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Viking ship

Viking ships were marine vessels of unique structure, used in Scandinavia from the Viking Age throughout the Middle Ages. The boat-types were quite varied, depending on what the ship was intended for, but they were generally characterized as being slender and flexible boats, with symmetrical ends with true keel. They were clinker built, which is the overlapping of planks riveted together. Some might have had a dragon's head or other circular object protruding from the bow and stern for design, although this is only inferred from historical sources. Viking ships were used both for military purposes and for long-distance trade, exploration and colonization.

In the literature, Viking ships are usually seen divided into two broad categories: merchant ships and warships, the latter resembling narrow "war canoes" with less load capacity, but higher speed. However, these categories are overlapping; some transport ships would also form part of war fleets. As a rule, ship lanes in Scandinavia followed coastal waters, hence a majority of vessels were of a lighter design, while a few types, such as the knarr, could navigate the open ocean. The Viking ships ranged from the Baltic Sea to far from the Scandinavian homelands, to Iceland, the Faroe Islands, Greenland, Newfoundland, the Mediterranean, the Black Sea and Africa.

The ship's shallow draft allowed navigation in waters only one meter deep and permitted beach landings, while its light weight enabled it to be carried over portages.

Development
The ship has been functioning as the centerpiece of Scandinavian culture for millennia, serving both pragmatic and religious purposes, and its importance was already deeply rooted in the Scandinavian culture when the Viking Age began. Scandinavia is a region with relatively high inland mountain ranges, dense forests and easy access to the sea with many natural ports. Consequently, trade routes were primarily operated via shipping, as inland travel was both more hazardous and cumbersome. Many stone engravings from the Nordic Stone Age and in particular the Nordic Bronze Age, depict ships in various situations and valuable ships were sacrificed as part of ceremonial votive offerings since at least the Nordic Iron Age, as evidenced by the Hjortspring and Nydam boats.

The Viking Age saw the first local developments of trading ports into forts and coastal towns, all of which were deeply dependent on the North Sea and the Baltic Sea for survival and growth. Control of the waterways was of great economical and political importance, and consequently, ships were in high demand. Because of their overwhelming importance, ships became a mainstay of the Viking religion, as they evolved into symbols of power and prowess. The Hedeby coins, among the earliest known Danish currency, have impressions of ships as emblems, showing the importance of naval vessels in the area. Through such cultural and practical significance, the Viking ship progressed into the most powerful, advanced naval vessel in Viking Age Europe.

Knarr
Knarr is the Norse term for ships that were built for cargo transport. A length of about 54 ft and a beam of 15 ft are not untypical, and the hull could be capable of carrying up to 24 tons. Overall displacement: 50 tons. This is shorter than the Gokstad type of longships, but knarrs are sturdier by design and they depended mostly on sail-power, only putting oars to use as auxiliaries if there was no wind on the open water. Because of this, the knarr was used for longer voyages, ocean-going transports and more hazardous trips than the Gokstad type. It was capable of sailing 75 mi in one day, and held a crew of about 20–30. Knarrs routinely crossed the North Atlantic in the Viking Age, carrying livestock and goods to and from Greenland and the North Atlantic islands. The design of the knarr later influenced the design of the cog, used in the Baltic Sea by the Hanseatic League. Examples of Viking Age knarr are Skuldelev 1, which was excavated in Denmark in 1962 and is believed to be from about 1030 AD, and the Äskekärr ship, which was found in Sweden in 1933 and is believed to be from about 930 AD.

Longship
Longships were naval vessels made and used by the Vikings from Scandinavia and Iceland for trade, commerce, exploration, and warfare during the Viking Age. The longship's design evolved over many years, as seen in the Nydam and Kvalsund ships. The character and appearance of these ships have been reflected in Scandinavian boatbuilding traditions until today. The average speed of Viking ships varied from ship to ship but lay in the range of 5 to 10 kn, and the maximum speed of a longship under favorable conditions was around 15 kn.

The long-ship is as a graceful, long, narrow, light, wooden boat with a shallow draft hull designed for speed. The ship's shallow draft allowed navigation in waters only one meter deep and permitted beach landings, while its light weight enabled it to be carried over portages. Longships were also double-ended, the symmetrical bow and stern allowing the ship to reverse direction quickly without having to turn around. Longships were fitted with oars along almost the entire length of the boat itself. Later versions sported a rectangular sail on a single mast which was used to replace or augment the effort of the rowers, particularly during long journeys.

Longships can be classified into a number of different types, depending on size, construction details, and prestige. The most common way to classify longships is by the number of rowing positions on board. Types ranged from the Karvi, with 13 rowing benches, to the Busse, one of which has been found with an estimated 34 rowing positions.

Longships were the epitome of Scandinavian naval power at the time and were highly valued possessions. They were owned by coastal farmers and assembled by the king to form the leidang in times of conflict, in order to have a powerful naval force at his disposal. While longships were deployed by the Norse in warfare, there are no descriptions of naval tactics such as ramming, etc. Instead, the ships would sometimes be lashed together in battle to form a steady platform for infantry warfare. Longships were called dragonships (drakuskippan) by the Franks because they had a dragon-shaped prow.

Karve
The Karve was a small type of Viking longship, with a broad hull somewhat similar to the knarr. They were used for both war and ordinary transport, carrying people, cargo or livestock. Because they were able to navigate in very shallow water, they were also used for coasting. Karves typically had broad beams of approximately 17 ft.

Ship construction
Viking ships varied from other contemporary ships, being generally more seaworthy and lighter. This was achieved through use of clinker (lapstrake) construction. The planks on Viking vessels were rived (split) from large, old-growth trees — especially oak. A ship's hull could be as thin as one inch (2.5 cm), as a rived plank is stronger than a sawed plank found in later craft, resulting in a strong yet supple hull.

Working up from a stout oaken keel and ribs, the shipwrights would rivet on the planks using wrought iron rivets and roves, reinforced with added support ribs and thwarts. Each tier of planks overlapped the one below, and a caulking of tarred cow's hair was used between planks to create a waterproof hull.

Remarkably large vessels could be constructed using traditional clinker construction. Dragon-ships carrying 100 warriors were not uncommon.

Furthermore, during the early Viking Age, oar ports replaced rowlocks, allowing oars to be stored while the ship was at sail and to provide better angles for rowing. The largest ships of the era could travel five to six knots using oar power and up to ten knots under sail.

Navigation
With such technological improvements, the Vikings began to make more and more ocean voyages, as their ships were more seaworthy. However, in order to sail in ocean waters, the Vikings needed to develop methods of relatively precise navigation. Most commonly, a ship's pilot drew on traditional knowledge to set the ship's course. Essentially, the Vikings simply used prior familiarity with tides, sailing times, and landmarks in order to route courses. For example, scholars contend that the sighting of a whale allowed the Vikings to determine the direction of a ship. Because whales feed in highly nutritious waters, commonly found in regions where landmasses have pushed deep-water currents towards shallower areas, the sighting of a whale functioned as a signal that land was near.

On the other hand, some academics have proposed that the Vikings also developed more advanced aids to navigation, such as the use of a sun compass. A wooden half-disc found on the shores of Narsarsuaq, Greenland initially seemed to support this hypothesis. However, further investigation of the object revealed that the slits inscribed in the disc are disproportionately spaced, and so the object could not in fact function as an accurate compass. Rather it has been suggested that the instrument is instead a “confession disc” used by priests to count the number of confessions in their parish. Similarly, researchers and historians continually debate the use of the sunstone in Viking navigation. Because a sunstone is able to polarize light, it is a plausible method for determining direction. By showing which direction light waves are oscillating, the sunstone has the potential to show the sun's position even when the sun is obscured by clouds. The stone changes to a certain color, based on the direction of the waves, but only when the object is held in an area with direct sunlight. Thus, most scholars debate the reliability and the plausibility of using a navigational tool that can only determine direction in such limited conditions.

Viking sagas routinely tell of voyages where Vikings suffered from being "hafvilla" (bewildered)—voyages beset by fog or bad weather, where they completely lost their sense of direction. This description suggests they did not use a sunstone when the sun was obscured. Moreover, the fact that this same bewilderment could arise when the winds died suggests that the Vikings relied on prevailing winds to navigate, as expected if their skills depended principally on traditional knowledge.

Ship burial

Prominent men or women in Norse society sometimes received a ship burial. The body of the deceased would be prepared and dressed in fine clothes and then be transported to the burial-place in a wagon drawn by horses. The deceased would be placed on the ship, along with many prized possessions. Horses, dogs and occasionally thralls and households might also be sacrificially killed and buried with the deceased. The origin and meaning of these customs remain unknown. Several examples of Viking ship burials have been excavated, e.g. the Oseberg ship in Norway, containing the remains of two women, the Gokstad ship in Norway, and the Ladby ship in Denmark.

There are literary sources such as the Norse Skjoldunga Saga and the Ynglinga Saga which describe more literal "ship burials" in which the deceased and goods are placed on a boat in the water and the vessel is launched into the sea, sometimes being shot with burning arrows and vanishing into the night, ablaze. Nothcotte Toller, however, states: "Whether such fiery funerals ever actually took place is impossible to know; but it is much more difficult to imagine that a king's body and accompanying treasures would have been simply pushed out to sea, where they would have been in danger of returning, or of falling into the hands of strangers or even enemies who might maltreat the one and plunder the other."

