2008–2010 – Menna Machreth
 * 2010–2013 – Bethan Williams
 * 2013–2014 – Robin Farrar
 * 2014–2016 – Jamie Bevan
 * 2016–2018 – Heledd Gwyndaf
 * 2018–2019 – Osian Rhys
 * 2019–2020 – Bethan Ruth
 * 2020–2022 – Mabli Siriol
 * 2022–2023 – Robat Idris
 * present – Joseff Gnagbo

Notable members, former members and supporters

 * John Davies
 * Tedi Millward
 * Gareth Miles
 * Meic Stephens
 * Owain Owain
 * Emyr Llewelyn
 * Ned Thomas
 * Meredydd Evans
 * Pennar Davies
 * Eirian Llwyd
 * R. Tudur Jones
 * Bobi Jones
 * Ffred Ffransis
 * Meinir Ffransis
 * Meirion Pennar
 * Meri Huws
 * Steve Eaves
 * Bryn Fôn
 * Steffan Cravos
 * Gwenno Teifi
 * Jamie Bevan

title: Welsh Language Society


text:
United Kingdom prison population

The United Kingdom has three distinct legal systems with a separate prison system in each: one for both England and Wales, one for Scotland, and one for Northern Ireland. As of June 2023, the United Kingdom has the highest per-capita incarceration rate in Western Europe, at 159 people per 100,000 in England and Wales; 162 people per 100,000 in Scotland; 97 people per 100,000 in Northern Ireland; and the largest prison population in Western Europe. The average cost per prison place (including all resource expenditure) was £46,696 in England and Wales (2021/22), £46,892 in Scotland (2021/22), and £47,927 in Northern Ireland (2022/23).

As of June 2023, the total UK prison population was 95,526: composed of 85,851 prisoners from England and Wales, 7,775 from Scotland and 1,900 from Northern Ireland. At the end of the first quarter of 2024, there were 87,869 prisoners in England and Wales.

People from ethnic minority backgrounds
According to House of Commons research, people of minority ethnicities (BAME) constitute 13% of the general population, but make up 27% of the prison population. In 2017, a review led by David Lammy MP concluded that the justice system was biased against this group, and required reform. In 2019, Lammy expressed deep concern at the high proportion of BAME males in young offender institutions with 51% of boys in young offender institutions identifying as BAME, saying that "England and Wales are now hitting an American scale of disproportionality in our youth justice system". The over-representation of the black population in prisons may be a result of stop and search, custodial remands and the make-up of the prison population itself with 32% of all children in prison being black.

Notes: ‡ 2021 Census, England and Wales only

Religious group
In the two decades since 2002, the proportion of Christian prisoners has fallen, by 14%, to 44% of the incarcerated population meanwhile the proportion of Muslim prisoners has risen, by 10%, to 18%. Other religious groups did not see a significant change in proportion. Beginning in 2008, concerns over the spread of Sharia in British prisons, including the operation of Sharia courts and the forced conversions of non-muslims, have been reported. According to the UK prison officers' union in 2013, some Muslim prisoners in the UK had allegedly forcibly converted fellow inmates to Islam in prisons. There have been multiple cases of non-muslim prisoners threatened with violence with "convert or get hurt" being a commonly used phrase by Muslim gangs according to an independent report published by the government. In category A and B prisons, former inmates have publicly spoken out on the rise of Islamism with the "balance of power" in reputational violence now shifted towards Muslim gangs. Other reasons why inmates may convert include wanting protection in wings where Muslim gangs are prevalent, the ability to go to chapel, and access to different foods. Around 1 in 5 Muslim prisoners in the UK are now white.

