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IAR 80

The IAR 80 was a Romanian World War II low-wing monoplane, all-metal monocoque fighter and ground-attack aircraft. When it first flew, in 1939, it was comparable to contemporary designs being deployed by the airforces of the most advanced military powers such as the Hawker Hurricane and Bf 109E. Production problems and lack of available armament delayed entry of the IAR 80 into service until 1941. It remained in frontline use until May 1945.

Development
In order to ensure that the Royal Romanian Air Force (ARR) could continue to be supplied with aircraft in time of war, the government subsidized the creation of three major aircraft manufacturers in the 1920s and 1930s. The first was Societatea Pentru Exploatări Tehnice (SET) which was formed in Bucharest in 1923. Next came Industria Aeronautică Română (IAR) which set up shop in Brașov in 1925. Finally there was Întreprinderea de Construcții Aeronautice Românești (ICAR), which was founded in Bucharest in 1932.

In 1930 the Romanian government issued specifications for a new fighter. Although the government was not anticipating bids from its own aircraft industry, IAR produced several prototypes in response to the tender.

The contract was eventually won by the Polish PZL P.11. The ARR purchased 50 of a modified version called the P.11b, all of which were delivered in 1934. A second contest was also fought between the newer IAR 14 and PZL P.24 designs, and once again the PZL design won a contract for another 50 aircraft.

Although IAR's own designs had not entered production, they nevertheless won the contracts to build PZLs and Gnome-Rhone 14K engines under license. As a result of these and other licence contracts the company had enough money to fund a design studio even if its designs never went into production.

Despite losing to PZL, an IAR design team led by Ion Grosu continued work on fighter designs. He was convinced that the low-wing design of the IAR 24 represented a better design than the PZL gull-wing design, which was often referred to as the "Polish wing". Once again the team studied the new PZL fighter looking to incorporate its best features into a new aircraft, and the result was the IAR 80.

Design

 * Description: Low-wing monoplane fighter with conventional control surface layout.
 * Fuselage: The fuselage was circular in cross-section, turning to egg-shaped behind the cockpit where it incorporated a ridge-back. The fuselage layout, and the engine cowling were based on the Polish PZL P.24.
 * Wings: The wings were tapered with rounded tips, the trailing edge angled very slightly forwards. Small flaps ran from the fuselage to a point about 1/3 along the span, where the ailerons started and extended out to the rounded wingtips.
 * Other details: A bubble canopy was fitted, sliding to the rear to open, providing excellent visibility except over the nose due to its rearward position. A conventional tailwheel landing gear was used, with the main gear wide-set and retracting inward, with a non-retractable tail skid.

The semi-monocoque tail was copied directly from the PZL P.24. The fuselage from the engine back to the cockpit was new, consisting of a welded steel tube frame covered with duralumin sheeting. The wings were mounted low and were of the same design as those used on the early IAR 24, which had competed with the PZL P.24.

According to an urban legend, the wing profile was taken directly from the Italian Savoia-Marchetti SM.79 bomber, in service with the ARR at the time, as the design team lacked the time for wing section studies. As a result, the profile was less favorable for higher speeds, but gave the aircraft more maneuverability. This is false as the contract for the SM.79B licence was signed on October 1, 1938, roughly one year after the I.A.R. 80 prototype was completed.

The cockpit's interior, instruments, and gunsight were imported from foreign suppliers. This effort to aggregate a fighter from various sources was a result of the last-minute demands for a frontline fighter. The initial IAR 80s were fitted with iron sights. Starting with the 21st aircraft, these were replaced by Goerz GM2 reflector sights which were manufactured under license by Întreprinderea Optică Română as the "Telereflex" gunsights.

A Luftwaffe major who tested it in March 1941 had this to say about the IAR 80:

"Takeoff and landing are very good. It's 20–30 km/h slower than the Bf 109E. The climb to 5,000 meters is equivalent. In a dogfight, the turns are also equivalent, although the long nose reduces the visibility. In a dive it's outclassed by the Bf 109E, because it lacks an automated propeller pitch regulator. It's a fighter adequate to modern needs."

Prototypes
Work began on the IAR 80 prototype in late 1937, originally with an open cockpit and the 870 hp IAR K14-III C32 engine which was a licensed Gnome-Rhône 14K II Mistral Major. The prototype was completed slowly, and first took to the air in April 1939. Test flights of the prototype were impressive; the aircraft could reach 510 km/h at 4000 m, service ceiling of 11,000 m with the ability to climb to 5,000 m in 6 minutes, which was respectable at the time, though not up to the contemporary Supermarine Spitfire or Messerschmitt Bf 109 fighters. In comparison the PZL P.24E was almost 450 kg lighter, yet over 80 km/h slower with the same engine. The IAR 80 also proved to be enjoyable to fly and was maneuverable.

A number of minor problems turned up during the prototype phase, and were dealt with over the next year. To improve power the design was updated to mount the newer 930 hp C36 version of the K14-III. However this engine was slightly heavier than the C32, which required the rear fuselage to be stretched to move the center of gravity back into the proper position. The extra space in the fuselage allowed the fuel tanks to be increased in volume to 455 L. The wing was also enlarged and the tail was revised to eliminate the bracing struts.

A side effect of this extreme rearward position was that the pilot had even worse forward visibility while taxiing than most other taildraggers. To address this somewhat, the pilot's seat was raised slightly and a bubble canopy was added.

The updated prototype was tested competitively against the Heinkel He 112, which had arrived in Romania as the start of a potentially large order. Although the He 112 was more heavily armed with two machine guns and two 20 mm cannon, the ARR ordered 100 IAR 80s in December 1939 while only 30 He 112s were accepted. The government in Bucharest ordered another 100 IAR 80s in August 1940. Further orders for batches of 50 IAR 80s followed on 5 September 1941 and 11 April 1942, then another 100 on 28 May 1942, to be followed by 35 of the IAR 81C development in February 1943, with a further 15 in January 1944.

IAR 80
Production of the IAR 80 started immediately, although the armament proved to be a serious problem. The prototype had mounted only two Belgian-made Fabrique Nationale 7.92 mm machine guns, a licensed modification of the Browning .30 cal. This armament was not heavy enough against modern aircraft, and the production model was expected to mount six. The German invasion of Belgium in 1940 suspended the supply from FN, and there was no suitable replacement. The first aircraft began production in January 1940, and by 10 July the first IAR 80 took flight, followed by the 2nd on 19 July. The first five aircraft were ready to be delivered in November 1940, with the first batch of 20 being delivered by the middle of February. By April, all 50 initially ordered IAR 80s were delivered. The armament supply remained inadequate so production models only carried four guns.

The initial batch of fighters was well received by the Romanian pilots, but they found the aircraft underpowered and lacking firepower. In order to address this, the aircraft mounted the 960 hp K14-IV C32 engine in the 21st through 50th examples, but the firepower concern could not be resolved at the time.

IAR 80A
By April 1941 the Romanians were firmly in the German sphere, and as a result the Germans released more FN guns for their use. These were quickly installed, and the resulting 80A model finally mounted the original complement of six guns. Armored glass in the windscreen, seat-back armor, and a new gun sight were also added at the same time, along with the newer 1025 hp K14-1000A engine. The extra engine power proved to be more than the fuselage structure was designed to handle, and it had to be reinforced with a duralumin "belt" just behind the cockpit in the first 95 A series aircraft built before the fuselage could be modified.

Although the IAR 80A had a more powerful engine, the added weight of the guns, ammunition and armor plating reduced the top speed slightly to 316 mph. Nevertheless the new model was clearly an advancement, and the A model replaced the earlier one on the assembly line starting with the 51st airframe. Eight of these had been completed in time for the invasion of the Soviet Union on 22 June 1941.

FN guns remained in short supply, so throughout late 1941 and early 1942, guns were stripped from PZLs and observation aircraft for use in the IARs.

IAR 80B
Combat over the Soviet Union proved that even six of the FN guns still lacked punch, and once again firepower was increased, with 13.2 mm FN machine guns taken from Romanian SM.79s were installed in the IAR 80 in a new lengthened wing. The result was the IAR 80B, which also introduced new radios, an area where the aircraft had previously been weak.

A total of 55 of the new design were completed, including 20 airframes which were originally intended to be IAR 81As. These last 20 were thus able to carry a 50 kg bomb or a 100 L drop tank under each wing. The entire series were delivered between June and September 1942.

IAR 81A
As the fighter model was converting from the A to B series with the addition of the 13.2 mm guns, likewise the 81 model was upgraded in the same fashion, creating the IAR 81A. The only distinguishing feature between the 80B and the 81A was the 81's centerline bomb rack, and both were built on the same assembly line. The first order for 81As was cancelled and the airframes were instead delivered to fighter units as 80Bs. Efforts to obtain the Ju 87 dragged on, so a second batch of IAR 81As was ordered in May 1943 to replace losses. Once again fate intervened, and the Germans released the Ju 87 for delivery before the batch could be completed. Like the first batch, these 10 airframes were delivered as fighters.