Burial of ships is an ancient tradition in Scandinavia, stretching back to at least the Nordic Iron Age, as evidenced by the Hjortspring boat (400–300 BC) or the Nydam boats (200–450 AD), for example. Ships and bodies of water have held major spiritual importance in the Norse cultures since at least the Nordic Bronze Age.

Preserved ships

Several original Viking ships have been found through the ages, but only a few have been relatively intact. The most notable of these few ships include:
 * Gokstad ship: overall length – approximately 23.3 m
 * Oseberg ship: overall length – approximately 21.5 m
 * Skuldelev ships: five ships found at the same location, from about 11.2 to 30 m long
 * Tune ship: may have been up to 18.7 m long

Examples of other Viking ships, including some that are relatively well-preserved and some where only very small parts remain:

 * Äskekärr ship
 * Gjellestad ship burial: about 23–24 m long (excavation ongoing as of June 2020)
 * Hedeby 1: estimated about 26–32 m long
 * Kvalsund ship
 * Ladby ship
 * Myklebust Ship
 * Roskilde 6: found during the expansion of the Viking Ship Museum and the longest known Viking ship at about 37 m

Have been regarded as Viking ships, but from before or after the Viking Age:
 * Salme ships: from 700 to 750 AD, before the Viking Age
 * Lapuri ship: from 1250 to 1300 AD, after the Viking Age

Replicas
Viking ship replicas are one of the more common types of ship replica. Viking, the first Viking ship replica, was built by the Rødsverven shipyard in Sandefjord, Norway. In 1893 it sailed across the Atlantic Ocean to Chicago for the World's Columbian Exposition. There are a considerable number of modern reconstructions of Viking Age ships in service around Northern Europe and North America. The Viking Ship Museum in Roskilde, Denmark, has been particularly prolific in building accurate reconstructions of archaeological finds in its collection.

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Kali Yuga

Kali Yuga, in Hinduism, is the fourth, shortest and worst of the four yugas (world ages) in a Yuga Cycle, preceded by Dvapara Yuga and followed by the next cycle's Krita (Satya) Yuga. It is believed to be the present age, which is full of conflict and sin.

According to Puranic sources, Krishna's death marked the end of Dvapara Yuga and the start of Kali Yuga, which is dated to 17/18 February 3102 BCE. Lasting for 432,000 years (1,200 divine years), Kali Yuga began 0 years ago and has NaN years left as of 2024 CE. Kali Yuga will end in the year 428,899 CE.

Near the end of Kali Yuga, when virtues are at their worst, a cataclysm and re-establishment of dharma occur to usher in the next cycle's Krita (Satya) Yuga, prophesied to occur by Kalki.

Etymology
Yuga (युग), in this context, means "an age of the world", where its archaic spelling is yug, with other forms of yugam,, and yuge, derived from yuj (युज्), believed derived from  (Proto-Indo-European: 'to join or unite').

Kali Yuga (कलियुग) means "the age of Kali", "the age of darkness", "the age of vice and misery", or "the age of quarrel and hypocrisy".

A complete description of Kali Yuga is found in the Mahabharata, Manusmriti, Vishnu Smriti, and various Puranas.

Epigraphy
According to P. V. Kane, one of the earliest inscriptions with one of the four yugas named is the Pikira grant of Pallava Simhavarman (mid-5th centuryCE):

"Who was ever ready to extricate dharma that had become sunk owing to the evil effects of Kaliyuga."

Other epigraphs exist with named yugas in the Old Mysore region of India, published in Epigraphia Carnatica.

Start date

The start date and time of Kali Yuga was at midnight (00:00) on 17/18 February 3102 BCE.

Astronomer and mathematician Aryabhata, who was born in 476 CE, finished his book Aryabhatiya in 499 CE, in which he wrote "When the three yugas (satyug, tretayug and dwaparyug) have elapsed and 60 x 60 (3,600) years of kaliyug have already passed, I am now 23 years old." Based on this information, Kali Yuga began in 3102 BCE, which is calculated from 3600 - (476 + 23) + 1 (no year zero from 1 BCE to 1 CE).

According to K. D. Abhyankar, the starting point of Kali Yuga is an extremely rare planetary alignment, which is depicted in the Mohenjo-daro seals.

Duration and structure
Hindu texts describe four yugas (world ages) in a Yuga Cycle, where, starting in order from the first age of Krita (Satya) Yuga, each yuga's length decreases by one-fourth (25%), giving proportions of 4:3:2:1. Each yuga is described as having a main period (a.k.a. yuga proper) preceded by its  (dawn) and followed by its  (dusk), where each twilight (dawn/dusk) lasts for one-tenth (10%) of its main period. Lengths are given in divine years (years of the gods), each lasting for 360 solar (human) years.

Kali Yuga, the fourth age in a cycle, lasts for 432,000 years (1,200 divine years), where its main period lasts for 360,000 years (1,000 divine years) and its two twilights each lasts for 36,000 years (100 divine years). The current cycle's Kali Yuga, the present age, has the following dates based on it starting in 3102BCE:

Mahabharata, Book 12 (Shanti Parva), Ch. 231:

"(17) A year (of men) is equal to a day and night of the gods... (19) I shall, in their order, tell you the number of years that are for different purposes calculated differently, in the Krita, the Treta, the Dwapara, and the Kali yugas. (20) Four thousand celestial years is the duration of the first or Krita age. The morning of that cycle consists of four hundred years and its evening is of four hundred years. (21) Regarding the other cycles, the duration of each gradually decreases by a quarter in respect of both the principal period with the minor portion and the conjoining portion itself."

Manusmriti, Ch. 1:

"(67) A year is a day and a night of the gods... (68) But hear now the brief (description of) the duration of a night and a day of Brahman [(Brahma)] and of the several ages (of the world, yuga) according to their order. (69) They declare that the Krita age (consists of) four thousand years (of the gods); the twilight preceding it consists of as many hundreds, and the twilight following it of the same number. (70) In the other three ages with their twilights preceding and following, the thousands and hundreds are diminished by one (in each)."

Surya Siddhanta, Ch. 1:

"(13) ... twelve months make a year. This is called a day of the gods. (14) ... Six times sixty [360] of them are a year of the gods... (15) Twelve thousand of these divine years are denominated a Quadruple Age (caturyuga); of ten thousand times four hundred and thirty-two [4,320,000] solar years (16) Is composed that Quadruple Age, with its dawn and twilight. The difference of the Golden and the other Ages, as measured by the difference in the number of the feet of Virtue in each, is as follows : (17) The tenth part of an Age, multiplied successively by four, three, two, and one, gives the length of the Golden and the other Ages, in order : the sixth part of each belongs to its dawn and twilight."

10,000-year sub-period
A dialogue between Krishna and Ganga (goddess) found in the Brahma Vaivarta Purana describes that for the first 10,000 years of Kali Yuga, the ill effects of Kali Yuga will be reduced due to the presence of bhakti yogis and the ability to nullify sinful reactions, after which Earth will be devoid of devout religious people and be shackled by Kali Yuga. Gaudiya Vaishnavism believes this sub-period started later in Kali Yuga with the birth of Chaitanya Mahaprabhu (1486 CE).

Characteristics
Hinduism often symbolically represents morality (dharma) as an Indian bull. In the Satya Yuga, the first stage of development, the bull has four legs, which is reduced by one in each age that follows. The four legs of Dharma are ' lit. 'austerity', ' lit. 'cleanliness', ' lit. 'compassion' and ' lit. 'truth'. By the age of Kali, morality is reduced to only a quarter of that of the golden age, so that the bull of Dharma has only one leg, the one representing.

References in the Mahabharata
The Kurukshetra War and the decimation of Kauravas thus happened at the Yuga-Sandhi, the point of transition from one yuga to another.

Prophesied events
A discourse by Markandeya in the Mahabharata identifies some of the attributes of people, animals, nature, and weather during the Kali Yuga.

Other usage
The Kali Yuga is an important concept in both Theosophy and Anthroposophy, and in the writings of Helena Blavatsky, W.Q. Judge, Rudolf Steiner, Savitri Devi, and Traditionalist philosophers such as René Guénon and Julius Evola, among others. Rudolf Steiner believed that the Kali Yuga ended in 1900.

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title: Kali Yuga


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Yuga

A yuga, in Hinduism, is generally used to indicate an age of time.

In the Rigveda, a yuga refers to generations, a period of time (whether long or short), or a yoke (joining of two things). In the Mahabharata, the words yuga and kalpa (a day of Brahma) are used interchangeably to describe the cycle of creation and destruction.

In post-Vedic texts, the words "yuga" and "age" commonly denote a Yuga Cycle (pronounced chatur yuga), a cycle of four world ages—for example, in the Surya Siddhanta and Bhagavad Gita (part of the Mahabharata)—unless expressly limited by the name of one of its minor ages: Krita (Satya) Yuga, Treta Yuga, Dvapara Yuga, or Kali Yuga.

