text:
Talk:Agricultural policy

5/19 BIG edits
I started a big re-work of the article. I added a wiki-standard article, and tried to make other sections more closely conform to wiki style. Feco 22:17, 19 May 2005 (UTC)

 * I think the structure of the article is a lot better now... it has room for expansion in ag policy areas. There is still a lot of need for cleanup... some of the sections are long and rambling... I consolidated a lot of content w/out writing transitions or removing duplicated info... a cleanup with those goals in mind would be great. Feco 20:05, 25 May 2005 (UTC)

POV & First-Person
The opposition section reads like a political pamphlet, even employing the first person. While I am no expert in this particular field of economics, I would be happy to give that section a more dispassionate voice. Any objections? For the sake of transparency, I should note that my personal bias is against farm subsidies, but I came to this page looking for a strong argument in their favor.

-Jarrett

Follow-up: Thank you, Orzetto. Your edit is definitely an improvement. I'm curious if anyone can add more to the pro section. I've heard the argument that subsidies can help avert crises along the lines of the '29 crash. I don't know how widely such theories are supported in academia, but since they seem to be floating around, I'd like to see someone treat them in the article. I'll try to do some research on the topic elsewhere. If I can find anything substantial, I might write something up.

-Jarrett

Good edit. However, I don't know of any green economists who argue that local production of organic produce by families should be taxed or regulated at all, so the phrase "Some green economists" should probably read "Most green economists". Maybe these qualifications should probably just be spelled out...

Good point about agribusiness being the beneficiary of lax import / free trade rules. Link to family farm may be in order. Rules for rural land ownership typically affect both agricultral policy and family farms, perhaps that should be in an article on land reform, which some economists (e.g. de Soto, Joseph Stiglitz) see as essential.

Also, immigration policy in some developed nations has exceptions specifically to enable agricultural policy, e.g. migrant farm workers in Canada and the US. That should probably be mentioned.

Removed this. The United States has almost ended farm subsidies several times. It's back in, but it's far from clear that they will continue for the forseenable future. Also, the "since" clause is NPOV. Opponents to agricultural policy would argue that it will continue as long as there are rural voters.

 * Since agricultural produce is mostly traded and entirely priced on commodity markets, but presents special biosafety and biosecurity risks, not to mention being produced typically by the poorest segments of the population in developing nations, some such policy measures favoring local production and higher consumer prices to subsidize these larger goals will remain in place for the forseeable future.

 * You seem to be confusing 'agricultural policy' as a concept with the specific agricultural policy concept in place inthe US. If the US has a policy of zoning land for agricultural use or supporting loans to family farmers, then it has an agricultural policy, although it may not support that with outright cash subsidy.

 * The United States doesn't have any national policy of zoning agricultural land nor any national policy of supporting loans to family farmers. There are some cities which do have agricultural zoning ordinances, but given that they are local regulations which are neither coordinated nor universal, it's hard to term those "policy."

 * Also, the 'since' clause, if you read this, implies only that 'since' (a) food is traded on commodity markets (b) food presents special biosafety and biosecurity concerns (c) it is raised by poor people in developing nations, 'then' (z) it is hopelessly political and subsidies will continue. I don't see that as controversial, but if you do, then changing "will" to "will probably" or "subsidize" to "reflect" will NPOV the statement very nicely.  Or else, you could add (d) rural voters have much power in democracies

 * The problem with this is that even the *probably* is subject to question within the United States. There are major consitutencies for agricultural subsdies but there are also major constituetncies against it.

 * European politics might be different.

 * If your position is that the NPOV is that (a), (b), (c) are disputable or don't matter politically, or that (d) is the deciding issue necessarily, I don't agree. Accordingly I can't see why you'd say the 'since' is not NPOV.

 * "Since" implies that a) b) c) are true. If you want to change them to "assuming that", that is a bit better.

A more substantive edit now includes all of the above points by both sides. Disputed claims were eliminated or put in context that makes them clearer. There is a lot to say on this issue. It probably won't be right on one pass. Thanks for helping.

Poorer Countries should take advantage of Farm Sub
I think developing countries should take advantage of farm subsidies instead of opposing them. In fact, cheaper farm imports and resources freed that were previously employed in farming can combine to produce powerful advantage. The savings from the above two factors can be good enough to move away from farm jobs. See my blog entry for more details.

 * haven't gone to your blog, but.... a developing country is usually the definition of poor, especially the central government. How would it pay farm subsidies to its own farmers? Feco 04:20, 20 Jun 2005 (UTC)

This isn't a forum. Address a point to the article or take it elsewhere. Rd232 06:57, 20 Jun 2005 (UTC)

Scope of Article
Agricultural policy goes beyond subsidies, mabye this page should be moved to Agricultural subsidy or the scope of the article needs to be widened.--nixie 11:10, 27 Oct 2004 (UTC)

incorrect facts
whats this about a US rice farmer getting 1000000 over 5 years? 200,000 a year. each? I find that extraordinarily hard to believe. Also gdp of spain is 800 billion dollars according to world bank and EU budge agricultural subsidy is 40 billion euro. I dont know how much canadian cows are subsidised or how much milk cartons cost. All these were added by 217.128.218.169 5 feb 2004 Sandpiper 13:44, 15 Jun 2005 (UTC)

Agreed, another part of agricultural policy is Phytosanitary regulations, these can greatly restrict the import of developing world produce to developed markets. Similarly, there should be more differentiation between the different types of trade barrier, for example quotas that link output to level of subsidy. Furthermore, more elabloration needs to occur on how subsides hurt the environment because the link production with funding. The price of land is pushed artifically high and many farmers/farm conglomerates use nonarable land to grow their crops.

Balance of content
There is a huge section titled subsidy and tiny ones headed price control and import barriers. Maybe no one knows much about these last two, but at least some of the polemic under subsidies ought to be spread about.Sandpiper 22:22, 16 Jun 2005 (UTC)

Rearranged sections. Look much more balanced now, at least on word count.Sandpiper 01:11, 17 Jun 2005 (UTC)

Split up with sections for objectives (good), arguments against (bad things), examples of schemes (technical description of how they work). Anyone know better how US subsidy sytem works, is there a page somewhere? Or Japan? Or any other country with a subsidy system?Sandpiper 22:29, 19 Jun 2005 (UTC)

Remove the POV tag?
It seems that most of the original POV complaints have been addressed. Although the article still lacks detail on facts, it looks more balanced. Any objections to removing the NPOV tag? Feco 19:00, 21 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * since nothing showed up here, I'll go ahead and remove the POV tag. Let's see what happens. Feco 8 July 2005 20:05 (UTC)

Arguments against...
I have a problem with suggested section headings arguments for.. and arguments against. While I am reasonably happy that the 'arguments against' are in fact what it says, I am not happy at describing the section 'arguments for' as such.

A number of things listed are aims and objectives which governments seek to carry out. To say that a certain aim is sought, is not to say that this aim is good. Saying that these are 'arguments for' implies that things in this section explain why agricultural policy is good. Economists might (and do) argue that self-sufficiency in food is an illusive aim and in practice does not confer a benefit. Well, the 'against' section makes this point about whether the policy really works. But the 'for' section is not exactly constructed to say why policies are good. Rather it goes through a list of the sorts of things which make up agricultural policy, good and bad. It does suggest that certain governments consider these aims desireable, but a neutral observer might not. Some of the policies indeed are contradictory...protected markets are likely to lead to expensive food. So inherently, what one government thinks is good, another thinks is bad.

So conceptually I see the sections as first one listing policies and reasoning for them, second containing criticisms. It may be that this scheme leaves an opening for a third section, but I don't see there is enough material to put in it. Rather there should be a rounded discussion in both sections so that all points are covered.Sandpiper 01:08, 10 July 2005 (UTC)

Arguments for...
Agricultural policy has a very long history. A lot of subsidies continue because lobbying groups have developed to maintain a subsidy that was implemented a long time ago to address a problem that no longer exists. This makes it kind of difficult to write an "argument for" section... We can speculate, I suppose, that subsidies to rice, cotton, and sugar originated after the civil war to buy political support from the southern states where these crops are grown. Is "bribing southern states not to secede" a legitimate "argument for"?

Don't give short shrift to the "food self sufficiency" argument. World war II wasn't all that long ago and long before there were weapons of mass destruction, cutting off a country's food supply was considered an extremely efficient means of killing off large amounts of your opponent's population. Millions of people in Russia starved to death.

Another self sufficiency argument: Look at North Korea, and how food aid is being used as a political tool to put external pressure on the North Korean regime. If you become reliant on food imports you make yourself vulnerable to foreign government manipulation of your food supply for political reasons. The United States tried this on the USSR in the seventies with the grain embargo, although it failed miserably (USSR just imported wheat from other sources).

I wouldn't be surprised if basically all countries that use "self sufficiency" as an argument have been invaded in the last century.

Developing Countries Actually Gain from US Ag Subsidies
An important, but almost universally overlooked, result of US subsidies is that most developing countries actually benefit, on aggregate. As section 3.1 points out, developing countries are importing cheap food from developed coutries. Consequently, most of the population is consuming cheaper food than if there were no US subsidies. Of course there are still distributional issues. If you care more about the rural poor than the urban poor, the argument against subsidies stands. But on aggregate, for a vast majority of developing coutries, the gains from cheap food outweigh the loss to displaced farmers. In other words, the beneficiaries (presumably urban households) could theoretically compensate the losers (presumably rural households, but not necessarily) and still come out a head. There has been serious research on this subject. I can point out the working papers by various economists (NBER, UMD) if necessary.

->In the short run countries may benefit from cheaper food prices but in the long run the drawbacks begin to catch up. The more foreign food brought into the country will lower the price further. Lower prices will force more local farmers out of business until the country is completely reliant upon foreign food to sustain the country. At which point importers gain leverage. At any point foreign food could be pulled ie war, new WTO negotiations, natural resource prices like oil, etc. Any number of things would leave the country completely helpless but to pay higher prices than before. Less Supply --> Higher prices in the long run. It's been suggested the United States to stop producing food completely. Explaining "the US producing food is like a doctor working at a walmart cashier, it's highly inefficient. It doesn't matter, because we'd never trust another country with all our food production. -will h.

