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Southern hip hop

Southern hip hop, also known as Southern rap, South Coast hip hop, or dirty south, is a blanket term for a regional genre of American hip hop music that emerged in the Southern United States, especially in Georgia, Texas, Louisiana, Tennessee, and Florida—often titled “The Big 5,” five states which constitute the "Southern Network" in rap music.

The music was a reaction to the 1980s flow of hip hop culture from New York City and the Los Angeles area and can be considered the third major American hip hop scene, alongside East Coast hip hop and West Coast hip hop. Many early Southern rap artists released their music independently or on mixtapes after encountering difficulty securing record-label contracts in the 1990s. By the early 2000s, many Southern artists had attained success, and as the decade went on, both mainstream and underground varieties of Southern hip hop became among the most popular and influential of the entire genre.

History
Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, the American hip hop music market was primarily dominated by artists from the East Coast and West Coast. Los Angeles and New York City were the two main cities where hip hop was receiving widespread attention. The West Coast was mainly represented by groups like N.W.A., Death Row Records, and the East Coast had people like The Notorious B.I.G. and groups like the Wu-Tang Clan, Mobb Deep and Bad Boy Records. In the mid 1980s, cities throughout the Southern United States began to catch on to the hip hop music movement. The Geto Boys, a hip hop group from Houston, were among the first hip hop artists from the Southern United States to gain widespread popularity. Southern hip hop's roots can be traced to the success of the group's Grip It! On That Other Level in 1989, the Rick Rubin-produced The Geto Boys in 1990, and We Can't Be Stopped in 1991.

By the mid-1990s, Atlanta had become a center in Southern hip hop music. Local production crews such as Organized Noize that represented hip hop groups such as OutKast and Goodie Mob played a huge part in helping the South become a center for hip hop music. Murder Dog magazine and Ozone magazine presented information about gangsta rap.

A defining moment for Southern rap was at the 1995 Source Awards. The duo Outkast had just been awarded Best New Artist, and within the tension that was the East Coast–West Coast feud, member André 3000 came up on stage followed by boos and said, "But it's like this though, I'm tired of them closed minded folks, it's like we gotta demo tape but don't nobody want to hear it. But it's like this: the South got something to say, that's all I got to say." As stated by rapper T.I., "Outkast, period. Outkast. That's when it changed. That was the first time when people began to take Southern rap seriously." Former co-owner of the magazine The Source Benzino took credit for the incident in an interview from April 2023, saying "they gave OutKast 4.5 mics (out of 5)... and it got back to OutKast... I didn't understand the music and I was wrong." Both scenes borrowed heavily from a production style first introduced by way of the obscure late-1980s New York rap group The Showboys, heavily sampling the beats from their song "Drag Rap (Trigger Man)". By the early 2000s, these scenes found mainstream success through Disturbing tha Peace in Atlanta, Cash Money Records and No Limit Records out of New Orleans, and Hypnotize Minds out of Memphis, revolutionizing financial structures and strategies for independent Southern rap labels. According to HipHopDX, "Not only is the South on the radar, but now the region that was an underdog is the barometer for rap music and hip-hop culture."

By the early to mid-2000s, artists from the South had begun to develop mainstream popularity with artists like Slim Thug, Paul Wall, Mike Jones, and Lil Keke from Houston; T.I., Ludacris, Bubba Sparxxx, Lil Jon, Gucci Mane and Young Jeezy from Atlanta; Trick Daddy and Rick Ross from Miami; Master P, B.G., Lil Wayne and Juvenile from New Orleans, and Three 6 Mafia and Yo Gotti from Memphis all becoming major label stars during this time.

Southern hip hop peaked in popularity from 2002 through 2004. In 2002, Southern hip hop artists accounted for 50 to 60 percent of the singles on hip hop music charts. On the week of December 13, 2003, Southern urban artists, labels and producers accounted for six of the top 10 slots on the Billboard Hot 100: OutKast (with two singles), Ludacris, Kelis (produced by The Neptunes), Beyoncé and Chingy (on Ludacris' Disturbing Tha Peace label). Additionally, from October 2003 through December 2004, the number one position on the Billboard Hot 100 pop chart was held by a Southern urban artist for 58 out of 62 weeks. This was capped by the week of December 11, 2004 when seven out of the top ten songs on the chart were held by or featured Southern urban artists. In 2004, Vibe magazine reported that Southern artists accounted for 43.6% of the airplay on urban radio stations (compared to 29.7% for the Midwest, 24.1% for the East Coast and 2.5% for the West coast).

The Dirty Decade
"The Dirty Decade", spanning from 1997 to 2007, marked a period of evolution of southern hip-hop. This era witnessed the genre's maturation and widespread recognition, with artists from the Southern United States achieving commercial success. The term "Dirty Decade" is often used to describe the gritty and distinct sound that emerged during this period. Southern hip hop has its roots in the 1980s, with artists like OutKast and the Geto Boys laying the foundation for the genre. It was during the Dirty Decade that Southern hip-hop gained prominence on a national scale. The genre's influences are diverse, drawing from regional cultural elements and blending them with traditional hip-hop elements. Artists who rose to prominence during this era, such as OutKast, Ludacris, and Lil Wayne, continued to shape the contemporary hip-hop landscape. The regional diversity showcased during the Dirty Decade laid the groundwork for the ongoing growth and expansion of Southern hip-hop.

The Dirty Decade in Southern hip-hop was characterized by specific musical elements that set it apart from other regional styles. Heavy basslines, distinctive use of slang, and a fusion of regional influences into the production were notable features. Producers such as Mannie Fresh, Lil Jon, and Organized Noize played key roles in shaping the sound of this era. Artists from the region consistently dominated the charts, with many albums reaching platinum and gold status. Crunk music, in particular, gained widespread popularity, with hits like "Get Low" by Lil Jon and the East Side Boyz and "Salt Shaker" by the Ying Yang Twins becoming notable contributions to the genre.

Louisiana
In the late 1990s "bounce" music was born in New Orleans. Master P established No Limit Records. In 1992, Cash Money Records was founded, releasing bounce and gangsta rap music.

It has fast beats, catchy call-and-response lyrics, and background adlibs, all meant to make people dance and express themselves. Since the late 1980s, bounce music has been really popular in New Orleans. One of the most famous bounce artists is Big Freedia, known as the Queen of Bounce. She has worked with Beyonce, walked the MET Gala Runway with Ciara, and even had her own TV show on Fuse.

You can hear bounce music in many clubs across the city, especially at The Hangover Bar. On Second Line Sundays, brass bands play lively beats for people to dance along the parade route. If you want to learn some moves, there are interactive twerk classes like Twerk NOLA and Shake Ya Brass at Crescent Park that feature bounce music.

More popular bounce artists are DJ Jubilee, Juvenile, Magnolia Shorty.

Florida
Miami Bass music is known for its explicit lyrics about sex, fast dance beats, and a strong bass with a constant kick drum. The genre is all about parties, drugs, sex, and champagne.

The single "Throw The D" by the group 2 Live Crew in January 1986 was the first Miami bass song. Fresh Kid Ice (Christopher Wong Won) said that the song came about when he noticed a new popular dance in Miami, when Herman Kelly and Life's song "Dance to the drummer's beat" played. 2 Live Crew released their album As Nasty As They Wanna Be in 1989.

2 Live Crew got into trouble for explicit lyrics in their 1989 album "As Nasty as They Wanna Be." A judge said it was too obscene to sell, but 2 Live Crew won the legal fight. This allowed them and others to keep using slang and explicit content, but they had to put a warning on album covers.

Luke Campbell and David Hobbs from 2 Live Crew were important in making Miami Bass popular through these controversial albums.

Tennessee
Three 6 Mafia, DJ Paul, Juicy J, Lord Infamous, Crunchy Black, Gangsta Boo, La Chat, Project Pat, Indo G, Playa Fly, Eightball and MJG, Yo Gotti, Moneybagg Yo, NLE Choppa, Pooh Shiesty, Blac Youngsta and Young Dolph all came from Memphis, Tennessee.

Tennessee hip-hop blends the style of southern rap, and funk. The Tennessee rap scene popularized musical subgenres within the community, such as Memphis Rap, and Memphis horror-core. Arrested Development's debut album 3 Years, 5 Months and 2 Days in the Life Of... had the song Tennessee in 1992, which is thought to have been the first rap song to release from the state.

Alabama
The gangsta rap group Dirty is from Montgomery, Alabama. As hip-hop formulated in The Bronx, its influence began to bleed to other parts of the world. For decades, hip hop has existed in Alabama. Codie G was the manager to G-side and became a mentor to many Alabamian people in the rap community. His involvement spear-headed the genre into popularity within the state of Alabama. In 1999, The group Dirty Boyz debuted with the album Country Versatile thus solidifying hip-hop's place in the state.

Georgia
In 2009, the New York Times called Atlanta "hip-hop's center of gravity", and the city is home to many famous hip-hop, R&B and neo soul musicians.

In the 1980s and early 1990s, Atlanta's hip hop scene was characterized by a local variant of Miami bass, with stars like Kilo Ali and DJ Smurf (later Mr. Collipark).

By the mid-1990s, the rise of OutKast, Goodie Mob and the production collective Organized Noize, let to the development of the Dirty South style of hip-hop and of Atlanta gaining a reputation for "soul-minded hip-hop eccentrics", contrasting with other regional styles. On August 3, 1995, Outkast received the award for Best New Artist in New York City at the Source Awards. At the time, the primary hip hop heard nationally was from artists on the East and West Coasts, due at least partly to high- profile disputes between rappers from each coast. It was groups such as Outkast who were determined to let the world know that the South had something to say.

