text:
Talk:Parti Québécois

Old discussion
This article is clearly not NPOV. Although this sentence about Jacques Rose is true, this it is absolutely not relevant, this is anecdoctic. See this extract from a journalist from the Gazette (not suspect of sympathy to the PQ) http://www.vigile.net/ds-michaud/docs/01-12-8-macpherson.html "Lévesque was appalled. It was his worst nightmare about the Parti Québécois come true. He had wept that night in 1970 when he heard that Pierre Laporte's body had been found; he had absolutely no sympathy for the sentimental ovation for those convicted for his kidnapping and murder." This is an event taken out of context and it implies that all members of Parti Québécois are in favour of violent action.

Can someone well informed read this article to verify NPOV ?
 * As someone who read up over the whole Quebec independence thing a while ago, I can say this article is definately not NPOV.

As someone who is still reading on this and has lived through much of the events, I also agree. On the other hand, let's be positive about this! Given the intense passion generated over these political debates I have the impression this is about as neutral as we can ever get. There will always be somebody coming in to try and paint the PQ black, dredging up every possible negative thing about it while others will always come in to try and whitewash it completely. As things stand today most of the facts are in, even if the presentation is not as balanced as I would hope, and there are many declarations given without context. Sure the article would be more neutral if you removed the adjectives and the superlatives. Sure, the article would be richer with paragraphs establishing context for all those controversies. But doing these things would mean moving around in a battlefield where snipers are still very active and it would also entail doubling or quadrupling the size of the article. Right now I don't have an armored suit in my wardrobe. Good luck you all, cause you sure need it. 2003-12-09, 13:41 ---

I think adding the sentence about Jacques Rose's standing ovation, without the slightest explanation, was an inappropriate and subjective move. Aside from its evident subjectivity, I also doubt its relevancy in an article about a political party. (Should we mention everyone else who received an ovation or was booed during a convetion?) Tremblay 20:46, 17 Nov 2003 (UTC)

Note the following:
 * (cur) (last) . . 03:01, 6 Dec 2003 . . Tremblay (Following general concensus, removing bias-by-content)

What general concensus? I have reinstated this important information and added corollary information relative to extremist members of the party. Angelique 18:04, 9 Dec 2003 (UTC)

 * I stated my opinion on the insertion of an anecdote on a standing ovation on November 17, then more voices supported the removal of that mention here. Three weeks later, seeing as there was no dissent, I removed it.. That's general consensus.

 * Besides, you're being inconsistent. You proclaim that giving background information (Quebec's majoritarily francophone population, safeguarding the culture in North America, etc) on the nature and necessity of a party like the PQ in Quebec is "not relevant to the article". Yet you think something as anecdotic and irrelevant as a standing ovation is? Tremblay 22:05, 9 Dec 2003 (UTC)

The PQ is not entirely a social democratic party. The last vestiges of the fallangist Union Nationale were absorbed into the Parti Quebecois, Lucien Bouchard was right-of-centre, and Bernard Landry was the successor to Bouchard.

 * Falangist? Falangist? ...wait, I'll read this again. ...falangist? Are we speaking of the falangists I'm thinking of? One does not make that kind of statement without weighing their words. I-am-no-fan, NO FAN of the pre-1960 Union Nationale: it was corrupted, conservative, counter-laicist, arrogant, hostile to labor unions and proponent of an old nationalism without independence. But in no way was it falangist before the death of Duplessis, or after. And, speaking of after, the party was much more honorable under the govern of Mr. Daniel Johnson Sr., himself an Irish-Quebecois (that's some falangist for ya'). Absorbed, you say? There was no formal fusion of the UN and the PQ. Furthermore, as some of the highest members, the followers have indubitably switched allegiance to both parties. Robert Bourassa's Liberals were closer to some of the weak nationalists of the federalist-nationalist faction of the UN.

 * Honourable? Mr. Johnson was constantly compared Mr. Lévèsque to Fidel Castro and wasn't even capable of winning a fair election (Montreal had 2/5 of Quebec's population and 1/5 of the MNA seats in 1966), having lost the popular vote by 7 points (In a U.S. Presidential election, 7 points would mean a landslide victory in the Electoral College, in Quebec, it meant losing the National Assembly by 6 seats.). If you want to put honourable and Union Nationale in the same sentence together, it had better include the words "Gilbert Layton" and "leaving the party when he realised that opposing Liberal corruption under Godbout did not justify supporting a far-right movement.") That being said, isn't ideology that mixes ultra-conservatism with Roman Catholicism inherently falangist? I mean, Duplessis was a guy who went beyond opposing World War 2 on pacificist to being openly sympathetic to Hitler and to Pétain (He allowed Vichy collaborators to escape execution in Quebec and was extremely hostile to many of the groups that Hitler slaughtered en masse, including Jews, Jehovah's Witnesses, and radical leftists.). He used both armed thugs and Catholic priests to muzzle free speech in Quebec in a way that it has never before and never since been muzzled in any Canadian jurisdiction.

 * The conservative and ultramontane political clique of Duplessis inherited power from the reactionary clique which collaborated with the imperialist and anti-catholic businessmen who established a British Federal Dominion in Canada in 1867. In other words, the retarded bunch of short-sighted narrow-minded Quebec capitalists who collaborated to the system of British Indirect Rule over the people Quebec from the 1840 Union Act up until now did everything they could, and continue to do everything they can to block the liberal/progressive movement that pushes for the creation of a free, democratic, secular, and egalitarian Republic of Quebec (aka Republic of Lower Canada, Republic of Laurentia).

 * One has to avoid making people they know nothing about guilty by association. Duplessis's blind catholicism made him (and others) follow all the reactionary ideologies of his time. The catholic church, made almighty and powerful with the Quebec Act, had an index of banned books, banned movies until the 1960s. To have a more neutral view of nazi collaboration in Canada, I recommend reading up on the open anti-semitism of Prime Minister of Canada Mckenzie King who refused to let Jewish refugees enter Canada during WWII http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.com/index.cfm?PgNm=TCE&Params=J1ARTJ0020181

 * As of Lucien Bouchard, a long debate is still going on about this, but it was under his government that, for example, the progressive public daycare system was instituted and he kept alive the major aspects of Jean Lesage and René Lévesque's Welfare State, built by four decades of progressive work. And the act of reducing a great deficit left by the Liberals so the younger generations won't have to starve to pay the bills is in a way not that big a treason to social democracy. When one compares to Jean Charest's right-wing ... demolition derby of the present government, when one compares Mr. Bouchard to the *real* right Quebecers forgot about, the one the left forgot to defend the people against, one sees how much Bouchard wasn't all that bad. --Liberlogos 20:05, 11 Jul 2004 (UTC)

 * You win. But when did I ever put Bouchard even further to the right than Charest? It's true, however, Tories and former Tories are very influential in every relevant party in Quebec, save, of course, the UFP.

The PQ is social democratic but like many social democratic parties it should not be described simply as "left wing". Moderate left or centre-left is fine but if it were "left wing" there would be no UFP. AndyL

Left and right are too narrow an idea to really encompass the true spectrum of politics. Ideology mixes with practicality and political convienance. No party is truly left or right while they are in power or within reach of power.Manic-pedant 15:53, 31 October 2007 (UTC)

Should this be 'as it forbids' or 'as if it forbids'?
(beginning of paragraph under History) Critics, both francophone and anglophone, have however criticized Bill 101 for restraining citizens' linguistic school choice, as if forbids immigrants and Quebeckers of French descent from attending English-language school.
 * Was 'as if forbids' supposed to be 'as it forbids' or 'as if it forbids'? Either could easily have an almost invisible typo resulting in the current language, but the two have very different meanings. Scott 20:51, 20 Apr 2005 (UTC)

2007 Campaign Slogan?
I'm not quite sure as to what the PQ's campaign slogan is in the current election. I put OUI, because that is what's at the bottom of all of their campaign signs. However, at the same time, their website (as well as the posters themselves) seem to suggest that their slogan is Reconstruisons _________ (Notre Région/Un Québec en Sante/Un Québec Plus Instruit/Un Québec Plus Vert).

Could someone shed some light on which of these is their actual slogan for this election? Or is a mixture of the two? SimFan10076 02:09, 22 February 2007 (UTC)
 * Never mind, I just found out, according to Radio-Canada, the slogan is actually «Reconstruisons notre Québec» SimFan10076 05:02, 22 February 2007 (UTC)

Logo
"As the letter Q is relatively rarely used on an everyday basis..."

This may be true in English, but not in French. "Qui," "quoi," "quand," and "quel" are the French words for "who," "what," "when," and "which."

JohnnyB 16:51, 14 May 2007 (UTC)

 * ... Funny. I thought this was the english wiki... --Dez26 21:16, 14 May 2007 (UTC)

 * Yes, but the text said the Q logo is distinctive because the letter isn't used in a regular basis. That isn't true in French. JohnnyB 20:07, 15 May 2007 (UTC)

 * I know it's too late to answer, but to clear up. The party's official name in French remains the same in English. No one speaks of "Quebecker Party" in English, only the "Parti Québécois". Pieuvre 03:00, 7 October 2007 (UTC)

Section on Party Policy
Where is such a section? Why isn't it in this article? It would seem the most relevant place. I hope someone can lead me to a Wikipedia link on that. Toddsschneider 18:12, 14 August 2007 (UTC)

Fair use rationale for Image:Logo Parti Québécois.svg
Image:Logo Parti Québécois.svg is being used on this article. I notice the image page specifies that the image is being used under fair use but there is no explanation or rationale as to why its use in this Wikipedia article constitutes fair use. In addition to the boilerplate fair use template, you must also write out on the image description page a specific explanation or rationale for why using this image in each article is consistent with fair use.