Interesting point: The 2007-2011 period of high food prices was predicted to lead to sharp increased world wide malnutrition, also in regions with normal rain, based on an economic model that supposed low elastic response of small rural farmers. (as USDA and World Bank always suppose in their economic models.) In the real world, malnutrition went DOWN, because small farmers quickly reacted to lower food imports resulting from high world prices, by increasing their output and earning much more money on local and regional markets as they had done in decades. I saw it happening with my own eyes in this period in Ethiopia, Somalia and Congo.Pieter Felix Smit (talk) 08:33, 6 April 2012 (UTC)

Economic model makers have since become silent about their predictions of the poor needing low prices. Reality proves, the opposit is true. (rural poverty is always deeper then urban poverty, show all UN and World Bank urban - rural household surveys, with a reliable long term prove in the length per age statistics for children, showing rural children to have been subjects to much longer and more severe periods of stunting then urban ones)Pieter Felix Smit (talk) 08:33, 6 April 2012 (UTC)

Agricultural subsidy now separate
66.167.136.246 12:32, 23 August 2005 (UTC): FYI, Agricultural subsidy is now a separate article, allowing this article to focus on the broader topic. A minimal version exists, with the only country-specific section so far being for the U.S., so contributions are encouraged.

Thomas Jefferson Quote

 * "This is why Thomas Jefferson said that the best thing you can do for your country is to grow a new crop species."

If you can give me the source of this quote, I'd greatly appreciate it.

POV
This article still reads too much like an arguement against certain policy than a presentation of what the topic. The facts are too selective and small scale. I don't know anything about this particular topic and don't have much of an opinion which is why I turned to it. I didn't feel like I was reading an economics text book on what agricultural policy is and the methods employed by governments but the negative effects of certain policies and what some alternatives may be most fo which I see at the green festival every year in S.F. (that right there gives away my political views). So while I may support most of the suggested policies I don't feel like I learned anything in this article and therefore it is in no way up to the standards or objectives of WIkipedia. Most of the alternatives need to be presented in a separate article say "alternatives to modern agricultural policy" with a hotlink and a short blurb on how current/modern policy is disputed. Which brings me to the final point. This article lacks hotlinks and does not try to extend to the reader how "agricultural policy" fits into the larger structure of general economics and wikipedia's economics category. It needs to quote specific economic theory, arguements/counterarguements so that the reader may learn the economics of agricultural policy, which is what this article should be all about. Sry if this came off as a rant in any way. 3/9/2007

Bio-security does not belong in this article..
Bio-security is about the potential risk to humans of animal diseases. This should have nothing to do with agricultural policy, unless one wants to abuse the argument to keep out competition. The prominence and wording of the Bio-security argument in this wiki-article shows how intensely the argument is abused to reduce competition from non-western countries. The reason is that most other policies in meat markets are not allowed by WTO, or they are very expensive.

If one compares what the medical handbooks (Manson's Tropical Diseases, Gordon Cook) have to say about this subject, with what the departments of agriculture of EU and US say, one realizes that much of agricultural 'knowledge' on this subject is little more scare mongering. The rules were designed in the 1960, when there were no rapid tests nor awareness, nor fast means of communication in poor countries with such diseases. Since it has been proven that outbreaks in the rich world are 90 % the result of farmers, transporters and industry in the rich world, dodging the rules, sometimes deliberately to generate government assistance.

Still today, there is a total meat import ban for 3/4 of African countries' meat, not based on realistic assessments about health risks from a well controlled export quarantine system, but purely based on 1960's rules being kept up only to protect farmers in the rich world. The rules were always set by an independent body (OIE) but since they judged meat import rules should be relaxed, EU and US-DA put up their own rules. There are at least one, probably more animal diseases on the A-list that have become totally extinct in Africa. All other diseases are locally or regional, and well recognized, and quickly communicated by the community of cattle rangers. But nobody can prove that up to the standards demanded by EU-US.

Each earoplane landing from an import ban country, imports about 50 kg of meat from that country in the luggage, meals and pockets of its passengers. Billions of animals each year fly, or hitch-hike with ships from such countries to the rich world. Any disease that is dangerous to humans, can also be imported in live human bodies. If there is a need for a total meat ban on all these countries, then there should also be a need for any person or ship or airplane moving from such a country to the rich world.

The dangers from a well organized frozen meat trade with such countries, are microscopic, compared to these risks of live birds and humans flying up and down in their billions.

If anyone wants prove about the ability of Africa exporting safe meat: 12 years ago, Somalia exported a deadly disease with live camels to Saudi-Arabia. This export line uses thousands of small vessels with live animals, so this is by far the most dangerous animal export line in the world. Since then the Saudi's and Somali's took a handful of simple measures, export resumed, and never again any desease was transmitted through this export line.

If Somalia can today safely export live animals over a short distance in dirty ships, then surely Africa can safely export all their meat through industrial quarantine, slaughter and freeze plants.

I seriously propose the Bio-hazard chapter is discussed under the header of The use of propaganda in agricultural policy — Preceding unsigned comment added by Pieter Felix Smit (talk • contribs) 09:14, 6 April 2012 (UTC)

Food Security
I would like to add a section on agricultural policy pertaining to food security, taking into account issues of climate change and sustainable development. Does that sound like something that would be relevant to this article? New editor, comments appreciated. Thanks. C.peterson32 (talk) 15:17, 13 June 2012 (UTC)
 * Went ahead and added it - does it seem ok? Thanks! C.peterson32 (talk) 20:48, 22 June 2012 (UTC)

Article expansion
I have noticed that there are some sections of this article which could use expansion, such as the sections under objectives of market intervention. Particularly environmental protection and land management. One good place to start may be looking at Farmland protection in rapidly developing urban settings such as the King County Farmland Preservation Program, which protects farmland around the Seattle metro area. The protection of this land helps to preserve much of king county’s wildlife habitats, farmers lively hoods, some very fertile soil, and helps prevent food desertification. — Preceding unsigned comment added by Fearsomecritters (talk • contribs) 04:51, 3 February 2016 (UTC)

Dr. Mabiso's comment on this article
Dr. Mabiso has reviewed this Wikipedia page, and provided us with the following comments to improve its quality:

"The article has figures that lack citations/references. It does not deal in more depth with issues of agricultural policy processes - how the agricultural policies are made and the political economy of agriculture. Moreover, it fails to discuss the evolution of the study of agricultural policy and the policy analysis tools that can be used to evaluate effectiveness of agricultural policies."

We hope Wikipedians on this talk page can take advantage of these comments and improve the quality of the article accordingly.

Dr. Mabiso has published scholarly research which seems to be relevant to this Wikipedia article:

 * Reference : Diao, Xinshen & Kennedy, Adam & Badiane, Ousmane & Cossar, Frances & Dorosh, Paul & Ecker, Olivier & Hagos, Hosaena Ghebru & Headey, Derek & Mabiso, Athur & Makombe, Tsitsi & Malek, Mehrab & Schmidt,, 2013. "Evidence on key policies for African agricultural growth:," IFPRI discussion papers 1242, International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI).

ExpertIdeasBot (talk) 15:49, 19 May 2016 (UTC)

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Agricultural price policy in marathi information
Ty b.com 2409:4042:2D85:5DFF:0:0:A789:A909 (talk) 10:11, 21 March 2022 (UTC)

Citations and Content Attention Needed
Hi Wikipedians. This article is a good start, but it is lacking a lot of potential content on specific policies, has some distracting unrelated content, and has sparse citations.

While many sections would benefit from expansion, the section on "Environmental Protection and Management" has a lot of potential. There are a large number of environmental protection related agricultural policies.

As others have mentioned in this talk section, the "Biosecurity" section is a bit extraneous. While the content is interesting, the level of detail on specific aspects of the disease distract from the policy focus of this article. I feel that this section would make more sense to include in the Biosecurity article rather than this article on agricultural policy.

As mentioned, the citations in this article are lacking. For instance, in the section "Objectives of market intervention" there is only 1 source cited. Without support, this article is left weak. In the section "Arguments against market intervention," there are also very few citations and the ones that are there are not linked.

Thank you for all of your hard work Wikipedians --Skezmoh (talk) 19:02, 25 April 2022 (UTC)

Wiki Education assignment: Introduction to Policy Analysis
— Assignment last updated by Jun3038 (talk) 09:39, 19 May 2022 (UTC)

Poverty reduction
This article is a good start, however, there is still potential for more extensive research on how agricultural policies can impact poverty reduction.

Within this segment, I will suggest changes to the opening sentence to provide a reliable frame of reference, taking into account that the statistic may have changed over time and that the provided citation does not appear to contain the relevant information. Additionally, I aim to offer additional information supported by trustworthy academic and credible sources. Emmahazelton (talk) 09:19, 23 April 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:Agricultural policy


text:
List of trees native to New Zealand

New Zealand's long geological isolation means that most of its flora is unique, with many durable hard woods. There is a wide variety of native trees, adapted to all the various micro-climates in New Zealand. The native bush (forest) ranges from the subtropical kauri forests of the northern North Island, temperate rainforests of the West Coast, the alpine forests of the Southern Alps and Fiordland to the coastal forests of the Abel Tasman National Park and the Catlins.

In the early period of British colonisation, many New Zealand trees were known by names derived from the names of unrelated European trees, but more recently the trend has been to adopt the native Māori language names into English. For a listing in order of Māori name, with species names for most, see the Flora of New Zealand list of vernacular names.

The New Zealand Plant Conservation Network has published a list of New Zealand indigenous vascular plants including all 574 native trees and shrubs. This list also identifies which trees are endemic to New Zealand and which are threatened with extinction.