IAR 80C
The supply of the 13.2 mm guns was clearly limited, and in a further attempt to increase the firepower of the design the Romanians signed a deal with Ikaria in Germany for a supply of 20 mm MG FF/M cannon. These were a licensed version of the Swiss Oerlikon FF, which had been in use in various German aircraft. The new gun also required a redesign of the wing. Initially 60 IAR 81Bs were intended to be dive bombers, but these were delivered without the centerline bomb rack as fighters and designated IAR 80C. After the first 10 were completed, self-sealing tanks were added along with improved seat-back armor. The first 10 were delivered in December 1942 and the entire order was completed by April 1943.

IAR 81
The ARR had intended to replace its light strike and dive bomber aircraft for some time when the war opened in 1941. The first role was to be filled by the IAR 37 (and later 38 and 39 models) but the plan was to fill the second role with the Junkers Ju 87. Once again the Germans deferred and the ARR was left searching for a design. The modification of the existing IAR 80 as a dive bomber was seen as a reasonable option, easier than designing an entirely new aircraft; as well as having obvious production benefits.

The result was the IAR 81, a minor change to the IAR 80A models that were then in production, adding a hinged bomb cradle under the centerline to throw a 225 kg bomb clear of the propeller (many dive bombers used a similar system). Delivery consisted of a shallow dive from about 3,000 to 1,000 m with the speed around 470 km/h. Pilots disliked the aircraft, as the drag from the bomb cradle significantly hampered performance.

Fifty were ordered in mid-1941 but after 40 had been delivered, 50 kg bomb racks were added under each wing. The wing racks could also mount 100L drop tanks, allowing the 81 to be used as long-range fighters.

IAR 81C
The final stage in the IAR 80's wartime history was the 81C. This version changed the guns once again, this time to the Mauser MG 151/20 which was replacing the MG FF/M in German service and had just been released for Romanian use. The order for the 81C was placed in May 1942, predating the second order of the 81As.

The first order for 100 airframes was delivered, like all of the prior updates to the 81 series, with the centreline bomb rack removed to be used as fighters. An additional order for 35 was placed in February 1943, and then another 15 in January 1944. These aircraft were primarily to replace losses in earlier models, while production of the Bf 109G ramped up.

IAR 80M
By 1944 the ARR fighter units included examples of 80A, B and C models, as well as 81, 81Cs. In order to up-gun the earlier fighters as well as simplify logistics and maintenance, an upgrade program was started in mid-1944 to bring all existing airframes to the 81C armament suite of two MG 151/20s and two FN 7.92s. The resulting A and B models of the 80 and 81s would become the 80M and 81M respectively, although at this point there were no dive bombers in use. It is unclear how many conversions were completed.

IAR 80DC
IAR 80s remained in service until 1949, when they were replaced by La-9s and Il-10s. Those airframes with the lowest hours were modified by removing a fuel tank in front of the cockpit and adding a second seat, resulting in a trainer designated the IAR 80DC. These were used for only a short time before being replaced by Yak-11s and Yak-18s in late 1952.

Further development
IAR realized that the Mistral Major was at the limits of its development potential even by the middle of 1941, when the 1000A model reached the same ultimate output as the original Gnome-Rhône versions. An ongoing program to fit the IAR 80 with a more powerful engine had been in the works for most of the design's lifetime, but this proved to be a fruitless endeavor.

The most obvious choice for a new engine would have been the BMW 801 used in the Focke-Wulf Fw 190. This engine produced a full 600 hp more power, and although it was heavier, it was of roughly the same size as the K14. IAR engineers estimated that a BMW powered IAR 80 would have a maximum speed of at least 600 km/h. But the Germans were unable to supply the engine as every example coming off the line was needed for installation in a German airframe. Licensed production was likewise out of the question, the engine production was in the midst of being ramped and the demand was so great that not even one set of jigs could be spared.

In the spring of 1941, IAR 80 no. 13 was fitted with a Daimler-Benz DB 601Aa engine borrowed from a Bf 109E. A flight test was carried out on 21 April 1941, but due to the strong vibrations, the pilot barely managed to bring it to the ground. Development was abandoned after this test flight, and was never flown again. Other tests were carried out with a 1,475 PS Daimler-Benz DB 605A fitted to IAR 81C no. 326 in the summer of 1943. According to the test reports, the aircraft's performance was greatly improved, however due to difficulties in producing the engine and the Germans not having engines for sale, the project did not materialize.

Operational history
When Operation Barbarossa started, the IAR 80 equipped Esc. 41, 59 and 60 of Grupul 8 Vânătoare (8th Fighter Group), part of the Gruparea Aerienă de Luptă (GAL), that were tasked to support the Romanian 3rd and 4th Armies deployed at the southern flank of the Eastern Front. 8th Group was the only unit assigned a pure fighter role, while 5th and 7th Groups, equipped with German aircraft (Heinkel He 112s and Messerschmitt Bf 109s) were employed primarily as fighter-bombers and bomber escorts.

On 22 June 1941, during the first day of the offensive, the IAR 80 patrols had their baptism of fire, achieving a single aerial victory (claimed by Sublocotenent aviator Ioan Mihăilescu of Esc 60 Vânătoare, a future ace) during four separate air combats. However, at least four IARs force landed with battle damage, while another two suffered engine trouble. By the end of 1941, 20 IAR 80/81s had been lost in combat or accidents. During 1942 the Romanian aviation industry reached its highest output so that the Royal Romanian Air Force could be re-equipped as follows: Esc. 47, 48 and 52 (Grupul 9 Vânătoare), Esc. 43, 44 and 50 (Grupul 3 Vânătoare) and Esc. 41, 42 and 60 (Grupul 8 Vânătoare) received the new IAR 80A. Esc. 53 also replaced its Hurricanes with the IAR 80A, while Grupul 6 Bopi (Bombardament în Picaj - Dive Bombing) re-equipped with the IAR 81.

In June 1942, the operational IAR fighter forces on the eastern front, combined into the Flotilla 2 Vânătoare consisted of Grupul 8 Vânătoare, commanded by Cdr. Lt Col E. Pîrvulescu, and included Escadrila 41, Escadrila 42 and Escadrila 60 with 12 IAR 80As each. During the Battle of Stalingrad, on 12 September, the 8th Fighter Group's IAR 80Bs (along with the 7th Fighter Group's Bf 109s) claimed to have shot down seven Yaks but they lost two IARs. Grupul 8 moved at the end of September, to Karpovka, joining Grupul 7, equipped with Bf 109s. On 12 and 13 December, Grupul 6 used its IAR 81s to support the German counterattack by the Panzergruppe Hoth of the Heeresgruppe Don, from Kotelnikovo towards Stalingrad.

In the summer of 1943 the ARR's IAR-80s were transferred to Romania for air defense duties, where they were used in combat against the United States Air Force. USAAF attacks were directed at the oil refineries installation around Ploiești, in particular. On 1 August 1943 the IAR 80 faced the Consolidated B-24 Liberator heavy bomber for the first time. There were 178 B-24s from 9th USAAF, part of Operation Tidal Wave. The IAR 80Bs of Escadrila 61 and 62 of Grupul 6 Vânătoare, as well as IAR 80Cs from the newly formed Escadrila 45 of Grupul 4 Vânătoare, together with the Bf 109Gs from Esc. 53 and Bf 110s from the Romanian night fighter squadron, dived on the low-flying, four-engined bombers, belonging to five USAAF bomber groups (the 44th, 93rd, 98th, 376th and 389th). The Americans lost – in combat or on the way back – 51 bombers. Only 89 reached their bases, of which only 31 were serviceable for a mission the next day. The Romanian pilots claimed 25 certain and probable victories for just two losses, one IAR 80 B and one Bf 110C. According to Romanian statistics, IARs and Messerschmitts were confirmed as having shot down ten B-24s, with two probables.

On 21 April 1944, IAR 81Cs of the 1st, 2nd, and 6th Fighter Groups took off to intercept B-17 and B-24 bombers which were targeting the Bucharest marshalling yard. While attacking the bombers, the Romanian fighters were engaged at high altitude by the escorting P-51 Mustangs of the 31st Fighter Group. In the aftermath of the air battle, the ARR lost 14 IARs and 11 pilots were killed, while the Americans reported 10 aircraft lost.

On 10 June 1944, IAR 80s took part in a major air battle when the USAAF attacked Ploiești with 38 P-38 Lightnings of the 82nd Fighter Group carrying one bomb each, escorted by 39 Lightnings of the 1st and 82 FGs. The IAR 81Cs from Grupul 6, as well as the German fighters from I./JG 53 and 2./JG 77, intercepted the large American formation. Romanian pilot Dan Vizanty, commander of Grupul 6, recalled later: "'Our Lightning attack came as a complete surprise to the Americans. Our attack was so quick that not one of the 100 (sic) American aircraft managed to fire a single shot at our aircraft parked on the ground. Everything happened between ground level and about 2,000 m, and was total confusion. I was excited and proud of my 'mills', the IAR 80s, which, thanks to their extraordinary agility, remained victorious in the air. I saw their crazy dives, quick rolls, reverse turns and inverted flying, always with just brief burst of fire to save ammunition. It was an incredible sight, but also a drama for the Lightning pilots, who, at this low altitude, were inferior to the ever-present, nimble IAR 80s'."

