text:
Chechen language

Chechen (Нохчийн мотт, Noxçiyn mott, ) is a Northeast Caucasian language spoken by approximately 1.8 million people, mostly in the Chechen Republic and by members of the Chechen diaspora throughout Russia and the rest of Europe, Jordan, Austria, Turkey, Azerbaijan, Ukraine, Central Asia (mainly Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan) and Georgia.

Classification
Chechen is a Northeast Caucasian language. Together with the closely related Ingush, with which there exists a large degree of mutual intelligibility and shared vocabulary, it forms the Vainakh branch.

Dialects
There are a number of Chechen dialects: Aukh, Chebarloish, Malkhish, Nokhchmakhkakhoish, Orstkhoish, Sharoish, Shuotoish, Terloish, Itum-Qalish and Himoish.

Dialects of Chechen can be classified by their geographic position within the Chechen Republic. The dialects of the northern lowlands are often referred to as "" (literally "lowlander's language") and the dialect of the southern mountain tribes is known as "" (lit. "mountainer's language"). forms the basis for much of the standard and literary Chechen language, which can largely be traced to the regional dialects of Urus-Martan and contemporary Grozny. Laamaroy dialects include Chebarloish, Sharoish, Itum-Qalish, Kisti, and Himoish. Until recently, however, Himoy was undocumented and was considered a branch of Sharoish, as many dialects are also used as the basis of intertribal (teip) communication within a larger Chechen "". Laamaroy dialects such as Sharoish, Himoish and Chebarloish are more conservative and retain many features from Proto-Chechen. For instance, many of these dialects lack a number of vowels found in the standard language which were a result of long-distance assimilation between vowel sounds. Additionally, the Himoy dialect preserves word-final, post-tonic vowels as a schwa [ə].

Geographic distribution
According to the Russian Census of 2020, 1,490,000 people reported being able to speak Chechen in Russia.

Official status
Chechen is an official language of Chechnya.

Jordan
Chechens in Jordan have good relations with the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and are able to practice their own culture and language. Chechen language usage is strong among the Chechen community in Jordan. Jordanian Chechens are bilingual in both Chechen and Arabic, but do not speak Arabic among themselves, only speaking Chechen to other Chechens. Some Jordanians are literate in Chechen as well, having managed to read and write to people visiting Jordan from Chechnya.

Phonology
Some phonological characteristics of Chechen include its wealth of consonants and sounds similar to Arabic and the Salishan languages of North America, as well as a large vowel system resembling those of Swedish and German.

Consonants
The Chechen language has, like most indigenous languages of the Caucasus, a large number of consonants: about 40 to 60 (depending on the dialect and the analysis), far more than most European languages. Typical of the region, a four-way distinction between voiced, voiceless, ejective and geminate fortis stops is found. Furthermore, all variants except the ejective are subject to phonemic pharyngealization.

Nearly any consonant may be fortis because of focus gemination, but only the ones above are found in roots. The consonants of the t cell and are denti-alveolar; the others of that column are alveolar. is a back velar, but not quite uvular. The lateral may be velarized, unless it is followed by a front vowel. The trill is usually articulated with a single contact, and therefore sometimes described as a tap. Except in the literary register, and even then only for some speakers, the voiced affricates, have merged into the fricatives ,. A voiceless labial fricative is found only in European loanwords. appears both in diphthongs and as a consonant; as a consonant, it has an allophone before front vowels.

Approximately twenty pharyngealized consonants (marked with superscript ) also appear in the table above. Labial, alveolar and postalveolar consonants may be pharyngealized, except for ejectives.

Except when following a consonant, is phonetically, and can be argued to be a glottal stop before a "pharyngealized" (actually epiglottalized) vowel. However, it does not have the distribution constraints characteristic of the anterior pharyngealized (epiglottalized) consonants. Although these may be analyzed as an anterior consonant plus (they surface for example as [dʢ] when voiced and  when voiceless), Nichols argues that given the severe constraints against consonant clusters in Chechen, it is more useful to analyze them as single consonants.

Vowels
Unlike most other languages of the Caucasus, Chechen has an extensive inventory of vowel sounds, putting its range higher than most languages of Europe (most vowels being the product of environmentally conditioned allophonic variation, which varies by both dialect and method of analysis). Many of the vowels are due to umlaut, which is highly productive in the standard dialect. None of the spelling systems used so far have distinguished the vowels with complete accuracy.

All vowels may be nasalized. Nasalization is imposed by the genitive, infinitive, and for some speakers the nominative case of adjectives. Nasalization is not strong, but it is audible even in final vowels, which are devoiced.

Some of the diphthongs have significant allophony: = ;  = ;  =.

In closed syllables, long vowels become short in most dialects (not Kisti), but are often still distinct from short vowels (shortened, , and  vs. short , , , and , for example), although which ones remain distinct depends on the dialect.

and are in complementary distribution ( occurs after pharyngealized consonants, whereas  does not and —identical with  for most speakers—occurs in closed syllables, while  does not) but speakers strongly feel that they are distinct sounds.

Pharyngealization appears to be a feature of the consonants, though some analyses treat it as a feature of the vowels. However, Nichols argues that this does not capture the situation in Chechen well, whereas it is more clearly a feature of the vowel in Ingush: Chechen "one", Ingush, which she analyzes as  and. Vowels have a delayed murmured onset after pharyngealized voiced consonants and a noisy aspirated onset after pharyngealized voiceless consonants. The high vowels are diphthongized,, whereas the diphthongs  undergo metathesis,.

Phonotactics
Chechen permits syllable-initial clusters and non-initially also allows  plus any consonant, and any obstruent plus a uvular of the same manner of articulation. The only cluster of three consonants permitted is.

Grammar
Chechen is an agglutinative language with an ergative–absolutive morphosyntactic alignment. Chechen nouns belong to one of several genders or classes (6), each with a specific prefix with which the verb or an accompanying adjective agrees. The verb does not agree with person or number, having only tense forms and participles. Among these are an optative and an antipassive. Some verbs, however, do not take these prefixes.

Chechen is an ergative, dependent-marking language using eight cases (absolutive, genitive, dative, ergative, allative, instrumental, locative and comparative) and a large number of postpositions to indicate the role of nouns in sentences.

Word order is consistently left-branching (like in Japanese or Turkish), so that adjectives, demonstratives and relative clauses precede the nouns they modify. Complementizers and adverbial subordinators, as in other Northeast and in Northwest Caucasian languages, are affixes rather than independent words.

Chechen also presents interesting challenges for lexicography, as creating new words in the language relies on fixation of whole phrases rather than adding to the end of existing words or combining existing words. It can be difficult to decide which phrases belong in the dictionary, because the language's grammar does not permit the borrowing of new verbal morphemes to express new concepts. Instead, the verb dan (to do) is combined with nominal phrases to correspond with new concepts imported from other languages.

Noun classes
Chechen nouns are divided into six lexically arbitrary noun classes. Morphologically, noun classes may be indexed by changes in the prefix of the accompanying verb and, in many cases, the adjective too. The first two of these classes apply to human beings, although some grammarians count these as two and some as a single class; the other classes however are much more lexically arbitrary. Chechen noun classes are named according to the prefix that indexes them:

When a noun denotes a human being, it usually falls into v- or y-Classes (1 or 2). Most nouns referring to male entities fall into the v-class, whereas Class 2 contains words related to female entities. Thus lūlaxuo a neighbour is normally considered class 1, but it takes v- if referring to a male neighbour and y- if a female. This is similar to the Spanish word estudiante student, where el estudiante refers to a male student, and la estudiante refers to a female student.

In a few words, changing the prefixes before the nouns indicates grammatical gender; thus: vоsha brother → yisha sister. Some nouns denoting human beings, however, are not in Classes 1 or 2: bēr child, for example, is in class 3.

Classed adjectives
Only a few of Chechen's adjectives index noun class agreement, termed classed adjectives in the literature. Classed adjectives are listed with the d-class prefix in the romanizations below:
 * деза : 'heavy'
 * довха : 'hot'
 * деха : 'long'
 * дуькъа : 'thick'
 * дораха : 'cheap'
 * дерстана : 'fat'
 * дуьткъа : 'thin'
 * доца : 'short'
 * дайн : 'light'
 * дуьзна : 'full'
 * даьржана : 'spread'
 * доккха : 'large/big/old'

Declension
Whereas Indo-European languages code noun class and case conflated in the same morphemes, Chechen nouns show no gender marking but decline in eight grammatical cases, four of which are core cases (i.e. absolutive, ergative, genitive, and dative) in singular and plural. Below the paradigm for "говр" (horse).

Pronouns
The first cell has it written in the orthography; the second in IPA.

The locative has still a few further forms for specific positions.

Verbs
Verbs do not inflect for person (except for the special d- prefix for the 1st and 2nd persons plural), only for number and tense, aspect, mood. A minority of verbs exhibit agreement prefixes, and these agree with the noun in the absolutive case (what in English translation would the subject, for intransitive verbs, or the object, with transitive verbs).

Example of verbal agreement in intransitive clause with a composite verb: Here, both the verb's future stem -oghur (will come) and the auxiliary -u (present tense of 'be') receive the prefix v- for masculine agreement and y- for feminine agreement.
 * Со цхьан сахьтехь вогІур ву = I (male) will come in one hour
 * Со цхьан сахьтехь йогІур ю = I (female) will come in one hour

In transitive clauses in compound continuous tenses formed with the auxiliary verb -u 'to be', both agent and object are in absolutive case. In this special case of a biabsolutive construction, the main verb in participial form agrees with the object, while the auxiliary agrees with the agent. Here, the participle d-iesh agree with the object, whereas the auxiliary v-u agrees with the agent.
 * Cо бепиг деш ву = I (male) am making bread.

Verbal tenses are formed by ablaut or suffixes, or both (there are five conjugations in total, below is one). Derived stems can be formed by suffixation as well (causative, etc.):

Alphabets
Numerous inscriptions in the Georgian script are found in mountainous Chechnya, but they are not necessarily in Chechen. Later, the Arabic script was introduced for Chechen, along with Islam. The Chechen Arabic alphabet was first reformed during the reign of Imam Shamil, and then again in 1910, 1920 and 1922.

At the same time, the alphabet devised by Peter von Uslar, consisting of Cyrillic, Latin, and Georgian letters, was used for academic purposes. In 1911 it too was reformed but never gained popularity among the Chechens themselves.

Cyrillic alphabet
The current official script for Chechen language is the Cyrillic alphabet. This script was created and adopted in 1938, replacing the Latin script prior to it. Up until 1992, only the Cyrillic script was used for Chechen. After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the de facto secession of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria from Russia, a new Latin script was devised and was used parallel to Cyrillic until the dissolution of the separatist state.