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BetacommandBot (talk) 17:35, 5 December 2007 (UTC)

Annihilation of Canada?
The introduction says that the party supports Quebec separation and "annihilation" of Canada. That doesn't sound right and looks like some kind of subliminal message. I guess Canada would not exist as it currently does, but I think annihilation is a little strong, and is being used purposefully here to represent a POV. Just wanted to hear comments before trying to edit it. Paxuniv (talk) 19:52, 1 June 2008 (UTC)

Yeah, it's weird. "Total annihilation," actually. Clearly represents a POV. Adam (talk) 19:45, 4 June 2008 (UTC)

Internal crisis in 1984
''The party was re-elected in the 1981 election, but in November 1984 it experienced the most severe internal crisis of its existence. The incident resulted in the resignation of Premier René Lévesque. In September 1985, the party leadership election chose Pierre Marc Johnson as his successor.''

What kind of crisis was it? I think that it's not properly explained in the article. J-C V (talk) 23:08, 9 June 2008 (UTC)

Party policy
The section on party policy in this article is very bad. Look at articles about other political parties and you'll see that 'party policy' deals with (surprise surprise) the main policies of that party. Here, 80% talks about one single bill that never was passed. It can be mentioned, of course, but it's not the only policy of the party. The reactions to it are irrelevant for the section and I suggest they be removed. 'Party policy' should give an overview of the positions of the party and its major political aims, not go into a long discussion about what newspaper columnists elsewhere think about one detail of those aims. JdeJ (talk) 21:57, 19 December 2008 (UTC)

First time wiki writing so I figure I post in the talk page and someone who knows the rules can help incorporate this. Google translate this page: http://pq.org/actualite/nouvelles/pauline_marois_et_gilles_duceppe_determines_a_faire_avancer_le_quebec_vers_la_so and you'll see Pauline Marois' view on sovereignty has changed as of 1 November 2010. Also their 'plan'. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 76.66.83.86 (talk) 07:42, 4 November 2010 (UTC)

It should be noted that there are no "citizens of Quebec" but that people are citizens of Canada (even if the PQ doesn't want to be). There is no passport for Quebec and no citizenship of Quebec. This should be noted to clarify to readers who may not know this. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 174.114.20.175 (talk) 22:54, 3 May 2011 (UTC)

Not social democratic or left-wing
The PQ was formed as a separatist party, and not as a social democratic party, and its constitution does not commit it to social democracy and it is not a member of the Socialist International. In terms of left-right ideology it is broad tent. Therefore the references to social democracy and left-wing should be removed. The Four Deuces (talk) 15:32, 4 March 2009 (UTC)

I have now removed the references. The Four Deuces (talk) 07:07, 19 March 2009 (UTC)
 * The PQ was member of the Socialist International. I am sure of that, but I do not know for certain when it started and when it stopped. It had the member status of observer. I will have to search for specifics. Social democracy was and still is today part of the party's official programme.

 * There is evidence that social democracy is still in the party's official programme, in the two most recent one: 2001 and 2005.

 * In 2001, it was on page 192 is says (my translation):

 * "The unionization of workers is a fundamental element of a social democratic society. There is no substitute to the democratic organization of workers and a policy of full employment is inconceivable without a unionism fully playing its role. ...." -- Mathieugp (talk) 13:58, 19 March 2009 (UTC)

 * In 2005, we find almost the same words on page 48

 * "The unionization of workers is a fundamental element of a democratic society, the more so in a society that aims for social democracy. To erect a society of solidarity and equity as well as one of economic and social efficacy is unthinkable without the participative presence of workers united in strong, free, dynamic and responsible unions."

 * So what is certain is that it was natural language for the party until at least 2005. As far as I know, this is still the programme today.

 * When the party started, it was attempting to coalize all forces favourable to the independence of Quebec (through parliamentary means). The only right-wing elements of the party came from the Ralliement national, and they were outnumbered by those from Lévesque's MSA. When the Rassemblement pour l'Indépendance Nationale dissolved and its members joined the PQ, it was clearly left and social democrats dominated in influence. The party was labelled as social democrat and the label was not rejected by the party. It is true though that the party's main objective has made it strive to appear neutral, because to get 50% + 1 in a referendum, being identified as left or right is not good. :-) -- Mathieugp (talk) 13:58, 19 March 2009 (UTC)

 * Well I found a lot of things, unfortunately not quite precise on dates. In any case, this article clearly states that the PQ "has sought and received observer status in the Socialist International." It appears the party attempted to become a full member in the early 1980s, but was blocked. I presume there is much to learn on this topic here:

 * Philippe Poulin. "La tentative d’adhésion du Parti québécois à l’internationale socialiste", in Bulletin d'histoire politique, vol. 6, numéro 3, printemps 1998. I'll try to consult it at the library tonight to sort this out. -- Mathieugp (talk) 17:01, 19 March 2009 (UTC)

 * It's right there on p. 48 and p. 192 of the party programme! Sorry I missed it.  I'll put it back in but it would help to have a better reference, like the party constitution.  I read recently that they applied to join the SI but were rejected because of objection from the NDP.  Does anyone know about the Bloc?  The Four Deuces (talk) 10:34, 22 March 2009 (UTC)
 * - The PQ's statutes can be downloaded here. The statutes section starts at page 81. It does not use the expression "sociale démocratie" anywhere. However, I do not expect it should be there, the way the document is organized. I believe referencing the two latest official party programmes is good enough, don't you think? Also, where did you read about the NDP's interference? Is the source online, or is it paper?
 * - The Bloc, contrary to the PQ, shows itself before the electors telling them they will never form the government. Consequently, they do not have a "regular" party programme detailing what they intend to do when they control the legislature. They do not promise any jobs, any reforms, etc. They just say: "we will be watching what Ottawa does in Quebec and bark when the feds go over the line", which happens all the time, hence the constant barking. ;-) Anyways, their latest statutes are here, and the programme here. Regarding the "leanings" of the Bloc, they have tended to resemble those of the PQ, especially under Gilles Duceppe, whose "career" in politics and the labour movement is a sure testimony of where he is coming from -- Mathieugp (talk) 18:05, 22 March 2009 (UTC)

 * It didn't happen here By Seymour Martin Lipset, Gary Marks: "In the 1970s the PQ applied for membership in the Socialist International, but was rejected because the NDP already represented Canada."
 * http://books.google.ca/books?id=3y1cAMsYzmQC&pg=PA57&lpg=PA57&dq=%22parti+quebecois%22+%22socialist+international%22&source=bl&ots=RuKH63UQAK&sig=JmKJzYqwg617HV7iOhzUBwc_tfA&hl=en&ei=lcbGSfDDIJfCMef4xYIK&sa=X&oi=book_result&resnum=8&ct=result#PPA19,M1
 * The Four Deuces (talk) 23:23, 22 March 2009 (UTC)
 * Thanks! :-) -- Mathieugp (talk) 02:54, 23 March 2009 (UTC)
 * Welcome. I added it as a footnote.  The Four Deuces (talk) 10:36, 23 March 2009 (UTC)
 * I scanned through the Philippe Poulin's article and sucked the substance out of it here. Translation to English here -- Mathieugp (talk) 03:05, 25 March 2009 (UTC)

 * Thanks. The Four Deuces (talk) 15:43, 27 March 2009 (UTC)

Odd and redundant use of the definite article "The"
This is a very minor grammatical issue but I was reverted earlier for deleting the article "the" from "... legacy of the PQ is the..." I am a little puzzled by the reversion because my edit appears to be consistent with English news media (e.g., ) and grammar. With few exceptions, "the" is usually used when referring to generic nouns (e.g., cat, animal, etc) or nouns preceded by adjectives (big cat, large animal) but not to names (e.g., Canada, Toronto, Parti Québécois). Thus, the excessive use of "the" in this WP article is peculiar, especially to readers of English. It would be as strange as referring to someone as "leader of the Canada" instead of "leader of Canada" or to an object as being "a property of the Wikipedia" instead of "a property of Wikipedia." danielkueh (talk) 15:40, 9 October 2012 (UTC)

 * There are lots of proper nouns that use "the" in English (especially when the name contains an adjective), such as the United Kingdom, the CBC, the Mayflower, or the Republican Party. In fact, the references that you, yourself, cited use "the PQ" or "the Parti Quebecois" three times each. The only exceptions are in the headlines (see Headlinese) and when "PQ" was being used as an adjective (as in "another PQ government"). —Arctic Gnome (talk • contribs) 16:28, 9 October 2012 (UTC)
 * Arctic.gnome, I agree that "the" is sometimes used when referring to certain proper nouns. I'm not arguing for a wholesale removal of "the" from this article. However, I do think it should be used more selectively. In this instance, is it really necessary to use "the" after a preposition such as "of," especially with respect to origin (e.g., leader of PQ)? The two references clearly do not use "the" to indicate origin. There are other examples (non-headline) as well danielkueh (talk) 16:46, 9 October 2012 (UTC)

 * Not using "the" in that case sounds very odd to me. The only times I can think of hearing that usage (outside of headlines) is by someone who was just learning English. On Google, the phrase "leader of the Parti Quebecois" gets about 394k hits, whereas "leader of Parti Quebecois" gets about 11k. The difference is even bigger with other parties: "leader of the Liberal Party" gets 8.6M whereas "leader of Liberal Party" gets 41k (most of which look like headlines). For the Republican Party the difference is 10M versus 29k; for the Labour Party it's 8.2M versus 56k. Using "the" before "of" looks like it's literally hundreds of times more common. —Arctic Gnome (talk • contribs) 19:00, 9 October 2012 (UTC)
 * It's funny that you say that (learners of English omitting "the"). From my experience, it seems to be the opposite. Anyway, I used Google to compare search results between "leader of PQ" and "leader of the PQ." The numbers appear to be on the side of "the PQ". So I concede the point. Thanks for humoring me. :) danielkueh (talk) 20:17, 9 October 2012 (UTC)
 * That is funny, and it's interesting that there are some publications that write it your way. I wonder if there is some regional or contextual differences that I'm not seeing. —Arctic Gnome (talk • contribs) 03:41, 11 October 2012 (UTC)

"The" just makes sense to me. When naming a party or association, it only sounds right with "the" in front. 117Avenue (talk) 02:53, 13 October 2012 (UTC)

"imperialist anti-catholic businessmen" ?
"The conservative and ultramontane political clique of Duplessis inherited power from the reactionary clique which collaborated with the imperialist and anti-catholic businessmen who established a British Federal Dominion in Canada in 1867."