Etymology
Yuga (युग) means "a yoke" (joining of two things), "generations", or "a period of time" such as an age, where its archaic spelling is yug, with other forms of yugam,, and yuge, derived from yuj (युज्), believed derived from  (Proto-Indo-European: 'to join or unite').

Meanings
The term "yuga" has multiple meanings, including representing the number 4 and various periods of time. In early Indian astronomy, it referred to a five-year cycle starting with the conjunction of the sun and moon in the autumnal equinox. More commonly, "yuga" is used in the context of kalpas, composed of four yugas. According to the Manusmriti, a kalpa starts with a Satya Yuga (4,000 years), followed by a Treta Yuga (3,000 years), a Dvapara Yuga (2,000 years), and ends with a Kali Yuga (1,000 years). According to Vishnu Purana, each Mahayuga comprises a Satya Yuga (1,728,000 human years), a Treta Yuga (1,296,000 years), a Dvapara Yuga (864,000 years), and a Kali Yuga (432,000 years).

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Telemark

Telemark is a county and a current electoral district in Norway. Telemark borders the counties of Vestfold, Buskerud, Vestland, Rogaland and Agder. In 2020, Telemark merged with the county of Vestfold to form the county of Vestfold og Telemark. On 1 January 2024, the county of Telemark was re-established after Vestfold og Telemark was divided again.

The name Telemark means the "mark of the Thelir", the ancient North Germanic tribe that inhabited what is now known as Upper Telemark in the Migration Period and the Viking Age.

In the Middle Ages, the agricultural society of Upper Telemark was considered the most violent region of Norway. Today, half of the buildings from medieval times in Norway are located here. The dialects spoken in Upper Telemark also retain more elements of Old Norse than those spoken elsewhere in the country. Upper Telemark is also known as the birthplace of skiing.

The southern part of Telemark, Grenland, is more urban and influenced by trade with the Low Countries, northern Germany, Denmark and the British Isles.

Telemark has been one of Norway's most important industrial regions for centuries, marked in particular by the Norske Skog Union paper mills in Grenland and the Norsk Hydro heavy water and fertilizer production in Upper Telemark.

Telemark county was re-established on 1 January 2024, following a vote of the county council of Vestfold og Telemark on 15 February 2022 to split the newly established county into its respective counties that existed before the merger took place; Telemark and Vestfold.

History
Telemark county was established as the fief Bratsberg in the late Middle Ages, during Norway's union with Denmark. With the introduction of absolute monarchy in 1662 it became a county, and it was renamed Telemark in 1919 and was a county until 2020. The county administration was in the port town Skien, which was in the early modern period Norway's most important city, ahead of Christiania.

Telemark consists of several distinct historical regions. It takes its name from the largest of them, which is now called Upper Telemark, but which was historically simply called Telemark. Telemark is named for the Thelir (Þilir in Old Norse), the ancient North Germanic tribe that inhabited what is now known as Upper Telemark since the Migration Period and during the Viking Age. The Norse form of the name was Þelamǫrk. The first element is the genitive plural case of Þilir while the last element is mǫrk "woodland, borderland, march".

Traditional Telemark, i.e. Upper Telemark, is located in the inland and comprises more than two thirds of it according to its traditional definition. Both in medieval times and later (Upper) Telemark was the region of Norway with the most self-owning farmers. It retained Norse culture to a larger degree than any other region in Norway, with respect to its more egalitarian organisation of society, religion, traditional values and language. Thus the people of Telemark were often described during the Middle Ages and early modern era as the most violent in Norway. The dialects of Upper Telemark are also the dialects of Norwegian that are closest to Old Norse. The farmers of Telemark were marked by a strong-willed conservatism and belief in their traditional values that often defied the central authorities of Denmark-Norway; for example they held on to aspects of both Old Norse religion and later of Catholicism longer than other regions in Norway. (Upper) Telemark traditionally lacks cities entirely.

Grenland and the Skien fjord are flatter regions located closer to or at the coast. Historically Grenland referred to what is now called Midt-Telemark, but over time the name Grenland has come to refer to the Skien fjord area. The latter is traditionally characterized by its cities and its involvement in seafaring and trade. It also includes several larger agricultural properties and estates, as well as industry. The culture and social structure are more urban, far less traditional, more influenced by contact with continental Europe and far less egalitarian. The most important city of the region, Skien, was historically one of Norway's most important cities, although its importance declined after the Napoleonic Wars. The playwright Henrik Ibsen was a native of Skien, and many of his plays are set in places reminiscent of the city and area.

During the Dano-Norwegian union the traditional regions of Telemark and Grenland/the Skien fjord became the fief (len) and later county (amt) of Bratsberg (Bradsberg). The fief and county was named after the farm Bratsberg, since this was the seat of the governor. In 1919 Bratsberg county was renamed Telemark. Despite this, Grenland retains a separate identity that is distinct from Telemark proper; the minority in the Storting voted for the name Grenland–Telemark in 1918.

Upper Telemark, particularly Kviteseid, is known as the birthplace of skiing as a modern sport. Telemark lent its name to Telemark skiing, a style invented by Sondre Norheim, and the characteristic Telemark landing of ski jumping. Telemark is also known as the centre of the Bunad movement. Telemark has more buildings from medieval times than any other Norwegian region.

Geography
Telemark is located in southeastern Norway, extending from the Hardangervidda mountain plateau in the North to the Skagerrak coast in the South. Telemark has a varied and scenic landscape, including a rugged coastline, valleys, lakes, hills mountains, and mountain plateaus.

Infrastructure
The international road E18 goes through the southern parts of Telemark, namely Grenland and the municipality of Kragerø. E134, another important motorway and the fastest route between Oslo and Bergen, goes through the municipalities of Vinje, Tokke, Kviteseid, Seljord, Hjartdal and Notodden. RV36, stretching from Porsgrunn to Seljord, links the E18 and E134 motorways.

Telemark is well served by railways. The Sørlandet Line runs through the traditional districts of Vestmar and Midt-Telemark, serving the municipalities of Drangedal, Nome, Bø and Sauherad. Grenland is primarily served by the Vestfold Line, but also has connections through the Bratsberg Line which runs between Skien and Notodden.

From Langesund, Fjordline operates ferry services to Sweden and Denmark.

The main bus lines in the region are operated by Telemark Bilruter, serving western and middle parts of the region, and Nettbuss which serves the middle, eastern and southern parts of the region. Drangedal Bilruter serves the Vestmar region.

Population
The largest population centres are Skien, Porsgrunn, Notodden, Rjukan and Kragerø. Other important places are Bø, Seljord, Fyresdal and Vinje.

Coat of arms
The coat of arms of Telemark is from modern times (1970). It shows an old type of battle axe, significant for the county.

The county coat of arms valid from 1 January 2024 is a redesigned version of the county coat of arms for Telemark county from 1970 until the county merger in 2020.

Notable telemarkinger/teledølar

 * Myllarguten (1801–1872), legendary fiddler born in Sauherad
 * Aasmund Olavsson Vinje (1818–1870), author born in Vinje
 * Sondre Norheim (1825–1897), father of skiing born in Morgedal, Kviteseid
 * August Cappelen (1827–1852), national romantic painter born in Skien
 * Snowshoe Thompson (Jon Torsteinson-Rue) (1827–1876), American pioneer and father of California skiing
 * Henrik Ibsen (1828–1906), author born in Skien
 * John Anders Johnson (1832–1901), American politician
 * Thorbjorn N. Mohn (1844–1899), American Lutheran church leader and first president of St. Olaf College
 * Brynild Anundsen (1844–1913), founder of Decorah Posten
 * Marcus Olaus Bockman (1849–1942), Norwegian-American Lutheran theologian
 * Herbjørn Gausta (1854–1924), American artist. Born in Vestfjørddalen
 * Theodor Kittelsen (1857–1914), artist born in Kragerø
 * George Awsumb (1880–1959), architect born in Skien
 * Vidkun Quisling (1887–1945), politician, collaborationist leader during World War II. Executed as a traitor, born in Fyresdal
 * Aslaug Vaa (1889–1965), author born in Rauland
 * Tarjei Vesaas (1897–1970), author born in Vinje
 * Anne Grimdalen (1899–1961), sculptor born in Skafså, Tokke
 * Eivind Groven (1901–1977), composer born in Lårdal, Tokke
 * Dyre Vaa (1903–1980), sculptor born in Vinje
 * Klaus Egge (1906–1979), composer born in Gransherad, Notodden
 * Gunnar Sønsteby, (1918–2012), war hero born in Rjukan, Tinn
 * Hans Herbjørnsrud (1938–), author born in Heddal, Notodden
 * Tor Åge Bringsværd (1939–), author born in Skien
 * Agnes Buen Garnås (1946–), musician born in Jondal
 * Kåre Nordstoga (1954–), musician born in Notodden
 * Bugge Wesseltoft (1964-), musician born in Porsgrunn
 * Gisle Kverndokk (1967–), composer born in Skien
 * Jørn Lande (1968–), hard rock / heavy metal singer born in Rjukan
 * Bård Tufte Johansen (1969–), comedian born in Skien
 * Odd Nordstoga (1972–), musician born in Vinje
 * Frode Johnsen (1974–), footballer born in Skien
 * Terje Haakonsen (1974–), snowboarder born in Vinje
 * Ihsahn (Vegard Sverre Tveitan) (1975–), black/extreme metal musician born in Notodden
 * Julie Bergan (1994-) Norwegian singer and songwriter born in Skien

Districts
The county is conventionally divided into traditional districts. Traditionally the county is mainly divided into Upper Telemark (historically called simply Telemark or more recently Telemark proper) and Grenland. Upper Telemark is sometimes subdivided into Vest-Telemark and Aust-Telemark. The name Lower Telemark traditionally refers to Grenland and Midt-Telemark, but was more of an administrative region than a cultural one. Regardless of definition, Upper Telemark constitutes the largest part by far. For example, the modern provostship of Upper Telemark comprises 12 municipalities and more than 80% of Telemark, also including Midt-Telemark.