Modern alphabet:

Lower-case palochka, $⟨ӏ⟩$, is found in handwriting. Usually, palochka uppercase and lowercase forms consistent in print or upright, but only upper-case $⟨Ӏ⟩$ is normally used in computers.

1992 Latin alphabet
In 1992, with the de facto secession of Chechen Republic of Ichkeria from Russia, a new Latin Chechen alphabet was introduced and used in parallel with the Cyrillic alphabet. This was the second time a Latin-based orthography was created for Chechen. But after the defeat of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria government by the Russian Armed Forces, the Cyrillic alphabet was restored.

1925 Latin alphabet
The first time that the Latin alphabet was introduced, was in 1925, replacing Arabic alphabet. Further minor modifications in 1934, unified Chechen orthography with Ingush. But the Latin alphabet was abolished in 1938, being replaced with Cyrillic.

Arabic alphabet
The first most widespread modern orthography for Chechen was the Arabic script, adopted in the 19th century. Chechen was not a traditionally written language. But due to the public's familiarity with the Arabic script, as the script of instruction in the region's Islamic and Quranic schools, Arabic alphabet was first standardized and adopted for Chechen during the reign of Imam Shamil. Islam has been the dominant religion in Chechnya since the 16th century, and there were 200 religious schools as well as more than 3000 pupils in Chechnya and Ingushetia. Thus the Arabic script was well established among the speakers of Chechen.

However, the Arabic alphabet, without modifications, would not be suitable for Chechen, and modifications would be needed. Arabic alphabet underwent various iterations of improvements and modifications. Within Chechen society, these modifications were not without controversy. The Muslim clergy and the more conservative segments of Chechen society initially resisted any changes to the Arabic script, with the belief that this script sacred due to its association with Islam, and was not to be changed. The clergy and Islamic educational institutions opposed each and every iteration of proposed reforms in the Arabic script. While modifications to the Arabic script to match local languages had been common practice for centuries, for languages such as Persian and Ottoman Turkish, the modifications in Chechen were done independently from these two nearby and influential literary traditions and were focused on needs of Chechen language. Initially, the Chechen Arabic alphabet looked like this.

ي ﻻ ه و ن م ل ك ق ڮ ڨ ف غ ع ظ ط ض ص ش س ز ر ذ د خ ح ج ث ت ب ا

In this alphabet, two additional letters were added to the base Arabic script:
 * 1) The letter, equivalent to Cyrillic digraph "Кх" and representing the sound ;
 * 2) The letter  equivalent to Cyrillic letter "Кӏ" and representing the sound.
 * 3) * This letter was later revised to

In 1910, Sugaip Gaisunov proposed additional reforms that brought Arabic alphabet closer to Chechen's phonetic requirements. Sugaip Gaisunov introduced four additional consonants:

 * 1) The letter, equivalent to Cyrillic letter "Пӏ" and representing the sound ;
 * 2) * This letter was later revised to
 * 3) The letter  (Reh with two dots below.svg), equivalent to Cyrillic letters "Ц" and "Цӏ" and representing the sounds  and ;
 * 4) The letter, equivalent to Cyrillic letters "Ч" and "Чӏ", representing the sounds  and ;
 * 5) The letter, equivalent to Cyrillic letter "Г" and representing the sound ;

In Sugaip Gaisunov's reforms, the letters (ṣād/sād) and  (zād/ḍād) had their usage limited to Arabic loanwords but were not eliminated due to opposition from Clergy and conservative segments of Chechen society. In another short-lasting modification, Sugaip Gaisunov proposed adding a overline (◌̅) (U+0305) over letters that can be read as either a consonant or a vowel, namely the letters (waw) (equivalent to Cyrillic letter "В" or to letters "О, Оь, У, Уь") and  (yāʼ) (equivalent to Cyrillic letter "Й" or to letter "И"). The overbar signified a vowel use when needed to avoid confusions. This modification did not persist in Chechen Alphabet. otherwise, the 1910 iteration of the Arabic script continued being used until 1920.

In 1920, two Chechen literaturists, A. Tugaev and T. Eldarkhanov, published a document. In this document they proposed new modifications, which were the addition of two new consonants:

 * 1) The letter, equivalent to Cyrillic letter "Чӏ" and representing the sound.
 * 2) * This letter was later revised to
 * 3) * Thus the letter was reduced to only representing the sound, equivalent to Cyrillic letter "Ч";
 * 4) The letter, equivalent to Cyrillic letter "Цӏ" and representing the sound ;
 * 5) * Thus the letter (Reh with two dots below.svg) was reduced to only representing the sound, equivalent to Cyrillic letter "Ц";

These modifications by A. Tugaev and T. Eldarkhanov were a great final step in creating a modified Arabic script that represents Chechen consonants. However, the Arabic alphabet still was not suitable in representing Chechen vowel sounds. Arabic script itself is an impure abjad, meaning that most but not all vowels are shown with diacritics, which are in most cases left unwritten. The process of transforming Arabic script into a full alphabet for use by a non-Arabic language has been a common occurrence, and has been done in Uyghur, Kazakh, Kurdish and several more Arabic-derived scripts.

Thus a final revision on Chechen Arabic script occurred, in which vowel sounds were standardized.

Table below lists the 41 letters of the final iteration of Chechen Arabic Alphabet, as published by Chechen Authorities at the time, prior to 1925, their IPA values, and their Cyrillic equivalents.

Comparison chart
The single letters and digraphs that count as separate letters of the alphabet, along with their correspondences, are as follows. Those in parentheses are optional or only found in Russian words:

In addition, several sequences of letters for long vowels and consonants, while not counted as separate letters in their own right, are presented here to clarify their correspondences:

Vocabulary
Most Chechen vocabulary is derived from the Nakh branch of the Northeast Caucasian language family, although there are significant minorities of words derived from Arabic (Islamic terms, like "Iman", "Ilma", "Do'a") and a smaller amount from Turkic (like "kuzga", "shish", belonging to the universal Caucasian stratum of borrowings) and most recently Russian (modern terms, like computer – "kamputar", television – "telvideni", televisor – "telvizar", metro – "metro" etc.).

History
Before the Russian conquest, most writings in Chechnya consisted of Islamic texts and clan histories, written usually in Arabic but sometimes also in Chechen using Arabic script. The Chechen literary language was created after the October Revolution, and the Latin script began to be used instead of Arabic for Chechen writing in the mid-1920s. The Cyrillic script was adopted in 1938. Almost the entire library of Chechen medieval writing in Arabic and Georgian script about the land of Chechnya and its people was destroyed by Soviet authorities in 1944, leaving the modern Chechens and modern historians with a destroyed and no longer existent historical treasury of writings.

The Chechen diaspora in Jordan, Turkey, and Syria is fluent but generally not literate in Chechen except for individuals who have made efforts to learn the writing system. The Cyrillic alphabet is not generally known in these countries, and thus for Jordan and Syria, they most use the Arabic alphabet, while in Turkey they use the Latin alphabet.

title: Chechen language


text:
Talk:Exotic Shorthair

Hearing Loss?
The first statement purports that they have been known to cause hearing loss in owners...yet further down it states that they seldom meow. Without making noise, how can they possibly cause hearing loss? —Preceding unsigned comment added by 75.130.165.244 (talk) 11:40, 2 December 2010 (UTC)

In this context, should persian be lowercase? Tuf-Kat

If 50% of a litter is likely to have a different coat than is desired, doesn't that mean that the "breed" doesn't breed true (all offsprings have the same characteristics)? And if it doesn't breed true, that would mean that it isn't a fully developed breed. [[User:Lachatdelarue|Lachatdelarue (talk)]] 15:23, 10 Sep 2004 (UTC)

just plain wrong
the 50% statement is an error. Exotics breed true and have been accepted for showing in the US for quite a while. THey are far from the original cross. Pschemp 14:11, 27 Sep 2004 (UTC)
 * Thanks for the correct info, I was wondering about that. [[User:Lachatdelarue|Lachatdelarue (talk)]] 14:26, 27 Sep 2004 (UTC)

Breeding True

Unless a homozygous shorthair is bred to a homozygous shorthair, there is an even greater possibility than 50% of having longhair kittens in a litter. Sometimes all of the kittens can be longhair. --Stacyrp 15:57, 28 July 2006 (UTC)stacyrp
 * And most exotics now bred are homozygous shorthair. In fact, longhairs are not allowed into the breed as outcrosses anymore. pschemp | talk 03:10, 30 July 2006 (UTC)

Depends on the Association
In The Cat Fanciers' Association (CFA), longhairs and Persians are acceptable outcrosses. In The International Cat Association (TICA) they are not. I don't know about smaller US and foreign associations. No matter the quality of the breeding stock, one always has to go back to the Persian to preserve type.

Gafield not an Exotic
I have removed Garfield from the section of film appearance(s) because Garfield is computer animated in the movie, and his breed has never been specified. -- Pharaoh Hound  (talk)  12:35, 2 October 2006 (UTC)

Ik Joruse (talk) 00:10, 25 May 2018 (UTC)

Ik Joruse (talk) 00:10, 25 May 2018 (UTC)

Breed Standards Links Dead
As the title says. All except the TICA links are dead and the TICA link links to the Havana instead of the Exotic. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 50.171.249.35 (talk) 08:06, 10 January 2014 (UTC)

Lovr
Cat Joruse (talk) 00:10, 25 May 2018 (UTC)

Worried
I am not sure if you are aware of this but I am interested in the job you have posted on Craigslist 99.181.212.97 (talk) 19:28, 3 May 2022 (UTC)

Кошка
Очень часто болеют 188.147.72.34 (talk) 14:52, 22 October 2022 (UTC)

wrong explain?
what is wrong? 2001:E60:8791:FAC7:5C7C:24CA:79F2:57ED (talk) 07:19, 19 April 2023 (UTC)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Talk:Exotic Shorthair


text:
1874 in music

This article is about music-related events in 1874.

Events

 * January 27 – Modest Mussorgsky's opera Boris Godunov premiers in Mariinsky Theatre in St.Petersburg
 * February–March – A memorial exhibition of drawings and watercolors by Viktor Hartmann is held at the Imperial Academy of Arts in Saint Petersburg and inspires his friend Modest Mussorgsky to compose the piano suite Pictures at an Exhibition.
 * October – Bedřich Smetana completely loses his hearing, after being deaf in one ear for some time.
 * Richard Wagner moves into Wahnfried, the villa built for him at Bayreuth and completes Götterdämmerung.
 * Franz Xaver Haberl founds a school for church musicians at Regensburg.

