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Dilated Peoples

Dilated Peoples is an American Los Angeles-based hip hop trio, composed of rapper and record producer Evidence, rapper Rakaa, and Beat Junkies deejay and record producer DJ Babu. The group is better known in the UK, where they reached the Top 40 of the UK Singles Chart with two tracks, "This Way" and "Worst Comes to Worst". Their songs were featured in the 2003 video games Need for Speed: Underground and NBA Street Vol. 2, as well as MLB 06: The Show.

History
Dilated Peoples began when DJ Babu (from the DJ crew Beat Junkies), Evidence, and Rakaa joined together in 1992 and released "Third Degree" (1997) on ABB Records, developing their material in the underground hip hop community. They had previously recorded an album titled Imagery, Battle Hymns & Political Poetry (1995) that was never released, although many fans still have it on bootlegged tapes. The group eventually signed with Capitol Records and released The Platform (2000).

The second album, Expansion Team, was released in 2001 led by the Alchemist–produced "Worst Comes to Worst," which utilized a vocal sample from Mobb Deep's "Survival of the Fittest" and a musical sample from William Bell's "I Forgot to be Your Lover". Expansion Team debuted at number 8 on the US Billboard R&B Albums chart and number 36 on the Billboard 200. The group's third album, Neighborhood Watch, was released in 2004 and debuted at number 55 on the Billboard 200, selling 143,000 copies in the United States. In addition to the Kanye West-produced single, "This Way," it featured the singles "Who's Who?" and "Sorry? OK", which were also included as tracks on the Need for Speed: Underground and SSX 3 soundtracks, and peaked at number 35 on the UK Singles Chart. The fourth album, 20/20, was released in 2006; the debut single, "Back Again", was featured on the Fight Night Round 3 soundtrack. This is the third EA Games soundtrack on which the group has been featured. "Back Again" is also featured on Sony's MLB 06: The Show. In 2012, they collaborated with PlatinumGames to record the track "This is Madness" for the credits of the beat-'em-up video game, Anarchy Reigns. 20/20 was the group's "farewell" album on Capitol Records, ending a four album recording contract. They also work with the underground hip hop group, Global Warning, who originated in Anaheim.

Dilated Peoples are affiliated with fellow West Coast hip hop collective the Likwit Crew. Tha Alkaholiks appeared on The Platform on the track "Right On" and Expansion Team on "Heavy Rotation". The group also collaborated frequently with west coast emcees Defari and Amad Jamal (an Urban Umpires member) and helped to launch their careers. Defari made one appearance on each Dilated Peoples' album: "Ear Drums Pop (Remix)" on The Platform; "Defari Interlude" on Expansion Team; "Closed Session" on Neighborhood Watch; and "Olde English" on 20/20. Dilated Peoples also made multiple appearances on Defari's album Odds & Evens. Another Dilated associate is their long-time producer, the Alchemist, who produced five songs on The Platform, three songs on Expansion Team, four songs on Neighborhood Watch, and two songs on 20/20. Dilated Peoples were featured on a song on the Alchemists' 1st Infantry album. Rakaa has also made guest appearances on the songs "Trance Fat" on Looptroop's album, Good Things, "Zet 't Blauw" from Dutch rapper Jerome XL's album, De laatste dag and "Memory Fades" on St. Cule's album, American Beef.

title: Dilated Peoples


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Niboshi

Niboshi (煮干し), often called iriko (炒り子) in Western Japan, are Japanese small dried fish. They are one of many varieties of small dried fish used throughout Asia in snacks, as seasoning for soup stocks, and in other foods. The types of fish used in making niboshi vary, including anchovies, sardines, round herring, Pacific sand lance and others. Niboshi made of anchovies are the most common.

The translation of the term "niboshi" is an object of confusion among Japanese speakers, in terms of whether it is sardines or anchovies, because in Japanese, both sardine and anchovy are referred to as "iwashi"(イワシ). The word niboshi 煮干し literally means "boiled" or "dried", and it does not include the specific name of the ingredient. For this reason, niboshi is translated both as "dried sardine" and "dried anchovy".

In Japan, niboshi dashi is one of the more common forms of dashi. It is especially popular as the base stock when making miso soup. Niboshi dashi is made by soaking niboshi in plain water. If left overnight or brought nearly to a boil, the flavor of niboshi permeates the water to make the stock.

Niboshi are also cooked and served as snacks. They are eaten as one of the symbolic foods during the Japanese New Year, referred to as osechi. Tazukuri (fried sweet and savory sardines) are made by frying the dried sardines and then adding a mixture of soy sauce, sugar, mirin, and roasted white sesame seeds.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Niboshi


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Television Act 1954

The Television Act 1954 (2 & 3 Eliz. 2. c. 55) was a British law which permitted the creation of the first commercial television network in the United Kingdom, ITV.

Until the early 1950s, the only television service in Britain was operated as a monopoly by the British Broadcasting Corporation, and financed by the annual television licence fee payable by each household which contained one or more television sets. The new Conservative government elected in 1951 wanted to create a commercial television channel, but this was a controversial subject—the only other examples of commercial television were to be found in the United States, and it was widely considered that the commercial television found there was "vulgar".

The solution to the problem was to create the Independent Television Authority which would closely regulate the new commercial channel in the interests of good taste, and award franchises to commercial companies for fixed terms.

The first commercial franchises were awarded in 1954, and commercial television started broadcasting in stages between 1955 and 1962. The first advertisement aired by ITV promoted Gibbs SR toothpaste at 8:12pm on 22 September 1955. Household cleaners were the most frequently advertised products over the 1955–1960 period.

title: Television Act 1954


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Himeji Castle

Himeji Castle (姫路城) is a hilltop Japanese castle complex situated in Himeji, a city in the Hyōgo Prefecture of Japan. The castle is regarded as the finest surviving example of prototypical Japanese castle architecture, comprising a network of 83 rooms with advanced defensive systems from the feudal period. The castle is frequently known as Hakuro-jō or Shirasagi-jō ("White Egret Castle" or "White Heron Castle") because of its brilliant white exterior and supposed resemblance to a bird taking flight.

As with almost all Japanese castles from the Azuchi-Momoyama period onward, the main keep (天守), the most prominent structure, was used as a storehouse in times of peace and as a fortified tower in times of war, and the feudal lord (大名)'s government offices and residences were located in a group of single-story buildings near the tenshu and the surrounding turrets (櫓).

Himeji Castle dates to 1333 when Akamatsu Norimura built a fort on top of Himeyama hill. The fort was dismantled and rebuilt as Himeyama Castle in 1346 and then remodeled into Himeji Castle two centuries later. Himeji Castle was then significantly remodeled in 1581 by Toyotomi Hideyoshi, who added a three-story castle keep. In 1600, Tokugawa Ieyasu awarded the castle to Ikeda Terumasa for his help in the Battle of Sekigahara, and Ikeda completely rebuilt the castle from 1601 to 1609, expanding it into a large castle complex. Several buildings were later added to the castle complex by Honda Tadamasa from 1617 to 1618. For almost 700 years, Himeji Castle has remained intact, even throughout the bombing of Himeji in World War II, and natural disasters including the 1995 Great Hanshin earthquake.

Himeji Castle is the largest and most visited castle in Japan, and it was registered in 1993 as one of the first UNESCO World Heritage Sites in the country. The area within the middle moat of the castle complex is a designated Special Historic Site and five structures of the castle are also designated National Treasures. Along with Matsumoto Castle and Kumamoto Castle, Himeji Castle is considered one of Japan's three premier castles. In order to preserve the castle buildings, it underwent restoration work for several years and reopened to the public on March 27, 2015. The works also removed decades of dirt and grime, restoring the formerly grey roof to its original brilliant white color.

History
Himeji Castle's construction dates to 1333, when a fort was constructed on Himeyama hill by Akamatsu Norimura, the ruler of the ancient Harima Province. In 1346, his son Sadanori demolished this fort and built Himeyama Castle in its place. In 1545, the Kuroda clan was stationed here by order of the Kodera clan, and feudal ruler Kuroda Shigetaka remodeled the castle into Himeji Castle, completing the work in 1561. In 1580, Kuroda Yoshitaka presented the castle to Toyotomi Hideyoshi, and in 1581 Hideyoshi significantly remodeled the castle, building a three-story keep with an area of about 55 m2.

Following the Battle of Sekigahara in 1600, Tokugawa Ieyasu granted Himeji Castle to his son-in-law, Ikeda Terumasa, as a reward for his help in battle. Ikeda demolished the three-story keep that had been created by Hideyoshi, and completely rebuilt and expanded the castle from 1601 to 1609, adding three moats and transforming it into the castle complex that is seen today. The expenditure of labor involved in this expansion is believed to have totaled 2.5 million man-days. Ikeda died in 1613, passing the castle to his son, who also died three years later. In 1617, Honda Tadamasa and his family inherited the castle, and Honda added several buildings to the castle complex, including a special tower for his daughter-in-law, Princess Sen (千姫) called keshō yagura (Dressing Tower).

In the Meiji Period (1868–1912), many Japanese castles were destroyed. Himeji Castle was abandoned in 1871 and some of the castle corridors and gates were destroyed to make room for Japanese army barracks. The entirety of the castle complex was slated to be demolished by government policy, but it was spared by the efforts of Nakamura Shigeto, an army colonel. A stone monument honoring Nakamura was placed in the castle complex within the first gate, the Hishi Gate (菱の門). Although Himeji Castle was spared, Japanese castles had become obsolete and their preservation was costly.

When the han feudal system was abolished in 1871, Himeji Castle was put up for auction. The castle was purchased by a Himeji resident for 23 Japanese yen (about 200,000 yen or US$2,258 today). The buyer wanted to demolish the castle complex and develop the land, but the cost of destroying the castle was estimated to be too great, and it was again spared.