An additional district, Vestmar is disputed. The district borders of this county are highly overlapping and to a certain extent undefined and/or disputed.

Cities

 * Brevik
 * Kragerø
 * Langesund
 * Notodden
 * Porsgrunn
 * Rjukan
 * Skien
 * Stathelle

Parishes

 * Atrå
 * Austbygdi
 * Bamble
 * Brevik
 * Brunkeberg
 * Bø
 * Dal
 * Drangedal
 * Eidanger
 * Eidsborg
 * Flatdal
 * Fyresdal
 * Gjerpen
 * Gransherad
 * Grungedal
 * Heddal
 * Helgen
 * Herre
 * Hitterdal, see Heddal
 * Hjartdal
 * Holla (Hollen)
 * Hovin
 * Hægland
 * Høydalsmo
 * Kilebygda
 * Kragerø
 * Kroken, see Drangedal
 * Kviteseid (Hvidesøe)
 * Old Kviteseid (Hvidesøe)
 * Langesund
 * Lisleherad (Lilleherred)
 * Lunde
 * Lårdal
 * Mo
 * Moland
 * Mæl
 * Mælum
 * Møsstrand
 * Nes
 * Nesland
 * Nissedal
 * Notodden
 * Our Lady of Good Counsel Church, Porsgrunn
 * Porsgrunn
 * Rauland
 * Rjukan
 * Sannidal (Sannikedal)
 * Saude
 * Sauherad (Saude)
 * Sauland
 * Seljord
 * Siljan
 * Skafså
 * Skien
 * Skåtøy
 * Slemdal, see Siljan
 * Solum
 * Stathelle
 * Tinn
 * Treungen
 * Tuddal
 * Tørdal (Tørrisdal)
 * Vestre Porsgrunn
 * Veum
 * Vinje
 * Vrådal
 * Ytre Flåbygd
 * Østre Porsgrunn
 * Øyfjell
 * Åmotsdal
 * Brevik Branch (LDS, 1852–1864)
 * Langesund Branch (LDS, 1852–1907)
 * Skien (Frie Apostoliske, 1856–1892)
 * Porsgrunn and Skien (Great Britain Consulate Birth Register, 1876–1891)
 * Kragerø (Great Britain Death Register), 1895

Villages

 * Akkerhaugen
 * Arabygdi
 * Austbygdi
 * Bjervamoen
 * Bolkesjø
 * Bostrak
 * Brevik
 * Brunkeberg
 * Bø
 * Dalen
 * Edland
 * Eidanger
 * Eidsborg
 * Eidstod
 * Flatdal
 * Folkestad
 * Gautefall
 * Gvarv
 * Haukeli
 * Heddal
 * Helle
 * Henneseid
 * Herre
 * Hjuksebø
 * Hjuksevelta
 * Holtsås
 * Hoppestad
 * Hovin
 * Høydalsmo
 * Jomfruland
 * Kil
 * Klovholt
 * Landsverk
 * Langangen
 * Lunde
 * Lårdal
 * Miland
 * Neslandsvatn
 * Nissedal
 * Nordagutu
 * Portør
 * Prestestranda
 * Rauland
 * Rudsgrendi
 * Sannidal
 * Sauland
 * Skotfoss
 * Skåtøy
 * Sneltvedt
 * Snurråsen
 * Tinnoset
 * Treungen
 * Tuddal
 * Tveitsund
 * Tørdal
 * Ulefoss
 * Vadfoss
 * Valebø
 * Vinjesvingen
 * Vrådal
 * Yli
 * Øyane
 * Øyfjell
 * Åfoss
 * Åmdals Verk
 * Åmotsdal

Former municipalities

 * Brevik
 * Bø
 * Eidanger
 * Gjerpen
 * Gransherad
 * Heddal
 * Holla
 * Hovin
 * Langesund
 * Lunde
 * Lårdal
 * Mo
 * Rauland
 * Sannidal
 * Sauherad
 * Skåtøy
 * Solum
 * Stathelle

title: Telemark


text:
Talk:Telemark

Goverment
I see that Sven Tore Løkslid is marked as "Country governor" this is wrong, given that the translation given to county governer is "fylkesmann" wich is not a political seat. He should be listed as "County mayor" (fylkesordfører"), and 	Gunn Marit Helgesen should be listed as "Vice-mayor". Don't know how to change this though — Preceding unsigned comment added by 84.202.6.230 (talk) 17:59, 8 October 2017 (UTC)

History
In the article about Telemark it is stated that "In the early Viking Age, before Harald Fairhair, Telemark was a petty kingdom".

This is unfounded, and, I believe, plain wrong, and should not be allowed to stand.

Aanon

 * Could be. Just remove it, or, better yet, replace with a less specific statement that prior to unification of the kingdom, several petty kingdoms and chiefdoms coexisted in the territory. I believe that Grenland was a one such chiefdom. //Big Adamsky 09:24, 21 January 2006 (UTC)

PD photos
Please add photos. PD photos may be found here. Which are best? Badagnani (talk) 22:52, 10 January 2009 (UTC)

External links modified
Hello fellow Wikipedians,

I have just modified one external link on Telemark. Please take a moment to review my edit. If you have any questions, or need the bot to ignore the links, or the page altogether, please visit this simple FaQ for additional information. I made the following changes:
 * Added tag to http://statbank.ssb.no/statistikkbanken/Default_FR.asp?PXSid=0&nvl=true&PLanguage=0&tilside=selecttable%2FhovedtabellHjem.asp&KortnavnWeb=folkfram
 * Added archive https://archive.is/20120716151336/http://statbank.ssb.no/statistikkbanken/Default_FR.asp?PXSid=0&nvl=true&PLanguage=0&tilside=selecttable/hovedtabellHjem.asp&KortnavnWeb=kirke_kostra to http://statbank.ssb.no/statistikkbanken/Default_FR.asp?PXSid=0&nvl=true&PLanguage=0&tilside=selecttable%2FhovedtabellHjem.asp&KortnavnWeb=kirke_kostra

When you have finished reviewing my changes, you may follow the instructions on the template below to fix any issues with the URLs.

Cheers.— InternetArchiveBot  (Report bug) 21:10, 6 December 2017 (UTC)

title: Talk:Telemark


text:
Man of Aran

Man of Aran is a 1934 Irish fictional documentary (ethnofiction) film shot, written and directed by Robert J. Flaherty about life on the Aran Islands off the western coast of Ireland. It portrays characters living in premodern conditions, documenting their daily routines such as fishing off high cliffs, farming potatoes where there is little soil, and hunting for huge basking sharks to get liver oil for lamps. Some situations are fabricated, such as one scene in which the shark fishermen are almost lost at sea in a sudden gale. Additionally, the family members shown are not actually related, having been chosen from among the islanders for their photogenic qualities.

George C. Stoney's 1978 documentary How the Myth was Made, which is included in the special features of the DVD, relates that the Aran Islanders had not hunted sharks in this way for over fifty years at the time the film was made. Man of Aran is Flaherty's recreation of culture on the edges of modern society, even though much of the primitive life depicted had been left behind by the 1930s. It is impressive, however, for its drama, for its spectacular cinematography of landscape and seascape, and for its concise editing.

Synopsis
Man has to fight for his existence in the Aran Islands. Three men, among them "A Man of Aran", land a flimsy currach in the midst of high winds and huge waves with help from "His Wife" and "Their Son". The Man and his Wife work to make a field on the barren rocks using seaweed and soil scraped out of rock crevices. The Man fixes a hole in his boat with a mixture of cloth and tar. His Son sits on the edge of a cliff and uses a crab he caught earlier as bait to catch a fish in the water below.

The Man, working with four other fishermen in a slightly larger boat than before, harpoons a giant basking shark. They lose that one after a fight and later spend two days wearing another one down before they can bring it back to shore. The whole village comes down to the beach to either watch or to help drag the carcass out of the water. The Wife renders the shark's liver to get oil for the lamps on the island.