Published popular music

 * "Christ Arose" w. m. Robert Lowry
 * "Crimson Roses In the Heather" by Caroline Dana Howe & William Howard Doane
 * "Laughing Eyes Of Blue" w. J. Cheever Goodwin, m. Edward E. Rice. Performed by Eliza Weathersby in the Victorian burlesque musical Evangeline
 * "Oh! Dat Watermelon!" by Luke Schoolcraft
 * "Ninety and Nine" w. Elizabeth Clephane (1868), m. Ira Sankey (1874)
 * "We met by chance, sweet Jenny," words by Samuel N. Mitchell, music by William A. Huntley
 * "Won't You Buy My Pretty Flowers?" w. Arthur W. French, m. George W. Wesley

Classical music

 * Max Bruch – Romance in A minor, Op. 42
 * Anton Bruckner – Symphony No. 4
 * Albert Dietrich – Violin Concerto
 * Antonín Dvořák – String Quartet No. 7 opus 16 in A minor
 * Friedrich Kiel – Christus (oratorio)
 * Edouard Lalo – Symphonie Espagnole Op. 21, in D minor
 * Modest Petrovich Mussorgsky – Pictures at an Exhibition (for piano)
 * Giuseppe Verdi – Requiem
 * Camille Saint-Saëns – Allegro appassionato in C♯ minor for piano.

Opera

 * Alfred Cellier – The Sultan of Mocha (premiered at Manchester)
 * Gialdino Gialdini – L'Idolo cinese (premiered at the Teatro delle Logge, in Florence)
 * Karel Miry – Het arme kind (opera in 1 act, libretto by J. Story, premiered in Ghent)
 * Modest Mussorgsky - Boris Godunov premiers in Mariinsky Theatre in St.Petersburg on January 27
 * Emile Pessard – Don Quichotte (premiered on February 13 at the Salle Érard, in Paris)
 * Johann Strauss II – Die Fledermaus

Musical theater

 * Evangeline, a US burlesque musical based upon a poem by Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, opened at Niblo's Gardens on July 27 and ran for only 16 performances before moving to Boston.
 * Whittington, London production

Births

 * January 4 – Josef Suk – Czech composer and violinist (d. 1935)
 * February 6 – David Evans, composer (d. 1948)
 * February 20 – Mary Garden, operatic soprano d. 1967)
 * March 31 – Henri Marteau, French composer and violinist (d. 1934)
 * July 5 – Anna Lang, Swedish harpist
 * July 26 – Serge Koussevitzky, Russian-born conductor and double-bassist (d. 1951)
 * August 9
 * Reynaldo Hahn, French composer and conductor (d. 1947)
 * Lee Orean Smith, American composer, arranger, music editor, publisher, music teacher, multi-instrumentalist, and conductor (d. 1942)
 * September 13 – Arnold Schoenberg, composer (d. 1951)
 * September 21 – Gustav Holst, English composer (d. 1934)
 * October 20 – Charles Ives, American composer (d. 1954)
 * November 12 – Bert Williams, entertainer (d. 1922)
 * November 15 – Alberto Zelman, conductor (d. 1927)
 * December 13 – Josef Lhévinne, Russian pianist (d. 1944)
 * December 21 – Adele Ritchie, American singer (d. 1930)
 * December 22 – Franz Schmidt, Austrian composer (d. 1939)
 * December 25 – Lina Cavalieri, glamorous opera singer (d. 1944)
 * December 31 – Ernest Austin, English composer (d. 1947)

Deaths

 * February 13 – Johann Friedrich Franz Burgmüller, pianist and composer (b. 1806)
 * March 20 – Hans Christian Lumbye, Denmark composer and conductor (b. 1810)
 * May 1 – Vilém Blodek, flautist, pianist and composer (b. 1834)
 * June 30 – Blanche d'Antigny, singer and actress (b. 1840) (typhoid)
 * July 3 – Franz Bendel, composer (b. 1832)
 * October 6 – Thomas Tellefsen, pianist and composer (b. 1823)
 * October 26 – Peter Cornelius, German composer (b. 1824)
 * November 24 – Friedrich Wilhelm Grund, German composer (b. 1791)
 * December 19 – Josef Vorel, composer (b. 1801)
 * December 22 – Johann Peter Pixis, German pianist and composer (b. 1788)
 * date unknown
 * Salvatore Agnelli, composer (b. 1817)
 * Sandford C. Faulkner, fiddler and composer (b. 1806)
 * Dominique Peccatte, luthier (b. 1810)

title: 1874 in music


text:
International Finance Centre (Hong Kong)

The International Finance Centre (abbreviated as ifc) is a skyscraper and integrated commercial development on the waterfront of Hong Kong's Central District.

A prominent landmark on Hong Kong Island, ifc consists of two skyscrapers (One and Two ifc), the ifc mall, and the 55-storey Four Seasons Hotel Hong Kong. Tower 2 is the second-tallest building in Hong Kong at a height of 415 m, behind the International Commerce Centre in West Kowloon, and the 38th-tallest building in the world. It is the fourth-tallest building in the Greater China region and the eighth-tallest office building in the world, based on structural heights; it is of similar height to the former World Trade Center. The Airport Express Hong Kong station is directly beneath it, with subway lines to Hong Kong International Airport.

ifc was constructed and is owned by IFC Development, a consortium of Sun Hung Kai Properties, Henderson Land and Towngas.

In 2003, Financial Times, HSBC, and Cathay Pacific put up an advertisement on the facade that stretched more than 50 storeys, covering an area of 19,000 m2 (200,000 square ft) and a length of 230 m, making it the world's largest advertisement ever put on a skyscraper.

History
Tower 1 is also known as 1IFC and branded in lowercase letters, as "One ifc". Likewise, Tower 2 is also known as 2IFC and branded as "Two ifc".

1IFC opened in December 1998, towards the end of the Asian financial crisis. Tenants included ING Bank, Sumitomo Mitsui Banking Corp, Fidelity International, the Mandatory Provident Fund Schemes Authority and the Financial Times.

The Hong Kong Monetary Authority purchased 14 floors in 2IFC; the Hong Kong Mortgage Corporation signed a 12-year lease on 24000 sqft; Nomura Group agreed to take 60000 sqft at 2 IFC; the Financial Times, an existing tenant at One IFC, took 10000 sqft. Ernst & Young took six floors (from the 11th to 18th floors), or about 180000 sqft, in 2IFC, to become the biggest tenant.

2IFC, which was completed at the height of the SARS epidemic, was initially available to rent at HK$25-HK$35 per square foot. In 2007, as the economy has improved, high quality ("Grade A") office space is highly sought after; rents for current leases are $150 per square foot as of March 2007.

One International Finance Centre
One International Finance Centre was opened on 6 July 1998. It is 688 ft tall, has 39 stories and four trading floors, 18 high speed passenger lifts in 4 zones, and comprises 784000 ft2. Completed in 2004, has a similar design and appearance with the “Two IFC”. The building currently accommodates approximately 5,000 people.

Two International Finance Centre
Two International Finance Centre, completed on 18 October 2003, is attached to the second phase of the ifc mall. This 415 m building, currently Hong Kong's second tallest, is quoted as having 88 storeys and 22 high-ceiling trading floors to qualify as being extremely auspicious in Cantonese culture. It is, however, short of the magic number, because "taboo floors" like the 14th and 24th floors are omitted as being inauspicious – in Cantonese and Mandarin Chinese, "4" is pronounced similarly to "death".

The highrise is designed to accommodate financial institutions. For example, the Hong Kong Monetary Authority (HKMA) is located at the 55th floor. It is equipped with advanced telecommunications, raised floors for flexible cabling management, and nearly column-free floor plans. The building expects to accommodate up to 15,000 people. It is one of relatively few buildings in the world equipped with double-deck elevators.

Floor numbers 55, 56, 77 and 88 were bought by the HKMA for HK$3.7 billion in 2001. An exhibition area, currently containing an exhibit of Hong Kong's monetary history, and a library of the Hong Kong Monetary Authority Information Centre occupy the 55th floor, and are open to the public during office hours.

Despite common practice for owners to allow naming buildings after its important tenants, the owners decided not to allow renaming of the building.

Current office tenants include Banco Santander, Baring Private Equity Asia, BGC Partners, Blackstone Group, BNP Paribas, China Universal Asset Management, Citadel, Coatue Management, DST Advisors, E Fund Management, Hillhouse Capital, Hony Capital, Investec Asset Management, Jefferies, Lazard, Lexington Partners, Millennium Management, Nomura, Sidley Austin LLP, Silver Lake, State Street Bank & Trust Company, UBS and Warburg Pincus.

Four Seasons Hotel Hong Kong
The Four Seasons Hotel is a luxury hotel that was built near the ifc One and Two. It was completed and opened in October 2005. The 206 m (674 ft), 60-storey oceanfront hotel is the only Four Seasons Hotel in Hong Kong. The hotel has 399 guest suites, and 519 serviced apartments. Amenities include a French restaurant Caprice and spa.

IFC Mall
The IFC Mall is an 74,000 sqm, 4-storey luxury shopping mall, with many luxury retail brands and a wide variety of restaurants. Anchored by Lane Crawford, PALACE Cinema (part of Broadway Circuit), and C!ty'super, the first official Apple Store was also located in this mall (a 3-storey flagship store in Hong Kong). In May 2018, the first Shake Shack restaurant in Hong Kong was opened in the mall.

Cultural impact
The IFC towers have been featured in several Hollywood films, including Lara Croft: Tomb Raider – The Cradle of Life, where Lara Croft leaps off the then-under-construction 2 International Finance Centre, landing on a ship out in the Kowloon Bay, The Dark Knight, where Batman leapt from 2 IFC to 1 IFC, and Godzilla vs Kong, where an action scene then takes place.


text:
Coureur des bois

A coureur des bois (lit. '"runner of the woods"') or coureur de bois (plural: coureurs de(s) bois) were independent entrepreneurial French Canadian traders who travelled in New France and the interior of North America, usually to trade with First Nations peoples by exchanging various European items for furs. Some learned the trades and practices of the indigenous peoples.

These expeditions were part of the beginning of the fur trade in the North American interior. Initially they traded for beaver coats and furs. However, as the market grew, coureurs de bois were trapping and trading prime beavers whose skins were to be felted in Europe.

Evolution
While French settlers had lived and traded alongside Indigenous people since the earliest days of New France, coureurs des bois reached their apex during the second half of the 17th century. After 1681, the independent coureur des bois was gradually replaced by state-sponsored voyageurs, who were workers associated with licensed fur traders. They travelled extensively by canoe. Coureurs des bois lost their importance in the fur trade by the early 18th century. Yet, even while their numbers were dwindling, the coureur des bois developed as a symbol of the colony, creating a lasting myth that would continue to define New France for centuries.