The Fishmonger's Hall, Streatham, and Reading attacks brought increased attention on the risk of Islamist gangs and convicted terrorists radicalising other inmates in prisons. Concerns were first raised in 2010 by the Royal United Services Institute over the growing radicalisation of Muslims in prisons. According to Jonathan Hall KC, the Independent Reviewer of Terrorism Legislation, convicted terrorists "enjoy high status" in prisons and other inmates are attracted to their extremist interpretation of Islam. The 2023 CONTEST report found that Islamic terrorists represented 64% of those in custody for terrorism-connected offences with 44% of declared terrorist attacks in the UK since 2018 perpetrated by serving or recently released Muslim prisoners. Attempts to engage imprisoned terrorists with de-radicalisation programmes have been largely unsuccessful.

Notes: ‡ 2021 Census, England and Wales only

Immigrants and foreign nationals
76,869 British nationals were recorded in the prison population at the end of the first quarter of 2024. The remainder of the population was made up of 10,422 foreign nationals, making up 11.9% of the total population, with an additional 578 having no nationality recorded.

Notes: Data for England and Wales only

Age group
Notes: Data for England and Wales only

Children and young people aged under 18 are not sent to adult prisons if they are sentenced to custody. They either go to young offender institutions (for prisoners aged 15–21), secure training centres (for those aged under 17) or secure children's homes (for those aged under 15).

The number of children in custody has declined since mid-2008, from more than 3,000 to about 900 at any one time. In 2019 an independent inquiry into child sexual abuse published a report that described the scale of alleged abuse in young offender institutions and secure training centres as “shockingly high”.

The number of British prisoners over 60 years of age rose by 130% between 2002 and 2013, a shift attributed to an increase in the convictions for historic sex abuse. The increase was reported after the 2012 commencement of Operation Yewtree, a police investigation into sexual abuse allegations—predominantly the abuse of children—against the British media personality Jimmy Savile and others. In relation to over 4,000 over-60 prisoners in UK prisons, Professor David Wilson of Birmingham City University stated in July 2014:

Four out of 10 of these prisoners (the over-60s) were convicted of sex offences and people over 60 are the fastest growing age group in the prison estate, yet there is no national strategy for the elderly who get sent to prison ... The Prison Service needs to develop a strategy to cope with this fastest growing section of the prison population or they will simply be failing in their duty of care to the elderly people that they are locking up.

In 2018 there were more than 1,500 prisoners over 70, including more than 200 aged over 80, creating increasing demands on health and social care systems.

Gender
3,635 women were recorded in the prison population (4.1%) at the end of the first quarter of 2024. As of 2018, most were serving time for non-violent offences. There is evidence that women may be a particularly vulnerable prison population: they account for 20% of self-injury behind bars, and are twice as likely to report mental health issues as male prisoners. In 2018 the government launched a new Female Offender Strategy to try and address the needs of this particular population.

Women with a child aged under 18 months old may apply to bring their child into prison with them, if they are serving a short sentence. Women who give birth in prison may keep their baby for the first 18 months in a mother and baby unit.

Veterans
A growing number of British prisoners are former armed forces members. According to a study reported in the Guardian in 2009, 8500 former servicemen were imprisoned, making up almost 10% of the prison population.

Scotland
Scotland recognized the growth in the prison population and acted accordingly to make adjustments to how the law was carried out so that the system operates efficiently. One of the actions made was to decrease the number of stop-and-searches and between the period of June 2015 and August 2016, there was reportedly an 81% decrease in those actions when statistics from 2014 were compared.

Drug abusers
The proportion of prisoners developing a drug abuse problem while incarcerated rose from 8.4% in 2013-2014 to nearly 15% in 2018–2019. Much of the prison system is badly equipped to disrupt illegal drug supply and security standards vary between prisons. Reform maintains prisons are overcrowded, staff retention is poor and using community sentences instead of prison for minor offenses would help. Aidan Shilson-Thomas of Reform said, “There must always be a place in prison for those who commit serious crimes. However, prison must also be an opportunity for inmates to change their behaviour. Stabilising the system means stemming the flow of drugs, reducing overcrowding, fixing the crumbling estate and improving officer retention. Its long-term sustainability requires a serious conversation about how many people we lock up and for how long. Failing to act will mean poorer social outcomes, more reoffending and ultimately huge costs to the taxpayer.”

title: United Kingdom prison population