What a load of Orwellian historical revisionism and flat-out nonsense! The French Canadian leaders, both political and religious, wanted Confederation, as did the Maritimes; they insisted on it. And who were these people? They were largely homogeneous French Canadians, and Irish-Scottish "British" roots established here for generations and born here, entitled to self-government and cultural and political self-preservation.

Thomas D'Arcy McGee, at pages 137-139 in Hansard will tell you the ethnicity of the Founding Canadians; read that and tell us they are not entitled to self-government on their own soil, on the federal principle. We know the French Canadians are almost homogeneous in Lower Canada (to become Quebec); now, Statesman McGee, speaking of the ethnicity of the Maritime Founding Colonies to be Joined in Confederation in Hansard at p. 138:

“I may observe, however, that this population is almost universally a native population of three or four or more generations. In New Brunswick, at the most there is about twelve per cent, of an immigrant people; in Nova Scotia, about eight;  in the two islands [Prince Edward Island, Newfoundland], very much less. In the eye of the law we admit no disparity between natives and immigrants in this country; but it is to be considered that where men are born in the presence of the graves of their fathers, for even a few generations, the influence of that fact is great in enhancing their attachment to that soil.„

Now, as to the generosity of the majority of the statesmen who founded Canada, McGee again, p. 137:

"It will be observed Governor GORDON speaks of four counties in the north of New Brunswick which still bear a marked French character. Well, gentlemen of French origin, we propose to restore these long-lost compatriots to your protection:  in the Federal Union, which will recognize equally both languages, they will naturally look to you;  their petitions will come to you, and their representatives will naturally be found allied with you.  Suppose those four New Brunswick counties are influenced by the French vote, and two in Nova Scotia, and one in Newfoundland, you will, should you need them, have them as sure allies to your own compact body, to aid your legitimate influence in the Federal councils.  (Cheers.)„

In that passage, we see that the Founding Fathers planned a way to reunite the French Canadians across the Colonies by offering to the future Quebec the opportunity to represent the political demands of French Canadian minorities in the other provinces, at the federal level. They are offering to the French Canadians a path to reconstitute New France at the federal level. These are decent, good men who care for their Catholic, French Canadian neighbors.

You can look it up yourself in the Google copy of the Debates. Hon. Thomas D'Arcy McGee, Legislative Assembly, Thursday, February 9, 1865, Pages 137-8 / Parliamentary Debates on the Subject of the Confederation of the British North American Provinces, 3rd Session, 8th Provincial Parliament of Canada. Quebec: Hunter, Rose & Co., Parliamentary Printers. 1,050 pages.

— Preceding unsigned comment added by 24.201.231.71 (talk) 21:41, 3 January 2015 (UTC)

Complete bias between the anglo and the franco version
I am shocked to realize 2 main differences between the English and the francophone versions of the Parti Québécois. In the anglophone version the title "Collpase and temporary loss of party statute" suggests a kind of personal pleasure, while the francophone one which is way more neutral talks about the post 2nd referendum era and calls it "weakening". But the most shocking bias of the anglophone version is the indirect idea that the party would have ties with the far-right because of some isolated members while the party is clearly social-democrat. In the francophone version, there is absolutely no allusion to any links with the far-right unlike on the English version. Could we reduce the partiality gap between both versions? — Preceding unsigned comment added by 37.173.183.250 (talk) 23:48, 12 October 2020 (UTC)

Suggested ties with extreme right
I have removed the tie with extreme right section. That part was seriously biased and poorly supported with an attempt to link the extreme right with the party Quebecois using a dubious investigation from a news paper who had serious bias against the sovereignty movement. Post media news references must be used with extreme caution the are the equivalent of the British daily-mails.

The theory was supported only on the fact that some of the PQ supporters where also hard right supporters. The link between the fact and the theory is simply none existant for the simple reason that you don't choose your supporters like an actor dont choose his fans. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 2607:FA48:6D9F:E3E0:C4FC:B9C7:7450:1B72 (talk) 01:30, 8 March 2021 (UTC)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Talk:Parti Québécois


text:
Coal Chamber

Coal Chamber is an American nu metal band formed by Dez Fafara and Meegs Rascón in Los Angeles in 1992, initially under the name She's in Pain. The original lineup also consisted of bassist Rayna Foss and drummer Jon Tor. Mike Cox replaced Tor on drums in 1995, and the Coal Chamber lineup was complete. After signing to Roadrunner Records, they released their debut album, Coal Chamber, in 1997.

Chamber Music followed two years later and featured the band's only charting single in the US, a cover of Peter Gabriel's "Shock the Monkey", featuring Ozzy Osbourne as a guest vocalist. Their third album, Dark Days, was released in the spring of 2002. Nadja Peulen temporarily replaced Foss on bass for touring commitments, before joining on a permanent basis in 2002. Coal Chamber disbanded in 2003, after ten years together, and then reunited in 2011, with the lineup of Fafara, Cox, and Rascón, along with Chela Rhea Harper on bass. Peulen rejoined the band on bass in 2013, and Coal Chamber released their fourth album, Rivals, in 2015, before disbanding again in 2016. They then reunited a second time in 2022.

Formation and early years (1992–1995)
Coal Chamber was originally formed in 1992 under the name She's in Pain by vocalist Dez Fafara and guitarist Miguel "Meegs" Rascón, based on a mutual love for the Sisters of Mercy. After a few shows, they decided to change the band's lineup, and they adopted their present name in 1993. Bassist Rayna Foss was recruited through a newspaper ad. According to Foss, the band at the time was named "Coal", while Rascón wanted to name it "Chamber", and they ended up combining the two words. The band had two drummers in the two-and-a-half years prior to their signing with a label, the longest-lasting being John Tor.

In late 1994, Dino Cazares of Fear Factory championed a demo tape by Coal Chamber, causing a huge local stir with gigs at the Roxy Theatre and Whisky a Go Go, eventually leading Roadrunner Records to offer the band a contract. Fafara dropped out quite suddenly due to disagreements with his wife about the band. In early 1995, he reunited with Coal Chamber, which ended his marriage but revitalized the band. With a renewed sense of energy, Coal Chamber was able to regain their deal with Roadrunner, which they signed in December 1995. A few weeks prior, John Tor was fired for "constantly fighting" with Rascón, per Fafara. Around the same time, they auditioned Mikey Cox and his brother, hiring the former as their new drummer.

Coal Chamber (1996–1998)

In 1996, Coal Chamber played at the first Ozzfest. The band managed to catch the attention of Ozzy Osbourne's wife, Sharon, who became their manager. They recorded their first album, Coal Chamber, which was released on February 11, 1997. The record produced one single and a video, "Loco", directed by Nathan "Karma" Cox. The video was included as an extra after the ending credits of Dee Snider's film Strangeland. The band also recorded an exclusive song for the soundtrack, titled "Not Living". The album only sold 844 copies in its first week; at its peak, it was selling 5,000 copies per week. On December 21, 1999, it was certified Gold by the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA), signifying over 500,000 copies sold.

In 1997, the band toured Europe with Machine Head, Napalm Death, and Skinlab, including a show at the Dynamo Festival in the Netherlands. Coal Chamber also supported Pantera on tour from September through December 1997, along with Anthrax. Also, in 1997 and 1998, the band opened for Megadeth during the Cryptic Writings tour.

Chamber Music (1999–2000)
In September 1999, Coal Chamber released its second album, Chamber Music. Prior to its publication, it was dubbed one of the most anticipated albums of the year by Alternative Press. The album saw the band experiment with their sound, placing a greater emphasis on harmonies and symphonic qualities. According to Alternative Press, the record was "one of the few instances where a band lumped into the whole nü-metal phylum sought to challenge their audience." Chamber Music sold 48,000 copies in it first week and debuted at number 22 on the Billboard 200 chart, while its lead single, a cover of Peter Gabriel's "Shock the Monkey", featuring Ozzy Osbourne, gave the band their first radio hit. Despite this, the album received mixed reviews from critics and did not sell as well as their debut, with only 272,000 copies sold by 2002. According to Cox, "A lot of our fans hated [the] album, after not getting more of the same as the first one. The second MTV played our video, that's it, they said we were sellouts." Fafara recognized that that record's direction was not well-received by the band's fanbase but did not view it as a failure due to its initial positive reception.

Coal Chamber embarked on headlining and festival tours in support of the album. That year, the band took part in Insane Clown Posse's Amazing Jeckel Brothers Tour, along with Biohazard, Krayzie Bone, Twiztid, and Mindless Self Indulgence. While Biohazard, Mindless Self Indulgence, Krayzie Bone, and Twiztid were well received by audiences, Coal Chamber was not. ICP fans were not purchasing tickets, as they did not like the band. For the three shows that Coal Chamber played, there were multiple ticket refunds. ICP member Violent J and his brother, Rob, made the decision to eliminate Coal Chamber from the tour. After doing so, there were no ticket refunds for the remaining tour dates. ICP claimed that Coal Chamber had been removed due to equipment problems but later revealed the true reason for their actions on The Howard Stern Show, on August 19, 1999. On air, Osbourne, who also appeared as a guest, informed Bruce and Utsler that Coal Chamber filed a lawsuit for breach of contract. Between August and December 1999, Nadja Peulen filled in on bass while Rayna Foss went on maternity leave. Foss returned to the band in January 2000.