The USAAF lost 22 P-38s on that day, of which 9 were shot down by the IARs. The Romanians claimed 24 victories, suffering three losses. The Americans claimed 11 victories. The American account of this battle conflicts significantly with the Romanian one. Fighter pilot Herbert "Stub" Hatch, who took part in the dogfight, wrote that his flight of 16 P-38s, the 71st Fighter Squadron, was challenged by a large formation of Romanian IAR 81C fighters that he misidentified as Focke-Wulf Fw 190s. According to Hatch, the fight took place at and below 300 ft in a narrow valley. Hatch saw two IAR 81Cs hit the ground after taking fire from his guns, and his fellow pilots confirmed three more kills from his guns. Three of his victories were confirmed by gun camera, while the other two by his wingman, making Hatch an ace in a day. However, the outnumbered 71st Fighter Squadron lost nine aircraft. The Americans never again repeated the P-38 dive-bombing mission profile over Romania. But during 1944 USAAF aircraft appeared over Romania in more significant numbers. Many air combats occurred and by the time of their last encounter with the USAAF on 3 July 1944, pilots of Grupul 6 vânătoare had submitted 87 confirmed and ten unconfirmed claims. Casualties among the Romanian fighter pilots quickly mounted too. The three IAR 80/81 groups (the 1st, 2nd and 6th) in a period of less than four months – known as the "American Campaign" – had at least 32 IAR pilots killed in action, including 11 aces. These losses exceeded the number of casualties suffered in the previous two and a half years of fighting against the Soviets. Because of heavy losses, all IAR 80/81 units were withdrawn from combat against Americans in July 1944 and IAR pilots started to convert to the more modern Bf 109G-6s.

Surviving aircraft
After the Soviet occupation of Romania, all remaining IAR 80s were replaced with Soviet designs and scrapped. No complete original examples are known to survive. A static replica of the IAR 80 rebuilt post war after the fall of Communism and painted in its 1941–1944 original colors was shown at the Mihail Kogălniceanu airshow, near Constanța. The IAR 80 replica can be seen at the Romanian National Military Museum in Bucharest. Another IAR 80 static replica can be found at the National Aviation Museum at the defunct Pipera Airport in Bucharest, which was rebuilt from IAR 80DC two-seat trainer parts. As of 2017 few attempts have been initiated to produce an airworthy accurate replica of the IAR-80 based on existing factory documentation and recovered components. A flying IAR80 is still to be seen. Since 2020, the Fly Again volunteer association is currently developing an airworthy replica of the IAR 80 which will be named IAR 80FA (Fly Again) and will carry the board number 451, where the original production left off.

In fiction
The IAR 80 appears in the historical fiction book Eighty Flights of a Not-So-Much-Of-A-Fighter-Pilot by Cătălin Pogaci.

Operators

 * 🇷🇴 Romania
 * Royal Romanian Air Force
 * 1st Fighter Group received IAR-80Cs aircraft in October 1943.
 * 43rd Fighter Squadron
 * 63rd Fighter Squadron
 * 64th Fighter Squadron
 * 2nd Fighter Group
 * 65th Fighter Squadron
 * 66th Fighter Squadron
 * 67th Fighter Squadron
 * 50th Fighter Squadron
 * 3rd Fighter Group received IAR-80As aircraft in August 1942.
 * 41st Fighter Squadron
 * 44th Fighter Squadron
 * 49th Fighter Squadron based at Târgșor.
 * 4th Fighter Group received IAR-80As aircraft in July 1942. In early 1943 was reequipped with IAR-80Cs.
 * 45th Fighter Squadron based at Cetatea Albă.
 * 46th Fighter Squadron based at Cetatea Albă.
 * 5th Fighter Group operated IAR-81Cs aircraft.
 * 51st Dive Bomber Squadron
 * 52nd Fighter Squadron
 * 53rd Fighter Squadron operated IAR-80As aircraft in late 1942.
 * 6th Fighter Group started training on IAR-80s aircraft since 27 September 1941 and in January 1942 conversion to IAR-81 begun.
 * 59th Fighter Squadron
 * 60th Fighter Squadron
 * 61st Dive Bomber Squadron
 * 62nd Dive Bomber Squadron
 * 7th Fighter Group received IAR-81Cs aircraft in October 1943.
 * 56th Fighter Squadron
 * 57th Fighter Squadron
 * 58th Fighter Squadron
 * 8th Fighter Group received first IAR-80s aircraft in February 1941. In April 1943 was transformed into 8th Assault Group and reequipped with Henschel Hs 129Bs.
 * 41st Fighter Squadron
 * 42/52nd Fighter Squadron received first IAR-80s aircraft in July 1941.
 * 59th Fighter Squadron received first six IAR-80s aircraft in September 1941.
 * 9th Fighter Group was formed in April 1942 and received IAR-80As aircraft. In April 1943 unit was reequipped with Bf 109Gs.
 * 47th Fighter Squadron
 * 48th Fighter Squadron
 * 56th Fighter Squadron
 * Romanian Air Force – Postwar.

title: IAR 80


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Talk:Akhushtal

Yea she was the godess of child birth!!!Whoa wow but why was she so important?

Wikipedia is not paper. There's no problem with having articles about minor gods. -- Zoe

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Talk:Akhushtal


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Abortion in the Republic of Ireland

Abortion in Ireland is regulated by the Health (Regulation of Termination of Pregnancy) Act 2018. Abortion is permitted in Ireland during the first twelve weeks of pregnancy, and later in cases where the pregnant woman's life or health is at risk, or in the cases of a fatal foetal abnormality. Abortion services commenced on 1 January 2019, following its legalisation by the aforementioned Act, which became law on 20 December 2018. Previously, the 8th Constitutional Amendment had given the life of the unborn foetus the same value as that of its mother, but the 36th constitutional amendment, approved by referendum in May 2018, replaced this with a clause permitting the Oireachtas (parliament) to legislate for the termination of pregnancies.

Abortion had been prohibited in Ireland by the UK Offences against the Person Act 1861. The Eighth Amendment was added to the Constitution by referendum in 1983, after concerns that laws prohibiting abortion could be found to be unconstitutional based on a right to privacy. In 1992, the Supreme Court held in the X Case that a thirteen-year-old girl who had become pregnant as a result of rape could be permitted to obtain an abortion in the state because there was a risk to her life from suicide. There were unsuccessful constitutional referendums in 1992 and 2002 that aimed to preclude such grounds for abortion in future cases. Between 1 January 2014 and 31 December 2018, abortion in Ireland was regulated by the Protection of Life During Pregnancy Act 2013, under which abortion was illegal unless it occurred as the result of a medical intervention performed to save the life of the woman.

In 2012, Irish abortion law received worldwide attention on the death of Savita Halappanavar, who had been denied an abortion while suffering a septic miscarriage. This increased calls to repeal the Eighth Amendment. The constitutional and legislative provisions were discussed at a Citizens' Assembly in 2016–17, and at an Oireachtas committee in 2017, both of which recommended substantial reform and framed the debate of the referendum in May 2018.

Constitutional provisions
The current provision dates from the Thirty-sixth Amendment of the Constitution of Ireland, passed by referendum on 25 May 2018. For the previous constitutional provisions from 1983 to 2018, see the historical sections below.

Legislation
The Health (Regulation of Termination of Pregnancy) Act 2018 allows for a termination:
 * under section 9, where there is a serious risk to the life of, or of serious harm to the health of, a pregnant woman, after examination by two medical practitioners;
 * under section 10, in cases of emergency, where there is an immediate serious risk to the life of, or of serious harm to the health of a pregnant woman, after an examination by one medical practitioner;
 * under section 11, where two medical practitioners are of the opinion formed in good faith that there is present a condition affecting the foetus that is likely to lead to the death of the foetus either before, or within 28 days of, birth; and
 * under section 12, where there has been a certification that the pregnancy has not exceeded 12 weeks, and after a period of three days after this certification.

On commencement of the Health (Regulation of Termination of Pregnancy) Act, the Protection of Life During Pregnancy Act 2013 was repealed. Sections 7 and 8 of the 2013 Act provide for legal termination of pregnancies in cases of a risk of loss of life from physical illness, whereas section 9 provides for legal termination of pregnancies in cases of a risk of loss of life from suicide. Sections 58 and 59 of the Offences Against the Person Act 1861 were repealed, and effectively superseded by the offence defined in section 22 of intentionally destroying unborn human life, punishable by fourteen years' imprisonment.

Legal abortions in Ireland
Every year, the government publishes the number of notifications received of terminations performed under legislation. Those between 2014 and 2018 took place under the Protection of Life During Pregnancy Act 2013, with those taking place under the Health (Regulation of Termination of Pregnancy) Act 2018 being published from 2019: * The government received just 4,577 notifications for abortions performed under the 2018 Act, but acknowledged that "the number of terminations of pregnancy notified to the Minister is substantially lower than the number of terminations carried out in 2021." The Department of Health estimated that 6,700 abortions under the 2018 Act were obtained in 2021, according reimbursements paid by the HSE. The disparity was blamed on Covid-19 and the HSE cyber attack.

Abortion pills
Between 2010 and 2012, 1,642 women ordered abortion pills over the Internet from Women on Web, and had an abortion at home, in Ireland. The pills were illegal in Ireland, and Customs occasionally seized shipments.

