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Sfumato

Sfumato (, ; lit. 'smoked off', i.e. 'blurred') is a painting technique for softening the transition between colours, mimicking an area beyond what the human eye is focusing on, or the out-of-focus plane. It is one of the canonical painting modes of the Renaissance. Leonardo da Vinci was the most prominent practitioner of sfumato, based on his research in optics and human vision, and his experimentation with the camera obscura. He introduced it and implemented it in many of his works, including the Virgin of the Rocks and in his famous painting of the Mona Lisa. He described sfumato as "without lines or borders, in the manner of smoke".

According to the theory of the art historian Marcia B. Hall, which has gained considerable acceptance, sfumato is one of four modes of painting colours available to Italian High Renaissance painters, along with cangiante, chiaroscuro, and unione.

Technique
The technique is a fine shading meant to produce a soft transition between colours and tones, in order to achieve a more believable image. It is most often used by making subtle gradations that do not include lines or borders, from areas of light to areas of dark. The technique was used not only to give an elusive and illusionistic rendering of the human face, but also to create rich atmospheric effects. Leonardo da Vinci described the technique as blending colours, without the use of lines or borders "in the manner of smoke".

Practitioners
Besides Leonardo and his followers, the Leonardeschi, who often used it heavily, other prominent practitioners of sfumato included Correggio, Raphael, and Giorgione. Raphael's Madonna of the Meadow is a famous example, particularly around Mary's face. The Leonardeschi include Bernardino Luini and Funisi. Giorgione's The Three Philosophers is said to use sfumato.

title: Sfumato


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Benjamin D'Israeli (merchant)

Benjamin D'Israeli (1730–1816) was an Italian-born English merchant and financier, the grandfather of the British prime minister Benjamin Disraeli, Earl of Beaconsfield.

D'Israeli was born in Cento, near Ferrara, then in the Papal States, now part of the Italian Republic, on 22 September 1730; and died at Stoke Newington, Middlesex, on 28 November 1816. He moved to England in 1748 and settled there as a merchant, although he did not take out papers of denization till 1801.

Although a conforming Jew, and though contributing liberally towards the support of a synagogue, D'Israeli appears never to have cordially or intimately mixed with the community; only on one occasion did he serve in a minor office—that of inspector of charity schools in the year 1782.

D'Israeli married twice. Firstly, on 2 April 1756, he married Rebecca Mendez Furtado, a woman of Portuguese origin. They had a daughter called Rachel. Within a few months of Rebecca's death on 1 February 1765 he married secondly Sarah Siprut de Gabay Villareal, on 28 May 1765. Their only child Isaac D'Israeli was born the next year, on 11 May 1766.

Life
D'Israeli was born in Cento (in present-day Italy), near Ferrara, then part of the Papal States, on 22 September 1730, the son of Isaac Israeli. His family were of Sephardic Jewish (Italian-Jewish) descent.

He was the eldest of three children. The other two were daughters, Rachel, born in 1741, and Venturina, born in 1745. Although his grandson later wrote of the family's roots in the Republic of Venice, it seems the family's only connection with that city was through these sisters, for the only records of the family in the archives of the Venetian Ghetto are of Venturina's death there in 1821 and of the death of Rachel in the register for 1837. Lord Beaconsfield, in the Memoir of his father, speaks of an elder brother of Benjamin, who was a banker in Venice and a friend of Sir Horace Mann, but according to Wolf (1902) this must be a mistake, for apart from the absence of any record of this brother, and of any mention of him in the minute and copious correspondence of Mann, the fact that Rachel and Venturina Israeli kept a girls' school in the Ghetto makes it very unlikely that they had a banker brother.

Of Isaac Israeli is noteworthy that he bore a name honoured in Jewry and that he married into a family of great antiquity and of considerable renown in Ferrara. He or his ancestors probably came from the Levant, where the Arabic name-form "Israeli" would find an environment more favourable to its survival than in Western Europe, where the Israelis of Toledo had long before assimilated themselves to the native Israels. It is not unlikely (according to Wolf), in view of the rarity of his patronymic, that he was of the family of the famous philosopher and court physician Ishac ibn Sulaiman El Israeli of Kairouan, who flourished in the tenth century, but this can only be conjectured. His wife, Rica or Eurichetta Rossi, was, however, unquestionably of the ancient family of Min-Haadumin, which traced its origin to one of the Jews led into captivity after the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus and Vespasian, and, at a later date, translated its Hebrew name into its literal Italian equivalent, "Dei Rossi". The Min-Haadumin were numerous in Ferrara, where Isaac Israeli spent his life, and it was in the capital of the former duchy that the most illustrious of the clan, Azaria dei Rossi, practised as a physician and wrote his remarkable Cyclopædia of Bible Criticism, Meor Enayim, in the latter half of the sixteenth century.

After a short apprenticeship in Modena, Isaac Israeli's son Benjamin emigrated to England in his eighteenth year. A strong impulse had been given to Anglo-Italian trade through the establishment, in 1740, of a branch of the great Venetian and Levantine banking house of Treves in London, and consequently Italians, chiefly Italian Jews, were flocking into the country. From letters preserved by one of Benjamin Israeli's great-grandchildren, it is clear that the attraction which brought him to these shores had much less to do with the stability of the dynasty in Great Britain, by which Lord Beaconsfield has characteristically accounted for his migration, than with a humdrum, but entirely creditable, desire to find the best market for his knowledge of the straw bonnet trade. Moses Chaim Montefiore, the grandfather of Sir Moses Montefiore, also came to the country at much the same time for precisely the same reason. In both cases the prescience of the emigrants was justified, for a few years later, owing to the patronage of Maria and Elizabeth the "beautiful Misses Gunning", Italian straw bonnets associated with Livorno ("Leghorn") became the height of fashion.

At first D'Israeli was employed at a moderate salary in the counting-house of Messrs. Joseph and Pellegrin Treves in Fenchurch Street. Here he made the acquaintance of Mr. Aaron Lara, a friend of the principals, and a prosperous City broker, who thought sufficiently well of him to introduce him to his family. In 1756 he married Aaron Lara's sister-in-law, Rebecca Mendes Furtado. She was the second daughter and fourth child of Gaspar Mendes Furtado (Portugal, Fundão, near 1695) and Clara Henriques de Lara, and was three years older than her husband.

On his marriage with Rebecca Mendes Furtado, D'Israeli left the Messrs. Treves and established himself in New Broad Street as an Italian merchant, importing straw hats, marble, alum, currants, and similar merchandise. He soon found this occupation pall upon what his grandson calls his "ardent temperament", and in 1759 he obtained for himself an address at Sam's Coffee House, and devoted a large portion of his time to the more exciting operations of 'Change Alley. With capital, credit, and experience alike limited, it was not difficult to tell whither this was likely to lead. Within a few months he found himself in serious difficulties and beset with litigation. He resumed business, however, but with indifferent success, and, after struggling on for five more years, he suffered a further affliction in the loss of his wife.

His fortunes were repaired by his second marriage, which took place in May 1765. The bride was Sarah Shiprut de Gabay Villareal, younger daughter of a prosperous city merchant, Isaac Syprut, whose mother had been a Villareal, and whose wife, Esther, was sister-in-law to Simon Calimani, then Chief Rabbi of Venice.

The relationship must also have proved very useful to him in the City. At any rate, he soon became a man of substance. For ten years he prudently devoted himself to his import business, which he carried on at No. 5 Great St. Helens. In 1769 the business was also one of the sixteen leading coral merchants in London, an activity also closely connected with Treves bank, and Livorno. There also he established his private abode, until in 1783 he leased a large house in Baker Street, Enfield. The Stock Market, however, never ceased to attract him, and in 1776 he rented an office in Hamlin's Alley, Cornhill, and recommenced business there as an unlicensed broker. Three years later he took to himself two partners, and the firm became known as Messrs. D'Israeli, Stoke & Parkins. At the same time he continued his business at Great St. Helens, which was afterwards transferred to Little Winchester Street, and, in 1792, to Old Broad Street. His success is attested by the fact that the more respectable of the brokers, who had already organised the beginnings of the present Stock Exchange at New Jonathan's Coffee House, admitted him to their body, and afterwards elected him a member of their Committee for General Purposes. When, in 1801, it was resolved to build new premises at Capel Court (where the Stock Exchange remained until 1972), Mr. D'Israeli was appointed a member of the committee entrusted with the plan of conversion. He remained a member of the Stock Exchange until 1803, when he retired from business; but to the day of his death he retained an address at Tom's Coffee House, and was often seen in Cornhill, dabbling in stocks and shares.

One of the most notable enterprises with which he was associated was an attempt to substitute English straw-plaiting for the finer Italian straws then used for the best hats and bonnets. He patented a process by which "a wood which is the growth of this kingdom" was to be so treated as to yield a plait in every way equal to the Leghorn straws. The enterprise does not seem to have proved successful.

D'Israeli died in November 1816 at his house at 7 Church Row (which became Church Street), Stoke Newington, and was attended on his deathbed by a noted physician, Dr. John Aikin, who happened to be his neighbour. He left a fortune valued at £35,000 (equivalent to £ million in ).