On March 10, 2000, it was announced that Coal Chamber had amicably parted ways with Sharon Osbourne Management. Rascón said that the band's relationship with Osbourne had "run its course and we needed to find another point of view". Conversely, Fafara claimed that the other members of Coal Chamber had met up in a hotel—alleging some members had been "up for four or five days straight on meth"—and fired Osbourne without consulting him. He believes that this cost the band their only "good shot in the [music] business". On March 29, 2000, the band signed with Left Bank Management. Having grown exhausted from being on the road together for five years, Coal Chamber abruptly ended touring in support of Chamber Music in July 2000 and dropped off the Tattoo the Earth tour a week before it was due to begin, ostensibly to begin work on new material. The band members did not communicate with one another for a year, until Fafara and Rascón reconnected to work on a song with Mötley Crüe bassist Nikki Sixx.

Dark Days and first disbandment (2001–2003)
Between May and September 2001, Coal Chamber recorded their third album, Dark Days, with producer Ross Hogarth. The recording sessions were marked with high drug use and tensions between Fafara and Rascón, the latter of which informed the album's tone and some of its lyrics. A week after recording concluded, Foss left the band to raise her daughter, and Peulen was brought back as her official replacement; Foss's departure was announced in January 2002.

Dark Days was issued on May 6, 2002, to mixed reviews. The album had sold 200,000 copies by December 2003. Prior to its release, Coal Chamber joined the Jägermeister tour across the United States, which commenced on March 8. On April 17, Fafara and Rascón got into an onstage altercation during a show in Lubbock, Texas. Tensions between the two were high, and they had been fighting before the show. During the first song, Rascón stabbed Fafara with the headstock of his guitar, after which they began fighting. Fafara then announced to the audience, "This is the last Coal Chamber show ever!" and stormed offstage. Coal Chamber attempted to continue the show with Rascón on vocals but soon stopped altogether after two more songs; Cox demolished his drumkit before storming offstage. Fafara and Rascón exchanged further blows after the show when the latter returned to the band's tour bus. Two days after the concert, Coal Chamber dropped off the Jägermeister tour. On May 15, 2002, the band made their debut appearance on television, performing "Fiend" on Last Call with Carson Daly. In June and July 2002, they embarked on a summer tour of the United States with American Head Charge, Lollipop Lust Kill, and Medication. For the duration of the tour, Fafara and Rascón traveled in separate tour buses.

In August 2002, Fafara formed the band Deathride, later known as DevilDriver. In September 2002, he denied that Coal Chamber was breaking up. In October 2002, Coal Chamber parted ways with their management and Cox. In May 2003, Peulen said that the band would be releasing a B-sides compilation but that there was no new drummer or album on the horizon. In July, Rascón confirmed that Coal Chamber had split up. Fafara attributed the split primarily to the band's escalating drug use (in particular with Rascón and Cox), stating that he did not want to help fund their drug habits. He also mentioned creative and business differences. A month after the band's split, a compilation album, titled Giving the Devil His Due, was released, which included several demo tracks submitted by Coal Chamber prior to their signing with Roadrunner Records in 1997, along with alternative studio recordings and remixes of various tracks from their previous albums.

Post-breakup (2003–2010)
In August 2004, Roadrunner Records released The Best of Coal Chamber. In June 2005, Fafara stated that Coal Chamber's break was permanent and they would not be reforming. He also described a reformation as "like asking someone if they would ever want to go back and repeat the third and fourth grades after they're already done with high school".

Fafara continued as vocalist of the metal band DevilDriver, recording seven albums: DevilDriver, The Fury of Our Maker's Hand, The Last Kind Words, Pray for Villains, Beast, Winter Kills, and Trust No One. He is the only member of Coal Chamber to release an album after the disbandment. Bass guitarist Nadja Puelen created the t-shirt company CruelTees. After taking two years off to recover from a car accident, drummer Mikey "Bug" Cox joined forces with his longtime friend and Orgy member Jay Gordon—and the producer of Coal Chamber's first album - to form Machine Gun Orchestra. Guitarist Meegs Rascón formed the rock band Glass Piñata, previously known as Piñata. The group released a few demos on their website, and faced several line-up changes before eventually disbanding. Following Glass Piñata, Rascón joined the Orange County rock/electro band NEO GEO in mid-2009, although he later left the band in 2010.

Fafara and Rascón settled their differences on October 24, 2008, with Rascón joining DevilDriver on stage at the Glasshouse in Pomona, California, to play "Loco".

In September 2009, it was announced that Peulen and Cox had joined forces to form an unnamed band. They were seeking a vocalist and guitarist to complete the lineup.

In September 2010, Rascón and Cox joined together in a post-punk band called We Are the Riot.

Reformation, Rivals, and second disbandment (2011–2017)
In September 2011, Fafara, Cox, and Rascón officially reformed the band with bass guitarist Chela Rhea Harper, to play the Soundwave festival in Australia. In October 2012, Fafara stated that the band were "taking it slow", partly due to his commitments with DevilDriver, but he also revealed that they had begun writing new material. The band later performed at Download 2013 and toured with Sevendust, Lacuna Coil, and Stolen Babies, with performances at Rock Am Ring, Graspop Metal Meeting in Dessel, and Nova Rock festival.

Nadja Peulen officially reunited with the band in October 2013, and they signed to Napalm Records the following year, as they continued to work on a new album. This was completed in December 2014. In February 2015, Coal Chamber revealed that the album's title was Rivals. They premiered the song "I.O.U. Nothing" online in March, and released a lyric video for "Suffer in Silence", which features Al Jourgensen, the following month. The album was released on May 19, 2015, and was their first studio album in 13 years, as well as their first to be released by Napalm Records.

In May 2016, Fafara confirmed during an interview with Blunt magazine that Coal Chamber was on indefinite hiatus, stating that due to the current success of his other band DevilDriver, Coal Chamber "has no place in my life whatsoever at this point." In June 2017, Fafara explained that he would start performing Coal Chamber songs with DevilDriver, coming to the realization that Coal Chamber would probably never tour or make music ever again. He then went on to say that the band is "done forever". In July 2018, Fafara officially announced that Coal Chamber was not coming back. In 2020, Fafara spoke about the band's status during an interview with Metal Hammer. When asked about a possible reunion, Fafara stated: "I'm not gonna say no, because we've all spoken", adding, "The main thing for me is that the relationship is all good after numerous fallouts in the beginning and after some stuff went horribly wrong when we got back together to release [2015 comeback album] Rivals. The vibe in that camp is very cool at the moment, and we all have each other's backs. I wouldn't put it past us, but right now I'm definitely concentrating on Devildriver".

Second reunion (2022–present)
Coal Chamber announced their second reunion in November 2022 as well as their scheduled appearance at the 2023 Sick New World Festival in Las Vegas, Nevada. According to Fafara, a factor in the reunion was his certainty of dying from a COVID-19 infection, which prompted his wife to contact the rest of the band. He later indicated the possibility of new music down the line, saying, "I realized that any problem we've ever had is gone".

Musical style and influences
Coal Chamber is most commonly categorized as nu metal   or alternative metal. Their self-titled album falls into the first category. Elements of hip hop and heavy metal are featured throughout the album. Coal Chamber's second album, Chamber Music, is also mainly nu metal, with elements of other genres such as gothic rock, industrial, and electronic music. Rivals has groove metal influences and moves away from their gothic-influenced older sound. Coal Chamber have also described their sound as "spookycore", a term invented by the band's fans. In a 2002 interview, Fafara said of the band's "spookycore" label:

"The kids came up with it first because we started gettin' a lot of comparisons to Korn and stuff. Which is fine. They're a great band. But I think the kids wanted to say 'No, Coal Chamber is totally different than that.' So they started comin' up with 'Spooky-core' and we ran with it. We were like 'Yeah! That's what we are.' I mean if you put it into essence, we're a dark rock-n-roll band. It's almost like sayin' the same thing. 'Spooky-Core.' 'Dark Rock-n-Roll.' You know what I mean? I started thinkin' about it like that and was like 'Whoa! These kids know what they're doin'.' If someone's gonna coin it [your music], who better than the fans?"

The band's influences include Bad Brains, Bauhaus, Black Sabbath, the Cure, Dead or Alive, Duran Duran, Helmet, Jane's Addiction, Kiss, Metallica, the Sisters of Mercy, Slayer, Tori Amos, and White Zombie.

Legacy
Coal Chamber is considered to be one of the bands that popularized and defined the nu metal sound. Alternative Press wrote that "Nü metal would never have left the starting gates if it weren't for the achievements of Coal Chamber [...] 'Loco' and 'Fiend' paved the way for the darker side of nü metal to step into the limelight beyond the lifespan of Coal Chamber themselves." Revolver credited the band for introducing gothic and industrial influences into the look of nu metal, which Kittie and Dope would later adopt. Likewise, Kerrang! said that the band "pre-empted the arrival of outfits like Slipknot, marrying feelings of personal anguish to slab-heavy catharsis, then filtering the lot through an absurdist nightmare lens." The band's 1997 debut is generally regarded as one of the greatest albums of the nu metal genre, being featured in lists by Kerrang!, Metal Hammer, LA Weekly, Loudwire, and Revolver.