Travelling for an abortion
Estimates as to the number of Irish women seeking abortions in Britain vary. Since the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment (Travel) in 1992, the right to travel for an abortion has had constitutional protection. In 2016, 3,265 Irish women were recorded as having had abortions in Great Britain. In some cases, women travelling do so with the assistance of the Abortion Support Network.

In 1980, Marian Finucane won the Prix Italia for a documentary on abortion; she interviewed a woman who was about to have an abortion, had travelled with her to England, been with her in the hospital and talked to her afterwards. In 2001, an estimated 7,000 women travelled abroad to obtain an abortion. Statistics showed that 4,149 Irish women had abortions in Britain in 2011. A study published in Social & Legal Studies found that in 2014 a total of 5,521 women gave Irish addresses to English and Welsh clinics that provided abortion services. In years leading up to 2018, some Irish women had abortions in the Netherlands.

The issue of travelling to the UK for an abortion was relevant for many Irish abortion cases, such as the X Case in 1992, C Case in 1997 and the case of Miss D in 2007, as well as in the cases of fatal foetal abnormalities. In response to the UNHRC decision in Mellet v Ireland (2016), the government gave Amanda Mellet €30,000 compensation, partially for being forced to travel.

Offences against the Person Act 1861
Under sections 58 and 59 of the Offences against the Person Act 1861, as amended by the Statute Law Revision Act 1892 and Statute Law Revision (No. 2) Act 1893, procuring a miscarriage was a criminal offence subject to penal servitude for life.

These provisions enacted by the Parliament of the United Kingdom remained in force in Irish law until they were repealed by the Protection of Life During Pregnancy Act 2013.

Early twentieth century
Fears were expressed by politicians in 1929 of an increase in criminal abortions and infanticide following the passing of the Criminal Law Amendment Act which prohibited all appliances and substances for contraception; no exceptions whatsoever were made. Over 100 Irish women were dying annually from unsafe backstreet abortions in the 1930s.

The English case of R v. Bourne (1938), which allowed the distress of a pregnant girl as a defence in a prosecution against a doctor for the termination of a pregnancy, led to an increase in abortion in Britain, and thereafter, of Irish women travelling to obtain abortions. There were no prosecutions in Ireland for illegal abortions between 1938 and 1942 but as a result of travel restrictions imposed during the war years, there were 25 cases prosecuted between 1942 and 1946. During the late 1930s and early 1940s, up to 400 terminations (both legal and illegal) were performed daily in England and Wales, and given the high emigration rates it is likely that there was widespread knowledge of the possibility of obtaining backstreet abortions in England by Irish people. The Bell magazine in 1941 said that some young women from well-off backgrounds were "hustled off, normally to London, Paris, Biarritz, comes back without the baby and nobody is any the wiser" After the war the level of prosecutions decreased, though this only relates to abortions that went wrong or were found out. Those found guilty were dealt with severely by the courts, receiving long sentences of penal servitude, with one chemist with an extensive abortion practice in Merrion Square, Dublin in 1944 receiving a 15-year sentence that was reduced to 7 years on appeal. The Garda Commissioner's first annual report on crime published in 1947 made reference to the number of abortions that were performed illegally. In the 1950s novels, autobiographies and works of non-fiction (including medical texts) that promoted or even described abortion were banned. There were extremely few prosecutions for performing illegal abortion between 1952 and 1963, but one of Ireland's best-known abortion providers, Mamie Cadden, was sentenced to death by hanging in 1957 – this was later commuted to life imprisonment – when one of her patients died.

The Abortion Act 1967 in Great Britain made access to the treatment easier for Irish women and the instance of infanticide, which was prevalent, began to decline sharply. In 1974 Noël Browne became the first member of the Oireachtas to propose the provision of therapeutic abortion services during a contribution to a Seanad debate. In 1981 future President of Ireland, Mary McAleese, chaired a meeting at Liberty Hall that advocated a woman's right to choose. She later claimed that she misunderstood the nature of the meeting. McAleese had previously said that "I would see the failure to provide abortion as a human rights issue", but also that she did not feel "that the way to cope with it is through introducing abortion legislation" into Ireland. A number of controversies have arisen following deaths of pregnant women who were prevented from receiving medical care because of their pregnancy, such as Sheila Hodgers in 1983. Sheila Hodgers was a woman from Dundalk, County Louth, who in 1983 died of multiple cancers two days after giving birth to her third child, who died at birth. It is alleged that she was denied treatments for her cancer while pregnant because the hospital did not wish to harm the foetus because of its Catholic ethos.

Eighth Amendment
The Pro-Life Amendment Campaign was founded in 1981 to campaign against the possibility of a judicial ruling in Ireland that would allow abortion. Prior to the 1981 general election, PLAC lobbied the major Irish political parties – Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Labour Party – to urge the introduction of a Bill to allow the amendment to the constitution to prevent the Supreme Court interpreting the constitution as giving a right to abortion. The leaders of the three parties – respectively Charles Haughey, Garret FitzGerald and Frank Cluskey – agreed although there was little consultation with any of their parties' ordinary members. All three parties were in government over the following eighteen months but it was only in late 1982, just before the collapse of a Fianna Fáil minority government, that a proposed wording for the amendment was proposed. After the election, on the advice of Attorney General Peter Sutherland, the new government of Fine Gael and Labour proposed an alternative wording but there was not a majority in the Dáil for it, and the wording proposed by Fianna Fáil was accepted. This inserted the following subsection into the Constitution:

The Eighth Amendment of the Constitution of Ireland was put to a referendum on 7 September 1983 and was approved with 66.9% of the vote.

Protests took place in Ireland in the years leading up to 2018 to remove the eighth amendment. The government set an indicative timescale of early summer 2018 for a referendum on the section of the state's constitution that ensures tight legal restrictions on terminations.

Abortion information
In the 1980s the Society for the Protection of Unborn Children challenged distribution of information relating to abortion services in Britain under the provisions of Article 40.3.3°. In proceedings which they initiated, which were later converted into the name of the Attorney General, AG (SPUC) v Open Door Counselling Ltd. and Dublin Wellwoman Centre Ltd. (1988), the High Court granted an injunction restraining two counselling agencies from assisting women to travel abroad to obtain abortions or informing them of the methods of communications with such clinics. SPUC v Grogan and SPUC v Coogan targeted students' unions, seeking to prohibit them from distributing information on abortion available in the UK.

In response to the success of this litigation, and prompted by the controversy on the X Case, a referendum was held in November 1992 on the Fourteenth Amendment, which passed. The Fourteenth Amendment specified that the prohibition of abortion would not limit the right to distribute information about abortion services in foreign countries. This was governed by the Regulation of Information (Services Outside the State For Termination of Pregnancies) Act 1995. This was referred to the Supreme Court by President Mary Robinson and found to be constitutional. This Act was repealed on the commencement of the 2018 Act.

X Case and 1992 referendums
In 1992, in the X Case, the Attorney General sought an injunction to prevent a thirteen-year-old girl who had been the victim of rape from obtaining an abortion in England, which was granted in the High Court by Justice Declan Costello. On appeal to the Supreme Court, this decision was reversed, on the grounds that the girl was suicidal, and that, therefore, it was permissible to intervene to save her life.

In November 1992, the Twelfth Amendment of the Constitution Bill was proposed, which would have removed a risk of self-destruction as grounds for an abortion, but was defeated in a referendum.

The Thirteenth Amendment was passed in November 1992 in response to the injunction sought by the Attorney General, ensuring that the protection of the unborn in the constitution could not be used to prohibit travel from the state to another state for an abortion.

The Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amendments together added the following paragraphs to Article 40.3.3°:

C Case
In August 1997 a 13-year-old girl was raped, and became pregnant. She was suicidal due to the pregnancy, and the High Court ruled in the C Case that the Eastern Health Board could arrange for her to travel to Britain for an abortion against the wishes of her parents.

The woman at the centre of the case has occasionally spoken about her experiences, but has not revealed her identity.

2002 referendum
As part of constitutional review, in 1999 the Irish government produced a 179-page green paper summarising the then current Irish abortion law and held an All-party Oireactas Committee on the Constitution. It held oral submissions in 2000, producing a Fifth Progress Report: Abortion in November 2000. Following this, a referendum was held on the Twenty-fifth Amendment to the Constitution Bill, which would have introduced legislation into the constitution to permit abortion in cases of a threat to the life of a woman, but not in cases where there was a risk of suicide. This proposal was narrowly defeated (50.4% – 49.6%).

A, B and C v Ireland
In 2005, two Irish women and a Lithuanian woman who had previously travelled to England for abortion brought suit in the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) asserting that restrictive and unclear Irish laws violate several provisions of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). The case, A, B and C v Ireland, was heard before the Grand Chamber of the Court on 9 December 2009 and was decided on 16 December 2010. The court ruled that the first two women's rights were not violated by being forced to travel because Irish law was "legitimately trying to protect public morals". The ECtHR also ruled that Irish law struck a fair balance between the women's rights to respect of their private lives and the rights of the unborn, although it found that Ireland had violated the ECHR by failing to provide an accessible and effective procedure by which a woman can have established whether she qualifies for a legal abortion under current Irish law. This pertained to the case of the woman who identified as C. Since she did not receive accurate information about the risks of pregnancy associated with her prognosis, she believed that she did not qualify for legal abortion in Ireland and was forced to travel to England for the procedure. In this case, the court relied on doctrine that would deny the direct challenge to Ireland's criminal law and this led to the reasoning that abortion is a moral issue. With the complex, lengthy and sensitive debate surrounding the issue, the Court made its ruling that state authorities were better suited than an international judge to balance the competing views and rights in abortion regulation. The Court's decision is binding on Ireland and all of the member states of the Council of Europe.