Himeji was heavily bombed in 1945, at the end of World War II, and although most of the surrounding area was burned to the ground, the castle survived intact. One firebomb was dropped on the top floor of the castle but failed to explode. In order to preserve the castle complex, substantial repair work was undertaken starting in 1956, with a labor expenditure of 250,000 man-days and a cost of 550 million yen. In January 1995, the city of Himeji was substantially damaged by the Great Hanshin earthquake, but Himeji Castle again survived virtually undamaged, demonstrating remarkable earthquake resistance. Even the bottle of sake placed on the altar at the top floor of the keep remained in place.

Historical recognition
Himeji Castle was registered on 11 December 1993 as one of the first UNESCO World Heritage Sites in Japan. Five structures of the castle are also designated National Treasures: The main keep (大天守), northwest small keep (乾小天守), west small keep (西小天守), east small keep (東小天守), and I, Ro, Ha, Ni-corridors and kitchen (イ, ロ, ハ, ニの渡櫓附台所1棟). The area within the middle moat of the castle complex is a designated Special Historic Site.

Along with Matsumoto Castle and Kumamoto Castle, Himeji Castle is considered one of Japan's three premier castles. It is the most visited castle in Japan, receiving over 2,860,000 visitors in 2015. Starting in April 2010, Himeji Castle underwent restoration work to preserve the castle buildings, and reopened to the public on March 27, 2015.

Design details
Himeji Castle is the largest castle in Japan. It serves as an excellent example of prototypical Japanese castle architecture, containing many of the defensive and architectural features associated with Japanese castles. The curved walls of Himeji Castle are sometimes said to resemble giant fans (扇子), but the principal materials used in the structures are stone and wood. Feudal family crests (家紋) are installed throughout the architecture of the building, signifying the various lords that inhabited the castle throughout its history.

The specific style of the castle is a hirayama (平山城 flat hilltop). Two castles that were built during the same time and shared many of the architectural features are Matsuyama Castle (Iyo) and Tsuyama Castle.

The Himeji Castle complex is located in the centre of Himeji, Hyōgo on top of a hill called Himeyama, which is 45.6 m above sea level. The castle complex comprises a network of 83 buildings such as storehouses, gates, corridors, and turrets (櫓). Of these 83 buildings, 74 are designated as Important Cultural Assets: 11 corridors, 16 turrets, 15 gates, and 32 earthen walls. The highest walls in the castle complex have a height of 26 m. Joining the castle complex is Kōko-en (好古園), a Japanese garden created in 1992 to commemorate Himeji city's 100th anniversary.

From east to west, the Himeji Castle complex has a length of 950 to 1,600 m, and from north to south, it has a length of 900 to 1,700 m. The castle complex has a circumference of 4200 m. It covers an area of 233 hectares (2,330,000 m2 or 576 acres), making it roughly 50 times as large as the Tokyo Dome or 60 times as large as Koshien Stadium.

The main keep (大天守) at the center of the complex is 46.4 m high, standing 92 m above sea level. Together with the main keep, three smaller subsidiary keeps (小天守) form a cluster of towers. Externally, the keep appears to have five floors, because the second and third floors from the top appear to be a single floor; however, it actually has six floors and a basement. The basement of the main keep has an area of 385 m2, and its interior contains special facilities that are not seen in other keeps, including lavatories, a drain board, and a kitchen corridor.

The main keep has two pillars, with one standing in the east and one standing in the west. The east pillar, which has a base diameter of 97 cm, was originally a single fir tree, but it has since been mostly replaced. The base of the west pillar is 85 by, and it is made of Japanese cypress. During the Shōwa Restoration (1956–1964) a Japanese cypress tree with a length of 26.4 m was brought down from the Kiso Mountains and replaced the old pillar. The tree was broken in this process, so another tree was brought down from Mount Kasagata, and the two trees were joined on the third floor.

The first floor of the main keep has an area of 554 m2 and is often called the "thousand-mat room" because it has over 330 Tatami mats. The walls of the first floor have weapon racks (武具掛け) for holding matchlocks and spears, and at one point, the castle contained as many as 280 guns and 90 spears. The second floor has an area of roughly 550 m2.

The third floor has an area of 440 m2 and the fourth floor has an area of 240 m2. Both the third and fourth floors have platforms situated at the north and south windows called "stone-throwing platforms" (石打棚), where defenders could observe or throw objects at attackers. They also have small enclosed rooms called "warrior hiding places" (武者隠し), where defenders could hide themselves and kill attackers by surprise as they entered the keep. The final floor, the sixth floor, has an area of only 115 m2. The sixth floor windows now have iron bars in place, but in the feudal period the panoramic view from the windows was unobstructed.

Defences

Himeji Castle contains advanced defensive systems from the feudal period. Loopholes (狭間) in the shape of circles, triangles, squares, and rectangles are located throughout Himeji Castle, intended to allow defenders armed with tanegashima or archers to fire on attackers without exposing themselves. Roughly 1,000 loopholes exist in the castle buildings remaining today. Angled chutes called "stone drop windows" (石落窓) were also set at numerous points in the castle walls, enabling stones or boiling oil to be poured on the heads of attackers passing by underneath, and white plaster was used in the castle's construction for its resistance to fire.

The castle complex included three moats, one of which—the outer moat—is now buried. Parts of the central moat and all of the inner moats survive. The moats have an average width of 20 m, a maximum width of 34.5 m, and a depth of about 2.7 m. The Three Country Moat (三国堀) is a 2500 m2 pond which exists inside the castle; one of the purposes of this moat was to store water for use in fire prevention.

The castle complex, particularly the Waist Quarter (腰曲輪), contains numerous warehouses that were used to store rice, salt, and water in case of a siege. A building known as the Salt Turret (塩櫓) was used specifically to store salt, and it is estimated that it contained as many as 3,000 bags of salt when the castle complex was in use. The castle complex also contained 33 wells within the inner moat, 13 of which remain; the deepest of these has a depth of 30 m.

One of the castle's most important defensive elements is the confusing maze of paths leading to the castle's keep. The gates, baileys, and outer walls of the complex are organized so as to confuse an approaching force, causing it to travel in a spiral pattern around the complex on its way to the keep. The castle complex originally contained 84 gates, 15 of which were named according to the Japanese syllabary iroha (I, Ro, Ha, Ni, Ho, He, To, etc.). At present, 21 gates from the castle complex remain intact, 13 of which are named according to the Japanese syllabary.

In many cases, the castle walkways even turn back on themselves, greatly inhibiting navigation. For example, the straight distance from the Hishi Gate (菱の門) to the main keep (大天守) is only 130 m, but the path itself is a much longer 325 m. The passages are also steep and narrow, further inhibiting entry. This system allowed the intruders to be watched and fired upon from the keep during their lengthy approach, but Himeji Castle was never attacked in this manner so the system remains untested. However, even today with the route clearly marked, many visitors have trouble navigating the castle complex.

Cultural impact
Himeji Castle is frequently known as Hakuro-jō or Shirasagi-jō ("White Egret Castle" or "White Heron Castle") because of its brilliant white exterior and supposed resemblance to a bird taking flight. The castle has been featured extensively in foreign and Japanese films, including the James Bond movie "You Only Live Twice" (1967), and Akira Kurosawa's Kagemusha (1980) and Ran (1985). In the television miniseries Shōgun (1980) it served as a stand-in for feudal-era Osaka Castle. In the video games Civilization Revolution and Civilization V, Himeji Castle is available to build as a world wonder. It is also to be found as a Great Building in Forge of Empires.

In 2023 the LEGO Group launched a model of Himeji Castle as part of its LEGO Architecture Series.

Lore and legend

Himeji Castle is associated with a number of local legends. The well-known kaidan (or Japanese ghost story) of Banchō Sarayashiki (番町皿屋敷) is set in Edo (Tokyo), but a variant called Banshū Sarayashiki (播州皿屋敷) is set in Himeji Castle. There is a disputed claim that the castle is the bona fide location of the entire legend, and the alleged Okiku's Well remains in the castle to this day. According to the legend, Okiku was falsely accused of losing dishes that were valuable family treasures, and then killed and thrown into the well. Her ghost remained to haunt the well at night, counting dishes in a despondent tone.

Himeji Castle is said to be inhabited by the yōkai Osakabehime, who lives in the castle tower and avoids humans, whom she hates. In some legends she takes the form of an old woman (or woman in her 30s) in ceremonial, twelve-layered kimono. She can read human minds and control lesser animal-like yōkai, kenzokushin.

The legend of the "Old Widow's Stone" (姥が石) is another folklore story associated with the castle. According to the legend, Toyotomi Hideyoshi ran out of stones when building the original three-story keep, and an old woman heard about his trouble. She gave him her hand millstone even though she needed it for her trade. It was said that people who heard the story were inspired and also offered stones to Hideyoshi, speeding up the construction of the castle. To this day, the supposed stone can be seen covered with a wire net in the middle of one of the stone walls in the castle complex.

A folklore story is also associated with Sakurai Genbei, who was Ikeda Terumasa's master carpenter in the construction of the keep. According to the legend, Sakurai was dissatisfied with his construction, feeling that the keep leaned a little to the southeast. Eventually, he became distraught and climbed to the top of the keep, where he jumped to his death with a chisel in his mouth.

Visitor statistics
• 1964 – 1,738,000 (Showa-era restoration work completed)
 * On 14 April 2009, the total number of visits since the Showa-era restoration surpassed 40 million.