In 2009, it was noted that after 2000/2001, Atlanta moved "from the margins to becoming hip-hop's center of gravity, part of a larger shift in hip-hop innovation to the South", primarily due to the massive popularity of Waka Flocka Flame's 2009 debut mixtape. Producer Drumma Boy called Atlanta "the melting pot of the South". Producer Fatboi called the Roland TR-808 ("808") synthesizer "central" to Atlanta music's versatility, used for snap, crunk, trap, and pop rap styles. The same article named Drumma Boy, Fatboi, Shawty Redd, Lex Luger and Zaytoven the five "hottest producers driving the city".

Texas
In the late 1980s, the Geto Boys were Houston's first hip hop group to gain mainstream popularity. In the early 1990s, Texas groups such as Nemesis, PKO, and UGK (from Dallas, San Antonio, and Port Arthur respectively) also gained popularity. Before the early 1990s, most Southern hip hop was upbeat and fast, like Miami bass and crunk. In Texas, however, the music started to become slower. In the early 1990s, DJ Screw created "chopped and screwed" music. Although people associated with Screw have indicated any time between 1987 and 1991, Screw said he started slowing music down in 1990. In Tulsa, Oklahoma, DJ Dinero and DJ Z-Nasty helped popularize chopped and screwed music in the Mid South.

Between 1991 and 1992, there was increased abuse of purple drank in Southeast Texas. Purple drank was a major influence in chopped and screwed music due to its effect of slowing down perception. DJ Screw, a known user of purple drank, said that it is not required to enjoy chopped and screwed music and that he came up with the style when high on marijuana.

As the spread of Southern hip hop continued, its mainstream breakthrough occurred in 2000. Duo UGK made a high-profile guest appearance on Jay-Z's hit "Big Pimpin'" and also appeared on Three 6 Mafia's hit "Sippin' on Some Syrup". Both of these collaborations greatly increased their reputation and helped fuel anticipation for their next project. UGK's Pimp C died from a sudden heart attack after overdosing on purple drank on December 4, 2007 at the age of 33. A song that originally appeared on the compilation album The Day Hell Broke Loose 2, Mike Jones' "Still Tippin'", achieved mainstream success in 2004 leading to local Houston rap label Swishahouse signing a national distribution deal with Asylum Records. Jones released his major label debut, Who Is Mike Jones?, on Swishahouse/Warner Bros. in April 2005 and was certified platinum that June. Paul Wall's major label debut, The Peoples Champ, on Swishahouse/Atlantic, was released in September 2005, eventually topping the Billboard 200. Many rappers from Houston began to have mainstream success in the 2000s. In 2005, MTV named Houston the new rap capital of the South.

Notable artists in Houston include Travis Scott, Chamillionaire, Paul Wall, Bun B, Pimp C, Z-Ro, Big Hawk, Big Moe, Big Mello, Big Steve, Chris Ward, C-Note, Devin The Dude, DJ DMD, E.S.G., Fat Pat, J-Dawg, Killa Kyleon, Kirko Bangz, Lil' Keke, Lil' Flip, Lil' O, Lil' Troy, Mike D, Mike Jones, K-Rino, Al-D, Mr. 3-2, Slim Thug, South Park Mexican, Yungstar, Trae Tha Truth, Scarface and groups such as ABN, Boss Hogg Outlawz, Botany Boyz, Coughee Brothaz, D.E.A., Guerilla Maab, Geto Boys, Herschelwood Hardheadz, M.O.B., Screwed Up Click, South Park Coalition and UGK. The Houston hip-hop scene is known for the chopped and screwed sound invented by Screwed Up Click leader DJ Screw, and remains the location most associated with the style.

Vanilla Ice was born in Dallas, and grew up moving between Dallas and Miami. The D.O.C. is from West Dallas. He worked with Dr. Dre as an artist and writer. Christian hip hop artist D-Boy Rodriguez received moderate commercial success and was part of the burgeoning christian hip hop scene in Dallas and the rest of Texas in the late 80s, until he was murdered in 1990. Other rappers such as Big Lurch, Mr. Pookie, Mr. Lucci, Big Tuck, Dorrough, and Dondria also hail from Dallas. Rappers such as legends Lil Sin, and P.K.O. as well as Worldwide, Richie Branson, Cadillac Muzik, King Kyle Lee, and Mike Dimes all hail from San Antonio. There is also a burgeoning R&B scene that includes alumni such as Destiny's Child and Gary Clark, Jr., as well as up-and-comers Leon Bridges, The Suffers, Latasha Lee, Tameca Jones, and Alesia Lani among others.

North Carolina
Around the same time, Ski Beatz (of Greensboro) produced "Dead Presidents" on Jay-Z's album "Reasonable Doubt", which was released in 1996. Also, 9th Wonder (of Winston-Salem) joined a group named Little Brother with fellow members Big Pooh and Phonte (of Durham).(9th Wonder left Little Brother in 2007 to solo produce, becoming one of the top 10 most successful hip hop producers of all time).

North Carolina did not hit the mainstream hip hop map until 2001 with Petey Pablo's "Raise Up". This song was successful and helped highlight the North Carolina's burgeoning rap industry, along with some of its prolific rappers from the state: Rapsody, King Mez, Kooley High, Ignite Mindz, Drique London, SkyBlew, Azon Blaze, Donovan McCray, Lazarus, Thee Tom Hardy, Troop 41, Bryce Snow, Lute, Deniro Farrar, Justus League, Edgar Allen Floe, L.E.G.A.C.Y., Kaze, Banknote Mitch, Khrysis, Keaton, Wells, Tucson, Ghost Dog, & many more.

Another noteworthy rap artist from North Carolina is DaBaby, hailing from Charlotte, though he was born in Cleveland. Although sometimes drawing attention from self-created controversies, his lyrical skills, mixed with his exposure and unique voice, have made him a reckonable force in hip-hop.

Slang
Among the four coasts, Southern hip-hop is one of the more recent genres compared to the other three coasts, meaning that the slang used in southern hip-hop is more recent than the slang in other coasts. A lot of the iconic southern slang that was used in hip-hop and rap came from four specific sections of the south: Houston, Memphis, Atlanta, and New Orleans. Of the many slang used in southern hip-hop, the ones that are still being used today are:

Lean, a term used widely in southern hip-hop, is a sprite-codeine-candy mixture that is used like alcohol. The drink originated from Houston in the 1960's, though back in the 60's the word "lean" wasn't used and the drink had multiple names for it like "sizzurp" or "purple drink". It wasn't until the 1980's-90's that the drink was referred to as lean. The song that popularized the slang term "lean" was called "Sippin' Codeine" by DJ Screw and Big Moe, released in 1996 and has the lyric "It makes a southside playa lean" referring to how the sprite-codeine-candy mixture makes you "lean". The slang is still being used today, some of the most notable examples being "Gucci Gang" by Lil Pump, "Look At Me!" by XXXtentacion, and "I" by Kendrick Lamar, all of these songs being relatively recent.

Trap House, another widely used slang term in southern hip-hop, is a house where various illegal drugs are made, bought, sold, or used. The primary drugs that are common in trap houses are heroin, meth, cocaine, and fentanyl. The reason why these drug houses are called trap houses is because the consumer of the drug feel "trapped" in the addiction of the drug, hence the name trap house. The slang term trap house originated in Atlanta from the 1980's when drug addiction was at a rise as an escape from the poor conditions of the neighborhoods and cities. "Trap House" itself is a music genre, though usually just referred to as "trap" in the present day, and the music genre has lyrics that show off the hard life and struggle of being a drug dealer, trying to sell drugs, and living in a poor inner city. One of the most recent example of Trap House being used in a song is by YoungBoy Never Broke Again in his song "Trap House" that released in 2018.

The term Flossin' derives from the word floss, and means to show off expensive articles of clothing, or items. The term was birthed in Houston around 1990, originally meaning to have money, but the term developed over time into what we know it as today. It was popularized through Southern Rap, being used in songs such as Lil' Flip's Texas Boyz (Screwed) 2002, being used in the following lyrics, "What you know about acting bad, flossin’ prowlers? I got seven DVDs, I’m watchin’ Austin Powers".

The adjective Ratchet means to be crazy, or off the hook. Ever since the late 1990's, rappers from Shreveport, Louisiana have used the term in their songs. It derives off the Louisianan dialect for Wretched, and is used in songs like, Rapper Lil Boosie's 2005 "Do Da Ratchet", Nicki Minaj's 2012 "Right By My Side", and Juicy J's "Bandz a Make Her Dance".

The phrase "Dirty South" was introduced via the 1995 Goodie Mob track "Dirty South" with the chorus repeating the lyrics "What you niggas know about the Dirty South?"

Southern Fashion
There was an American duo named Kriss Kross. Their names are Chris “Daddy Mac” Smith and Chris “Mac Daddy” Kelly. They are from Atlanta Georgia. Kriss Kross was the youngest hip-hop pair to ever gain such a following. At the ripe age of 12 and 13 years old Kriss Kross made a fashion choice that was not done before in the hip-hip industry. The duo wore their clothes backwards, while performing on stage. This became a trend in the 90s, this fashion choice helped the youthful duo rise to fame.

Migos were an American hip hop trio, stage names are Takeoff, Offset, and Quavo. They are from Atlanta, Georgia. Migos take a lot of pride representing the south. The Migos were the “founders” of drip. They were rappers that used high in fashion. They popularized high in brands in the black community. The Migos have walked the MET Gala carpets. Migos hit mainstream hip-hop with their hit song Versace and their signature sound. Drake then cosigned the group with verse on the remix, that became on the Billboard charts. Not only did a song that introduced the Migos to the world, but the tune also popularized the Versace fashion brand in hip-hop in the Black community. Travis Scott (Jacques Bermon Webster ll) is an American Rapper and record producer. Scott is from Houston, Texas. Travis worked with numerous brands, including Dover Street Market, McDonalds, PlayStation, Epic Games, and Byredo. He started his career working as an artist who made sneakers for Nike. He eventually became “a creative consultant” for they company. Christian Dior announced its partnership with Travis Scott as a musical artist for its Spring/Summer ’22 line at Paris Fashion Week, Scott appeared on stage together to introduce there further plans.

