text:
Corporate propaganda

Corporate propaganda refers to corporations or government entities that spread specific ideology in order to shape public opinion or perceptions and promote its own interests. The more well known term, propaganda, refers to the spreading of information or ideas by someone who has an interest in changing another persons thoughts or actions. Two important early developers in this field were Harold Lasswell and Edward Bernays. Some scholars refer to propaganda terms such as public relations, marketing, and advertising as Organized Persuasive Communication (OPC). Corporations must learn how to use OPC in order to successfully target and control audiences.

History
It was not until the 20th century that the term propaganda started to become more well-known. The invention of the newspaper and radio aided the public's knowledge of this term because of its use in World War 1. Harold Lasswell was the first to define propaganda as it is thought of today. He defined it as a person or group that aims to influence the opinion or actions of another through psychological manipulations often, subconsciously.

Early propaganda
One of the initial developers in the field of Propaganda was Edward Bernays. Propaganda became more widely known during World War I when the US government hired Bernays for the Committee for Public Informations (CPI). Throughout the early portion of his career, he called himself a propagandist. While he was employed by the CPI, Bernays established the "Counsel on Public Relations" and established Public Relations as a stand-alone practice. He once stated in an interview, "If this could be used for war, it can be used for peace," speaking about the uses of propaganda. During World War I, the term propaganda had taken on a negative connotation due to its use in Nazi Germany. In Bernay's book Propaganda, he stated that the using the term was a crucial part of organizations that wanted to get noticed by the public. Since propaganda had negative connotations already, he wanted it separated from its original connotation so that organizations could use targeted messaging to influence American consumers. He wanted to redefine propaganda to fit in the Public Relations role. His "new propaganda" was to be seen as a tool to be used by corporations to shape society's opinions and persuade consumers.

Propaganda in war
The first users of propaganda in the US was the government. President Woodrow Wilson needed a way to persuade the American people to support US involvement in World War I. The CPI recruited famous American artists, filmmakers, and writers to make pro-war products and advertisements. Newspapers and magazines printed advertisements urging that it was the American citizen's duty to buy war bonds and stamps to support the war efforts.

Propaganda for products
After the success of the pro-war propaganda campaign, Bernays was hired by the American Tobacco Company to find a way to persuade American women to start smoking. In the 1920s men were the primary consumers of cigarettes, and the American Tobacco Company saw women as an untapped potential consumer base. The first campaign Bernays created was aimed at women's beauty standards. He came up with the idea to advertise cigarettes as a way to lose weight. The advertisements encouraged them to pick up a cigarette instead of a fattening food. This campaign worked incredibly well, and women started smoking at home but not out in public, so Bernays created his second campaign. This time, it appealed to the feminist movement. He labeled cigarettes "torches of freedom" and said they promoted equality among the genders. This was a successful campaign because many women were involved in the feminist movement at the time and were eager to accept changes that put them on the same level as men.

Corporate propaganda vs. PR
Not all scholars agree that propaganda can be defined as PR. Those in the field of PR see organized persuasive communication (OPC) as a non-manipulative (consensual) form of persuasion in a democratic society. While others see all propaganda, as manipulative both historically and in current societies.

The early scholars of propaganda, like Lasswell, saw the notion of organized manipulation as unavoidable, and as society progressed, more and more corporations came to rely on it. Scholars of propaganda believe it to be a manipulative type of persuasion that intends to influence a person's opinion. They believe that those who use propaganda do not care if it is used un-consensually or deceptively.

Those who study the field of PR tend to distance themselves from the word propaganda. They believe that any form of OPC that is highly manipulative only occurs in authoritarian governments or governments that are in direct opposition to democratic societies. They do not relate PR with any form of deception, incentivization, or coercion. The negative connotation people associate the word propaganda with has been difficult to change since its initial conception in World War I. The public resistance to adopting the idea that propaganda was not always corrupt led Edward Bernays to redefine forms of propaganda to PR.

Another reason PR scholars have tried to separate themselves from propaganda is because some say that any form of persuasion is manipulation. Corporations rely on persuasion to sell an idea and a product. PR scholars believe that if all persuasion is manipulation, then consumers would unable to tell the difference between actual and untrue advertising statements.

Ethics
During the period right after World War I, the press and journalists were opposed to the practice of public relations. They believed that journalists only wrote for the interest of the public and condemned public relations for writing subjective statements that only benefited the clients. Many journalists were critical of Bernays and his new public relations. They had a hard time seeing the differences between PR and press agents. Bernays believed that, at its core, PR was a moral practice that benefited all society, but he had trouble convincing others of that.

Even though Bernays felt his definition of PR was completely ethical, some scholars criticized his involvement in the field. One occurrence that Bernays was involved with that had people questioning the ethics of propaganda or PR involved the National Electric Light Association (NELA) and their parent company, General Electric (GE). In 1928. NELA implemented a propaganda campaign that discouraged the public from owning any of the electric utilities (GE). Their propaganda campaign was set in newspapers and schools. The company publicly said that the campaign was for educational purposes so that the public would be more informed about the industry. However, when the government investigated them, it was found that they were buying off schools and faculty. They were found not only to be conducting manipulative forms of propaganda but also to have gone as far as to completely block opposing viewpoints, which was directly against what Bernays said propaganda was used for. When Bernays was asked to write about this incident, he said that when a PR counsel takes on an organization, they must maintain an entirely ethical stance, and when a point of view is bought, it is no longer ethical. Though some corporations use PR manipulatively, Bernays still believed that those who use PR had an obligation to keep its use ethical.

title: Corporate propaganda


text:
David Frum

David Jeffrey Frum (born June 1960) is a Canadian-American political commentator and a former speechwriter for President George W. Bush. He is currently a senior editor at The Atlantic as well as an MSNBC contributor. In 2003, Frum authored the first book about Bush's presidency written by a former member of the administration. He has taken credit for the famous phrase "axis of evil" in Bush's 2002 State of the Union address.

Frum formerly served on the board of directors of the Republican Jewish Coalition, the British think tank Policy Exchange, the anti-drug policy group Smart Approaches to Marijuana, and as vice chairman and an associate fellow of the R Street Institute.

Frum is the son of Canadian journalist Barbara Frum.

Early life and education
Born in Toronto, Ontario, to a Jewish family, Frum is the son of the late Barbara Frum (née Rosberg), a well-known, Niagara Falls, New York-born journalist and broadcaster in Canada, and the late Murray Frum, a dentist, who later became a real estate developer, philanthropist, and art collector. His father's parents migrated from Poland to Toronto in 1930. Frum's sister, Linda Frum, was a member of the Senate of Canada. Frum also has an adopted brother, Matthew, from whom he is estranged. He is married to the writer Danielle Crittenden, the stepdaughter of former Toronto Sun editor Peter Worthington. The couple has three children. His daughter Miranda died in February 2024, age 32, from complications of a 2019 brain tumor. He is a distant cousin of economist Paul Krugman.

At age 14, Frum was a campaign volunteer for an Ontario New Democratic Party candidate Jan Dukszta for the 1975 provincial election. During the hour-long bus/subway/bus ride each way to and from the campaign office in western Toronto, he read a paperback edition of Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's The Gulag Archipelago, which his mother had given to him. "My campaign colleagues jeered at the book—and by the end of the campaign, any lingering interest I might have had in the political left had vanished like yesterday's smoke."

Frum was educated at Yale University, where he took the Directed Studies program.

Early career
After graduating from Harvard Law School, Frum returned to Toronto as an associate editor of Saturday Night. He was an editorial page editor of The Wall Street Journal from 1989 until 1992, and then a columnist for Forbes magazine in 1992–94. In 1994–2000, he worked as a senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute for Policy Research, as a contributing editor at neoconservative opinion magazine The Weekly Standard, and as a columnist for Canada's National Post. He worked also as a regular contributor for National Public Radio. In 1996, he helped organize the "Winds of Change" in Calgary, Alberta, an early effort to unite the Reform Party of Canada and the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada.

White House
Following the 2000 election of George W. Bush, Frum was appointed to a position as a speechwriter within the White House. He would later write that when he was first offered the job by chief Bush speechwriter Michael Gerson, "I believed I was unsuited to the job he was offering me. I had no connection to the Bush campaign or the Bush family. I had no experience in government and little of political campaigns. I had not written a speech for anyone other than myself. And I had been only a moderately enthusiastic supporter of George W. Bush ... I strongly doubted he was the right man for the job."

While still a Canadian citizen, he was one of the few foreign nationals working within the Bush White House. He filed for naturalization and took the oath of citizenship on September 11, 2007. Frum served as special assistant to the president for economic speechwriting from January 2001 to February 2002. Conservative commentator Robert Novak described Frum as an "uncompromising supporter of Israel" and "fervent supporter of Ariel Sharon's policies" during his time in the White House. Frum is credited by his wife with inventing the expression "Axis of Evil", which Bush introduced in his 2002 State of the Union address. During Frum's time at the White House, he was described by commentator Ryan Lizza as being part of a speechwriting brain trust that brought "intellectual heft" and considerable policy influence to the Bush Administration.

Shortly after the September 11 attacks, Frum hosted pseudonymous Muslim apostate and critic of Islam, Ibn Warraq at an hour-and-a-half lunch at the White House.

While serving in the Bush White House and afterward, Frum strongly supported the Iraq War by furthering the conspiracy theory that Saddam Hussein was in league with the terrorist group Al-Qaeda. In later years, however, he would express regret for that endorsement, saying that it owed more to psychological and group identity factors than reasoned judgment:

"It's human nature to assess difficult questions, not on the merits, but on our feelings about the different 'teams' that form around different answers. To cite a painful personal experience: During the decision-making about the Iraq war, I was powerfully swayed by the fact that the proposed invasion of Iraq was supported by those who had been most right about the Cold War—and was most bitterly opposed by those who had been wrongest about the Cold War. Yet in the end, it is not teams that matter. It is results. As Queen Victoria's first prime minister bitterly quipped after a policy fiasco: 'What wise men had promised has not happened. What the damned fools predicted has actually come to pass.'"