Pteridophyta (ferns)

 * Cyatheaceae (a tree fern family)
 * Gully tree fern Alsophila cunninghamii
 * Mamaku Sphaeropteris medullaris
 * Mountain tree fern Alsophila colensoi
 * Silver fern or ponga, Alsophila tricolor
 * Soft tree fern Alsophila smithii
 * Dicksoniaceae (a tree fern family)
 * Kuripaka or whekī-ponga Dicksonia fibrosa
 * New Zealand tree fern or whekī, Dicksonia squarrosa
 * Tūākura Dicksonia lanata

Pinophyta (conifers)

 * Araucariaceae (kauri family)
 * Kauri Agathis australis
 * Cupressaceae (cypress family)
 * Kawaka Libocedrus plumosa
 * Pāhautea Libocedrus bidwillii
 * Podocarpaceae (yellow-wood family)
 * Hall's tōtara Podocarpus laetus
 * Kahikatea Dacrycarpus dacrydioides (formerly Podocarpus)
 * Manoao Manoao colensoi
 * Mataī Prumnopitys taxifolia
 * Miro Prumnopitys ferruginea
 * Monoao Halocarpus kirkii
 * Mountain pine Halocarpus bidwillii
 * Mountain toatoa Phyllocladus alpinus
 * Mountain tōtara Podocarpus nivalis
 * Needle-leaved tōtara Podocarpus acutifolius
 * Pygmy pine Lepidothamnus laxifolius
 * Rimu Dacrydium cupressinum
 * Tānekaha Phyllocladus trichomanoides
 * Toatoa Phyllocladus toatoa (formerly Phyllocladus glaucus)
 * Tōtara Podocarpus totara
 * Yellow pine Halocarpus biformis
 * Yellow silver pine Lepidothamnus intermedius

Angiosperms (flowering plants)

 * Akeake Dodonaea viscosa
 * Beilschmiedia
 * Taraire Beilschmiedia tarairi
 * Tawa Beilschmiedia tawa
 * tawaroa Beilschmiedia tawaroa
 * Coprosmas
 * Chatham Islands karamu Coprosma chathamica (Chatham Islands)
 * Coprosma acutifolia (Kermadec Islands)
 * Coprosma ciliata
 * Coprosma dumosa
 * Coprosma macrocarpa subsp. minor
 * Coprosma pedicellata
 * Kanono Coprosma grandifolia
 * Karamu Coprosma lucida
 * Large-seeded coprosma Coprosma macrocarpa subsp. macrocarpa
 * Leafy coprosma Coprosma parviflora
 * Mamangi Coprosma arborea
 * Mikimiki Coprosma linariifolia
 * Taupata Coprosma petiolata (Kermadec Islands)
 * Taupata Coprosma repens
 * Stinkwood Coprosma foetidissima
 * Cabbage trees Cordyline
 * Cabbage tree Cordyline australis
 * Dwarf cabbage tree Cordyline pumilio
 * Forest cabbage tree Cordyline banksii
 * Mountain cabbage tree Cordyline indivisa
 * Three Kings cabbage tree Cordyline obtecta
 * Dracophyllum (dragon leaf)
 * Chatham Island grass tree Dracophyllum arboreum (Chatham Islands)
 * Dracophyllum acerosum
 * Dracophyllum fiordense
 * Dracophyllum townsonii
 * Gumland grass tree Dracophyllum lessonianum
 * Inaka / Inanga Dracophyllum longifolium
 * Inanga Dracophyllum filifolium
 * Mountain neinei Dracophyllum traversii
 * Neinei Dracophyllum latifolium
 * Slender dragon tree Dracophyllum elegantissimum
 * Totorowhiti Dracophyllum strictum
 * Variable inaka Dracophyllum trimorphum
 * Elaeocarpus
 * Hīnau Elaeocarpus dentatus
 * Pōkākā Elaeocarpus hookerianus
 * Griselinia
 * Akapuka Griselinia lucida
 * Kapuka Griselinia littoralis
 * Horopito
 * Lowland horopito Pseudowintera axillaris
 * Mountain horopito Pseudowintera colorata
 * Northland horopito Pseudowintera insperata
 * Travers horopito Pseudowintera traversii
 * Kaikōmako Pennantia corymbosa
 * Kaka beak Clianthus puniceus
 * Kawakawa Macropiper excelsum
 * Kanuka
 * Geothermal kanuka Kunzea ericoides var. microflora
 * Great Barrier Island kanuka Kunzea sinclairii
 * Kanuka Kunzea ericoides var. ericoides
 * Karaka Corynocarpus laevigatus
 * Kohekohe Dysoxylum spectabile
 * Koromiko Veronica salicifolia
 * Kōtukutuku Fuchsia excorticata
 * Kōwhai
 * Coastal kōwhai Sophora chathamica
 * Godley's kōwhai Sophora godleyi
 * Large-leaved kōwhai Sophora tetraptera
 * Limestone kōwhai Sophora longicarinata
 * Small-leaved kōwhai Sophora microphylla
 * Sophora fulvida
 * Lacebarks
 * Lacebark Hoheria populnea
 * Long-leaved lacebark Hoheria sexstylosa
 * Mountain lacebark Hoheria glabrata
 * Mountain lacebark Hoheria lyallii
 * Narrow-leaved houhere Hoheria angustifolia
 * Poor Knights houhere Hoheria equitum
 * Five finger Neopanax arboreus
 * Pseudopanax
 * Lancewood Pseudopanax crassifolius
 * Toothed lancewood Pseudopanax ferox
 * Māhoe
 * Māhoe Melicytus ramiflorus
 * Narrow-leaved māhoe Melicytus lanceolatus
 * Maire Nestegis
 * Black maire Nestegis cunninghamii
 * Coastal maire Nestegis apetala
 * Narrow-leaved maire Nestegis montana
 * White maire Nestegis lanceolata
 * Makomako Aristotelia serrata
 * Mangrove or Mānawa Avicennia marina
 * Manuka Leptospermum scoparium
 * Matagouri Discaria toumatou
 * Matipo
 * Black matipo, see Pittosporum tenuifolium
 * Coastal matipo Myrsine aquilonia
 * Chatham Island matipo Myrsine chathamica
 * Mt Burnett matipo Myrsine argentea
 * Red matipo Myrsine australis
 * Swamp matipo Myrsine coxii
 * Metrosideros
 * Bartlett's rātā Metrosideros bartlettii
 * Kermadec pōhutukawa Metrosideros kermadecensis
 * Northern rātā Metrosideros robusta
 * Parkinson's rātā Metrosideros parkinsonii
 * Pōhutukawa Metrosideros excelsa
 * Southern rātā Metrosideros umbellata
 * Milk tree Streblus
 * Large-leaved milk tree Streblus banksii
 * Small-leaved milk tree Streblus heterophyllus
 * Three Kings milk tree Streblus smithii
 * Nīkau Rhopalostylis sapida
 * Ngaio Myoporum laetum
 * Olearia (Tree daisy)
 * Akepiro Olearia furfuracea
 * Akeake Olearia avicenniifolia
 * Akiraho Olearia paniculata
 * Chatham Island akeake Olearia traversiorum
 * Coastal tree daisy Olearia solandri
 * Common tree daisy Olearia arborescens
 * Coromandel tree daisy Olearia townsonii
 * Fragrant tree daisy Olearia fragrantissima
 * Gardner's tree daisy Olearia gardneri
 * Great Barrier tree daisy Olearia allomii
 * Hector's tree daisy Olearia hectorii
 * Heketara Olearia rani var. colorata
 * Heketara Olearia rani var. rani
 * Keketerehe Olearia chathamica
 * Lancewood tree daisy Olearia lacunosa
 * Mountain holly Olearia ilicifolia
 * Musky tree daisy Olearia moschata
 * Olearia angulata
 * Olearia crebra
 * Olearia lineata
 * Small-leaved tree daisy Olearia fimbriata
 * Streamside tree daisy Olearia cheesemanii
 * Subantarctic tree daisy Olearia lyallii
 * Swamp akeake Olearia telmatica
 * Tanguru Olearia albida
 * Tētēaweka Olearia angustifolia
 * Ongaonga Urtica ferox
 * Pigeonwood Hedycarya arborea
 * Pittosporum
 * Black matipo Pittosporum tenuifolium
 * Fairchild's kohuhu Pittosporum fairchildii
 * Haekaro Pittosporum umbellatum
 * Heart-leaved pittosporum Pittosporum obcordatum
 * Hutton's kohuhu Pittosporum huttonianum
 * Karo Pittosporum crassifolium
 * Karo Pittosporum ralphii
 * Lemonwood Pittosporum eugenioides
 * Pitpat Pittosporum patulum
 * Pittosporum ellipticum
 * Pittosporum virgatum
 * Turner's kohuhu Pittosporum turneri
 * Pouteretere Leptecophylla robusta
 * Pterophylla
 * Kāmahi Pterophylla racemosa
 * Tōwai Pterophylla sylvicola
 * Puka Meryta sinclairii
 * Pukatea Laurelia novae-zelandiae
 * Putaputawētā Carpodetus serratus
 * Puriri Vitex lucens
 * Quintinia
 * Westland quintinia Quintinia acutifolia
 * Tāwheowheo Quintinia serrata
 * Ramarama Lophomyrtus bullata
 * Rautini Brachyglottis huntii
 * Rewarewa Knightia excelsa
 * Ribbonwood
 * Ribbonwood Plagianthus betulinus
 * Chatham Island ribbonwood Plagianthus regius subsp. chathamicus
 * Lowland ribbonwood or mānatu Plagianthus regius subsp. regius
 * Southern beeches Nothofagus
 * Black beech Nothofagus solandri var. solandri
 * Hard beech Nothofagus truncata
 * Mountain beech Nothofagus solandri var. cliffortioides
 * Red beech Nothofagus fusca
 * Silver beech Nothofagus menziesii
 * Swamp maire Syzygium maire
 * Tāwari Ixerba brexioides
 * Tawāpou Planchonella costata
 * Titoki Alectryon excelsus
 * Toro Myrsine salicina
 * Wharangi Melicope ternata
 * Whau Entelea arborescens (corkwood)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: List of trees native to New Zealand


text:
User talk:Yann

User talk:Yann/FP - /archive /archive 2 /archive 3 /archive 4 /archive 5 /archive 6

Happy New Year, Yann!

Happy New Year! Yann, Have a prosperous, productive and enjoyable New Year, and thank you for your contributions to Wikipedia! Dantus21 (talk) 00:08, 1 January 2024 (UTC) Send New Year cheer by adding {{subst:Happy New Year fireworks}} to user talk pages.