Jermaine Lamarr Cole is an American rapper and record producer, from North Carolina. J Cole opened his 4 Your Eyez Only tour by wading through a sea of fans in a full orange prison jumpsuit, printed on the back was “Property of”. They look would end up being a centerpiece of the tour that added a new layer of storytelling in Cole’s performance.

Crunk
The term crunk is mainly used to denote a musical style that was originated by Three Six Mafia in Memphis, Tennessee, in the mid-to-late 1990s. It was popularized by Atlanta rapper Lil Jon, and gained mainstream popularity in the period 2003–04. A typical crunk track uses a drum machine rhythm, heavy bassline, and shouting vocals, often in call and response manner.

title: Southern hip hop


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Nostalgia

Nostalgia is a sentimentality for the past, typically for a period or place with happy personal associations. The word nostalgia is a learned formation of a Greek compound, consisting of νόστος (nóstos), meaning "homecoming", a Homeric word, and ἄλγος (álgos), meaning "pain", and was coined by a 17th-century medical student to describe the anxieties displayed by Swiss mercenaries fighting away from home. Described as a medical condition—a form of melancholy—in the early modern period, it became an important trope in Romanticism.

Nostalgia is associated with a longing for the past, its personalities, possibilities, and events, especially the "good old days" or a "warm childhood". There is a predisposition, caused by cognitive biases such as rosy retrospection, for people to view the past more positively and future more negatively. When applied to one's beliefs about a society or institution, this is called declinism, which has been described as "a trick of the mind" and as "an emotional strategy, something comforting to snuggle up to when the present day seems intolerably bleak."

The scientific literature on nostalgia usually refers to nostalgia regarding one's personal life and has mainly studied the effects of nostalgia as induced during these studies. Emotion is a strong evoker of nostalgia due to the processing of these stimuli first passing through the amygdala, the emotional seat of the brain. These recollections of one's past are usually important events, people one cares about, and places where one has spent time. Cultural phenomena such as music, movies, television shows, and video games, as well as natural phenomena such as weather and environment can also be strong triggers of nostalgia.

Functions
Nostalgia's definition has changed greatly over time. Consistent with its Greek word roots meaning "homecoming" and "pain", nostalgia was for centuries considered a potentially debilitating and sometimes fatal medical condition expressing extreme homesickness. The modern view is that nostalgia is an independent, and even positive, emotion that many people experience often. Nostalgia has been found to have important psychological functions, such as to improve mood, increase social connectedness, enhance positive self-regard, and provide existential meaning. Many nostalgic reflections serve more than one function, and overall seem to benefit those who experience them. Such benefits may lead to a chronic disposition or personality trait of "nostalgia proneness." Nostalgia has also been associated with learning and memory consolidation.

Improving mood
Although nostalgia is often triggered by negative feelings, it results in increasing one's mood and heightening positive emotions, which can stem from feelings of warmth or coping resulting from nostalgic reflections. One way to improve mood is to effectively cope with problems that hinder one's happiness. Batcho (2013) found that nostalgia proneness positively related to successful methods of coping throughout all stages—planning and implementing strategies, and reframing the issue positively. These studies led to the conclusion that the coping strategies that are likely among nostalgia-prone people often lead to benefits during stressful times. Nostalgia can be connected to more focus on coping strategies and implementing them, thus increasing support in challenging times.

Increasing social connectedness
Nostalgia sometimes involves memories of people one was close to, such as family members, romantic lovers, or friends, and thus it can increase one's sense of social support and connections. Nostalgia is also triggered specifically by feelings of loneliness, but counteracts such feelings with reflections of close relationships. According to Zhou et al. (2008), lonely people often have lesser perceptions of social support. Loneliness, however, leads to nostalgia, which actually increases perceptions of social support. Thus, Zhou and colleagues (2008) concluded that nostalgia serves a restorative function for individuals regarding their social connectedness.

Preserving cultural heritage
Nostalgia serves as a motivator for the preservation of people's cultural heritage. People endeavor to conserve buildings, landscapes, and other artifacts of historical significance out of nostalgia for past times. They are often motivated by a desire to connect to their heritage from past generations. This can manifest in living history events such as historical reenactments, which bring together people with a shared nostalgia for historical periods of past times. These events' hands-on, improvisational natures often facilitate socialization.

Enhancing positive self-regard
Nostalgia serves as a coping mechanism and helps people to feel better about themselves. Vess et al. (2012) found that the subjects who thought of nostalgic memories showed greater accessibility of positive characteristics than those who thought of exciting future experiences. Additionally, in a second study conducted, some participants were exposed to nostalgic engagement and reflection while the other group was not. The researchers looked again at self-attributes and found that the participants who were not exposed to nostalgic experiences reflected a pattern of selfish and self-centered attributes. Vess et al. (2012), however, found that this effect had weakened and become less powerful among the participants who engaged in nostalgic reflection.

Providing existential meaning
Nostalgia helps increase one's self-esteem and meaning in life by buffering threats to well-being and also by initiating a desire to deal with problems or stress. Routledge (2011) and colleagues found that nostalgia correlates positively with one's sense of meaning in life. The second study revealed that nostalgia increases one's perceived meaning in life, which was thought to be mediated by a sense of social support or connectedness. Thirdly, the researchers found that threatened meaning can even act as a trigger for nostalgia, thus increasing one's nostalgic reflections. By triggering nostalgia, though, one's defensiveness to such threat is minimized as found in the fourth study. The final two studies found that nostalgia is able to not only create meaning but buffer threats to meaning by breaking the connection between a lack of meaning and one's well-being. Follow-up studies also completed by Routledge in 2012 not only found meaning as a function of nostalgia, but also concluded that nostalgic people have greater perceived meaning, search for meaning less, and can better buffer existential threat.

Promoting psychological growth
Nostalgia makes people more willing to engage in growth-oriented behaviors and encourages them to view themselves as growth-oriented people. Baldwin & Landau (2014) found that nostalgia leads people to rate themselves higher on items like "I am the kind of person who embraces unfamiliar people, events, and places." Nostalgia also increased interest in growth-related behavior such as "I would like to explore someplace that I have never been before." In the first study, these effects were statistically mediated by nostalgia-induced positive affect—the extent to which nostalgia made participants feel good. In the second study, nostalgia led to the same growth outcomes but the effects were statistically mediated by nostalgia-induced self-esteem.

As a deception
One recent study critiques the idea of nostalgia, which in some forms can become a defense mechanism by which people avoid the historical facts. This study looked at the different portrayals of apartheid in South Africa and argued that nostalgia appears as two ways, 'restorative nostalgia' a wish to return to that past, and 'reflective nostalgia' which is more critically aware.

As a comfort
Reliving past memories may provide comfort and contribute to mental health. One notable recent medical study has looked at the physiological effects thinking about past 'good' memories can have. They found that thinking about the past 'fondly' actually increased perceptions of physical warmth.

As a political tool
In a 2014 study conducted by Routledge, he and a team observed that the more people reported having major disruptions and uncertainties in their lives, the more they nostalgically longed for the past. Routledge suggests that by invoking the idea of an idealized past, politicians can provoke the social and cultural anxieties and uncertainties that make nostalgia especially attractive—and effective—as a tool of political persuasion.

Books
A person can deliberately trigger feelings of nostalgia by listening to familiar music, looking at old photos, or visiting comforting environments of the past. With this knowledge widely available, many books have been published specifically to evoke the feeling of nostalgia.

Music
Hearing an old song can bring back memories for a person. A song heard once at a specific moment and then not heard again until a far later date will give the listener a sense of nostalgia for the date remembered and events that occurred then. However, if it is heard throughout life, it may lose its association with any specific period or experience.

Movies
Old movies can trigger nostalgia. This is particularly true for generations who grew up as children during specific film eras such as the animation renaissance of the 1990s. Rewatching classic movies can be therapeutic in nature, healing emotional wounds using happy childhood memories.

TV shows
Old television shows can trigger nostalgia. People gravitate towards shows they watched as children, as the memories from one's youth are often the most significant of their lives.

Video games
Old video games can trigger nostalgia. Retrogaming has become a recreational activity among older generations who played them as children.

Geography
Specific locations can trigger nostalgia. Such places are often associated with an individual's past, reminding them of their past childhood, relationships, or achievements. They may include the homes where they grew up with their families, the schools they attended with friends, or the venues they went to for dating and marriage.

Nature
Nature-based factors such as weather and temperature can trigger nostalgia. Scientific studies have shown that cold weather makes people more nostalgic, while nostalgia causes people to feel warmer. In some societies, elements of nature often trigger a nostalgia for past times when nature played a larger role in culture. Environmental philosopher Glenn Albrecht coined the term 'solastalgia' in his 2003 book Solastalgia: a new concept in human health and identity. The word is formed from the Latin sōlācium (comfort) and the Greek root ἄλγος (pain, suffering) to describe a form of emotional or existential distress caused by environmental destruction. Nostalgia differs from solastalgia because nostalgia is typically generated by spatial separation from important places or persons (one's home, family, friends, or loved ones) with which it is often possible, in principle, to reconnect. With solastalgia, in contrast, the grief is typically caused by environmental destruction, so the separation between subject and object is ontological rather than spatial: it is permanent and unbridgeable, and can be experienced while continuing to occupy the same irreversibly degraded place.

As a medical condition

The term was coined in 1688 by Johannes Hofer (1669–1752) in his dissertation in Basel. The word nostalgia was compound of the ancient Greek words nostos (return home) and algia (longing). Hofer introduced nostalgia or mal du pays "homesickness" for the condition also known as mal du Suisse "Swiss illness", because of its frequent occurrence in Swiss mercenaries who in the plains of Switzerland were pining for their landscapes. Symptoms were also thought to include fainting, high fever, and death.