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Benjamin D'Israeli (merchant)


text:
Talk:Aozora Bunko

Untitled
Is it necessary to include a list (let alone a LINK!) to every single text being saved on the site? Why can't we just get a link to a table of contents, if the site has one? -- Zoe

Because the list in the site is in Japanese. Anyway also it is a good list for providing links to make each article Taku 03:54 Jan 5, 2003 (UTC)

 * The list being in Japanese is irrelevant. As it is now, this page is far too long for most people to want to sit and wait for loading, even if their broswer allows it. -- Zoe

Yes then why don't we make a list that is relevant? And I know the page became too long. So we need to break it up. -- Taku 07:06 Jan 5, 2003 (UTC) -- I think the born and death date info with each author is redundant. but please leave it alone. After we completed each article of author with born and death date info, we can delete it. But now there is not such info in wikipedia, so don't delete them. Thanks -- Taku 00:13 Jan 6, 2003 (UTC)

The subpages don't make sense --Hemanshu 12:17, 6 Feb 2004 (UTC) -- I know this is rather trivial...but anyway, regarding the English translation of Auzora Bunko, is "open air" an official one? If not, why not simply call it "azure", it fits so well.

Votes for Deletion

 * all subpages of Aozora Bunko (e.g.Aozora Bunko: A) -- index of another site. they don't make sense. TY 08:44, 16 Feb 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete these index pages. A maintenance nightmare anyway. Users are better off visiting the Aozora Bunko website directly. Lupo 13:22, 16 Feb 2004 (UTC)
 * On the contrary, this is a useful index for stimulating articles in English on classic works of Japanese literature. Keep. -- The Anome 13:28, 16 Feb 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete subpages, keep Aozora Bunko. "Maintenance nightmare" is right! Let people be stimulated by visiting the Aozora Bunko website. Wile E. Heresiarch 02:44, 17 Feb 2004 (UTC)
 * Suggestion. I'll keep Aozora Bunko and move subpages to another namespace related literature (list of Japanese literary works or something). How about this? TY 08:50, 17 Feb 2004 (UTC)
 * Del. I am the guy who created the index. Well, I guess I must admit that was mistake. Having a list of Japanese literature or so is useful but not this one. This index contains any work avaliable in Aozora Bunko, not necessalily prominent Japanese literatures. This should not have existed in the first place. -- Taku 08:59, Feb 17, 2004 (UTC)
 * Delete. Not material for an encyclopedia. Link to Aozora Bunko's own list (if they have it) instead. Andre Engels 16:16, 17 Feb 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep in some form. A lot of pages linked from there already exist, and we have no other List of Japanese literature to index them.  I agree this is probably not the best list (too much non-famous stuff, and no recent famous stuff), but at the very least the works we already have articles on should be salvaged from the list before deleting. --Delirium 05:57, Feb 21, 2004 (UTC)
 * (1) There aren't "a lot" of linked-to pages; I count 7 in A-H (didn't check the rest), out of maybe 200 or so. (2) Of those 7, 6 have nothing to do with literature, and the literary content of the 7th is this: "Aomori is also the novel Aomori by Osamu Dazai". (3) It's only proposed to delete the index pages under Aozora Bunko, not any linked-to pages. (4) I agree, there should be a list of Japanese literature. This isn't it. FWIW, Wile E. Heresiarch 17:16, 22 Feb 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep. Hopefully the red links will get some Japanese literature expert to write them. BL 07:53, Feb 22, 2004 (UTC)
 * Keep. It's comparable to List of books by title. -- User:Docu
 * Delete. No need for Wikipedia to serve as an index for another website's content. NTK 07:24, 10 Jan 2005 (UTC)

bad links
The last external link listed has mostly non-working links. Can somebody get in touch with the owner and say so. 4.249.198.206 (talk) 01:12, 10 February 2008 (UTC)

This article is about Aozora Bunko
This article is about Aozora Bunko. Go find someplace else to put your text that's not about Aozora Bunko. There is simply no justification for making more than half of Aozora Bunko about Japanese copyright law.--Prosfilaes (talk) 21:49, 30 May 2008 (UTC)

 * Prosfilaes -- It appears that your perception of the gravamen of this article may be ignoring the citation added in 2007 by User:Jusjih:
 * Revision as of 17:41, 15 February 2007 User:Jusjih -- Edit summary: petition against extending the copyright protection for 20 years in Japan
 * "Aozora Bunko is seeking signatures to petition against extending the copyright protection for 20 years in Japan despite American governmental request to make the extension. (Information in Japanese)"
 * In the context this link reveals, you can see for yourself that the information you would appear to dispute becomes appropriate, necessary, useful.

 * If you haven't yet, please examine this link. Conveniently, you'll find that there is an easily accessible English version.  In the context this link clarifies, perhaps you can more readily appreciate the relevance of the material which you've too casually deleted.

 * I admit frankly that I don't understand your position. How could I?  You haven't really articulated a view beyond what appears as a kind of blanket rejection?  I'm at a loss, of course.
 * I wonder if it would seem reasonable for me to invite you to proffer an explanation -- with perhaps a few citations -- which will help make clear why the text you've deleted is mistakenly posted. As you consider how to respond, perhaps I might suggest that you review another one of those citations which remain --  Tamura, Aya. "Novelists, others want copyright protection extended," Japan Times Online. September 30, 2006.

 * The following citations have been deleted, and yet it could be arguable that they have relevance in the context created by the citations which remain:
 * Pollack, Andrew. "International Business; Japan Is Pressed to Extend Music Copyright Protection," New York Times. February 6, 1996; "The Media Business;Japan to Heed Copyright Law on Music," New York Times. February 28, 1996.
 * Open Rights Group. (2006). Video of panel debate: Should the term of copyright protection on sound recordings be extended? Southhampton Law School.
 * Cohen, Adam. "The Intellectual Imperialists," New York Times. April 4, 2004; Weber, Bruce. "Harvey Schein, Promoter of Betamax at Sony, Dies at 80," New York Times. May 15, 2008.
 * Bovens, Andreas. (2005). "Closed Architectures for Content Distribution," Japan Media Review (University of Southern California, Annenberg School for Communication), 2005; Bovens, A. (2004). Yale University Conference, "Reproduction in Modern Japan" -- presentation abstract

 * In good faith, I wonder if it might be reasonable to hope that you'll be persuaded to re-think your most recent edit? --Tenmei (talk) 02:26, 31 May 2008 (UTC)

 * I would like to suggest moving the recently removed section "Copyright term dispute" to Japanese copyright law that would be much more relevant.--Jusjih (talk) 03:11, 31 May 2008 (UTC)
 * Jusjih -- Yes, of course, I do understand your reasoning ... but the "problem" created by your 2007 edit remains. If Aozora Bunko has effectively become an advocate for a controversial position -- for a point-of-view which is arguably related to the central function which Aozora Bunko seeks to perform, then the article needs the brief text which is now questioned. The modest, non-POV text becomes a reasonable and necessary element of this article; and it becomes important to note that the article from Japan Times validates your 2007 edit.  In my view, you weren't wrong to add what you did, nor was there anything wrong in developing the article further.

 * Despite the conciliatory tone of my note above, I'm not really content to overlook what User:Prosfilaes seems to have sought to achieve. In my view, this becomes an edit which does not enhance the value of the article nor of Wikipedia -- rather, it diminishes the value both.  Frankly, I'm guessing that User:Prosfilaes has not checked out the in-line citations because he has eliminated the sentences which explain the substance of those reference sources.

 * The article you edited in 2007 had no in-line citations, no references, no links to other articles. Now that those deficits have been addressed, I would have thought that there needs to be some clearly articulated set of reasons for such blanking out text which has verifying in-line citations and bibliographic reference sources. --Tenmei (talk) 04:06, 31 May 2008 (UTC)

 * What part of WP:COATRACK don't you understand? It's not appropriate to have more than half the text on stuff that that's not about Aozora Bunko. The sentence currently in the article is fine; it's WP:NPOV in that it states the facts of what Aozora Bunko is doing. All these other cites don't say a thing about what Aozora Bunko is doing. 2008 Atlantic hurricane season does not need to explain where the Atlantic is, and where it came from; it does not need to explain what the year 2008 is; it does not need to explain what hurricanes are. Aozora Bunko might be improved by pointing out some of the major works they have, like those of Natsume Soseki; it won't be improved by making most of the text about who Natsume Soseki is.--Prosfilaes (talk) 12:19, 31 May 2008 (UTC)

 * Aha. Your POV is somewhat clarified, but your argument is unpersuasive because it is unsupported. In contrast, you seek to eliminate the results of research backed up by in-line citations, listed reference sources, links to other Wikipedia articles and external links.
 * Essay
 * In this context, another more strategy might be more effective; but without something more, this approach is not compelling. --Tenmei (talk) 12:43, 31 May 2008 (UTC)

Prosfilaes -- I can only guess at what what intended by asserting: "Aozora Bunko includes several works of crime fiction...." The full-text of that addition is preserved here. Perhaps in the context of a verifying source, the helpfulness of this edit can be more clearly recognized. Crime fiction is the genre of fiction that deals with crimes, their detection, criminals and their motives. It is usually distinguished from mainstream fiction and other genres such as science fiction or historical fiction, but boundaries can be, and indeed are, blurred. It has several sub-genres, including detective fiction (including the whodunnit), legal thriller, courtroom drama, and hard-boiled fiction. Crime fiction began to be considered as a serious genre only around 1900. The earliest known crime novel is "The murder of machine operator Rolfsen" by Norwegian Mauritz Hansen, published in 1839. Yet more known are the earlier dark works of Edgar Allan Poe (e.g., "The Murders in the Rue Morgue" (1841), "The Mystery of Marie Roget" (1842), and "The Purloined Letter" (1844). The evolution of locked room mysteries was one of the landmarks in the history of crime fiction. The Sherlock Holmes mysteries, probably based upon C. Auguste Dupin and Émile Gaboriau's Monsieur Lecoq, are said to have been singularly responsible for the huge popularity in this genre. A precursor was Paul Féval, whose series Les Habits Noirs (1862-67) feature Scotland Yard detectives and criminal conspiracies.   The evolution of the print mass media in the United Kingdom and the United States in the latter half of the 19th century was crucial in popularising crime fiction and related genres. Literary 'variety' magazines like Strand, McClure's, and Harper's quickly became central to the overall structure and function of popular fiction in society, providing a mass-produced medium that offered cheap, illustrated publications that were essentially disposable. Like the works of many other important fiction writers of his day — e.g. Wilkie Collins and Charles Dickens — Arthur Conan Doyle's Sherlock Holmes stories first appeared in serial form in the monthly Strand magazine in the United Kingdom. The series quickly attracted a wide and passionate following on both sides of the Atlantic, and when Doyle killed off Holmes in The Final Problem, the public outcry was so great, and the publishing offers for more stories so attractive, that he was reluctantly forced to resurrect him. Later a set of stereotypic formulae began to appear to cater to various tastes.