A government-appointed Expert Group on Abortion released its findings on 13 November 2012, the day before news of the death of Savita Halappanavar broke, saying that Ireland was obliged to implement the court's decision and recommending legislative and statutory reform. This led to the enactment of the Protection of Life During Pregnancy Act the following year.

Death of Savita Halappanavar
The death of Savita Halappanavar led to protests in 2012 calling for changes to Ireland's abortion laws and a highly public investigation by the Health Service Executive. After a miscarriage had been diagnosed, she was denied an abortion because the foetus's heart was still beating. She developed sepsis and died. The HSE enquiry found that her death was a result of inadequate assessment and monitoring and a failure to adhere to established clinical guidelines, and made several recommendations, including legislative and constitutional change.

Protection of Life During Pregnancy Act 2013
The Protection of Life During Pregnancy Act 2013 was proposed by Minister for Health James Reilly on behalf of the Fine Gael–Labour Party government. It passed the Dáil by 127 votes to 31. Fine Gael, the Labour Party and Sinn Féin had a party whip in favour of the legislation, and among those who opposed it were Fine Gael TDs Lucinda Creighton, Terence Flanagan, Peter Mathews, Billy Timmins, and Brian Walsh, and Sinn Féin TD Peadar Tóibín. Brian Walsh and Peadar Tóibín were both returned to the party whip within the same Dáil term.

Sections 7 and 8 provided for legal termination of pregnancies in cases of a risk of loss of life from physical illness, whereas section 9 provided for legal termination of pregnancies in cases of a risk of loss of life from suicide. Sections 58 and 59 of the Offences Against the Person Act 1861 were repealed, and effectively superseded by the offence defined in section 22:

Prior to this law, there was no standard to what conditions and situations would be considered to qualify for legal abortion in Ireland. This Act included a provision that allowed abortion only if there was a real and substantial risk to life, specifically pertaining to the life and health of the mother. Within this provision, the women seeking to qualify for legal abortion were examined by an obstetrician and a relevant specialist to decide if she qualified. In a case of a mother feeling suicidal or threatening to commit suicide, she was examined by three specialists and the agreement of their decision was required for her to obtain a legal abortion. If certification for a legal abortion was refused, a woman could appeal the decision and have her situation and conditions reviewed again.

President Michael D. Higgins convened the Council of State to consider the constitutionality of the Bill and a possible reference under Article 26 of the Constitution to the Supreme Court. The President decided against such a reference and signed the legislation into law on 30 July 2013.

In 2014, Ms Y, a young, suicidal refugee woman, was denied an abortion under the act. She went on hunger strike. The baby was eventually delivered by Caesarean section.

Cases of fatal foetal abnormality
In 2002, a woman pregnant with a foetus with fatal foetal abnormalities travelled to the UK for a termination. Her letter in The Irish Times was credited with playing a part in the defeat of the Twenty-fifth Amendment referendum. She later took a case against Ireland in the European Court of Human Rights, D v Ireland, which was ruled inadmissible. The State argued that the Constitution of Ireland might allow termination in cases of fatal foetal abnormalities. After the death of Savita Halappanavar, she gave up anonymity and spoke out. In May 2007 a 17-year-old girl, known as "Miss D", who was pregnant with a foetus suffering from anencephaly (the absence of a major portion of the brain, skull, and scalp; blind, deaf, unconscious, and unable to feel pain, a disorder which is invariably fatal), was prevented from travelling to Britain by the Health Service Executive. The High Court ruled on 9 May 2007 that she could not lawfully be prevented from travelling even though she was a ward of the state.

Amanda Mellet became pregnant in 2011; however, the foetus was suffering from Edwards syndrome, a fatal condition. She was unable to have an abortion in Ireland and had to travel to the UK. In 2016, she took a case to the United Nations Human Rights Committee, and in Mellet v Ireland it found that Ireland's abortion law violated the United Nations International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and called for the law's reform. The Irish government paid her €30,000 in compensation.

In a case in 2010, the government of Ireland denied Siobhán Whelan an abortion despite being diagnosed with fatal foetal syndrome; she had to travel from Ireland to the UK to terminate her pregnancy. In June 2017, the United Nations Human Rights Committee ruled that Ireland's abortion law violated Whelan's human rights along with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, subjecting Whelan to a cruel, inhumane and degrading treatment, and called for legalisation of and access to safe abortions. The ruling was praised by the Center for Reproductive Rights.

Abortion is currently permitted under the Health (Regulation of Termination of Pregnancy) Act 2018 where two medical practitioners are of the opinion formed in good faith that there is present a condition affecting the foetus that is likely to lead to the death of the foetus either before, or within 28 days of, birth.

Repeal of the Eighth Amendment
On 25 May 2018, the Irish people voted by 66.4% to 33.6% in a referendum to repeal the Eighth Amendment. They approved the Thirty-sixth Amendment of the Constitution Bill 2018 to delete the current provisions of Article 40.3.3° and replace it with the following:

The government also outlined policies which would govern legislation to replace the Protection of Life During Pregnancy Act 2013.

A Citizens' Assembly had been established by the government in 2016 to consider a number of issues. After five meetings on the Eighth Amendment, it voted to amend the constitution to allow the Oireachtas to legislate for abortion. It also voted on the provisions it would support in this legislation. The Report of the Assembly was sent to the Joint Oireachtas Committee on the Eighth Amendment of the Constitution. The Committee delivered its report in December 2017, and the report was debated in both Houses of the Oireachtas in January 2018.

The result of the referendum came after extensive social media campaigning coordinated the civil society organisation, Together For Yes. The influence of using social media as a voice of change reminded voters of how 'local' the abortion issue was in Ireland, allowing women the right to be heard openly on national media. Another strength of the 'feminist campaign' was the positioning of women from the private to the public sphere. By using social media to bring stories into the public, emotions were mobilised as a form of 'political resistance' to shed light on the potential damage a 'No' vote could cause.

Ultimately, 39 of the 40 constituencies voted in favour of repealing the Eight Amendment. The national result was:

A second draft of the Health (Regulation of Termination of Pregnancy) Bill was published by the Department of Health in July 2018.

Health (Regulation of Termination of Pregnancy) Act 2018
The Health (Regulation of Termination of Pregnancy) Act 2018 defines the circumstances and processes within which abortion is legally performed in Ireland. It was signed by the President of Ireland on 20 December 2018, after being approved by both Houses of the Oireachtas, legalising abortion in Ireland. Abortion services commenced on 1 January 2019. This Act permits terminations to be carried out up to 12 weeks of pregnancy; or where there is a risk to the life, or of serious harm to the health, of the pregnant woman; or where there is a risk to the life, or of serious harm to the health, of the pregnant woman in an emergency; or where there is a condition present which is likely to lead to the death of the foetus either before or within 28 days of birth.

Mistaken cases of fatal foetal conditions
In March 2019, a woman in Dublin was told her baby was likely to have Edwards syndrome, considered a fatal foetal condition, following a positive non-invasive prenatal test (NIPT) and a positive chorionic villus sampling (CVS) diagnostic test, the mother opted for an amniocentesis, which did not show Edwards syndrome. She went on to give birth to a healthy baby without the condition.

In 2019, a woman attending the National Maternity Hospital was also given a diagnosis of Edwards syndrome. An abortion was carried out after 15 weeks. Following the abortion, genetic tests proved negative for Edwards syndrome, leaving the parents devastated and demanding an external investigation, which the hospital agreed to.

Pilots pressured into having abortions
According to the Irish Air Line Pilots' Association (IALPA), some female pilots of Irish registered airlines are under pressure to have an abortion if they become pregnant. The issue was highlighted as many Irish-registered airlines use pilots hired under self-employed contracts. Such pilots, as they are deemed to be self-employed, can lose out on work and pay if they become pregnant as they are not entitled to maternity leave.

GP abortion services
On 6 January 2019, it was reported that 200 GPs had registered to provide abortion services in Ireland. By the end of 2019, less than 15% of the GPs in Ireland had signed up to provide abortion services.