He also later acknowledged that it remains unclear how the US "could have delivered better success in Iraq" in terms of replacing Saddam with a "more humane and peaceful" government.

Frum left the White House in February 2002. Commentator Robert Novak, appearing on CNN, claimed that Frum was dismissed because his wife had emailed friends, saying that her husband had invented the "axis of evil" phrase. Frum and the White House denied Novak's allegation.

Frum opposed the nomination of Harriet Miers for the Supreme Court of the United States, on the grounds that she was insufficiently qualified for the post, as well as insufficiently conservative.

American Enterprise Institute
Shortly after leaving the White House, Frum took up a position as a fellow of the American Enterprise Institute, a neoconservative think tank. During the early days of his stint there, Frum coauthored An End to Evil with Richard Perle, which presented a neoconservative view of global affairs and an apologia of the 2003 invasion of Iraq.

His position lasted from 2003 until March 25, 2010, when his paid position was terminated and he declined to accept the offer of a non-paying position. Frum later stated that he was asked to leave AEI because of his vocal criticism of the Republican party's no-holds-barred opposition to Obamacare.

Other activities after leaving the White House
In 2005, Frum faced a libel lawsuit filed by the Canadian chapter of the Council on American–Islamic Relations after he suggested in a column for the National Post that CAIR was sympathetic to terrorists. Frum first vowed to fight the lawsuit, but instead the paper published an editor's note acknowledging that "neither Sheema Khan nor the Council on American-Islamic Relations Canada advocates or promotes terrorism." On October 11, 2007, Frum announced on his blog that he was joining Rudolph Giuliani's presidential campaign as a senior foreign policy adviser.

On November 16, 2008, The New York Times reported that Frum would be leaving National Review, where he was a contributing editor and online blogger. Frum announced to readers of his blog that he would be starting a new political website, NewMajority.com, describing it as "a group blog, featuring many different voices. Not all of them ... conservatives or Republicans." He hoped the site would "create an online community that will be exciting and appealing to younger readers, a generation often repelled by today's mainstream conservatism." The website was launched on January 19, 2009. On October 31, 2009, its title was changed to FrumForum, to avoid confusion with other political organizations that used "New Majority" in their names. In 2012 it was merged into The Daily Beast, where his blog continued. Citing personal reasons shortly after the deaths of his father and father-in-law, Frum suspended his blog on June 3, 2013 but resumed writing for The Daily Beast in September 2013.

Frum joined The Atlantic as a senior editor in March 2014. During the 2014 Israel–Gaza conflict, Frum issued a series of tweets labeling as "fake" a photo of two blood-covered Palestinian youths bringing their father's body to a hospital in Khan Younis; the man had been killed in an Israeli airstrike. Frum apologized on The Atlantic. Frum was criticized by Washington Post media writer Erik Wemple and by fellow correspondent for The Atlantic, James Fallows, who termed Frum's tweets "a major journalistic error."

On November 2, 2016, he announced that he had voted for Hillary Clinton for president.

Books and writing
Frum's first book, Dead Right, was released in 1994. It "expressed intense dissatisfaction with supply-siders, evangelicals, and nearly all Republican politicians", according to a negative review by a Frum opponent, Robert Novak. Frank Rich of The New York Times described it as "the smartest book written from the inside about the American conservative movement," William F. Buckley, Jr. found it "the most refreshing ideological experience in a generation," and Daniel McCarthy of The American Conservative called it "a crisply written indictment of everything its author disliked about conservatism in the early '90s."

He is also the author of What's Right (1996) and How We Got Here (2000), a history of the 1970s, which "framed the 1970s in the shadow of World War II and Vietnam, suggesting, 'The turmoil of the 1970s should be understood ... as the rebellion of an unmilitary people against institutions and laws formed by a century of war and the preparation for war.'" Michael Barone of U.S. News & World Report praised How We Got Here, noting that "more than any other book ... it shows how we came to be the way we are." John Podhoretz described it as "compulsively readable" and a "commanding amalgam of history, sociology and polemic."

In January 2003 Frum released The Right Man: The Surprise Presidency of George W. Bush, the first insider account of the Bush presidency. Frum also discussed how the events of September 11, 2001 redefined the country and the president: "George W. Bush was hardly the obvious man for the job. But by a very strange fate, he turned out to be, of all unlikely things, the right man." His book An End to Evil was co-written with Richard Perle. It provided a defense of the 2003 invasion of Iraq, and advocated regime change in Iran and Syria. It called for a tougher policy toward North Korea, and a tougher US stance against Saudi Arabia and other Islamic nations in order to "win the war on terror".

He published Comeback: Conservatism That Can Win Again in 2008. In 2012, his book Why Romney Lost (And What The GOP Can Do About It), attributed Mitt Romney's defeat in the 2012 U.S. presidential election to an economic message out of touch with the concerns of middle-class Americans and to a backward-looking cultural message. Frum's first novel, Patriots, was published in April 2012. It is a political satire about the election and presidency of a fictional conservative American president. In 2018, Frum published Trumpocracy: The Corruption of the American Republic, about the dangers posed by the Trump presidency to American democracy. He was interviewed for the book on the New Books Network. In 2020, he published a second volume about the Trump era and its consequences, Trumpocalypse: Restoring American Democracy.

Appearances on public radio
Frum was a commentator for American Public Media's "Marketplace" from 2007 until his final appearance on October 12, 2011. Frum has made numerous appearances on the weekly radio program Left, Right & Center on KCRW, the National Public Radio affiliate in Santa Monica, California. On the KCRW program, Frum presented the conservative viewpoint.

Political views
Frum supported the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He helped write George W. Bush's famous "Axis of Evil" speech to describe the governments of Iraq, Iran and North Korea. Frum is a supporter of Israel. He opposed President Barack Obama's Iran nuclear deal. In 2009, Frum described his political beliefs as follows: "I'm a conservative Republican, have been all my adult life. I volunteered for the Reagan campaign in 1980. I've attended every Republican convention since 1988. I was president of the Federalist Society chapter at my law school, worked on the editorial page of The Wall Street Journal and wrote speeches for President Bush—not the 'Read My Lips' Bush, the 'Axis of Evil' Bush. I served on the Giuliani campaign in 2008 and voted for John McCain in November. I supported the Iraq War and (although I feel kind of silly about it in retrospect) the impeachment of Bill Clinton. I could go on, but you get the idea."

In 2010, Frum was involved in the formation of the centrist group No Labels as a "founding leader".

In June 2011, following the legalization of same-sex marriage in New York state, Frum's weekly column for CNN was titled "I was wrong about same-sex marriage." In it he described the evolution of his opinion from a "strong opponent" 14 years prior; while he had feared that its introduction would cause "the American family [to] become radically more unstable," he now feels that "the case against same-sex marriage has been tested against reality. The case has not passed its test." In 2013, Frum was a signatory to an amicus curiae brief submitted to the Supreme Court in support of same-sex marriage during the Hollingsworth v. Perry case.

In a 2013 opinion column for CNN, Frum discussed the need for a "Plan B On Guns" because of a lack of votes in Congress for gun control legislation. Frum specifically urged the commissioning of a surgeon general's report on firearms health effects on individual ownership (writing that "such a report would surely reach the conclusion that a gun in the home greatly elevates risks of suicide, lethal accident and fatal domestic violence"), and he called for Senate hearings regarding the practices of firearms manufacturers. He compared these to hearings conducted in the 1990s about tobacco companies.

In 2014, Frum analyzed the role he accused Edward Snowden of playing in Vladimir Putin's publicity program.

Frum appeared on stage with Steve Bannon, Trump's former campaign CEO and White House Chief Strategist, in the November 2, 2018 edition of the Munk Debates in Toronto, ON., where they debated the future of populism in western politics.

In 2018, he wrote, "The advanced democracies have built the freest, most just, and best societies in human history. Those societies demand many improvements, for sure—incremental, practical reforms, with careful attention to unintended consequences. But not revolution. Not the burn-it-all-down fantasies of the new populists."

Frum is a proponent of immigration reform, arguing that "reducing immigration, and selecting immigrants more carefully" would lead to increased economic benefits and restore "the feeling of belonging to one united nation, responsible for the care and flourishing of all its people".

He expressed support for Israel and its right to self-defense during the 2023 Israel–Hamas war. In December 2023, Frum said that the Israeli response was "inevitable" and that Palestinian statehood was not the solution.

Presidential elections
Frum supported John McCain in the 2008 presidential election, writing "I vote for John McCain". In an article for National Review Online that he posted days before the 2008 election, he gave ten reasons why he was going to vote for McCain instead of Barack Obama. Frum had previously been a vocal critic of Republican presidential candidate McCain's choice of Sarah Palin as his running mate on the grounds that Palin was unqualified to assume the presidency. Speaking of Palin's performance during the campaign, Frum stated, "I think she has pretty thoroughly—and probably irretrievably—proven that she is not up to the job of being president of the United States." Nevertheless, he ultimately stated his support for Palin, writing "But on Tuesday, I will trust that she can learn. She has governed a state—and ... it says something important that so many millions of people respond to her as somebody who incarnates their beliefs and values. At a time when the great American middle often seems to be falling further and further behind, there may be a special need for a national leader who represents and symbolizes that middle."

After the 2012 election, Frum said that Romney would have been "a really good president" but that he had allowed himself to be "twisted into pretzels" by the more extreme factions of the Republican Party who immediately abandoned him after he lost the election.

Never Trump
Frum stated that he voted for Hillary Clinton in the 2016 U.S. presidential election. He is identified with the Never Trump movement, Republicans who opposed the election of Donald Trump and continued to oppose Trump during his presidency. In October 2019 Frum called Trump "very, very guilty" of attempting to influence Ukraine to announce an investigation into Trump's political opponent Joe Biden. During Trump's term, Frum wrote two books criticizing Trump, his policies, and his incompetence at governing: Trumpocracy: The Corruption of the American Republic and Trumpocalypse: Restoring American Democracy.