English homesickness is a loan translation of nostalgia. Sir Joseph Banks used the word in his journal during the first voyage of Captain Cook. On 3 September 1770 he stated that the sailors "were now pretty far gone with the longing for home which the Physicians have gone so far as to esteem a disease under the name of Nostalgia", but his journal was not published in his lifetime. Cases resulting in death were known and soldiers were sometimes successfully treated by being discharged and sent home. Receiving a diagnosis was, however, generally regarded as an insult.

In the eighteenth century, scientists were looking for a locus of nostalgia, a nostalgic bone. By the 1850s nostalgia was losing its status as a particular disease and coming to be seen rather as a symptom or stage of a pathological process. It was considered as a form of melancholia and a predisposing condition among suicides. Nostalgia was, however, still diagnosed among soldiers as late as the American Civil War. By the 1870s interest in nostalgia as a medical category had almost completely vanished. Nostalgia was still being recognized in both the First and Second World Wars, especially by the American armed forces. Great lengths were taken to study and understand the condition to stem the tide of troops leaving the front in droves (see the BBC documentary Century of the Self).

Nostalgia is triggered by something reminding an individual of an event or item from their past. The resulting emotion can vary from happiness to sorrow. The term "feeling nostalgic" is more commonly used to describe pleasurable emotions associated with, or a longing to return to, a particular period of time.

Romanticism
Swiss nostalgia was linked to the singing of Kuhreihen, which were forbidden to Swiss mercenaries because they led to nostalgia to the point of desertion, illness or death. The 1767 Dictionnaire de Musique by Jean-Jacques Rousseau claims that Swiss mercenaries were threatened with severe punishment to prevent them from singing their Swiss songs. It became somewhat of a topos in Romantic literature, and figures in the poem Der Schweizer by Achim von Arnim (1805) and in Clemens Brentano's Des Knaben Wunderhorn (1809) as well as in the opera Le Chalet by Adolphe Charles Adam (1834) which was performed for Queen Victoria under the title The Swiss Cottage. The Romantic connection of nostalgia, was a significant factor in the enthusiasm for Switzerland and the development of early Tourism in Switzerland that took hold of the European cultural elite in the 19th century. German Romanticism coined an opposite to Heimweh, Fernweh "far-sickness", "longing to be far away", like wanderlust expressing the Romantic desire to travel and explore.

In rhetoric and communication
Nostalgia has been frequently studied as a tool of rhetoric and persuasion. Communication scholar Stephen Depoe, for example, writes that in nostalgic messaging: “a speaker highlights a comparison between a more favorable, idealized past and a less favorable present in order to stimulate [nostalgia]. . . . [linking] his/her own policies to qualities of the idealized past in order to induce support” (179). Rhetorician William Kurlinkus taxonomizes nostalgia on this foundation, arguing that nostalgic rhetoric generally contains three parts:
 * 1) A loss or threat in the present: the chaotic change that nostalgia responds to. Though some theorists argue that the ideal must truly be lost, other scholars including Kurlinkus argue that the ideal may simply be threatened to trigger nostalgia.
 * 2) A nostalgic crux: a person, group, corporation, et al. that is blamed for the loss of the nostalgic ideal. To perform such scapegoating, the nostalgic crux is usually presented as a force of newness and change. Defeating this outsider is positioned as a source of recovering the good memory. Such cruxes have include groups from polluting corporations to immigrants.
 * 3) Hope: Finally, Kurlinkus argues that though nostalgia is often performed ironically it almost always has a true hope for recovering the god memory (whether this means some kind of true restoration or a more symbolic recovery of an ethic). Such hope differentiates nostalgia from similar emotions like melancholia, which contains all of nostalgia's longing for lost ideals without a desire to move out of that past.

Kurlinkus coined the term "nostalgic other" to describe the ways in which some populations of people become trapped in other people's nostalgic stories of them, idealized as natural while simultaneously denied sovereignty or the right to change in the present. "Nostalgic others differ from other scholarly discourse in that their alterity is not primarily based in race or ethnicity." Kurlinkus wrote. "Rather, in concurrent identifications and divisions, the nostalgic other is distinguished from the rhetor by time. We live in the present; they live in the past. The creation of the nostalgic other allows mainstream populations to commodify the racial purity and stability of the past but refuses the community agency to change in the present by highlighting its negative traits.

As an advertising tool
In media and advertising, nostalgia-evoking images, sounds, and references can be used strategically to create a sense of connectedness between consumers and products with the goal of convincing the public to consume, watch, or buy advertised products. Modern technology facilitates nostalgia-eliciting advertising through the subject, style, and design of an advertisement. The feeling of longing for the past is easily communicated through social media and advertising because these media require the participation of multiple senses, are able to represent their ideas entirely, and therefore become more reminiscent of life.

Due to efficient advertising schemes, consumers need not have experienced a specific event or moment in time in order to feel nostalgic for it. This is due to a phenomenon referred to as vicarious nostalgia. Vicarious nostalgia is a feeling of wistful yearning for a moment that occurred prior to, or outside of, the span of one's memory, but is relatable (has sentimental value) due to repeated mediated exposure to it. The constant propagating of advertisements and other media messages makes vicarious nostalgia possible, and changes the ways we understand advertisements and subsequently, the way consumers use their purchasing power.

Examples of nostalgia used to provoke public interest include nostalgia-themed websites such as Want Nostalgia?, The Nostalgia Machine, and DoYouRemember?, and revamps of old movies, TV shows, and books. Vintage, rustic and old-fashioned design styles can also be seen in nostalgia-based ad campaigns that companies such as Coca-Cola and Levi Strauss & Co. use.

Developed within the marketing discipline, forestalgia, defined as an individual's yearning for an idealized future, serves as a future-focused counterpart to nostalgia. Like nostalgia, where only the happy memories are retained, forestalgia explains customers’ intentions to escape the present to a romanticized future where current concerns are no longer an issue. Marketing researchers found that when promoting hedonic and utilitarian products, far-past nostalgia and far-future forestalgia advertisements were most effective in the promotion of utilitarian products. In contrast, hedonic products were better suited for advertisements framed in far-past nostalgia or near-future forestalgia.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Nostalgia


text:
Bandwagon

Bandwagon, band wagon, bandwaggon, band waggon, may refer to:

Behaviour

 * Bandwagon effect, "copycat" behavior
 * Argumentum ad populum, or the bandwagon fallacy: "If many believe so, it is so"
 * Bandwagon fan, a person who likes a sport team just because of their recent success
 * Bandwagoning, a term in international relations

Music

 * The Band Wagon (musical), a 1931 American musical revue
 * Band Wagon (album), a 1975 album by Shigeru Suzuki
 * The Bandwagon (album), a live album by Jason Moran

 * The Bandwagon, a jazz trio headed by Jason Moran
 * Johnny Johnson and the Bandwagon, an American soul group, originally known as "The Bandwagon", from the late 1960s and early 1970s
 * The Bandwagon Project, a non-profit music therapy project

Film

 * The Band Wagon, a 1953 MGM movie musical starring Fred Astaire and Cyd Charisse
 * Bandwagon (film), a 1996 independent film written and directed by John Schultz
 * Band Waggon (film), 1940 British film based on the radio series starring Askey and Murdoch

Television

 * Bandwagon (American TV series), a local music series on KEYC-TV in Mankato, Minnesota
 * Bandwagon (Australian TV series), an Australian television variety series

Other uses

 * Bandwagon (magazine), an American bimonthly journal of the Circus Historical Society published since 1940
 * Band Waggon, BBC Radio series with Arthur Askey and Richard Murdoch which ran from 1938 to 1940
 * SpaceX Falcon 9 Bandwagon missions, orbital launch rideshare missions on the SpaceX Falcon 9, for delivering multiple payloads into space; see List of Falcon 9 and Falcon Heavy launches

title: Bandwagon


text:
John Reith, 1st Baron Reith

John Charles Walsham Reith, 1st Baron Reith, (20 July 1889 – 16 June 1971) was a Scottish broadcasting executive who established the tradition of independent public service broadcasting in the United Kingdom. In 1922, he was employed by the BBC, then the British Broadcasting Company Ltd., as its general manager; in 1923 he became its managing director, and in 1927 he was employed as the Director-General of the British Broadcasting Corporation created under a royal charter. His concept of broadcasting as a way of educating the masses marked for a long time the BBC and similar organisations around the world. An engineer by profession, and standing at 6 ft tall, he was a larger-than-life figure who was a pioneer in his field.

The BBC's Reith Lectures were instituted in his honour.

Early life
Born at Stonehaven, Kincardineshire, Reith was the fifth son and the youngest, by ten years, of the seven children of the Rev. George Reith, a Scottish Presbyterian minister of the College Church at Glasgow and later Moderator of the United Free Church of Scotland. He was to carry strict Presbyterian religious convictions forward into his adult life. Reith was educated at the Glasgow Academy then at Gresham's School, Holt, Norfolk. He spent two years at the Royal Technical College at Glasgow (later the University of Strathclyde) followed by an apprenticeship as an engineer at the North British Locomotive Company. During this time, he joined the Territorials and in February 1911 was commissioned as an officer in the Scottish Rifles’ 5th Territorial Battalion. In 1913, he moved to London after obtaining a post at S. Pearson and Son through Ernest William Moir, and worked on their construction of the Royal Albert Dock.

Reith, who was 6 ft tall, joined up with the 5th Scottish Rifles early in the First World War and was quickly transferred to the Royal Engineers as a lieutenant. In October 1915, while fighting in France, he was severely wounded by a sniper's bullet through his left cheek, which nearly cost him his life and left him with a noticeable scar. While lying wounded on a stretcher after the shot, he is reported to have muttered "I'm very angry and I've spoilt a new tunic."