1610–1630: early explorers and interpreters
Shortly after founding a permanent settlement at Quebec City in 1608, Samuel de Champlain sought to ally himself with the local native peoples or First Nations. He decided to send French boys to live among them to learn their languages in order to serve as interpreters, in the hope of persuading the natives to trade with the French rather than with the Dutch, who were active along the Hudson River and Atlantic coast.

The boys learned native languages, customs, and skills, and tended to assimilate quickly to their new environments. A year after leaving Étienne Brûlé in 1610, with a Huron tribe, Champlain visited him, and was surprised to find the young man attired completely in native clothing and able to converse fluently in the Huron language.

Early explorers such as Brûlé educated the French colonists on the complex trading networks of the natives, served as interpreters, and encouraged the burgeoning fur trade. Between 1610 and 1629, dozens of Frenchmen spent months at a time living among the natives. Over time, these early explorers and interpreters played an increasingly active role in the fur trade, paving the way for the emergence of the coureurs des bois proper in the mid-17th century.

1649–1681: Rise
The term "coureur des bois" is most strongly associated with those who engaged in the fur trade in ways that were considered to be outside of the mainstream. Early in the North American fur trade era, this term was applied to men who circumvented the normal channels by going deeper into the wilderness to trade.

Traditionally, the government of New France preferred to let the natives supply furs directly to French merchants, and discouraged French settlers from venturing outside the Saint Lawrence valley. By the mid-17th century, Montreal had emerged as the center of the fur trade, hosting a yearly fair in August where natives exchanged their pelts for European goods. While coureurs des bois never entirely disappeared, they were heavily discouraged by French colonial officials. In 1649, the new governor Louis d'Ailleboust permitted Frenchmen familiar with the wilderness to visit Huron Country to encourage and escort Hurons to Montreal to participate in the trade. While this did not legally sanction coureurs des bois to trade independently with the natives, some historians consider d'Ailleboust's encouragement of independent traders to mark the official emergence of the coureurs des bois.

In the 1660s, several factors resulted in a sudden spike in the number of coureurs des bois. First, the population of New France markedly increased during the late 17th century, as the colony experienced a boom in immigration between 1667–84. Of the new engagés (indentured male servants), discharged soldiers, and youthful immigrants from squalid, class-bound Europe arriving in great numbers in the colony, many chose freedom in the life of the coureur des bois. Furthermore, renewed peaceful relations with the Iroquois in 1667 made traveling into the interior of Canada much less perilous for the French colonists. The companies that had been monopolizing and regulating the fur trade since 1645, the Cent Associés and the Communautés des Habitants, went bankrupt after the Iroquois war. The Compagnie des Indes occidentales, which replaced them, was much less restrictive of internal trade, allowing independent merchants to become more numerous. Finally, a sudden fall in the price of beaver on the European markets in 1664 caused more traders to travel to the "pays d'en haut", or upper country (the area around the Great Lakes), in search of cheaper pelts. During the mid-1660s, therefore, becoming a coureur des bois became both more feasible and profitable.

This sudden growth alarmed many colonial officials. In 1680, the intendant Duchesneau estimated there were eight hundred coureurs des bois, or about 40% of the adult male population. Reports like that were wildly exaggerated: in reality, even at their zenith coureurs des bois remained a very small percentage of the population of New France.

1681–1715: Decline
In 1681, to curb the unregulated business of independent traders and their burgeoning profits, French minister of marine Jean-Baptiste Colbert created a system of licenses for fur traders, known as congés. Initially, this system granted 25 annual licenses to merchants traveling inland. The recipients of these licenses came to be known as "voyageurs" (travelers), who canoed and portaged fur trade goods in the employ of a licensed fur trader or fur trading company. The congé system, therefore, created the voyageur, the legal and respectable counterpart to the coureur des bois. Under the voyageurs, the fur trade began to favor a more organized business model of the times, including monopolistic ownership and hired labor. From 1681 onwards, therefore, the voyageurs began to eclipse the coureurs des bois, although coureurs des bois continued to trade without licenses for several decades. Following the implementation of the congé system, the number of coureurs des bois dwindled, as did their influence within the colony.

Skills
A successful coureur des bois had to possess many skills, including those of businessman and expert canoeist. To survive in the Canadian wilderness, coureurs des bois also had to be competent in a range of activities including fishing, snowshoeing and hunting. As one Jesuit described them, venturing into the wilderness suited:"The sort of person who thought nothing of covering five to six hundred leagues by canoe, paddle in hand, or of living off corn and bear fat for twelve to eighteen months, or of sleeping in bark or branch cabins."The life was physically arduous and succeeding as a coureur was extremely difficult. But the hope of making a profit motivated many, while the promise of adventure and freedom was enough to convince others to become coureurs.

Long distance fur trade and canoe travel
Because of the lack of roads and the necessity to transport heavy goods and furs, fur trade in the interior of the continent depended on men conducting long-distance transportation by canoe of fur trade goods, and returning with pelts. Early travel was dangerous and the coureurs des bois, who traded in uncharted territory, had a high mortality rate. Typically, they left Montreal in the spring, as soon as the rivers and lakes were clear of ice (usually May), their canoes loaded with supplies and goods for trading. The course west to the richest beaver lands usually went by way of the Ottawa and Mattawa rivers; it required numerous overland portages. Alternatively, some canoes proceeded by way of the upper St. Lawrence River and the lakes, passing by Detroit on the way to Michilimackinac or Green Bay. This route had fewer portages, but in times of war, it was more exposed to Iroquois attacks. The powerful Five Nations of the Confederacy had territory along the Great Lakes and sought to control their hunting grounds.

Such trading journeys often lasted for months and covered thousands of kilometers, with the coureurs des bois sometimes paddling twelve hours a day. Packing a canoe for such a trip was often arduous, as more than thirty articles were considered essential for a coureur des bois's survival and business. He could trade for food, hunt, and fish—but trade goods such as "broadcloth, linen and wool blankets, ammunition, metal goods (knives, hatchets, kettles), firearms, liquor, gunpowder and sometimes even finished clothing, took up the majority of space in the canoe." Food en route needed to be lightweight, practical and non-perishable.

Relationships with Indigenous Peoples
The business of a coureur des bois required close contact with Indigenous peoples. Native peoples were essential because they trapped the fur-bearing animals (especially beaver) and prepared the skins. Relations between coureurs and natives were not always peaceful, and could sometimes become violent. In general, trade was made much easier by the two groups maintaining friendly relations. Trade was often accompanied by reciprocal gift-giving; among the Algonquin and others, exchanging gifts was customary practice to maintain alliances. Pierre-Esprit Radisson and his companions, for instance, "struck agreeable relations with Natives inland by giving European goods as gifts". Furthermore, relations between the coureur de bois and the natives often included a sexual dimension; marriage à la façon du pays (following local custom) was common between native women and coureurs des bois, and later between native women and voyageurs. These unions were of benefit to both sides, and in later years, winter partners of major trading companies also took native wives. As wives, indigenous women played a key role as translators, guides and mediators—becoming "women between". For one thing, Algonquin communities typically had far more women than men, likely as a result of warfare. The remaining marriages between Algonquins tended to be polygamous, with one husband marrying two or more women. Sexual relationships with coureurs des bois therefore offered native women an alternative to polygamy in a society with few available men.

To French military commanders, who were often also directly involved in the fur trade, such marriages were beneficial in that they improved relations between the French and the natives. Native leaders also encouraged such unions, particularly when the couple formed lasting, permanent bonds. Jesuits and some upper-level colonial officials viewed these relationships with disdain and disgust. French officials preferred coureurs des bois and voyageurs to settle around Quebec City and Montreal. They considered the lasting relationships with native women to be further proof of the lawlessness and perversion of the coureurs des bois.

Myths
The role and importance of the coureurs des bois have been exaggerated over the course of history. This figure has achieved mythological status, leading to many false accounts, and to the coureurs des bois being assimilated with "Canadiens" (French Canadians).

The mythmaking followed two paths; initially, people in France judged the colonies according to the fears and apprehensions which they had of the Ancien Régime. If order and discipline were proving difficult to maintain in continental Europe, it seemed impossible that the colonies would fare any better, and it was presumed things would become even worse. Accounts of young men choosing a life where they would "do nothing", be "restrained by nothing", and live "beyond the possibility of correction" played into the French aristocracy's fears of insubordination which only served to confirm their ignorance; and coureurs des bois became emblematic of the colony for those in the metropolis. The myth of the coureurs des bois as representative of the Canadians was stimulated by the writings of 18th-century Jesuit priest F-X. Charlevoix and the 19th-century American historian Francis Parkman; their historical accounts are classified as belonging to popular rather than academic history. Charlevoix was particularly influential in his writings, because he was a trusted source of information, as he was a Jesuit priest who had journeyed in Canada. But his "historical" work has been criticized by historians for being too "light" and for relying too heavily on other authors' material (i.e. plagiarizing), rather than his own first-hand account. Critics of Charlevoix have also noted that in his account, he confuses different periods of time, and therefore does not differentiate between voyageurs and coureurs des bois, misrepresenting the importance of the latter in terms of number and proportion in terms on influence on trading. But Charlevoix was influential; his work was often cited by other authors, which further propagated the myth of the Canadian as a coureur des bois.

Finally, romans du terroir (rural novels) also added to the myth of the coureurs des bois by featuring them out of proportion to their number and influence. The coureurs des bois were portrayed in such works as extremely virile, free-spirited and of untameable natures, ideal protagonists in the romanticized novels of important 19th-century writers such as Chateaubriand, Jules Verne and Fenimore Cooper.

Reputation
The coureurs des bois were known for their trapping abilities by outside parties but French Canadians knew these men as being looked upon without favor. The courerur des bois lived outside of the typical confines of society and had to adapt to the expectations of the Indigenous peoples around them. They did this by adopting the Indigenous people's ritual practices and marrying Indigenous women. French Canadians associated the coureur des bois with being ungovernable and fearless men. The biggest problem with the coureur des bois was their interference with the missionary effort of the French Canadians. They denounced the French priests and missionaries and undermined their evangelistic efforts by supplying the Indigenous peoples with liquor. The coureur des bois refusal to submit to the will of the missionaries made them an enemy. This resulted in the coureur Des Bois being labeled as unruly and a threat to colonial survival. The coureurs des bois were renowned for their ability to trap animals for the fur trade but their overall reputation was negative for French Canadians.