In 2022, when the Republican party prohibited its candidates from participating in future presidential debates, Frum attributed the decision to the "Trump Cinematic Universe," an involuted cartoon version of reality accessible to "[O]nly those conversant with the pro-Trump right's internal myths and legends." In 2024, he had an article published entitled "Trump Deflates."

Criticism of the Republican Party after 2008
In 2009, Frum denounced various anti-Obama conspiracy theories as "wild accusations and the paranoid delusions coming from the fever swamps".

In his blog, Frum described the Tea Party as "a movement of relatively older and relatively affluent Americans whose expectations have been disrupted by the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression. They are looking for an explanation of the catastrophe—and a villain to blame. They are finding it in the same place that (Michele) Bachmann and her co-religionists located it 30 years ago: a deeply hostile national government controlled by alien and suspect forces, with Barack Obama as their leader and symbol." He explained Bachmann's political views, some of which he called "paranoid": "It emerges from a religious philosophy that rejects the federal government as an alien instrument of destruction, ripping apart a Christian society. Bachmann's religiously grounded rejection of the American state finds a hearing with many more conventional conservatives radicalized by today's hard economic times."

On August 14, 2009, on Bill Moyers Journal, Frum challenged certain Republican political tactics in opposing health care and other Democratic initiatives as "outrageous," "dangerous," and ineffective. As Congress prepared to pass the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act in March 2010, Frum again criticized the Republican strategy of refusing to negotiate with President Obama and congressional Democrats on health care reform, saying that it had resulted in the Republicans' "most crushing legislative defeat since the 1960s". Before making this statement, Frum had been associated with the American Enterprise Institute. He resigned from the AEI a few days later. Following the temporary withdrawal of a Republican effort to repeal the ACA in 2017, Frum wrote an article in the Atlantic in which he chastised fellow Republicans and conservatives for failing to take his advice to behave with moderation and humility.

In a September 2011 article, Tablet Magazine wrote: "as the Tea Party has come to dominate the GOP, Frum has been transformed in a remarkably short period of time from right-wing royalty to apostate" and quoted him as saying: "There's a style and a sensibility in the Republican Party right now that I find myself removed from, [but] you can do more good for the country by working for a better Republican Party than by leaving it to the extremists. What have they done to deserve that inheritance?"

Writing for New York magazine in November 2011, Frum described his reaction to fellow Republicans, who had distanced themselves from him, saying, "Some of my Republican friends ask if I've gone crazy. I say: Look in the mirror." He described the development of an "alternative reality" within which the party, conservative think-tanks, and right wing commentators operate from a set of lies about the economy and nonexistent threats to their traditional base of supporters. He expressed concern over the inability of moderate Republicans to criticize their conservative brethren, contrasting this to the 1960s split between moderate Ripon Republicans and conservative Goldwater Republicans, when moderates such as Michigan governor George Romney were publicly critical of the conservatives.

Non-political views
Frum considers himself "a not especially observant Jew". Alexander Hamilton and Abraham Lincoln are among his favorite historical figures. Marcel Proust is his favorite novelist.

Critical studies and reviews of Frum's work

 * Review of Trumpocracy.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: David Frum


text:
Talk:Sheet music

Removed
I removed this:

 * In England, the first piece of printed sheet music was the XX Songes, which included songs by John Taverner among others, and which appeared in 1530.

In A History of Western Music Grout & Palisca state:

 * Printing from a single impression... was apparently first practiced by John Rastell in London about 1520 and first applied systically on a large scale by Pierre Attaingnant in Paris in 1528.

Did someone just get the date wrong for XX Songes, or was there stuff before it? -- Merphant

 * Hm, I put it in. I can't remember my source for it right now - I'll check in my books later and look in Grove. Well spotted. By the way, do you have a date for the Grout & Palisca? --Camembert

 * OK, I checked in Grove, and it says that two fragments of music printed by John Rastell exist from 1526 or "possibly earlier". So XX Songes (which Grove confirms appeared in 1530) can't have been the first printed music in England. It's possible that what the source I got that from (whatever it was) meant was that XX Songes is the earliest English printed music to have survived complete, but I'm just guessing. In any case, it can happily stay out of the article until somebody researches the whole subject and writes about it properly. My mistake, apologies. --Camembert

I put up an external link to www.rowy.net, a sheet music database, and it was removed without reason. Why? --AL

A link to www.rowy.net is always removed from the sheet music section, because it's one of the largest multilingual databases with free sheet music, AL. It even has almost twice as much music as mutopia. I don't understand it either. Maybe Wikipedia should be called Editorpedia. -- Rowy

I put a link to Classical Sheet Music Downloads® (www.virtualsheetmusic.com) which, I think, is an important reference to be added in the sheet music article (they are the leading site for pure digital sheet music), and it has been removed. Any idea? Instead I can find listed the Mutopia Project which is not an unique site (like that one there are thousands).

I find that the sites being linked to externally provide a horrible collection of sheet music. Sites like Rowy, Sheetmusicfox, and the Werner Icking are a million times better than the sites currently linked to. Does anybody else have an opinion? —The preceding unsigned comment was added by 66.159.252.141 (talk • contribs).

Cut
I cut this material that seems to duplicate some stuff in music notation.

Sheet music may come in several different forms. If a piece is written for just one instrument (for example, a piano), all the music will be written on just one piece of sheet music. If a piece is intended to be played by more than one person, each person will usually have their own piece of sheet music, called a part. If there are a large number of performers required for a piece, there may also be a score, which is a piece of sheet music which shows all or most of the instruments' music in one place. Scores come in various forms:

 * A full score is a large book showing the music of all instruments. It will be large enough for a conductor to use in rehearsals or performance.
 * A miniature score is like a full score, but reduced in size. It is too small for practical use, but handy for studying a piece of music.
 * A study score is a rather vague term, sometimes used as a synonym for miniature score, and sometimes used to mean a score somewhere between the size of a full and a miniature score.
 * A piano score (or piano reduction) is an arrangement of a piece for many instruments, for just a piano. It will often include indications of which instrument plays the various melodies and other notes.
 * A vocal score is a piano score which has all the vocal parts, both choral and solo, on separate staves. It is used by singers.
 * A short score is a reduction of a work for many instruments to just a few staves. Short scores are not usually published, but are often used by composers on their way to producing a finished piece. Often, a short score is completed before work on orchestration begins.

It should be noted that the word score can also refer to the incidental music written for something such as a play, television programme or film (when it is called a film score).

It seems to me that this material is not particularly accurate or informative, since the terminology for these things varies from one publisher to the next. UninvitedCompany

 * I completely disagree, and I'm putting it back in the article. If that info is duplicated in musical notation (and only very little of it is), then it should be removed from there, not here, since it's about sheet music, not about notation, per se. As for terminology varying... well, if you can show me a number of publishers who uses the term "vocal score", say, to mean anything other than what is described here, then I'll concede you have a point, but I believe the terms (apart from study score, the vagueness of which is noted) are used pretty consistently. --Camembert

 * Full score -- usually the term "score," alone, is used. "Full" is just hyperbole.
 * Miniature score, study score. Not particularly informative or helpful, since there are miniature and study editions of much else, such as paperback editions of Homer, and miniature or study editions of keyboard works that, by virtue of being solo music, are not scores.
 * Piano score -- I've never seen this term used, anywhere. I've seen the term piano reduction used.  I've seen scores for piano trios, that the pianist usually plays from, since there is no separate part for the piano the way there is for each string, but that isn't usually called a piano score, is it?
 * Vocal score -- I see this terminology rarely, but usually something is identified as, say, SATB, with the presence of the piano accompaniment implied.
 * Short score -- never heard of this but I have no training in orchestration or composition, so I withhold any opinion
 * Film score -- this is an article about sheet music, not about film or about scores, so why does this belong?
 * UninvitedCompany (signed by Hyacinth)

Guido
I think Guido d'Arezzo needs a mention here in the "History" section. I am aware that he is noted under Musical Notation, but it also seems that he should get credit here. —The preceding unsigned comment was added by 80.176.230.174 (talk • contribs) 23 Feb 2006.

External link freesheetpianiomusic.com
I put a link to www.freesheetpianomusic.com that was deleted. Any comments??? Free Sheet Piano Music” is a free non commercial resource with unique(!) content. So I think it can be very usefull for some adultes peoples who start to teach play piano. So if the link is deleted please let me know why? —Preceding unsigned comment added by Reggina (talk • contribs) 13:44 2008-11-23

title: Talk:Sheet music


text:
Talk:List of Turanism related subjects

 * Previous deletion debate

My idea on the list of Turanism subjects entry is: to get like minded people to look at the external links and start working on Turanism related Wikipedia articles that our encyclopedia needs, but not yet has. Cheers LearnSkills -- I consider this the most effective way of encyclopedizing: to start with a mother-of-all-list of related subjects, then to provide external links, then to have aficionados to come to the well and slowly build a Wikipedia body of knowledge around that list of subjects... This works much more efficiently than the painstaking accumulation of unrelated entries, mostly stimulated by current events. I was quite surprised that, after the one year anniversary of Wikipedia, when I typed "Turanism"--search, nothing showed up. LearnSkills

title: Talk:List of Turanism related subjects


text:
Ottaviano Petrucci

Ottaviano Petrucci (Fossombrone, 18 June 1466 – Venice, 7 May 1539) was an Italian printer. His Harmonice Musices Odhecaton, a collection of chansons printed in 1501, is commonly misidentified as the first book of sheet music printed from movable type. Actually that distinction belongs to the Roman printer Ulrich Han's Missale Romanum of 1476. Nevertheless, Petrucci's later work was extraordinary for the complexity of his white mensural notation and the smallness of his font, and he did in fact print the first book of polyphony using movable type. He also published numerous works by the most highly regarded composers of the Renaissance, including Josquin des Prez and Antoine Brumel.