Referendums

 * Note:

Public opinion
Several polls have been taken on the subject:
 * A 1997 Irish Times/MRBI poll found that 18% believed that abortion should never be permitted, 77% believed that it should be allowed in certain circumstances (this was broken down into: 35% that one should be allowed in the event that the woman's life is threatened; 14% if her health is at risk; 28% that "an abortion should be provided to those who need it") and 5% were undecided.
 * A September 2004 Royal College of Surgeons survey for the Crisis Pregnancy Agency found that, in the under-45 age groups, 51% supported abortion on-demand, with 39% favouring the right to abortion in limited circumstances. Only 8% felt that abortion should not be permitted in any circumstances.
 * A September 2005 Irish Examiner/Lansdowne poll found that 36% believe abortion should be legalised while 47% do not.
 * A June 2007 TNS/MRBI poll found that 43% supported legal abortion if a woman believed it was in her best interest while 51% remained opposed. 82% favoured legalisation for cases when the woman's life is in danger, 75% when the foetus cannot survive outside the womb, and 73% when the pregnancy has resulted from sexual abuse.
 * A January 2010 Irish Examiner/RED C online poll found that 60% of 18- to 35-year-olds believe abortion should be legalised, and that 10% of this age group had been in a relationship where an abortion took place. The same survey also showed that 75% of women believed the morning-after pill should be an over-the-counter (OTC) drug, as opposed to a prescription drug.
 * A September 2012 Sunday Times/Behaviour and Attitudes poll of 923 people showed that 80% of voters would support a change to the law to allow abortion where the life of the woman was at risk, with 16% opposed and 4% undecided.
 * A November 2012 Sunday Business Post/RED C poll of 1,003 adults showed that 85% of voters would like the government to "Legislate for the X case, which means allowing abortion where the mother's life is threatened, including by suicide", with 10% opposed and 5% undecided. The same poll also found that 82% of voters supported "A constitutional amendment to extend the right to abortion to all cases where the health of the mother is seriously threatened and also in cases of rape", and 36% of voters supported "A constitutional amendment to allow for legal abortion in any case where a woman requests it". In addition, 63% of voters also supported "A constitutional amendment to limit the X case, by excluding a threat of suicide as a grounds for abortion, but still allowing abortion, where the mother's life is threatened outside of suicide".
 * A January 2013 Paddy Power/RED C poll of 1,002 adults found that 29% of voters believed that there should be a constitutional amendment to allow abortion "in any case where the woman requests it". 35% supported legislating for the X case allowing for abortions where the life of the mother is at risk, including from suicide. 26% supported legislating for the X case but excluding suicide and 8% believed no legislation at all was necessary.
 * A January 2013 Sunday Times/Behaviour and Attitudes poll of 916 voters found that 87% would support legislation to provide abortion where the woman's life was in danger for reasons other than threat of suicide, 80% would support legislation to provide abortion where there was a foetal abnormality meaning the baby could not survive outside of the womb, 74% would support legislation to provide abortion where the pregnancy was a result of rape, and 59% would support legislation to provide abortion where the woman displayed suicidal feelings. Overall, 92% supported allowing abortion in one of these four circumstances, while 51% supported allowing abortion in all four circumstances.
 * A February 2013 Irish Times/Ipsos MRBI poll of 1,000 voters in face-to-face interviews in all constituencies found that 84% felt that abortion should be allowed when the woman's life is at risk, 79% felt that abortion should be allowed whenever the foetus cannot survive outside the womb, 78% felt that abortion should be allowed in cases of rape or incest, 71% felt that abortion should be allowed where the woman is suicidal as a result of the pregnancy (the X case result), 70% felt that abortion should be allowed when the woman's health is at risk, and 37% felt that abortion should be provided when a woman deems it to be in her best interest.
 * A June 2013 Irish Times/Ipsos MRBI poll of 1,000 voters in face-to-face interviews in all constituencies found that 75% were in favour of the government's proposed legislation (the Protection of Life during Pregnancy Bill 2013), with 14% opposed and 11% choosing "Don't know". Furthermore, 89% felt that abortion should be allowed when the woman's life is at risk, 83% felt that abortion should be allowed whenever the foetus cannot survive outside the womb, 81% felt that abortion should be allowed in cases of rape or abuse, 78% felt that abortion should be allowed when the woman's health is at risk, 52% felt that abortion should be allowed where the woman is suicidal as a result of the pregnancy, and 39% felt that abortion should be provided when a woman deems it to be in her best interest.
 * A September 2014 Sunday Independent/Millward Brown poll found that 56% of voters were in favour of holding a referendum to repeal the Eighth Amendment to the Constitution, with 19% against and 25% undecided. In addition, 60% of voters were in favour of allowing abortion where there is a threat of the woman's suicide, 69% when the pregnancy arose as the result of rape, 72% when there is a risk to the woman's life (other than suicide) and 68% where there is a threat to the woman's long-term health. When it comes to allowing abortion "for other reasons", 34% are in favour, 38% opposed and 20% saying "it depends".
 * A January 2016 Newstalk/RED C poll found that 78% of voters were in favour of allowing abortion in cases when the pregnancy arose as the result of rape or incest, 76% when there is a fatal foetal abnormality, 61% when there is a significant foetal disability or non-fatal foetal abnormality, 59% when the pregnant woman has suicidal feelings as a result of the pregnancy and 41% in any circumstances felt necessary by the pregnant woman. However, when asked if the Eighth Amendment should be removed from the constitution, only 48% said it should and 41% were opposed to removing it.
 * An October 2016 Irish Times/Ipsos MRBI poll found that, regarding the Eighth Amendment, 18% said it should not be repealed; 55% said it should be repealed to allow for limited access to abortion in the cases of rape and fatal foetal abnormality; 19% said it should be repealed to allow for abortion in all cases requested, and 8% had no opinion. Support for a more liberal regime was strongest in Dublin and among younger people.
 * An April 2017 Claire Byrne Live/Amárach Research Panel poll asked 1,000 adults "Do you agree with the Citizens' Assembly that abortion, with no restrictions as to reasons, should be made available in Ireland?" 50% said yes, 33% said no and 17% said that they didn't know.
 * A May 2017 poll conducted by Ipsos MRBI found 76% of those asked were in favor of allowing abortion in cases of rape.

Oireachtas debates

 * Eighth Amendment of the Constitution Bill 1982
 * Twelfth Amendment of the Constitution Bill 1992
 * Thirteenth Amendment of the Constitution Bill 1992
 * Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitution Bill 1992
 * Regulation of Information (Services outside the State for Termination of Pregnancies) Bill 1995
 * Twenty-fifth Amendment of the Constitution (Protection of Human Life in Pregnancy) Bill 2001
 * Protection of Life During Pregnancy Bill 2013
 * Committee on the Eighth Amendment of the Constitution
 * Thirty-sixth Amendment of the Constitution Bill 2018
 * Health (Regulation of Termination of Pregnancy) Bill 2018

Legislation

 * from the Irish Statute Book
 * Constitution of Ireland
 * Eighth Amendment of the Constitution Act 1983
 * Thirteenth Amendment of the Constitution Act 1992
 * Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitution Act 1992
 * Regulation of Information (Services Outside the State For Termination of Pregnancies) Act 1995
 * Protection of Life During Pregnancy Act 2013
 * Thirty-sixth Amendment of the Constitution Act 2018
 * Offences Against The Person Act 1861

title: Abortion in the Republic of Ireland


text:
Religion and abortion

Numerous religious traditions have taken a stance on abortion but few are absolute. These stances span a broad spectrum, based on numerous teachings, deities, or religious print, and some of those views are highlighted below.

People of all faiths and religions use reproductive health care services. Abortion is perceived as murder by many religious conservatives. Anti-abortion advocates believe that legalized abortion is a threat to social, moral, and religious values. Religious people who advocate abortion rights generally believe that life starts later in the pregnancy, for instance at quickening, after the first trimester.

The religious influence over the population of the country tends to be one of the massive determining factors on the legality of abortion.

Baháʼí Faith
Abortion, merely for the purpose of eliminating an unwanted child, is strongly deprecated in the Baháʼí Faith, although medical reasons may warrant it. Among the possible reasons for terminating a pregnancy are rape, incest, lack of viability of the fetus, and health of the mother. Though Shoghi Effendi, the Guardian of the Bahá’í Faith, considered the intentional termination of a pregnancy as the ending of a life, there are no specific teachings in the Bahá’í sacred texts addressing it; the Universal House of Justice has thus concluded that it is not quite the same as murder and therefore within the purview of the Universal House of Justice to legislate on it, at a future date, if it so decides. At present, Baháʼís are encouraged to decide based on their own conscience in light of general guidance found in Baháʼí writings and medical advice.

Buddhism
There is no single Buddhist view concerning abortion. Some traditional sources, including some Buddhist monastic codes, hold that life begins at conception, and that abortion, which would then involve the deliberate destruction of life, should be rejected. Complicating the issue is the Buddhist belief that "life is a continuum with no discernible starting point". Among Buddhists, there is no official or preferred viewpoint regarding abortion.

The Dalai Lama has said that abortion is "negative", but there are exceptions. He said, "I think abortion should be approved or disapproved according to each circumstance."

Inducing or otherwise causing an abortion is regarded as a serious matter in the monastic rules followed by both Theravada and Vajrayana monks; monks and nuns must be expelled for assisting a woman in procuring an abortion. Traditional sources do not recognize a distinction between early- and late-term abortion, but in Sri Lanka and Thailand the "moral stigma" associated with an abortion grows with the development of the foetus. While traditional sources do not seem to be aware of the possibility of abortion as relevant to the health of the mother, modern Buddhist teachers from many traditions – and abortion laws in many Buddhist countries – recognize a threat to the life or physical health of the mother as an acceptable justification for abortion as a practical matter, though it may still be seen as a deed with negative moral or karmic consequences.