The coureurs des bois are often confused with voyagers however the two groups had very different reputations. The coureurs des bois were considered outlaws because of their lack of licenses to participate in the fur trade. The requirement of licenses to participate in trapping and trading furs limited the types of people who could participate in the lucrative trade. Trapping and trading without one of the required licenses was a legally punishable offense. The coureurs des bois were seen by the French government and French citizens as problematic because they did not abide by the licensing laws. Additionally, the coureurs des bois were seen more frequently as explorers than their voyager counterparts. The voyager's ties to fur companies dictated how and where they trapped, whereas the courerur des bois were free to explore and trap in any place they could find. The coureur des bois freedom and intimate ties to the Indigenous peoples resulted in many French people viewing them as only a step above Native American men.

Notable examples
Most coureurs des bois were primarily or solely fur-trade entrepreneurs and not individually well known. The most prominent coureurs des bois were also explorers and gained fame as such.

Étienne Brûlé was the first European to see the Great Lakes. He traveled to New France with Samuel de Champlain.

Jean Nicolet (Nicollet) de Belleborne (Ca. 1598 – 1 November 1642) was a French coureur des bois noted for exploring Green Bay in what is now the U.S. state of Wisconsin. Nicolet was born in Normandy, France in the late 1590s and moved to New France in 1618. In that same year, he was recruited by Samuel de Champlain, who arranged for him to live with a group of Algonquians, designated as the "Nation of the Isle", to learn native languages and later serve as an interpreter. The natives quickly adopted Nicolet as one of their own, even allowing him to attend councils and negotiate treaties. In 1620, Nicolet was sent to make contact with the Nipissing, a group of natives who played an important role in the growing fur trade. After having established a good reputation for himself, Nicolet was sent on an expedition to Green Bay to settle a peace agreement with the natives of that area.

Médard Chouart des Groseilliers (1618–1696) was a French explorer and fur trader in Canada. In the early 1640s, des Groseilliers relocated to Quebec, and began to work around Huronia with the Jesuit missions in that area. There he learned the skills of a coureur des bois and in 1653 married his second wife, Margueritte. Her brother, Pierre-Esprit Radisson, also became a notable figure in the fur trade and is often mentioned in the same breath as des Groseilliers. Radisson and des Grosseilliers would also travel and trade together, as they did throughout the 1660s and 1670s. Together, they explored west into previously unknown territories in search of trade. Having incurred legal problems in New France because of their trade, the two explorers went to France in an attempt to rectify their legal situation. When this attempt failed, the pair turned to the English. Through this liaison with the English and thanks to their considerable knowledge and experience in the area, the pair are credited with the establishment of the Hudson's Bay Company.

Pierre-Esprit Radisson (1636–1710) was a French Canadian fur trader and explorer. His life as explorer and trader is crucially intertwined with that of his brother-in-law, Médard des Groseilliers. Radisson came to New France in 1651, settling in Trois-Rivières. That same year, he was captured by the Mohawks while duck hunting. Although two of his companions were killed during this exchange, the natives spared Radisson's life and adopted him. Through this adoption, Radisson learned native languages that would later serve him well as an interpreter. He worked throughout the 1660s and 1670s with his brother-in-law, des Groseilliers, on various trade and exploration voyages into the west of the continent. Much of Radisson's life during this period is wrapped up in the story of des Groseilliers. Together they are credited with the establishment and shaping of the Hudson's Bay Company.

Daniel Greysolon, Sieur du Lhut (1639–1710) was a French soldier and explorer who is the first European known to have visited the area where the city of Duluth, Minnesota is now located and the headwaters of the Mississippi River near Grand Rapids. In 1678 Du Lhut set out to make peace negotiations with the Sioux, Chippewas, and other tribes near Lake Superior. His negotiations were successful and were sealed by multiple intertribal marriages. Du Lhut's freedom as a courerur des bois allowed him to explore unseen lands. Du Lhut sought permission to continue exploring however he was denied by the French court. Du Lhut's exploration and trapping history could have been as successful as his rival René-Robert Cavelier, Sieur de La Salle if he had been given permission to continue.

Jacques La Ramee (1784–1821)

Pierre de La Vérendrye (1685–1749)

Louis-Joseph de La Vérendrye and his three brothers, the sons of the Vérendrye mentioned above (1717–1761)

François Baby (1733–1820)

Jacques Baby (1731–1789)

Horace Bélanger (1836–1892)

Jean-Marie Ducharme (1723–1807)

Dominique Ducharme (1765–1853)

Luc de la Corne (1711–1784)

Jacques de Noyon (1668–1745)

Martin Chartier (1655–1718) accompanied Joliet and LaSalle, became an outlaw, and eventually traded for furs in Tennessee, Ohio and Pennsylvania.

Peter Bisaillon (1662–1742)

Jacques Le Tort (1651–1702)

James Le Tort (1675-1742)

In literature, television, and film
The 1910 Victor Herbert operetta Naughty Marietta featured the male-chorus marching song Tramp Tramp Tramp (Along the Highway), which included the words, "Blazing trails along the byway / Couriers de Bois are we" [sic]. (Some later versions change Rida Johnson Young's lyric to "For men of war are we.")

In James A. Michener's 1974 historical novel Centennial and the 1978–1979 NBC television mini-series of the same name, the colourful, French Canadian or French Metis, coureur des bois, from Montreal, Quebec, Canada, named Pasquinel, was introduced as an early frontier mountain man and trapper, in 1795 Colorado, Spanish Upper Louisiana Territory of Mexico, now the present-day state of Colorado. Pasquinel was portrayed in the miniseries by American TV actor Robert Conrad. The fictional character of Pasquinel was loosely based on the lives of French-speaking fur traders Jacques La Ramee and Ceran St. Vrain.

In a 1990 skit called "Trappers", the Canadian comedy troupe The Kids in the Hall depict two trappers, Jacques (Dave Foley) and François (Kevin McDonald), canoeing through high-rise offices and cubicles to trap businessmen wearing designer Italian suits as a parody of this moment in Canadian colonial history.

The Revenant (2015), directed by Alejandro González Iñárritu, depicts a group of uncharacteristically violent, anti-Indian coureurs des bois in North Dakota, which was contrary to these trappers, who embraced the culture and way of life of Native Americans.

The 2016 television series Frontier chronicles the North American fur trade in late 1700s Canada, and follows Declan Harp, a part-Irish, part-Cree outlaw who is campaigning to breach the Hudson's Bay Company's monopoly on the fur trade in Canada. Several fictional coureurs des bois are featured in this realistic action-drama filmed mostly on location in Newfoundland and Labrador, Nova Scotia, and Ontario, Canada.

title: Coureur des bois


text:
Awdal

Awdal (Awdal, أودَل) is an administrative region (gobol)  in western Somaliland. It was separated from Woqooyi Galbeed and became a province in 1984 and is the most northwesterly province of Somaliland. To the east it borders Maroodi Jeex and Sahil; to its north-west it borders Djibouti; to its south and south-west lies Ethiopia; and the Gulf of Aden to its north. The province has an estimated population of 1,010,566. The region comprises the four districts of Borama, the regional capital, Baki, Lughaya, and Zeila.

Description
Awdal (أودل) takes its name from the medieval Adal Sultanate (عَدَل), which was originally centered on Zeila. The area along the Ethiopian border is abundant with ruined cities, which were described by the British explorer Richard F. Burton. Geologically, much of the Awdal region is located in the Arabian Plate.

Demographics
The Awdal Region is mainly inhabited by the Gadabuursi subclan of the Dir who are especially well represented and considered the predominant clan of the region.

Federico Battera (2005) states about the Awdal Region:"'Awdal is mainly inhabited by the Gadabuursi confederation of clans.'"A UN report published by Canada: Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (1999), states concerning Awdal:"'The Gadabuursi clan dominates Awdal region. As a result, regional politics in Awdal is almost synonymous with Gadabuursi internal clan affairs.'"Roland Marchal (1997) states that numerically, the Gadabuursi are the predominant inhabitants of the Awdal Region:"'The Gadabuursi's numerical predominance in Awdal virtually ensures that Gadabuursi interests drive the politics of the region.'"Marleen Renders and Ulf Terlinden (2010) both state that the Gadabuursi almost exclusively inhabit the Awdal Region:"'Awdal in western Somaliland is situated between Djibouti, Ethiopia, and the Issaq-populated mainland of Somaliland. It is primarily inhabited by the three sub-clans of the Gadabursi clan, whose traditional institutions survived the colonial period, Somali statehood and the war in good shape, remaining functionally intact and highly relevant to public security.'"There is also a sizeable minority of the Issa subclan of the Dir who mainly inhabit the Zeila district.

Districts
The Awdal region consists of four districts:

title: Awdal


text:
Sanaag

Sanag (Sanaag, سَنَاج) is an administrative region (gobol) in north eastern Somaliland. Sanaag has a long coastline facing the Gulf of Aden to the north, and is bordered by the region of Sahil to the west, Sool to the south and Somalia to the east. The region is disputed by the self-declared Republic of Somaliland and Puntland, a Federal Member State of Somalia. Its capital city is Erigavo. Sanaag is the largest region of Somaliland, accounting for 35% of Somaliland's total land area.

The region is partially controlled by Puntland and Somaliland. Puntland disputes the Harti inhabited parts of region as being part of Somaliland while the latter claims the entire region based on the British Somaliland boundaries.

Territorial dispute

The Sanaag region is disputed between Somaliland and Puntland. Somaliland effectively controls the western and central parts of Sanaag. Puntland has effective control over Badhan and other areas in the east. Somaliland has declared its claim to all of Sanaag, but some areas (that it struggles to control) do not actually participate in Somaliland's elections.

History

From 1944 to 1974, modern-day Sanaag region was one of three districts of the Burao region. The other two districts were Burao and Las Anod. Sanaag was carved out of Togdheer region and was established as a separate region on June 23, 1973, comprising the three districts of Erigavo, Las Qorey and Garadag.

Sanaag is home to numerous archaeological sites, with rock art, ancient ruins, buildings and cairns found at numerous sites, such as Gudmo Biyo Cas, Heis, Maydh, Haylan, Qa'ableh, Qombo'ul, Gelweita and El Ayo. However, many of these old structures have yet to be properly explored, a process which would help shed further light on local history and facilitate their preservation for posterity.

Sanaag is also home to the ruined Islamic city of Maduna near El Afweyn, which is considered the most substantial and most accessible ruin of its type in Somaliland. The main feature of the ruined city includes a large rectangular mosque, its 3 metre high walls still standing and which include a mihrab and possibly several smaller arched niches. Swedish-Somali archaeologist Sada Mire dates the ruined city to the 15th–17th centuries.