Life
He was born in Fossombrone (Pesaro), and probably was educated at Urbino. Around 1490 he went to Venice to learn the art of printing, and in 1498 he petitioned the Doge for the exclusive right to print music for the next 20 years. The right was very probably granted, since no examples of printed music from other Venetian printers are known before 1520. In 1501 he produced his first book of music, 96 chansons, as the Harmonice musices odhecaton A (sometimes referred to as "the Odhecaton"), which is the earliest known example of printed polyphonic music. In the following years he continued to refine his technique, producing new editions and reprints every few months until 1509, when his activity was interrupted by the war of the League of Cambrai against Venice; he departed the city for Fossombrone, where he resumed his activities as a printer.

Fossombrone being within the papal states, Petrucci applied for a patent with the Pope for the exclusive right to print music, which was granted for several years; however the Pope rescinded the patent when Petrucci failed to produce keyboard music, granting it instead to one of Petrucci's competitors at Rome. In 1516 papal troops ransacked Fossombrone, and Petrucci printed nothing for three years: most likely his equipment was destroyed. The competitor who took Petrucci's printing privilege away from him in Rome, Andrea Antico, also took over his printing business in Venice in 1520. During the 1520s Petrucci seems to have made his living managing a paper mill.

In 1536 he returned to Venice at the request of the civic authorities there, and assisted them in printing Greek and Latin texts.

Significance
A total of 61 music publications by Petrucci are known. By far the most fruitful period of his life for publishing music was the period between 1501 and 1509, during which he published the three volumes of chansons (the Odhecaton being the first), 16 books of masses, five books of motets, 11 anthologies of frottole and six books of music for lute. The last publication is dated 1520.

Petrucci was not the first music printer in Europe – a number of liturgical works with woodcut music were printed before 1500, with the first, the Constance Gradual, printed about 1473, and works using movable type were printed beginning with Ulrich Han's Missale Romanum in 1476. He was, however, the first to print in quantity and the first to print polyphonic music, and the quality of his printings was outstanding.

Petrucci's technique required three impressions; each sheet of music would be run through the presses once for the staves, once for the music, and once for the words. Petrucci was highly successful at this enterprise; his publications are quite exact and beautifully executed. However, other printers using this method sometimes offset their prints slightly, which could result in notes being printed too high or too low on the staff – and thus jarringly incorrect for performers. Petrucci's method was soon superseded by the innovations attributed to Pierre Attaignant, who developed and popularized the single-impression method of printing in 1528.

The printing of music made possible the development of the first truly international musical style since the unification of Gregorian Chant in the 9th century. Printed music moved around Europe during the migration of Franco-Flemish composers from their home areas in the modern day Low Countries to Italy, Germany, Spain, Poland and elsewhere; the polyphonic style of the Franco-Flemish became an international language, with later regional variations.

title: Ottaviano Petrucci


text:
Simon Fraser, 11th Lord Lovat

Simon Fraser, 11th Lord Lovat (c. 1667 – 9 April 1747, London), nicknamed the Fox (an t-Sionnach), was a Scottish Jacobite and Chief (Mac Shimidh Mòr) of Clan Fraser of Lovat, known for his feuding and changes of allegiance. In 1715, he had been a supporter of the House of Hanover, but in 1745 he changed sides and supported the Stuart claim on the crown of Great Britain. Lovat was among the Highlanders defeated at the Battle of Culloden and convicted of high treason against the Crown, following which he was sentenced to death and subsequently executed. He became the last man in Britain to be beheaded.

Early life
Simon was the second son of Thomas Fraser of Beaufort (1631–1699) and Lady Sybilla MacLeod (d. 1682), daughter of John Mór MacLeod, 16th Chief of Clan MacLeod. The Beaufort Frasers were Lord Lovat, hereditary chiefs of the highland Clan Fraser. Simon was tutored privately at his home near Beauly. He was a capable student, becoming fluent in English, French and Gaelic, as well as gaining a solid grounding in Latin.

Simon's older brother, Alexander, died from wounds received fighting for the Jacobites at the victorious Battle of Killiecrankie. Simon, now his father's heir, left home to study at King's College, Aberdeen, where he was a "diligent student" and graduated with a Master of Arts degree in 1695.

At this point Simon was at a crossroads, owing to the poor leadership of the clan by Hugh Fraser, 9th Lord Lovat (1666–1696). Recognising the threat posed to it by the expanding power of the nearby Clan Mackenzie, as well as its ally the Atholl Murrays, Simon of Beaufort needed to ensure his father's succession to the lordship. There were two avenues available to him to pursue this claim: the law or the army. He chose the latter. Accordingly, he went to Edinburgh and undertook to recruit three hundred men from his clan to form part of a regiment in the service of William III and Mary II. This was done more to ensure a body of well-trained soldiers under his influence than loyalty to the government. However, a suspicious Lord John Murray (brother of Hugh Fraser's wife, Amelia Murray) was colonel of Simon's regiment and he was only given a lieutenancy, not a salaried captainship.

In early 1696, whilst on a trip to London in the company of both Simon of Beaufort and Lord John Murray, Hugh assigned the succession of the Lovat title to the Beaufort Frasers. Hugh died that same year, and Thomas of Beaufort (Simon's father) then took on the title of 10th Lord Lovat, but the succession was to be disputed by Lord John Murray, now the Earl of Tullibardine and the most powerful man in Scotland.

Open violence
After a fierce verbal encounter in Edinburgh, when Tullibardine attempted to make Simon renounce his claim to the lordship, Simon went to Castle Dounie to negotiate with Hugh's widow Amelia for the hand of her young daughter (also called Amelia). Tullibardine responded by removing his niece to Blair Castle, stronghold of the Murrays. It was his intention that she marry Alexander Fraser, heir to Lord Saltoun and unrelated to the highland Frasers.

Simon responded to this by kidnapping the young Master of Saltoun when he arrived in Fraser territory in an attempt win local support for the marriage. By having a gallows built outside the window of his prison and threatening to hang him, Simon successfully dissuaded Alexander from marrying the heiress. Although this incident was characteristic of a private clan feud, Tullibardine had no intention of letting the matter rest. He declared the Frasers had risen in open rebellion against the Crown, and harried the colonel in charge of the government barracks at Fort William to proceed against Fraser.

Before the Crown could respond, however, Simon undertook an act in October 1697 which was to have dire consequences for both himself and others. "If he could not have Amelia the daughter, he would have Amelia the mother". Whilst at Castle Dounie he had an Episcopal minister brought in to marry them. Her family, the most powerful in Scotland, was naturally enraged by this act of violence. He later treated it as a practical joke without legal validity; they separated in December 1697 and he married twice more before Amelia's death on 6 May 1743, without seeking divorce.

Once Simon allowed his wife to rejoin her family at Blair Castle, the Privy Council and Court of Session issued "Letters of Intercommuning", preventing people from "communing" with Simon, his father and any of his followers. Moreover, they could be brought in "dead or alive". A military expedition of both Atholl Murray men and government troops was sent to Fraser country in February 1698 to achieve this, but they failed to capture him. Simon and his father made good their escape to the highlands, and the troops could do little but destroy Fraser property.

They were eventually cited to answer two charges: forced marriage and rape, as well as raising men in arms. In September 1698 – and still notable for their absence – Simon, his father, and twenty leading men of the clan, were convicted of the capital crime of rebellion. Eventually Simon and his father took refuge at Dunvegan Castle on Skye. This was the ancestral home to the McLeods, his mother's family. It was here in May 1699 that the 69 year old Thomas died, still with a price on his head. Simon now assumed the title of Lord Lovat, but he was an outlaw and unable to claim his estates. Simon was obliged to bury his father at Dunvegan rather than the traditional burial place of Lovat Frasers, at Wardlaw, near Beauly. (Eventually, on securing the title, he erected a notably extravagant memorial stone at Wardlaw Mausoleum.)

Despite these tribulations, Fraser still commanded the loyalty of his clan, not least because of the Atholl Murrays' "systematic attempt to ravage the properties of those Fraser gentlemen well disposed to Simon's cause". After his return from Skye, Simon Fraser commanded about 300 armed followers and successfully ambushed some 600 Athollmen and government soldiers near Inverness. Simon was dissuaded from massacring them, but two of Tullibardine's brothers were forced to kiss the tip of his sword. The enemy troop were then made to run the gauntlet. In this, Simon showed he was capable of fulfilling an important role of a highland chief, that of military leader.

Royal pardon
Simon was facing nearly impossible odds in his attempts to gain control of the Fraser lands, and the law offered him no opportunity for recourse. Both Tullibardine and his ally, George Mackenzie, Viscount of Tarbat, had a firm control of the Edinburgh judiciary. However, he found a powerful ally in Archibald Campbell, tenth Earl (and after 1701, first Duke) of Argyll and chief of the powerful Clan Campbell. Argyll advised Simon to go to London and seek a pardon from King William, whilst informing William in a letter of the "chaos and hostility" caused by Tullibardine in his pursuit of Simon. Other powerful voices were to support Argyll's opinion, and ultimately this was to sway the King, now concerned to keep the peace in Scotland whilst he fought a war in Flanders. Granted a pardon in 1700, he was at last free to assume the title of Lord Lovat in the ancestral residence at Castle Dounie. Argyll was himself elevated to a Dukedom, and his rise seemed to presage Tullibardine's fall as well as Simon's advancement.

This improvement in his fortunes was not to last. The business of the forced marriage and rape was unresolved (it being a matter concerning private individuals, not the Crown), and the Murrays did not relent on this charge. When he failed to appear in court in February 1701 to answer the charge of "rapt and hamesucken", he was again outlawed. This was followed up a year later by more "letters of intercommuning" (known more dramatically as a "Commission of Fire and Sword"). In March 1702 William III died, and Queen Anne succeeded to the throne. She favoured Tullibardine, rather than Argyll.