Thank you for all the work you do on Commons! Dantus21 (talk) 00:10, 1 January 2024 (UTC)

Unarchiving village pump discussion
Hello. Is it possible for you to unarchive Village pump (policy)/Archive 189? The reason why that section hasn't really been touched is that we're awaiting a response from Nickelodeon from WMF Legal. JohnCWiesenthal (talk) 18:09, 12 January 2024 (UTC)
 * Hi,
 * I don't know. Am I allowed to do that? Where should it be put back? Why can't you do it yourself? Yann (talk) 16:37, 13 January 2024 (UTC)
 * I don't know if I'm allowed to do that either. JohnCWiesenthal (talk) 00:55, 14 January 2024 (UTC)
 * I don't edit that much here. I mostly add multimedia content to articles. So best would be to ask someone else who knows. Yann (talk) 14:28, 14 January 2024 (UTC)
 * Ok. I looked at the header of the archive page, and apparently a new thread should be made to revive the discussion. JohnCWiesenthal (talk) 19:59, 14 January 2024 (UTC)
 * I asked the thread creator about this, and they moved the discussion to WP:RFC at WP:Requests for comment/Spongebob Squarepants is now freely licensed!. JohnCWiesenthal (talk) 23:56, 21 January 2024 (UTC)

Your edit to Salvador Dali
Hello there

I deleted your photo od Dali from 1973 because we already have one from 1972 which I quite like.The 1972 photo was in the wrong section though so I moved it to the right heading. Happy to discuss. Aemilius Adolphin (talk) 11:39, 29 January 2024 (UTC)

"William Melling" listed at Redirects for discussion
The redirect [//en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=William_Melling&redirect=no William Melling] has been listed at redirects for discussion to determine whether its use and function meets the redirect guidelines. Anyone, including you, is welcome to comment on this redirect at  until a consensus is reached. IgnatiusofLondon (talk) 02:48, 14 February 2024 (UTC)

Category:Saint Anthony the Great abbeys has been nominated for merging
Category:Saint Anthony the Great abbeys has been nominated for merging. A discussion is taking place to decide whether it complies with the categorization guidelines. If you would like to participate in the discussion, you are invited to add your comments at the category's entry on the categories for discussion page. Thank you. Mason (talk) 13:31, 16 March 2024 (UTC)

"William Melling (actor)" listed at Redirects for discussion
The redirect [//en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=William_Melling_(actor)&redirect=no William Melling (actor)] has been listed at redirects for discussion to determine whether its use and function meets the redirect guidelines. Anyone, including you, is welcome to comment on this redirect at  until a consensus is reached. * Pppery * it has begun... 23:24, 10 April 2024 (UTC)

PD due to lack of notice
Hi Yann What did you mean by the history summar: PD due to lack of notice? Thanks. Maineartists (talk) 11:02, 7 May 2024 (UTC)
 * Hi, Yes, in USA before 1978, any document should have a copyright notice when published to get a copyright. In the absence of notice, the document got immediately in the public domain. For postcards, the notice could be in the front or in the back. In addition, until 1964, the copyright had a duration of 28 years, and should have been renewed to be still under a copyright. Please see also Copyright formalities and Copyright renewal in the United States. Thanks, Yann (talk) 13:04, 7 May 2024 (UTC)

title: User talk:Yann


text:
Chilean peso

The peso is the currency of Chile. The current peso has circulated since 1975, with a previous version circulating between 1817 and 1960. Its symbol is defined as a letter S with either one or two vertical bars superimposed prefixing the amount, $ or ; the single-bar symbol, available in most modern text systems, is almost always used. Both of these symbols are used by many currencies, most notably the United States dollar, and may be ambiguous without clarification, such as CLP$ or US$. The ISO 4217 code for the present peso is CLP. It was divided into 100 centavos until 31 May 1996, when the subdivision was formally eliminated (requiring payments to be made in whole pesos). In July 2024, the exchange rate was around CLP940 to US$1.

First peso, 1817–1960
The first Chilean peso was introduced in 1817, at a value of 8 Spanish colonial reales. Until 1851, the peso was subdivided into 8 reales, with the escudo worth 2 pesos. In 1835, copper coins denominated in centavos were introduced, but it was not until 1851 that the real and escudo denominations ceased to be issued and further issues in centavos and décimos (worth 10 centavos) commenced. Also in 1851, the peso was set equal 5 French francs on the sild, 22.5 grams pure silver. However, gold coins were issued to a different standard to that of France, with 1 peso = 1.37 grams gold (5 francs equalled 1.45 grams gold). In 1885, a gold standard was adopted, pegging the peso to the British pound sterling at a rate of $2 1/2$ pesos = 1 pound (1 peso = 1 shilling 6 pence). This was reduced in 1926 to 40 pesos = 1 pound (1 peso = 6 pence). From 1925, coins and banknotes were issued denominated in cóndores, worth 10 pesos. The gold standard was suspended in 1932 and the peso's value fell further. The escudo replaced the peso on 1 January 1960 at a rate 1 escudo = 1000 pesos.

Coins
Between 1817 and 1851, silver coins were issued in denominations of 1⁄4, 1⁄2, 1, and 2 reales and 1 peso (also denominated 8 reales), with gold coins for 1, 2, 4, and 8 escudos. In 1835, copper 1⁄2 and 1 centavo coins were issued. A full decimal coinage was introduced between 1851 and 1853, consisting of copper 1⁄2 and 1 centavo, silver 1⁄2 and 1 décimo (5 and 10 centavos), 20 and 50 centavos, and 1 peso, and gold 5 and 10 pesos. In 1860, gold 1 peso coins were introduced, followed by cupronickel 1⁄2, 1 and 2 centavos between 1870 and 1871. Copper coins for these denominations were reintroduced between 1878 and 1883, with copper $13 1/3$ centavos added in 1886. A new gold coinage was introduced in 1895, reflecting the lower gold standard, with coins for 2, 5, 10 and 20 pesos. In 1896, the 1⁄2 and 1 décimo were replaced by 5 and 10 centavo coins.

In 1907, a short-lived, silver 40 centavo coin was introduced following cessation of production of the 50 centavo coin. In 1919, the last of the copper coins (1 and 2 centavos) were issued. The following year, cupronickel replaced silver in the 5, 10 and 20 centavo coins. A final gold coinage was introduced in 1926, in denominations of 20, 50 and 100 pesos. In 1927, silver 2 and 5 peso coins were issued. Cupronickel 1 peso coins were introduced in 1933, replacing the last of the silver coins. In 1942, copper 20 and 50 centavos and 1 peso coins were introduced. The last coins of the first peso were issued between 1954 and 1959. These were aluminum 1, 5 and 10 pesos.

Gold bullion coins with nominals in 100 pesos were minted between 1932 and 1980 (i.e. they survived into the periods of two later currencies). In addition, there was a special issue of gold coins (100, 200 and 500 pesos) in 1968.

Coins issued in values of 5 and 10 pesos from 1956 onwards, as well as bullion coins of 20, 50 and 100 pesos issued from 1925 to 1980 (exceeding the validity of this monetary standard by 20 years) also bring such equivalence in condors, being 10 pesos per condor.

Banknotes
The first Chilean paper money was issued between 1840 and 1844 by the treasury of the Province of Valdivia, in denominations of 4 and 8 reales. In the 1870s, a number of private banks began issuing paper money, including the Banco Agrícola, the Banco de la Alianza, the Banco de Concepción, the Banco Consolidado de Chile, the Banco de A. Edwards y Cía., the Banco de Escobar, Ossa y Cía., the Banco Mobiliario, the Banco Nacional de Chile, the Banco del Pobre, the Banco Sud Americano, the Banco del Sur, the Banco de la Unión, and the Banco de Valparaíso. Others followed in the 1880s and 1890s. Denominations included 1, 2, 5, 10, 20, 50, 100, and 500 pesos. One bank, the Banco de A. Edwards y Cía., also issued notes denominated in pounds sterling (libra esterlina).

In 1881, the government issued paper money convertible into silver or gold, in denominations of 1, 2, 5, 10, 20, 50, 100, and 1000 pesos. 50 centavo notes were added in 1891 and 500 pesos in 1912. In 1898, provisional issues were made by the government, consisting of private bank notes overprinted with the words "Emisión Fiscal". This marked the end of the production of private paper money.

In 1925, the Banco Central de Chile began issuing notes. The first, in denominations of 5, 10, 50, 100, and 1000 pesos, were overprints on government notes. In 1927, notes marked as "Billete Provisional" were issued in denominations of 5, 10, 50, 100, 500, and 1000 pesos. Regular were introduced between 1931 and 1933, in denominations of 1, 5, 10, 20, 50, 100, 500, 1000, 5000, and 10,000 pesos. The 1 and 20 peso notes stopped production in 1943 and 1947, respectively. The remaining denominations continued production until 1959, with a 50,000-peso note added in 1958.

Notes issued after 1925 show the equivalence in condors, which was at the rate of 10 pesos per condor.

Second peso, 1975–present
The current peso was introduced on 29 September 1975 by decree 1,123, replacing the escudo at a rate of 1 peso for 1,000 escudos. This peso was subdivided into 100 centavos until 1984.

Coins
In 1975, coins were introduced in denominations of 1, 5, 10, and 50 centavos and 1 peso. The 1, 5, and 10 centavo coins were very similar to the 10, 50, and 100 escudo coins they replaced. Since 1983, inflation has left the centavo coins obsolete. 5 and 10 peso coins were introduced in 1976, followed by 50 and 100 peso coins in 1981 and by a bi-metallic 500 peso coin in 2000. Coins currently in circulation are in denominations of 1, 5, 10, 50, 100, and 500 pesos; however, the value of the peso has depreciated enough that most retailers and others tend to use prices that are multiples of 10 pesos, ignoring smaller amounts. The 1 peso coin is rare. On 26 October 2017 the Mint stopped producing 1 and 5 peso coins, and started accepting those coins directly at the mint to exchange for larger denomination. On 1 November 2017 commercial entities began rounding off amounts for payment in cash, rounding down for amounts ending in 1 through 5 pesos, rounding up for amounts ending in 6 through 9 pesos. Electronic transactions and cheques are not affected. This change has affected various charities which had programs to accept donations at the cash register.