Environment
A severe drought in the region in the early part of the 21st century caused an 80% or greater loss of livestock, though two good rainy seasons in 2004–2005 helped restore the area. Over a 15-year period of analysis, from 1988 to 2003, there was a 52% loss of forest and a 40% loss of grassland, and a 370% increase in bare land. Soil erosion due to weather and human activities and clearing of wood and brush for such uses as charcoal and fuel are issues leading to a degradation of the environment.

Economy
In recent history, the Sanaag region normally maintained a diverse economy, producing and then exporting to other regions, it produced livestock, frankincense, and leather for export, this was happening while the region lacked basic infrastructure, but sadly, after the outbreak of civil war the region's economy collapsed from loss of markets and dilapidated infrastructure has never helped, and lack of investment. Now the region only supports one main economy, livestock rearing. The Somali livestock ban imposed by Gulf countries in which was Sanaag's largest market has virtually destroyed the economy in the region, reducing purchasing power and forcing pastoralists in the region to survive on subsistence activities.

Demographics
The region is mainly inhabited by people from the Somali ethnic group, principally the Habr Yunis and Habar Jeclo sub-clans of the Isaaq and the Dhulbahante and Warsangali sub-divisions of the Harti Darod.

Districts
The region of Sanag is divided into 5 districts as follows:

 * El Afweyn District
 * Erigavo District
 * Garadag District
 * Badhan District
 * Dhahar District

Towns and Cities

 * Erigavo
 * El Afweyne
 * Maydh
 * Badhan
 * Dararweyne
 * Las Khorey
 * Garadag
 * Heis
 * Midhisho
 * Yubbe
 * Hadaaftimo
 * Hingalol
 * Dhahar
 * Buraan
 * El Buh
 * Gudmo Biyo Cas
 * Ruguda
 * Yufle
 * Dayaha
 * Guud Caanood

title: Sanaag


text:
Sool

Sool (Sool, صول) is an administrative region (gobol) in eastern Somaliland. It borders Togdheer to the west, Sanaag to the north, Ethiopia to the south and Nugal, Bari to the east. Its capital city is Las Anod. The region is disputed by the self-declared Republic of Somaliland and SSC-Khatumo. The region is partially controlled by both polities.

History

From 1944 to 1974, the Sool region was formerly Las Anod district. It was one of three districts under British protection. The other two districts were the Burao and hargeysa districts.

In 1974 most Sool was part of the larger Nugaal region, with its capital at Garowe. It was established as a separate region in 1984 with its capital at Las Anod.

Territorial dispute
Sool is disputed by Somaliland and Puntland. The former basis its claim on the British Somaliland protectorate borders, and the later on the territory inhabited by the Harti clan that established the state in 1998. Khatumo State and its predecessor SSC Movement which rejected both claims also made attempts to establish a separate administration in the region.

In 2003, Puntland sent troops to Las Anod under the pretext of conflict mediation and occupied it outright. Somaliland and Puntland were in conflict west of Las Anod. In 2007, Somaliland took military control of Las Anod. Somaliland and Puntland were in conflict near Tukaraq. In 2018, the Somaliland army captured Tukaraq. In April 2019, the Somaliland army took control of Taleh. In May 2022 Somaliland captured Bo'ame, the last town in the region outside of Somaliland control.

Las Anod conflict
Due to the prolonged conflict between Somaliland and Puntland, many Dhulbahante and Warsangeli living in the region did not recognize the Sool region and eastern Sanaag, as either Somaliland or Puntland. On 5 January 2023, Somaliland forces withdrew from Las Anod after mass civil unrest in the city. On October 19, the government of Somalia recognized the state of SSC-Khaatumo as a federal member. Since the defeat of Somaliland troops in the base in Goojacde, much of Sool has been under the control of SSC-Khatumo.

Demographics
The Sool region is almost exclusively inhabited by Dhulbahante. Michael Walls reports: "'The residents of Sool overwhelmingly hail from a single clan grouping in the form of the Dhulbahante [...]. Sool boasts a degree of kinship homogeneity that is rare even in the Somali Horn'." The Habr Je'lo clan of the Isaaq clan-family make up the vast majority of the population in western Sool, including the region's second largest town Aynaba, as well as the wider Aynaba District.

The Habr Yunis sub-division of the Garhajis Isaaq also inhabit the western parts of Hudun and Las Anod districts in northern Sool.

The Dhulbahante sub-division of the Harti Darod clan primarily inhabits the Taleh, eastern Hudun and Las Anod districts in eastern Sool. The Fiqishini sub-clan of the Habar Gidir Hawiye integrated into Baho Nugaaled Dhulbahante, inhabit the area around Adhi'adeye.

Somaliland Districts
The Sool region consists of 4 districts.

Villages

 * Karindabaylweyn

title: Sool


text:
Togdheer

Togdheer (Togdheer, تُوْجْدَيْر) is an administrative region (gobol) in central Somaliland. Togdheer is bordered by Maroodi Jeex to the west, Saaxil to the north, Sanaag to the northeast, Sool to the east and Ethiopia to the south. Its capital is Burao.

Overview
Togdheer is bordered by Maroodi Jeex from the west, Sahil to the north, Ethiopia to the south, and Sanaag & Sool to the east. With its capital at Burao (Burco), the region's name is derived from the Togdheer River, which means "Long River" in Somali. The region has an approximate population of 350,000 people.

Under British Somaliland, the Togdheer region was formerly the Burao district which was one of three districts that comprised the Burao region. The other two regions were Las Anod and Erigavo districts. Sanaag was carved out of Togdheer region and was established as a separate region on June 23, 1973, comprising the three districts of Erigavo, Las Qorey and Garadag.

As with much of Somaliland, most local residents in the Togdheer region are nomadic pastoralists.

Districts
The Togdheer region consists of the following three districts:

Demographics
It is primarily inhabited by the Habr Je'lo, Habr Yonis, Isamusa and Arap, all of which are subdivisions of the larger Isaaq clan-family.

The Dhulbahante of the Harti Darod clan is also present in the Buuhoodle district.

Major towns

 * Burao
 * Oodweyne
 * Buuhoodle
 * Balidhiig
 * Qoryale
 * Yirowe
 * Mohmed ugaas
 * Taalabuur

title: Togdheer


text:
Maroodi Jeex

Marodi Jeh (Maroodi Jeex, مرودي جيح) is an administrative region (gobol) in western Somaliland. It is the most populous region of the country. It is bordered by Awdal to the west, Sahil to the north, Togdheer to the east and Ethiopia to the south. Marodi Jeh was created by splitting the previously existing region (gobolka) In 2007 the region of Woqooyi Galbeed was renamed to Maroodi Jeex.

Etymology
The Marodi Jeh region (meaning "split elephant" in Somali) corresponds with the historical name of the Tog Maroodi Jeex, a seasonal river that flows through the region during the rainy season:

"Hargeisa is situated on the Tug Marodijeh, the banks of which are well wooded, and as it can boast of an excellent climate all the year round, and is about half-way on the main route from Bulhar to Jig-jigga on the Abyssinian frontier, it is always likely to be of some importance to caravans. A large percentage of the trade from Ogadayn passes through it to Bulhar on the coast."

History
Formerly known as the Hargeisa District, it was one of six districts that made up the British Somaliland protectorate. In 1960, the then independent State of Somaliland merged with Italian Somaliland to form the Somali Republic. By 1964, the then Hargeisa District merged with the Borama district (now Awdal) and the Berbera district (now Sahil) to form the Woqooyi Galbeed region (literally North West, also known as Hargeisa region).

Borama district (now Awdal) was carved out of the western parts of Woqooyi Galbeed region in June 1984. When the Somali Civil War broke out, the former British territory declared the revival of the pre-independent State of Somaliland. In 1991 Berbera district (now Sahil) was carved out of the northern parts of Woqooyi Galbeed region.

In 2007 the region of Woqooyi Galbeed was renamed to Maroodi Jeh (Chapter 1, Article 2 [23]. ]).

Overview
Marodi Jeh is bordered by Ethiopia to the south, the region of Awdal to the west, and Togdheer to the east. Its capital is Hargeisa. It is known to be a very strategic region with rich farmlands and large ports. It also contains the town of Toon, the traditional seat of the Isaaq Sultanate.

Demographics
According to the Somaliland Ministry of National Planning, Marodi Jeh had a population of 334,953 in 1997.

Marodi Jeh is inhabited by people from the Somali ethnic group, with the Arap, Ayub, Garhajis, Habr Awal and Habr Je’lo clans of the wider Isaaq clan-family.

Districts
The Marodi Jeh region consists of 4 major and 6 minor districts:

 * Hargeisa District (A)
 * Baligubadle District (B)
 * Salahlay District (C)
 * Faraweyne District (D)
 * Sabawanaag District (D)
 * Toon District (D)
 * qoolcaday District (D)
 * Adadley District (D)
 * Daarasalaam District (D)
 * Gumburaha District (D)
 * Allaybaday District (D)
 * Da'ar buduq District (D)
 * Gabiley District (C)

title: Maroodi Jeex


text:
Modernity

Modernity, a topic in the humanities and social sciences, is both a historical period (the modern era) and the ensemble of particular socio-cultural norms, attitudes and practices that arose in the wake of the Renaissance—in the Age of Reason of 17th-century thought and the 18th-century Enlightenment. Commentators variously consider the era of modernity to have ended by 1930, with World War II in 1945, or as late as the period falling between the 1980s and 1990s; the following era is often referred to as "postmodernity". The term "contemporary history" is also used to refer to the post-1945 timeframe, without assigning it to either the modern or postmodern era. (Thus "modern" may be used as a name of a particular era in the past, as opposed to meaning "the current era".)

Depending on the field, modernity may refer to different time periods or qualities. In historiography, the 16th to 18th centuries are usually described as early modern, while the long 19th century corresponds to modern history proper. While it includes a wide range of interrelated historical processes and cultural phenomena (from fashion to modern warfare), it can also refer to the subjective or existential experience of the conditions they produce, and their ongoing impact on human culture, institutions, and politics.

As an analytical concept and normative idea, modernity is closely linked to the ethos of philosophical and aesthetic modernism; political and intellectual currents that intersect with the Enlightenment; and subsequent developments such as existentialism, modern art, the formal establishment of social science, and contemporaneous antithetical developments such as Marxism. It also encompasses the social relations associated with the rise of capitalism, and shifts in attitudes associated with secularization, liberalization, modernization and post-industrial life.