During Reith's convalescence, E W Moir referred him to a post at Pearson's project constructing the cordite factory HM Factory Gretna, comprising the fixing of contracts, estimating of costs, taking out quantities, and inspection of materials. In February 1916, he went to work at Remington Arms, Eddystone, Delaware County, Pennsylvania who were manufacturing the Pattern 1914 Enfield Mk 1 rifle for the British government. He spent the next two years in the United States, supervising armament contracts, and became attracted to the country. He was promoted to captain in 1917, before being transferred to the Royal Marine Engineers in 1918 as a major. He returned to the Royal Engineers as a captain in 1919.

Reith resigned his Territorial Army commission in 1921. He returned to Glasgow as general manager of an engineering firm. In 1922, he returned to London, where he started working as secretary to the London Conservative group of MPs in the 1922 general election. That election's results were the first to be broadcast on the radio.

British Broadcasting Company
Reith had no broadcasting experience when he replied to an advertisement in The Morning Post for a general manager for an as-yet unformed British Broadcasting Company in 1922. He later admitted that he felt he possessed the credentials necessary to "manage any company". He managed to retrieve his original application from a post box after re-thinking his approach, guessing that his Aberdonian background would carry more favour with Sir William Noble, the Chairman of the Broadcasting Committee.

In his new role, he was, in his own words, "confronted with problems of which I had no experience: Copyright and performing rights; Marconi patents; associations of concert artists, authors, playwrights, composers, music publishers, theatre managers, wireless manufacturers."

The general strike
In 1926, Reith came into conflict with the government during the 1926 general strike. The BBC bulletins reported, without comment, all sides in the dispute, including the Trades Union Congress's and of union leaders. Reith attempted to arrange a broadcast by the opposition Labour Party but it was vetoed by the government, and he had to refuse a request to allow a representative Labour or Trade Union leader to put the case for the miners and other workers.

Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin made a national broadcast about the strike from Reith's house and was coached by Reith. When Ramsay MacDonald, the leader of the Labour Party, asked to make a broadcast in reply, Reith supported the request. However, Baldwin was "quite against MacDonald broadcasting" and Reith unhappily refused the request. MacDonald complained that the BBC was "biased" and was "misleading the public" while other Labour Party figures were just as critical. Philip Snowden, the former Labour Chancellor of the Exchequer, was one of those who wrote to the Radio Times to complain.

Reith's reply also appeared in the Radio Times, admitting the BBC had not had complete liberty to do as it wanted. He recognised that at a time of emergency the government was never going to give the company complete independence, and he appealed to Snowden to understand the constraints he had been under.

 * "We do not believe that any other Government, even one of which Mr Snowden was a member, would have allowed the broadcasting authority under its control greater freedom than was enjoyed by the BBC during the crisis."

The Labour leadership was not the only high-profile body denied a chance to comment on the strike. The Archbishop of Canterbury, Randall Davidson, wanted to broadcast a "peace appeal" drawn up by church leaders which called for an immediate end to the strike, renewal of government subsidies to the coal industry and no cuts in miners' wages.

Davidson telephoned Reith about his idea on 7 May, saying he had spoken to Baldwin, who had said he would not stop the broadcast, but would prefer it not to happen. Reith later wrote: "A nice position for me to be in between Premier and Primate, bound mightily to vex one or other."

Reith asked for the government view and was advised not to allow the broadcast because, it was suspected, that would give the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Winston Churchill, an excuse to commandeer the BBC. Churchill had already lobbied Baldwin to that effect. Reith contacted the Archbishop to turn him down and explain that he feared if the talk went ahead, the government might take the company over.

Although Churchill wanted to commandeer the BBC to use it "to the best possible advantage", Reith wrote that Baldwin's government wanted to be able to say "that they did not commandeer [the BBC], but they know that they can trust us not to be really impartial".

Reith admitted to his staff that he regretted the lack of TUC and Labour voices on the airwaves. Many commentators have seen Reith's stance during that period as pivotal in establishing the state broadcaster's enduring reputation for impartiality.

After the strike ended, the BBC's Programme Correspondence Department analysed the reaction to the coverage, and reported that 3,696 people complimented the BBC and 176 were critical.

British Broadcasting Corporation
The British Broadcasting Company was part-share owned by a committee of members of the wireless industry, including British Thomson-Houston, The General Electric Company, Marconi and Metropolitan-Vickers. However, Reith had been in favour of the company being taken into public ownership, as he felt that despite the boards under which he had served so far, allowing him a high degree of latitude on all matters, not all future members might do so. Although opposed by some, including members of the Government, the BBC became a corporation in 1927. Reith was knighted the same year.

Reith's autocratic approach became the stuff of BBC legend. His preferred approach was one of benevolent dictator, but with built-in checks to his power. Throughout his life, Reith remained convinced that that approach was the best way to run an organisation. Later Director-General Greg Dyke, profiling Reith in 2007, noted that the term Reithian has entered the dictionary to denote a style of management, particularly with relation to broadcasting. Reith summarised the BBC's purpose in three words: inform, educate, entertain; this remains part of the organisation's mission statement to this day. It has also been adopted by broadcasters throughout the world, notably the Public Broadcasting Service (PBS) in the United States.

Reith earned a reputation for prudishness in sexual matters. There is an old BBC legend that he once caught an announcer kissing a secretary and decreed that in future the announcer must not read the late-night religious programme The Epilogue. In fact, this may have been inspired by his catching the Chief Engineer, Peter Eckersley, not just kissing but being in flagrante with an actress on a studio table.

He was to be somewhat embarrassed when one of his staff ran off with the quite new wife of the then rising young writer Evelyn Waugh. Reith also had to deal with Eckersley after the BBC Chief Engineer had a rather public affair with a married woman on the staff. Up to the Second World War any member of BBC staff involved in a divorce could lose their job.

Under Reith, the BBC did not broadcast on Sunday before 12:30 PM, to give listeners time to attend church, and for the rest of the day broadcast only religious services, classical music and other non-frivolous programming. European commercial stations Radio Normandie and Radio Luxembourg competed with the BBC on "Reith Sunday" and other days of the week by broadcasting more popular music.

Abdication broadcast
In 1936, Reith directly oversaw the abdication broadcast of Edward VIII. By then his style had become well-established in the public eye. He personally introduced the ex-King (as 'Prince Edward'), before standing aside to allow Edward to take the chair. Doing so, Edward accidentally knocked the table leg with his foot, which was picked up by the microphone. Reith later noted in an interview with Malcolm Muggeridge that some headlines interpreted that as Reith "slamming the door" in disgust before Edward began broadcasting.

Departure
By 1938, Reith had become discontented with his role as Director-General, asserting in his autobiography that the organisational structure of the BBC, which he had created, had left him with insufficient work to do. He was invited by Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain to become chairman of Imperial Airways, the country's most important airline and one which had fallen into public disfavour because of its inefficiency. Some commentators have suggested a conspiracy amongst the Board of Governors to remove Reith, but that has never been proved, and there is no record of such a thing in Reith's own memoir.

He left Broadcasting House with no ceremony (at his request) but in tears. That evening, he attended a dinner party before driving out to Droitwich to close down a transmitter personally. He signed the visitor's book "J.C.W. Reith, late BBC." John Gunther wrote that Reith's "modernist citadel on Portland Place was more important in the life of Britain than most government offices [and] rules the B.B.C. with a hand of granite". He "made the B.B.C. an expression of his nonconformist conscience, and also what is probably the finest broadcasting organization in the world"; Gunther predicted that he "is almost certain to have a big political job some day".

"Reithianism"
The term "Reithianism" describes certain principles of broadcasting associated with Lord Reith. These include an equal consideration of all viewpoints, probity, universality and a commitment to public service. Audiences had little choice apart from the upscale programming of the BBC, a government agency which had a monopoly on broadcasting. Reith, an intensely moralistic executive, was in full charge. His goal was to broadcast, "All that is best in every department of human knowledge, endeavour and achievement.... The preservation of a high moral tone is obviously of paramount importance."

Reith succeeded in building a high wall against an American-style free-for-all in radio in which the goal was to attract the largest audiences and thereby secure the greatest advertising revenue. There was no paid advertising on the BBC; all the revenue came from a tax on receiving sets. Highbrow audiences greatly enjoyed it. At a time when American, Australian and Canadian stations were drawing huge audiences cheering for their local teams with the broadcast of baseball, rugby and hockey, the BBC emphasised service for a national, rather than a regional audience. Boat races were well covered along with tennis and horse racing, but the BBC was reluctant to spend its severely limited air time on long football or cricket matches, regardless of their popularity.

Second World War
In 1940, Reith was appointed Minister of Information in Chamberlain's government. So as to perform his full duties, he became a member of parliament (MP) for Southampton. When Chamberlain fell, Churchill became Prime Minister and moved Reith to the Ministry of Transport. Reith was subsequently moved to become First Commissioner of Works which he held for the next two years, through two restructurings of the job, and was also transferred to the House of Lords by being created Baron Reith.

During that period, the city centres of Coventry, Plymouth and Portsmouth were destroyed by German bombing. Reith urged the local authorities to begin planning postwar reconstruction. He was dismissed from his government post at a very difficult time for Churchill in 1942, following the loss of Singapore. Pressured by Tory backbenchers who wanted a Conservative in the Information role, Reith was replaced by Duff Cooper.

It has been claimed that the sacking was due to Reith being difficult to work with. However, given the absence of direct contact between the two men during Reith's period in several ministerial positions, this is unlikely to be the true reason. More plausible, is the explanation given above, and the cleavage between Reithian management methods: energetic, thorough and highly organised, and the established style of the British civil service at that time: at best, calm and deliberative; at worst, ponderously slow.