At the same time, Coal Chamber have been criticized for their image and similarities to Korn, with the latter stemming largely from their debut album. The Houston Press noted in 2000 that although both Korn and Coal Chamber rose out of the same scene, and as such, shared the same audiences and sound, the latter was perceived as being derivative of Korn, since the former group had achieved success first. By 1999, the band was considered "a pariah of the metal community", according to CMJ New Music Monthly. In 2009, Dayal Patterson of The Quietus called Coal Chamber "something of an icon for nu metal's limitations", while describing their legacy as "a collection of one-idea songs and a portfolio of truly laughable photos." In their book A History of Heavy Metal (2017), Andrew O'Neill dismissed Coal Chamber as "a distinctly forgettable, cartoonish band, taking all the childish aspects of Korn and throwing away the real emotion and aggression." Roadrunner A&R head Monte Conner said that although the band received "some grief" due to their similarities to Korn, he believed they were "the first to follow [them]—I would say that Coal Chamber's first record was the second nu metal record ever to come out."

Current

 * Dez Fafara – lead vocals (1992–2003, 2011–2016, 2022–present)
 * Miguel "Meegs" Rascón – guitars, keyboards, backing vocals (1992–2003, 2011–2016, 2022–present)
 * Mike "Bug" Cox – drums (1995–2002, 2011–2016, 2022–present)
 * Nadja Peulen – bass (1999, 2001–2003, 2013–2016, 2022–present)

Past

 * Rayna Foss – bass (1993–1999, 2000–2001)
 * Chela Rhea Harper – bass (2011–2013)
 * John Tor – drums (1993–1995)

title: Coal Chamber


text:
Autovon

The Automatic Voice Network (AUTOVON, military designation 490-L) was a worldwide American military telephone system. The system was built starting in 1963, based on the Army's existing Switch Communications Automated Network (SCAN) system.

In June 1966, the Air Defense Command voice network was cut over to the new service. In 1969, AUTOVON switching centers opened in the United Kingdom, and later in other European countries, Asia, the Middle East, and Panama. It was a major part of the Defense Communications System (DCS), providing non-secure switched voice services. The system was replaced in the early 1990s by the Defense Switched Network.

Defense Switched Network
The digitization of and upgrade of AUTOVON began in 1992 and took several years to complete. Equipment is housed in a network of redundant and distributed deep underground facilities spread across the globe, each of which are capable of withstanding multiple direct nuclear attacks of very significant yield. All equipment is housed in such a way that it can absorb multiple blast waves propagating underground whilst still maintaining continuous operation. The engineering is still impressive by today's standards and it is still in use today.

In the 90s whilst the new AUTOVON was still under construction, it suffered a significant incursion. It is rumoured that the incursion rendered major portions of the network inoperable and put at risk significant infrastructure. As recently as 2021, numerous distinguished engineers & scientists with knowledge of the incident have been unable to get clarity as to whether the system was properly rectified with the necessary architecture changes one would expect to defend such a system, as equivalent equipment available for civilian use still has significant defects.

Circuits
AUTOVON used a combination of its own constructed circuits and other lines operated by AT&T Corporation and smaller independent telephone companies, connected by high-speed switching centers produced by Automatic Electric Company to exchanges located far from other civilian or military targets. In the US the cables were predominantly L-carrier coaxial multiplex built by AT&T, who also used them to carry about one third of all civilian long-distance calls, as their capacity was much higher than the military needed. Although unused, some of the cables remain today and the routes are visible on satellite photos. The system's traffic was transported over many media other than underground cable, including microwave links, open wire and, near the end of the system's life, fiber optic.

Contrary to stories of underground concrete cable ducts, most of the cable was directly buried without added concrete, relying instead on the natural protection of soil. In some areas, however, cables from the AUTOSEVOCOM network were laid in parallel. These were often concrete-encased when the traffic they were carrying was not encrypted.

Most of the cable repeater huts have been sold to private interests, to round out existing parcels, or as possible build-to-suit tower sites, etc. AT&T has been filling the small underground portion before sale, unless they sell to a major company. The junctions for AUTOVON are also being sold into private ownership, with a few exceptions. Most are stripped of all the equipment, although the AUTOVON junction in Mounds, Oklahoma was sold with all the old equipment in place.

The telephone switches used were initially a 4 wire version of Number Five Crossbar Switching System, replaced in the early 1970s after the more versatile 1ESS switch had shown its reliability. (Note that this paragraph disagrees in part with an earlier paragraph regarding the manufacturer of switching equipment. In general, switches in Bell operating territories were made by AT&T, and most others by Automatic Electric; see the Autovon switch location map cited in External Links, below, for a snapshot listing of locations (some of the names in the map have been anonymized) and equipment manufacturer.)

Multilevel precedence and preemption

The AUTOVON system provided a facility for placing calls with multilevel precedence and preemption (MLPP). If in the public switched telephone network a caller encounters congestion because no circuits are available, the caller typically receives the reorder tone ("fast-busy" signal) and is unable to reach the called party. In military networks such an event was not acceptable, as some calls must always be completed.

AUTOVON included four message precedence levels: Routine, Priority, Immediate and Flash, and had an additional capability called Flash Override. These levels were activated using the buttons in an additional column of the keypad, which produced the dual-tone multi-frequency (DTMF) signals A, B, C, and D:
 * A (697/1633 Hz): Flash Override (FO)
 * B (770/1633 Hz): Flash (F)
 * C (852/1633 Hz): Immediate (I)
 * D (941/1633 Hz): Priority (P)

Routine was the level of calls without priority and required no special signaling; the user would only dial the telephone number. Calls with precedence required preceding the telephone number with the desired precedence signal. Calls of increasing precedence could preempt calls of lower priority, giving them a special tone, if need be. For example, if a call was placed with Flash precedence and the route had no available trunks, the switch would preempt a Routine call, and if none in progress, would search for Priority and Immediate type calls. Only when all lines of a switch were already used with Flash or Flash Override precedence would the caller receive a reorder signal.

The authority of a caller to use the precedence levels was granted by complex regulations. Flash Override was not designated as a precedence level, but a capability designed to allow the President of the United States or other National Command Authority to preempt any other traffic in the network in an emergency.

The International Telecommunication Union accepted the MLPP specification as recommendation Q.955.3 in March 1993.

Numbering plan
AUTOVON used a numbering scheme similar to the North American Numbering Plan. The network had its own three-digit area codes for various geographic regions around the world. Each area code covered several three-digit exchange codes, usually corresponding to the central office telephone switches serving each installation. Thus, almost any telephone on a military base could be direct-dialed via AUTOVON. A selected set of telephones were four-wire AUTOVON phones, wired directly into the AUTOVON network. Others could initiate AUTOVON calls with operator assistance.

Though the numbering plan was similar to the U.S. civilian scheme, the routing structure was a very complex polygrid system unlike the civilian office classification scheme, which used a 5-level hierarchical system in which longer-distance traffic, in general, was handled by higher-level switches. It was barely within the information processing capabilities of the Number Five Crossbar switching system which implemented it. The non-hierarchical routing structure was intended to get around any number of nodes destroyed in war. This system inspired similarly survivable ones for message networks, including in future decades the Internet.

Local base switches would be connected to a few AUTOVON trunks, which the user would access by dialing 8 (or in some cases, 88) before the telephone number. To dial locally a user would dial 9, and to dial using commercial long-distance, 1 (where this was supported). The United States Department of Defense (DoD) charged access to AUTOVON according to a complex billing system, and each base budgeted according to local practice.

title: Autovon


text:
Republican Guard (Iraq)

The Iraqi Republican Guard (حرس العراق الجمهوري) was a branch of the Iraqi military from 1969 to 2003, which existed primarily during the presidency of Saddam Hussein. It later became known as the Republican Guard Corps, and then the Republican Guard Forces Command (RGFC) with its expansion into two corps. The Republican Guard was disbanded in 2003 after the invasion of Iraq by a U.S.-led international coalition.

The Republican Guard were the elite troops of the Iraqi army directly reporting to Hussein, unlike the paramilitary force Fedayeen Saddam, and the ordinary Iraqi Army. They were better trained, disciplined, equipped, and paid than ordinary Iraqi soldiers, receiving bonuses, new cars, and subsidized housing.

Formation
Formed in 1969, it was originally created to be a presidential guard. Its primary objective was to maintain the stability of the regime and provide protection against internal and external enemies. During the Iran–Iraq War, it was expanded into a large military force. It was officially dissolved in 2003, as per CPA Order 2 in the wake of the invasion of Iraq by a U.S.-led international coalition.

The force's last commander was Qusay Hussein, the younger son of Saddam Hussein. Saddam Hussein was so confident about the capability of the guard that he had said: "In history when they write about Napoleon's Guard, they will arrange them next to the Republican Guard of Iraq."

Because of their elite status Republican Guards received better equipment and uniforms than their regular Army counterparts, and could often be identified by distinctive markings or items of head dress. Members of the regular Republican Guards conventionally wore a scarlet-colored triangle insignia on both shoulders of their uniforms (sometimes backed with white material to form a white border around the edge of the triangle); they also wore black berets as did some Army personnel, but as a distinctive marking a scarlet ribbon was often sewn to the right of the National cap badge to distinguish bravery in combat and/or loyalty to the Hussein regime. The Special Republican Guards wore a maroon beret with the national eagle device, and a special variation of the triangle shoulder insignia in maroon with green Arabic lettering. The bright red qardoon (shoulder cord) distinguished Republican Guards as well. A similar cord with green and red bands was also worn by the Special Republican Guards.