• 1989 – 1,197,000

• 1990 – 811,000

• 1991 – 871,000

• 1992 – 885,000

• 1993 – 1,019,000

• 1994 – 983,000

• 1995 – 695,000

• 1996 – 861,000

• 1997 – 716,000

• 1998 – 792,000

• 1999 – 713,000

• 2000 – 662,000

• 2001 – 708,000

• 2002 – 729,000

• 2003 – 814,000

• 2004 – 771,000

• 2005 – 778,000

• 2006 – 899,000

• 2007 – 1,023,000

• 2008 – 1,195,000

• 2009 – 1,561,000

• 2010 – 458,000 (restoration work started)

• 2011 – 611,000

• 2012 – 711,000

• 2013 – 881,000

• 2014 – 919,000

• 2015 – 2,860,000 (restoration work completed in March)

National treasures and sister castles
Other national treasures (castles) besides Himeji Castle include Matsumoto Castle, Inuyama Castle, Matsue Castle, and Hikone Castle. The sister castles of Himeji Castle are Château de Chantilly in France and Conwy Castle in Wales. Castles that were of the same hirayama hilltop styles are Matsuyama Castle (Iyo) built in 1603 and Tsuyama Castle.

Gallery
Panoramic overview

Views from afar

title: Himeji Castle


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Daikon

Daikon or mooli, Raphanus sativus var. longipinnatus, is a mild-flavored winter radish usually characterized by fast-growing leaves and a long, white, root. Originally native to continental East Asia, daikon is harvested and consumed throughout the region, as well as in South Asia, and is available internationally. In some locations, daikon is planted for its ability to break up compacted soils and recover nutrients and is not harvested.

Names
In culinary contexts, daikon (大根) or daikon radish are the most common names in all forms of English. Historical ties to South Asia permit mooli (मूली) as a general synonym in English. The generic terms white radish, winter radish, Oriental radish, long white radish, and other terms are also used. Other synonyms usually vary by region or describe regional varieties of the vegetable. When it is necessary to distinguish the usual Japanese form from others, it is sometimes known as Japanese radish.

The vegetable's Chinese names are still uncommon in English. In most forms of Chinese cuisine, it is usually known as bái luóbo (Chinese white radish). Although in Cantonese and Malaysian cuisine, it is encountered as lobak or lo pak, which are Cantonese pronunciations of the general Chinese term for "radish" or "carrot" (蘿蔔). In the cuisines of Hokkien and Teochew-speaking areas such as Singapore, Thailand, and Taiwan, it is also known as chai tow or chai tau (菜頭). Any of these may be referred to as "radish," with the regional variety implied by context. In English-speaking countries, it is also sometimes marketed as icicle radish.

In mainland China and Singapore, the calque white carrot or misnomer carrot is sometimes used, owing to the similarity of the vegetables' names in Mandarin and Hokkien. This variant inspired the title for a popular guidebook on Singaporean street food, There's No Carrot in Carrot Cake, which refers to chai tow kway, a kind of cake made from daikon.

In North America, it is primarily grown not for food but as a fallow crop, with the roots left unharvested to prevent soil compaction; the leaves (if harvested) are used as animal fodder. The official general name used by the United States Department of Agriculture is oilseed radish, but this is only used in non-culinary contexts. Other English terms employed when daikon is used as animal feed or as a soil ripper are "forage radish", "fodder radish", and "tillage radish".

In Hong Kong, the misnomer turnip is also used. This name lends its name to the dish "turnip cake."

Varieties
Several nonwhite varieties occur. The Cantonese lobak, lo pak, etc., sometimes refer to the usual Chinese form but is also applied to a form of daikon with a light green coloration of the top area of the root around the leaves. The Korean radish, also called mu, has a similar pale green shade halfway down from the top and are generally shorter, stouter, and sturdier, with denser flesh and softer leaves. Both are often spicier than the long white radishes.

The heirloom watermelon radish is another Chinese variety of daikon with a dull green exterior but a bright rose or fuchsia-colored center. Its Chinese name ( t, s , xīnlǐměi luóbó) is sometimes irregularly romanized as the shinrimei radish and sometimes translated as the "beauty heart," "beautiful heart inside," or "roseheart" radish.

Cultivation
The Chinese and Indian varieties tolerate higher temperatures than the Japanese ones. These varieties also grow well at lower elevations in East Africa. If moisture is abundant, it can grow quickly; otherwise, the flesh becomes overly tough and pungent. The variety Long White Icicle is available as seed in Britain and will grow very successfully in Southern England, producing roots resembling a parsnip by midsummer in good garden soil in an average year.

The roots can be stored for weeks without the leaves if lifted and kept in a cool, dry place. If left in the ground, the texture tends to become woody, but the storage life of whole untreated roots is not long.

Certain varieties of daikon can be grown as a winter cover crop and green manure. These varieties are often named "tillage radish" because the plant grows a huge, penetrating root that effectively performs deep cultivation. The roots bring nutrients lower in the soil profile up into the higher reaches and are good nutrient scavengers, so they are good partners with legumes instead of grasses; if harsh winters occur, the root will decompose while in the soil, releasing early nitrogen stores in the spring.

Japan
In Japan, many types of pickles are made with daikon roots, including takuan and bettarazuke. Daikon roots can be served raw, in salads, or as sashimi's accompaniment (つま), which is prepared by meticulous katsura peeling (etymology disputed) (桂剥き). grated daikon (大根おろし) is frequently used as a garnish, often mixed into various dippings such as ponzu, a soy sauce and citrus juice condiment. The pink spicy literally "autumn-leaf-red grated (daikon)" (もみじおろし) is daikon grated with chili pepper. Simmered dishes are also popular such as oden. Daikon that has been shredded and dried (a common method of preserving food in Japan) is called "cut-dried daikon" (切干大根). Daikon radish sprouts (literally "open-clam-like daikon" (貝割れ大根)) are used raw for salad or garnishing sashimi. Daikon leaves are frequently eaten as a green vegetable. They are thorny when raw, so softening methods such as pickling and stir frying are common. The daikon leaf is one of the Festival of Seven Herbs, where it is called suzushiro.

China
In Chinese cuisine, turnip cake and chai tow kway are made with daikon. The variety called mooli has a high water content, and some cookbooks recommend salting (or sweetening, depending on the region and context) and draining it before it is cooked. Sometimes, mooli is used as a medium for elaborately carved garnishes. More commonly, daikon is referred as bailuobo (白蘿蔔) in Mandarin or lobak in Cantonese. Bailuobo is used in various dishes for its unique and mild flavour after being boiled and cooked. For soups, bailuobo can be seen in daikon and pork rib soup (白蘿蔔排骨湯), daikon and tomato soup (白蘿蔔番茄湯), daikon and tofu soup (白蘿蔔豆腐湯), etc. Delicacies such as "shredded daikon" (白蘿蔔絲) and "cut daikon" (白蘿蔔塊) are popular domestic dishes too. Similar to Japanese cuisine, there are many types of pickles (in Mandarin Chinese: 咸菜 xiáncài / 榨菜 zhàcài) made with daikon, for example, "sour-sweet cut daikon" (酸甜白蘿蔔塊), "spicy daikon" (麻辣白蘿蔔), daikon zhacai (白蘿蔔榨菜), etc.

India
In North India, daikon is a popular ingredient used to make sabzi, stuffed paranthas, pakodas, salads, pickles, and as garnish. The plant's leaves are used to make dal and kadhi, among other dishes. In South India, daikon is the principal ingredient in a variety of sambar, in which roundels of the radish are boiled with onions, tamarind pulp, lentils, and a special spice powder. When cooked, it can release a very strong odor. This soup, called mullangi sambar (முள்ளங்கி சாம்பார், ಮುಲ್ಲಂಗಿ ಸಾಂಬಾರ್; literally, "radish sambar") is very popular and is often mixed with rice.

Vietnam
In Vietnamese cuisine, sweet and sour pickled daikon and carrots (củ cải cà rốt chua or đồ chua) are a common condiment in bánh mì sandwiches.

Philippines
In the Philippines, the sour stew sinigang may include daikon. Daikon is known locally as labanos.

Pakistan
In Pakistani cuisine, the young leaves of the daikon plant are boiled and flash-fried with a mixture of heated oil, garlic, ginger, red chili, and various spices. The radish is eaten as a fresh salad, often seasoned with either salt and pepper or chaat masala. In Punjab province, daikon is used to stuff pan-fried breads known as paratha. Daikon's seed pods called moongray in local languages, are also eaten as a stir-fried dish across the country.

Bangladesh
In Bangladesh, fresh daikon is often finely grated and mixed with fresh chili, coriander, flaked steamed fish, lime juice, and salt. This light, refreshing preparation served alongside meals is known as mulo bhorta.

Taiwan
In Taiwanese cuisine both the root and the stems/leaves of the daikon are consumed.

South Korea
In South Korea, daikon radish is often used in kimchi, a traditional fermented dish. Kimchi is most commonly eaten as a side dish with rice, among other dishes. It is most commonly made with daikon radish, carrots, scallions, and other easily fermented vegetables.

General
Fermenting radish normally releases a strong and noxious smell like bad flatulence or rotting cabbage.

Nutrition
Raw daikon is 95% water, 4% carbohydrates, and less than 1% each of protein and fat (table). In a reference amount of 100 g, raw daikon supplies 18 calories and is a rich source (20% or more of the Daily Value, DV) of vitamin C (27% DV), with no other micronutrients in significant content (table).

Agricultural use
Tillage radish leaves behind a cavity in the soil when the large taproot decays, making it easier for the following year's crops, such as potatoes, to bore deeper into the soil. Potatoes grown in a rotation with tillage radish do not experience growth restrictions associated with having a shallow hardpan soil, as the tillage radish can break the hardpan, making the transfer of water and other important nutrients much easier for the root system.