This edit is not intended to exacerbate any rationale for further dispute. I believe it will likely cause a raft of problems if this material were to remain as part of a page which will be replicated throughout the realm of Wikipedia mirror sites. --Tenmei (talk) 17:14, 31 May 2008 (UTC)

The ACLU is an organization that's dedicated to freedom of speech in the United States. That doesn't mean that the article ACLU starts talking about freedom of speech in the United States; it talks about what the battles the ACLU has fought over the issue. All the cites in the world, no matter what Aozora Bunko has done, do not make this article the right place to talk about copyright law in Japan; that should go to copyright law in Japan or some such article. This article is solely about stuff that Aozora Bunko has done. That Aozora Bunko has dedicated itself to the preservation of the current copyright law is appropriate for the article. If there's a reliable source that says that Aozora Bunko should stay a digital library, or that Aozora Bunko has crossed the line in their protests, that's appropriate for this article. But if Sony is pushing the changes without specific mention to Aozora Bunko by them or the journalists, it's completely irrelevant to this article.

All the cites and research in the world don't change the simple fact that this article is not about digital libraries, copyright law, Japan, or any combination of those. It's about Aozora Bunko. Anything about the first three subjects need to go to articles on those subjects and be deleted from this article.--Prosfilaes (talk) 01:18, 4 June 2008 (UTC)

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title: Talk:Aozora Bunko


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Emerald Park, Saskatchewan

Emerald Park is an unincorporated community in Saskatchewan, Canada within the Rural Municipality (RM) of Edenwold No. 158. It is 9 km east of Regina and is adjacent to the Town of White City.

The RM of Edenwold No. 158 was home to 4,490 residents in 2016 with an estimated 1,700 of those residents calling Emerald Park home.

Over 130 businesses operate from Emerald Park, Great Plains Industrial Park and the Butte Business District.

History
Emerald Park was developed in the mid eighties. Initially, an auction house, agriculture implement dealerships and a gas station were the first structures in the area.

Not long afterward a developer had a vision for a community of larger-lot homes built around a golf course.

Now, Emerald Park is home to several homes, industrial, retail and commercial businesses and is a full-service community.

The RM of Edenwold office is located at 100 Hutchence Road in Emerald Park.

Demographics
Emerald Park had a population of 1,553 in the 2021 Census of Population, a NaN% change from its 2006 census population of.

Education
There are three schools serving Emerald Park families:
 * École White City School – a French immersion school, kindergarten through grade 8;
 * Emerald Ridge Elementary School – kindergarten through grade 8; and
 * Greenall High School (Balgonie) – grades 9 through 12.

Businesses
There are over 130 businesses located in and around Emerald Park, employing approximately 1,800 people.

Grocery stores, hardware stores, pharmacies, clothing and retail stores and restaurants serve residents and industrial companies and specialty farm equipment retailers and manufacturers lead the way in innovation and forward-thinking.

Recreation
In Emerald Park, residents have access to tennis courts, pickleball courts, soccer fields (and the new soccer centre facility on Great Plains Road), several pathways, trails and playground equipment, in addition to a privately run indoor skating rink (Communiskate).

The White Butte Trails (located north of Highway 1) are a unique natural asset to enjoy free hiking and cross-country skiing opportunities. Portions of the Trans Canada Trail run throughout the RM of Edenwold No. 158.

The Southeast Regional Library has three library branches in the area offering weekly programming options – including story times for parents and children.

Neighbouring communities have curling rinks, senior centres, an outdoor swimming pool, golf courses, baseball diamond, splash parks, skate parks, rodeo arenas, and community halls.

Annual recreation grants are given to towns and the village within the RM of Edenwold No. 158.

A variety of churches operate in the area, including:
 * Balgonie Baptist Church, Balgonie United Church, and St. Joseph's Catholic Church in the Town of Balgonie;.
 * Ambassadors for Christ Church in the Town of White City;
 * Way of Life Church and St. Agnes Roman Catholic Church in the Town of Pilot Butte; and
 * St. Paul's Lutheran Church in the Village of Edenwold.

Services
Water and sewer service is provided by the RM of Edenwold No. 158. Garbage and recycling pick up is coordinated for Emerald Park residents through private contractors. Fire protection agreements are in place between the RM of Edenwold No. 158 and the towns of Balgonie, White City, and Pilot Butte, the Village of Edenwold, and the Hamlet of Kronau. A secondary service provider agreement is in place with the City of Regina.

Media
In addition to local municipal newsletters, the Quad Town Forum is a weekly newspaper that serves the RM, White City, Pilot Butte, Balgonie, and the surrounding areas.

title: Emerald Park, Saskatchewan


text:
Talk:Emerald Park, Saskatchewan

Untitled
What's an RM? -- Zoe

An RM is a Rural Municipality.

title: Talk:Emerald Park, Saskatchewan


text:
White City, Saskatchewan

White City is a town in southeast Saskatchewan. Situated at the intersection of Highway 48 and the Trans-Canada Highway, the town is part of the White Butte region and neighbours Balgonie, Pilot Butte, and the province's capital city, Regina. White City is primarily populated by people who commute to work in Regina. Its motto is "Your Way of Life".

History
White City began on 80 acre owned by Pilot Butte resident Johnston Lipsett. The community organized as a hamlet on April 26, 1959. It incorporated as a village on March 1, 1967 and then as a town on November 1, 2000. The community was named after White City, London, England when John Kadannek, a local store owner, persuaded Lipsett to name it for the home of his favourite aunt.

Demographics
In the 2021 Census of Population conducted by Statistics Canada, White City was originally reported as having a population of $3,702$ living in $1,176$ of its $1,200$ total private dwellings, a change of NaN% from its 2016 population of $3,099$. With a land area of 7.56 km2, it had a population density of in 2021. Statistics Canada subsequently amended White City's 2021 census results to a population of $3,821$ living in $1,211$ of its $1,235$ total private dwellings, an adjusted change of NaN% from its 2016 population.

In the 2016 Census of Population conducted by Statistics Canada, the Town of White City recorded a population of living in  of its  total private dwellings, a NaN% change from its 2011 adjusted population of. With a land area of 7.52 km2, it had a population density of in 2016.

Services
White City is serviced with a library and a Canada Post office.

Education
École White City School and Emerald Ridge Elementary School provide education for kindergarten through 8th grade. Students in grades 9 through 12 are bused 10 minutes northeast to Greenall School in Balgonie.

title: White City, Saskatchewan


text:
Talk:1962

Films
Oy. Jazz77, are you planning on adding every movie ever made to every year page, or just every John Wayne movie ever made? -- Zoe
 * Nope, just going for big movies. Eventually most of this could be moved to the year in film pages.. right now I'm just gathering info -jazz77
 * Not sure about Hatari might have a different tittle in French. But the two others are real classics. The 1963 is less obvious. -- Ericd

Vandalism
Hey, in the edit history, 199.246.2.11 deleted a big chunk of events from the first couple of months. Was this intentional? -Jazz77
 * Thanks for noticing that - Looking at all the edits I've made since the vandalism you would think I would notice something like that. But then I add events very fast from the day pages. --mav

USA
no entry for 1962 in the united states?

Page layout years
There is a discussion on my talk page on page layout.

For most of the last three hundred years there is inconsistency and duplication between the year in topic paragraph, the "see also" box and what is on the year by topic pages. Prior to 1950 I am pretty convinced we can painlessly (except for sore fingers) delete all of the year in topic paragraphs and ensure that the material goes into a "see also" box, creating such a box where none exists. Post 1950, particularly from the "year in US television" link a lot of material has been added to this paragraph as highlights (sometimes making up most of the page content pointed at).

Personally I think we should still delete the paragraph, keep the box linking to the topic sites and move any particularly important parts of the year in topic paragraph to the main chronological list. This does involve undoing quite a bit of work which someone has done.