Iran–Iraq War
Initially, the Guard had limited capabilities; however, during the Iran–Iraq War, it was expanded to five brigades, which was initially mostly used in counterattacks, notably in Operation Dawn-4. By 1986 the war had exhausted Iraq with both Iran and Iraq suffering heavy casualties. Iran had by then captured Al Faw Peninsula and generally pushed Iraqi forces beyond the pre-war border and captured territory inside Iraq, repulsing counterattacks by the Republican Guard. This, coupled with another defeat at the Battle of Mehran, caused the Iraqi Ba'ath Party to convene the Ba'ath Extraordinary Congress of July 1986. During this Congress the Ba'ath Party decided on a new strategy to overhaul the Iraqi military and utilize Iraq's manpower capability. The government closed all colleges and universities and began a mass mobilization program to force draft dodgers into the Iraqi Popular Army. This decision allowed for the drafting of thousands of university students, who were sent to military summer camps. In addition, the military began accepting volunteers from throughout Iraq.

With this massive influx of manpower the Republican Guard expanded to over 25 brigades which were led by loyal officers drawn from the Iraqi military. This force then conducted the Tawakalna ala Allah Operations which, allowed for the eviction of the Iranians out of occupied Iraqi territory including the liberation of Al-Faw, as well as allowing for renewed major offensives into Iran.

1980–1988 Order of Battle
The order of battle according to Iranian sources was as follows: There are some claims of units with names that are unknown.
 * 1st Mechanized Brigade
 * 2nd, 10th Armored Brigades
 * 3rd Special Forces Brigade
 * 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th, 16th, 17th Infantry Brigades (sometimes as mechanized units)
 * 11th Commando Brigade

Persian Gulf War
Between the invasion of Kuwait and the Persian Gulf War ("Operation Desert Storm"), the number of Republican Guard formations was expanded and the Guard was reorganized. The Republican Guard Forces Command was also created during this period. At the beginning of the Persian Gulf War, it consisted of the following units:
 * Republican Guard, CO Lieutenant General Iyad Futayyih Khalifah al-Rawi
 * 1st Republican Guard Corps, deployed in southern Iraq and northern Kuwait, consisted of:
 * 1st Hammurabi Armoured Division, CO Major General Qais Abd al-Razaq.
 * 2nd al-Medinah al-Munawera Armoured Division
 * 3rd Tawakalna ala-Allah Mechanised Division
 * 4th Al Faw Motorized Infantry Division
 * 2nd Republican Guard Corps deployed south of Baghdad consisted of:
 * 5th Baghdad Mechanised Division, a square division of four brigades, was able to be split into two small half-divisions
 * 6th Nebuchadnezzar Motorized Infantry Division
 * 7th Adnan Motorized Infantry Division

Deployed outside of the corps structure were various other units including:

 * 8th As Saiqa Special Forces Division - contained a marine brigade, a parachute brigade, and a special forces brigade. The marine brigade was deployed on Kuwait's nine islands, all of which with the exception of Failaka Island are uninhabited. The brigade was headquartered on Bubiyan Island

The Republican Guard also included two Corps Headquarters, the Allah Akbar Republican Guard Operations Command, and the Fat'h al-Mubayyin Republican Guard Operations Command, separate artillery detachments and numerous field support units.

Between the invasion of Kuwait and the start of the war on 17 January 1991, four more RGFC internal security divisions had been formed which remained behind in Iraq. All of these units were motorised infantry. The names of only three of them were identified: the Al-Abed, Al-Mustafa ('The Elect') and Al-Nida Divisions ('The Call'). They may have conducted operations against Kurdish forces in the north.

Invasion of Kuwait
By 1 August 1990, there were more than 100,000 Iraqi troops with up to 700 tanks on the Kuwaiti border.

On 2 August 1990, the Republican Guard units commenced the invasion of Kuwait, which lasted two days. The Kuwait army strength was 16,000, so on paper Iraqi forces outnumbered the Kuwaitis 7 to 1. However, the actual ratio was far worse; the initial attack was so quick, and the Kuwaiti units so unprepared, that many of Kuwait's armed forces were on leave and unable to report in time.

The attack was conducted by eight RGFC divisions (two armoured, two mechanized, three motorised infantry and one special forces). The main thrust was conducted from the north down the main Iraq-Kuwait road, later famous as the Highway of Death, by the 1st Hammurabi Armoured Division, with the Nebuchadnezzar Infantry division following; the Tawakalna Mechanised and Al Faw Infantry Divisions advanced on the flanks. The supporting attack from the west was led by the Medina Armoured Division, followed by the Adnan Infantry Division and the Baghdad Mechanised Division. Commandos deployed by helicopters joined the attack on Kuwait City.

After the invasion, the Republican Guard was withdrawn and redeployed into strategic reserve positions in northern Kuwait and southern and central Iraq.

Desert Storm
During the Persian Gulf War, the U.S. VII Corps assembled in full strength and launched an armoured attack into Iraq early Sunday, 24 February 1991, just to the west of Kuwait, taking Iraqi forces by surprise. Prior to the ground offensive, the Iraqi Republican Guard had been attacked relentlessly by US warplanes but managed to shoot down and damage a number of the attackers. On 15 February, the Iraqi Republican Guard shot down two A-10 Warthogs and damaged another, which alarmed USAF General Chuck Horner, who was forced to call off further A-10 attacks on these divisions. Simultaneously, the U.S. XVIII Airborne Corps launched a sweeping "left-hook" attack across the largely undefended desert of southern Iraq, led by the 3rd Armored Cavalry Regiment and the 24th Infantry Division (Mechanized). Once the allies had penetrated deep into Iraqi territory, they turned eastward, launching a flank attack against the Republican Guard.

Both sides exchanged fire, but the Republican Guard divisions, worn down by weeks of aerial bombardment, proved unable to withstand the Allied advance. The Republican Guard participated in some of the largest tank battles in US history including the Battle of Medina Ridge, Battle of Norfolk, and the Battle of 73 Easting against the U.S. VII Corps. During the latter battle US veterans later reported coming under heavy small-arms fire with bullets bouncing off their vehicles, having been attacked by several dismounted detachments of the Tawakalna Division. Several rifle companies of the Tawakalna Division counterattacked under the cover of darkness, in an attempt to recover lost positions. The US won with minimal losses while inflicting heavy losses on the Iraqi Army, but elements of the Republican Guard divisions were able to withdraw back into Iraq, shooting down three US warplanes and a rescue helicopter in the process.

In early April 1991, Colonel Montgomery Meigs, the commander of the 2nd Brigade of the 1st Armoured Division, paid his respects to his former enemy's Medina Division reporting that, "These guys stayed and fought." The Medina Division shot down an A-10 Thunderbolt II in the fighting for Medina Ridge on 27 February 1991, and other Republican Guard units were responsible for the destruction of a US Marine Corps Harrier, a USAF F-16 and a US Army UH-60 Blackhawk that day.

Between the Gulf War and the 2003 Iraq War
All the eight Republican Guard divisions involved in fighting during the Gulf War and the "Tawakalna" Division were disbanded due to losses. The remaining formations led the suppression of the 1991 uprisings in northern and southern Iraq - the Kurdish insurgency in the north and the Shi'ite uprising in the east. During these times, there were numerous accusations of the use of poison gas, rape and torture. The Hammurabi and Medina divisions surrounded Karbala with tanks and artillery and shelled the city for one week killing thousands and destroying entire neighborhoods.

Though it was reduced to a strength of seven or eight divisions, the RGFC was reconstituted, taking equipment from Army heavy divisions. Journalist Sean Boyle wrote a number of articles for Jane's Intelligence Review, including on the Republican Guard, during the 1990s. In September 1997 he wrote that the Northern Corps had four divisions - Adnan Mechanised Division (Headquarters (HQ) Mosul) with the 11, 12, 21 Brigades; Baghdad Infantry Division (HQ Maqloob Maontin, Mosul Governate) 4, 5, 6 Brigades; Al Madina Al Munawara Armoured Division (Al Rashedia Camp/Al Taji Camp) 2, 10, 14, 17 Brigades; and the Al Abed Infantry Division (Khaled Camp, Kirkuk) with the 38, 39, and 40 Brigades. The Southern Corps had three divisions including the Hammurabi Division.

2003 U.S. Invasion
See article: Iraq War The Republican Guard was subordinate to the "Special Security Apparatus of the State" and not to the Ministry of Defence as was the regular Iraqi Army. It was split into two Corps, one for the defense and control of northern Iraq, called "Allah Akbar Operations Command", composed of infantry and armoured units, and the "Fat'h al-Mubayyin Operations Command" composed primarily of mechanized units, which was located in the southern part of the country. In 2002, it was reported that the Republican Guard and the Fedayeen Saddam were both training in urban warfare and in guerrilla warfare.

The Republican Guard then consisted of between 50,000 and 60,000 men (although some sources indicate up to 80,000), all volunteers, and some 750 Soviet T-72 and Asad Babil tanks and scores of T-55 and T-62 tanks, along with other mechanized vehicles. A further 90-100 T-72 tanks were operated by the Special Republican Guard. These forces were intentionally away from the capital to avert a possible rebellion against the regime. The members of this body of the army were better paid, equipped, armed and trained. They formed a special corps that were given the ability to buy houses and given other privileges to ensure loyalty to the regime.

Nevertheless, the 2nd Al Medina Armored Division and 6th Nebuchadnezzer Mechanized Division tasked with defending the Karbala Gap fought well, 23 March 2003, disrupting a strong attack conducted by the 11th Aviation Group ("11th Attack Helicopter Regiment"), damaging thirty Apaches and shooting down one and capturing the crew, David Williams and Ronald Young, both chief warrant officers. It was an important Iraqi success for the Apache unit was taken out of the frontline for a month while undergoing repairs. At least 2 Apaches of the helicopter regiment were damaged beyond repair. On 2 April 2003, the Iraqi units positioned around Karbala shot down a U.S. Army Sikorsky H-60 Black Hawk helicopter, killing seven soldiers and wounding four others. Iraqi forces also shot down an FA-18 Hornet near Karbala around 8.45 AM local time.