A final blow was received in mid-1702 when Amelia, the 13-year-old daughter of Hugh, the 9th Lord Lovat, married Alexander Mackenzie, who took the name 'Alexander Mackenzie of Fraserdale'. This supposedly made him a Fraser, and by the terms of Hugh's marriage contract of 1685, his first born son would inherit the title and estates of Lovat. The Mackenzie takeover of Fraser lands was very close to fruition. The newly married couple moved into Castle Dounie while Simon was in London, seeking to meet the new Queen. On Argyll's advice, Lovat left Britain and headed to a place that might offer a solution to the ongoing issue of his inheritance: the court of the exiled Stuarts, at St Germain-en-Laye in France.

At the court of exiles
After 15 years of exile, the family of James II was still hoping to regain the thrones of England and Scotland. The elder James had died a few months before Simon's arrival, but his 14-year-old son James stood ready. However, the court-in-exile was divided into two factions. One, headed by the Earl of Middleton ("good tempered, affable and patient" ) favoured a peaceful accession by young James to the throne of England on the death of Anne. The other faction was headed by the Duke of Perth ("proud and passionate" ) which saw an armed rising in Scotland, assisted materially by France, as the most likely way to restore the family to its former glory. Simon gravitated towards the Duke of Perth's faction, not least because Simon's cousin, John McLean, already belonged to it.

One major step Fraser took to advance his cause was to convert to Catholicism. The court was ostentatiously Catholic, with James' mother Mary of Modena setting the standard for piety, and Middleton had himself recently converted. Once a Catholic, Simon was also able to secure a private audience with the King of France, Louis XIV, at Versailles. Here, speaking in "good French with a Scots accent", he put forward a plan for a rising by the Jacobite clans of the highlands, aided by French troops, arms and money. Later, he added flesh to these plans. About five thousand French troops would land on the east coast of Scotland, at Dundee. At the same time, five hundred men were to land on the west coast and seize Fort William or Inverlochy. Together, they would march towards Edinburgh, gathering men from the clans as they progressed. The involvement of the highlanders was "the main and the novel feature" of Simon's plan. It has also been suggested by later writers that this plan would form the basis of both major Jacobite uprisings, in 1715 and 1745.

Although the Jacobite ruling council ultimately agreed to the plan, Middleton was cautious and recommended to Louis that Fraser be sent back to Scotland to obtain written proof that the highland clans would rise if French troops landed. So, after a year in France, Simon returned to Scotland in mid-1703 to lay the groundwork for an invasion and uprising which could allow him to reclaim his title and estates.

Double dealings
In 1703, Fraser returned to Britain with a handful of blank commissions signed by James Francis Edward, escorted by Lord John Murray, soon to be Duke of Atholl. He first visited London, then Scotland, where he learned that while economic hardships caused considerable discontent with Queen Anne's government, the Highland chiefs were unenthusiastic about another rising. In September, he met Anne's representative in the Scottish parliament, James Douglas, Duke of Queensberry and shared details of the French invasion plans. He also showed him a letter from Mary of Modena, addressed to an 'L. J. M.' which he suggested was Lord John Murray; these initials were probably added by Fraser himself.

Fraser's goal was to regain the Lovat title and estates; while his brother John tried to keep his clansmen loyal and collected rents in his absence, there were signs they were beginning to accept a Mackenzie in his place. Later evidence suggests his betrayal of the Stuart cause was an attempt to implicate his political enemies Atholl and Queensbury in a Jacobite plot. In the absence of a successful rising, this would ensure his political rehabilitation by ingratiating himself with the existing government.

As the main Scottish sponsor of Union, Queensberry was happy to implicate the anti-Union Atholl and passed this onto London and provided Fraser a passport under a false name allowing him to leave the country. With rumours already circulating about Fraser's return and calls being made for his capture, Queensbury provided him with a passport in a false name and he was obliged to return to France to explain himself.

Imprisonment in France
On his return in late 1703, Lovat prepared a report to Mary of Modena summarising Jacobite support in Scotland, which actually appeared favourable for her son's return to the throne. After an initially warm response, news of his double dealings reached Paris. King Louis XIV responded initially by sending Lovat into exile in the middle of France, at Bourges. Misjudging the extent to which he was out of favour, he used a gratuity and a pension from the French King to help pay for lavish celebrations in the city in recognition of French military successes. Louis responded by sending him to prison at Angoulême where he was to remain, unable to influence events, for the next three years. In 1707 he was moved to the town of Saumur. He was not in prison, and able to correspond and see visitors, but he was not allowed to visit Paris or Scotland.

1715 rebellion
As late as 1714, many Fraser gentry had still not accepted Alexander Mackenzie as their chief, even though he was married to the heiress and was living at Castle Dounie. A group of Fraser gentlemen sent one of their own, James Fraser of Castle Leathers, to Saumur in order to bring Simon back home. After some hesitation by Simon, they returned to Britain via Dover. He then bided his time in London in order to determine his legal status.

At this point, political events again overtook Fraser's life. The childless Queen Anne died just before his return to Britain and was succeeded by George of Hanover. In response, a Jacobite rebellion broke out in Scotland in September 1715, led by the Earl of Mar. Seeing his opportunity for redemption, Lovat secured permission to return to Scotland and help rally the Fraser clansmen for the government.

After an arduous trip north, Fraser finally met up with his loyal clansmen outside of Inverness, which had been occupied by Jacobite troops. The Clan Mackenzie had already declared for the Stuart King in France, and several hundred Fraser men had joined them under the Earl of Seaforth. But "when they heard I was in my country", he claimed, "they 'made a great desertion in Mar’s army. Fraser's "energy and tactical acuity" certainly reinvigorated the government's campaign in the north, and by helping ensure no reinforcements arrived, he expedited the surrender of Inverness by its Jacobite garrison on 12 November 1715.

Restoration of the title and estates
For his efforts, which included securing the surrender of the Earl of Seaforth, Fraser secured a full pardon from the King in March 1716. He was now able to occupy Castle Dounie as the 11th Lord Lovat without fear of arrest or execution. Another concession by the King later that year meant that he could also claim the income from the estates, although only for the lifetime of the previous tenant, Alexander Mackenzie (now languishing in a jail in Carlisle after having risen for the Jacobites). In a further sign of his restoration to respectability, Lovat was also appointed Governor of the Castle at Inverness and given command of his own Company of Foot.

The rest of Simon's life involved untangling the legal and financial problems he had inherited with the title, as well as fending off lawsuits from various claimants in the courts (one writer suggests he may even have enjoyed them). One notable legal dispute was with Alexander Mackenzie (who had been pardoned for his rebellion in 1715) over the income of the estates, which dragged through the courts until the 1730s. It was only then, with the payment of a crippling sum of money as compensation, that Simon stood in undisputed possession of his title and estates.

Lovat as Clan Chief
Lovat had a medieval conception of the role of clan chief. He had little patience for those leading clansmen who disagreed with him, and he quarrelled furiously with men such as Alexander Fraser of Phopachy and James Fraser of Castle Leathers. His relations with lesser clansmen were marked by a paternal interest in their affairs.

"Generally he had a bag of farthings for when he walked abroad the contents of which he distributed among any beggars whom he met. He would stop a man on the road; inquire how many children he had; offer him sound advice; and promise to redress his grievances if he had any."

In his own estimate, he took care his clansmen were "always well-clothed and well-armed, after the Highland fashion, and not to suffer them to wear low-country clothes". In return he kept a lavish table at his (smallish) castle, with a "great abundance of all kinds of meat – and drink". As a recent biographer notes, it was really a redistribution of the rent he had collected from the clansmen.

Family
With Lovat's forced marriage with Amelia Murray in 1697 conveniently being forgotten, he married Margaret Grant, the daughter of Ludovick Grant of Grant (the "Highland King"), in 1717. This marriage, "the most successful of Lovat’s matrimonial experiences", produced three girls (Georgina, Janet, Sibyl) and two boys (Simon and Alexander). Simon, born 1726, became Master of Lovat. Margaret died in 1729 and Lovat then married the 23 year old Primrose Campbell of Mamore four years later. This produced one child, Archibald, but the marriage was not a happy one and they separated in 1738. Lady Primrose when in Edinburgh lived in a seven storey tenement on the Royal Mile known as Lady Lovat's Land, lying between Strichens Close and Blackfriars Wynd (later widened to create Blackfriars Street).

Lady Lovat was forced to live in seclusion at Castle Downey after his execution, but although officially stripped of her title was still broadly referred to as "Lady Lovat". Archibald Fraser became a merchant in London.

Jacobite sympathies

Jacobite ideology emphasised obedience to social superiors and traditional structures; in Scotland, it was particularly strong among clan leaders and Non-Juring Episcopalians. It has been suggested Lovat was "always a Jacobite" and his loyalty to the London government simply a means to an end, the retention or recovery of his title and estates. The evidence suggests that like many contemporaries, Lovat's support for both the Stuarts and their rivals depended on which one he considered more advantageous for his personal ends. It is hard to discern a more consistent thread than that of pure self-interest.

After the failed 1719 Rising, the government concluded the Highlands could only be governed with the co-operation of the clan chiefs or heritors. Many Jacobite exiles accepted pardons and returned home, including William Mackenzie, Earl of Seaforth, which threatened Lovat's influence with the government.

In a memorial of 1724, he emphasised the role of the Independent Highland Companies in controlling the Highlands; these had been disbanded in 1717, depriving him of an important source of both power and income. George Wade was sent to Scotland in 1724 to assess these proposals and approved the establishment of six new Independent Companies, one commanded by Lovat. Wade also recommended building new fortresses, linked by an extensive military road network; in 1725, he was appointed Commander in Chief, Scotland tasked with carrying out his own recommendations. These developments threatened to undercut the influence of the traditional Highland chiefs and were far less welcome. In the early 1730s, Lovat fell out with his Whig allies, including Argyll and Duncan Forbes and by 1737, he had resumed contact with the Stuart exiles. In 1739, James' offer of a dukedom was enough to gain his support for forming the Jacobite Association, with several other leading men of Scotland. Aware of these moves, in 1740 the government removed him from command of his Independent Company; for reasons best known to Lovat, he deemed this a bitter insult.