Nutrient retention is another important feature of tillage radish. The large taproot is used to retain macro- and micro-nutrients that would otherwise have the potential to be lost to leaching during the time when the field would otherwise be left empty. The nutrients from the root become readily available for the following year's crop upon the decay of the radish, which can boost yields and reduce fertilizer costs.

Daikons are also used as a forage worldwide. As a forage, they also have the side benefit of weed suppression. Although used elsewhere for much longer, daikon as a forage is a recent introduction in Massachusetts field practice.

Other use
Daikon is used in preparing metal surfaces for chemical patination, for example, under the Rokushō process.

title: Daikon


text:
Child support

Child support (or child maintenance) is an ongoing, periodic payment made by a parent for the financial benefit of a child (or parent, caregiver, guardian) following the end of a marriage or other similar relationship. Child maintenance is paid directly or indirectly by an obligor to an obligee for the care and support of children of a relationship that has been terminated, or in some cases never existed. Often the obligor is a non-custodial parent. The obligee is typically a custodial parent, a caregiver, or a guardian.

Depending on the jurisdiction, a custodial parent may pay child support to a non-custodial parent. Typically one has the same duty to pay child support irrespective of sex, so a mother is required to pay support to a father just as a father must pay a mother. In some jurisdictions where there is joint custody, the child is considered to have two custodial parents and no non-custodial parents, and a custodial parent with a higher income (obligor) may be required to pay the other custodial parent (obligee). In other jurisdictions, and even with legally shared residence, unless they can prove exactly equal contributions, one parent will be deemed the non-resident parent for child support and will have to pay the other parent a proportion of their income; the "resident" parent's income or needs are not assessed.

Child support is often arranged as part of a divorce, marital separation, annulment, determination of parentage or dissolution of a civil union and may supplement alimony (spousal support) arrangements.

The right to child support and the responsibilities of parents to provide such support have been internationally recognized. The 1992 United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child is a binding convention signed by every member nation of the United Nations and formally ratified by all but the United States. It declares that the upbringing and development of children and a standard of living adequate for the children's development is a common responsibility of both parents and a fundamental human right for children, and asserts that the primary responsibility to provide such for the children rests with their parents. Other United Nations documents and decisions related to child-support enforcement include the 1956 New York Convention on the Recovery Abroad of Maintenance created under the auspices of the United Nations, which has been ratified by the 64 of the UN member states.

In addition, the right to child support, as well as specific implementation and enforcement measures, has been recognized by various other international entities, including the Council of Europe, the European Union and the Hague Conference.

Within individual countries, examples of legislation pertaining to, and establishing guidelines for, the implementation and collection of child maintenance include the 1975 Family Law Act (Australia), the Child Support Act (United Kingdom) and the Maintenance and Affiliation Act (Fiji). Child support in the United States, 45 C.F.R. 302.56 requires each state to establish and publish a Guideline that is presumed correct (but rebuttable), and Review the Guideline, at a minimum, every four years. Child-support laws and obligations are known to be recognized in a vast majority of world nations, including the majority of countries in Europe, North America and Australia, as well as many in Africa, Asia and South America.

Legal theory
Child support is based on the policy that both parents are obliged to financially support their children, even when the children are not living with both parents. Child support includes the financial support of children and not other forms of support, such as emotional support, intellectual support, physical care, or spiritual support.

When children live with both parents, courts rarely, if ever, direct the parents on how to provide financial support for their children. However, when the parents are not together, courts often order one parent to pay the other an amount set as financial support for the child. In such situations, one parent (the obligee) receives child support, and the other parent (the obligor) is ordered to pay child support. The amount of child support may be set on a case-by-case basis or by a formula estimating the amount thought that parents should pay to financially support their children.

Child support may be ordered to be paid by one parent to another when one is a non-custodial parent and the other is a custodial parent. Similarly, child support may also be ordered to be paid by one parent to another when both parents are custodial parents (joint or shared custody) and they share the child-raising responsibilities. In some cases, a parent with sole custody of their children may even be ordered to pay child support to the non-custodial parent to support the children while they are in the care of that parent.

Child support paid by a non-custodial parent or obligor does not absolve the obligor of the responsibility for costs associated with their child staying with the obligor in their home during visitation. For example, if an obligor pays child support to an obligee, this does not mean that the obligee is responsible for food, shelter, furniture, toiletries, clothes, toys or games, or any of the other child expenses directly associated with the child staying with the non-custodial parent or obligor.

In most jurisdictions, there is no need for the parents to be married, and only paternity and/or maternity (filiation) need to be demonstrated for a child-support obligation to be found by a competent court. Child support may also operate through the principle of estoppel where a de facto parent that is in loco parentis for sufficient time to establish a permanent parental relationship with the child or children.

Canadian courts differ in that the "Divorce Act" sets out in detail, the financial responsibilities of the "Non-Custodial" parent whilst the "Custodial" parent's responsibilities are not mentioned. Consequently, Canadian courts limit themselves to dividing the "Non-Custodial" parents income and providing it to the "Custodial" parent. While the courts recognize that the child has an "expectation of support from both parents", there is no legal precedent under the "Divorce Act" indicating that the "Custodial" parent has any obligation to support the child. In addition, courts have vehemently opposed any attempt by "Non-Custodial" parents to ensure "Child Support" is actually used for the child.

Child support vs. contact
While the issues of child support and visitation or contact may be decided in the same divorce or paternity settlement, in most jurisdictions the two rights and obligations are completely separate and individually enforceable. Custodial parents may not withhold contact to "punish" a noncustodial parent for failing to pay some or all child support required. Conversely, a noncustodial parent is required to pay child support even if they are partially or fully denied contact with the child. Furthermore, child support is established between parents also if joint custody is awarded, but the child spends most of the time with one of the parents.

Additionally, a non-custodial parent is responsible for child-support payments even if they do not wish to have a relationship with the child. Courts have maintained that a child's right to financial support from parents supersedes an adult's wish not to assume a parenting role.

While child support and contact are separate issues, in some jurisdictions, the latter may influence the former. In the United Kingdom, for example, the amount of support ordered may be reduced based on the number of nights per week the child regularly spends at the support-giving parent's home.

Use of child support payments
Most international and national child-support regulations recognize that every parent has an obligation to support their child. Under this obligation, both parents are expected to share the responsibility for their child(ren)'s expenses. What differs between jurisdictions is which "expenses" are covered by "Child Support" and which are "Extraordinary" and fall outside the definition of "Child Support".

Support moneys collected are often assumed to be used for the child's expenses, such as food, clothing, and ordinary educational needs, but that is not required. Under California law, for example, child-support money may be used to "improve the standard of living of the custodial household" and the recipient does not have to account for how the money is spent.

Child support orders may earmark funds for specific items for the child, such as school fees, day care, and medical expenses. In some cases, obligors parents may pay for these items directly. For example, they may pay tuition fees directly to their child's school, rather than remitting money for the tuition to the obligee. Orders may also require each parent to assume a percentage of expenses for various needs. For instance, in the U.S. state of Massachusetts, custodial parents are required to pay for the first $100 of annual uninsured medical costs incurred by each child. Only then will the courts consider authorizing child-support money from a non-custodial parent to be used for said costs. Canadian courts provide child support through the "Federal Child Support Guidelines" based on income; however, "Extraordinary Expenses" can be ordered.

Many American universities also consider non-custodial parents partially responsible for paying college costs, and will consider parents' income in their financial aid determinations. In certain states, non-custodial parents may be ordered by the court to assist with these expenses. Canadian Universities all have different standards but essentially mimic the provincial standards required for student loan eligibility. While both parents are expected to provide support, "Custodial Parents" are rarely ordered to provide it whilst "Non-Custodial" parents are required to provide it under the law.

In the United States, obligors may receive a medical order that requires them to add their children to their health insurance plans. In some states both parents are responsible for providing medical insurance for the child/children. If both parents possess health coverage, the child may be added to the more beneficial plan, or use one to supplement the other. Children of active or retired members of the U.S. armed forces are also eligible for health coverage as military dependents, and may be enrolled in the DEERS program at no cost to the obligor.

Accountability regulations for child support money vary by country and state. In some jurisdictions, such as Australia, child support recipients are trusted to use support payments in the best interest of the child, and thus are not required to provide details on specific purchases. In California, there is no limitations, accountability, or other restriction on how the obligee spends the child support received, it is merely presumed that the money is spent on the child. However, in other jurisdictions, a child support recipient might legally be required to give specific details on how child support money is spent at the request of the court or the non-custodial parent. In the United States, 10 states (Colorado, Delaware, Florida, Indiana, Louisiana, Missouri, Nebraska, Oklahoma, Oregon, and Washington) allow courts to demand an accounting on expenses and spending from custodial parents. Additionally, Alabama courts have authorized such accounting under certain specific circumstances.

Obtaining child support
Child-support laws and regulations vary around the world. Legal intervention is not mandatory: some parents have informal or voluntary agreements or arrangements that do not involve the courts, where financial child support and/or other expenses are provided to the other parent to assist in supporting their child(ren). A voluntary maintenance arrangement can in certain jurisdictions be approved by judicial authorities.

A major impetus to collection of child support in many places is recovery of welfare expenditure. A resident or custodial parent receiving public assistance, as in the United States, is required to assign their right to child support to the Department of Welfare before cash assistance is received. Another common requirement of welfare benefits in some jurisdictions is that a custodial parent must pursue child support from the non-custodial parent.

Court procedures
In divorce cases, child-support payments may be determined as part of the divorce settlement, along with other issues, such as alimony, custody and visitation. In other cases, there are several steps that must be undertaken to receive court-ordered child support. Some parents anticipating that they will receive child support may hire lawyers to oversee their child support cases for them; others may file their own applications in their local courthouses.