More sharks are still passing by on their migration, so the local fishermen head back out to sea, even though the weather looks like it might turn. No one will take the Son with them. There is a storm, and the Wife and Son can only watch from shore while the Man and his two shipmates struggle to get their boat to land safely against the elements. Everyone is reunited, but the Man's boat is crushed by the waves and rocks. The family turns and makes their way back to their cottage.

Cast

 * Colman 'Tiger' King as A Man of Aran
 * Maggie Dirrane as His Wife
 * Michael Dirrane as Their Son
 * Pat Mullen as Shark Hunter
 * Patch 'Red Beard' Ruadh as Shark Hunter
 * Patcheen Faherty as Shark Hunter
 * Tommy O'Rourke as Shark Hunter
 * 'Big Patcheen' Conneely of the West as Canoeman
 * Stephen Dirrane as Canoeman
 * Pat McDonough as Canoeman

Production
Stung by criticism that British films were flaccid imitations of those being produced in Hollywood, Michael Balcon of Gaumont British hired the acclaimed writer/director Robert Flaherty and his wife Frances (Nanook of the North (1922), Moana (1926), Elephant Boy (1937), The Land (1942), Louisiana Story (1948)) to prove the British film industry's cultural excellence as well as commercial success. In 1931, Robert Flaherty set up a studio and laboratory facilities on Inishmore, the largest of the three Aran Islands. Flaherty had promised Balcon he could shoot the entire film for £10,000. Over the next two years, he shot over 200,000 feet of film for a 74-minute documentary, oftentimes filming the same event time after time. As Flaherty says, "our films are made with film and time, I need lots of both." Balcon eventually called a halt to filming as the costs approached £40,000.

Like most 1930s documentaries, Man of Aran was shot as a silent film. The intermittent voices, the sound effects, and music are only accompaniments to the visuals and not considered integral to the production. Paul Rotha in Documentary Film says, "Man of Aran avoided all important issues raised by sound".

Flaherty continued to experiment with cinematography especially the long focal lens that he first used in Nanook. He used a variety of lens sizes, even a seventeen-inch long lens, which was twice the size of the camera. He used a spring driven camera that "was simpler in operation than any I have seen and not much heavier to carry than a portable typewriter".

Release and initial reception
On 25 April 1934, Man of Aran premiered at the New Gallery in London. The screening had been preceded by a major publicity drive. A stuffed basking shark was put on display in the window of Gaumont British in Wardour Street, and Irish Guards played Irish folk music in the theater foyer on the first night. The islanders were brought over from Aran and paraded before the press and public in their simple homespun island garb. Man of Aran won top prize for the best foreign film at the 2nd Venice International Film Festival, the Mussolini Cup. During the first six months of its release the film grossed about £50,000; many films had grossed more, but according to Michael Balcon it brought Gaumont British the prestige he wanted.

When it opened in Dublin on 6 May 1934, Man of Aran was a major political and cultural event to the nascent Irish Free State and was attended by the President of the Executive Council, Éamon de Valera. The Irish government saw it as confirmation of their social and economic policies and so enthusiastically received the film. Man of Aran suited Fianna Fáil, as it encouraged an image of Ireland that was fiercely traditional, definitively rural, and resilient in the face of hardship.

The film's depiction of man's courage and repudiation of the intellect also appealed to the Nazis, who raved over it during the Berlin Festival in 1935. As Luke Gibbons has written, this portrayal of the harsh life on the west coast of Ireland was often taken to heart by those who viewed it.

Some critics believed Man of Aran socially irrelevant. Instead of returning with a film about Island poverty and an indictment of the absentee landlord, they claim Flaherty brought back a film about dewy-eyed urchins. Grierson argues that Flaherty's 'NeoRousseauism', the glorification of a simpler and more primitive way of life, meant he could not develop a form adequate to the more immediate material in the modern world. Paul Rotha faulted Man of Aran for its alleged avoidance of economic and social reality. At the time of Man of Aran's release, socialist critic Ralph Bond commented “…we are more concerned with what Flaherty has left out than with what he has put in…Flaherty would have us believe that there is no class struggle on Aran despite ample evidence to the contrary". It is claimed that Flaherty ignored the effects of such worldwide events as the depression of the 1930s, suggesting to the audience that the Aran Islands were isolated economically as they were geographically.

Subsequent analysis and criticism
The current reputation of Man of Aran rests as much on controversies over truth and accuracy as on its aesthetic achievement. Some contend that Man of Aran is more valuable as a documentary of Robert Flaherty's vision of life than it is of life itself. Others see it as a betrayal of documentary's mission, "to tell it like it is". And yet, according to Richard Barsam, Flaherty is one of the great innovators of the documentary form...creating a nonfiction genre all of his own.

According to anthropologist John Messenger, there are over 100 factual errors in the film. Among the more notable is the shark-hunting sequence, which dominates the latter half of the story. Kimball says this practice had disappeared so long ago that the islanders did not know how to make or use the harpoons and had to be taught the skills of the hunt. Messenger, who visited Islands between 1958 and 1968, goes further, claiming that the islanders never had engaged in shark hunting then, or at any time in the past. Flaherty brought fishermen from Scotland to teach the locals how it is done. "Flaherty...created new customs, such as shark fishing, and seriously distorted numerous indigenous ones in order to make the Man of Aran fit his preconceptions and titillate the camera". Flaherty himself admits the shark fishing sequence was needed for the box-office.

However, the claim is not correct as whale and shark fishing were both known to occur and commercially viable operations up until a few years prior to the filming. Arranmore Whaling Co., 1908–1913; Blacksod Whaling Co., 1910–1914; and Akties Nordhavet Co.(Northern Seas)/Blacksod Whaling Co 1920–1922, may be adduced as evidence that it was a few years and not the hundreds claimed by some critiques. Only 11 years prior to filming, whaling was occurring on a commercial scale.

Other claims and controversies include the artificial creating of the Aran family out of unrelated cast members. They were handpicked by Flaherty to play the roles of mother, father, and son. In another sequence, Flaherty shows the mother buffeted by a storm as she carries seaweed along the Inishmore cliffs. What appears to be a traditional activity carried out by Aran women is a fabrication.The seaweed is collected for fertilization and is gathered from the low-lying shores twice per month, and only when the tides are absolutely calm. And Kimball points out that religion, which is rooted in the islanders lives, even among the locally recruited actors, is entirely absent. Flaherty also exposed the islanders to great risk, asking them to perform the most astonishing feats in stormy seas despite the fact none of the islanders could swim. As Flaherty says, "looking back I should have been shot for what I asked these superb people to do for the film...for the enormous risks...and all for the sake of a keg of porter and five pound a piece".

The full extent of Man of Aran's artifices was revealed at the 1978 Ethnographic Film Conference in Canberra, Australia. The conference had gathered, in part, to praise direct cinema which, in contrast to the classic tradition, promised a new level of realistic interpretation. This new form swept away staging and reconstruction to present a more accurate picture of the world. The debate was touched off by a screening of Flaherty’s Man of Aran followed by George Stoney’s just completed documentary exploration of Robert Flaherty’s Man of Aran, How the Myth Was Made, and the resulting exchange was "tumultuous". As James Roy MacBean says: "While appreciative of Flaherty’s poetic imagery [George Stoney] had popped the lid off all the distortions and omissions in Flaherty’s highly romanticized depiction of life on the Aran Islands". At the time, Stoney’s revelatory documentary had left many at the conference incensed at what they now saw as Flaherty’s blatant falsification of the life he had been purported to be documenting.

According to Barsam, "Flaherty’s subjective view of reality – his making it all up – has a romantic basis, idealizing the simple, natural even non-existent life". He argues that even though Flaherty habitually transforms reality, his essential achievement is that of the realist filmmaker. The idea of Flaherty as Romantic is shared by Aufderheide: "Flaherty had a powerful romantic belief in the purity of native cultures and he believed that his own culture was spiritually impoverished by comparison". Taken to the extreme, this approach makes no attempt to capture reality but create a romanticized picture of it: "The tragedy is that, being a poet, with a poet's eye, Flaherty’s lie is greater, for he can make romance seem real".

Aufderheide says, "documentary movies are about real life: they are not real life they are not even windows onto real life. They are portraits of real life, using real life as their raw material...You might then say: [a documentary] is a movie that does its best to represent real life and that doesn’t manipulate it...and yet, there is no way to make a film without manipulating the information. As Flaherty acknowledges, "one often has to distort a thing to catch its true spirit". How much a documentarian can manipulate and still credibly claim their film to be a truthful portrayal of real life "is a never-ending discussion with many answers".