By the late 19th and 20th centuries, modernist art, politics, science and culture has come to dominate not only Western Europe and North America, but almost every populated area on the globe, including movements thought of as opposed to the West and globalization. The modern era is closely associated with the development of individualism, capitalism, urbanization and a belief in the possibilities of technological and political progress. Wars and other perceived problems of this era, many of which come from the effects of rapid changeundefined, and the connected loss of strength of traditional religious and ethical norms, have led to many reactions against modern development. Optimism and belief in constant progress has been most recently criticized by postmodernism while the dominance of Western Europe and Anglo-America over other continents has been criticized by postcolonial theory.

In the context of art history, modernity (modernité) has a more limited sense, modern art covering the period of c. 1860–1970. Use of the term in this sense is attributed to Charles Baudelaire, who in his 1863 essay "The Painter of Modern Life", designated the "fleeting, ephemeral experience of life in an urban metropolis", and the responsibility art has to capture that experience. In this sense, the term refers to "a particular relationship to time, one characterized by intense historical discontinuity or rupture, openness to the novelty of the future, and a heightened sensitivity to what is unique about the present".

Etymology
The Late Latin adjective modernus, a derivation from the adverb modo ("presently, just now", also "method"), is attested from the 5th century CE, at first in the context of distinguishing the Christian era of the Later Roman Empire from the Pagan era of the Greco-Roman world. In the 6th century CE, Roman historian and statesman Cassiodorus appears to have been the first writer to use modernus ("modern") regularly to refer to his own age.

The terms antiquus and modernus were used in a chronological sense in the Carolingian era. For example, a magister modernus referred to a contemporary scholar, as opposed to old authorities such as Benedict of Nursia. In its early medieval usage, the term modernus referred to authorities regarded in medieval Europe as younger than the Greco-Roman scholars of Classical antiquity and/or the Church Fathers of the Christian era, but not necessarily to the present day, and could include authors several centuries old, from about the time of Bede, i.e. referring to the time after the foundation of the Order of Saint Benedict and/or the fall of the Western Roman Empire.

The Latin adjective was adopted in Middle French, as moderne, by the 15th century, and hence, in the early Tudor period, into Early Modern English. The early modern word meant "now existing", or "pertaining to the present times", not necessarily with a positive connotation. English author and playwright William Shakespeare used the term modern in the sense of "every-day, ordinary, commonplace".

The word entered wide usage in the context of the late 17th-century quarrel of the Ancients and the Moderns within the Académie Française, debating the question of "Is Modern culture superior to Classical (Græco–Roman) culture?" In the context of this debate, the ancients (anciens) and moderns (modernes) were proponents of opposing views, the former believing that contemporary writers could do no better than imitate the genius of Classical antiquity, while the latter, first with Charles Perrault (1687), proposed that more than a mere Renaissance of ancient achievements, the Age of Reason had gone beyond what had been possible in the Classical period of the Greco-Roman civilization. The term modernity, first coined in the 1620s, in this context assumed the implication of a historical epoch following the Renaissance, in which the achievements of antiquity were surpassed.

Phases
Modernity has been associated with cultural and intellectual movements of 1436–1789 and extending to the 1970s or later.

According to Marshall Berman, modernity is periodized into three conventional phases dubbed "Early", "Classical", and "Late" by Peter Osborne:

 * Early modernity: 1500–1789 (or 1453–1789 in traditional historiography)
 * People were beginning to experience a more modern life (Laughey, 31).
 * Classical modernity: 1789–1900 (corresponding to the long 19th century (1789–1914) in Hobsbawm's scheme)
 * Consisted of the rise and growing use of daily newspapers, telegraphs, telephones and other forms of mass media, which influenced the growth of communicating on a broader scale (Laughey, 31).
 * Late modernity: 1900–1989
 * Consisted of the globalization of modern life (Laughey, 31).

In the second phase, Berman draws upon the growth of modern technologies such as the newspaper, telegraph and other forms of mass media. There was a great shift into modernization in the name of industrial capitalism. Finally in the third phase, modernist arts and individual creativity marked the beginning of a new modernist age as it combats oppressive politics, economics as well as other social forces including mass media.

Some authors, such as Lyotard and Baudrillard, believe that modernity ended in the mid- or late 20th century and thus have defined a period subsequent to modernity, namely Postmodernity (1930s/1950s/1990s–present). Other theorists, however, regard the period from the late 20th century to the present as merely another phase of modernity; Zygmunt Bauman calls this phase liquid modernity, Giddens labels it high modernity (see High modernism).

Political
Politically, modernity's earliest phase starts with Niccolò Machiavelli's works which openly rejected the medieval and Aristotelian style of analyzing politics by comparison with ideas about how things should be, in favour of realistic analysis of how things really are. He also proposed that an aim of politics is to control one's own chance or fortune, and that relying upon providence actually leads to evil. Machiavelli argued, for example, that violent divisions within political communities are unavoidable, but can also be a source of strength which lawmakers and leaders should account for and even encourage in some ways.

Machiavelli's recommendations were sometimes influential upon kings and princes, but eventually came to be seen as favoring free republics over monarchies. Machiavelli in turn influenced Francis Bacon, Marchamont Needham, James Harrington, John Milton, David Hume, and many others.

Important modern political doctrines which stem from the new Machiavellian realism include Mandeville's influential proposal that "Private Vices by the dextrous Management of a skilful Politician may be turned into Publick Benefits" (the last sentence of his Fable of the Bees), and also the doctrine of a constitutional separation of powers in government, first clearly proposed by Montesquieu. Both these principles are enshrined within the constitutions of most modern democracies. It has been observed that while Machiavelli's realism saw a value to war and political violence, his lasting influence has been "tamed" so that useful conflict was deliberately converted as much as possible to formalized political struggles and the economic "conflict" encouraged between free, private enterprises.

Starting with Thomas Hobbes, attempts were made to use the methods of the new modern physical sciences, as proposed by Bacon and Descartes, applied to humanity and politics. Notable attempts to improve upon the methodological approach of Hobbes include those of John Locke, Spinoza, Giambattista Vico, and Rousseau. David Hume made what he considered to be the first proper attempt at trying to apply Bacon's scientific method to political subjects, rejecting some aspects of the approach of Hobbes.

Modernist republicanism openly influenced the foundation of republics during the Dutch Revolt (1568–1609), English Civil War (1642–1651), American Revolution (1775–1783), the French Revolution (1789–1799), and the Haitian revolution (1791–1804).

A second phase of modernist political thinking begins with Rousseau, who questioned the natural rationality and sociality of humanity and proposed that human nature was much more malleable than had been previously thought. By this logic, what makes a good political system or a good man is completely dependent upon the chance path a whole people has taken over history. This thought influenced the political (and aesthetic) thinking of Immanuel Kant, Edmund Burke and others and led to a critical review of modernist politics. On the conservative side, Burke argued that this understanding encouraged caution and avoidance of radical change. However more ambitious movements also developed from this insight into human culture, initially Romanticism and Historicism, and eventually both the Communism of Karl Marx, and the modern forms of nationalism inspired by the French Revolution, including, in one extreme, the German Nazi movement.

On the other hand, the notion of modernity has been contested also due to its Euro-centric underpinnings. This is further aggravated by the re-emergence of non-Western powers. Yet, the contestations about modernity are also linked with Western notions of democracy, social discipline, and development.

Sociological
In sociology, a discipline that arose in direct response to the social problems of modernity, the term most generally refers to the social conditions, processes, and discourses consequent to the Age of Enlightenment. In the most basic terms, British sociologist Anthony Giddens describes modernity as

"...a shorthand term for modern society, or industrial civilization. Portrayed in more detail, it is associated with (1) a certain set of attitudes towards the world, the idea of the world as open to transformation, by human intervention; (2) a complex of economic institutions, especially industrial production and a market economy; (3) a certain range of political institutions, including the nation-state and mass democracy. Largely as a result of these characteristics, modernity is vastly more dynamic than any previous type of social order. It is a society—more technically, a complex of institutions—which, unlike any preceding culture, lives in the future, rather than the past."

Other writers have criticized such definitions as just being a listing of factors. They argue that modernity, contingently understood as marked by an ontological formation in dominance, needs to be defined much more fundamentally in terms of different ways of being. "The modern is thus defined by the way in which prior valences of social life ... are reconstituted through a constructivist reframing of social practices in relation to basic categories of existence common to all humans: time, space, embodiment, performance and knowledge. The word 'reconstituted' here explicitly does not mean replaced."

This means that modernity overlays earlier formations of traditional and customary life without necessarily replacing them. In a 2006 review essay, historian Michael Saler extended and substantiated this premise, noting that scholarship had revealed historical perspectives on modernity that encompassed both enchantment and disenchantment. Late Victorians, for instance, "discussed science in terms of magical influences and vital correspondences, and when vitalism began to be superseded by more mechanistic explanations in the 1830s, magic still remained part of the discourse—now called 'natural magic,' to be sure, but no less 'marvelous' for being the result of determinate and predictable natural processes." Mass culture, despite its "superficialities, irrationalities, prejudices, and problems," became "a vital source of contingent and rational enchantments as well." Occultism could contribute to the conclusions reached by modern psychologists and advanced a "satisfaction" found in this mass culture. In addition, Saler observed that "different accounts of modernity may stress diverse combinations or accentuate some factors more than others...Modernity is defined less by binaries arranged in an implicit hierarchy, or by the dialectical transformation of one term into its opposite, than by unresolved contradictions and oppositions, or antinomies: modernity is Janus-faced."

In 2020, Jason Crawford critiqued this recent historiography on enchantment and modernity. The historical evidence of "enchantments" for these studies, particularly in mass and print cultures, "might offer some solace to the citizens of a disenchanted world, but they don't really change the condition of that world." These "enchantments" offered a "troubled kind of unreality" increasingly separate from modernity. Per Osterrgard and James Fitchett advanced a thesis that mass culture, while generating sources for "enchantment", more commonly produced "simulations" of "enchantments" and "disenchantments" for consumers.

Cultural and philosophical
The era of modernity is characterised socially by industrialisation and the division of labour, and philosophically by "the loss of certainty, and the realization that certainty can never be established, once and for all". With new social and philosophical conditions arose fundamental new challenges. Various 19th-century intellectuals, from Auguste Comte to Karl Marx to Sigmund Freud, attempted to offer scientific and/or political ideologies in the wake of secularisation. Modernity may be described as the "age of ideology".