1745 rising
On 23 July 1745, Charles Edward Stuart landed at Eriskay, much to the dismay of the Scots who had previously urged him not to do so unless he also brought French troops, weapons and money. Many of those contacted advised him to return to France, including MacDonald of Sleat and Norman MacLeod. Lovat sent messages of support to both sides and maintained contact with Duncan Forbes, who hoped to ensure his neutrality; until then, there were men drilling on his green "but only he knew why, and the law's arm was restrained till he should be forced to declare his choice".

Lovat's options were complicated by the fact the senior Jacobite leaders included his long-term enemies Lord George Murray and Tullibardine. After victory at Prestonpans in September, he solved this by ordering his son Simon, Master of Lovat to join the Jacobites. While Simon was a political Whig who allegedly considered the Rising nonsensical, a contemporary noted his father was a "very strict man" with great power over his children. Acting on instructions from Lovat, on 16 October the Frasers attempted to kidnap Duncan Forbes from his home and attacked Fort Augustus in early December. Finally losing patience, Loudon arrested Lovat at Castle Dounie and took him to Inverness; on 2 January, he escaped without difficulty and was transported by Fraser clansmen to Gorthleck House, overlooking Loch Ness.

Only some of the Fraser regiment was present at Culloden in April 1746; like many others, the main part under the Master of Lovat returned only at daybreak, exhausted from an ill-fated night march and missed the battle. One of the few elements of the Jacobite centre to retire in good order, the Frasers withdrew towards Inverness, where it met the rest of their unit.

Charles was escorted from the battle field to Gorthleck House, where he met Lovat, who advised him to regroup in the hills. The next morning they went their separate ways; Lovat was rowed across Loch Ness but his escape was hampered by a combination of gout and arthritis which meant he had to be carried on a litter. In the aftermath of Culloden, Prince William, Duke of Cumberland realised that the British Army did not have a good map of the Scottish Highlands to locate Jacobite dissenters such as Simon Fraser, so that they could be put on trial. This led to the formation of the Ordnance Survey. During the post-Culloden search for Jacobites, John Ferguson, commander of the Royal Navy vessel Furnace, received information that Lovat was hiding on an island in Loch Morar, and he was arrested on 7 June.

Brought to London for trial, one of his stops was at St Albans, where he was sketched by William Hogarth; this shows him listing points on his fingers, although what these were is uncertain.

Trial and execution
Lodged in the Tower of London, Lovat awaited his trial for high treason which began in March 1747. The trial at Westminster Hall took seven days, with the first five consisting of evidence against the accused. On the sixth day he spoke in his defence, but the result was a foregone conclusion, and the guilty verdict passed at the end of the day. On the final day, his punishment of a traitor's death by hanging, drawing and quartering was announced, which was later commuted by the King to beheading. His was the last actual execution in Britain by beheading, though a number of convicts were beheaded posthumously up to the early 19th century.

He remained sanguine in the days leading up to the execution, even exhibiting a sense of humour. The day of his execution, 9 April 1747, saw many spectators arrive at Tower Hill, and an overcrowded timber stand collapsed, leaving nine spectators dead, to Lovat's wry amusement. His laughter at this incident, even as he was executed, is said to be the origin of the phrase "to laugh one's head off". Among his last words was a line of Horace: Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori (Latin: "It is sweet and seemly to die for one's country"). He died, in his own eyes, as a Scottish patriot.

Burial
The government originally agreed that Lovat could be buried at the family mausoleum at Wardlaw near Inverness. In the end, it was decided to follow standard practice for those executed on Tower Hill; Lovat and the two other Jacobite peers, Kilmarnock and Balmerino, were interred in St Peter ad Vincula, the chapel attached to the Tower of London. When it was refurbished in the 19th century, one of the coffins uncovered bore the nameplate 'Lord Lovat'; his name now appears on a plaque on the wall of the chapel.

For over 250 years, family tradition claimed his body was secretly removed and interred in the mausoleum. A lead-covered coffin in the crypt bore a bronze nameplate in the name of Sir Simon Fraser, with a Latin inscription; thought to have been dictated by Lovat himself, it refers to "the tyranny of the Athol and the treacherous plotting of the Mackenzies of Tarbat". However, an analysis of the bones within the coffin carried out in 2018 by the University of Dundee showed they belonged to a young woman, not Simon Fraser. One suggestion is the coffin was prepared for Lovat, hence the nameplate, but when the government changed its mind, it was sent to Wardlaw anyway; investigations continue.

At the bottom of the plaque is an engraving of the Lovat Coat of Arms. However instead of a baron's coronet there is a ducal one. In 1740, Lovat was created Duke of Fraser, Marquess of Beaufort, Earl of Stratherrick and Upper Tarf, Viscount of the Aird and Strathglass and Lord Lovat and Beaulieu in the Jacobite Peerage of Scotland by James Francis Edward Stuart, soi disant James III of England and VIII of Scotland.

Next to his coffin are those of his two sons, General Simon Fraser (1726–1782) and Archibald Campbell Fraser (1736–1815), Archibald's wife Jane and two of their children Henry Emo Fraser and John George Hugh Fraser. Archibald's children all predeceased him and by his request the estate passed to Thomas Alexander Fraser of Strichen in Aberdeenshire, from whom the current Lovat Fraser family descends.

In fiction
Simon Fraser, 11th Lord Lovat, features as a character in John Buchan's novel A Lost Lady of Old Years (1899), Neil Munro's historical thriller The New Road (1914), and Andrew Drummond's fantasy novel The Books of the Incarceration of the Lady Grange (2016).

He also features in Diana Gabaldon's 1992 novel Dragonfly in Amber, the second novel in her Outlander series. In it, Lovat is the grandfather of Jamie Fraser. Lovat is played by Clive Russell in Season 2 of the television series Outlander.

There is a piobaireachd named after him, "Lord Lovat's Lament", and a separate slow march tune by the same name.

title: Simon Fraser, 11th Lord Lovat


text:
Hymenostome

The hymenostomes are an order of ciliate protozoa. Most are free-living in freshwater, such as the commonly studied genus Tetrahymena, but some are parasitic on fish or aquatic invertebrates. Among these is the important species Ichthyophthirius multifiliis, a common cause of death in aquaria and fish farms.

The hymenostomes are fairly typical members of the Oligohymenophorea. Their body cilia are mostly uniform, sometimes with a few long caudal cilia, and arise from monokinetids or from dikinetids at the anterior. The oral cilia are in general distinctly tetrahymenal, with three membranelles and a paroral membrane, which corresponds only to the middle segment of the tripartite membranes found in certain scuticociliates. Mouth formation during cell division usually begins next to a postoral kinety.

The hymenostomes were first defined by Delage & Hérouard in 1896. Initially the scuticociliates and peniculids were included, then later treated as separate orders of a subclass Hymenostomatia, to which the astomes are sometimes added. More recently each of these groups tends to be treated as a separate subclass.

title: Hymenostome


text:
New Romantic

New Romantic was an underground subculture movement that originated in the United Kingdom in the late 1970s. The movement emerged from the nightclub scene in London and Birmingham at venues such as Billy's and The Blitz. The New Romantic movement was characterised by flamboyant, eccentric fashion inspired by fashion boutiques such as Kahn and Bell in Birmingham and PX in London. Early adherents of the movement were often referred to by the press by such names as Blitz Kids, New Dandies and Romantic Rebels.

Influenced by David Bowie, Marc Bolan and Roxy Music, the New Romantics developed fashions inspired by the glam rock era coupled with the early Romantic period of the late 18th and early 19th century (from which the movement took its name). The term "New Romantic" is known to have been coined by musician, producer, manager and innovator Richard James Burgess. He stated that "'New Romantic' [...] fit the Blitz scene and Spandau Ballet, although most of the groups tried to distance themselves from it."

Though it was a fashion movement, several British music acts in the late 1970s and early 1980s adopted the style and became known to epitomise it within the press, including Steve Strange of Visage, Duran Duran, Spandau Ballet, A Flock of Seagulls, Classix Nouveaux and Boy George (of Culture Club). Ultravox were also often identified as New Romantics by the press, although they did not exhibit the same visual styles of the movement, despite their link to the band Visage. Japan and Adam and the Ants were also labelled as New Romantic artists by the press, although they all repudiated this and none had any direct connection to the original scene. Other aspiring bands of the era including ABC, Depeche Mode, the Human League, Soft Cell, Simple Minds, Orchestral Manoeuvres in the Dark and Talk Talk have all at some point been described as being part of the New Romantic movement or as having been influenced by it, while others would consider them distinct from it. A number of these bands adopted synthesizers and helped to develop synth-pop in the early 1980s, which, combined with the distinctive New Romantic visuals, helped them first to national success in the UK, and then, via MTV, play a major part in the Second British Invasion of the U.S. charts.

By the beginning of 1982, the original movement had largely dissipated. Although many of the artists associated with the scene continued their careers, some to enormous commercial success in the next few years, they had largely abandoned the aesthetics of the movement. There were attempts to revive the movement from the 1990s, including the short-lived Romo scene.

Characteristics
The New Romantic movement is sometimes characterised as a reaction to the direction in which the punk rock movement was evolving, and was heavily influenced by former glam rock stars of the 1970s such as David Bowie and Roxy Music. In terms of style, it rejected the austerity and anti-fashion stance which was becoming increasingly predominant in punk. Both sexes often dressed in androgynous clothing and wore cosmetics such as eyeliner and lipstick, partly derived from earlier punk fashions. This gender bending was particularly evident in figures such as Boy George of Culture Club, and Marilyn (Peter Robinson).