While procedures vary by jurisdiction, the process of filing a motion for court ordered child support typically has several basic steps.

 * 1) One parent, or their attorney, must file an application or complaint with the local court for the establishment of child support. The information required varies by jurisdiction, but generally collects identifying data about both parents and the child(ren) involved in the case, including their names, social security or tax identification numbers and dates of birth. Parents may also be required to furnish details relating to their marriage and divorce, if applicable, as well as documents certifying the identity and parentage of the child(ren). Local jurisdictions may charge fees for filing such applications, however, if the filing parent is receiving any sort of public assistance, these fees may be waived.
 * 2) The other parent is located, and served a court summons by a local sheriff, police officer, bailiff or process server. The summons informs the other parent that they are being sued for child support. Once served, the other parent must attend a mandatory court hearing to determine if they are responsible for child-support payments.
 * 3) In cases where parentage of a child is denied, has not been established by marriage or is not listed on the birth certificate, or where paternity fraud is suspected, courts may order or require establishment of paternity. Paternity may be established voluntarily if the father signs an affidavit or may be proven through DNA testing in contested cases. Once the identity of the father is confirmed through DNA testing, the child's birth certificate may be amended to include the father's name.
 * 4) After the responsibility for child support is established and questions of paternity have been answered to the court's satisfaction, the court will notify the obligor and order that parent to make timely child support payments, fees (which may be 0, $60, or more) and establish any other provisions, such as medical orders. Generally the father  will be required to pay for genetic testing.

Calculating the amount
Various approaches to calculating the amount of child-support award payments exist. Many jurisdictions consider multiple sources of information when determining support, taking into account the income of the parents, the number and ages of children living in the home, basic living expenses and school fees. If the child has special needs, such as treatment for a serious illness or disability, these costs may also be taken into consideration.

Guidelines for support orders may be based on laws that require obligors to pay a flat percentage of their annual income toward their children's expenses. Often two approaches are combined. In the United Kingdom, for instance, there are four basic rates of child support based on the obligors' income, which are then modified and adjusted based on several factors. In the United States, the federal government requires all states to have guideline calculations. Guidelines are either a percentage of income or more usually in the form of tables listing incomes and the amount needed to support one to six children. These computations are often performed by computer programs upon input of certain financial information including, earnings, visitation (overnights with the non-custodial parent (NCP)), health insurance costs, and several other factors.

If tables are used in the guidelines those tables are computed by economists such as Policy Studies, Inc. They examine spending patterns of couples without children and couples with children in the consumer expenditure survey. The amount of additional money spent on the children (for expenses such as automobile insurance; AP exams; cell phones and plans; Christmas presents; educational expenses (trips, pictures, study guides, tutoring, AP and SAT exams, books, supplies, and uniforms); laptops; music lessons; parking fees; private school tuition; sports activities; and summer camps is computed and reduced to a table. Separating parents then find their incomes in the table and how much average intact families pay on children. In the widely used income shares model that amount is divided in proportion to the parents income.

Change of circumstances
Once established, child-support orders typically remain static unless otherwise reviewed. Obligors and obligees reserve the right to request a court review for modification (typically six months to one year or more after the issuance of the order or if the circumstances have changed such that the child support would change significantly). For instance, if the obligor has a change in income or faces financial hardship, they may petition the court for a reduction in support payments. Examples of financial hardship include supporting other children, unemployment, extraordinary healthcare expenses, etc. Likewise, if the obligor is spending more time with the child, they may petition the court for a reduction or even a reversal in support payments. Conversely, if the child's expenses increase, the obligee may ask the court to increase payments to cover the new costs

Although both parents have the right to petition the court for a support order adjustment, modifications are not automatic, and a judge may decide not to alter the amount of support after hearing the facts of the case. That is to say, simply because an obligors's income has decreased, a court may find that the decrease in income is of no fault of the child, and will not decrease the child's expenses, and therefore should not affect him or her financially. Likewise, a court may find that an increase in the child's expenses may have been calculated by the receiving parent and is not necessary, and therefore the support obligation of the paying parent should not increase.

In United States law, the Bradley Amendment (1986, ) requires state courts to prohibit retroactive reduction of child-support obligations. Specifically, it:

 * automatically triggers a non-expiring lien whenever child support becomes past-due.
 * overrides any state's statute of limitations.
 * disallows any judicial discretion, even from bankruptcy judges.
 * requires that the payment amounts be maintained without regard for the physical capability of the person owing child support (the obligor) to promptly document changed circumstances or regard for his awareness of the need to make the notification.

Distribution and payment
Child-support payments are distributed in a variety of ways. In cases where an obligor is liable for specific expenses such as school tuition, they may pay them directly instead of through the obligee.

In some jurisdictions, obligors (paying parents) are required to remit their payments to the governing federal or state child-support enforcement agency (State Disbursement Unit). The payments are recorded, any portion required to reimburse the government is subtracted, and then the remainder is passed on to the obligee (receiving parent), either through direct deposit or checks.

The first payee for child support depends on the current welfare status of the payee. For example, if the obligee is currently receiving a monthly check from the government, all current support collected during said month is paid to the government to reimburse the monies paid to the obligee. Regarding families formerly on assistance, current support is paid to the family first, and only after said support is received, the government may then collect additional payments to reimburse itself for previously paid assistance to the obligee (receiving parent). See 42 USC 657: "(A) Current Support Payments: To the extent that the amount so collected does not exceed the amount required to be paid to the family for the month in which collected, the State shall distribute the amount so collected to the family.".

Within the United States, a 2007 study conducted through the University of Baltimore estimates that 50% of all child-support arrears are owed to the government to reimburse welfare expenses. Half of U.S. states pass along none of the child support they collect to low-income families receiving welfare and other assistance, instead reimbursing themselves and the federal government. Most of the rest only pass along $50.00 per month. The bipartisan 2006 Deficit Reduction Act and other measures have sought to reduce the amount of money claimed by the government and to ensure that more funds are accessible by children and families, noting that more obligors (paying parents) are willing to pay child support when their children directly benefit from payments.

Most U.S. states deliver child-support benefits through direct deposit, but many states make payments to recipients who do not have a bank account through a prepaid debit card. State use of prepaid cards has helped increase the popularity of federal benefit debit cards, such as the Direct Express Debit MasterCard prepaid debit card offered by MasterCard, Visa, Chase, and Comerica Bank.

Duration of support orders
The duration of support orders varies both by jurisdiction and by case. Requirements for support typically end when the child reaches the age of majority, which may range in age from 16 to 23 (Massachusetts and Hawaii) or graduates from high school. Some countries and states have provisions that allow support to continue past the age of majority if the child is enrolled as a full-time, degree-seeking post-secondary student. If the obligor owes back child support, they must continue to make payments until the debt is satisfied, regardless of the age of the child.

Several circumstances allow for the termination of a support order for a child under the age of majority. These include the child's marriage, legal emancipation or death.

"Deadbeat" parents
With respect to child support obligations, a deadbeat parent is one who has refused to provide child support payments or expenses.

US Governmental child support agencies typically refer to clients as being in compliance, not in compliance or criminally non-compliant. Compliance is judged by the paying party's performance in meeting the financial terms of the legal child support court order. In some circumstances, obligors found "not in compliance" or "criminally non-compliant" have even had their professional (e.g. doctors, lawyers, dentists, etc.) and other (e.g. driver's) licenses suspended or revoked in an effort to collect monies for support and shared expenses.

While the US has an extremely negotiable system, Canadian laws are fairly automatic and "No-Fault". Child support is determined by the number of children and the obligor's income.

Enforcement
Regulations and laws on the enforcement of child-support orders vary by country and state. In some jurisdictions, such as Australia, enforcement is overseen by a national office. In others, such as Canada, the responsibility to enforce child-support orders rests with individual provinces, with financial and logistical assistance from the federal government. In the United States, child-support enforcement is also handled largely at the state level, but non-compliant parents who meet certain criteria, such as traveling across state lines to circumvent orders or owing more than two years of support payments, may be subjected to federal prosecution under the Federal Deadbeat Punishment Act.

One focus of Article 27 of the Declaration of the Rights of the Child is the establishment and strengthening of international treaties to further aid in child-support order enforcement across national and international boundaries. Under these agreements, orders established in one country are considered valid and enforceable in another country, and may be pursued through local court processes. The goal of such conventions is to ensure that noncompliant parents will not be able to evade support payments by crossing an international border.

To this end, various international conventions regarding interjurisdictional enforcement of maintenance orders have been created, including the 1956 United Nations Convention on the Recovery Abroad of Maintenance, the Hague Conference's 1973 Convention on the Recognition and Enforcement of Decisions relating to Maintenance Obligations and the 1956 United Nations Convention on the Recovery Abroad of Maintenance and the 2007 Hague Maintenance Convention.

More than 100 nations currently have reciprocal arrangements for child support orders. Examples of reciprocal agreements include the UK Reciprocal Enforcement of Maintenance Orders (REMO) and those of Canada, Australia and New Zealand, the United States and the European Union.

Consequences of non-payment vary by jurisdiction, the length of time the parent has been noncompliant, and the amount owed. Typical penalties include wage garnishment and denial or suspension of drivers, hunting and professional licenses. In the United States, noncompliant parents who are more than $2500 in arrears may be denied passports under the Passport Denial Program. Australia, Austria, and Finland do not imprison persons for failure to pay child-support arrears. In the U.S., in contrast, non-payment of child support may be treated as a criminal offense or a civil offense, and it can result in a prison or jail term. In New York, continuous failure to provide child support is an E felony punishable by up to 4 years in prison. In addition, child-support debtors are subject to fines and property seizure.