Therefore, unlike for prior to 1950 (where I've said no objection= I do it) for post 1950 I won't touch these pages unless a significant number of people agree with the change. (I am also unlikely to get the pre 1950 stuff done before summer unless the service speed improves dramatically). (talk)--BozMo 14:17, 7 May 2004 (UTC)

Neptune/Pluto alignment
Moved from the article until the concern by 71.169.20.16 can be resolved:
 * February 2 - For the first time in 403 years, Neptune and Pluto align. <>

 * Regards, High on a tree (talk) 23:31, 17 January 2008 (UTC)

Amazing Fantasy 15
The correct date is the 10th according to marvel.com —Preceding unsigned comment added by 128.238.78.128 (talk) 22:20, 10 February 2009 (UTC)

February missing - vandalism?
The February section is entirely missing. It seems from some revisions a while ago that it used to be there. Can someone trace and restore? Sorry I've no time to do this myself. Pete Hobbs (talk) 16:14, 2 June 2012 (UTC)

De Gaulling?
Am I right thinking the August attempt inspired The Day of the Jackal? If so,does that merit including? TREKphiler any time you're ready, Uhura  20:20, 8 September 2018 (UTC)

A Commons file used on this page has been nominated for deletion
The following Wikimedia Commons file used on this page has been nominated for deletion: Participate in the deletion discussion at the. —Community Tech bot (talk) 07:07, 2 February 2019 (UTC)
 * Nicolás Maduro 2019.jpg

A Commons file used on this page or its Wikidata item has been nominated for deletion
The following Wikimedia Commons file used on this page or its Wikidata item has been nominated for deletion: Participate in the deletion discussion at the. —Community Tech bot (talk) 19:38, 14 August 2021 (UTC)
 * Dun Gorg Preca.jpg

collage
I agree with @DementiaGaming's suggestion to replace the Luisenthal mine disaster with the Algerian independence, and I propose that the Harmelen train disaster be replaced by the 1962 Buin Zahra earthquake(12000 dead) or Tropical Storm Harriet(50000 dead), as it does not have enough international impact and is not the deadliest train accident this year. The Mikawashima train crash caused 160 deaths. Nagae Iku (talk) 08:18, 15 September 2023 (UTC)

Slavery in Yemen.. and Scandinavian/Nordic
Slavery in Yemen and slavery in Yemen is abolished. This doble is at undocumented events.

Plus, In the events 23. of march it says that the Scandinavian countries signed a treaty... the right terminology would be nordic as Finland and Iceland are not scandinavian. Berserkur (talk) 17:09, 4 December 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:1962


text:
Phytophthora infestans

Phytophthora infestans is an oomycete or water mold, a fungus-like microorganism that causes the serious potato and tomato disease known as late blight or potato blight. Early blight, caused by Alternaria solani, is also often called "potato blight". Late blight was a major culprit in the 1840s European, the 1845–1852 Irish, and the 1846 Highland potato famines. The organism can also infect some other members of the Solanaceae. The pathogen is favored by moist, cool environments: sporulation is optimal at 12–18 C in water-saturated or nearly saturated environments, and zoospore production is favored at temperatures below 15 C. Lesion growth rates are typically optimal at a slightly warmer temperature range of 20 to 24 C.

Etymology
The genus name Phytophthora comes from the Greek φυτό, meaning "plant" – plus the Greek φθορά , meaning "decay, ruin, perish". The species name infestans is the present participle of the Latin verb infestare, meaning "attacking, destroying", from which the word "to infest" is derived. The name Phytophthora infestans was coined in 1876 by the German mycologist Heinrich Anton de Bary (1831–1888).

Life cycle, signs and symptoms
The asexual life cycle of Phytophthora infestans is characterized by alternating phases of hyphal growth, sporulation, sporangia germination (either through zoospore release or direct germination, i.e. germ tube emergence from the sporangium), and the re-establishment of hyphal growth. There is also a sexual cycle, which occurs when isolates of opposite mating type (A1 and A2, see below) meet. Hormonal communication triggers the formation of the sexual spores, called oospores. The different types of spores play major roles in the dissemination and survival of P. infestans. Sporangia are spread by wind or water and enable the movement of P. infestans between different host plants. The zoospores released from sporangia are biflagellated and chemotactic, allowing further movement of P. infestans on water films found on leaves or soils. Both sporangia and zoospores are short-lived, in contrast to oospores which can persist in a viable form for many years.

People can observe P. infestans produce dark green, then brown then black spots on the surface of potato leaves and stems, often near the tips or edges, where water or dew collects. The sporangia and sporangiophores appear white on the lower surface of the foliage. As for tuber blight, the white mycelium often shows on the tubers' surface.

Under ideal conditions, P. infestans completes its life cycle on potato or tomato foliage in about five days. Sporangia develop on the leaves, spreading through the crop when temperatures are above 10 °C and humidity is over 75–80% for 2 days or more. Rain can wash spores into the soil where they infect young tubers, and the spores can also travel long distances on the wind. The early stages of blight are easily missed. Symptoms include the appearance of dark blotches on leaf tips and plant stems. White mold will appear under the leaves in humid conditions and the whole plant may quickly collapse. Infected tubers develop grey or dark patches that are reddish brown beneath the skin, and quickly decay to a foul-smelling mush caused by the infestation of secondary soft bacterial rots. Seemingly healthy tubers may rot later when in store.

P. infestans survives poorly in nature apart from on its plant hosts. Under most conditions, the hyphae and asexual sporangia can survive for only brief periods in plant debris or soil, and are generally killed off during frosts or very warm weather. The exceptions involve oospores, and hyphae present within tubers. The persistence of viable pathogen within tubers, such as those that are left in the ground after the previous year's harvest or left in cull piles is a major problem in disease management. In particular, volunteer plants sprouting from infected tubers are thought to be a major source of inoculum (or propagules) at the start of a growing season. This can have devastating effects by destroying entire crops.

Mating types
The mating types are broadly divided into A1 and A2. Until the 1980s populations could only be distinguished by virulence assays and mating types, but since then more detailed analysis has shown that mating type and genotype are substantially decoupled. These types each produce a mating hormone of their own. Pathogen populations are grouped into clonal lineages of these mating types and includes:

A1
A1 produces a mating hormone, a diterpene α1. Clonal lineages of A1 include:
 * CN-1, -2, -4, -5, -6, -7, -8 – mtDNA haplotype Ia, China in 1996–97
 * – Ia, China, 1996–97
 * – Ia, China, 2004
 * – IIb, China, 2000 & 2002
 * – IIa, China, 2004–09
 * – Ia/IIb, China, 2004–09
 * – (only presumed to be A1), mtDNA haplo Ia subtype, Japan, Philippines, India, China, Malaysia, Nepal, present some time before 1950
 * – Ia, India, Nepal, 1993
 * – Ia, India, 1993
 * JP-2/SIB-1/RF006 – mtDNA haplo IIa, distinguishable by RG57, intermediate level of metalaxyl resistance, Japan, China, Korea, Thailand, 1996–present
 * – IIa, distinguishable by RG57, intermediate level of metalaxyl resistance, Japan, 1996–present
 * – IIa, distinguishable by RG57, intermediate level of metalaxyl resistance, Japan, 1996–present
 * sensu Zhang (not to be confused with #KR-1 sensu Gotoh below) – IIa, Korea, 2002–04
 * KR_1_A1 – mtDNA haplo unknown, Korea, 2009–16
 * – Ia, China, 2004
 * – Ia, India, Nepal, 1993, 1996–97
 * – Ia, Nepal, 1997
 * – Ia, Nepal, 1999–2000
 * – (Also A2, see #the A2 type of NP2 below) Ia, Nepal, 1999–2000
 * (not to be confused with below) – Ib, Nepal, 1999–2000
 * (not to be confused with above) – Ib,  China, India, Nepal, Japan, Taiwan, Thailand, Vietnam, 1940–2000
 * – Ia, Nepal, 1999–2000
 * – mtDNA haplo unknown, Nepal, 1999–2000
 * – IIb, Taiwan, Korea, Vietnam, 1998–2016
 * – IIb, China, 2002 & 2004
 * – IIa, Korea, 2003–04
 * – Ia, Indonesia, 2016–19
 * – Ia, Indonesia, 2016–19
 * – Ia, Indonesia, 2016–19

A2
Discovered by John Niederhauser in the 1950s, in the Toluca Valley in Central Mexico, while working for the Rockefeller Foundation's Mexican Agriculture Program. Published in Niederhauser 1956. A2 produces a mating hormone α2. Clonal lineages of A2 include:
 * CN02 – See #13_A2/CN02 below
 * – with mtDNA haplotype H-20
 * – IIa, Japan, Korea, Indonesia, late 1980s–present
 * sensu Gotoh (not to be confused with #KR-1 sensu Zhang above) – IIa, differs from JP-1 by one RG57 band, Korea, 1992
 * – mtDNA haplo unknown, Korea, 2009–16
 * – Ia, China, 2001
 * – (Also A1, see #the A1 type of NP2 above) Ia, Nepal, 1999–2000
 * – Ib, Nepal, 1999–2000
 * – Ia, Nepal, 1999–2000
 * – Ia, Thailand, China, Nepal, 1994 & 1997
 * Unknown – Ib, India, 1996–2003
 * – Brazil
 * – IIa, Korea, 2002–03
 * /CN02 – Ia, China, India, Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan, Myanmar, 2005–19
 * – IIa, Korea, 2002–03
 * /CN02 – Ia, China, India, Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan, Myanmar, 2005–19

Self-fertile
A self-fertile type was present in China between 2009 and 2013.

Physiology
PiINF1 is the INF1 in P. infestans. Hosts respond with autophagy upon detection of this elicitor, Liu et al. 2005 finding this to be the only alternative to mass hypersensitivity leading to mass programmed cell death.