Right after the military dictatorship in Chile (1973–1990) ended, the obverse designs of the 5 and 10 peso coins were changed. Those coins had borne the image of a winged female figure wearing a classical robe and portrayed as if she had just broken a chain binding her two hands together (a length of chain could be seen hanging from each of her wrists); beside her appear the date of the coup d'état Roman numerals and the word  (Spanish for "liberty"). After the return of democracy, a design with the portrait of Bernardo O'Higgins was adopted.

In 2001, a newly redesigned 100-peso coin bearing the image of a Mapuche woman began to circulate. In February, 2010, it was discovered that on the 2008 series of the 50 peso coins the country name ' had been misspelled as '. The national mint said that it did not plan to recall the coins. Worth about US$0.09 each at the time, the faulty coins became collectors' items.

Banknotes
In 1976, banknotes were introduced in denominations of 5, 10, 50, and 100 pesos with the reverses of the two lowest denominations resembling those of the 5000- and 10,000-escudo notes they replaced. Inflation has since led to the issue of much higher denominations. Five-hundred-peso notes were introduced in May, 1977, followed by the 1000-peso (in June, 1978), 5000-peso (June, 1981), 10,000-peso (June, 1989), 2000-peso (December, 1997), and 20,000-peso (December, 1998) notes. The 5, 10, 50, 100, and 500-peso banknotes have been replaced by coins, leaving only the 1000, 2000, 5000, 10,000, and 20,000 peso notes in circulation. Redesigned versions of the four highest denominations were issued in 2009 and 2010. The popular new 1000-peso banknote was issued on 11 May 2011.

Since September 2004, the 2000-peso note has been issued only as a polymer banknote; the 5000-peso note began emission in polymer in September 2009; and the 1000-peso note was switched to polymer in May, 2011. This was the first time in Chilean history that a new family of banknotes was put into circulation for other cause than the effects of inflation. , only the 10,000 and 20,000 peso notes are still printed on cotton paper. All new notes have the same 70 mm height, while their length varies in 7 mm steps according to their face values: the shortest is the 1000-peso note and the longest is the 20,000-pesos. The new notes are substantially more difficult to falsify because of new security measures.

The design and production of the whole new family of banknotes was assigned to the Australian company Note Printing Australia Ltd for the 1000, 2000 and 5000 peso notes, and the Swedish company Crane AB for the 10,000 and 20,000 peso notes

In popular culture
Colloquial Chilean Spanish has informal names for some banknotes and coins. These include luca for a thousand pesos, quina for five hundred pesos (quinientos is Spanish for "five hundred"), and gamba ("prawn") for one hundred pesos (or more recently 100,000 pesos). These names are old: For example, gamba and luca applied to 100 and 1000 escudos before 1975. The term gamba is a reference to the color of one hundred pesos banknote issued between 1933 and 1959.

Depending on context, a gamba might mean one hundred pesos or one hundred thousand pesos. For instance a new computer might be said to cost two gambas. This means two hundred thousand pesos. Less commonly, this applies to luca, taken to mean one million, usually referred to as palo.

The cover of the 2007 Velvet Revolver album Libertad features a stylized version of the angel from the Pinochet-era 10 pesos coin. Guitarist Slash, who personally chose the image, claimed he had no idea of the dark significance of it at the time.

Value of the peso against the United States dollar

Between 1974 and 1979, the Chilean peso was allowed to float within a crawling band. From June 1979 to 1982 the peso was pegged to the United States dollar at a fixed exchange rate. In June 1982, during that year's economic crisis, the peso was devalued and different exchange rate regimes were used. In August 1984 the peso returned to a system of crawling bands, which were periodically adjusted to reflect differences between external and internal inflation.

Starting in September 1999, the Chilean peso was allowed to float freely against the United States dollar for the first time. Chile's Central Bank, however, reserved the right to intervene, which it did on two occasions to counter excessive depreciation: the first, in August and September 2001, coincided with Argentina's convertibility crisis and with the September 11 attacks in the United States. The second, in October 2002, was during Brazil's presidential election.

During the first months of the Presidency of Gabriel Boric, the US dollar began to have a strong appreciation against the Chilean peso, among the reasons was the very strong drop in the raw material of Copper, in addition to political and economic instability due to the rise of the cost of living reaching its highest level in 20 years of 2-digit inflation of 14.1%, also due to uncertainty about the arrival of the 2022 Chilean constitutional referendum that would take place a few months later between approval and rejection and the discouraging economic figures in China led the dollar to exceed the figure of 1000 pesos for the first time in its history, reaching a price of more than 1050 pesos per dollar; after that, the Central Bank of Chile carried out its largest exchange intervention in the market, intervening on Thursday, July 14, 2022, for an amount of up to US$25,000 million starting on Monday, July 18, 2022 and until September 30. of 2022.

During 2023, the dollar has had a strong devaluation that was quoted at approximately 780 Pesos per dollar. On Friday, July 28, 2023, the Central Bank of Chile announced the strongest drop since 2009 in the monetary policy rate with a drop substantial 100 basic points from 11.25% to 10.25%, which led the dollar to have a strong rise as there began to be greater access to loans and as time deposits were not profitable, they led to reaching 860 pesos per dollar.

title: Chilean peso


text:
Agathis australis

Agathis australis, or kauri, is a coniferous tree in the family Araucariaceae, found north of 38°S in the northern regions of New Zealand's North Island.

It is the largest (by volume) but not tallest species of tree in New Zealand, standing up to 50 m tall in the emergent layer above the forest's main canopy. The tree has smooth bark and small narrow leaves. Other common names to distinguish A. australis from other members of Agathis are southern kauri and New Zealand kauri.

With its podsolization capability and regeneration pattern it can compete with faster growing angiosperms. Because it is such a conspicuous species, forest containing kauri is generally known as kauri forest, although kauri need not be the most abundant tree. In the warmer northern climate, kauri forests have a higher species richness than those found further south. Kauri even act as a foundation species that modify the soil under their canopy to create unique plant communities.

Taxonomy
Scottish botanist David Don described the species as Dammara australis.

Agathis is derived from Greek and means 'ball of twine', a reference to the shape of the male cones, which are also known by the botanical term strobili.

Australis means 'southern'.

Etymology
The Māori name is descended from Proto-Polynesian *kauquli, Samoan ebony or Diospyros samoensis.

Description
The young plant grows straight upwards and has the form of a narrow cone with branches going out along the length of the trunk. However, as it gains in height, the lowest branches are shed, preventing vines from climbing. By maturity, the top branches form an imposing crown that stands out over all other native trees, dominating the forest canopy.

The flaking bark of the kauri tree defends it from parasitic plants, and accumulates around the base of the trunk. On large trees it may pile up to a height of 2 m or more. The kauri has a habit of forming small clumps or patches scattered through mixed forests.

Kauri leaves are 3 to 7 cm long and 1 cm broad, tough and leathery in texture, with no midrib; they are arranged in opposite pairs or whorls of three on the stem. The seed cones are globose, 5 to 7 cm diameter, and mature 18 to 20 months after pollination; the seed cones disintegrate at maturity to release winged seeds, which are then dispersed by the wind. A single tree produces both male and female seed cones. Fertilisation of the seeds occurs by pollination, which may be driven by the same or another tree's pollen.

Size
Agathis australis can attain heights of 40 to 50 metres and trunk diameters big enough to rival Californian sequoias at over 5 metres. The largest kauri trees did not attain as much height or girth at ground level but contain more timber in their cylindrical trunks than comparable Sequoias with their tapering stems.

The largest recorded specimen was known as The Great Ghost and grew in the mountains at the head of the Tararu Creek, which drains into the Hauraki Gulf just north of the mouth of the Waihou River (Thames). Thames Historian Alastair Isdale says the tree was 8.54 metres in diameter, and 26.83 metres in girth. It was consumed by fire c.1890.

A kauri tree at Mill Creek, Mercury Bay, known as Father of the Forests was measured in the early 1840s as 22 metres in circumference and 24 metres to the first branches. It was recorded as being killed by lightning in that period.

Another huge tree, Kairaru, had a girth of 20.1 metres and a columnar trunk free of branches for 30.5 metres as measured by a Crown Lands ranger, Henry Wilson, in 1860. It was on a spur of Mt Tutamoe about 30 km south of Waipoua Forest near Kaihau. It was destroyed in the 1880s or 1890s when a series of huge fires swept the area.

Other trees far larger than living kauri have been noted in other areas. Rumors of stumps up to 6 metres are sometimes suggested in areas such as the Billygoat Track above the Kauaeranga Valley near Thames. However, there is no good evidence for these (e.g., a documented measurement or a photograph with a person for scale).

Given that over 90 per cent of the area of kauri forest standing before 1000AD was destroyed by about 1900, it is not surprising that recent records are of smaller, but still very large trees. Two large kauri fell during tropical storms in the 1970s. One of these was Toronui, in Waipoua Forest. Its diameter was larger than that of Tāne Mahuta and its clean bole larger than that of Te Matua Ngahere, and by forestry measurements was the largest standing. Another tree, Kopi, in Omahuta Forest near the standing Hokianga kauri, was the third largest with a height of 56.39 metres (185') and a diameter of 4.19 metres (13.75'). It fell in 1973. Like many ancient kauri both trees were partly hollow.

Growth rate and age
In general over the lifetime of the tree the growth rate tends to increase, reach a maximum, then decline. A 1987 study measured mean annual diameter increments ranging from 1.5 to 4.6 mm per year with an overall average of 2.3 mm per year. This is equivalent to 8.7 annual rings per centimetre of core, said to be half the commonly quoted figure for growth rate. The same study found only a weak relationship between age and diameter. The growth of kauri in planted and second-growth natural forests has been reviewed and compared during the development of growth and yield models for the species. Kauri in planted forests were found to have up to 12 times the volume productivity than those in natural stands at the same age.

Individuals in the same 10 cm diameter class may vary in age by 300 years, and the largest individual on any particular site is often not the oldest. Trees can normally live longer than 600 years. Many individuals probably exceed 1000 years, but there is no conclusive evidence that trees can exceed 2000 years in age. By combining tree ring samples from living kauri, wooden buildings, and preserved swamp wood, a dendrochronology has been created which reaches back 4,500 years, the longest tree ring record of past climate change in the southern hemisphere. One 1700 year old swamp wood kauri that dates to approximately 42,000 years ago contains fine-scale carbon-14 fluctuations in its rings that may be reflective of the most recent magnetic field flip of the earth.