On 7 April 2003, an Iraqi Special Republican Guard FROG-7 rocket or an Ababil-100 SSM missile exploded among the parked vehicles of the headquarters of 2nd Brigade, 3rd Infantry Division, killing two soldiers (Private 1st Class Anthony Miller and Staff Sergeant Lincoln Hollinsaid) and two embedded journalists (Julio Parrado and Christian Liebig), wounding 15 others and destroying 17 military vehicles. On 8 April 2003, some 500 Iraqis (including Special Republican Guard ) mounted a fierce counterattack across the Jumhuriya Bridge in Baghdad, forcing part of the U.S. forces on the western side of Baghdad to initially abandon their positions, but the Iraqis reportedly lost 50 killed in the fighting that included the use of A-10 Warthogs on the part of the US forces. An A-10 attack plane was shot down in combating the counterattack by an Iraqi surface-to-air missile.

2003 Order of Battle
On 2 April 2003, U.S. Army Brigadier General Vincent K. Brooks said that the Baghdad Division of the Iraqi Republican Guard had been "destroyed". Iraq information minister Muhammed Saeed al-Sahaf responded that this was another U.S. "lie".
 * 1st Republican Guard (Southern) Corps
 * 2nd Al Medina Armored Division; 2nd, 10th and 14th Brigades.
 * 5th Baghdad Mechanized Division; including the 4th, 5th, and 6th Motorized Brigades.
 * 7th Adnan Infantry Division; 11th, 12th, 21st, and Divisional Artillery Brigades.
 * 2nd Republican Guard (Northern) Corps
 * Al Nida Armored Division; 41st, 42nd, 43rd Brigades.
 * 6th Nebuchadnezzer Mechanized Division; 19th, 22nd and 23rd Brigades.
 * 1st Hammurabi Armoured Division - possibly with Western Desert Force; 8th, 9th Mechanized Brigades, 18th Armored, Division Artillery Brigade.
 * As Saiqa Special Forces Division - independent unit containing:
 * A Special Forces brigade,
 * Paratroop Brigade,
 * Marine Brigade and
 * numerous Commando units.

The Republican Guard was officially dissolved on 23 May 2003 per Order 2 of the Coalition Provisional Authority under Administrator Paul Bremer.

In early 2004, British journalist Sean Langan confirmed that one of the local commanders of the guerrilla stronghold of Ramadi was a former Republican Guard officer.

In late April 2004, a Pentagon report claimed that members of the Special Republican Guard had regrouped in the guerrilla stronghold of Fallujah.

Many members of the Republican Guard went on to join Sunni insurgent groups currently operating in Iraq such as The Return (al-Awda), Naqshbandi Army (JRTN), Islamic Army in Iraq and the Islamic State.

In popular culture

 * In the television show Lost, one of the main characters - Sayid Jarrah - served in the Republican Guard during the 1991 Persian Gulf War. During his service, he was a soldier, a communications officer and an interrogator. The majority of his background story revolves around the guilt he has felt towards people he's tortured in the past.
 * The Republican Guard appeared in an episode of Deadliest Warrior as Saddam Hussein's personal bodyguards and elite troops as they fought against Pol Pot's Khmer Rouge.
 * The video game, Conflict: Desert Storm series feature soldiers of the Ba'athist Iraqi Republican Guard as the main enemies.
 * The video game BlackSite: Area 51 features the Iraqi Republican Guard as the main enemies in the first episode, Iraq.
 * In the Tom Clancy video game Splinter Cell: Conviction, the Republican Guard is the enemy force in the level Diwaniya, Iraq. This level is a flashback to when the series protagonist, Sam Fisher, was captured by the Iraqi Republican Guard on the Highway of Death during the 1991 Gulf War.
 * In the 2021 video game House of Ashes, one of the main protagonists is a Republican Guard officer in the 2003 war - Lt. Salim Othman (voiced by Nick Tarabay); being the first playable Republican Guard soldier in a video game. Salim takes part in an ambush against US troops (mainly U.S. Marines) alongside his non-playable superior, Captain Dar Basri (voiced by Nabeel El Khafif). Lieutenant Salim is presented as a sympathetic character, while Dar is an unrepenting antagonist of the Americans.

title: Republican Guard (Iraq)


text:
Republican Guard (France)

The Republican Guard (Garde républicaine, ) is part of the French National Gendarmerie. It is responsible for special security duties in the Paris area and for providing guards of honour at official ceremonies of the French Republic.

Its missions include guarding important public buildings in Paris, such as the Élysée Palace (the residence of the President of the French Republic), the Hôtel Matignon (the residence of the Prime Minister of France), the Luxembourg Palace (the Senate), the Palais Bourbon (the National Assembly) and the Palais de Justice, as well as keeping public order in Paris. Ceremonial and security services for the highest national personalities and important foreign guests, military ceremonies and guards of honour for fallen soldiers, support of other law enforcement forces with intervention teams, as well as staffing horseback patrol stations (particularly for the forests of the Île-de-France region) are also part of its duties.

The close physical protection of the President of the Republic is entrusted to the Security Group for the Presidency of the Republic (GSP), a mixed police–gendarmerie unit that is not part of the Republican Guard. However, the Republican Guard does provide counter-sniper teams (Tireurs d'élite Gendarmerie or TEG) and intervention platoons (pelotons d'intervention). The Republican Guard also represents France at international events at home and abroad.

History
The Republican Guard is the heir of the various bodies that preceded it in the course of French and Parisian history and whose task was to honor and protect the high authorities of the State and the capital city – Gardes Françaises of the French kings, Consular and Imperial Guard of Napoleon, etc. Its name derives from the Municipal Guard of Paris, established on 12 Vendémiaire XI (October 4, 1802) by Napoleon Bonaparte. This unit distinguished itself in battles of historical significance, including Danzig and Friedland in 1807, Alcolea in 1808 and Burgos in 1812.

In 1813, the Municipal Guard was dissolved following the attempted coup of General Malet and replaced by the Imperial Gendarmerie of Paris and then, under the Restoration, the Royal Guard of Paris and the Royal Mounted Police of Paris. In 1830, it was recreated, but after the Revolution of 1848, it was removed in favor of the Civic Guard (which proved to be a transient institution).

In June 1848, under the Second Republic, the Republican Guard of Paris was created, including an infantry regiment and a regiment of cavalry. On February 1, 1849, president Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte made the Guard a part of the National Gendarmerie. It received its insignia on July 14, 1880.

The Republican Guard did not take part in World War I as a unit, but more than one third of its personnel were seconded to Army regiments for the duration of the conflict. As a consequence, its flag and banner are decorated with the Knight's Cross of the Legion of Honour. During World War II, it reported to the police headquarters and took the name of Guard of Paris. Part of its staff rallied to General de Gaulle, and the Guard was involved in fighting alongside the FFI during the liberation of Paris.

From 1947 to 1954, the Republican Guard took part in the Indochina War by sending three "Legions of March", which were mainly assigned to the training of allied indigenous troops and to the defense of certain places. The three legions, comprising a constant workforce of nearly 3,000 men, suffered heavy losses (more than 600 dead and 1,500 wounded during the conflict), which earned it the Croix de Guerre TOE. In 1954, the Republican Guard was renamed as the Mobile Gendarmerie and the Republican Guard of Paris became the Republican Guard. Both organizations were then and still remain part of the same branch in the French Gendarmerie.

In 1978, President Valéry Giscard d'Estaing gave the Guard it new insignias on 11 November 1979 when the infantry regiment was split into the current two sparate regiments. Michèle Alliot-Marie, Minister of Defence, said in October 2002: "The Republican Guard has a popularity that transcends borders", and it contributes "to the splendour of the French military and France."

Ceremonial duties
These ceremonial functions are performed mainly by the first infantry regiment, the cavalry regiment and occasionally by the second infantry regiment.

Detachments from the cavalry regiment reinforce the two infantry regiments in carrying out ceremonial and security duties in and around state buildings. These include the lining of both sides of the entry stairs of the Elysée or Matignon Palaces (and other buildings) by dismounted cavalry on special occasions. These Republican Guards belong to the Cavalry Regiment and not to the infantry units whose mission is to ensure the security of these palaces and of senior government figures. Certain ceremonial duties in the form of honour guards are performed during state visits to the Paris museums or the Opera, as well as during other ceremonies (for example at the French Academy).

Security missions
Although the ceremonial duties attract more public attention, more than 80% of the missions assigned to the Garde are security missions. These include missions performed for the state such as protection of state buildings but also missions performed for the benefit of the population (for example patrols in the parks and streets).

Other missions
Some guards are assigned to more specific missions:
 * Security of diplomatic bags entering and leaving the Ministry for Foreign Affairs and the airports.
 * Safety of sport events such as the Tour de France cyclist race by the motorcycle squadron.
 * Reinforcement and support to the Departmental Gendarmerie
 * Assistance and coopereration in foreign countries and especially in former French colonies.

Organization
The Republican Guard belongs to the French National Gendarmerie. It is made up of approximately 2,800 men and women (drawn from an overall body of 100,000 gendarmes). As a historically Parisian organization, the guards wear the armorial bearings of the city on their uniforms.

It consists of two infantry regiments (one includes a motorcycle squadron) and a horse cavalry regiment. It also has four musical formations, as well as display teams demonstrating prowess in horseback or motorcycle maneuvers. The Guard is commanded by a general de division (major general). It is headquartered in the Quartier des Célestins, Paris, built in 1895–1901, designed by the renowned French architect Jacques Hermant.