Genetics
P. infestans is diploid, with about 8–10 chromosomes, and in 2009 scientists completed the sequencing of its genome. The genome was found to be considerably larger (240 Mbp) than that of most other Phytophthora species whose genomes have been sequenced; P. sojae has a 95 Mbp genome and P. ramorum had a 65 Mbp genome. About 18,000 genes were detected within the P. infestans genome. It also contained a diverse variety of transposons and many gene families encoding for effector proteins that are involved in causing pathogenicity. These proteins are split into two main groups depending on whether they are produced by the water mold in the symplast (inside plant cells) or in the apoplast (between plant cells). Proteins produced in the symplast included RXLR proteins, which contain an arginine-X-leucine-arginine (where X can be any amino acid) sequence at the amino terminus of the protein. Some RXLR proteins are avirulence proteins, meaning that they can be detected by the plant and lead to a hypersensitive response which restricts the growth of the pathogen. P. infestans was found to encode around 60% more of these proteins than most other Phytophthora species. Those found in the apoplast include hydrolytic enzymes such as proteases, lipases and glycosylases that act to degrade plant tissue, enzyme inhibitors to protect against host defence enzymes and necrotizing toxins. Overall the genome was found to have an extremely high repeat content (around 74%) and to have an unusual gene distribution in that some areas contain many genes whereas others contain very few.

The pathogen shows high allelic diversity in many isolates collected in Europe. This may be due to widespread trisomy or polyploidy in those populations.

Research
Study of P. infestans presents sampling difficulties in the United States. It occurs only sporadically and usually has significant founder effects due to each epidemic starting from introduction of a single genotype.

Origin and diversity

The highlands of central Mexico are considered by many to be the center of origin of P. infestans, although others have proposed its origin to be in the Andes, which is also the origin of potatoes. A recent study evaluated these two alternate hypotheses and found conclusive support for central Mexico being the center of origin. Support for Mexico specifically the Toluca Valley  comes from multiple observations including the fact that populations are genetically most diverse in Mexico, late blight is observed in native tuber-bearing Solanum species, populations of the pathogen are in Hardy–Weinberg equilibrium, the two mating (see § Mating types above) types occur in a 1:1 ratio, and detailed phylogeographic and evolutionary studies. Furthermore, the closest relatives of P. infestans, namely P. mirabilis and P. ipomoeae are endemic to central Mexico. On the other hand, the only close relative found in South America, namely P. andina, is a hybrid that does not share a single common ancestor with P. infestans. Finally, populations of P. infestans in South America lack genetic diversity and are clonal.

Migrations from Mexico to North America or Europe have occurred several times throughout history, probably linked to the movement of tubers. Until the 1970s, the A2 mating type was restricted to Mexico, but now in many regions of the world both A1 and A2 isolates can be found in the same region. The co-occurrence of the two mating types is significant due to the possibility of sexual recombination and formation of oospores, which can survive the winter. Only in Mexico and Scandinavia, however, is oospore formation thought to play a role in overwintering. In other parts of Europe, increasing genetic diversity has been observed as a consequence of sexual reproduction. This is notable since different forms of P. infestans vary in their aggressiveness on potato or tomato, in sporulation rate, and sensitivity to fungicides. Variation in such traits also occurs in North America, however importation of new genotypes from Mexico appears to be the predominant cause of genetic diversity, as opposed to sexual recombination within potato or tomato fields. In 1976 – due to a summer drought in Europe – there was a potato production shortfall and so eating potatoes were imported to fill the shortfall. It is thought that this was the vehicle for mating type A2 to reach the rest of the world. In any case, there had been little diversity, consisting of the US-1 strain, and of that only one type of: mating type, mtDNA, restriction fragment length polymorphism, and di-locus isozyme. Then in 1980 suddenly greater diversity and A2 appeared in Europe. In 1981 it was found in the Netherlands, United Kingdom, 1985 in Sweden, the early 1990s in Norway and Finland, 1996 in Denmark, and 1999 in Iceland. In the UK new A1 lineages only replaced the old lineage by end of the '80s, and A2 spread even more slowly, with Britain having low levels and Ireland (north and Republic) having none-to-trace detections through the '90s. Many of the strains that appeared outside of Mexico since the 1980s have been more aggressive, leading to increased crop losses. In Europe since 2013 the populations have been tracked by the EuroBlight network (see links below). Some of the differences between strains may be related to variation in the RXLR effectors that are present.

Disease management
P. infestans is still a difficult disease to control. There are many chemical options in agriculture for the control of damage to the foliage as well as the fruit (for tomatoes) and the tuber (for potatoes). A few of the most common foliar-applied fungicides are Ridomil, a Gavel/SuperTin tank mix, and Previcur Flex. All of the aforementioned fungicides need to be tank mixed with a broad-spectrum fungicide such as mancozeb or chlorothalonil not just for resistance management but also because the potato plants will be attacked by other pathogens at the same time.

If adequate field scouting occurs and late blight is found soon after disease development, localized patches of potato plants can be killed with a desiccant (e.g. paraquat) through the use of a backpack sprayer. This management technique can be thought of as a field-scale hypersensitive response similar to what occurs in some plant-viral interactions whereby cells surrounding the initial point of infection are killed in order to prevent proliferation of the pathogen.

If infected tubers make it into a storage bin, there is a very high risk to the storage life of the entire bin. Once in storage, there isn't much that can be done besides emptying the parts of the bin that contain tubers infected with Phytophthora infestans. To increase the probability of successfully storing potatoes from a field where late blight was known to occur during the growing season, some products can be applied just prior to entering storage (e.g. Phostrol).

Around the world the disease causes around $6 billion of damage to crops each year.

Resistant plants
Breeding for resistance, particularly in potato plants, has had limited success in part due to difficulties in crossing cultivated potato to its wild relatives,  which are the source of potential resistance genes. In addition, most resistance genes only work against a subset of P. infestans isolates, since effective plant disease resistance only results when the pathogen expresses a RXLR effector gene that matches the corresponding plant resistance (R) gene; effector-R gene interactions trigger a range of plant defenses, such as the production of compounds toxic to the pathogen.

Potato and tomato varieties vary in their susceptibility to blight. Most early varieties are very vulnerable; they should be planted early so that the crop matures before blight starts (usually in July in the Northern Hemisphere). Many old crop varieties, such as King Edward potato are also very susceptible but are grown because they are wanted commercially. Maincrop varieties which are very slow to develop blight include Cara, Stirling, Teena, Torridon, Remarka, and Romano. Some so-called resistant varieties can resist some strains of blight and not others, so their performance may vary depending on which are around. These crops have had polygenic resistance bred into them, and are known as "field resistant". New varieties  such as Sarpo Mira and Sarpo Axona show great resistance to blight even in areas of heavy infestation. Defender is an American cultivar whose parentage includes Ranger Russet and Polish potatoes resistant to late blight. It is a long white-skinned cultivar with both foliar and tuber resistance to late blight. Defender was released in 2004.

Genetic engineering may also provide options for generating resistance cultivars. A resistance gene effective against most known strains of blight has been identified from a wild relative of the potato, Solanum bulbocastanum, and introduced by genetic engineering into cultivated varieties of potato. This is an example of cisgenic genetic engineering.

Melatonin in the plant/P. infestans co-environment reduces the stress tolerance of the parasite.

Reducing inoculum
Blight can be controlled by limiting the source of inoculum. Only good-quality seed potatoes and tomatoes obtained from certified suppliers should be planted. Often discarded potatoes from the previous season and self-sown tubers can act as sources of inoculum.

Compost, soil or potting medium can be heat-treated to kill oomycetes such as Phytophthora infestans. The recommended sterilisation temperature for oomycetes is 120 F for 30 minutes.

Environmental conditions
There are several environmental conditions that are conducive to P. infestans. An example of such took place in the United States during the 2009 growing season. As colder than average for the season and with greater than average rainfall, there was a major infestation of tomato plants, specifically in the eastern states. By using weather forecasting systems, such as BLITECAST, if the following conditions occur as the canopy of the crop closes, then the use of fungicides is recommended to prevent an epidemic. The Beaumont and Smith periods have traditionally been used by growers in the United Kingdom, with different criteria developed by growers in other regions. The Smith period has been the preferred system used in the UK since its introduction in the 1970s.
 * A is a period of 48 consecutive hours, in at least 46 of which the hourly readings of temperature and relative humidity at a given place have not been less than 10 °C and 75%, respectively.
 * A is at least two consecutive days where min temperature is 10 °C or above and on each day at least 11 hours when the relative humidity is greater than 90%.

Based on these conditions and other factors, several tools have been developed to help growers manage the disease and plan fungicide applications. Often these are deployed as part of Decision support systems accessible through web sites or smart phones.

Several studies have attempted to develop systems for real-time detection via flow cytometry or microscopy of airborne sporangia collected in air samplers. Whilst these methods show potential to allow detection of sporangia in advance of occurrence of detectable disease symptoms on plants, and would thus be useful in enhancing existing Decision support systems, none have been commercially deployed to date.

Use of fungicides
Fungicides for the control of potato blight are normally only used in a preventative manner, optionally in conjunction with disease forecasting. In susceptible varieties, sometimes fungicide applications may be needed weekly. An early spray is most effective. The choice of fungicide can depend on the nature of local strains of P. infestans. Metalaxyl is a fungicide that was marketed for use against P. infestans, but suffered serious resistance issues when used on its own. In some regions of the world during the 1980s and 1990s, most strains of P. infestans became resistant to metalaxyl, but in subsequent years many populations shifted back to sensitivity. To reduce the occurrence of resistance, it is strongly advised to use single-target fungicides such as metalaxyl along with carbamate compounds. A combination of other compounds are recommended for managing metalaxyl-resistant strains. These include mandipropamid, chlorothalonil, fluazinam, triphenyltin, mancozeb, and others. In the United States, the Environmental Protection Agency has approved oxathiapiprolin for use against late blight. In African smallholder production fungicide application can be necessary up to once every three days.