Since the duty to provide child support is separate from the civil requirement to obey a court order regarding visitation, it is exceptionally rare for a parent to be jailed for violating that part of the court order.

Implementation flaws and side effects
In jurisdictions where child support is reduced or partially reduced when care is provided by both parents, there may be a financial incentive for the resident parent to restrict the amount of time the other parent can see the children. If a parent seeks a custody order with the goal of maximizing child support, the effect could be to reduce the amount of contact that the children have with the other parent without regard to their needs or wishes.

Payment is not made to children but between parents, and the payee is not required to account for how child-support money is spent. Critics of child support argue that, as a result, the support payments do not need to be used to support the child and can be regarded as a punishment to the parent who is paying child support. A response to that criticism is that if a parent is caring for the children, that parent will incur costs in providing that support, even if they have no duty to account for their expenditures in support of the child.

Critics of child support, such as fathers' rights groups, complain that the law does not necessarily require that the child support money be used for the child. Barring unusual circumstances, most jurisdictions do not require accountings on the request of a child support payor. The custodial parent also has a duty to support the children,    yet in countries like Canada, it has been shown that "over a wide range of reasonable assumptions, the [custodial parent] does not financially contribute to the support of the children but in fact receives a net wealth transfer from the system." Child-support amounts are considerably higher than the costs of raising children.

Critics of child support suggest that support orders carry the threat of state violence to give the resident parent a degree of financial control over the non-resident parent, and even that the enforcement of child support can be considered domestic violence or abuse. No jurisdiction has accepted that argument, and a parent ordered to pay child support will not face any legal consequence if payments are made as ordered by the court.

Some parents argue that they should be permitted to directly provide for their children, with those provisions being credited against child support or taking the place of any payment to the other parent. Some argue that being ordered to pay child support reduces their ability to directly provide for their children. However, courts uniformly recognize that the custodial parent will incur expenses for the care of children that a non-custodial parent might prefer not to pay, and that giving the non-custodial parent direct control over how child support is used would in many cases result in abusive or controlling behavior by the child support payor.

Some child-support laws and formulas do not adequately reflect the extent to which the child-support payor supports the children, and the expenses the payor incurs in caring for the children. Many jurisdictions have tried to develop child-support formulas and models that take into account the extent to which parents share custody, and adjust child-support amounts in shared parenting arrangements in relation to the division of parenting time. In the UK a "non-resident" parent caring for the children 174 nights a year would have to pay the other parent (4/7) 57% of the maintenance they would have paid if they had provided no care. Thus, a "non-resident" parent may be obligated to pay up to 17% (31%*4/7) of their income as child support.

In the United States, each state receives money from the federal government to offset some of the expenses it incurs in processing paternity, spousal support and child-support cases. It has been argued that this creates an incentive for each state to enforce larger than necessary support orders, since doing so creates a larger financial incentive for each state. However, as a matter of law, when the federal government mandates state action it is broadly required to reimburse the state for the cost of the required action. It has also been argued that a Defendant in a child-support matter cannot get a fair trial due to the fact that the Courts have a financial interest in keeping child-support orders higher than necessary. However, there has never been a showing that states have created or modified their child-support formulas in such a manner, nor would doing so actually increase federal reimbursements.

Another criticism of child support is that it can be difficult for a man who has been mistakenly identified as a child's father, or who later discovers that he is not a child's biological parent, to be excused from an order to pay child support, and recover the money already taken from him.

A man's right to choose
Child-support policies have been criticized by fathers' rights advocacy groups, as well as by some feminists, who state that child-support policy violates gender equality and denies reproductive choice to men. Child support is based principally upon income and custody arrangements and not on gender, and male and female parents report similar levels of satisfaction with support awards. As child support is payable for the benefit of the children, not the parent, courts are not sympathetic to the idea that a parent should be able to refuse to support a child by claiming that he would have preferred that the child not be born.

Child-support guidelines and policies have also been criticized for requiring boys and men that are victims of sexual assault to pay child support to the women who sexually assaulted them; a precedent-setting case in US law is Hermesmann v. Seyer, whereby a male victim of statutory rape was required to pay child support to the mother. In the case of S.F. vs T.M. (1996), a man who produced evidence that the mother of the child raped him while he was unconscious was nevertheless ordered to pay child support. Men who assert that a child was conceived as a result of deception, birth-control fraud or sperm theft have also challenged their obligation to pay child support.

Melanie McCulley, a South Carolina attorney, coined the term male abortion in 1998, suggesting that a father should be allowed to disclaim his obligations to an unborn child early in the pregnancy. Proponents hold that concept begins with the premise that when an unmarried woman becomes pregnant, she has the option of abortion, adoption, or sole parenthood; and argues, in the context of legally recognized gender equality, that in the earliest stages of pregnancy, the putative (alleged) father should have the same human rights to relinquish all future parental rights and financial responsibility—leaving the informed mother with the same three options. McCulley's male-abortion concept aims to equalize the legal status of unwed men and unwed women by giving the unwed man by law the ability to 'abort' his rights and obligations to the child. If a woman decides to keep the child, the father may choose not to by severing all ties legally (in the same way a sperm donor usually rescinds all parental rights).

This same concept has been supported by a former president of the feminist organization National Organization for Women, attorney Karen DeCrow, who wrote that "if a woman makes a unilateral decision to bring pregnancy to term, and the biological father does not, and cannot, share in this decision, he should not be liable for 21 years of support...autonomous women making independent decisions about their lives should not expect men to finance their choice."

The legal concept was tried in the case of Dubay v. Wells and was rejected by the court, since legislation in the various jurisdictions currently sets forth guidelines for when child support is owed as well as its amount. Accordingly, legislation would be required to change the law to implement McCulley's concept.

title: Child support


text: User:McNab

title: User:McNab


text:
User talk:McNab

Hello there, welcome to the 'pedia! I hope you like the place and decide to stay. If you ever need editing help visit How does one edit a page and experiment at Sandbox. If you need pointers on how we title pages visit Naming conventions or how to format them visit our manual of style. If you have any other questions about the project then check out Help or add a question to the Village pump. Cheers! --maveric149

title: User talk:McNab


text:
Talk:Felipe VI

Untitled
Suggest removing the honorific Infante since Felipe is the heir-apparent to the Spanish throne (in direct contradiction to the definition of Infante) Nafisto 03:41, 15 February 2007 (UTC)

surname removed from article title, as per Wiki naming convention rules. JTD 01:48 Feb 8, 2003 (UTC)

Did the Sannum affair last several years? -- Error 01:24, 14 Aug 2003 (UTC)

 * The marriage has been said to be the most significant European marriage of the century.

This I find hard to believe. Can we supply a rationale for this assertion? -- Viajero 08:35, 26 May 2004 (UTC)

 * Rationale? It sounded like something Hello! or Interviu would say, and I must confess I just deleted it. Anyway, I'm sure it'll pale into insignificance alongside the April 2078 marriage of Pope Jane Paula. –Hajor 13:09, 26 May 2004 (UTC)

Should this be Philip? As in Philip I of Castile, Philip II of Spain, Philip III of Spain, Philip IV of Spain, Philip V of Spain?--Henrygb 19:01, 2 Apr 2005 (UTC)

 * We go by the most common name used in English, and I don't think I've ever seen this fellow called Philip. When he becomes King, unless there's a sudden move to call him "King Philip VI," he should probably remain Felipe too (like his father Juan Carlos, not John Charles). - Montréalais

 * I'd like to add to Montrealais's answer. Since the Spanish Monarchy's latest restoration ,Spanish Royal names have been given in Spanish form in English books (Example: encylopedias), indeed a Anglo inconsistancy. Under this recent trend ,Felipe will likely be called Felipe VI of Spain (when he reigns) by English books ,but the proper Anglo version would be Philip VI. Mightberight/wrong 25 October 2005

 * Felipe VI should be called Philip VI, here why, all the the other spanish kings on wikipedia have there regal names translated (except Juan carlos). We also must not forget that this is the english wikipedia so the versons of names should reflect that and for us to use the spanish verson of everything is ridiculous . Although this does not mean that every spanish name should traslated to the english version. - Beauthegreat (talk) 00:58, 22 November 2022 (UTC)

Leonor's birth time
Leonor's birth time is given as 1:46 Am on this site: http://www.astrotheme.fr/en/index.php

Go to the directory and type in "Leonor". Follow the directions, and you will come to her page.

A Commons file used on this page or its Wikidata item has been nominated for speedy deletion
The following Wikimedia Commons file used on this page or its Wikidata item has been nominated for speedy deletion: You can see the reason for deletion at the file description page linked above. —Community Tech bot (talk) 12:09, 16 July 2021 (UTC)
 * 1 rey gala.jpg

Philip VI
Why was Philip VI removed from the intro of the page? GoodDay (talk) 02:23, 6 August 2022 (UTC)
 * I share in the same concern. While there are multiple defensible criteria on whether to title the article Felipe VI or Philip VI, I think it is less debatable that the lead section of the article should include both the localized the name as well as the English one. Articles for all previous five Philips include their names in English. Al83tito (talk) 22:14, 8 September 2022 (UTC)
 * I assume it was removed because he's not called Philip. DrKay (talk) 22:16, 8 September 2022 (UTC)
 * What do you mean? the Spanish article on King Charles III of the United Kingdom has his name translated into Spanish: Carlos III (https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Carlos_III_del_Reino_Unido). Al83tito (talk) 23:07, 8 September 2022 (UTC)
 * Presumably, because he's called Carlos in Spanish-language sources. What the Spanish wikipedia calls its article on Charles depends on what policies are in place there and is a question for editors there to decide not here. DrKay (talk) 23:10, 8 September 2022 (UTC)
 * I agree that the majority of English sources refer to him as Felipe. And in consequence it seems appropriate that the English article would be titled using the Spanish name Felipe. The question is whether alternative names, such as his name in English, should be included within the lead section of the article. There is a smaller set of sources that do use the English name (1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6). I am surmising from the search results that the use of Philip is more prevalent in middle eastern and south Asian media. So I'd move to have the English version name included within the article. Al83tito (talk) 00:00, 9 September 2022 (UTC)

Poll cited in the introduction doesn't support the article's claims
The article that is cited only vaguely refers to "a poll conducted by the Spanish newspaper El Español in 2020", with no link to the poll in question. So I took it upon myself to find the original article, which I did (https://www.elespanol.com/espana/politica/20200811/felipe-vi-convence-espanoles-aprueba-incluso-menores/511949939_0.html). We know it's the original because it's from El Español, it's from 2020 and it features the statistic of 64% that appears in the cited article.