Christianity
There is scholarly disagreement on how early Christians felt about abortion and whether explicit prohibitions of abortion exist in either the Old Testament or New Testament books of the Christian Bible. Some scholars have concluded that early Christians took a nuanced stance on what is now called abortion and that at different times, and in separate places, early Christians have taken different stances. Other scholars have concluded that early Christians considered abortion a sin at all stages; although there is disagreement over their thoughts on what type of sin it was, and how grave a sin it was held to be, it was seen as at least as grave as sexual immorality. Some early Christians believed that the embryo did not have a soul from conception, and consequently, opinion was divided as to whether or not early abortion was murder or ethically equivalent to murder.

Early church councils punished women for abortions that were combined with other sexual crimes, as well as makers of abortifacient drugs, but, like some early Church Fathers such as Basil of Caesarea, did not make a distinction between "formed" and "unformed" foetuses. While Gregory of Nyssa and Maximus the Confessor held that human life already began at conception, Augustine of Hippo affirmed Aristotle's concepts of ensoulment occurring some time after conception, after which point abortion was to be considered a homicide, while still maintaining the condemnation of abortion at any time from conception onward. Aquinas reiterated Aristotle's views of successive souls: vegetative, animal, and rational. This would be the Catholic Church's position until 1869, when the limitation of automatic excommunication to abortion of a formed foetus was removed, a change that has been interpreted as an implicit declaration that conception was the moment of ensoulment. Most early penitentials imposed equal penances for abortion whether early-term or late-term, but later penitentials in the Middle Ages normally distinguished between the two, imposing heavier penances for late-term abortions and a less severe penance was imposed for the sin of abortion "before [the foetus] has life".

Contemporary Christian denominations have nuanced positions, thoughts, and teachings about abortion, especially in extenuating circumstances. The Catholic Church, the Eastern Orthodox Church,  Oriental Orthodoxy, and most Evangelical Protestants oppose deliberate abortion as immoral while allowing what is sometimes called indirect abortion, namely, an action that does not seek the death of the foetus as an end or a means, but that is followed by the death as a side effect. Evangelical Protestants have some of the most opposed views on the topic of abortion, especially compared to those of traditional religions. More specifically, the religious philosophy of both the Catholic Church and many Evangelical Christians denominations is that life begins at conception, and both groups have strong moral prohibitions against abortion, equating it to murder. These two denominations are the primary participators in interest advocacy groups and are strongly associated with anti-abortion activities. This group behavior can include lobbying, activism, protesting, as well as education and campaign contributions. However, states with a higher percentage of Catholics or a higher percentage of the population classified as fundamentalist or conservative Protestant are not more likely to have abortion restrictions in their state legislature. States or countries with a higher Catholic or Evangelical Christian presence than other denominations have more resources and votes in favor of restrictive abortion laws as well as influence over legislators' perception on the issue of abortion.

Some mainline Protestant denominations such as the Methodist Church, Episcopal Church (United States), United Church of Christ, Presbyterian Church (USA), and the Evangelical Lutheran Church of America, among others, are more permissive of abortion. More generally, some Christian denominations can be considered anti-abortion, while others may favor abortion rights. Additionally, there are sizable minorities in some denominations that disagree with their denomination's stance on abortion.

The more religiously devote and those with more religious engagement tend to hold stronger opinions overall, especially on the abortion debate in regard to religions take on abortion's morality. An individual's religious conservatism has a higher likelihood to oppose abortion. However, members of a denomination can have deviating opinions from vocal religious leaders' beliefs.

Hinduism
Most classical Hindu texts strongly condemn abortion, although the Sushruta Samhita recommends it if the fetus is defective. The British Broadcasting Corporation writes, "When considering abortion, the Hindu way is to choose the action that will do least harm to all involved: the mother and father, the foetus and society." The BBC goes on to state, "In practice, however, abortion is practiced in India, because the religious ban on abortion is sometimes overruled by the cultural preference for sons. This can lead to abortion to prevent the birth of girl babies, which is called 'female foeticide'." Hindu scholars and women's rights advocates have supported bans on sex-selective abortions. Some Hindus support abortion in cases where the mother's life is at imminent risk or when the foetus has a life-threatening developmental anomaly.

Some Hindu theologians and Brahma Kumaris believe personhood begins at three months and develops through to five months of gestation, possibly implying permitting abortion up to the third month and considering any abortion past the third month to be destruction of the soul's current incarnate body.

Islam
The Quran and Hadith describe God's creation of man in the womb and condemn infanticide. A verse in the Quran refers to pregnant women who abort their pregnancies upon the day of judgment. Each of the four Sunni Islam schools of thought—Hanafi, Shafi‘i, Hanbali and Maliki— have their own reservations on if and when abortions are permissible in Islam. The Maliki madhhab holds "that the fetus is ensouled at the moment of conception" and thus "most Malikis do not permit abortion at any point, seeing God's hand as actively forming the fetus at every stage of development." On the other hand, some Hanafi scholars believe that abortion before the hundred twenty day period is over is permitted, though some Hanafi scholars teach that an abortion within 120 days is makruh (disapproved, i.e. discouraged). The other Islamic schools of thought agree abortion is recommended when the mother's life is in danger, because the mother's life is paramount.

Muslim scholars differ as to when fetus is given a soul: some say 40 days after conception, while others say 120 days. Nevertheless Muslim scholars also assert an embryo's right to be respected starting at conception, even if it is not yet regarded as human life. Before 120 days some scholars permit abortion in cases of "great" fetal deformity. Mauritania prohibits abortion under any circumstance. In Shia Islam, abortion is "forbidden after implantation of the fertilised ovum." The leader of the Iranian Islamic Revolution, Ayatollah Khomeini declared that  shari'a forbids  abortion without any reason "even at the earliest possible stage". Iranian Ayatollah Ali Khamenei permitted abortion at 10 weeks in cases of thalassemia. Abortion before 120 days was allowed in cases of rape during the Bosnian war.

After 120 days the fetus is believed to be human life, yet it is still permissible to abort it to save the life of the mother. This is because a fetus will die anyway if the mother dies, and the mother is part of a family and she has responsibilities.

Judaism
Orthodox Jewish teaching allows abortion if necessary to safeguard the life of the pregnant woman. While the Reform, Reconstructionist, and Conservative movements openly advocate for the right to a safe and accessible abortion, the Orthodox movement is less unified on the issue. Many Orthodox Jews oppose abortion, except when it is necessary to save a woman's life (or, according to some, the woman's health).

In Judaism, views on abortion draw primarily upon the legal and ethical teachings of the Hebrew Bible, the Talmud, the case-by-case decisions of responsa, and other rabbinic literature. Generally speaking, Orthodox Jews oppose abortion after the 40th day, with health-related exceptions, and reform Jews tend to allow greater latitude for abortion. There are rulings that often appear conflicting on the matter. The Talmud states that a foetus is not legally a person until it is delivered. The Torah contains the law that, "When men fight, and one of them pushes a pregnant woman, and a miscarriage results, but no other misfortune, the one responsible shall be fined...but if other misfortune ensues, the penalty shall be life (nefesh) for life (nefesh)." . That is, causing a woman to miscarry is a crime, but not a capital crime, because the fetus is not considered a person.

Jeremiah 1:5 states that, "Before I formed you in the womb, I knew you, before you were born, I set you apart; I appointed you as a prophet to the nations." For some, this verse, while talking specifically about Jeremiah, is an indication that God is aware of the identity of "developing unborn human beings even before they enter the womb", or that for everyone, God has a plan that abortion might be seen as frustrating. Others say that this interpretation is incorrect, and that the verse is not related to personhood or abortion, as Jeremiah is asserting his prophetic status as distinct and special.

The Hebrew Bible has a few references to abortion; Exodus 21:22-25 addresses miscarriage by way of another's actions, which it describes as a non-capital offense punishable through a fine. The Book of Numbers in the Hebrew Bible describes the Ordeal of the bitter water (sotah) to be administered by a priest to a wife whose husband thinks she was unfaithful. Some scholars interpret the text as involving an abortifacient potion or otherwise that induces a miscarriage if the woman is pregnant with another man's child. Rabbinical scholar Arnold Ehrlich interprets the ordeal such that it ends either harmlessly if the woman is faithful, or with an induced abortion: "the embryo falls".

Sikhism
The Sikh Sikh Rehat Maryada (code of conduct) does not deal directly with abortion. However, it does explicitly prohibit the practice of 'kuri-mar', a Punjabi term which literally means "girl killing" but also encompasses female foeticide.

The Guru Granth Sahib (primary scripture and source of Sikh religious guidance for Sikhs), does not provide any specific dictate on abortion. Many Sikhs will therefore interpret certain parts of texts and make a personal decision when confronted with a clearly abnormal fetus.

However, while there is no explicit prohibition in the Guru Granth Sahib or the Sikh Rehat Maryada, abortion is generally viewed by some Sikhs as forbidden because it is said to interfere with the creative work of God. Despite this theoretical viewpoint, abortion is not uncommon among the Sikh community in India, and there is growing concern that female foetuses are being aborted because of the cultural preference for sons.