Despite these controversies, Flaherty remains a pioneer of the documentary whose films are situated in a class of their own within the documentary genre. Kimball argues that Man of Aran never was intended to be an ethnographic documentary film. As he explains, "in a cosmic anthropological sense it could be counted as an artistic rendition of the struggle of man against nature". Flaherty had immersed himself in the culture to tell the essence of the truth about the Islanders, "[and] for this reason ethnographic accuracy is an unimportant consideration when the larger goal is some fundamental aspect of mankind". In Stoney’s film How the Myth Was Made, John Goldman, the editor on Man of Aran, is emphatic, "it was not a documentary, it was not intended to be a documentary...it was a piece of poetry". McNab calls it "not so much a conventional documentary as a poetic meditation". Arthur Calder-Marshall explains, "Flaherty wasn’t interested in actuality, he was interested in his own idea of life". If the film was intended to be a poetic statement instead of a factual documentary, one has no right to treat it as an ethnographic film now. Barsam asks, is it unreasonable for the artist to distill life over a period of time and deliver only the essence of it? Seen as the story of mankind over a thousand years, the story of Aran is this story of man against the sea...It is a simple story, but it is an essential story, for nothing emerges from time except bravery. Calder-Marshall suggests the controversies over Man of Aran could have been avoided if [Flaherty] had had a publicity adviser, someone as verbally agile as Grierson, who had made it publicly plain that Man of Aran was not a 'document' but an ‘eclogue’ – a pastoral and marine poem.

Brian Winston cautions against unconditionally praising Flaherty's poetic talent. He argues we have to acknowledge his manipulations and distortions because that is at the heart of understanding both his genius and his contribution to the documentary form. What Flaherty grasped was not only our desire for drama, but that it should arise from the life being observed and not imposed from without. By using drama and reconstruction, Flaherty created a unique form of documentary, which thrives between "a life as lived and life as narrativised".

Artistic legacy
Richard Leacock, who went to school with Flaherty's daughters and later worked as the cinematographer on Louisiana Story, says that Flaherty taught him to concentrate on finding images: "You look, you search. You think of the image not merely as a way of showing something but also as a way of withholding information, of creating tension in the viewer. Of not revealing too much. Of seeing things with different perspectives by using different focal-length lenses". Flaherty says he owes almost everything to these long lenses and with them captured some of the most memorable sea footage ever recorded. Corliss says Man of Aran was very different from his earlier work, “…the chiaroscuro compositions, charcoal rock, black-clad figures against a gray sky, are light-years removed from the natural grandeur of Nanook of the North or the easy elegance of Moana. Corliss suggests there are enough similarities between Flaherty and John Ford, Chaplin, Borzage, even Disney that place him firmly in a tradition of the romantic visionary American. Winston sees the influence of Flaherty in Leni Riefenstahl films, arguing that her aesthetics of manipulation owed much to his pioneering work. McLoon goes further, suggesting "the cult of beauty, and fetishism of courage" in Man of Aran are the tropes of Fascism. He goes on to exonerate Flaherty of any Nazi connection saying "it is a measure of the apolitical nature of Flaherty’s vision that he was unaware of this problem inherent in his nineteenth-century primitive sensibility".

The Cripple of Inishmaan (1996) by Martin McDonagh is a play set on the Aran Islands at the time of the filming of Man of Aran.

The UK rock band Sea Power were asked to record a new soundtrack for the film's 2009 DVD release, performing the score at a series of live events in the UK including one accompanying the film itself at the British Film Institute.

Flaherty's legacy is the subject of the 2010 British Universities Film & Video Council award-winning and FOCAL International award-nominated documentary A Boatload of Wild Irishmen (so named because, after the staged climactic sequence of Man of Aran, Flaherty said he'd been accused of "trying to drown a boatload of wild Irishmen"), written by Professor Brian Winston of University of Lincoln, UK, and directed by Mac Dara Ó Curraidhín.

title: Man of Aran


text:
Tribalism

Tribalism is the state of being organized by, or advocating for, tribes or tribal lifestyles. Human evolution has primarily occurred in small hunter-gatherer groups, as opposed to in larger and more recently settled agricultural societies or civilizations. With a negative connotation and in a political context, tribalism can also mean discriminatory behavior or attitudes towards out-groups, based on in-group loyalty.

Definition
The word "tribe" can be defined to mean an extended kin group or clan with a common ancestor, or can also be described as a group who share the common interest of mutual survival and preservation of a common culture. The proverb "birds of a feather flock together" describes homophily, the human tendency to form friendship networks with people of similar occupations, interests, and habits. Some tribes can be located in geographically proximate areas, like villages or bands, and although telecommunications in theory could enable groups of people to form tribe-like communities, digital tribes and social networking websites are not quite tribes in that they do not inherently provide the mutual survival of both the individual members of the tribe and for the tribe itself, as tribes do.

In terms of conformity, the word "tribalism" has been co-opted and stripped of its original meaning, and has been defined as a "subjectivity" or "way of being" social frame in which communities are bound socially beyond immediate birth ties by the dominance of various modalities of face-to-face and object integration. Ontologically, tribalism is oriented around the valences of analogy, genealogy and mythology. That means that customary tribes have their social foundations in some variation of these tribal orientations, while often taking on traditional practices (e.g. Abrahamic religions such as Christianity, Judaism, and Islam), and modern practices, including monetary exchange, mobile communications, and modern education.

Tribalism in a political sense refers to the strong political solidarity typical of post-truth politics.

Social structure
The social structure of a tribe can vary greatly from case to case. The relatively small size of customary tribes results in a social life which usually involve a relatively few significant political or economic distinctions between individuals. As a result, social hierarchy is uncommon, and deep bonds are made between individual members.

A tribe often refers to itself using its own language's word for "people", and refers to other, neighboring tribes with various words to distinguish them as other. For example, the term "Inuit" translates to "people".

Types
Tribalism implies the possession of a strong cultural or ethnic identity that separates one member of a group from the members of another group. Based on strong relations of proximity and kinship, as well as relations based on the mutual survival of both the individual members of the tribe and for the tribe itself, members of a tribe tend to possess a strong feeling of identity. Objectively, for a customary tribal society to form there needs to be ongoing customary organization, inquiry, and exchange. However, intense feelings of common identity can lead people to feel tribally connected.

The distinction between these two definitions of tribalism, objective and subjective, is an important one because while tribal societies have been pushed to the edges of the Western world, tribalism, by the second definition, is arguably undiminished. A few writers have postulated that the human brain is hard-wired towards tribalism, but that claim is usually linked to equating original questions of sociality with tribalism.

Concept evolution
Tribalism has a very adaptive effect in human evolution. Humans are social animals and ill-equipped to live on their own. Tribalism and social bonding help to keep individuals committed to the group, even when personal relations may fray. That keeps individuals from wandering off or joining other groups. It also leads to bullying when a tribal member is unwilling to conform to the politics of the collective.

Some scholars argue that inclusive fitness in humans involves kin selection and kin altruism, in which groups of an extended family with shared genes help others with similar genes, based on their coefficient of relationship (the amount of genes they have in common). Other scholars argue that fictive kinship is common in human organizations, allowing non-kin members to collaborate in groups like fraternities.

Socially, divisions between groups fosters specialized interactions with others, based on association: altruism (positive interactions with unrelated members), kin-selectivity (positive interactions with related members) and violence (negative interactions). Thus, groups with a strong sense of unity and identity can benefit from kin selection behaviour such as common property and shared resources. The tendencies of members to unite against an outside tribe and the ability to act violently and prejudicially against that outside tribe likely boosted the chances of survival in genocidal conflicts.

Modern examples of tribal genocide rarely reflect the defining characteristics of tribes existing prior to the Neolithic Revolution; for example, small population and close-relatedness.

According to a study by Robin Dunbar at the University of Liverpool, social group size is determined by primate brain size. Dunbar's conclusion was that most human brains can really understand only an average of 150 individuals as fully developed, complex people. That is known as Dunbar's number. In contrast, anthropologist H. Russell Bernard and Peter Killworth have done a variety of field studies in the United States that came up with an estimated mean number of ties, 290, roughly double Dunbar's estimate. The Bernard–Killworth median of 231 is lower because of upward straggle in the distribution, but it is still appreciably larger than Dunbar's estimate.

Malcolm Gladwell expanded on this conclusion sociologically in his book, The Tipping Point, where members of one of his types, Connectors, were successful by their larger-than-average number of close friendships and capacity for maintaining them, which tie together otherwise-unconnected social groups. According to such studies, then, "tribalism" is a hard-to-escape fact of human neurology simply because many human brains are not adapted to working with large populations. Once a person's limit for connection is reached, the human brain resorts to some combination of hierarchical schemes, stereotypes and other simplified models to understand so many people.

Negative outcomes
Anthropologists engage in ongoing debate on the phenomenon of warfare among tribes. While fighting typically and certainly occurs among horticultural tribes, an open question remains whether such warfare is a typical feature of hunter-gatherer life or is an anomaly found only in certain circumstances, such as scarce resources (as with the Inuit or Arabs) or only among food-producing societies.

Certain tribes use forms of subsistence such as horticulture and foraging that cannot yield the same number of absolute calories as agriculture. Those subsistance methods thus limit those tribal populations significantly, especially when compared to agricultural populations. Jesse Mathis writes in War Before Civilization that examples exist with low percentage rates of casualties in tribal battle, and some tribal battles were much more lethal as a percentage of population than, for example, the Battle of Gettysburg. He concludes that no evidence consistently indicates that primitive battles are proportionately less lethal than civilized ones.