The original poll doesn't support the claim that Felipe VI has "moderately high approval ratings, especially among younger Spaniards". In fact, younger Spaniards (born after 1990) are the age group in which Felipe enjoys the least support, with only 44.5% of them approving of him in contrast to 44.1% of them disapproving of him, which is much lower than his 64% general approval rating. This should be corrected and a more trustworthy source should be used. Sir. Paulord (talk) 02:08, 29 January 2023 (UTC)

Move discussion in progress
There is a move discussion in progress on Talk:Alfonso XII which affects this page. Please participate on that page and not in this talk page section. Thank you. —RMCD bot 01:30, 30 March 2023 (UTC)

A Commons file used on this page or its Wikidata item has been nominated for deletion
The following Wikimedia Commons file used on this page or its Wikidata item has been nominated for deletion: Participate in the deletion discussion at the. —Community Tech bot (talk) 20:38, 1 May 2023 (UTC)
 * SM El Rey Don Felipe VI diario Tierra (cropped).jpg

Move discussion in progress
There is a move discussion in progress on Talk:Elizabeth II which affects this page. Please participate on that page and not in this talk page section. Thank you. —RMCD bot 15:46, 14 August 2023 (UTC)

 * This discussion has been closed. History6042 (talk) 16:14, 14 August 2023 (UTC)

Requested move 14 August 2023

 * The following is a closed discussion of a requested move. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made in a new section on the talk page. Editors desiring to contest the closing decision should consider a move review after discussing it on the closer's talk page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.

The result of the move request was: Procedural close. Discussed in full a few months ago here and the same article was nominated by the same user and closed minutes go here. This is disruptive behavior. Rreagan007 (talk) 17:04, 14 August 2023 (UTC)

Felipe VI → Felipe VI of Spain – To be consistent with the rest of Spanish monarchs. Also, WP:NCROY applies here. History6042 (talk) 16:13, 14 August 2023 (UTC) The discussion above is closed. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.

RfC of interest
(non-automated message) Greetings! I have opened an RfC on WT:ROYALTY that may be of interest to users following this article talk page! You are encouraged to contribute to this discussion here! Hurricane Andrew (444) 19:53, 24 November 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:Felipe VI


text:
Television advertisement

A television advertisement (also called a commercial, spot, break, advert, or ad) is a span of television programming produced and paid for by an organization. It conveys a message promoting, and aiming to market, a product, service or idea. Advertisers and marketers may refer to television commercials as TVCs.

Advertising revenue provides a significant portion of the funding for most privately owned television networks. During the 2010s, the number of commercials has grown steadily, though the length of each commercial has diminished. Advertisements of this type have promoted a wide variety of goods, services, and ideas ever since the early days of the history of television. The viewership of television programming, as measured by companies such as Nielsen Media Research in the United States, or BARB in the UK, is often used as a metric for television advertisement placement, and consequently, for the rates which broadcasters charge to advertisers to air within a given network, television program, or time of day (called a "day-part").

In many countries, including the United States, television campaign advertisements are commonplace in a political campaign. In other countries, such as France, political advertising on television is heavily restricted, while some countries, such as Norway, completely ban political advertisements.

The first official paid television advertisement came out in the United States on July 1, 1941, at 2:30 p.m., over New York station WNBT (subsequently WNBC) before a baseball game between the Brooklyn Dodgers and Philadelphia Phillies. The announcement for Bulova watches, for which the company paid anywhere from $4.00 to $9.00 (reports vary), displayed a WNBT test pattern modified to look like a clock with the hands showing the time. The Bulova logo, with the phrase "Bulova Watch Time", appeared in the lower right-hand quadrant of the test pattern while the second hand swept around the dial for one minute. The first TV ad broadcast in the UK went on air on ITV on September 22, 1955, advertising Gibbs SR toothpaste. In Asia, the first TV ad broadcast appeared on Nippon Television in Tokyo on August 28, 1953, advertising Seikosha (subsequently Seiko); it also displayed a clock with the current time.

The television market has grown to such an extent that it was estimated to reach $69.87 billion for TV ad spending in the United States for 2018.

General background
Television advertising involves three main tasks: creating a television advertisement that meets broadcast standards, placing the advertisement on television to reach the desired customer and then measuring the outcomes of these ads, including the return on investment.

To accomplish the first step means different things to different parts of the world depending on the regulations in place. In the UK for example, clearance must be given by the body Clearcast. Another example is Venezuela where clearance is governed by a body called CNAC. The clearance provides a guarantee to the broadcasters that the content of the advertisement meets legal guidelines. Because of this, special extended clearance sometimes applies to food and medical products as well as gambling advertisements.

The second is the process of TV advertising delivery and usually incorporates the involvement of a post-production house, a media agency, advertising distribution specialists and the end-goal, the broadcasters.

At New York's TV Week in November 2018, the TV advertising model was described by Turner Broadcasting System as broken.

Internet and digital
However, with the emergence of over-the-top media services, the Internet itself has become a platform for television, and hence TV advertising. TV attribution is a marketing concept whereby the impact television ads have on consumers is measured.

Addressable television is where targeted advertising is used on digital platforms, so two people watching the same show receive different ads.

Digital television recorders and advertisement skipping

After the video cassette recorder (VCR) became popular in the 1980s, the television industry began studying the impact of users fast-forwarding through commercials. Advertising agencies fought the trend by making them more entertaining. The introduction of digital video recorders (also known as digital television recorders or DTRs), such as TiVo, and services like Sky+, Dish Network and Astro MAX, which allow the recording of television programs into a hard drive, also enabled viewers to fast-forward or automatically skip through advertisements of recorded programs.

At the end of 2008, 22% of UK households had a DTR. The majority of these households had Sky+ and data from these homes (collected via the SkyView panel of more than 33,000) shows that, once a household gets a DTR, they watch 17% more television. 82% of their viewing is to normal, linear, broadcast TV without fast-forwarding the ads. In the 18% of TV viewing that is time-shifted (i.e. not watched as live broadcast), viewers still watch 30% of the ads at normal speed. Overall, the extra viewing encouraged by owning a DTR results in viewers watching 2% more ads at normal speed than they did before the DTR was installed.

The SkyView evidence is reinforced by studies on actual DTR behaviour by the Broadcasters' Audience Research Board (BARB) and the London Business School.

Product placement
Other forms of TV advertising include product placement advertising in the TV shows themselves. For example, Extreme Makeover: Home Edition advertises Sears, Kenmore, and the Home Depot by specifically using products from these companies, and some sports events like the Monster Energy Cup of NASCAR are named after sponsors, and race cars are frequently covered in advertisements.Today's sports advertisements frequently push boundaries or test out innovative methods using digital advances, depending less and less on the "spots and dots", the conventional 30-second commercials on television and radio. Additionally, companies are becoming more closely associated with sports content, particularly if it connects them to a digital audience made up mostly of highly sought-after men and women between the ages of 18 and 34. Many major sporting venues in North America are named for commercial companies, dating back as far as Wrigley Field. Television programs delivered through new mediums such as streaming online video also bring different opportunities to the traditional methods of generating revenue from television advertising.

Overlay advertisements
Another type of advertisement shown increasingly, mostly for advertising TV shows on the same channel, is an ad overlay at the bottom of the TV screen, which blocks out some of the picture. "Banners", or "Logo Bugs", as they are called, are referred to by media companies as Secondary Events (2E). This is done in much the same way as a severe weather warning is done, only these happen more frequently. They may sometimes take up only 5 to 10 per cent of the screen, but in the extreme, they can take up as much as 25 per cent of the viewing area. Subtitles that are part of the programme content can be completely obscured by banners. Some even make noise or move across the screen. One example is the 2E ads for Three Moons Over Milford, which was broadcast in the months before the TV show's première. A video taking up approximately 25 per cent of the bottom-left portion of the screen would show a comet impacting into the moon with an accompanying explosion, during another television programme. Another example is used in Poland to use any premieres of new shows/new seasons of the same show. TVP has taken a step further, overlaying on screen not only the channel on which the show is premiered, but also on a sister channel.

Interactive advertisements
Online video directories are an emerging form of interactive advertising, which help in recalling and responding to advertising produced primarily for television. These directories also have the potential to offer other value-added services, such as response sheets and click-to-call, which enhance the scope of the interaction with the brand. Researchers have found that For some consumer types and for specific ad types, that the standard linear advertising format is really superior to interactive advertising. Particularly, they have discovered that a cognitive "matching" of the system's (predominantly visual or verbal) characteristics and the demands of the customer group (preferring their information to be delivered in a visual or verbal fashion) appears to be crucial.

Shorter commercial breaks
During the 2008–09 TV season, Fox experimented with a new strategy, which the network dubbed "Remote-Free TV". Episodes of Fringe and Dollhouse contained approximately ten minutes of advertisements, four to six minutes fewer than other hour-long programs. Fox stated that shorter commercial breaks keep viewers more engaged and improve brand recall for advertisers, as well as reducing channel surfing and fast-forwarding past the advertisements. However, the strategy was not as successful as the network had hoped and it is unclear whether it will be continued in the future.