Fashion was based on varied looks inspired by historical Romantic themes, including frilly fop shirts in the style of the English Romantic period, Russian constructivism, Bonnie Prince Charlie, French Incroyables and 1930s' Cabaret, Hollywood starlets, Puritans and the Pierrot clown, with any look being possible if it was adapted to be unusual and striking. Common hairstyles included quiffs, mullets and wedges. However, soon after they began to gain mainstream attention, many bands associated with the New Romantic scene dropped the eclectic clothes and make-up in favour of sharp suits. New Romantic looks were propagated from fashion designers Jane Kahn and Patti Bell in Birmingham and Helen Robinson's Covent Garden shop PX, began to influence major collections and were spread, with a delay, through reviews of what was being worn in clubs via magazines including i-D and The Face. The emergence of the New Romantic movement into the mainstream coincided with Vivienne Westwood's unveiling of her "pirate collection", which was promoted by Bow Wow Wow and Adam and the Ants, who were managed by her then-partner Malcolm McLaren.

While some contemporary bands, particularly those of the predominantly Midlands-based 2 tone ska revival (the Specials, the Selecter, the Beat) who wrote lyrics addressing social issues such as unemployment and urban decay, the New Romantics adopted an escapist and aspirational stance. With its interest in design, marketing and image, the movement has been seen by some as an acceptance of Thatcherism; style commentator Peter York even suggested that it was aligned with the New Right.

Terminology
In its early stages, the movement was known by many names, including "new dandies", "new guys", "romantic rebels", "peacock punk", "the now crowd", "the futurists", "the cult with no name" and eventually as the "Blitz Kids". As the scene moved beyond a single club, the media settled on the name New Romantics.

Rejection
Adam Ant always denied being a New Romantic, and reiterated this in 2001 and again in 2012. The band Japan also denied any connection with the New Romantic movement, having adopted an androgynous look incorporating make-up ever since their inception in the mid-1970s at the tail-end of the glam rock era (and were then heavily influenced by glam-punk band New York Dolls), some years before the New Romantic movement began. In an October 1981 interview, vocalist David Sylvian commented, "There's a period going past at the moment that may make us look as though we're in fashion." In another interview, he stated "I don't like to be associated with them (New Romantics). The attitudes are so very different." Of Japan's fashion sense, Sylvian said, "For them (New Romantics), fancy dress is a costume. But ours is a way of life. We look and dress this way every day."

Similarly, the electronic duo Soft Cell also denied any connection to the New Romantic scene. In an interview published in January 1984, keyboardist Dave Ball reflected back on their first year of success (1981) and stated, "At this time we were linked to the whole New Romantics thing, but we were never a part of that. It was just a trendy London club thing with Steve Strange."

Orchestral Manoeuvres in the Dark (OMD) frontman Andy McCluskey ridiculed the movement in a 2010 interview, saying, "Completely separate from electronic music or the future there was all the fucking Southern New Romantic bollocks. I mean, if we were ever called New Romantics there'd be a fight... 'Am I wearing a kilt? Am I wearing enough eyeliner? Is my shirt frilly enough?' Oh, fuck off!" OMD have nevertheless been categorised as New Romantics; a designation that keyboardist Paul Humphreys likens to "calling a Scotsman 'English'."

Origins
The New Romantic movement developed almost simultaneously in London and Birmingham. In London, it grew out of David Bowie and Roxy Music themed nights, run during 1978 in the nightclub Billy's in Dean Street, London. In 1979, the growing popularity of the club forced organisers Steve Strange and Rusty Egan to relocate to a larger venue in the Blitz, a wine bar in Great Queen Street, Covent Garden, where they ran a Tuesday night "Club for Heroes". Its patrons dressed as uniquely as they could in an attempt to draw the most attention.

Steve Strange worked as the club's doorman and Egan was the DJ at the Blitz. The club became known for its exclusive door policy and strict dress code. Strange would frequently deny potential patrons admission because he felt that they were not costumed creatively or subversively enough to blend in with those inside the club. In a highly publicised incident, a drunken Mick Jagger tried to enter the club, but Strange denied him entry. The club spawned several spin-offs and there were soon clubs elsewhere in the capital and in other major British cities, including Manchester, Liverpool and Birmingham.

While still at Billy's, Strange and Egan joined Billy Currie and Midge Ure of Ultravox to form the band Visage. Before forming Culture Club, Boy George and Marilyn worked as cloakroom attendants at the Blitz. The video for David Bowie's 1980 UK number one single "Ashes to Ashes" included appearances by Strange with three other Blitz Kids and propelled the New Romantic movement into the mainstream.

In Birmingham, the origins of the New Romantic movement lay in the opening in 1975 of the Hurst Street shop of the fashion designers Kahn and Bell, whose elaborate and theatrical designs brought together futuristic visual elements and influences as diverse as Egyptian, African and Far Eastern art, and would largely define the movement's look. By 1977, a small scene featuring Jane Kahn and Patti Bell themselves, Martin Degville, Boy George and Patrick Lilley had emerged in pubs such as The Crown and clubs such as Romulus and Barbarella's.

Leeds also developed an early New Romantic scene around 1979, with clubs including the Warehouse, Primos and Le Phonographique. This scene's most notable exponent was Soft Cell, whose vocalist was the Warehouse's DJ and cloakroom worker Marc Almond.

Styles of music
Many bands that emerged from the New Romantic movement became closely associated with the use of synthesizers to create rock and pop music, which has led to the widespread misconception that synth-pop and the New Romantic movement were synonymous. Synth-pop was prefigured in the 1960s and 1970s by the use of synthesizers in progressive rock, electronic art rock, disco, the "Kraut rock" of bands like Kraftwerk, the three albums made by Bowie with Brian Eno in his "Berlin period", and Yellow Magic Orchestra's early albums.

After the breakthrough of Tubeway Army and Gary Numan in the UK Singles Chart in 1979, large numbers of artists began to enjoy success with a synthesizer-based sound and they came to dominate the pop music of the early 1980s. Bands that emerged from the New Romantic scene and adopted synth-pop included Duran Duran, Visage, and Spandau Ballet. According to authors Stuart Borthwick and Ron Moy, "After the monochrome blacks and greys of punk/new wave, synthpop was promoted by a youth media interested in people who wanted to be pop stars, such as Boy George and Adam Ant".

Early synth-pop has been described as "eerie, sterile, and vaguely menacing", using droning electronics with little change in inflection. Later the introduction of dance beats made the music warmer and catchier and contained within the conventions of three-minute pop. Duran Duran, who emerged from the Birmingham scene, have been credited with incorporating a dance-orientated rhythm section into synth-pop to produce a catchier and warmer sound, which provided them with a series of hit singles.

While many groups associated with the New Romantic movement used synthesizers, some avoided them entirely or made limited use of them. Boy George's band Culture Club, which formed in 1981, produced a sound that combined elements of Motown, Philly soul, reggae and lovers’ rock. Adam and the Ants and Bow Wow Wow used the African-influenced rhythms of the "Burundi beat".

The second British invasion
In the US, the cable music channel MTV reached the media capitals of New York City and Los Angeles in 1982. Style-conscious New Romantic synthpop acts became a major staple of MTV programming. They would be followed by many acts, many of them employing synthpop sounds, over the next three years, with Duran Duran's glossy videos symbolising the power of MTV and this Second British Invasion. The switch to a "new music" format in US radio stations was also significant in the success of British bands.

This '80s invasion had been prefigured in May 1981 when Spandau Ballet, house band of London's Blitz club, had flown to New York City to stage not only a live gig but a fashion show by the Axiom collective of designers, who included Sade Adu. These former Blitz Kids, "21 in number and 21 their average age" came by invitation of Jim Fouratt who hosted the event at the Underground club.

During 1983, 30% of the US record sales were from British acts. On 18 July 1983, 18 singles in the top 40, and six in the top 10, were by British artists. Newsweek ran an issue which featured Annie Lennox and Boy George on the cover of one of its issues, with the caption "Britain Rocks America – Again", while Rolling Stone would release an "England Swings" issue with Boy George on the cover. In April 1984, 40 of the top 100 singles; further, in a May 1985 survey, eight of the top 10 singles were by acts of British origin.

Decline and revivals
Music journalist Dave Rimmer considered the Live Aid concert of July 1985 as the peak for the various acts that rose from the New Romantic scene of the early '80s, commenting that after which "everyone seemed to take hubristic tumbles". Simon Reynolds also notes the "Do They Know Its Christmas" single in late 1984 and Live Aid in 1985 as turning points, with the acts that the movement spawned as having become decadent, with "overripe arrangements and bloated videos" for songs like Duran Duran's "The Wild Boys" and Culture Club's "The War Song". The proliferation of acts using synthesisers had led to an anti-synth backlash, with groups including Spandau Ballet, Soft Cell and ABC incorporating more conventional influences and instruments into their sounds by 1983. An American reaction against European synthpop and "haircut bands" has been seen as beginning in the mid-1980s with the rise of heartland rock and roots rock. In the UK, the arrival of indie rock bands, particularly the Smiths, has been claimed by the music press as marking the end of synth-driven new wave and the beginning of the raw guitar-based music that would come to dominate rock in the 1990s, with these bands adopting "the kind of jangling guitar work that had typified new wave music", as a "reaction against the opulence/corpulence of nouveau rich 'new pop'" and as "part of the move back to guitar-driven music after the keyboard washes of the New Romantics". By the end of the 1980s, many acts had been dropped by their labels and the solo careers of many artists who had been associated with the New Romantic scene would gradually fade over time.