In organic production
In the past, copper(II) sulfate solution (called 'bluestone') was used to combat potato blight. Copper pesticides remain in use on organic crops, both in the form of copper hydroxide and copper sulfate. Given the dangers of copper toxicity, other organic control options that have been shown to be effective include horticultural oils, phosphorous acids, and rhamnolipid biosurfactants, while sprays containing "beneficial" microbes such as Bacillus subtilis or compounds that encourage the plant to produce defensive chemicals (such as knotweed extract) have not performed as well. During the crop year 2008, many of the certified organic potatoes produced in the United Kingdom and certified by the Soil Association as organic were sprayed with a copper pesticide to control potato blight. According to the Soil Association, the total copper that can be applied to organic land is 6 kg/ha/year.

Control of tuber blight
Ridging is often used to reduce tuber contamination by blight. This normally involves piling soil or mulch around the stems of the potato blight meaning the pathogen has farther to travel to get to the tuber. Another approach is to destroy the canopy around five weeks before harvest, using a contact herbicide or sulfuric acid to burn off the foliage. Eliminating infected foliage reduces the likelihood of tuber infection.

Historical impact
The first recorded instances of the disease were in the United States, in Philadelphia and New York City in early 1843. Winds then spread the spores, and in 1845 it was found from Illinois to Nova Scotia, and from Virginia to Ontario. It crossed the Atlantic Ocean with a shipment of seed potatoes for Belgian farmers in 1845. The disease being first identified in Europe around Kortrijk, Flanders, in the June 1845, and resulted in the Flemish potato harvest failing that summer, yields declining 75-80%, leading to an estimated forty thousand deaths in the locale. All of the potato-growing countries in Europe would be affected, within a year.

The effect of Phytophthora infestans in Ireland in 1845–52 was one of the factors which caused over one million to starve to death and forced another two million to emigrate. Most commonly referenced is the Great Irish Famine, during the late 1840s. Implicated in Ireland's fate was the island's disproportionate dependency on a single variety of potato, the Irish Lumper. The lack of genetic variability created a susceptible host population for the organism after the blight strains originating in Chiloé Archipelago replaced earlier potatoes of Peruvian origin in Europe.

During the First World War, all of the copper in Germany was used for shell casings and electric wire and therefore none was available for making copper sulfate to spray potatoes. A major late blight outbreak on potato in Germany therefore went untreated, and the resulting scarcity of potatoes led to the deaths of 700,000 German civilians from starvation.

Since 1941, Eastern Africa has been suffering potato production losses because of strains of P. infestans from Europe.

France, Canada, the United States, and the Soviet Union researched P. infestans as a biological weapon in the 1940s and 1950s. Potato blight was one of more than 17 agents that the United States researched as potential biological weapons before the nation suspended its biological weapons program. Whether a weapon based on the pathogen would be effective is questionable, due to the difficulties in delivering viable pathogen to an enemy's fields, and the role of uncontrollable environmental factors in spreading the disease.

Late blight (A2 type) has not yet been detected in Australia and strict biosecurity measures are in place. The disease has been seen in China, India and south-east Asian countries.

A large outbreak of P. infestans occurred on tomato plants in the Northeast United States in 2009.

In light of the periodic epidemics of P. infestans ever since its first emergence, it may be regarded as a periodically emerging pathogen – or a periodically "re-emerging pathogen".

title: Phytophthora infestans


text:
Laissez-faire

Laissez-faire (or, from laissez faire , ) is a type of economic system in which transactions between private groups of people are free from any form of economic interventionism (such as subsidies or regulations). As a system of thought, laissez-faire rests on the following axioms: "the individual is the basic unit in society, i.e., the standard of measurement in social calculus; the individual has a natural right to freedom; and the physical order of nature is a harmonious and self-regulating system." The original phrase was laissez faire, laissez passer, with the second part meaning "let (things) pass". It is generally attributed to Vincent de Gournay.

Another basic principle of laissez-faire holds that markets should naturally be competitive, a rule that the early advocates of laissez-faire always emphasized.

The Physiocrats were early advocates of laissez-faire and advocated for a impôt unique, a tax on land rent to replace the "monstrous and crippling network of taxation that had grown up in 17th century France". Their view was that only land should be taxed because land is not produced but a naturally existing resource, meaning a tax on it wouldn't be taking from the labour of the taxed, unlike most other taxes.

Proponents of laissez-faire argue for a near complete separation of government from the economic sector. The phrase laissez-faire is part of a larger French phrase and literally translates to "let [it/them] do", but in this context the phrase usually means to "let it be" and in expression "laid back". Although never practiced with full consistency, laissez-faire capitalism emerged in the mid-18th century and was further popularized by Adam Smith's book The Wealth of Nations.

Etymology and usage
The term laissez-faire likely originated in a meeting that took place around 1681 between powerful French Controller-General of Finances Jean-Baptiste Colbert and a group of French businessmen headed by M. Le Gendre. When the eager mercantilist minister asked how the French state could be of service to the merchants and help promote their commerce, Le Gendre replied simply: "Laissez-nous faire" ("Leave it to us" or "Let us do [it]", the French verb not requiring an object).

The anecdote on the Colbert–Le Gendre meeting appeared in a 1751 article in the Journal économique, written by French minister and champion of free trade René de Voyer, Marquis d'Argenson—also the first known appearance of the term in print. Argenson himself had used the phrase earlier (1736) in his own diaries in a famous outburst: "Laissez faire, telle devrait être la devise de toute puissance publique, depuis que le monde est civilisé [...]. Détestable principe que celui de ne vouloir grandir que par l'abaissement de nos voisins ! Il n'y a que la méchanceté et la malignité du cœur de satisfaites dans ce principe, et l'intérêt y est opposé. Laissez faire, morbleu ! Laissez faire !!

Let go, which should be the motto of all public power, since the world was civilized [...]. [It is] a detestable principle of those that want to enlarge [themselves] but by the abasement of our neighbours. There is but the wicked and the malignant heart[s] [who are] satisfied by this principle and [its] interest is opposed. Let go, for God's sake! Let go!!"

Vincent de Gournay, a French Physiocrat and intendant of commerce in the 1750s, popularized the term laissez-faire as he allegedly adopted it from François Quesnay's writings on China. Quesnay coined the phrases laissez-faire and laissez-passer, laissez-faire being a translation of the Chinese term wu wei (無為). Gournay ardently supported the removal of restrictions on trade and the deregulation of industry in France. Delighted with the Colbert–Le Gendre anecdote, he forged it into a larger maxim all his own: "Laissez faire et laissez passer" ("Let do and let pass"). His motto has also been identified as the longer "Laissez faire et laissez passer, le monde va de lui même !" ("Let do and let pass, the world goes on by itself!"). Although Gournay left no written tracts on his economic policy ideas, he had immense personal influence on his contemporaries, notably his fellow Physiocrats, who credit both the laissez-faire slogan and the doctrine to Gournay.

Before d'Argenson or Gournay, P. S. de Boisguilbert had enunciated the phrase "On laisse faire la nature" ("Let nature run its course"). D'Argenson himself during his life was better known for the similar, but less-celebrated motto "Pas trop gouverner" ("Govern not too much").

The Physiocrats proclaimed laissez-faire in 18th-century France, placing it at the very core of their economic principles and famous economists, beginning with Adam Smith, developed the idea. It is with the Physiocrats and the classical political economy that the term laissez-faire is ordinarily associated. The book Laissez Faire and the General-Welfare State states: "The physiocrats, reacting against the excessive mercantilist regulations of the France of their day, expressed a belief in a 'natural order' or liberty under which individuals in following their selfish interests contributed to the general good. Since, in their view, this natural order functioned successfully without the aid of government, they advised the state to restrict itself to upholding the rights of private property and individual liberty, to removing all artificial barriers to trade, and to abolishing all useless laws."

The French phrase laissez-faire gained currency in English-speaking countries with the spread of Physiocratic literature in the late 18th century. George Whatley's 1774 Principles of Trade (co-authored with Benjamin Franklin) re-told the Colbert-LeGendre anecdote; this may mark the first appearance of the phrase in an English-language publication.

Herbert Spencer was opposed to a slightly different application of laissez faire—to "that miserable laissez-faire" that leads to men's ruin, saying: "Along with that miserable laissez-faire which calmly looks on while men ruin themselves in trying to enforce by law their equitable claims, there goes activity in supplying them, at other men's cost, with gratis novel-reading!"

As a product of the Enlightenment, laissez-faire was "conceived as the way to unleash human potential through the restoration of a natural system, a system unhindered by the restrictions of government". In a similar vein, Adam Smith viewed the economy as a natural system and the market as an organic part of that system. Smith saw laissez-faire as a moral program and the market its instrument to ensure men the rights of natural law. By extension, free markets become a reflection of the natural system of liberty. For Smith, laissez-faire was "a program for the abolition of laws constraining the market, a program for the restoration of order and for the activation of potential growth".

However, Smith and notable classical economists such as Thomas Malthus and David Ricardo did not use the phrase. Jeremy Bentham used the term, but it was probably James Mill's reference to the laissez-faire maxim (together with the "Pas trop gouverner" motto) in an 1824 entry for the Encyclopædia Britannica that really brought the term into wider English usage. With the advent of the Anti-Corn Law League (founded 1838), the term received much of its English meaning.

Smith first used the metaphor of an invisible hand in his book The Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759) to describe the unintentional effects of economic self-organization from economic self-interest. Although not the metaphor itself, the idea lying behind the invisible hand belongs to Bernard de Mandeville and his Fable of the Bees (1705). In political economy, that idea and the doctrine of laissez-faire have long been closely related. Some have characterized the invisible-hand metaphor as one for laissez-faire, although Smith never actually used the term himself. In Third Millennium Capitalism (2000), Wyatt M. Rogers Jr. notes a trend whereby recently "conservative politicians and economists have chosen the term 'free-market capitalism' in lieu of laissez-faire".