Root structure and soil interaction
Much like podocarps, it feeds in the organic litter near the surface of the soil through fine root hairs. This layer of the soil is composed of organic matter derived from falling leaves and branches as well as dead trees, and is constantly undergoing decomposition. On the other hand, broadleaf trees such as māhoe derive a good fraction of their nutrition in the deeper mineral layer of the soil. Although its feeding root system is very shallow, it also has several downwardly directed peg roots which anchor it firmly in the soil. Such a solid foundation is necessary to prevent a tree the size of a kauri from blowing over in storms and cyclones.

The litter left by kauri is much more acidic than most trees, and as it decays similarly acidic compounds are liberated. In a process known as leaching, these acidic molecules pass through the soil layers with the help of rainfall, and release other nutrients trapped in clay such as nitrogen and phosphorus. This leaves these important nutrients unavailable to other trees, as they are washed down into deeper layers. This process is known as podsolization, and changes the soil colour to a dull grey. For a single tree, this leaves an area of leached soil beneath known as a cup podsol ( de ). This leaching process is important for kauri's survival as it competes with other species for space.

Leaf litter and other decaying parts of a kauri decompose much more slowly than those of most other species. Besides its acidity, the plant also bears substances such as waxes and phenols, most notably tannins, that are harmful to microorganisms. This results in a large buildup of litter around the base of a mature tree in which its own roots feed. As with most perennials, these feeding roots also house a symbiotic fungi known as mycorrhiza which increase the plant's efficiency in taking up nutrients. In this mutualistic relationship, the fungus derives its own nutrition from the roots. In its interactions with the soil, kauri is thus able to starve its competitors of much needed nutrients and compete with much younger lineages.

The fungi on kauri are a food source for the larvae of the New Zealand giraffe weevil, Lasiorhynchus barbicornis. The larvae of L. barbicornis burrow into the wood of a tree for up to two years. Then L. barbicornis exit the bark of the tree as a fully formed adult beetle. These adult L. barbicornis exit from trees in Spring and Summer and months. After emerging from the tree, these adult L. barbicornis only live for a few weeks.

Local spatial distribution
In terms of local topography, kauri is far from randomly dispersed. As mentioned above, kauri relies on depriving its competitors of nutrition in order to survive. However, one important consideration not discussed thus far is the slope of the land. Water on hills flows downward by the action of gravity, taking with it the nutrients in the soil. This results in a gradient from nutrient poor soil at the top of slopes to nutrient rich soils below. As nutrients leached are replaced by aqueous nitrates and phosphates from above, the kauri tree is less able to inhibit the growth of strong competitors such as angiosperms. In contrast, the leaching process is only enhanced on higher elevation. In Waipoua Forest this is reflected in higher abundances of kauri on ridge crests, and greater concentrations of its main competitors, such as tarairi, at low elevations. This pattern is known as niche partitioning, and allows more than one species to occupy the same area. Those species which live alongside kauri include tawari, a montane broadleaf tree which is normally found in higher altitudes, where nutrient cycling is naturally slow.

Changes over recent geological time
Kauri is found growing in its natural ecosystem north of 38°S latitude. Its southern limit stretches from the Kawhia Harbour in the west to the eastern Kaimai Range. However, its distribution has changed greatly over geological time because of climate change. This is shown in the recent Holocene epoch by its migration southwards after the peak of the last ice age. During this time when frozen ice sheets covered much of the world's continents, kauri was able to survive only in isolated pockets, its main refuge being in the very far north. Radiocarbon dating is one technique used by scientists to uncover the history of the tree's distribution, with stump kauri from peat swamps used for measurement. The coldest period in recent times occurred about 15,000 to 20,000 years ago, during which time kauri was apparently confined north of Kaitaia, near the northernmost point of the North Island, North Cape. Kauri requires a mean temperature of 17 °C or more for most of the year. The tree's retreat can be used as a proxy for temperature changes during this period. While not present in modern days, the Aupōuri Peninsula in the far north was a refuge for kauri, as large quantities of kauri gum were present in the soils.

It remains unclear whether kauri recolonised the North Island from a single refuge in the far north or from scattered pockets of isolated stands that managed to survive despite climatic conditions. It spread south through Whangārei, past Dargaville and as far south as Waikato, attaining its peak distribution during the years 3000 BP to 2000 BP. There is some suggestion that it has receded somewhat since then, which may indicate temperatures have declined slightly. During the peak of its movement southwards, it was travelling as fast as 200 metres per year. Its southward spread seems relatively rapid for a tree that can take a millennium to reach complete maturity. This can be explained by its life history pattern.

Kauri relies on wind for pollination and seed dispersal, while many other native trees have their seeds carried large distances by frugivores (animals which eat fruit) such as the kererū (native pigeon). However, kauri trees can produce seeds while relatively young, taking only 50 years or so before giving rise to their own offspring. This trait makes them somewhat like a pioneer species, despite the fact that their long lifespan is characteristic of K-selected species. In good conditions, where access to water and sunlight are above average, diameters in excess of 15 centimetres and seed production can occur inside 15 years.

Regeneration and life history
Just as the niche of kauri is differentiated through its interactions with the soil, it also has a separate regeneration 'strategy' compared to its broadleaf neighbours. The relationship is very similar to the podocarp-broadleaf forests further south. Kauri demand much more light and require larger gaps to regenerate than such broadleaf trees as pūriri and kohekohe that show far more shade tolerance. Unlike kauri, these broadleaf species can regenerate in areas where lower levels of light reach ground level, for example from a single branch falling off. Kauri trees must therefore remain alive long enough for a large disturbance to occur, allowing them sufficient light to regenerate. In areas where large amounts of forest are destroyed, such as by logging, kauri seedlings are able to regenerate much more easily due not only to increased sunlight, but their relatively strong resistance to wind and frosts. Kauri occupy the emergent layer of the forest, where they are exposed to the effects of the weather; however, the smaller trees that dominate the main canopy are sheltered both by the emergent trees above and by each other. Left in open areas without protection, these smaller trees are far less capable of regenerating.

When there is a disturbance severe enough to favour their regeneration, kauri trees regenerate en masse, producing a generation of trees of similar age after each disturbance. The distribution of kauri allows researchers to deduce when and where disturbances have occurred, and how large they may have been; the presence of abundant kauri may indicate that an area is prone to disturbance. Kauri seedlings can still occur in areas with low light but mortality rates increase for such seedlings, and those that survive self-thinning and grow to sapling stage tend to be found in higher light environments.

During periods with less disturbance kauri tends to lose ground to broadleaf competitors which can better tolerate shaded environments. In the complete absence of disturbance, kauri tends to become rare as it is excluded by its competitors. Kauri biomass tends to decrease during such times, as more biomass becomes concentrated in angiosperm species like tōwai. Kauri trees also tend to become more randomly distributed in age, with each tree dying at a different point in time, and regeneration gaps becoming rare and sporadic. Over thousands of years these varying regeneration strategies produce a tug of war effect where kauri retreats uphill during periods of calm, then takes over lower areas briefly during mass disturbances. Although such trends cannot be observed in a human lifetime, research into current patterns of distribution, behavior of species in experimental conditions, and study of pollen sediments (see palynology) have helped shed light on the life history of kauri.

Kauri seeds may generally be taken from mature cones in late March. Each scale on a cone contains a single winged seed approximately 5 mm by 8 mm and attached to a thin wing perhaps half as large again. The cone is fully open and dispersed within only two to three days of starting.

Studies show that kauri develop root grafts through which they share water and nutrients with neighbours of the same species.

Deforestation
Heavy logging, which began around 1820 and continued for a century, has considerably decreased the number of kauri trees. It has been estimated that before 1840, the kauri forests of northern New Zealand occupied at least 12,000 square kilometres. The British Royal Navy sent four vessels, HMS Coromandel (1821), HMS Dromedary (1821), HMS Buffalo (1813) (1840), and HMS Tortoise (1841) to gather kauri-wood spars.

By 1900, less than 10 per cent of the original kauri survived. By the 1950s this area had decreased to about 1,400 square kilometres in 47 forests depleted of their best kauri. It is estimated that today, there is 4 per cent of uncut forest left in small pockets.

Estimates are that around half of the timber was accidentally or deliberately burnt. More than half of the remainder had been exported to Australia, Britain, and other countries, while the balance was used locally to build houses and ships. Much of the timber was sold for a return sufficient only to cover wages and expenses. From 1871 to 1895 the receipts indicate a rate of about 8 shillings (around NZ$20 in 2003) per 100 superficial feet (34 shillings/m3).

The Government continued to sell large areas of kauri forests to sawmillers who, under no restrictions, took the most effective and economical steps to secure the timber, resulting in much waste and destruction. At a sale in 1908 more than 5,000 standing kauri trees, totalling about 20,000,000 superficial feet (47,000 m3), were sold for less than £2 per tree (£2 in 1908 equates to around NZ$100 in 2003). It is said that in 1890 the royalty on standing timber fell in some cases to as low as twopence (NZ$0.45 in 2003) per 100 superficial feet (8 pence/m3), though the expense of cutting and removing it to the mills was typically great due to the difficult terrain where they were located.

Probably the most controversial kauri logging decision in the last century was that of the National Government to initiate clear fell logging of the Warawara state forest (North of the Hokianga) in the late 1960s. This created a national outcry as this forest contains the second largest volume of kauri after the Waipoua forest and was until that time, essentially unlogged (Adams, 1980). The plan also involved considerable cost, requiring a long road to be driven up a steep high plateau into the heart of the protected area. Because the stands of kauri were dense, the ecological destruction in the affected plateau area (approximately a fifth of the forest by area, and a quarter by volume of timber) was essentially complete (as of the early 1990s most of the affected area contained a thick covering of native grasses with little or no kauri regeneration). Logging was stopped in fulfillment of an election pledge by the Labour Government of 1972. When the National Party was reelected in 1975, the ban on kauri logging in the Warawara remained in place, but was soon replaced by policies encouraging the logging of giant tōtara and other podocarps in the central North Island. The outcry over the Warawara was an important stepping stone towards the legal protection of the small percentage of remaining virgin kauri-podocarp forest in New Zealand's Government-owned forests.