In the mid-1990s, the New Romantic era was the subject of nostalgia-oriented club nights — such as the Human League-inspired "Don't You Want Me", and "Planet Earth", a Duran Duran-themed night club whose promoter told The Sunday Times, "It's more of a celebration than a revival". In the same period it was also an inspiration for the Romo musical movement. It was championed by Melody Maker, who featured the scene - proclaiming that it was a "future pop explosion" - on its front cover in 1995 and inside claiming that Britpop had been "executed" to make way for it, and including bands Orlando, Plastic Fantastic, Minty, Viva, Sexus, Hollywood and DexDexTer. None of the Romo acts made the British top 75 in their own right, although Orlando charted at number 65 with "How Can We Hang on to a Dream" as part of the Fever Pitch soundtrack EP. After an unsuccessful Melody Maker-organised tour, most of the bands soon broke up.

Documentaries and films
In March 2021, Bruce Ashley's documentary Blitzed: The 80's Blitz Kids' Story, was shown on Sky Arts. Boy George, Rusty Egan and Marilyn all appeared in the film discussing their time at the club and about the early 1980s-era, whilst La Roux was interviewed about the cultural effects of the New Romantic movement on younger performers like herself.

Although it received less media coverage than London, the Birmingham scene, featuring the likes of Khan and Bell is covered (to an extent) in the 2018 novel Blonde Boy, Red Lipstick. Some of the main characters from the New Romantic movement feature in the book, albeit under different names.

Tramps!, directed by Kevin Hegge, premiered in 2022.

title: New Romantic


text:
Rubén Olivares

Rubén Olivares Avila (born January 14, 1947) is a Mexican former professional boxer and a member of the International Boxing Hall of Fame., Olivares was a world champion multiple times, and considered by many as the greatest bantamweight champion of all time. He was very popular among Mexicans, many of whom considered him to be Mexico's greatest fighter for a long period. He currently holds the record for the most wins in unified title bouts in bantamweight history, at 6. Olivares has also had both starring and cameo appearances in Mexican movies, and he participated in more than 100 professional bouts.

Professional career
Olivares made his pro debut at the age of 17 by knocking out Freddy García in round one at Cuernavaca. With that knockout win, a streak of 22 knockout wins in a row had been set off. During that streak, he beat Tony Gallegos, Monito Aguilar and Antonio Leal, among others. It was on March 8, 1967, that Felipe González became the first one to go the distance with Olivares, when Olivares defeated him by a decision in 10 at Mexicali. Then, on July 29 of that same year, Olivares had the first spot on his record, Germán Bastidas holding him to a ten-round draw.

He had back to back rematches with González and Bastidas, knocking González out in round six on November 19, and Bastidas in round four on January 28, 1968. Then came a step up in opponent quality, when he met former world champion Salvatore Burruni in Mexico City. Olivares knocked Burruni out in three rounds. After defeating Manuel Arnal by a disqualification in six, he set off on another knockout win streak, this one reaching 21 in a row. One of the fights in that streak was against Bernabé Fernández, in Los Angeles. Olivares won his first fight abroad that day, beating Fernández in round three. On May 23, 1969, he defeated Olympic gold medalist Takao Sakurai.

World Bantamweight Championship
After accumulating a record of 51-0-1, Olivares received his first world title bout when he faced world bantamweight champion Lionel Rose, who was defending his world title that day, at the Inglewood Forum. According to boxing book The Ring: Boxing In The 20th Century, the forum's director, fearing a riot like the one that happened after Rose had beaten Chucho Castillo there might happen again, went to Olivares' locker room to express his worries, and Olivares guaranteed he wouldn't let that happen again. Olivares became the world bantamweight champion by knocking Rose out in round five on that day, August 22 of 1969.

After beating Alan Rudkin in a title defense and a couple other fighters in non-title bouts, Olivares started his trilogy of bouts with arch-enemy and countryman Castillo. Olivares' knockout streak ended in that fight, but he won the first installment of the Olivares-Castillo rivalry after rising off the canvas to score a 15-round decision. After three more non-title wins, Olivares and Castillo met again, on October 16 of 1970. This time, Olivares suffered a cut in round one, and the fight was stopped in round 14, Castillo the winner and new world Bantamweight champion by a technical knockout. This was Olivares' first loss in his 62 fight career.

After one more win, Olivares and Castillo had their rubber match, on April 3 of 1971. Olivares was knocked down once, but he rose to regain the world Featherweight title in the last fight between him and Castillo with another 15-round decision. Then, he had six more knockouts in a row, including one in a non-title bout in Nicaragua, one in Nagoya, Japan while defending the crown in the rematch for a fight which took place in 1969, won by Olivares by TKO in the 2nd round. The rematch against Kazuyoshi Kanazawa was a brutal affair and in the 13th round Kanazawa seemed to be on the verge of stopping Olivares, having him pinned to the ropes and a corner. It appears Kanazawa emptied his "tank" with this last attack and before the round ended Kanazawa could hardly keep his feet, and fell clumsily after missing with an uppercut. Olivares floored Kanazawa three times in the 14th round, prompting the stoppage victory. This fight was voted as the best Japanese match of 1971. Another victory came against former champion Efren Torres, and one against Jesus Pimentel, also in round 11.

On March 19, 1972, Olivares lost the world's Bantamweight title to another countryman, Rafael Herrera, by a knockout in round eight. After defeating Godfrey Stevens in Monterrey, he and Herrera met again, with Herrera the winner by a 10-round decision.

Move to Featherweight
Next for Olivares was a move up in division, and he started to campaign in the Featherweight division by defeating Walter Seeley. On June 23 of 1973, he met future champion Bobby Chacón in the first installment of another trilogy of fights. What was contested for the NABF featherweight title, ended in round nine when Olivares knocked Chacón out. In his next fight, the 78th of his career, he suffered an upset, when unknown Art Hafey knocked him out in five rounds, but then he set off on a string of three more wins in a row, including a decision over Hafey in a rematch, before fighting for the WBA's vacant world Featherweight championship.

WBA Featherweight Championship
On July 9, 1974, Olivares became world Featherweight champion by beating Zenzuke Utagawa by a knockout in round seven. After two non-title wins, he met Alexis Argüello on November 23 of that year, losing the world title by a knockout in round 13. He was winning this fight before he gassed and was eventually stopped.

WBC Featherweight Championship
One more win, and Olivares met Chacón in the second installment of their trilogy, this time with Chacón as the WBC's world Featherweight champion. Olivares won the fight by a knockout in round two, to become world champion for the fourth time. This time, however, he also lost the title in his first defense, beaten by Ghana's David "Poison" Kotey, who became that nation's first world boxing champion ever by winning a 15-round decision against Olivares. A seven-round knockout defeat at the hands of future world champion Danny "Little Red" López followed.

Olivares won two fights in 1976 and lost one, including a victory over world title challenger Fernando Cabanela of the Philippines and a loss to another world title challenger, José Cervantes, from Colombia. In 1977, Olivares and Chacón boxed the final bout of their trilogy, and this time Chacón came out the winner, by a 10-round decision. But in 1978, Olivares found what would be the beginning of his last hurrah in his 93rd bout, as he knocked out the future 2 time world Lightweight champion José Luis Ramírez in two rounds at Ciudad Obregón, and he followed that win with wins over Shig Fukuyama and Isaac Vega.

After drawing in ten rounds with Guillermo Morales on April 22, 1979, he received what would turn out to be his last world title try: On July 21 of that year, he was knocked out in 12 rounds by WBA world Featherweight champion Eusebio Pedroza in Houston, for the WBA Featherweight title.

For the next eight years, he fought sporadically and with mixed success, until he was able to walk away from professional boxing in 1988.

Legacy
Until Julio César Chávez came onto the scene, Olivares was considered Mexico's best boxer. He became a mainstream star, and had friends in the Mexican entertainment world. He frequently performed cameos in comic Mexican films. He remains a Mexican national hero.

Olivares' acting career prolonged for 12 films, including Las Glorias del Gran Puas, a 1984 film based on Olivares' life that also starred an all star Mexican cast including Sasha Montenegro, Carmen Salinas, Manuel "Flaco" Ibáñez, Roberto Guzman, Raul Padilla, Sergio Bustamante and Rafael Inclan among others.

He had a record of 89 wins, 13 losses and 3 draws, with 79 wins by knockout. His knockout winning streaks of 22 and 21 in a row qualify as two of the longest knockout winning streaks in the history of boxing. Similarly, his 78 knockout wins make him a member of an exclusive group of boxers to have won 50 or more fights by knockout. In 2003, The Ring placed him at number twelve in their list of the greatest punchers of all time.

Olivares is a member of the International Boxing Hall of Fame.

Olivares was voted as the #1 bantamweight (along with Carlos Zárate) of the 20th century by the Associated Press in 1999.

title: Rubén Olivares


text:
LCFG

LCFG stands for "Local ConFiGuration system". Developed at the University of Edinburgh beginning around 1993, it is "a system for automatically installing and managing the configuration of large numbers of computer systems. It is particularly suitable for sites with very diverse and rapidly changing configurations".

System architecture

 * The configuration of the entire site is described in a set of source files, held on a central server. Note that one source file does not (necessarily) correspond to one machine; a source file typically describes one aspect of the overall configuration, such as "parameters specific to student machines", or "parameters specific to Scientific Linux machines". An individual parameter may be affected by more than one source file.
 * The source files are compiled into individual profiles. One profile corresponds to one machine, and the profile contains all the configuration parameters necessary to recreate the configuration of the target machine. The profiles are published on a web server.
 * When a profile changes, the corresponding client is sent a simple UDP notification. The client retrieves the profile using HTTP, and caches the parameters in a DBM file. Clients normally poll periodically for new configurations in case the notification has been missed.
 * Clients periodically send a simple UDP acknowledgement to the server. These are collated to generate a web page showing status information for all the clients.
 * Component scripts on the client are responsible for reading the configuration parameters and taking the appropriate actions necessary to implement the configuration; usually this involves generating configuration files from the parameters in the profile. Components are notified when a new configuration is received which involves a change to some parameter of that component. The component regenerates any necessary configuration files, and notifies any associated daemons.

title: LCFG