American individualist anarchists such as Benjamin Tucker saw themselves as economic laissez-faire socialists and political individualists while arguing that their "anarchistic socialism" or "individual anarchism" was "consistent Manchesterism".

Europe
In Europe, the laissez-faire movement was first widely promoted by the Physiocrats, a movement that included Vincent de Gournay (1712–1759), a successful merchant turned political figure. Gournay is postulated to have adapted the Taoist concept wu wei, from the writings on China by François Quesnay (1694–1774). Gournay held that government should allow the laws of nature to govern economic activity, with the state only intervening to protect life, liberty and property. François Quesnay and Anne Robert Jacques Turgot, Baron de l'Aulne took up Gournay's ideas. Quesnay had the ear of the King of France, Louis XV and in 1754 persuaded him to give laissez-faire a try. On September 17, the King abolished all tolls and restraints on the sale and transport of grain. For more than a decade, the experiment appeared successful, but 1768 saw a poor harvest, and the cost of bread rose so high that there was widespread starvation while merchants exported grain to obtain the best profit. In 1770, the Comptroller-General of Finances Joseph Marie Terray revoked the edict allowing free trade in grain.

The doctrine of laissez-faire became an integral part of 19th-century European liberalism. Just as liberals supported freedom of thought in the intellectual sphere, so were they equally prepared to champion the principles of free trade and free competition in the sphere of economics, seeing the state as merely a passive policeman, protecting private property and administering justice, but not interfering with the affairs of its citizens. Businessmen, British industrialists in particular, were quick to associate these principles with their own economic interests. Many of the ideas of the physiocrats spread throughout Europe and were adopted to a greater or lesser extent in Sweden, Tuscany, Spain and in the newly created United States. Adam Smith, author of The Wealth of Nations (1776), met Quesnay and acknowledged his influence.

In Britain, the newspaper The Economist (founded in 1843) became an influential voice for laissez-faire capitalism. Laissez-faire advocates opposed food aid for famines occurring within the British Empire. In 1847, referring to the famine then underway in Ireland, founder of The Economist James Wilson wrote: "It is no man's business to provide for another". More specifically, in An Essay on the Principle of Population, Malthus argued that there was nothing that could be done to avoid famines because he felt he had mathematically proven that population growth tends to exceed growth in food production. However, The Economist campaigned against the Corn Laws that protected landlords in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland against competition from less expensive foreign imports of cereal products. The Great Famine in Ireland in 1845 led to the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846. The tariffs on grain which kept the price of bread artificially high were repealed. However, repeal of the Corn Laws came too late to stop the Irish famine, partly because it was done in stages over three years.

A group that became known as the Manchester Liberals, to which Richard Cobden (1804–1865) and John Bright (1811–1889) belonged, were staunch defenders of free trade. After the death of Cobden, the Cobden Club (founded in 1866) continued their work. The breakdown of laissez-faire as practised by the British Empire was partly led by British companies eager for state support of their positions abroad, in particular British oil companies.

In Italy, philosopher Benedetto Croce created the term "liberism" (derived from the Italian term liberismo), a term for the economic doctrine of laissez-faire capitalism; it is synonymous with economic liberalism. He claimed that "Liberalism can prove only a temporary right of private propriety of land and industries." It was popularized in English by Italian political scientist Giovanni Sartori. Sartori specifically imported the term from Italian to distinguish between social liberalism, which is generally considered a political ideology often advocating extensive government intervention in the economy, and those economic liberal theories that propose to virtually eliminate such intervention. In informal usage, liberism overlaps with other concepts such as free trade, neoliberalism, right-libertarianism, the American concept of libertarianism, and the laissez-faire doctrine of the French liberal Doctrinaires. The intention of Croce and of Sartori to attack the right to private property and to free enterprise separating them from the general philosophy of liberalism, that is primarily a theory of natural rights, was always criticised openly by the quoted philosophers and by some of the main representatives of liberalism, such as Luigi Einaudi, Friedrich Hayek, and Milton Friedman. The Austrian School economist Eugen von Böhm-Bawerk argues that the differences between the economical concept of liberism and the economical consequences of liberalism can be summarized by saying that "A market is a law system. Without it, the only possible economy is the street robbery."

United States
Frank Bourgin's study of the Constitutional Convention and subsequent decades argues that direct government involvement in the economy was intended by the Founding Fathers. The reason for this was the economic and financial chaos the nation suffered under the Articles of Confederation. The goal was to ensure that dearly-won political independence was not lost by being economically and financially dependent on the powers and princes of Europe. The creation of a strong central government able to promote science, invention, industry and commerce was seen as an essential means of promoting the general welfare and making the economy of the United States strong enough for them to determine their own destiny. Others view Bourgin's study, written in the 1940s and not published until 1989, as an over-interpretation of the evidence, intended originally to defend the New Deal and later to counter Ronald Reagan's economic policies.

Historian Kathleen G. Donohue argues that in the 19th century liberalism in the United States had distinctive characteristics and that "at the center of classical liberal theory [in Europe] was the idea of laissez-faire. To the vast majority of American classical liberals, however, laissez-faire did not mean "no government intervention" at all. On the contrary, they were more than willing to see government provide tariffs, railroad subsidies, and internal improvements, all of which benefited producers". Notable examples of government intervention in the period prior to the American Civil War include the establishment of the Patent Office in 1802; the establishment of the Office of Standard Weights and Measures in 1830; the creation of the Survey of the Coast (later renamed the United States Coast Survey and then the United States Coast and Geodetic Survey) in 1807 and other measures to improve river and harbor navigation; the various Army expeditions to the west, beginning with Lewis and Clark's Corps of Discovery in 1804 and continuing into the 1870s, almost always under the direction of an officer from the Army Corps of Topographical Engineers and which provided crucial information for the overland pioneers that followed; the assignment of Army Engineer officers to assist or direct the surveying and construction of the early railroads and canals; and the establishment of the First Bank of the United States and Second Bank of the United States as well as various protectionist measures (e.g. the tariff of 1828). Several of these proposals met with serious opposition and required a great deal of horse-trading to be enacted into law. For instance, the First National Bank would not have reached the desk of President George Washington in the absence of an agreement that was reached between Alexander Hamilton and several Southern members of Congress to locate the capitol in the District of Columbia. In contrast to Hamilton and the Federalists was Thomas Jefferson and James Madison's opposing political party, the Democratic-Republicans.

Most of the early opponents of laissez-faire capitalism in the United States subscribed to the American School. This school of thought was inspired by the ideas of Hamilton, who proposed the creation of a government-sponsored bank and increased tariffs to favor Northern industrial interests. Following Hamilton's death, the more abiding protectionist influence in the antebellum period came from Henry Clay and his American System. In the early 19th century, "it is quite clear that the laissez-faire label is an inappropriate one" to apply to the relationship between the United States government and industry. In the mid-19th century, the United States followed the Whig tradition of economic nationalism, which included increased state control, regulation and macroeconomic development of infrastructure. Public works such as the provision and regulation transportation such as railroads took effect. The Pacific Railway Acts provided the development of the First transcontinental railroad. To help pay for its war effort in the Civil War, the United States government imposed its first personal income tax on 5 August 1861 as part of the Revenue Act of 1861 (3% of all incomes over US$800; rescinded in 1872).

Following the Civil War, the movement towards a mixed economy accelerated. Protectionism increased with the McKinley Tariff of 1890 and the Dingley Tariff of 1897. Government regulation of the economy expanded with the enactment of the Interstate Commerce Act of 1887 and the Sherman Anti-trust Act. The Progressive Era saw the enactment of more controls on the economy as evidenced by the Woodrow Wilson administration's New Freedom program. Following World War I and the Great Depression, the United States turned to a mixed economy which combined free enterprise with a progressive income tax and in which from time to time the government stepped in to support and protect American industry from competition from overseas. For example, in the 1980s the government sought to protect the automobile industry by "voluntary" export restrictions from Japan.

In 1986, Pietro S. Nivola wrote: "By and large, the comparative strength of the dollar against major foreign currencies has reflected high U.S. interest rates driven by huge federal budget deficits. Hence, the source of much of the current deterioration of trade is not the general state of the economy, but rather the government's mix of fiscal and monetary policies – that is, the problematic juxtaposition of bold tax reductions, relatively tight monetary targets, generous military outlays, and only modest cuts in major entitlement programs. Put simply, the roots of the trade problem and of the resurgent protectionism it has fomented are fundamentally political as well as economic".

A more recent advocate of total laissez-faire has been Objectivist Ayn Rand, who described it as "the abolition of any and all forms of government intervention in production and trade, the separation of State and Economics, in the same way and for the same reasons as the separation of Church and State". This viewpoint is summed up in what is known as the iron law of regulation, which is a theory stating that all government economic regulation eventually leads to a net loss in social welfare. Rand's political philosophy emphasized individual rights (including property rights) and she considered laissez-faire capitalism the only moral social system because in her view it was the only system based on the protection of those rights. She opposed statism, which she understood to include theocracy, absolute monarchy, Nazism, fascism, communism, socialism and dictatorship. Rand believed that natural rights should be enforced by a constitutionally limited government. Although her political views are often classified as conservative or libertarian, she preferred the term "radical for capitalism". She worked with conservatives on political projects, but disagreed with them over issues such as religion and ethics. She denounced libertarianism, which she associated with anarchism. She rejected anarchism as a naïve theory based in subjectivism that could only lead to collectivism in practice.