The realistic conflict theory is a model of intergroup conflict, arguing that in a real or perceived zero-sum system, conflicts arise over shared interests for finite resources. The 1954 Robbers Cave experiment involved researchers putting 12-year-old boys into groups, where they formed their own ingroups, before then developing hostility and negativity towards the other group during simulated conflict over finite resources in a zero-sum game.

Criticism
Various authors, such as Aidan Southall, have attacked the notion of tribe as a tool of colonial ideology, and identified modern tribalism as a product of colonial governance in Africa. The Africa Policy Information Center describes the term, and tribalism in particular as a byword for ethnic strife, as invoking negative stereotypes of Africa as a land of primitive and territorial peoples.

An April, 2021 article published in The Journal of Hospital Medicine titled "Tribalism: The Good, The Bad, and The Future" by Zahir Kanjee and Leslie Bilello of Harvard Medical School was retracted due to protest from readers over the use of the terms tribe and tribalism. The article was then republished with the title "Leadership and Professional Development: Specialty Silos in Medicine" along with an apology from the editor-in-chief. The revised version of the article substituted the terms groups and medical specialties for tribes, and siloed and factional for tribalism.

title: Tribalism


text:
Humanitarianism

Humanitarianism is an ideology centered on the value of human life, whereby humans practice benevolent treatment and provide assistance to other humans to reduce suffering and improve the conditions of humanity for moral, altruistic, and emotional reasons.

One aspect involves voluntary emergency aid overlapping with human rights advocacy, actions taken by governments, development assistance, and domestic philanthropy. Other critical issues include correlation with religious beliefs, motivation of aid between altruism, market affinity, social control imperialism and neo-colonialism, gender and class relations, and humanitarian agencies. A practitioner is known as a humanitarian.

While humanitarianism on a local and national level can be traced far back in history, scholars of international politics tend to identify the advent of global humanitarian impulses to the 19th century. The creation of the International Red Cross in 1863 is considered a key juncture in global humanitarianism. The scope of humanitarianism has expanded over time alongside shifting perceptions of who counts as "human" and whose lives are worth saving.

A universal doctrine
Scholars have generally observed that humanitarianism has increased in scope over time, as individuals and groups have expanded their definition of human life to groups beyond their immediate environment. Humanitarian governance has become increasingly complex and institutionalized over time.

Jean Pictet, in his commentary on The Fundamental Principles of the Red Cross, argues for the universal characteristics of humanitarianism:
 * The wellspring of the principle of humanity is in the essence of social morality which can be summed up in a single sentence, Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them. This fundamental precept can be found, in almost identical form, in all the great religions, Brahminism, Buddhism, Christianity, Confucianism, Islam, Judaism and Taoism. It is also the golden rule of the positivists, who do not commit themselves to any religion but only to the data of experience, in the name of reason alone. It is indeed not at all necessary to resort to affective or transcendental concepts to recognize the advantage for men to work together to improve their lot.

Historical examples and periodization
Humanitarianism was publicly seen in the social reforms of the late 1800s and early 1900s, following the economic turmoil of the Industrial Revolution in England. Many of the women in Great Britain who were involved with feminism during the 1900s also pushed humanitarianism. The atrocious hours and working conditions of children and unskilled laborers were made illegal by pressure on Parliament by humanitarians. The Factory Act of 1833 and the Factory Act of 1844 were some of the most significant humanitarian bills passed in Parliament following the Industrial Revolution.

In the middle of the 19th century, humanitarianism was central to the work of Florence Nightingale and Henry Dunant in emergency response and in the latter case led to the founding of the Red Cross.

The Humanitarian League (1891–1919) was an English advocacy group, formed by Henry S. Salt, which sought to advance the humanitarian cause.

Various suggestions of distinct periods of humanitarianism exist, drawing either on geopolitical or socioeconomic factors that determine humanitarian action. The first approach is exemplified by Michael Barnett's proposition to distinguish ages of "imperial humanitarianism" (late 19th century to 1945), "neo-humanitarianism" (1945–1989), and "liberal humanitarianism" (post-1990). Norbert Götz, Georgina Brewis, and Steffen Werther are advocates of the socioeconomic and cultural approach, arguing that there have been ages of "ad hoc humanitarianism" (up to c. 1900), "organized humanitarianism" (c. 1900–1970), and "expressive humanitarianism" (since 1970). They suggest we might currently be entering "a novel kind of defensive humanitarianism with roots in the expressive age, with automated interfaces, and with thick 'firewalls' between donors and recipients." However, a neat separation between donor and recipient is conventionally difficult to draw. The employment of 'local staff', the active call for help from people in need and the surge in local humanitarian organizations all suggest the intimate relation between donor and recipient.

Emergency response
Today, humanitarianism is particularly used to describe the thinking and doctrines behind the emergency response to humanitarian crises. In such cases it argues for a humanitarian response based on humanitarian principles, particularly the principle of humanity. Nicholas de Torrente, former Executive Director of Médecins Sans Frontières USA writes:

"The most important principles of humanitarian action are humanity, neutrality, independence and impartiality, which posits the conviction that all people have equal dignity by virtue of their being human based solely on need, without discrimination among recipients. Humanitarian organizations must refrain from taking part in hostilities or taking actions that advantage one side of the conflict over another, the action serves the interests of political, religious, or other agendas.

These fundamental principles serve two essential purposes. They embody humanitarian action’s single-minded purpose of alleviating suffering, unconditionally and without any ulterior motive. They also serve as background document to develop operational tools that help in obtaining both the consent of communities for the presence and activities of humanitarian organizations, particularly in highly volatile contexts."

Digital humanitarianism
In 2005, a question was raised as to whether Wikipedia can be seen as digital humanitarianism.

Patrick Meier used the term 'digital humanitarianism' to describe crowdmapping for the 2010 Haiti earthquake. In 2011, Paul Conneally gave a TED talk on digital humanitarianism in which he states that humanitarianism's "origins are firmly rooted in the analogue age" with "a major shift coming". In 2015 he authored the book Digital Humanitarians: How Big Data Is Changing the Face of Humanitarian Response.

Vincent Fevrier notes that "social media can benefit the humanitarian sector... by providing information to give better situational awareness to organisations for broad strategic planning and logistics" and that "crisis mapping really emerged in 2010 during the Haiti earthquake" with "software and digital humanitarian platforms such as Standby Task Force, OpenStreetMap, and many others" being active during many disasters since then.

In fact, the role of social media in digital humanitarian efforts is a considerable one. Ten days after the 2010 earthquake, the "Hope for Haiti Now" telethon event was launched in the United States, effectively taking over the mediasphere and reaching hundreds of millions of households and viewers. It focused on appealing to the viewing public's empathy for the survivors of the disaster, allowing ordinary citizens to help in a collective relief effort by contributing money donations to NGOs providing Humanitarian aid to earthquake survivors. The telethon attracted support through a variety of celebrity musical performances and staged calls for empathy, using digital social networks to disseminate its appeal to the moral responsibility of the viewer-consumers who are able to reinforce identification with a national identity of the American 'savior' through participation in this Humanitarian project.

During the summer of 2010, when open fires raged across Russia, causing many to die from smog inhalation, the use of social media allowed digital humanitarians to map the areas in need of support. This is because Russians who were hoping to be evacuated were posting online about the conditions they were in which prompted thousands of Russian bloggers to coordinate relief efforts online. The digital humanitarian efforts in Russia were crucial to responding to the fires in 2010 considering the Russian government was vastly unprepared to deal with such a large-scale disaster.

Within digital humanitarianism, big data has featured strongly in efforts to improve digital humanitarian work and produces a limited understanding of how a crisis is unfolding. It has been argued that Big Data is constitutive of a social relation in which digital humanitarians claim both the formal humanitarian sector and victims of crises need the services and labor that can be provided by digital humanitarians.

Examples of humanitarianism
Examples of humanitarianism can include: Raising Funds for people in need
 * Medical aid
 * Livelihood assistance and financing
 * Refugee care
 * Education
 * Climate change and environment Protection
 * Protection of human rights and gender based violence
 * Food and water supply
 * Providing shelter

title: Humanitarianism


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User talk:Librarian

Hello and Welcome! I hope you like the place. --mav

-I believe Anarchaos (the novelette) by Donald E. Westlake should be required reading for all people wishing to start wikipedias. the librarian

Never having read the Lewinsky scandal article in its previous form, all I can say is that it's looking pretty good at the moment. As someone who went out of her way to avoid reading about it or watching it on the news at the time, the article tells me everything I need to know, in a concise and logical manner. Congratulations on whatever bits are your work. (By the way, did you know you've spelled "accurate" wrongly on your user page?) Deb 22:00 Jan 30, 2003 (UTC)

-Thanks! Speling corrected! That's a quote btw, but I assume completely my transcription typo. -I was allegedly working on a novel during the Impeachment proceedings (and subsequent kosovo war), but in fact I watched 80% of the hearings and read most of the documents, and took notes. It was kind of appalling the way almost every single participant (except perhaps Rehnquist) came off looking bad. Even people who were adopting an arguably correct position would betray that they were doing it for partisan reasons. -I am expecting it to be seriously vandalized by partisan entities in the future since Google.com seems to be the standard of research here and for every arguably impartial depiction of the topic there are several thousand of one partisan slant or another. Though the scholarly literature has a better ratio of bullshit to thought, partisan feelings run deep and non-scientific scholarship is usually POV (it's considered a virtue in most fields to argue a position). -the librarian

In ref. to Religious persecution
The article you created lacks sources. Would you cite authoritative sources in the particular article? Regards, -- Andy123  (talk) 12:59, 28 April 2006 (UTC)

Proposed deletion of Higher-order control

The article Higher-order control has been proposed for deletion  because of the following concern:
 * Original Research, a quick search for references yielded information about Higher-order languages and Higher-order motor control

While all contributions to Wikipedia are appreciated, content or articles may be deleted for any of several reasons.