Uses
Although today its use is far more restricted, in the past the size and strength of kauri timber made it a popular wood for construction and ship building, particularly for masts of sailing ships because of its parallel grain and the absence of branches for much of its height. Kauri crown and stump wood was much appreciated for its beauty, and was sought after for ornamental wood panelling as well as high-end furniture. Although not as highly prized, the light colour of kauri trunk wood made it also well-suited for more utilitarian furniture construction, as well as for use in the fabrication of cisterns, barrels, bridge construction material, fences, moulds for metal forges, large rollers for the textile industry, railway sleepers and cross bracing for mines and tunnels.

In the late 19th and early 20th centuries Kauri gum (semi-fossilised kauri resin) was a valuable commodity, particularly for varnish, spurring the development of a gum-digger industry.

Today, the kauri is being considered as a long-term carbon sink. This is because estimates of the total carbon content in living above ground biomass and dead biomass of mature kauri forest are the second highest of any forest type recorded anywhere in the world. The estimated total carbon capture is up to nearly 1000 tonnes per hectare. In this capacity, kauri are bettered only by mature Eucalyptus regnans forest, and are far higher than any tropical or boreal forest type yet recorded. It is also conjectured that the process of carbon capture does not reach equilibrium, which along with no need of direct maintenance, makes kauri forests a potentially attractive alternative to short rotation forestry options such as Pinus radiata.

Timber
Kauri is considered a first rate timber. The whiter sapwood is generally slightly lighter in weight. Kauri is not highly resistant to rot and when used in boatbuilding must be protected from the elements with paint, varnish or epoxy to avoid rot. Its popularity with boatbuilders is due to its very long, clear lengths, its relatively light weight and its beautiful sheen when oiled or varnished. Kauri wood planes and saws easily. Its wood holds screws and nails very well and does not readily split, crack, or warp. Kauri wood darkens with age to a richer golden brown colour. Very little New Zealand kauri is now sold, and the most commonly available kauri in New Zealand is Fiji kauri, which is very similar in appearance but lighter in weight.
 * Technical specifications
 * Moisture content of dried wood: 12 per cent
 * Density of wood: 560 kg/m3
 * Tensile strength: 88 MPa
 * Modulus of elasticity: 9.1 GPa
 * After felled kauri wood dries to a 12 per cent moisture content, the tangential contraction is 4.1 per cent and the radial contraction is 2.3 per cent.

Swamp kauri
Prehistoric kauri forests have been preserved in waterlogged soils as swamp kauri. A considerable number of kauri have been found buried in salt marshes, resulting from ancient natural changes such as volcanic eruptions, sea-level changes and floods. Such trees have been radiocarbon dated to 50,000 years ago or older. The bark and the seed cones of the trees often survive together with the trunk, although when excavated and exposed to the air, these parts undergo rapid deterioration. The quality of the disinterred wood varies. Some is in good shape, comparable to that of newly felled kauri, although often lighter in colour. The colour can be improved by the use of natural wood stains to heighten the details of the grain. After a drying process, such ancient kauri can be used for furniture, but not for construction.

Conservation
The small remaining pockets of kauri forest in New Zealand have survived in areas that were not subjected to burning by Māori and were too inaccessible for European loggers. The largest area of mature kauri forest is Waipoua Forest in Northland. Mature and regenerating kauri can also be found in other National and Regional Parks such as Puketi and Omahuta Forests in Northland, the Waitākere Ranges near Auckland, and Coromandel Forest Park on the Coromandel Peninsula.

The importance of Waipoua Forest in relation to the kauri was that it remained the only kauri forest retaining its former virgin condition, and that it was extensive enough to give reasonable promise of permanent survival. On 2 July 1952 an area of over 80 km2 of Waipoua was proclaimed a forest sanctuary after a petition to the Government. The zoologist William Roy McGregor was one of the driving forces in this movement, writing an 80-page illustrated pamphlet on the subject, which proved an effective manifesto for conservation. Along with the Warawara to the North, Waipoua Forest contains three quarters of New Zealand's remaining kauri. Kauri Grove on the Coromandel Peninsula is another area with a remaining cluster of kauri, and includes the Siamese Kauri, two trees with a conjoined lower trunk.

In 1921 a philanthropic Cornishman named James Trounson sold to the Government for £40,000, a large area adjacent to a few acres of Crown land and said to contain at least 4,000 kauri trees. From time to time Trounson gifted additional land, until what is known as Trounson Park comprised a total of 4 km2.

The most famous specimens are Tāne Mahuta and Te Matua Ngahere in Waipoua Forest. These two trees have become tourist attractions because of their size and accessibility. Tane Mahuta, named after the Māori forest god, is the biggest existing kauri with a girth of 13.77 m, a trunk height of 17.68 m, a total height of 51.2 m and a total volume including the crown of 516.7 m3. Te Matua Ngahere, which means 'Father of the Forest', is smaller but stouter than Tane Mahuta, with a girth (circumference) of 16.41 m. Important note: all the measurements above were taken in 1971.

Kauri is common as a specimen tree in parks and gardens throughout New Zealand, prized for the distinctive look of young trees, its low maintenance once established (although seedlings are frost tender).

Kauri dieback

Kauri dieback was observed in the Waitākere Ranges caused by Phytophthora cinnamomi in the 1950s, again on  Great Barrier Island in 1972 linked to a different pathogen, Phytophthora agathidicida and subsequently spread to kauri forest on the mainland. The disease, known as kauri dieback or kauri collar rot, is believed to be over 300 years old and causes yellowing leaves, thinning canopy, dead branches, lesions that bleed resin, and tree death.

Phytophthora agathidicida was identified as a new species in April 2008. Its closest known relative is Phytophthora katsurae. The pathogen is believed to be spread on people's shoes or by mammals, particularly feral pigs. A collaborative response team has been formed to work on the disease. The team includes MAF Biosecurity, the Conservation Department, Auckland and Northland regional councils, Waikato Regional Council, and Bay of Plenty Regional Council. The team is charged with assessing the risk, determining methods and their feasibility to limit the spread, collecting more information (e.g. how widespread), and ensuring a coordinated response. The Department of Conservation has issued guidelines to prevent the spread of the disease, including keeping to defined tracks, cleaning footwear before and after entering kauri forest areas, and staying away from kauri roots.

title: Agathis australis


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Metrosideros excelsa

Metrosideros excelsa, commonly known as pōhutukawa, New Zealand Christmas tree, and iron tree, is a coastal evergreen tree in the myrtle family, Myrtaceae, that produces a brilliant display of red (or occasionally orange, yellow or white ) flowers, each consisting of a mass of stamens. The pōhutukawa is one of twelve Metrosideros species endemic to New Zealand. Renowned for its vibrant colour and its ability to survive even perched on rocky, precarious cliffs, it has found an important place in New Zealand culture for its strength and beauty, and is regarded as a chiefly tree (rākau rangatira) by Māori.

Etymology
The generic name Metrosideros derives from the Ancient Greek mētra or "heartwood" and sideron or "iron". The species name excelsa is from Latin excelsus, "highest, sublime". Pōhutukawa is a Māori word. Its closest equivalent in other Polynesian languages is the Cook Island Māori word po'utukava, referring to a coastal shrub with white berries, Sophora tomentosa. The -hutu- part of the word comes from *futu, the Polynesian name for the fish-poison tree (Barringtonia asiatica; compare with vutu and futu), which has flowers similar to those of the pōhutukawa.

Description
Pōhutukawa grow up to 25 m high, with a spreading, dome-like form. They usually grow as a multi-trunked spreading tree. Their trunks and branches are sometimes festooned with matted, fibrous aerial roots. The oblong, leathery leaves are covered in dense white hairs underneath.

The tree flowers from November to January with a peak in early summer (mid to late December), with brilliant crimson flowers covering the tree, hence the nickname New Zealand Christmas tree. There is variation between individual trees in the timing of flowering, and in the shade and brightness of the flowers. In isolated populations genetic drift has resulted in local variation: many of the trees growing around the Rotorua lakes produce pink-shaded flowers, and the yellow-flowered cultivar 'Aurea' descends from a pair discovered in 1940 on Mōtītī Island in the Bay of Plenty.

Distribution
The natural range of pōhutukawa is the coastal regions of the North Island of New Zealand, north of a line stretching from New Plymouth (39° S) to Gisborne (38° S), where it once formed a continuous coastal fringe. By the 1990s, pastoral farming and introduced pests had reduced pōhutukawa forests by over 90%. It also occurs naturally on the shores of lakes in the Rotorua area and in Abel Tasman National Park at the top of South Island.

The tree is renowned as a cliff-dweller, able to maintain a hold in precarious, near-vertical situations. Like its Hawaiian relative the ōhia lehua (M. polymorpha), pōhutukawa have shown to be efficient in the colonisation of lava plains – notably on Rangitoto, a volcanic island in the Hauraki Gulf.

Iconic pōhutukawa
A giant pōhutukawa at Te Araroa on the East Coast is reputed to be the largest in the country, with a height of 20 metres and a spread of 38 m.

A pōhutukawa tree with an estimated age of 180 years known as 'Te Hā' is fully established at an Auckland City park. 'Te Hā' is the largest urban specimen in the country. Plans to build a monument in honour of victims of the Erebus Disaster in proximity to the tree activated significant local opposition in 2021.

Conservation
In New Zealand, pōhutukawa are under threat from browsing by the introduced common brushtail possum which strips the tree of its leaves. A charitable conservation trust, Project Crimson, has the aim of reversing the decline of pōhutukawa and other Metrosideros species – its mission statement is "to enable pōhutukawa and rata to flourish again in their natural habitat as icons in the hearts and minds of all New Zealanders".

Uses
Pōhutukawa wood is dense, strong and highly figured. Māori used it for beaters and other small, heavy items. It was frequently used in shipbuilding, since the naturally curvy shapes made strong knees. Extracts are used in traditional Māori healing for the treatment of diarrhoea, dysentery, sore throat and wounds.