Unitarian Universalism
The Unitarian Universalist Church strongly supports abortion rights. In 1978, the Unitarian Universalist Association passed a resolution that declared, "... [the] right to choice on contraception and abortion are important aspects of the right of privacy, respect for human life, and freedom of conscience of women and their families". The Association had released earlier statements in 1963 and 1968 favoring the reform of restrictive abortion laws.

title: Religion and abortion


text:
Snipe hunt

A snipe hunt is a type of practical joke or fool's errand, in existence in North America as early as the 1840s, in which an unsuspecting newcomer is duped into trying to catch an elusive, nonexistent animal called a snipe. Although snipe are an actual family of birds, a snipe hunt is a quest for an imaginary creature whose description varies.

The target of the prank is led to an outdoor spot and given instructions for catching the snipe; these often include waiting in the dark and holding an empty bag or making noises to attract the creature. The others involved in the prank then leave the newcomer alone in the woods to discover the joke. As an American rite of passage, snipe hunting is often associated with summer camps and groups such as the Boy Scouts. In France, a similar joke is called "hunting the dahu".

In North America
Although snipe are a real family of birds, the snipe hunt is a practical joke, often associated with summer camps and other types of outdoor camping, in which the victim is tricked into engaging in a hunt for an imaginary creature.

Snipe hunters are typically led to an outdoor spot at night and given a bag or pillowcase along with instructions that can include either waiting quietly or making odd noises to attract the creatures. The other group members leave, promising to chase the snipe toward the newcomer; instead, they return home or to camp, leaving the victim of the prank alone in the dark to discover that they have been duped and left "holding the bag".

The snipe hunt is a kind of fool's errand or wild-goose chase, meaning a fruitless errand or expedition, attested as early as the 1840s in the United States. It was the most common hazing ritual for boys in American summer camps during the early 20th century, and is a rite of passage often associated with groups such as the Boy Scouts. In camp life and children's folklore, the snipe hunt provides an opportunity to make fun of newcomers while also accepting them into the group.

Setting the stage for the prank is often done with imaginative descriptions of the snipe, similar to tall tales. For instance, the snipe is said to resemble a cross between a jackrabbit and a squirrel; a squirrel-like bird with one red and one green eye; a small, black, furry bird-like animal that only comes out during a full moon, and so on. According to American Folklore: An Encyclopedia:

"While the snipe hunt is known in virtually every part of the United States, the description of the prey varies: it may be described as a type of bird, a snake, or a small furry animal. In one version, the snipe is a type of deer with a distinctive call; the dupe is left kneeling and imitating the snipe call while holding the bag to catch it."

In another variation, a bag supposedly containing a captured snipe is theatrically brought to the campsite after a group hunt; the snipe quickly "escapes" unseen when the bag is opened.

Variations
A similar practical joke in France is known as "hunting the dahut". While the description of the prey differs from the North American snipe hunt, the nature of the joke is the same.

In Spain, a similar joke is called cazar gamusinos ('hunting gamusinos'). The gamusino is an imaginary animal with no defined description.

Cultural references
A snipe hunt features prominently in the plot and title of an episode of Cheers. The men of the bar send Frasier Crane on a snipe hunt in the Season 3 episode "The Heart is a Lonely Snipe Hunter."

In the Pixar movie Up, Carl tells Russell to go look for a snipe. Later on they find a giant bird which Russell identifies as a Snipe and names it Kevin. They find that Kevin is a female.

Season 4, Episode 23 of Walker, Texas Ranger also features a snipe hunt.

Season 1, Episode 3 of King of the Hill features Bobby and other members of a Boy Scout troop on a snipe hunt. While the other boys realize the hunt was a trick, Bobby knocks out an endangered whooping crane he believes to be a snipe.

title: Snipe hunt


text:
Keisha Castle-Hughes

Keisha Castle-Hughes (born 24 March 1990) is a New Zealand actress. She made her acting debut in the drama film Whale Rider (2002), for which she was nominated for the Academy Award for Best Actress, making her the second-youngest nominee in such category. Her subsequent films include the biblical drama film The Nativity Story (2006) and the teen film Hey, Hey, It's Esther Blueburger (2008).

Early life
Castle-Hughes was born in 1990 in Donnybrook, Western Australia to a Māori mother, Desrae Hughes, of Ngāti Porou, Tainui, and Ngāpuhi descent, and Tim Castle, an Anglo-Australian father. Her family moved to Auckland, New Zealand when she was four years old. She attained citizenship in 2001. Castle-Hughes attended Penrose High School and graduated from Senior College of New Zealand in Auckland.

Career
In 2002, Castle-Hughes made her debut in the film Whale Rider, in which she played the main role of Paikea Apirana (Pai). She had no previous acting experience and went directly from her Auckland school classroom to the film set when the shoot began in New Zealand in late 2001. Castle-Hughes received widespread critical acclaim for her performance, and in 2004 she received an Academy Award nomination for Best Actress at the 76th Academy Awards. Although she did not win the Best Actress award (it went to Charlize Theron for Monster), at age 13 she became the youngest person nominated in this category at the time and the second Indigenous actress, after Merle Oberon and Jocelyne LaGarde, to be nominated for an Oscar.

She soon followed the role by appearing in Prince's controversial "Cinnamon Girl" music video and with a shoot in Vanity Fair magazine. In 2004, Castle-Hughes was invited to join the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences.

In 2005, Castle-Hughes had a small part as Queen Apailana in Star Wars: Revenge of the Sith. In 2006, she portrayed the starring role of the Virgin Mary in The Nativity Story. New York Times critic, A. O. Scott, said that she "seemed entirely unfazed by the demands of playing Mary. She had the poise and intelligence to play the character not as an icon of maternity, but rather as a headstrong, thoughtful adolescent transformed by an unimaginable responsibility." The Christian-themed film earned only $8 million during its opening week, but its box office surged during the week of Christmas.

In 2008, Castle-Hughes appeared in the Australian comedy-drama film Hey, Hey, It's Esther Blueburger, which was filmed in late 2006.

Castle-Hughes reunited with New Zealand director Niki Caro for the film adaption of The Vintner's Luck, which had its international premiere in September 2009.

Castle-Hughes starred in the Japanese horror film Vampire, and she also played a recurring role as Axl's flatmate in The Almighty Johnsons which premiered in 2011. In 2011 Castle-Hughes also played a minor part in the film Red Dog as Rosa the veterinary assistant and wife of Vanno.

In 2014, Castle-Hughes had a guest role in the American television series The Walking Dead in which she played Joan.

In 2015, she joined the cast of the HBO TV series Game of Thrones in Season 5 as Obara Sand. She pursued a role on the show in part because she is a fan of the books. Castle-Hughes found out that she had won the role the night the Season 4 episode "The Mountain and the Viper" aired, in which her on-screen father's death was shown. She described having a very intense emotional reaction to the scene, because of the connection between the characters on the show.

Beginning in 2020, Castle-Hughes has played Hana Gibson, an FBI analyst, on CBS's FBI: Most Wanted.

In a return to the Star Wars franchise, Castle-Hughes voiced Dr. Emerie Karr, an Imperial scientist at the Mount Tantiss facility and female clone of Jango Fett, in Seasons 2 and 3 of Star Wars: The Bad Batch.

Activism
Castle-Hughes campaigned for Greenpeace as part of the SignOn.org.nz climate campaign in 2009. New Zealand Prime Minister John Key initially admonished her to "stick to acting", but offered a week later to discuss the issues with her over tea after she maintained she knew more about them than he gave her credit for.

Personal life
In October 2006, when she was 16, it was announced that Castle-Hughes and boyfriend Bradley Hull were expecting a child together. Their daughter was born in 2007. Castle-Hughes and Hull broke up in 2010 after seven years together.

In 2012, Castle-Hughes began dating Jonathan Morrison. After six weeks together, the couple became engaged in August 2012. Their wedding took place on Valentine's Day 2013. They were divorced in December 2016.

In early 2014, Castle-Hughes revealed that she has bipolar disorder, in the wake of television personality Charlotte Dawson's suicide.

In early 2021, she married Donny Grahamer in New York City. A month later she announced that she was pregnant with her second child, a daughter born in June.

title: Keisha Castle-Hughes


text:
Talk:Charles Chilton

Untitled

 * 1) Was it called Sri Lanka at the time of Chilton's posting, or was it still Ceylon?
 * 2) Riders of the Range - a cowboy series that found its way into the Eagle comic. - What does this mean? What's the Eagle comic? -- Zoe
 * A1. Ceylon at the time and A2. the Eagle comic FlowerpotmaN ·( t ) 19:52, 12 June 2011 (UTC)

Chronology question
I have been trying to dig up more sources for the article but there is a question I have been wondering about. The article asserts "He was then sent to the United States to research, write and produce a number of series based on American western history." He made a trip in 1950, but a couple of newspaper articles such as this from the evening edition of the Ottawa Citizen and others (including this one from the Sydney Morning Herald) assert he had been writing Riders of the Range for a few years prior to his visit to America. As far as I can see, from what might technically be non-reliable sources,although well written and arguably reliable sources, he hadn't visited the States when he started writing Riders of the Range in 1948. I am not sure if the radio interviews say something to the contrary. Not that it is hugely relevant, but his US trip did generate a fair amount of coverage, possibly because Riders of the Range was being broadcast in Canada and Australia (BBC programmes often were), although alas I can't pin down any sources. FlowerpotmaN ·( t ) 22:03, 12 June 2011 (UTC)

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title: Talk:Charles Chilton