You may prevent the proposed deletion by removing the notice, but please explain why in your edit summary or on the article's talk page.

Please consider improving the article to address the issues raised. Removing will stop the proposed deletion process, but other deletion processes exist. The speedy deletion process can result in deletion without discussion, and articles for deletion allows discussion to reach consensus for deletion. Ryan Vesey (talk) 21:12, 3 June 2011 (UTC)

Proposed deletion of First-order control

The article First-order control has been proposed for deletion  because of the following concern:
 * Original research, there is also a PROD on Higher-order Control

While all contributions to Wikipedia are appreciated, content or articles may be deleted for any of several reasons.

You may prevent the proposed deletion by removing the notice, but please explain why in your edit summary or on the article's talk page.

Please consider improving the article to address the issues raised. Removing will stop the proposed deletion process, but other deletion processes exist. The speedy deletion process can result in deletion without discussion, and articles for deletion allows discussion to reach consensus for deletion. Ryan Vesey (talk) 21:13, 3 June 2011 (UTC)

Status and Advice
As reviewing administrator, I removed to proposed deletion tag from both articles. They do not sound aty all like original research, just standard concepts, that need to be expanded and documented. They do need considerable improvement to be   acceptable articles. First, an article must be more than a definition--it needs to be an explanation. Then, the explanation must be accompanied and supported by references providing substantial coverage from 3rd party independent published reliable sources, print or online, but not blogs or press releases, or material derived from press releases.

It seems however probable to me that this material is already covered in some of our more general articles on the subject. If it is covered adequately there, considering turning this article into a Redirect to the appropriate section--if you have problems with this, I can assist. If it could go in an existing article, but the treatment is not adequate, use this material--and references--to expand the material in the larger article, abd use the existing title as a redirect.

However you decide to handle it, I advise you to fix the problem, and do this very quickly, before the article gets nominated for deletion by a regular deletion process.

 DGG ( talk ) 22:08, 3 June 2011 (UTC)

The Wikipedia Library now offering accounts from Cochrane Collaboration (sign up!)
The Wikipedia Library gets Wikipedia editors free access to reliable sources that are behind paywalls. Because you are signed on as a medical editor, I thought you'd want to know about our most recent donation from Cochrane Collaboration. Cheers, Ocaasit | c 20:28, 16 June 2013 (UTC)
 * Cochrane Collaboration is an independent medical nonprofit organization that conducts systematic reviews of randomized controlled trials of health-care interventions, which it then publishes in the Cochrane Library.
 * Cochrane has generously agreed to give free, full-access accounts to 100 medical editors. Individual access would otherwise cost between $300 and $800 per account.
 * If you are still active as a medical editor, come and sign up :)

title: User talk:Librarian


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Sondre Norheim

Sondre Norheim, born Sondre Auverson, (10 June 1825 – 9 March 1897) was a Norwegian skier and pioneer of modern skiing. Sondre Norheim is known as the father of Telemark skiing.

Background
Sondre Auverson was born at Øverbø, a little cotter's farm and raised in Morgedal in the municipality of Kviteseid in Telemark, Norway. Skiing was a popular activity in Morgedal. Sondre took to downhill skiing as a recreational activity, rising to local fame for his skills. He made important innovations in skiing technology by designing new equipment, such as different bindings and shorter skis with curved sides to facilitate turns. He also designed the Telemark ski, which is the prototype of all those now produced. Sondre Norheim was regarded by his contemporaries as a master of the art of skiing. He combined ordinary skiing with jumping and slalom. In 1868 he won the first national skiing competition in Christiania, beating his younger competitors by a large margin. His reputation grew, and eventually made Norwegian words like ski and slalåm (slalom) known worldwide.

Personal life
On 15 January 1854 Sondre Norheim married Rannei Åmundsdotter from a cotter's farm at Øyfjell, a neighbouring village. In March 1854 their first daughter, Ingerid, was born. The next year little Hæge came, but she died at 15 weeks old. The next year Olav was born, and then another daughter they called Hæge, then Anne, Auver, Åmund and Talleiv. Sondre and Rannei lost a second child when Auver died at age 12. The family moved around to different places in Morgedal. Their last place was called "Norheim", which Sondre took as a new family name.

Emigration
On 30 May 1884 Sondre and Rannei left Norway together with three of their children–  Anne (21), Åmund (14) and Talleiv (12). Their son Olav and daughter Hæge had left home previously, and their eldest daughter Ingerid decided to stay back home. Norheim followed in the footsteps of many of his neighbors in Morgedal and emigrated from Norway to the United States. After having first settled in Minnesota, they moved to North Dakota, near Villard in McHenry County. He continued to ski when he could, though the climate and flat topography of the Dakota prairie offered few opportunities for downhill skiing. It was said he always had a pair of skis placed outside his door. Norheim grew more religious with age and helped build a Lutheran church in Villard. He died in 1897 and was buried in Denbigh, McHenry County, North Dakota.

Legacy
Sondre Norheim was honored during opening ceremonies at the 1952 Winter Olympics in Oslo, at the 1960 Winter Olympics in Squaw Valley, California and at the 1994 Winter Olympics in Lillehammer, Norway. His grave was originally unmarked, but a memorial stone now marks its spot. During the week of Norsk Høstfest, held in Minot, N.D., groups visit the grave site and hold a commemorative service in memory of Sondre Norheim.

The movie, Frikaren på ski – The history of Sondre Norheim, the Father of Modern Ski Sport was produced by NRK in 1970. In 1984, Norheim was inducted into the Scandinavian-American Hall of Fame as the first class of inductees. A statue of Sondre Norheim by Norwegian sculptor Knut Skinnarland (1909-1993) was unveiled in 1987 in the Scandinavian Heritage Park, in Minot, North Dakota. During 1988, an identical statue was unveiled in Morgedal, Norway by King Olav V. During 1993, the Sondre Norheim Eternal Flame Monument was added to the Scandinavian Heritage Park. Lars Berge Haugan, a skier representing Morgedal, lit the flame.

Ski jumping world record
Set on the first ever official ski jumping competition.

title: Sondre Norheim


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Slalom

To slalom is to zigzag between obstacles. It may refer to:

Sports

 * Alpine skiing and/or snowboarding
 * Slalom skiing, an alpine skiing and alpine snowboarding discipline
 * Giant slalom, an alpine skiing and alpine snowboarding discipline
 * Super-G or Super Giant slalom, a racing discipline of alpine skiing

 * Other
 * Autoslalom or autocross, for automobiles
 * Canoe slalom, for kayak or canoe, formerly known as whitewater slalom
 * Dual slalom, for mountain bikes
 * Freestyle slalom skating, roller skating that involves performing tricks around a line of cones
 * Slalom skateboarding, a form of downhill skateboard racing
 * Slalom waterskiing, a surface water sport

Other

 * Slalom (video game), 1987 Nintendo skiing game
 * Slalom (1965 film), an Italian film
 * Slalom (2020 film), a Franco-Belgian film
 * Slalom Consulting, a business and technology consulting firm
 * Slalom (album), an album by Jane Ira Bloom

title: Slalom


text:
User:Synthetik

& de:Benutzer:Synthetik fr:Utilisateur:Synthetik

Toolbox

Currently working on

 * The Sharp Zaurus model table trying to find as much information on all Zaurii produced.
 * Prefectures of Japan and the pages for each Japanese prefecture see: WikiProject Japanese prefectures.

Areas of Interest

 * Geography
 * Prefectures of Japan

 * Cooking
 * Japanese cuisine
 * Swiss cuisine

 * Computing
 * Linux
 * Open source

Research projects
Topics that I'm presently gathering data for.

 * Japanese cuisine
 * Okonomiyaki: history, variations
 * Bento: general information
 * Miso: history, types, production, ingredients
 * Dashi: types
 * Sushi: types and classifications
 * Ponzu: usage, history
 * Gyoza: link up with the Chinese original, ingredients
 * Nabemono: classification
 * Tempura: origin
 * Teriyaki: everything
 * Teppanyaki: everything
 * Mirin: everything
 * Tsukemono: everything

 * Swiss cuisine
 * Röschti: everything
 * Swiss cheese
 * Gruyere: better profile
 * Emmentaler: everything
 * Sbrinz: everything

Disclaimer
My contributions to Japanese cuisine are based on a Japanese bent angle (Japan is my current country of residence). The same is true for the Swiss topics which will have a Swiss slant to it (Switzerland is where I grew up).

title: User:Synthetik