Reith also frequently references in his autobiography departmental jealousies resulting from his ministerial activities, reported to him by colleagues such as Sir John Anderson, wartime Home Secretary and Chancellor of the Exchequer in the Churchill coalition. Complaints to the latter from fellow ministers and MPs would appear to be the more likely cause of his fall. This came at a crucial stage in Reith's career. After the outbreak of war, several major figures had told Reith that he would soon join the War Cabinet itself, not least Beaverbrook, one of the Prime Minister's closest associates.

Reith's animosity towards Churchill continued. When offered the post of Lord High Commissioner to the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland (a position he had long coveted), he could not bring himself to accept it, noting in his diary: "Invitation from that bloody shit Churchill to be Lord High Commissioner."

He took a naval commission as a lieutenant of the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve (RNVR) on the staff of the Rear-Admiral Coastal Services. In 1943, he was promoted to captain (RNVR), and appointed Director of the Combined Operations Material Department at the Admiralty, a post he held until early 1945.

Post-war
In 1946, he was appointed chairman of the Commonwealth Telecommunications Board, a post he held until 1950. He was then appointed chairman of the Colonial Development Corporation which he held until 1959. In 1948, he was also appointed the chairman of the National Film Finance Corporation, an office he held until 1951.

The BBC's Reith Lectures were instituted in 1948 in his honour. These annual radio talks, with the aim of advancing "public understanding and debate about significant issues of contemporary interest" have been held every year since, with the exception of 1992.

The Independent Television Authority was created on 30 July 1954 ending the BBC's broadcasting monopoly. Lord Reith did not approve of its creation. Speaking at the Opposition despatch box in the House of Lords, he stated: "Somebody introduced Christianity into England and somebody introduced smallpox, bubonic plague and the Black Death. Somebody is minded now to introduce sponsored broadcasting ... Need we be ashamed of moral values, or of intellectual and ethical objectives? It is these that are here and now at stake."

Later years
In 1960, Reith returned to the BBC for an interview with John Freeman in the television series Face to Face. When he visited the BBC to record the programme, work was being undertaken, and Reith noticed with dismay the "girlie" pin-ups of the workmen. However, one picture was of a Henry Moore sculpture. "A Third Programme carpenter, forsooth," he growled.

In the interview, he expressed his disappointment at not being "fully stretched" in his life, especially after leaving the BBC. He claimed that he could have done more than Churchill gave him to do during the war. He also disclosed an abiding dissatisfaction with his life in general. He admitted not realising soon enough that "life is for living," and suggested he perhaps still did not acknowledge that fact. He also stated that since his departure as Director-General, he had watched almost no television and listened to virtually no radio. "When I leave a thing, I leave it," he said.

In his later years, he also held directorships at the Phoenix Assurance Company, Tube Investments Ltd, the State Building Society (1960–1964) and was the vice-chairman of the British Oxygen Company (1964–1966).

He took a personal interest in the preservation of the early 19th-century frigate HMS Unicorn in 1962.

Reith was appointed Lord Rector of Glasgow University from 1965 to 1968.

In 1967, he accepted the much-cherished post of Lord High Commissioner to the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland. His final television appearance was in a three-part documentary series entitled Lord Reith Looks Back in 1967, filmed at Glasgow University.

He died in Edinburgh after a fall, at the age of 81. In accordance with his wishes, his ashes were buried at the ancient, ruined chapel of Rothiemurchus in Inverness-shire.

Biographical works
Reith wrote two volumes of autobiography: Into The Wind in 1956 and Wearing Spurs in 1966. Two biographical volumes appeared shortly after his death: Only the Wind Will Listen by Andrew Boyle (1972), and a volume of his diaries edited by the Oxford academic Charles Stuart (1975). It was not until The Expense of Glory (1993) by Ian McIntyre that Reith's unexpurgated diaries and letters were published.

Attitude to fascism
In 1975, excerpts from Reith's diary were published which showed he had, during the 1930s, harboured pro-fascist views. On 9 March 1933, he wrote: "I am pretty certain ... that the Nazis will clean things up and put Germany on the way to being a real power in Europe again. They are being ruthless and most determined." Following the July 1934 Night of the Long Knives, in which the Nazis ruthlessly exterminated their internal dissidents, Reith wrote: "I really admire the way Hitler has cleaned up what looked like an incipient revolt. I really admire the drastic actions taken, which were obviously badly needed." After Czechoslovakia was invaded by the Nazis in 1939 he wrote: "Hitler continues his magnificent efficiency."

Reith also expressed admiration for Benito Mussolini. Reith's daughter, Marista Leishman, wrote that in the 1930s her father did everything possible to keep Winston Churchill and other anti-appeasement Conservatives off the airwaves.

Honours

 * Knight Bachelor (Kt.) (1927 New Year Honours List)
 * Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the British Empire, Civil Division (GBE) (1934 Birthday Honours List)
 * Knight Grand Cross of the Royal Victorian Order (GCVO) (1939 New Year Honours List)
 * Member of His Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council (PC) (January 1940)
 * Baron Reith, of Stonehaven in the County of Kincardine (21 October 1940)
 * Companion of the Order of the Bath, Military Division (CB) (1945 New Year Honours)
 * Efficiency Decoration (ED; though as a former Territorial Army officer, Lord Reith continued to use the post-nominal of TD) (22 July 1947)
 * Knight of the Order of the Thistle (KT) (18 February 1969)

Styles

 * 1889 – October 1917: John Charles Walsham Reith
 * October 1917 – May 1918: Captain John Charles Walsham Reith
 * May 1918 – April 1919: Captain (Temp. Major) John Charles Walsham Reith
 * April 1919 – January 1927: Captain John Charles Walsham Reith
 * January 1927 – June 1934: Captain Sir John Charles Walsham Reith
 * June 1934 – January 1939: Captain Sir John Charles Walsham Reith, GBE
 * January 1939 – January 1940: Captain Sir John Charles Walsham Reith, GCVO, GBE
 * January–February 1940: Captain The Right Honourable Sir John Charles Walsham Reith, GCVO, GBE
 * February–October 1940: Captain The Right Honourable Sir John Charles Walsham Reith, GCVO, GBE, MP
 * October–June 1942: Captain The Right Honourable The Lord Reith, GCVO, GBE, PC
 * June 1942 – January 1943: Captain (Temp. Lieutenant, RNVR) The Right Honourable The Lord Reith, GCVO, GBE, PC, RNVR
 * January 1943 – January 1945: Captain (Actg. Temp. Captain, RNVR) The Right Honourable The Lord Reith, GCVO, GBE, PC, RNVR
 * January 1945 – July 1947: Captain (Actg. Temp. Captain, RNVR) The Right Honourable The Lord Reith, GCVO, GBE, CB, PC, RNVR
 * July 1947 – February 1969: Major The Right Honourable The Lord Reith, GCVO, GBE, CB, TD, PC
 * February 1969 – June 1971: Major The Right Honourable The Lord Reith, KT, GCVO, GBE, CB, TD, PC

Personal life
Aged 22, Reith met 15 year-old male Charlie Bowser. Reith had what has been variously described as "a deep affection" and "love" for Bowser. Opinions have varied on the nature of Reith's relationship; in the view of both his biographer, and his daughter, it was homosexual. Reith all but severed it, burning the correspondence from Bowser, after he married his wife Muriel in 1921. They remained married until his death in 1971; and Reith recorded Bowser's birthday in his diary for the rest of his life. He and Muriel had two children, Christopher (1926–2017) and Marista (1932–2019).

In popular culture
Reith was the protagonist of Jack Thorne's 2023 play When Winston Went to War with the Wireless, played by Stephen Campbell Moore; Bowser was played by Luke Newberry and Muriel Reith by Mariam Haque.

He was commemorated in the Public Service Broadcasting album This New Noise, about the foundation of the BBC, with the song "An Unusual Man".

title: John Reith, 1st Baron Reith


text:
Yuppie

Yuppie, short for "young urban professional" or "young upwardly-mobile professional", is a term coined in the early 1980s for a young professional person working in a city. The term is first attested in 1980, when it was used as a fairly neutral demographic label, but by the mid-to-late 1980s, when a "yuppie backlash" developed due to concerns over issues such as gentrification, some writers began using the term pejoratively.

History
The first printed appearance of the word was in a May 1980 Chicago magazine article by Dan Rottenberg. Rottenberg reported in 2015 that he did not invent the term, he had heard other people using it, and at the time he understood it as a rather neutral demographic term. Nonetheless, his article did note the issues of socioeconomic displacement which might occur as a result of the rise of this inner-city population cohort.

The term gained currency in the United States in March 1983 when syndicated newspaper columnist Bob Greene published a story about a business networking group founded in 1982 by the former radical leader Jerry Rubin, formerly of the Youth International Party (whose members were called "yippies"); Greene said he had heard people at the networking group (which met at Studio 54 to soft classical music) joke that Rubin had "gone from being a yippie to being a yuppie". The headline of Greene's story was "From Yippie to Yuppie". East Bay Express humorist Alice Kahn elaborated on the concept in a satirical piece published in June 1983, further popularizing the term.

The proliferation of the word was affected by the publication of The Yuppie Handbook in January 1983 (a tongue-in-cheek take on The Official Preppy Handbook ), followed by Senator Gary Hart's 1984 candidacy as a "yuppie candidate" for President of the United States. The term was then used to describe a political demographic group of socially liberal but fiscally conservative voters favoring his candidacy. Newsweek magazine declared 1984 "The Year of the Yuppie", characterizing the salary range, occupations, and politics of "yuppies" as "demographically hazy". The alternative acronym yumpie, for young upwardly mobile professional, was also current in the 1980s but failed to catch on.

In a 1985 issue of The Wall Street Journal, Theressa Kersten at SRI International described a "yuppie backlash" by people who fit the demographic profile yet express resentment of the label: "You're talking about a class of people who put off having families so they can make payments on the SAABs ... To be a Yuppie is to be a loathsome undesirable creature". Leo Shapiro, a market researcher in Chicago, responded, "Stereotyping always winds up being derogatory. It doesn't matter whether you are trying to advertise to farmers, Hispanics or Yuppies, no one likes to be neatly lumped into some group."