Capitalism
A closely related name for laissez-faire capitalism is that of raw, pure, or unrestrained capitalism, which refers to capitalism free of any regulations, with low or minimal government and operating almost entirely on the profit motive. It shares a similar economic conception with anarcho-capitalism.

Advocates of laissez-faire capitalism argue that it relies on a constitutionally limited government that unconditionally bans the initiation of force and coercion, including fraud. Therefore, free market economists such as Milton Friedman and Thomas Sowell argue that, under such a system, relationships between companies and workers are purely voluntary and mistreated workers will seek better treatment elsewhere. Thus, most companies will compete for workers on the basis of pay, benefits, and work-life balance just as they compete with one another in the marketplace on the basis of the relative cost and quality of their goods.

So-called "raw" or "hyper-capitalism" is a major motif of cyberpunk in dystopian works such as Syndicate.

Socialism
Although laissez-faire has been commonly associated with capitalism, there is a similar laissez-faire economic theory and system associated with socialism called left-wing laissez-faire, or free-market anarchism, also known as free-market anti-capitalism and free-market socialism to distinguish it from laissez-faire capitalism. One first example of this is mutualism as developed by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon in the 18th century, from which emerged individualist anarchism. Benjamin Tucker is one eminent American individualist anarchist who adopted a laissez-faire system he termed anarchistic socialism in contraposition to state socialism. This tradition has been recently associated with contemporary scholars such as Kevin Carson, Roderick T. Long,  Charles W. Johnson, Brad Spangler, Sheldon Richman,  Chris Matthew Sciabarra and Gary Chartier, who stress the value of radically free markets, termed freed markets to distinguish them from the common conception which these left-libertarians believe to be riddled with capitalist and statist privileges. Referred to as left-wing market anarchists or market-oriented left-libertarians, proponents of this approach strongly affirm the classical liberal ideas of self-ownership and free markets while maintaining that taken to their logical conclusions these ideas support anti-capitalist, anti-corporatist, anti-hierarchical and pro-labor positions in economics; anti-imperialism in foreign policy; and thoroughly radical views regarding such cultural issues as gender, sexuality and race. Critics of laissez-faire as commonly understood argues that a truly laissez-faire system would be anti-capitalist and socialist.

Kevin Carson describes his politics as on "the outer fringes of both free market libertarianism and socialism" and has also been highly critical of intellectual property. Carson has identified the work of Benjamin Tucker, Thomas Hodgskin, Ralph Borsodi, Paul Goodman, Lewis Mumford, Elinor Ostrom, Peter Kropotkin and Ivan Illich as sources of inspiration for his approach to politics and economics. In addition to individualist anarchist Benjamin Tucker's big four monopolies (land, money, tariffs and patents), he argues that the state has also transferred wealth to the wealthy by subsidizing organizational centralization in the form of transportation and communication subsidies. Carson believes that Tucker overlooked this issue due to Tucker's focus on individual market transactions whereas he also focuses on organizational issues. As such, the primary focus of his most recent work has been decentralized manufacturing and the informal and household economies. The theoretical sections of Carson's Studies in Mutualist Political Economy are also presented as an attempt to integrate marginalist critiques into the labor theory of value.

In response to claims that he uses the term capitalism incorrectly, Carson says he is deliberately choosing to resurrect what he claims to be an old definition of the term to "make a point". He claims that "the term 'capitalism,' as it was originally used, did not refer to a free market, but to a type of statist class system in which capitalists controlled the state and the state intervened in the market on their behalf". Carson holds that "capitalism, arising as a new class society directly from the old class society of the Middle Ages, was founded on an act of robbery as massive as the earlier feudal conquest of the land. It has been sustained to the present by continual state intervention to protect its system of privilege without which its survival is unimaginable". Carson argues that in a truly laissez-faire system the ability to extract a profit from labor and capital would be negligible. Carson coined the pejorative term vulgar libertarianism, a phrase that describes the use of a free market rhetoric in defense of corporate capitalism and economic inequality. According to Carson, the term is derived from the phrase vulgar political economy which Karl Marx described as an economic order that "deliberately becomes increasingly apologetic and makes strenuous attempts to talk out of existence the ideas which contain the contradictions [existing in economic life]".

Gary Chartier offers an understanding of property rights as contingent yet tightly constrained social strategies, reflective of the importance of multiple, overlapping rationales for separate ownership and of natural law principles of practical reasonableness, defending robust yet non-absolute protections for these rights in a manner similar to that employed by David Hume. This account is distinguished both from Lockean and neo-Lockean views which deduce property rights from the idea of self-ownership and from consequentialist accounts that might license widespread ad hoc interference with the possessions of groups and individuals. Chartier uses this account to ground a clear statement of the natural law basis for the view that solidaristic wealth redistribution by individual persons is often morally required, but as a response by individuals and grass-roots networks to particular circumstances rather than as a state-driven attempt to achieve a particular distributive pattern. He advances detailed arguments for workplace democracy rooted in such natural law principles as subsidiarity, defending it as morally desirable and as a likely outcome of the elimination of injustice rather than as something to be mandated by the state.

Chartier has discussed natural law approaches to land reform and to the occupation of factories by workers. He objects on natural law grounds to intellectual property protections, drawing on his theory of property rights more generally and develops a general natural law account of boycotts. He has argued that proponents of genuinely freed markets should explicitly reject capitalism and identify with the global anti-capitalist movement while emphasizing that the abuses the anti-capitalist movement highlights result from state-tolerated violence and state-secured privilege rather than from voluntary cooperation and exchange. According to Chartier, "it makes sense for [freed-market advocates] to name what they oppose 'capitalism.' Doing so calls attention to the freedom movement's radical roots, emphasizes the value of understanding society as an alternative to the state, underscores the fact that proponents of freedom object to non-aggressive as well as aggressive restraints on liberty, ensures that advocates of freedom aren't confused with people who use market rhetoric to prop up an unjust status quo, and expresses solidarity between defenders of freed markets and workers — as well as ordinary people around the world who use "capitalism" as a short-hand label for the world-system that constrains their freedom and stunts their lives".

Criticism
Over the years, a number of economists have offered critiques of laissez-faire economics. Adam Smith acknowledges some moral ambiguities towards the system of capitalism. Smith had misgivings concerning some aspects of each of the major character-types produced by modern capitalist society, namely the landlords, the workers and the capitalists. Smith claimed that "[t]he landlords' role in the economic process is passive. Their ability to reap a revenue solely from ownership of land tends to make them indolent and inept, and so they tend to be unable to even look after their own economic interests" and that "[t]he increase in population should increase the demand for food, which should increase rents, which should be economically beneficial to the landlords". According to Smith, the landlords should be in favour of policies which contribute to the growth in the wealth of nations, but they often are not in favour of these pro-growth policies because of their own indolent-induced ignorance and intellectual flabbiness. Smith stated clearly that he believed that without morality and laws, society would fail. From that perspective, it seems dubious that Smith supported a pure Laissez-Faire style of capitalism, and the ideas he supports in The Wealth of Nations is heavily dependent on the moral philosophy from his previous work, Theory of Moral Sentiment.

Many philosophers have written on the systems society has created to manage their civilizations. Thomas Hobbes used the concept of a "state of nature", which is a time before any government or laws, as a starting point to consider the question. In this time, life would be "war of all against all". Further, "In such condition, there is no place for industry; because the fruit thereof is uncertain ... continual fear and danger of violent death, and the life of man solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short."

Regardless of preferred political preference, all societies require shared moral values as a prerequisite on which to build laws to protect individuals from each other. Adam Smith wrote Wealth of Nations during the Enlightenment, a period of time when the prevailing attitude was, "All things can be Known." In effect, European thinkers, inspired by the likes of Isaac Newton and others, set about to "find the laws" of all things, that there existed a "natural law" underlying all aspects of life. They believed that these could be discovered and that everything in the universe could be rationally demystified and catalogued, including human interactions.

Critics and market abolitionists such as David McNally argue in the Marxist tradition that the logic of the market inherently produces inequitable outcomes and leads to unequal exchanges, arguing that Smith's moral intent and moral philosophy espousing equal exchange was undermined by the practice of the free market he championed. According to McNally, the development of the market economy involved coercion, exploitation and violence that Smith's moral philosophy could not countenance.

The British economist John Maynard Keynes condemned laissez-faire economic policy on several occasions. In The End of Laissez-faire (1926), one of the most famous of his critiques, Keynes argues that the doctrines of laissez-faire are dependent to some extent on improper deductive reasoning and says the question of whether a market solution or state intervention is better must be determined on a case-by-case basis.

The Austrian School economist Friedrich Hayek stated that a freely competitive, laissez-faire banking industry tends to be endogenously destabilizing and pro-cyclical, arguing that the need for central banking control was inescapable.

Karl Polanyi's Great Transformation criticizes self-regulating markets as aberrational, unnatural phenomena which tend towards social disruption.

In modern economics laissez-faire typically has a bad connotation, which hints towards a perceived need for restraint due to social needs and securities that can not be adequately responded to by companies with just a motive for making profit.

Robert Kuttner states that "for over a century, popular struggles in democracies have used the nation-state to temper raw capitalism. The power of voters has offset the power of capital. But as national barriers have come down in the name of freer commerce, so has the capacity of governments to manage capitalism in a broad public interest. So the real issue is not 'trade' but democratic governance".

The main issues of raw capitalism are said to lie in its disregard for quality, durability, sustainability, respect for the environment and human beings as well as a lack of morality. From this more critical angle, companies might naturally aim to maximise profits at the expense of workers' and broader social interests.

title: Laissez-faire