Cavalry regiment

Headquartered in the Quartier des Célestins, and Quartier Carnot barracks the cavalry regiment is made up of approximately 480 gendarmes and civilians of whom a little more than 10% are women. It has approximately 550 horses (11% mares) and remains the last mounted regiment in the French armed forces.

The regiment is composed of:
 * Three squadrons of cavalry (the first is based at Quartier des Célestins, in Paris, and two others based at Quartier Carnot, also in Paris at the fringe of Bois de Vincennes),
 * Reserve squadron
 * A squadron hors rang (based at Les Célestins) and composed of:
 * mounted band
 * horse-shoeing (farriers),
 * veterinary service.
 * The training centre (centre d'instruction) at Quartier Goupil Saint-Germain-en-Laye
 * Hunting Horns Platoon (Trompes de Chasse de la Garde)

This unit has a section of high level sportsmen, in particular Hubert Perring, dressage champion of France in 2005, and member of the French team for the World Equestrian Games of 2006.

The Guard Cavalry Regiment is twinned with the British Household Cavalry Mounted Regiment, the Italian Carabinieri Cavalry Regiment and the Senegalese Red Guard.

Special displays of the cavalry regiment
Exhibition drill squads present five shows and reenactments:
 * le carrousel des lances (the lancer's carrousel);
 * la maison du Roy (the King's household cavalry);
 * la reprise des tandems (the tandem riders);
 * la reprise des douze (demonstration/lesson with 12 riders);
 * l’équipe de démonstration de sécurité publique (modern mounted police demonstration)

Infantry regiments
The Republican Guard has two regiments of infantry:

 * The first infantry regiment is composed of :
 * Regimental HQ
 * The Republican Guard Band and Bugles (military band and fanfare battery unit)
 * Motorcycle squadron
 * Compagnie de sécurité de la Présidence de la république (presidential palace security company)
 * Three compagnies de sécurité et d'honneur (security and honor companies)
 * the second infantry regiment is composed of :
 * Regimental HQ
 * Compagnie de sécurité de l'Hôtel Matignon (prime minister security company)
 * Compagnie de sécurité des palais nationaux (CSPN) (national palaces security company; i.e., national assembly and senate)
 * Four compagnies de sécurité et d'honneur (CSH)
 * Auxiliary platoon

Each of the seven security and honor companies is composed of three regular sections (i.e., platoons) and one peloton d'intervention (intervention platoon). The regular sections perform ceremonial duties and guards. The intervention platoons provide special security in the government buildings and palaces protected by the Guard. They are also tasked with police missions in support of the Gendarmerie in the Paris area (home arrests, escorts etc.). One of the seven intervention platoons is permanently deployed on a rotational basis to either French Guiana in support of forces combating illegal gold mining or to another French oversea territory (typically Guadeloupe or Saint Martin).

Special displays of the infantry regiments

 * Bayonet drill team (quadrille des baïllonnettes; 1st régiment)
 * The battery fanfare band
 * The Napoleonic Drumline, made up of drummers wearing uniforms of the Napoleonic Wars
 * Emperor's grenadiers company, serving as a reenacting unit (2nd régiment)
 * Motorcycle display teams

Band and Orchestra of the Republican Guard
Depending on needs, the orchestra performs in three configurations:

 * the concert band (80 musicians)
 * the string orchestra (40 musicians), likely to be presented in configurations of 24 or 12 bows, or in string quartets
 * Symphony orchestra (80 musicians)

It was founded in 1848 by Jean-Georges Paulus.

Armed Forces Choir
This men's choir is composed of 46 professional singers. In spite of its name (Choir of the French army), it is part of the Guard and thus reports to the Gendarmerie and through the Ministers of the Armed Forces and Interior (owing to the military character of the service). The choir performs mainly during official ceremonies and commemorations but also during festivals and sport events of national and international importance. Since 2007, it has been led by a woman, Major Aurore Tillac, who serves as choir master and director.

Commanders of the Republican Guard

 * 1813–1815: Colonel Bourgeois
 * 1815–1815: Colonel Colin
 * 1815–1819: Colonel Tassin
 * 1819–1820: Colonel Christophe de la Motte Guerry
 * 1820–1822: Colonel Tassin
 * 1822–1830: Colonel Foucaud de Malembert
 * 1830–1831: Colonel Girard
 * 1831–1839: Colonel Feisthamel
 * 1839–1843: Colonel Carrelet
 * 1843–1848: Colonel Lardenois
 * 1848–1849: Colonel Raymond
 * 1849–1849: Colonel Lanneau
 * 1849–1852: Colonel Gastu
 * 1852–1855: Colonel Tisserand
 * 1856–1858: Colonel Texier of the Pommeraye
 * 1859–1862: Colonel Faye
 * 1862–1868: Colonel Letellier-Blanchard
 * 1868–1870: Colonel Valentin
 * 1870–1873: General Valentin
 * 1873–1875: Colonel Allavene
 * 1875–1875: Colonel Grémelin
 * 1875–1877: Colonel Lambert
 * 1877–1881: Colonel Guillemois
 * 1881–1886: Colonel Azaïs
 * 1886–1889: Colonel Massol
 * 1889–1894: Colonel Mercier
 * 1894–1895: Colonel Risbourg
 * 1895–1897: Colonel De Christen
 * 1897–1899: Colonel Quincy
 * 1899–1902: Colonel Prevot
 * 1902–1903: Colonel Doutrelot
 * 1903–1904: Colonel Weick
 * 1904–1909: Colonel Bouchez
 * 1909–1910: Colonel Vayssière
 * 1910–1914: Colonel Klein
 * 1914–1917: Colonel Brody
 * 1917–1917: Colonel Lanty
 * 1917–1918: Colonel Brione
 * 1918–1922: Colonel Somprou
 * 1922–1924: Colonel Pacault
 * 1924–1926: Colonel Verstraete
 * 1926–1928: Colonel Miquel
 * 1928–1930: Colonel Moinier
 * 1930–1935: Colonel Gibaux
 * 1935–1936: Colonel Maze
 * 1936–1938: Colonel Durieux
 * 1938–1941: Colonel Ruel
 * 1941–1943: Colonel Martin
 * 1943–1944: Colonel Pellegrin
 * 1944–1944: Colonel Charollais
 * 1944–1944: Lt-Colonel FFI Chapoton
 * 1944–1944: Colonel Houllier
 * 1944–1945: Lt-Colonel Heurtel
 * 1945–1948: Colonel Gauduchon
 * 1948–1953: Colonel Nicolini
 * 1953–1957: Colonel Pelabon
 * 1957–1959: Colonel Dorin
 * 1959–1961: Colonel Bouchardon
 * 1961–1964: Colonel Gérard
 * 1964–1969: Brigadier general Dumont
 * 1969–1970: Colonel Chevrot
 * 1970–1976: Brigadier general Herlem
 * 1976–1980: Brigadier general Personnier
 * 1980–1984: Brigadier general de la Rochelambert
 * 1984–1986: Brigadier general Depardon
 * 1986–1988: Brigadier general Hérisson
 * 1988–1991: Brigadier general Kretz
 * 1991–1995: Brigadier general Lorant
 * 1995–1998: Brigadier general Villermain-Lecolier
 * 1998–2000: Brigadier general Puyou
 * 2000–2002: Brigadier general Prigent
 * 2002–2004: Brigadier general Schott
 * 2004–2007: Brigadier general Poupeau
 * 2007–2010: Major general Moulinié
 * 2010–2014: Major general Schneider
 * 2014-2019: Major general Striebig
 * 2019-2023 onwards: Major general Bio-Farina
 * 2023 onwards: Brigadier general Thomas

Alliances

 * 🇸🇳 Senegal – Red Guard

title: Republican Guard (France)


text:
Cryptomathic

Cryptomathic is a software company specializing in the area of cryptography for e-commerce security systems. The company develops secure software for the financial and governmental industries. It focuses especially on developing back-end solutions using hardware security modules.

Cryptomathic has its headquarters in Aarhus, Denmark. The company was founded in 1986, by three professors from University of Aarhus, among them Peter Landrock and Ivan Damgård. It now operates world-wide with offices in London, UK; Munich, Germany and San Jose, California, US

Cryptomathic has collaborated in research projects with the Isaac Newton Institute for Mathematical Sciences to develop Cryptomathic's systems for securing messaging between hardware security modules (HSMs). With Bristol University, Cryptomathic conducted research on authenticated encryption between HSMs.

Awards and recognition
In 2002, Cryptomathic's chief cryptographer Vincent Rijmen was named one of the top 100 innovators in the world under the age of 35 by the MIT Technology Review TR100.

In 2003, Cryptomathic was recognized by the World Economic Forum as a Technology Pioneer, based on its innovative product for mobile electronic signatures. The term "What You See Is What You Sign" (WYSIWYS) was coined in 1998 by Peter Landrock and Torben Pedersen of Cryptomathic during their work on delivering secure and legally binding digital signatures for Pan-European projects. In 2004, Cryptomathic received the Visa Smart Star Award for it contributions to the field of EMV and Chip and PIN based on its data preparation offering. In 2010, Cryptomathic's founder, Peter Landrock was named a Finalist for European Inventor 2010 in the "Lifetime Achievement" category by the European Patent Office.

The member of Cryptomathic's advisory board, Whitfield Diffie is co-author of the Diffie–Hellman key exchange, a method of securely exchanging cryptographic keys. Diffie and Hellman were awarded with the 2015 Turing Award for "fundamental contributions to modern cryptography" including public-key cryptography and digital signatures.

title: Cryptomathic