In 1990, rock artist Tom Petty used the term in the song "Yer So Bad", in the line "My sister got lucky, married a yuppie".

The word lost most of its political connotations and, particularly after the 1987 stock market crash, gained the negative socio-economic connotations that it sports today. On April 8, 1991, Time magazine proclaimed the death of the "yuppie" in a mock obituary. In 1989, MTV hosted the Foreclosure on a Yuppie contest to celebrate the end of the 1980s.

The term experienced a resurgence in usage during the 2000s and 2010s. In October 2000, David Brooks remarked in a Weekly Standard article that Benjamin Franklin – due to his extreme wealth, cosmopolitanism, and adventurous social life – is "Our Founding Yuppie". A recent article in Details proclaimed "The Return of the Yuppie", stating that "the yuppie of 1986 and the yuppie of 2006 are so similar as to be indistinguishable" and that "the yup" is "a shape-shifter... he finds ways to reenter the American psyche." Despite the global financial crisis of the late 2000s, in 2010, right-wing political commentator Victor Davis Hanson wrote in National Review very critically of "yuppies". However, following the Crash of 20 and the ongoing COVID recession they are believed to be gone once more.

Usage outside the United States
"Yuppie" was in common use in Britain from the early 1980s onward (the premiership of Margaret Thatcher) and by 1987 had spawned subsidiary terms used in newspapers such as "yuppiedom", "yuppification", "yuppify" and "yuppie-bashing".

A September 2010 article in The Standard described the items on a typical Hong Kong resident's "yuppie wish list" based on a survey of 28- to 35-year-olds. About 58% wanted to own their own home, 40% wanted to professionally invest, and 28% wanted to become a boss. A September 2010 article in The New York Times defined as a hallmark of Russian "yuppie life" the adoption of yoga and other elements of Indian culture such as their clothes, food, and furniture.

title: Yuppie


text:
Talk:Jug band

 Tokerboy

Untitled

 * Can we find some examples of a jug band with many jugs in different keys, played in the way described by the material moved from here? What it describes is more elaborate than anything I'm familiar with, but I don't claim complete familiarity. It stands to reason bands would have multiple jugs, but this business of playing major scales, etc, seems way beyond anything I've ever heard.  Also, I'm not sure about the business about adding or subtracting water.  Why wouldn't the overall pitch be determined by the size of the jug?  You wouldn't want to be holding a big jug full of water, just get a littler jug.  Ortolan88

I could be wrong, but it sounds to me like the bottom paragraph is describing a completely different sort of "jug band" to the rest of the article - something more like a troupe of hand-held bell ringers or a collection of bottle-blowers - one made up of only jugs (or jugs and a single melody instrument, as it says), rather than the more familiar kind of jug band. That talk of multiple jug-players, and chord playing... it doesn't fit in with what little I know of jug bands, anyway. --Camembert

I should have probably added: while that's what it sounds like it's describing to me, I've never actually heard of such a thing, and it sounds rather unlikely (though probably not as unlikely as eight jugs playing in a skiffle band). So I could be wrong. --Camembert
 * A trained seal group got tired of doing the horns and switched to multiple jugs? Maybe there's a reason that bit was stranded anonymously on the talk page.  Ortolan88
 * I assumed it was reasonable, but I wouldn't have known if it wasn't--all I did to check was the Google test and it passed. If it's bullshit, it's original bullshit. Tokerboy

 * Sure is. I didn't take it out of the article, but I looked on google images and couldn't find anything but one regular jug band that had several jugs that might have been played in different keys, but no array.  There was no mention of this style on http://www.jugband.org either, and I just searched on "unusual jug band" and found no references.  There's no doubt it could be done (I still don't know about the water), but it would be more convincing if there were at least one example of a band that played that kind of music.  Ortolan88
 * Well, we have fictional kings and emperors writing about fictional nations with fictional citizens -- why not have a fictional kind of music, too? To be totally NPOV, we shouldn't be discriminating between real and unreal kind of music -- I need to write an article on my favorite fictional music, throat singing gangsta rap and maybe even a stub at honky tonk kabuki or my favorite gospel group, Fuck Your Mother in the Ass, with their pioneering incorporation of Norwegian death metal into the gospel scene, as well as their invention of the electric copper harp. Tokerboy 05:59 Jan 20, 2003 (UTC)

Got sick of looking at it
I removed the following from the article:

 * ==A different sort of jug band==

 * Another sort of jug band might include several jugs as well as a non-jug instrument which plays the melody, accompanied by the jug holders. The melody instrument might be a violin, a flute, a whistle, clarinet, etc. The jugs of varying sizes, can be tuned to a given pitch by adding or subtracting water until the jug sounds a fixed pitch when the jug-holder blows over the open neck. The mouth of the jug responds like a flute. When the jug is tuned, it can only play one pitch. to play a major scale, one would need at least eight jugs. and if the pitches span a range of more than an octave, more than 8 jugs might be used. Most basic accompaniments use three chords, built on the first, fourth and fifth pitches of a major scale. In the key of C the First (I) chord uses C, E, G, the Fourth (IV) chord uses F, A, C, and the Fifth (V) chord uses the pitches G, B, D. Most jug band performances would require planning and chartings so that the participants would know when to "blow" when in the rhythm pattern their pitch will fit. As with any ensemble, accuracy results from repeated practice. with a person playing the same part at each rehearsal

If anyone can show that this actually ever happened, I suggest they put it in a separate article and link it from here. God knows how many reports and term papers have been spoiled by this. Ortolan88 16:24, 14 Sep 2004 (UTC)

Multiple Jug players in harmony
... and the Leasebreakers (link added to entry) has up to 5 jug players at a time playing in harmony. However they play the jug in one of the traditional folk styles (buzzing lips, changing pitch by tightening or loosening lips, using jugs as resonators.)  Their main jug player, John the Jug, uses more than a dozen crockery jugs of different sizes -- ranging from just a few ounces up to five gallons -- to better resonate in different ranges. The others who play jug with that band use 1 pint, 1/2 gallon and 1 gallon jugs variously.

Some jug players I've heard also vocalize while playing.

I've never heard or seen the jugs filled with various amounts of liquid used in the "jug band" context.

ABOUT AN ACTUAL BAND WITH MORE THAN ONE JUG A video,"Things Aren't Like They Used to Be,' availabe from Sanachie, is made up of film shorts and clips from the 30's, 40's and 50's. The old Jimmie Rodgers short, etc. Whistler's Jug Band is shown performing the old minstrel tune 'Folding Bed.' Four jug players really move the tune along with guitar and banjo.User: Bogus Bofus

Although it's true that some bands occasionally use multiple jugs, including Whistler's Jug Band in the video mentioned above, this is not the norm and is usually done as a sort of performance stunt. Whistler's Jug Band used only one jug on its recordings, and the three (not four) jug arrangement was probably assembled specifically for the recording of this film. The point here is that we don't want to encourage the incorrect public perception of a jug band as being a band made up entirely of jugs, when in fact, a jug band typically uses one jug along with other instruments. ArloLeach (talk) 21:06, 4 March 2009 (UTC)

Granny Takes A Ride
I thought that "Granny Takes A Ride" was sort of a cult Jugband classic which was performed by The Purple Gang; the brit band that used to perform along side Pink Floyd.--220.227.48.17 16:27, 24 April 2007 (UTC) Call us British, please, and I promise that I won't refer to US citizens as Yanks in such a pejorative fashion. By the way, we're Britons, not Brits in the substantive.Jatrius 16:16, 14 August 2007 (UTC)

Keep skiffle and jug band separate entries
That's my vote. I thin of skiffle as more of an English, even more locally Scouse phenomenon--Audie Holmes 19:15, 23 September 2007 (UTC)

Definitely agree....Explanations of how skiffle and other forms evolved from jug band music are fine, but skiffle was a huge phenom in the UK and therefore deserves its own article, and spasm/jug music is much older.... 74.72.168.46 (talk) 13:08, 10 January 2008 (UTC)

Nowhere in any reading about or listening to that I have done of old pre war American music has jug music ever been referred to as "skiffle", though that's not to say that it wasn't part of the vernacular, just that it does not seem like a representative term. For the sake of common associations, too, people tend to associate the word skiffle with the British phenomenon that predates the Beatles. Anyways, I oppose the merger, because while they maybe related, they are not the same idiom. Why are wikipedians always trying to merge everything????? NewMind (talk) 23:53, 26 January 2008 (UTC)

I vote to keep them separate too. Both articles could use a good deal editing, but they're distinct enough to warrant two separate pages. Lizmarie (talk) 17:13, 6 February 2008 (UTC)

I agree that these could be kept separate. "Jug band" has been around since the 1920s at least. "Skiffle" goes back just to the 1950s. Djeaux (talk) 20:10, 11 February 2008 (UTC)

Clearly, the two categories are not the same. Skiffle band music is much more recent and largely a UK based phenomena. When I lived in England in the late 1960s during the Jug Band Revival, I was part of the Ffilharmonious Jug Band and we were forever trying to convince people that we were not the same thing as Skiffle band busking on street corners with more contemporary songs of the time. This music grew out of roots America and many of its proponents were serious musicians. Several have pointed his out already. The roots of Jug Band Music are in Memphis, Tennessee, USA, and Louisville, Kentucky, USA in the late teens into early 1920s. —Preceding unsigned comment added by Bmwwxman (talk • contribs) 19:12, 18 February 2008 (UTC)

I agree these should be kept separate, for all the reasons mentioned above. Pustelnik (talk) 14:20, 7 March 2008 (UTC)

Submarine Band
Does anyone remember the ''Mike Fright" episode from the Little Rascals films, with the International Silver Strings Submarine Band? Does this qualify as a jug band? Pustelnik (talk) 14:26, 7 March 2008 (UTC)

Jug Band Revival: What needs to be done?
This section needs to be edited badly, but it keeps growing with low quality content. I suggest we establish some guidelines on how to chose which bands/events deserve to be mentioned. For sake of argument, we should probably follow Notability (music) or require that the band have its on page (and/or a page for the more famous act with which its members were associated).