In May 2018, Fox Networks Group said its channels would try one-minute commercial breaks, mainly during sports events, but also on some shows on Fox Broadcasting Company. Ads during these breaks would cost more and fewer advertisers would be willing to pay that much. Also in 2018, NBC used one-minute commercial breaks after the first block in many shows. These "prime pods" are intended to keep viewers who are watching live, and advertisers pay more for the NBC spots.

Children with advertisement
Children can be impacted by advertising in a variety of ways, and how they respond to it will depend on a number of factors, including their age, background knowledge, and level of experience. Youngsters under two years old are unable to distinguish between television programs and advertisements; however, children between the ages of three and six can. Children between the ages of 7 and 11 can grasp that they are being sold something, can identify sales tactics, and are willing to buy items with poor selling points, therefore they could also not be able to understand what they are being marketed. Teenagers between the ages of 12 and 13 can typically understand what they are being sold and decide whether they want to purchase it based on what they were told. However, they may not be able to recognize products with tricky placement or understand that celebrities are being paid to endorse a product. Over 14-year-olds could not have the necessary judgment abilities to make a decent purchase and may not comprehend how the market operates.

Characteristics
Advertising agencies often use humor as a tool in their creative marketing campaigns. Many psychological studies have attempted to demonstrate the effects of humor and their relationship to empowering advertising persuasion.

Animation is often used in advertisements. The pictures can vary from hand-drawn traditional animation to computer animation. By using animated characters, an advertisement may have a certain appeal that is difficult to achieve with actors or mere product displays. Animation also protects the advertisement from changes in fashion that would date it. For this reason, an animated advertisement (or a series of such advertisements) can be very long-running, several decades in many instances. Notable examples are the series of advertisements for Kellogg's cereals, starring Snap, Crackle and Pop and also Tony the Tiger. The animation is often combined with real actors. Animated advertisements can achieve lasting popularity. In any popular vote for the most memorable television advertisements in the UK, such as on ITV or Channel 4, the top positions in the list invariably include animations, such as the classic Smash and Creature Comforts advertisements.

Other long-running advertising campaigns catch people by surprise, even tricking the viewer, such as the Energizer Bunny advertisement series. It started in the late 1980s as a simple comparison advertisement, where a room full of battery-operated bunnies was seen pounding their drums, all slowing down except one, with the Energizer battery. Years later, a revised version of this seminal advertisement had the Energizer bunny escaping the stage and moving on (according to the announcer, he "keeps going and going and going..."). This was followed by what appeared to be another advertisement: viewers were oblivious to the fact that the following "advertisement" was actually a parody of other well-known advertisements until the Energizer bunny suddenly intrudes on the situation, with the announcer saying "Still going..." (the Energizer Battery Company's way of emphasizing that their battery lasts longer than other leading batteries). This ad campaign lasted for nearly fifteen years. The Energizer Bunny series has itself been imitated by others, via a Coors Light Beer advertisement, in motion pictures, and by current advertisements by GEICO Insurance.

Use of popular music
Many television advertisements feature songs or melodies ("jingles") or slogans designed to be striking and memorable, which may remain in the minds of television viewers long after the span of the advertising campaign. Some of these ad jingles or catch-phrases may take on lives of their own, spawning gags that appear in films, television shows, magazines, comics, or literature. These long-lasting advertising elements may be said to have taken a place in the pop culture history of the demographic to whom they appeared. An example is the enduring phrase, "Winston tastes good like a cigarette should", from the eighteen-year advertising campaign for Winston cigarettes from the 1950s to the 1970s. Variations of this dialogue and direct references to it appeared as long as two decades after the advertising campaign expired. Another example is "Where's the Beef?", which grew so popular it was used in the 1984 presidential election by Walter Mondale. Another popular catch-phrase is "I've fallen and I can't get up", which still appears occasionally, over two decades after its first use. Some advertising agency executives have originated more than one enduring slogan, such as Mary Wells Lawrence, who is responsible for such famous slogans as "Raise your hand if you're Sure", "I♥New York" and "Trust the Midas touch."

Prior to the 1970s, music in television advertisements was generally limited to jingles and incidental music; on some occasions lyrics to a popular song would be changed to create a theme song or a jingle for a particular product. An example of this is found on the recent popular Gocompare.com advert that utilises "Over There", the 1917 song popular with United States soldiers in both World Wars and written by George M. Cohan during World War I. In 1971 the converse occurred when a song written for a Coca-Cola advertisement was re-recorded as the pop single "I'd Like to Teach the World to Sing (In Perfect Harmony)" by the New Seekers, and became a hit. Additionally songwriter Paul Williams composed a piece for a Crocker Bank commercial which he lengthened and The Carpenters recorded as "We've Only Just Begun". Some pop and rock songs were re-recorded by cover bands for use in advertisements, but the cost of licensing original recordings for this purpose remained prohibitive in certain countries (including the U.S.) until the late 1980s.

The use of previously recorded popular songs in American television advertisements began in earnest in 1985 when Burger King used the original recording of Aretha Franklin's song "Freeway of Love" in a television advertisement for the restaurant. This also occurred in 1987 when Nike used the original recording of The Beatles' song "Revolution" in an advertisement for athletic shoes. Since then, many classic popular songs have been used in similar fashion. Songs can be used to concretely illustrate a point about the product being sold (such as Bob Seger's "Like a Rock" used for Chevy trucks), but more often are simply used to associate the good feelings listeners had for the song to the product on display. In some cases the original meaning of the song can be totally irrelevant or even completely opposite to the implication of the use in advertising; for example Iggy Pop's "Lust for Life", a song about heroin addiction, has been used to advertise Royal Caribbean International, a cruise ship line. Music-licensing agreements with major artists, especially those that had not previously allowed their recordings to be used for this purpose, such as Microsoft's use of "Start Me Up" by the Rolling Stones and Apple Inc.'s use of U2's "Vertigo" became a source of publicity in themselves.

In early instances, songs were often used over the objections of the original artists, who had lost control of their music publishing, the music of the Beatles being perhaps the most well-known case; more recently artists have actively solicited use of their music in advertisements and songs have gained popularity and sales after being used in advertisements. A famous case is Levi's company, which has used several one hit wonders in their advertisements (songs such as "Inside", "Spaceman", and "Flat Beat"). In 2010, research conducted by PRS for Music revealed that "Light & Day" by The Polyphonic Spree is the most performed song in UK TV advertising.

Sometimes a controversial reaction has followed the use of some particular song on an advertisement. Often the trouble has been that people do not like the idea of using songs that promote values important for them in advertisements. For example, Sly and the Family Stone's anti-racism song, "Everyday People", was used in a car advertisement, which angered some people.

Generic scores for advertisements often feature clarinets, saxophones, or various strings (such as the acoustic/electric guitars and violins) as the primary instruments.

In the late 1990s and early 2000s, electronica music was increasingly used as background scores for television advertisements, initially for automobiles, and later for other technological and business products such as computers and financial services. Television advertising has become a popular outlet for new artists to gain an audience for their work, with some advertisements displaying artist and song information onscreen at the beginning or end.

title: Television advertisement


text:
Domestic Security Enhancement Act of 2003

The Domestic Security Enhancement Act of 2003 was draft legislation written by United States Department of Justice during the George W. Bush administration, under the tenure of United States Attorney General John Ashcroft. The Center for Public Integrity obtained a copy of the draft marked "confidential" on February 7, 2003, and posted it on its Web site along with commentary. It was sometimes called Patriot II, after the USA PATRIOT Act, which was enacted in 2001. It was never introduced to the United States Congress.

The draft version of the bill would have expanded the powers of the United States federal government while simultaneously curtailing judicial review of these powers. Members of the United States Congress said that they had not seen the drafts, though the documents obtained by the CPI indicated that Speaker of the United States House of Representatives Dennis Hastert and Vice President Dick Cheney had received copies.

Provisions of the draft version included:
 * Removal of court-ordered prohibitions against police agencies spying on domestic groups.
 * The Federal Bureau of Investigation would be granted powers to conduct searches and surveillance based on intelligence gathered in foreign countries without first obtaining a court order.
 * Creation of a DNA database of suspected terrorists.
 * Prohibition of any public disclosure of the names of alleged terrorists including those who have been arrested.
 * Exemptions from civil liability for people and businesses who voluntarily turn private information over to the government.
 * Criminalization of the use of encryption to conceal incriminating communications.
 * Automatic denial of bail for persons accused of terrorism-related crimes, reversing the ordinary common law burden of proof principle. Persons charged with terrorists acts would be required to demonstrate why they should be released on bail rather than the government being required to demonstrate why they should be held.
 * Expansion of the list of crimes eligible for the death penalty.
 * The Environmental Protection Agency would be prevented from releasing "worst-case scenario" information to the public about chemical plants.
 * United States citizens whom the government finds to be either members of, or providing material support to, terrorist groups could have their citizenship revoked and be deported to foreign countries.

Some provisions of this act have been tacked onto other bills such as the Senate Spending bill and subsequently passed.

The American Civil Liberties Union and the Bill of Rights Defense Committee have all been vocal opponents of the PATRIOT Act of 2001, the proposed (as of 2003) PATRIOT 2 Act, and other associated legislation made in response to the threat of domestic terrorism that it believes violates either the letter and/or the spirit of the U.S. Bill of Rights.

On January 31, 2006, the Center for Public Integrity published a story on its website that claimed that this proposed legislation undercut the Bush administration's legal rationale of its NSA wiretapping program.