Cultivation
Pōhutukawa are popular in cultivation, and there are fine examples in most North Island coastal cities. Vigorous and easy to grow, the tree flourishes well south of its natural range, and has naturalised in the Wellington area and in the north of the South Island. It has also naturalised on Norfolk Island to the north. Pōhutukawa have been introduced to other countries with mild-to-warm climates, including south-eastern Australia, where it is naturalising on coastal cliffs near Sydney. In coastal California, it is a popular street and lawn tree, but has caused concern in San Francisco where its root systems are blamed for destroying sewer lines and sidewalks. In parts of South Africa, pōhutukawa grow so well that they are regarded as an invasive species. The Spanish city of A Coruña has adopted the pōhutukawa as a floral emblem.

At least 39 cultivars of pōhutukawa have been released. Duncan & Davies nurseries were a leading force in the mid-20th century, while the late Graeme Platt has been responsible for 16 different cultivars so far, including a rare white-flowering tree. Cultivars include:

title: Metrosideros excelsa


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Kōwhai

Kōwhai ( or ) are small woody legume trees within the genus Sophora, in the family Fabaceae, that are native to New Zealand. There are eight species, with Sophora microphylla and S. tetraptera being as large trees. Their natural habitat is beside streams and on the edges of forest, in lowland or mountain open areas. Kōwhai trees grow throughout the country and are a common feature in New Zealand gardens. Outside of New Zealand, kōwhai tend to be restricted to mild temperate maritime climates.

The blooms of the kōwhai are widely regarded as being New Zealand's unofficial national flower. As such, it is often incorporated as a visual shorthand for the country, such as in Meghan Markle's wedding veil, which included distinctive flora representing all Commonwealth nations.

The Māori word kōwhai is related to words in some other Polynesian languages that refer to different species that look superficially similar, such as 'ōhai (Sesbania tomentosa), ofai (Sesbania grandiflora) and Marquesan kohai (Caesalpinia pulcherrima). Kōwhai is also the Māori word for the colour yellow. The spelling kowhai (without a macron) is common in New Zealand English.

Species
The eight species of kōwhai are:
 * Sophora chathamica, coastal kōwhai
 * Sophora fulvida, Waitakere kōwhai
 * Sophora godleyi, Godley's kōwhai
 * Sophora longicarinata, limestone kōwhai
 * Sophora microphylla, small-leaved kōwhai
 * Sophora molloyi, Cook Strait kōwhai
 * Sophora prostrata, prostrate kōwhai
 * Sophora tetraptera, large-leaved kōwhai

Description and ecology
Most species of kōwhai grow to around 8 m high and have fairly smooth bark with small leaves. S. microphylla has smaller leaves (0.5–0.7 cm long by 0.3–0.4 cm wide) and flowers (2.5–3.5 cm long) than S. tetraptera, which has leaves of 1–2 cm long and flowers that are 3–5 cm long.

The very distinctive seed pods that appear after flowering are almost segmented, and each contains six or more smooth, hard seeds. Most species have yellow seeds, but Sophora prostrata has black ones. The seeds of Sophora microphylla can be very numerous and the presence of many hundreds of these distinctively yellow seeds on the ground quickly identifies the presence of a nearby kōwhai tree. Many species of kōwhai are semi-deciduous and lose most of their leaves immediately after flowering in October or November, but quickly produce new leaves. Flowering of kōwhai is staggered from July through to November, meaning each tree will get attention from birds such as tūī, kererū and bellbird. Tūī are very attracted to kōwhai and will fly long distances to get a sip of its nectar.

The wood of kōwhai is dense and strong and has been used in the past for tools and machinery.

Sophora is one of the four genera of native legumes in New Zealand; the other three are Carmichaelia, Clianthus, and Montigena.

Studies of accumulated dried vegetation in the pre-human mid-late Holocene period suggests a low Sophora microphylla forest ecosystem in Central Otago that was used and perhaps maintained by giant moa birds, for both nesting material and food. The forests and moa no longer existed when European settlers came to the area in the 1850s.

Cultivation
Kōwhai can be grown from seed or tip cuttings in spring and autumn. The dark or bright yellow seeds germinate best after chitting and being soaked in water for several hours. They can also benefit from a several minute submersion in boiling water to soften the hard shell and then being kept in the same water, taken off boil, for several hours to soak up the water. Young kōwhai are quite frost tender, so cuttings or seedlings should be planted in their second year when they are 30 cm or higher.

If grown from seed, kōwhai can take many years to flower, the number of years varies depending on the species.

S. prostrata, sometimes called "little baby", is used as a bonsai tree. It grows up to two metres high, has divaricating stems, and sparse smallish leaves.

Toxicity
All parts of the kōwhai, particularly the seeds, are poisonous to humans. However, there do not appear to have been any confirmed cases in humans of severe poisoning following ingestion of kōwhai in New Zealand.

Traditional Māori use
Traditionally the Māori used the flexible branches as a construction material in their houses and to snare birds. The kōwhai flowers were a source of yellow dye. Also, when the kōwhai flowers bloom, in late winter and early spring, it is time to plant kumara (sweet potato).

Māori also used the kōwhai tree as medicine. Wedges made of kowhai stem were used to split wood, it was used for fences and in whare (Maori hut) construction, implements and weapons. The bark was heated in a calabash with hot stones, and made into a poultice to treat wounds or rubbed on a sore back or made into an infusion to treat bruising or muscular pains. If someone was bitten by a seal, an infusion (wai kōwhai) was prepared from kōwhai and applied to the wounds and the patient was said to recover within days.

title: Kōwhai


text:
Chicago blues

Chicago blues is a form of blues music that developed in Chicago, Illinois. It is based on earlier blues idioms, such as Delta blues, but is performed in an urban style. It developed alongside the Great Migration of African Americans of the first half of the twentieth century. Key features that distinguish Chicago blues from the earlier traditions, such as Delta blues, is the prominent use of electrified instruments, especially the electric guitar, and especially the use of electronic effects such as distortion and overdrive.

Muddy Waters, a colleague of Delta blues musicians Son House and Robert Johnson, migrated to Chicago in 1943, joining the established Big Bill Broonzy, where they developed a distinctive style of blues music. Joined by artists such as Willie Dixon, Howlin' Wolf, and John Lee Hooker, Chicago blues reached an international audience by the late 1950s and early 1960s, directly influencing not only the development of early rock and roll musicians such as Chuck Berry and Bo Diddley, but also reaching across the Atlantic to influence both British blues and early hard rock acts such as Eric Clapton, the Rolling Stones, and Led Zeppelin. Prominent record labels such as Vee-Jay Records and Chess Records helped promote and spread the style. The Chicago Blues Festival has been held annually since 1984, on the anniversary of Muddy Waters' death, as a means of preserving and promoting Chicago blues.

History
Urban blues evolved from classic blues following the Great Migration, or the Great Northern Drive, which was both forced and voluntary at times, of African Americans from the southern U.S. to the industrial cities of the north, such as Chicago. Big Bill Broonzy and Muddy Waters directly joined that migration, like many others, escaping the harsher southern Jim Crow laws. Bruce Iglauer, founder of Alligator Records stated that, "Chicago blues is the music of the industrial city, and has an industrial sense about it." Additionally, recognizing the shift in blues, Chicago blues singer and guitarist Kevin Moore expressed the blues transition stating, "You have to put some new life into it, new blood, new perspectives. You can't keep talking about mules, workin' on the levee." Chicago blues was heavily influenced by Mississippi bluesmen who traveled to Chicago in the early 1940s. Chicago blues is based on the sound of the electric guitar and the harmonica, with the harmonica played through a PA system or guitar amplifier, both heavily amplified and often to the point of distortion, and a rhythm section of drums and bass (double bass at first, and later electric bass guitar) with piano depending on the song or performer.

Urban blues started in Chicago and St. Louis, as music created by part-time musicians playing as street musicians, at rent parties, and other events in the black community. For example, bottleneck guitarist Kokomo Arnold was a steelworker and had a moonshine business that was far more profitable than his music.

An early incubator for Chicago blues was the open-air market on Maxwell Street, one of the largest open-air markets in the nation. Residents of the black community would frequent it to buy and sell just about anything. It was a natural location for blues musicians to perform, earn tips, and jam with other musicians. The standard path for blues musicians was to start out as street musicians and at house parties and eventually make their way to blues clubs. The first blues clubs in Chicago were mostly in predominantly black neighborhoods on the South Side, with a few in the smaller black neighborhoods on the West Side. New trends in technology, chaotic streets and bars adding drums to an electric mix, gave birth to a new club culture. One of the most famous was Ruby Lee Gatewood's Tavern, known by patrons as "The Gates". During the 1930s virtually every big-name artist played there.

What drove the blues to international influence was the promotion of record companies such as Paramount Records, RCA Victor, and Columbia Records. Through such record companies Chicago blues became a commercial enterprise. The new style of music eventually reached Europe and the United Kingdom. In the 1960s, young British musicians were highly influenced by Chicago blues resulting in the British blues movement.

According to Christgau's Record Guide: Rock Albums of the Seventies (1981), Chicago blues saw its best documentation during the 1970s thanks in part to Alligator Records and its owner Bruce Iglauer, described by Robert Christgau as a "folkie Leonard Chess".

Influence of Chicago blues
Chicago blues was one of the most significant influences on early rock music. Chuck Berry originally signed with Chess Records—one of the most significant Chicago blues record labels. Berry met and was influenced by Muddy Waters in Chicago and Waters suggested he audition for Chess. Willie Dixon and other blues musicians played on some of Berry's early records. In the UK in the early 1960s, beat groups, such as the Rolling Stones, the Yardbirds, and the Animals (dubbed the British invasion in the US), were heavily influenced by Chicago blues artists. The last two served as backing musicians for Sonny Boy Williamson II and made their first recordings with him when he toured England in 1963 and 1964. At the same time, American artists, such as the Paul Butterfield Blues Band (who included two members of Howlin' Wolf's band), John P. Hammond, and Charlie Musselwhite performed in the style of Chicago blues. Later, Cream, Rory Gallagher, and the Allman Brothers Band also pursued their own interpretations of Chicago blues songs and helped popularize blues rock.

title: Chicago blues