We also need to get our references in-line with Wikipedia policy. I may try to handle that once I feel confident that we're in agreement on notability. Lizmarie (talk) 03:43, 20 March 2008 (UTC)

Quit deleting references to The Jugadelics. If you don't want to learn about this band that's one thing. Just stop being ignorant here. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 69.183.43.203 (talk) 05:38, 17 February 2009 (UTC)

I agree that this section seems to be a target for current jug bands adding gratuitous links to themselves. I think it's appropriate for a band to add itself to the "external links" section or perhaps a new section called "list of jug bands," because it's a relatively small genre and it's nice to see the active groups that do exist. However, I'm afraid that working the band names into the text with superlatives like "most authentic" and "grandpappies" is adding bias to the article. The established notability guidelines seem like a good place to start, and I can help research this if needed. ArloLeach (talk) 21:14, 4 March 2009 (UTC)

I object to the use of a picture of 5-Cent Coffee as an example of a modern-day jug band. Despite the fact that they play at the San Francisco jug band show, I have never seen the group use a jug, and as the opening paragraph states, a jug band is a band that uses a jug player. Instead they use an actual bass, as is shown in the picture on this entry. I've seen this group perform, and they may use electronic bull horn or tow chain to make unusual sounds, but they have never in my experience used a jug to provide bass tones. Their myspace page does not identify the group as a jug band, and I can find no pictures in their albums that show a jug being used. The group does not even identify itself as a jug band in its own website. 75.157.88.104 (talk) 18:35, 18 July 2010 (UTC)75.157.88.104 (talk) 18:36, 18 July 2010 (UTC)

Focus on the Music
I think that the point is being missed here. Are we talking about the ensemble or the music? You could take a gutbucket, jug, and a couple of kazoos and do a pretty good version of Thus Spake Zarathustra. Throw in a mandobanjo and you're having fun with Beethoven's Ode to Joy. But is that jug band? A symphony orchestra could do Stealin' but it would sound horrible. (But Banjoreno could be great!). In this wiki there is a lot of discussion of the necessity of actually having a jug in the ensemble. But where is the discussion of the soul of the music?

It has often been said: jug band music is the blues, but it's the happy blues. Geoff Muldaur's quote addresses another aspect of the soul of the music: "The essence of the jug-band idea is people jamming music for free and for fun with an extremely unrehearsed, spontaneous nature to it."

Growing out of the intersection of the medicine show and blues, it evolved as music for busking and rent parties. To me, the essence of jug band music is that it has the old combination of lighthearted, enthusiastic playing with suggestive rhythms that still draws the crowds and fills the tip jars.

Today there are lots of bands on the street typically with a resonator guitar, washboard or junk kit, and standup bass or gut bucket, playing traditional jug band numbers and/or original material with jug band soul. The jug may have worked on the street corners of quiet rural towns with more horse traffic than Model-As but on a noisy modern street corner they just are not loud enough to be heard. I would hate to have to say that they are not making jug band music, simply because the jug is not as effective on a modern street corner, and I think that this entry needs to focus more on the music and its soul. Salmo13 (talk) 08:30, 20 July 2012 (UTC)

A broader definition of "jug band music" is that a jug is not required, but some use of homemade (or extremely inexpensive, e.g., kazoo) instruments is required. This is the criteria used in the entry guidelines for the Minneapolis Battle of the Jug Bands, for example. This is still more specific than the fairly broad "happy music" or "jug band soul" criteria proposed above. Personally, when I produce jug band showcases, I define a "jug band" as a band using homemade instruments and a "traditional jug band" as a band using homemade instruments and performing the same genres of music as the pre-war jug bands performed. ArloLeach (talk) 08:55, 4 January 2013 (UTC)

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Where is the jug here?
--Erdic (talk) 19:14, 20 June 2017 (UTC)

 * There isn't one. But, as the article notes, the term "jug band" applies to a small band using home-made or basic instruments and playing in a traditional style, regardless of whether anyone actually plays a jug.  Ghmyrtle (talk) 20:54, 20 June 2017 (UTC)

 * Good point. However, there is some debate about jug-less bands properly being "jug bands" and not "skiffle bands," at least in the modern era.   For example, the rules for the Minneapolis Battle of the Jug Bands currently require at least one jug player and at least two other home-made instruments (though not necessarily to be played all at the same time.)   It would be nice if the article illustration showed a band equipped with a jug if such a photo could be found.Crypticfirefly (talk) 01:00, 21 June 2017 (UTC)

title: Talk:Jug band


text:
Jan van Riebeeck

Johan Anthoniszoon "Jan" van Riebeeck (21 April 1619 – 18 January 1677) was a Dutch navigator, ambassador and colonial administrator of the Dutch East India Company.

Early life
Jan van Riebeeck was born in Culemborg on 21 April 1619, as the son of a surgeon. He grew up in Schiedam, where he married a 19-year-old Maria de la Queillerie on 28 March 1649. She died in Malacca, now part of Malaysia, on 2 November 1664, at the age of 35. The couple had eight or nine children, most of whom did not survive infancy. Their son Abraham van Riebeeck, born at the Cape, later became Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies.

Employment in the VOC
Joining the Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie (VOC) (Dutch East India Company) in 1639, he served in a number of posts, including that of an assistant surgeon in the Batavia in the East Indies.

He was head of the VOC trading post in Tonkin, Indochina. After being dismissed from that position in 1645 due to conducting trade for his own personal account, he began to advocate a refreshment station in the Cape of Good Hope after staying 18 days there during his return voyage. Two years later, support increased after a marooned VOC ship was able to survive in a temporary fortress. The Heeren XVII requested a report from Leendert Jansz and Mathys Proot, which recommended a Dutch presence.

In 1643, van Riebeeck travelled with Jan van Elseracq to the VOC outpost at Dejima in Japan. Seven years later in 1650, he proposed selling hides of South African wild animals to Japan. Van Riebeeck was requested by the Dutch East India Company to undertake the command of the initial Dutch settlement in the future South Africa and departed from Texel on 24 December 1651. He landed two ships (The Drommedaris and Goede Hoope) in Table Bay, at the future Cape Town site on 6 April 1652, and a third ship, the Reijger, on 7 April 1652. He was accompanied by 82 men and 8 women, including his wife Maria. The fleet originally included five ships, but the Walvis and the Oliphant arrived late, having had 130 burials at sea.

Van Riebeeck commenced immediately to fortify the settlement as a way station for the VOC trade route between the Netherlands and the East Indies. The primary purpose of this way station was to provide fresh provisions for the VOC fleets sailing between the Dutch Republic and Batavia, as deaths en route were very high.

Commander of the Cape Colony

Van Riebeeck was Commander of the Cape from 1652 to 1662; he was charged with building a fort, with improving the natural anchorage at Table Bay, planting cereals, fruit, and vegetables, and obtaining livestock from the indigenous Khoi people. In the Kirstenbosch National Botanical Garden in Cape Town, a few wild almond trees still survive. The initial fort, named Fort de Goede Hoop ('Fort of Good Hope') was made of mud, clay, and timber, and had four corners or bastions. This fort was replaced by the Castle of Good Hope, built between 1666 and 1679 after van Riebeeck had left the Cape.

Van Riebeeck was joined at the Cape by a fellow Culemborger Roelof de Man (1634–1663), who arrived in January 1654 on board the ship Naerden. Roelof came as the colony bookkeeper and was later promoted to second-in-charge.

Van Riebeeck reported the first comet discovered from South Africa, C/1652 Y1, which was spotted on 17 December 1652.

In his time at the Cape, van Riebeeck oversaw a sustained, systematic effort to establish an impressive range of useful plants in the novel conditions on the Cape Peninsula – in the process changing the natural environment forever. Some of these, including grapes, cereals, ground nuts, potatoes, apples, and citrus, had an important and lasting influence on the societies and economies of the region. For instance, in 1659, he established a vineyard in the Colony to produce red wine in order to combat scurvy. Van Riebeeck owned the farm, Boschheuwel, which he advised the Company to buy on his departure in 1662 to grow fruit and vegetables while Rondebosch could be used as a nursery for young plants. The daily diary entries kept throughout his time at the Cape (VOC policy) provided the basis for future exploration of the natural environment and its natural resources. Careful reading of his diaries indicate that some of his knowledge was learned from the indigenous peoples inhabiting the region.

He died in Batavia (now renamed to Jakarta) on Java on 18 January 1677.

Legacy in South Africa

Jan van Riebeeck is of immense cultural and historical significance to South Africa, as he was in particular during the Apartheid era. Many Afrikaners view him as the founding father of their nation. Consequently, his image appeared ubiquitously on postage stamps and banknotes issued until 1994. An image used on currency notes after South Africa became a republic in 1961 was thought to be that of van Riebeeck, but was instead of Bartholomew Vermuyden.

Van Riebeeck's Day, also known as Founders' Day, used to be celebrated on 6 April; but the holiday was cancelled by the African National Congress after the 1994 election. However, it is still celebrated in the community of Orania in South Africa (a whites-only enclave). His image no longer features on any official currency or stamps today, but statues of him and his wife remain in Adderley Street, Cape Town. The coat of arms of the city of Cape Town is based on the van Riebeeck family coat of arms.

Many South African towns and villages have streets named after him. Riebeek-Kasteel is one of the oldest towns in South Africa, situated 75 km from Cape Town in the Riebeek Valley together with its sister town Riebeek West.

Hoërskool Jan van Riebeeck is an Afrikaans high school in Cape Town.

title: Jan van Riebeeck