"For Marx, what was the basis of modernity was the emergence of capitalism and the revolutionary bourgeoisie, which led to an unprecedented expansion of productive forces and to the creation of the world market. Durkheim tackled modernity from a different angle by following the ideas of Saint-Simon about the industrial system. Although the starting point is the same as Marx, feudal society, Durkheim emphasizes far less the rising of the bourgeoisie as a new revolutionary class and very seldom refers to capitalism as the new mode of production implemented by it. The fundamental impulse to modernity is rather industrialism accompanied by the new scientific forces. In the work of Max Weber, modernity is closely associated with the processes of rationalization and disenchantment of the world."

Critical theorists such as Theodor Adorno and Zygmunt Bauman propose that modernity or industrialization represents a departure from the central tenets of the Enlightenment and towards nefarious processes of alienation, such as commodity fetishism and the Holocaust. Contemporary sociological critical theory presents the concept of rationalization in even more negative terms than those Weber originally defined. Processes of rationalization—as progress for the sake of progress—may in many cases have what critical theory says is a negative and dehumanising effect on modern society.

"Enlightenment, understood in the widest sense as the advance of thought, has always aimed at liberating human beings from fear and installing them as masters. Yet the wholly enlightened earth radiates under the sign of disaster triumphant."

"What prompts so many commentators to speak of the 'end of history', of post-modernity, 'second modernity' and 'surmodernity', or otherwise to articulate the intuition of a radical change in the arrangement of human cohabitation and in social conditions under which life-politics is nowadays conducted, is the fact that the long effort to accelerate the speed of movement has presently reached its 'natural limit'. Power can move with the speed of the electronic signal – and so the time required for the movement of its essential ingredients has been reduced to instantaneity. For all practical purposes, power has become truly exterritorial, no longer bound, or even slowed down, by the resistance of space (the advent of cellular telephones may well serve as a symbolic 'last blow' delivered to the dependency on space: even the access to a telephone market is unnecessary for a command to be given and seen through to its effect."

Consequent to debate about economic globalization, the comparative analysis of civilizations, and the post-colonial perspective of "alternative modernities", Shmuel Eisenstadt introduced the concept of "multiple modernities". Modernity as a "plural condition" is the central concept of this sociologic approach and perspective, which broadens the definition of "modernity" from exclusively denoting Western European culture to a culturally relativistic definition, thereby: "Modernity is not Westernization, and its key processes and dynamics can be found in all societies".

Secularization
Central to modernity is emancipation from religion, specifically the hegemony of Christianity (mainly Roman Catholicism), and the consequent secularization. According to writers like Fackenheim and Husserl, modern thought repudiates the Judeo-Christian belief in the Biblical God as a mere relic of superstitious ages. It all started with Descartes' revolutionary methodic doubt, which transformed the concept of truth in the concept of certainty, whose only guarantor is no longer God or the Church, but Man's subjective judgement.

Theologians have adapted in different ways to the challenge of modernity. Liberal theology, over perhaps the past 200 years or so, has tried, in various iterations, to accommodate, or at least tolerate, modern doubt in expounding Christian revelation, while Traditionalist Catholics, Eastern Orthodox and fundamentalist Protestant thinkers and clerics have tried to fight back, denouncing skepticism of every kind. Modernity aimed towards "a progressive force promising to liberate humankind from ignorance and irrationality".

Scientific
In the 16th and 17th centuries, Copernicus, Kepler, Galileo and others developed a new approach to physics and astronomy which changed the way people came to think about many things. Copernicus presented new models of the Solar System which no longer placed humanity's home, Earth, in the centre. Kepler used mathematics to discuss physics and described regularities of nature this way. Galileo actually made his famous proof of uniform acceleration in freefall using mathematics.

Francis Bacon, especially in his Novum Organum, argued for a new methodological approach. It was an experimental based approach to science, which sought no knowledge of formal or final causes. Yet, he was no materialist. He also talked of the two books of God, God's Word (Scripture) and God's work (nature). But he also added a theme that science should seek to control nature for the sake of humanity, and not seek to understand it just for the sake of understanding. In both these things he was influenced by Machiavelli's earlier criticism of medieval Scholasticism, and his proposal that leaders should aim to control their own fortune.

Influenced both by Galileo's new physics and Bacon, René Descartes argued soon afterward that mathematics and geometry provided a model of how scientific knowledge could be built up in small steps. He also argued openly that human beings themselves could be understood as complex machines.

Isaac Newton, influenced by Descartes, but also, like Bacon, a proponent of experimentation, provided the archetypal example of how both Cartesian mathematics, geometry and theoretical deduction on the one hand, and Baconian experimental observation and induction on the other hand, together could lead to great advances in the practical understanding of regularities in nature.

Technological
One common conception of modernity is the condition of Western history since the mid-15th century, or roughly the European development of movable type and the printing press. In this context the modern society is said to develop over many periods, and to be influenced by important events that represent breaks in the continuity.

Artistic
After modernist political thinking had already become widely known in France, Rousseau's re-examination of human nature led to a new criticism of the value of reasoning itself which in turn led to a new understanding of less rationalistic human activities, especially the arts. The initial influence was upon the movements known as German Idealism and Romanticism in the 18th and 19th century. Modern art therefore belongs only to the later phases of modernity.

For this reason art history keeps the term modernity distinct from the terms Modern Age and Modernism – as a discrete "term applied to the cultural condition in which the seemingly absolute necessity of innovation becomes a primary fact of life, work, and thought". And modernity in art "is more than merely the state of being modern, or the opposition between old and new".

In the essay "The Painter of Modern Life" (1863), Charles Baudelaire gives a literary definition: "By modernity I mean the transitory, the fugitive, the contingent".

Advancing technological innovation, affecting artistic technique and the means of manufacture, changed rapidly the possibilities of art and its status in a rapidly changing society. Photography challenged the place of the painter and painting. Architecture was transformed by the availability of steel for structures.

Theological
From conservative Protestant theologian Thomas C. Oden's perspective, modernity is marked by "four fundamental values": Modernity rejects anything "old" and makes "novelty ... a criterion for truth." This results in a great "phobic response to anything antiquarian." In contrast, "classical Christian consciousness" resisted "novelty".
 * "Moral relativism (which says that what is right is dictated by culture, social location, and situation)"
 * "Autonomous individualism (which assumes that moral authority comes essentially from within)"
 * "Narcissistic hedonism (which focuses on egocentric personal pleasure)"
 * "Reductive naturalism (which reduces what is reliably known to what one can see, hear, and empirically investigate)"

Within Roman Catholicism, Pope Pius IX and Pope Pius X claim that Modernism (in a particular definition of the Catholic Church) is a danger to the Christian faith. Pope Pius IX compiled a Syllabus of Errors published on December 8, 1864, to describe his objections to Modernism. Pope Pius X further elaborated on the characteristics and consequences of Modernism, from his perspective, in an encyclical entitled "Pascendi dominici gregis" (Feeding the Lord's Flock) on September 8, 1907. Pascendi Dominici Gregis states that the principles of Modernism, taken to a logical conclusion, lead to atheism. The Roman Catholic Church was serious enough about the threat of Modernism that it required all Roman Catholic clergy, pastors, confessors, preachers, religious superiors and seminary professors to swear an Oath against modernism from 1910 until this directive was rescinded in 1967, in keeping with the directives of the Second Vatican Council.

Defined
Of the available conceptual definitions in sociology, modernity is "marked and defined by an obsession with 'evidence'," visual culture, and personal visibility. Generally, the large-scale social integration constituting modernity, involves the:
 * increased movement of goods, capital, people, and information among formerly discrete populations, and consequent influence beyond the local area
 * increased formal social organization of mobile populaces, development of "circuits" on which they and their influence travel, and societal standardization conducive to socio-economic mobility
 * increased specialization of the segments of society, i.e., division of labor, and area inter-dependency
 * increased level of excessive stratification in terms of social life of a modern man
 * Increased state of dehumanisation, dehumanity, unionisation, as man became embittered about the negative turn of events which sprouted a growing fear.
 * man became a victim of the underlying circumstances presented by the modern world
 * Increased competitiveness among people in the society (survival of the fittest) as the jungle rule sets in.

title: Modernity


text:
Bari, Somalia

Bari (Bari, بري) is an administrative region (gobol) in northeastern Somalia.

Overview
It is bordered by Sool and Sanaag to the west, Nugal to the south, the Gulf of Aden to the north and the Guardafui Channel to the east. It is located on the tip of the Horn of Africa. Its name, Bari, literally means East in Somali.

In terms of landmass, Bari is the largest province in the Federal Republic of Somalia. The highest point in this region is Mount Bahaya, the third tallest mountain in Somalia with an elevation of 2120 meters; other notable peaks include Karkaar and Cal Miskaad mountains.

Demographics
Most of the inhabitants of the Bari region belong to the Somali ethnic group including Warsangeli, Majeerteen,madhibaan Deshiishe, Kaskiqabe and other clans According to the 2015 Population Estimation Survey, the population was 1,887,568 inhabitants. This figure combines both the rural and urban populations of Bari as well all IDPs (internally displaced persons).

Administrative divisions
In the official administrative divisions of Somalia, the Bari region consists of the following seven districts:

The Bari region is the largest region of the 18 administrative regions of Somalia and it contains following districts.

 * Bosaso District The capital and largest
 * Qardho District
 * Alula District
 * Bandarbayla District
 * Waiye
 * Iskushuban District
 * Qandala District
 * Carmo District
 * Ufayn District

In 1998, Bari became a part of Puntland, an autonomous region in northeastern Somalia. In the Transitional Constitution of the Puntland Regional Government of 2001, Puntland's territory is defined in terms of Somalia's official regions, Bari being one of them.

In the years thereafter, Puntland changed its internal administrative division, and the Bari region was split in two: the southern half, roughly coinciding with the Qardho and Bandarbayla Districts, became the new region of Karkaar (also spelled as Karkar). It was subdivided into five new districts: Qardho, Bandarbayla, Waiye, Rako and Hafun Armo District. The northern half continued to be known as Bari and was split into seven districts: five of them keeping their original names (Bosaso, Iskushuban, Ufayn, Qandala and Alula), as well as three new ones: Carmo,Tisjiic and Bargal.

Radio Galkacyo reported on 19 April 2011 that a new administration, called Raas Asayr, had been declared in parts of Bari Region. Farah Mahmud Yusuf was reported to have been elected as its president. Later, Barre Fatah Said there were possibilities of starting negotiation between Puntland Government and the founders of Raas Assayr state. The leaders of this prospective polity retracted their claims a few months later in June 2012, indicating that they now supported Puntland and were satisfied with the Puntland authorities' new development projects in the region.

On 8 April 2013, the Puntland government announced the creation of a new region named Gardafuul. Carved out of the Bari region, it consists of three districts and has its capital at Alula.

title: Bari, Somalia